Skip to main content

Full text of "The Oxyrhynchus papyri"

See other formats


righam Young University 

^9iyio Ace. 

: No. 








33 IS 














The Offices of the EGYPT EXPLORATION FUND, 37 Great Russell Street, W.C. 
AND 527 Tremont Temple, Boston, Mass., U.S.A. 

BERNARD QUARITCH, 11 Grafton Street, New Bond Street, W. 

ASHER & CO., 14 Bedford Street, Covent Garden, W.C. 

HUMPHREY MILFORD, Amen Corner, E.C., and 29-35 West 32ND Street, New York, U.S.A. 

C. F. CLAY, Fetter Lane, E.C., and 100 Princes Street, Edinburgh; and 

KEGAN PAUL, TRENCH, TRUBNER & CO., 68-74 Carter Lane, E.C. 


All rights reserved 

BRIGHAM V\.o. ^ .iv/cRSlTY. 





As we announced in the preface of Part XI, which consisted of 
literary papyri, the present volume contains official and private docu- 
ments. Most of these, including all those in the two most important 
sections{i Edicts and Circular Letter s.dsva. ii The Senate ofOxyrkynchus), 
illustrate the period from Septimius Severus to Constantine ; the others 
belong to the earlier period of Roman domination in Egypt. With 
a few exceptions, the 189 texts were discovered in 1904-6. The 
decipherment and translation of them had in the main been effected by 
June, 191 5 : since then Prof. Hunt's military duties have generally kept 
him away from Oxford, and the commentary unfortunately lacks his 
accustomed share in its composition ; but he has made many suggestions 
upon the proofs. These have also been read by Mr. J. G. Milne, to 
whom we are indebted for some valuable criticisms on points of numis^ 
matics. Dr. J. K. Fotheringham kindly undertook on our behalf some 
interesting astronomical calculations in connexion with the chronology 
of the Emperors from Decius to Diocletian, upon which obscure subject 
the new horoscopes throw considerable light ; cf. pp. 229 sqq. 

Part XIII, which is in preparation, will contain two sections 
(Contracts and Private Accounts) for which there was not space in this 
volume, but will consist largely of literary pieces, both theological and 
classical. Among these are parts of two lost dithyrambs of Pindar, 
and of two new speeches by Lysias and one by Lycurgus, besides 
considerable fragments of Pindar's Olympian Odes and Herodotus, 
Book III. 


Queen's College, Oxford, 
August, ι 91 6. 



Preface ,^ 

List of Plates ^^ 

Table of Papyri *^ 

Note on the Method of Publication and List of Abbreviations . . . xv 


L Edicts and Circular Letters (1405-1411) . 

IL• The Senate of Oxyrhynchus (1412-1419) . 

III. Official Documents (1420-1431) . 

IV. Taxation (1432-1448) 

V. Declarations to Officials (1449-1464) 

VI. Petitions (1465-1470) 

VII. Notifications to Archidicastae (1471-1475) 
VIII. Horoscopes and Charms (1476-1478) . 
IX. Private Correspondence (1479-1495) . 
X. Minor Documents: 

(i) The Senate of Oxyrhynchus (1496-1501) 

(2) Official Documents (1502-1514) 

(3) Taxation (1515-1546) . 

(4) Declarations to Officials (1547-1555) 

(5) Petitions (1556-1559) . 

(6) Registration of Contracts (1560-1562) 

(7) Horoscopes and Charms (1563-1566) 

(8) Orders and Demands for Payment (1567-1578) 

(9) Private Correspondence (1579-1593) 








I. Kings and Emperors ^^7 

II. Consuls and Eras 291 

III. Months and Days 291 

IV. Personal Names ^92 



V. Geographical 306 

VI. Religion 31° 

VII. Astrology 311 

VIII, Official Titles 312 

IX. Military Terms 315 

X. Trades 316 

XI. Weights, Measures, Coins 317 

XII. Taxes 318 

XIII. General Index of Greek and Latin Words 320 

XIV. Subjects Discussed in the Introductions and Notes .... 346 

XV. Passages Discussed 349 


I. 1406, 1466, 1487 

II. 1453 \ at the end. 


{An asterisk denotes texts not printed in full) 

1405. Rescript of Severus : Application to a Strategus 

1406. Edict of Caracalla concerning Senators (Plate i) 

1407. Imperial Rescripts . . . . 

1408. Report of a Trial : Circular and Edict of a Praefect 

1409. Circulars of a Strategus and Dioecetes 

1410. Edict of a Catholicus .... 

1411. Proclamation of a Strategus 

1412. Notice of a Special Meeting of the Senate 
1413-4. Reports of Proceedings of the Senate 

1415. Report of Proceedings of the Senate . 

1416. Memoranda of Proceedings of the Senate 

1417. Report of a Trial concerning the Senate 

1418. Application to the Senate . 

1419. Order from a Prytanis to a Tax-collector 

1420. Report of a Trial .... 

1421. Order from a Strategus to Comarchs . 

1422. Letter of a Strategus .... 

1423. Authorization for the Arrest of a Slave 

1424. Letter of a Centurio Princeps 

1425. Appointment of a Workman at Pelusium 

1426. Appointment of a Workman on Trajan's Rivei 

1427. Order to Workmen on Delta Embankments 

1428. Letter of a Praeses (.?) to an Exactor . 

1429. Letter of a Lessee of the Alum-monopoly 

1430. Payment for Maintenance of a Public Bath 

1431. Preparations for an Official Visit . 

1432. Report of a Tax-farmer to a Strategus 

1433. Two Reports of Tax-collectors to a Strategus 

1434. Report of a Comogrammateus concerning Re 


1435. Taxation-return concerning Pastophori 


3rd cent. 
Late 3rd cent. 
About 210-14 
278 . 
Early 4th cent. 

About 284 . 
270-5 . 
Late 3rd cent. 
About 299 . 
Early 4th cent. 
247 . 
265 . 
About 129 . 
3rd cent. 
About 128 . 
4th cent. 
About 318 . 
318 . . 
332 • 
3rd cent. 
4th cent. 
300 . 
324 . 

352 • 

238 . 

107-8 . 
147 . 




















1436. Account of Village-taxes . 

1437. Account of Hieratic Taxes . 

1438. List of Arrears of Taxation 
143Θ. Customs-receipt 

1440. Customs-receipt 

1441. Receipt for Crown-tax 

1442. Receipt for Taxes of One Drachma 

Drachmae .... 

1443. Report of Sitologi to a Stralegus . 

1444. Report of a Decemprimus to a Strateg 

1445. Report on Unproductive Land . 
*1446. List of Cultivators of State Lands 

1447. Receipt for Corn-dues 

1448. List of Arrears of Clothing . 

1449. Return of Temple Property 

1450. Estimate of Repairing a Public Building 

1451. Epicrisis of Roman Citizens and Slaves 

1452. Two Epicrisis-returns 

1453. Declaration of Temple Lamplighters (Plate 

1454. Declaration of Municipal Bakers 

1455. Declaration of an Oil-seller . 

1456. Declaration concerning Appearance in Cou 

1457. Registration of Asses .... 

1458. Registration of Sheep and Goats 

1459. Return of Unwatered Land 

1460. Revision of Lists of Land-owners 

1461. Registration of a Shop 

1462. Two Notifications of Cessions . 

1463. Application for Examination of a Slave 

1464. Declaration of Pagan Sacrifice . 

1465. Petition concerning Theft . 

1466. Bilingual Request for a Guardian (Plate i) 

1467. Petition for ius trium liber orum . 

1468. Petition concerning Ownership of Slaves 

1469. Petition of Village-representatives 

1470. Petition concerning Ownership of Land 

1471. Contract of Loan (συγχώρ?;σίί) , 

1472. Application concerning Deposits . 

1473. Application concerning a Remarriage . 

1474. Application concerning a Loan . 




About 208 
Late 2nd cent 

75 • 



227 (?) 
248-9 . 
2nd cent. 


About 318 

175 . 

127-8 . 

30-29 B.C. 
116 . 

275 • 
284-6 . 

4-3 B.C. 





83-4 . 


250 . 

I St cent. B.c 

245 • 
263 . 

About 258 
298 . 

336 • 
















• 203 



. 212 

. 220 



1475. Application concerning a Sale of Land 

1476. Horoscope of Sarapammon 

1477. Questions to an Oracle 

1478. Gnostic Charm for Victory . 

1479. Letter to Thracidas from Alexandria 

1480. Letter of Hermogenes to a Prophet 

1481. Letter of a Soldier to his Mother 

1482. Letter of Morus to a Friend 

1483. Letter of Reprimand to a Subordinate 
1484^7. Invitations to Feasts (1487 Plate i) 

1488. Letter of Sarapammon to his Sister 

1489. Letter of Sattos to his Sister 

1490. Letter of Heraclides to an Official 

1491. Letter of Alypius to his Brother . 
1492-3. Christian Letters . 

1494. Christian Letter .... 

1495. Christian Letter .... 

1496. List of Payments by Officials 

1497. Account against an Ex-gymnasiarch 

1498. List of Officials .... 

1499. Order from a Prytanis to a Banker 

1500. Order to a Banker 

1501. Return of a Loan from the Senate 

1502. Report of a Trial : Extract from a Lease of 

1503. Report of a Trial before a Praefect 

1504. Report of a Trial before a Praefect 

1505. Order to an Irenarch . 

1506. Order from a Praepositus to an Irenarch 

1507. Order from Irenarchs to Village-officials 
1508 Report concerning a Veteran 

1509. Appointment of a νπηρίτης . 

1510. Receipt of Salary of a Scribe 

1511. List of Officers (Latin) 

1512. List of 8e<aviai .... 

1513. Account of Military Supplies 

1514. Official Order for Payment 

1515. Account of Taxation 

1516. Account of Poll-tax and Pig-tax . 

1517. Account of Taxation . 

1518. Account of Trade-tax and Pig-tax 



267 .... 223 
260 .... 229 

Late 3rd or 4th cent. . 235 

Late 3rd or 4th cent. . 236 

Late I St cent. B.C. . 237 

32 . , . .238 

Early 2nd cent. . .239 

2nd cent. . . .240 

Late 2nd or 3rd cent. . 242 

2nd-4th cent. . .243 

2nd cent. . . . 245 

Late 3rd cent. . . .246 

Late 3rd cent. . .247 

Early 4th cent. . .248 

Late 3rd or 4th cent. . 249 

Early 4th cent. . .251 

4th cent. . . . 252 

274 or 280 . . . 253 

About 279 . . . 253 

Late 3rd cent. . . 254 

309 . . . . 254 

229 . . . . 254 

Late 3rd cent. . .254 

About 260-1 . . 255 

288-9 • • -255 

Late 3rd cent. . . 256 

4th cent. . . .256 

Early 4th cent. . .257 

3rd cent. . . . 257 

2nd cent. . . . 257 

Early 4th cent. . -257 

2nd or early 3rd cent. . 258 

Before 247 . . . 258 

4th cent. . . . 258 

4th cent. . . .258 

274 or 280 . . . 259 

Late 3rd cent. . -259 

Late 2nd or 3rd cent. . 259 

272 or 278 . . . 260 

2nd cent. . . . 260 



1519. Account of Arrears of Taxation 

1520. Receipt for Poll-tax and Pig-tax 

1521. Receipt for Poll-tax .... 
*1522. Receipt for Crown-tax : Account of Corn 

1523. Receipt for Tax on Purchase of Slaves 

1524. Tax-receipt ..... 

1525. Report of Sitologi to a Strategus 

1526. Report of Sitologi to a Strategus 

1527. Account of Produce in Arrear . 

1528. List of Payments of Corn by Villages 

1529. List of Payments of Corn by Villages 

1530. List of Payments of Corn 
*1531. List of Payments of Corn 
*1532. List of Payments of Corn 
*1533. List of Land-holders 

1534. List of Land-holders 

1535. List of Land-holders: Receipt for Burial-expenses 

1536. List of Land-holders 

1537. List of Land-holders 

1538. List of House-owners 

1539. Two Certificates of Payments of Corn 

1540. Two Certificates of Payments of Corn 

1541. Receipt for Corn-dues 

1542. Counter-receipt for Corn-dues . 

1543. Receipt for Military Supplies 

1544. Receipt for Corn 

1545. List of Villages supplying Meat 

1546. Account of Work on Embankments 

1547. Census-return .... 

1548. Census-return .... 

1549. Two Returns of Unwatered Land 

1550. Notice of Death 

1551. Notice of Death 

1552. Registration of Birth 

1553. Declaration of a Ship-owner (?) 

1554. Declaration of Surety for a Ship-owner 

1555. Two Declarations of Surety 

1556. Petition concerning Assault 

1557. Petition concerning Robbery 

1558. Petition to a Praefect 



247-8 or 257-8 . 




113 . 

. 261 

220-2 . 


3rd cent. 


Early 4th cent. 

. 262 


. 263 

222-3 • • • 

• 263 

261-2 . 

• 263 

266-7 • 

. 264 

3rd cent. 

. 264 



Before 258 . 

. 265 

Late 3rd cent. 

• 265 

Late 2nd or 3rd cent. 


Early 3rd cent. 

• 265 

3rd cent. 

. 266 

2nd cent. 


Late 2nd or 3rd cent. . 


Early 3rd cent. 








307 • 


About 299 . 




4th cent. 


Late 3rd cent. 


119 . 






156 . 


304 . 




214 . . 


251 • . . . 


260-1 . . . . 


247 . 


255 • 


267 . . . . 





















Petition to a Chief of Police 

Application to an Archidicastes 

Application to an Archidicastes 

Έκμαρτύρησκ of a Contract of Settlement 


Horoscope of Pichime 


Gnostic Invocation .... 

Order concerning the Finding of an Animal 

Order to a Poultry-dealer . 

Order for Payment to a Builder 

Order for Payment to Tax-collectors . 

Order for Payment to a Decemprimus 

Order for Payment to a Baker 

Three Orders for Payment 

Order for Payment of Wine 
Order for Payment of Barley 
Order for Tasting Wine . 
Demand of a Steward for Payment . 
Three Demands of a Steward for Payment 
80. Invitations to Marriage-feasts 

Letter of Apia 

Letter of Abascantus 
Letter of Diogenes . 
Letter of Theon 
Letter of Severus 
Letter of Harpocration 
Letter of Ammonius 
Letter of Dorotheus 
Letter from Alexandria (?; 
Letter of Demetrianus 
Letter of Demetrius 
Christian Letter 
Letter to Ischyrion . 


341 . 



258 . 
283 . . 

293 . 
4th cent. 
4th cent. 
265 . 
3rd cent. 

297 . 

Late 3rd cent. 

324 . 

339? . 

3rd cent. 

3rd cent. 

3rd cent. 

3rd cent. 

2nd cent. 

2nd cent. 
2nd cent. 

2nd cent. 

Late 2nd or 3rd cent. 

Early 3rd cent. 

Late 3rd_cent. 

Early 4th cent. 

Early 4th cent. 

4th cent. 

4th cent. 

Late 3rd or ^th cent. 

4th cent. 





































The general method followed in this volume is the same as that in 
Parts I-XI, except that the minor documents are now in nearly all cases given in 
full. The texts, being non-literary, are all given in modern form with accentuation 
and punctuation. Abbreviations and symbols are resolved ; additions and 
corrections are usually incorporated in the text, their occurrence being recorded 
in the critical apparatus, where also faults of orthography, &c., are corrected if 
they seemed likely to give rise to any difficulty. Where additions or corrections 
are distinguished, those by the same hand as the body of the text are in small 
thin type,[those by a different hand in thick type. Iota adscript has been printed 
when so written ; otherwise iota subscript is employed. Square brackets [ ] indi- 
cate a lacuna, round brackets ( ) the resolution of a S3^mbol or abbreviation, 
angular brackets ( ) a mistaken omission in the original, braces { } a superfluous 
letter or letters, double square brackets [[ ]] a deletion in the original. Dots 
placed within brackets represent the approximate number of letters lost or 
deleted ; dots outside brackets indicate mutilated or otherwise illegible letters. 
Letters with dots underneath them are to be considered doubtful. Heavy Arabic 
numerals refer to the texts of the Oxyrhynchus Papyri in this volume and 
Parts I-XI, or in the case of Nos. 1626-1655 to the forthcoming Part XIII ; 
ordinary numerals refer to lines, small Roman numerals to columns. In the 
critical apparatus Π indicates the papyrus in question. 

The abbreviations used in referring to papyrological publications are 
practically those adopted in the Archiv fiir Papyrusforschung, viz. : — 

Archiv = Archiv fiir Ρ apyrusforschung. 

B. G. U. = Aeg. Urkunden aus den K. Museen zu Berlin, Griechische Urkunden. 

C. P. Herm. = Corpus Papyrorum Hermopolitanorum, Vol. I, by C. Wessely. 
C. P. R. = Corpus Papyrorum Raineri, Vol. I, by C. Wessely. 

Griech. Texte = Griechische Texte aus Aegypten, by P. M. Meyer. 

M. Chrest. — L. Mitteis, Chrestomathie. 

P. Amh. = The Amherst Papyri, Vols. I-II, by B. P. Grenfell and A. S. Hunt. 

P. Brit. Mus. = Greek Papyri in the British Museum, Vols. I-II, by F. G. Kenyon ; 

Vol. Ill, by F. G. Kenyon and H. I. Bell ; Vol. IV, by H. I. Bell. 
P. Cairo = Catalogue des Antiquites ogyptiennes du Musee du Caire, Greek 

Papyri, by B. P. Grenfell and A. S. Hunt. 
P. Cairo Maspero = Catalogue des Antiquites egyptiennes du Musee du Caire, 

Papyrus grecs d'epoque byzantine, by J. Maspero. 
P. Cairo Preisigke = Griechische Urkunden des Aeg. Museums zu Cairo, by 

F. Preisigke. 
P. Fay. = Fayum Towns and their Papyri, by B. P. Grenfell, A. S. Hunt, and 

D. G. Hogarth. 


P. Flor. = Papiri Fiorentini, Vols. I and III, by G. Vitelli ; Vol. II, by 

D. Comparetti. 
P. G^en. = Les Papyrus de Geneve, Vol. I, by J. Nicole. 
P. Giessea = Griechische Papyri zu Giessen, Vol. I, by E. Kornemann, O. Eger, 

and P. M. Meyer. 
P. Goodsp. = Greek Papyri from the Cairo Museum, &c., by E. J. Goodspeed. 
P. Grenf. = Greek Papyri, Series I, by B. P. Grenfell; Series II, by B. P. 

Grenfell and A. S. Hunt. 
P. Halle = Dikaiomata, &c., by the Graeca Halensis. 
P. Hamburg = Griech. Papyrusurkunden der Hamburgischen Stadtbibliothek, 

by P. M. Meyer. 
P. Hibeh = The Hibeh Papyri, Part I, by B. P. Grenfell and A. S. Hunt. 
P. land. = Papyri landanae, by E. Schaefer and others. 
P. Klein. Form. = Griech. Papyrusurkunden kleineren Formats, Studien z. 

Palaeogr. und Papyruskunde iii, viii, by C. Wessely. 
P. Leipzig = Griechische Urkunden der Papyrussammlung zu Leipzig, Vol. I, 

by L. Mitteis. 
P. Leyden = Papyri Graeci Musei Antiquarii Publici Lugduni-Batavi, by 

C. Leemanns. 
P. Lille = Papyrus grecs de Lille, by P. Jouguet, J. Lesquier, and others. 
P. Munich = Verofifentlichungen aus der Papyrussammlung zu Munchen, Part I, 

by A. Heisenberg and L. Wenger. 
P. Oxy. = The Oxyrhynchus Papyri, Parts I-VI and X-XI, by B. P. Grenfell and 

A. S. Hunt ; Parts VII-IX, by A. S. Hunt. 
P. Par. = Les Papyrus grecs du Musee du Louvre, Notices et Extraits, t. xviii. %, 

by W. Brunei de Presle and E. Egger. 
P. Petrie = The Flinders Petrie Papyri, Parts I-II, by J. P. Mahafify ; Part III, by 

J. P. Mahafify and J. G. Smyiy. 
P. Reinach = Papyrus grecs et d^motiques, by T. Reinach. 
P. Rev. Law^s = The Revenue Laws of Ptolemy Philadelphus, by B. P. Grenfell, 

with an introduction by J. P. Mahafify. 
P. Ryl. = Catalogue of the Greek Papyri in the Rylands Library, Vol. I, by 

A. S. Hunt ; Vol. II, by J. de M. Johnson, V. Martin, and A. S. Hunt. 
P. S. I. = Papiri della Societa Italiana, Vols. I-III, by G. Vitelli and others. 
P. Strassb, = Griech. Papyrus der K. Universitatsbibliothek zu Strassburg, Vol. I, 

by F. Preisigke. 
P. Stud. Pal. = Studien zur Palaeographie und Papyruskunde, by C. Wessely. 
P. Tebt. = The Tebtunis Papyri, Part I, by B. P. Grenfell, A. S. Hunt, and 

J. G. Smyly ; Part II, by B. P. Grenfell, A. S. Hunt, and E. J. Goodspeed ; 

Part III, in preparation. 
P. Thead. = Papyrus de Theadelphie, by P. Jouguet. 
Preisigke, vS. B. = Sammelbuch Griechischer Urkunden aus Aegypten, Vol. I, by 

F. Preisigke. 
W. Chrest. = U. Wilcken, Chrestomathie. 
Wilcken, Osi. = Griechische Ostraka, by U. Wilcken. 


1405. Rescript of Severus : Application to a Strategus. 

13-7 X 7-5 cm. Third century. 

This papyrus, written in a small cursive hand, is an application to a strategus 
by a man who had been appointed to the office of collector of money-taxes 
in a village of the Oxyrhynchite nome, and proposed to evade the duty by 
giving up his property in accordance with an Imperial rescript, of which a copy 
is prefixed. It is closely parallel to B. G. U. 473 (M. Chrest. 375), which con- 
tains part of the beginning of what was no -doubt a similar application to 
a third-century strategus, preceded by a rescript of Septimius Severus and 
Caracalla concerning the cessio bonorum. In B. G. U. 473 the right-hand half of 
the lines is missing, and 1405 also is incomplete, having lost the earlier part of the 
rescript and the end of the application. The strategus, Aurelius Leonides, who 
is mentioned in 890. 5, a third-century letter without a date, held office in 
the third year of an unnamed emperor, who on palaeographical grounds 
probably belonged to the period from Elagabalus to Valerian, so that the 
rescript, which is dated in Pharmouthi of the 8th year of, probably, a joint 
reign (cf. 1. 8 ταμάον ημών), would in any case appear to have been issued 
by Severus and Caracalla; the fact that its date coincides in respect of the 
month and number of the regnal year with the date of the parallel rescript in 
B. G. U. 473 leaves little room for doubt as to the reign. 1405 in any case pro- 
vides another specimen of the Θ^Ίαι διατά^βι? referred to in C. P. R. 20 (W. Chrest. 
40a), which supplies the chief evidence concerning the cessio bonortmi as a means 
of evading liturgies; cf. Mitteis's commentary, Jouguet, Vie municipale, 412-15, 
and 1416. 6 and 1642, which also bear on this subject. 

While the rescript in B. G. U. 473 appears, so far as it can be reconstructed, 
to be mainly a guarantee in general terms to some individual that the renuncia- 
tion of his property would exempt him from further claims (cf. Mitteis, Hermes, 



xxxii. 651), the rescript in 1405 evidently provided some more interesting details, 
but is too incomplete to be at all clear. The recipient had been appointed 
to a liturgy, the nature of which depends on the restoration of the critical 1. 6 : 
perhaps it was a municipal office of some kind, as in C. P. R. 30 and 1642 ; but 
the date of the rescript (a. d. 200) is apparently a year or two earlier than the 
establishment of senates in Egypt (cf. 1406. int.). He seems to have proposed 
to cede his property to the Imperial fiscus instead of performing the duty; 
but his proposition was declined by the Emperors, who awarded the property to 
his nominator and made this person responsible for the liturgy, at the same time 
guaranteeing the recipient of the rescript against loss of status and corporal 

The application to the strategus which follows throws some new light on 
the methods of appointing collectors of money-taxes in villages. In the 
second century they were usually chosen by lot by the epistrategus from lists 
supplied to the strategus by the comarchs or other village officials nominating 
two persons for each vacancy; cf. Martin, ipistrateges, 11 1 sqq., Wilcken, 
Grundz. 347-8. Here, however, the use of the term ο.ντ(Λνομάσθαι (1. τη) and the 
absence of a title after the name of the nominator indicate that he was himself 
a ττράκτωρ, so that the procedure was somewhat similar to that exemplified 
in 1642 (A. D. 289), where an agoranomus by the command of the praefect nomi- 
nates his successor, and P. Flor. 2. vii (W. CAresi. 401 ; A. D. 265), where 
comarchs nominate their successors and the strategus appoints. The writer 
denied the justice of the selection, and was prepared to abandon his property to 
his nominator. The papyrus breaks off at the point where he was proceeding to 
make a declaration about his iropos (1. 26, note), probably in order to show that 
it was below the required amount. So far as can be judged, both the 
renunciation mentioned in the rescript and that referred to in the application con- 
cerned the whole property, not merely two-thirds, as supposed by Mitteis. It is 
noteworthy that in P. Ryl. 75, which is also concerned with UaraaeLs of property, 
though not for the purpose of avoiding public burdens, the whole -nopos seems 
to have been ceded, and we are less confident than Wilcken or Jouguet that 
Mitteis's explanation of the phrase αντΧ τον ν^νομισμίνον τρίτον in C. P. R. 20. i. 18 
is correct; but owing to the incompleteness of 1405 it seems impossible to 
extract from it a definite solution of the problem ; cf. 11. 6-7, n. 

[ ]/?[• • • •] παρ€χώρ[η- 

[σαί ] ίϋδηλόν kariv μη τω 

[ταμ€ί]ω ημών την τταραχ^ωρησίν 


\yivka\eaL άλλα τω els την λατονρ-γίαν 
5 . [. . .]/ζ€ΐ/ω, OS άναλαβων σον τα 

ύπάργ^ον\τ\α το λοί[πδΐ' του . .]77θ[. . .]ί- 
TLKo\y\ napi^ei και την λξίτονργιαν άπο- 
πληρώσ€ί' το γαρ ταμζΐον ημών 
των τοιούτων παραχωρήσεων 
ΙΟ ουκ ίψβίζται. ή Se ^πιτβιμία σου e- 
κ τούτου ού8\ν βλαβήσβται, ooSe €is το 
σώμα ύβρ€ΐσθήσ€ΐ. προβτύθη kv Άλίξαν- 
Speia η (βτουΐ) Φαρμοΰθι. 

Αύρηλίω Λζωνίδυ στρα{τηγω) Όξνρυγ)^[ίτου) 
15 πάρα Αιμιλίου ^τζφάνου Ατρήτος μη- 
τρός Τασορ[ά]πι.[θ5] άπο κώμης ϋιγκύφα. 
TTj ίνεστώστ] ήμερα εμαθον άντωνο- 
μάσθαι με ύπο Αυρηλίου Αμόιτος Πατάτος 
μητρός Δημητροϋτος άπο της αυτής κ\ώ- 
2θ μης εις πρακτορείαν άργυρικών κωμ[η- 
τικών λημμάτων της αυτής ^ιγκεφα τον 
ενεστώτας γ (έτους) ως εϋπορον και επιτή- 
δειον. ουκ άνα λόγων ούν ούδε προς [το ? 
μέρος τής λειτουργίας, αλλ' εξισταν6μενο[ς 
25 αύτώ κα(τα) την προκειμενην θείαν 

[διάτα^ιν] δτ][λ]ώ εχειν με πόρου επΙ δι[- 

12. €Τ οι προΐΤΐθη COrr. 23. 1. λόγοι/. 

* . . . you ceded (your property) . . ., it is clear that the cession was made not to our 
Treasury but to the person who nominated you to the office, who having taken possession 
of your property will provide the rest of the . . . and fulfil the duties of the office; for 
our Treasury does not desire such cessions. Your citizenship, however, will in no way be 
injured thereby, nor will you be subjected to corporal punishment. Published at Alexandria 
in the 8th year, Pharmouthi. 

To Aurelius Leonides, strategus of the Oxyrhynchite nome, from Aemilius Siephanus 
son of Hatres and Tasorapis, from the village of Sinkepha. To-day I learnt that I had 
been nominated as his successor by Aurelius Amois son of Patas and Demetrous, of the 
said village, for the office of collector of the village money-dues of the said Sinkepha for the 
present 3rd year, as being a person of means and suitable. This is unreasonable and 

Β 2 


contrary to the just apportionment of the liturgy, so that I resign my property to him in 
accordance with the Imperial decree cited above, and declare that I . . .' 

1. τταρ€χ(ύρ\ησας : cf. τταραχωρησίί in 11. 3 and 9. Elsewhere the usual verb is ίξίστασθαι, 

e.g. 1. 24 and 1417. 6. The preceding words may have been τά ίπα\ρ[χοντα ; cf. 11. 5-6. 

2. ΐξ S)v would hardly fill the lacuna before ΐΰΒηλον, and παρΐχωρ[ησα5 may be in 
a dependent clause governed by e. g. eVeu 

3. [ra/ietja) ημών: cf. 1. 8 and int. 

5. . [. . .]μ€νω : προβαΚομίνω, the word expected here (cf. C. P. R. 20. i. 6), is too long. 
^ώο]μ€Ρω would HOt give the right sense, and the vestige of the first letter does not suit δ. 

6-7- TO λοι[π6ν τοϋ . .]ττο[. . .]ί\τικο[υ\ παρίξΐΐ : the reading is very uncertain; but, though 
TO is preferable to τά, τό τρίτον referring to the ν^νομισμίνον τρίτον in C. P. R. 20, which 
Mitteis supposes to have been given back to the owner (cf. int.), is inadmissible, τό 
πρ\οστικον is possible, or τά πρ^^οσηκοντα with -τικά in 1. 7, but then nap does not fill up the 
space before ΐξα, and no other compound of 'ίξα. suits the vestiges, no, if correct, suggests 
either an adjective beginning with v\no- or else πο[λ€]ιτίκοΰ, but τό πολιτικοί/ does not seem to 
occur in papyri, and e/c τον\ ηο\Κϊ\ιτικοΰ, with a supposed reference to τό επιβάλλον τί} noXei 
τρίτον pepos (C. P. Herm. 92. 12, 93. 10), which has been sometimes connected with the 
νΐνομισμίνον τρίτον in C. P. R. 20 (cf. Jouguct, /, c), docs not yield a satisfactory sense ; for, if 
the πόλΐί paid ^ of the expenses of liturgies, a regulation would not be expected allowing 
a person who, in return for his nominee's property, himself undertook a liturgy to obtain 
' from the city's account ' the balance of expenses incurred. The supplement [Xe] is 
moreover rather short for the lacuna before ι (which is more probable than p), and as the 
sense expected is that the nominator would, on receipt of his nominee's property, have to 
provide the rest of the expenses himself, probably the word refers to the nature of the liturgy 
in question, γ might be read for τ in τικο[ν\, for which η κα[ί] is a possible, though less 
suitable, substitute. ]t would then be the termination of another verb in the future. 

II. Cf. C. P. R. 20. i. 15—16 νηάρχΐΐ βκ των νόμων και των θείων 8ιατά[ξ^ων [ \ν • 

Γ, , . βο^ηθίΐα το μηδεμίαν βίαν ηάσχειν. 

ΐ6. 2νγκ€φα: a village in the ανω τοπαρχία: cf. 1285. 65. 

20. κωμ[η]τι<ών : there is an implied contrast with μητροηολιτικων ; cf. 1283. 4 πρακτόρων 

άργ, μητροπο\{ιτικών) μίσηί τοπ^αρχίας) Tleevo) τόπων, and 1444. int. 

26. For [διάταξιν] cf. 1. II, η. τηιρον (πΐ δι|[αφόρω ('at interest') might equally well be 
read ; but ηόρου is expected at this point, though what the next words are is obscure. The 
amount of the property-qualification in extant papyri concerning πράκτορες άργνρικών in 
villages ranges from 700 drachmae to 3 talents 3,200 dr.; cf. P. Giessen 58. int. » 

1406. Edict of Caracalla concerning Senators. 

ιο•2 X9-4 cm. A.D. 213-17. Plate I. 

This short edict of Caracalla has lost the ends of lines, but the sense is clear. 
Senators who assault or use unseemly language towards the president or other 
members of their body are to be deprived of their rank. Senates were first 
instituted in the nome-capitals by Septimius Severus about A.D. 303, as at 
Alexandria (cf. Wilcken, Griindz. 41), and their meetings, for reports of which see 
1413-15, are likely to have been rather turbulent, at any rate in the early days. 


The date of the edict, which was published at some other town than Alexandria, 
perhaps Babylon (cf. 1. 10, n.), is defined, not, as usual, by the consuls or regnal 
year, but by reference to a local official, who was apparently described as evapxos 
άρχων and was an inhabitant of Heliopolis ; cf. 11. 11-12, n. The occurrence 
of Germanicus Maximus among the Emperor's titles indicates that the edict 
was not issued earlier than the autumn of A. D. 213. This copy may perhaps 
be a few years later, but was probably written before the end of the reign. Three 
other edicts of Caracalla on papyrus are extant in P. Giessen 40, and a rescript by 
him in P. Flor. 383. i. 5-9. 1406 is perhaps incomplete at the top, and another 
edict may have preceded. 

Αυτοκράτωρ Καίσαρ Μ[άρκο9 AvprjXios 
S^ovfjpos Άντωνΐνο[9 Παρθικοί Μέγιστος 
Βρ€ταν(ν)ίκο[5 Μβγιστοί Γίρμανικο? 
Μύγιστο? Ε[ύσ]€β[η9 Χφαστο^ 
5 Aeyer 

kav βονλ€ντης τον [πρύτανιν η βουλΐν- 

την τυψτ] ή μ€μψ[ητα]ί [ , 

ό μ\ν βου\\(ί\υτηί τηί βουΧζία^ ά\πα\λά- 
ξζται και e/y ατιμον χωράν [καταστή- ? 
ΙΟ σ€ται. προξτβθη kv Β[αβυ\ωνι ? 
ύπο (^"^[0^0, δημοσία €ν[άρχου άρ- 
χοντος Αύρηλ{ίον) 'AXe^avSp[ov 

άπο ^Ηλίον [π]6λξως. 

6. β of βουλ€ντης οοΓΓ. II. νπο Π, the ν οοΓΓ. 1 3. Thls line was an afterthought, 
as is shown by the deletion of a paragraphus below 1. 12. 

' Proclamation of the Emperor Caesai• Marcus Aurelius Severus Antoninus Parthicus 
Maximus Britannicus Maximus Germanicus Maximus Pius Augustus. 

If a senator strike or censure [in an unseemly manner] the [prytanis] or another 
senator, he shall be deprived of his rank and set in a position of dishonour. Published at 
B[abylon ?] in the public colonnade, the magistrate in ofiQce being Aurelius Alexander son 
of . . ., of Heliopolis.' 

1-4. For the restoration of Caracalla's titles cf. P. Flor. /. c. (Jan. 216), and e. g. 1278. 
31-3 (Dec. 6, 214). 

7. An adverb, e.g. αΐσχρόλόγωί, probably followed μ€μ\Ι/[ητα\ι. 

9-1 ο. [καταστη\σίται : cf. 1469. 5 αναπόστατοι καταστη[σ'\όμίθα. [καταστα6η^τ(ταί is rather 

long, and the verb in 11. 8-9 is middle. 

10. ev Β[αβνλώνί: the supposed β is very doubtful, for the traces suit κ better; e is 
the only other letter possible. Imperial edicts in papyri usually give the date of publication 


at Alexandria, but P. Giessen 40. ii. 12-13 states the dates of promulgation first at Rome and 
then at Alexandria, and two of the rescripts in 1407 are dated respectively from Nejapolis 
(1. 8) and Rome (1. 16). The mention of Heliopolis in 1. 13 as the place of origin of the 
magistrate indicates an Egyptian place-name here, and supports ^[αβνΚωνι, which was in 
the Heliopolite nome according to Ptolemy. Of towns beginning with Κ Κάι/ωττο? was the 
most important, but was far from Heliopolis ; Κΐρκεσονρα (Strabo, p. 806) or Κερκάσωρος 
(Hdt. ii. 15) was in the Letopolite nome opposite Heliopolis, but does not seem a likely 
place for the publication of the edict, which may have been issued during Caracalla's visit 
to Egypt in 215, like P. Giessen 40. ii. 16-29. 

I i-i 2. υπό στοά δημοσία : for the precise definition of the place of publication cf. 

B. G. U. 140. 5""6 iv . . . . iv T^] 7τ[α]ρίμβολ(^) ''■^[s] χ^ιμασία^ς Xeyia)i/o(j) τρίτηί\ "Κν^ρ^ηναικψ κτ\., 
35 recto. 9-13 (cf. Wilcken, Archiv, i. τ•^6) προ^τέθη iv Άλ(ξ'\αν^ρ€ία . . . έκ σννκολλησί[μων 
βιβΧίδίωιΑ AlSeiviov Ιουλιανού (πάρχου Αίγύπτου . . . Ίτροτ^θίντοΛν τη ΐν€στά>\στ] ήμίρα νπο των οφφίΐ- 

κιαλίων αϋτοΰ iv τω μεγάλω Ίσίω, For a στοά at Hermopolis cf. C. P. Herm. 119 recto, iii. 16 

irpos τη καμάρα ίιπο στοάν Άντινοιτικης πλατιάς. In Ρ. GieSSen 40• ϋ• 13 ^^^ probably ΐπ 

35. 13 υπό after προ^τίθη means 'by', referring to the official making the publication; but 
though δ77μοσι[ο]υ might perhaps be read, we are unable to reconcile the preceding word 
with a proper name. Σοΰλ, a name found in P. Grenf. ii. 76. 13, is unsatisfactory; more- 
over δημοσίου is not very likely as a title by itself, i. e. equivalent to οφφικιαλίου (cf. 35), and 

δημοσίου iv[ does not suggest any known title. 

ii^apxou αρ^χοντος : (ναρχος with titles of officials is very frequent, άρχοντας in the plural 
is common as a general term for municipal magistrates, e. g. gymnasiarchs, cosmetae, or 
prjtaneis, end ap^as frequently occurs as a title ' ex-magistrate ' (cf. Preisigke, Stadt. 
Beamienwesen, 8, 14, and Wilcken, Archiv, iv. 119); άρχων is found in Eg}'pt in the 
phrase πρυτανικό s άρχων (592; cf AVilcken, Grundz. 47 ; a.d. 122-3), ^'^ t^^ acclamations 
of the δημοί in honour of a prytanis (41. 12 τον άρχοντα τη πολι), P. Thead. 32. 13 Αυρήλιος 

Φίρμος αρχ(^ων) άποδίκτη! κριθής, W'here it COrrCSponds tO βουλ{€υτής) and ά•γορ{ανομήσας) in the 

titles of the ίπιμ(λητα\ κριθής in 1. i and means 'magistrate', P. Amh. 146. 4 ητιάθησαρ eVi 
τοΰ άρχοντος (fifth ccntury), referring to an unspecified magistrate, a third-century ostracon 
from Oxyrhynchus (Preisigke, ^. B. 1951) Φιλήας άρχων, and 1526. 10 Λιογενης . . . αρχ(ων), 
both referring to unspecified magistrates of Oxyrhynchus : it is also applied to the praefect 
in fourth-century papyri, P. Leipzig 33. ii. 16, 34. 19, 37. 27, In C. I. G. 4822 (= Ditten- 
berger, Or. Gr. Inscr. 698 ; early second century) άρχων θηβων is interpreted by Dittenberger 
as equivalent to θηβάρχης, an ofliicial who dates from the Ptolemaic period and seems to have 
been the military governor of the town of Thebes. On this analogy αρ]χοντος might be 
interpreted as the military governor of the town in question (Babylon.?; cf. 1. 10, n.), rather 
than as equivalent to e. g. πρυτανικός άρχων or gymnasiarch, especially as a precise official 
title is expected in this context ; but the evidence of recent papyri considerably diminishes 
the force of Dittenberger's distinction between άρχων and Άρχοντες in Egypt. 

1407. Imperial Rescripts. 

Fr. I 1 6-1 X 16-3 cm. Late third century. 

These two fragments of a series of Imperial rescripts (cf. 1020, P. Flor. 
38a, Giessen 40) are too small to be intelligible, the lines being of great length. 
The larger contains the ends of lines of three such rescripts and a few letters 
from the beginnings of lines of apparently a fourth, but the document begin- 


ning at 1. 33 was different, being perhaps a letter of or to the senate of 
Oxyrhynchus. The margin at the bottom is preserved, but not at the top. 
On the verso in a different hand of about A. D. 300 are parts of 12 lines of 
an official letter of some kind with a margin at the top, a circumstance which 
suggests that the papyrus was cut down before the verso was used. The small 
fragment (a), from a rescript or edict of Aurelian, has on the verso parts of 
two lines of the letter, and the margin above the writing there corresponds to that 
on the verso of Fr. i. The spacing of the lines in Fr. 2, recto, shows that they 
do not belong to Fr. i. i. 1-3 ; but they may well belong to Fr. i. ii. 22-4, where 
in 1. 22 the enlarged and projecting initial letter suggests λ[υτοκράτωρ. Otherwise, 
if Fr. 2 is placed e. g. above Fr. i, it is necessary to disconnect the lines on the 
verso of Frs. i and 2 and to suppose a blank space between them, which is 
not very likely. 

Of the three rescripts in Col. i the first (11. 1-8) is dated Phaophi 17 
(Oct- 14) of the 7th year, and evidently the consuls were Nummius Tuscus and 
Mummius ... (1. 7) and more than one Emperor was reigning (cf. 1. 6 ημύ^) ; but 
all that survives of the Imperial titles is ]το^, probably Σε/3ασ]τ05. Nummius 
Tuscus and Annius Anullinus, the consuls of 295 (the ii-i2th year of 
Diocletian which = the lo-iith of Maximian) are clearly unsuitable, and the 
consuls of 258 under Valerian and Gallienus, M. Nummius Tuscus and Bassus, 
must be meant. The gentile name of that Bassus was not known. A Pomponius 
Bassus was consul for the second time in 271 with Aurelian, but he seems to be 
identical with the Bassus who was consul with Aemilianus in 259, not with the 
colleague of Tuscus, who belongs to the previous year, and, as now appears, was 
called Mummius [Bassus]. A chronological question of considerable interest 
is raised by a comparison of the consular dating with that by the regnal year; 
for the 7th (Egyptian) year of Valerian and Gallienus is generally considered to 
have been 259-60, whereas, if Oct. 14 of it fell within the consulship of Tuscus 
and Bassus, the 7th year was 258-9. In 1201. 20, however, Sept. 24 of the 
6th year fell in the consulship of Tuscus and Bassus, and it is not necessary 
that the consulship in 1407. 7 should synchronize with the regnal year in 1. 8 ; 
for while the former presumably refers to the day on which the rescript was 
written, the latter, which is separated from the former by a mention of the 
place of writing, may well refer to the day on which the rescript was pub- 
lished at Alexandria (cf. e.g. 1405. 12-13); and, as P. Giessen 40. i. 12-15 
shows, there could be an interval of seven months between the writing of an 
edict and its publication in Egypt. It is true that, if the 7th year is 259-60, the 
interval between the writing and the publication of the rescript was, even if it was 
written quite at the end of 258, as much as 9^ months, and may have been much 


longer, and the earlier date for the 7th year of Valerian and Gallienus would 
remove the difficulty caused by the datings in the 7th year of Aurelian. But 
the astronomical evidence provided by two horoscopes of the present volume 
confirms the generally accepted date for the 7th year of Valerian and Gallienus, 
359-60 ; cf. 1476. int., where the chronology of this period is discussed. 

The rescript seems to have been a more or less favourable answer to 
a petition (cf 11. 6-7 σοΙ k -ηικονρουΐμζν), and to have been written from Ne]apolis 
(1. 8), but whether this refers to Naples, Cavalla, or Neapolis near Alexandria 
is not clear. Valerian is generally thought to have spent a year or more in 
the East before his capture by Sapor, which occurred in his 7th or 8th 
Egyptian year. The restoration of the Imperial titles in 11. 1-2 is obscure 
owing to the uncertainty regarding the length of the lines ; cf. note ad loc. 

The second rescript (11. 9-16) was issued from Rome by an Emperor 
bearing the titles Pius Felix Augustus, who was therefore later than Cara- 
calla. and probably not earlier than Gallienus ; for the concluding rescript was 
issued by Aurelian, and a chronological order may have been observed here, 
though not found in P. Flor. 382. That it was a rescript rather than an 
edict is not definitely proved, but from its position between two rescripts is 
highly probable. Lines lo-ii appear to be concerned with an official appoint- 
ment, which, as is shown by the following lines, had some bearing on ναύκληροί 
and a -npvravda. Perhaps the corn-supply was the main subject, but (φέσ€ί9, 
'appeals ' (cf. 1185. 6), are mentioned in 1. 15. 

The third rescript (11. 17-21) was in the form of a short letter to the 
senate and people of a city, and in some way related to iraihes, perhaps children 
of gymnasiarchs or other municipal officials ; cf. 1417. There is no clear con- 
nexion between the various documents in 1407, but they may be all concerned 
with municipal affairs, especially if 11. 33 sqq. are a letter of the senate of 
Oxyrhynchus. The Imperial titles Pius Felix Augustus in 1. 17 come almost 
exactly under the same titles in 1. 9, which suggests that the name of the Emperor 
was the same ; but 1. 18 contains additional titles, showing that he was either 
tribune or imperator for the third time, consul, and paUr patriae. These titles 
exclude Gallienus, but would suit Claudius II or Aurelian, who are on the whole 
most likely to be the author or authors of the second and third rescripts, since 
after a gap at the top of Col. ii, in which one or two rescripts may be lost, 
the author of the rescript (or edict) in 11. 22-32 was, if Fr. 2 is rightly placed, 
Aurelian, apparently without Vaballathus. Claudius was consul in 269 (accord- 
ing to some inscriptions for the second time), and his third tribunician year was 
apparently Dec. 10, 269-Dec. 9, 270 (cf. 1476. int.), while Aurelian was consul in 
271, his third tribunician year being apparently Dec. 10, 271-Dec. 9, 272 ; υττατοϊ, 


however, does not necessarily imply that the Emperor in question was actually 
consul rather than that he had been consul. Claudius, who had'fewer titles of the 
Germanicus Maximus class than Aurelian, is on the whole the most suitable 
Emperor, and, as is shown in the note ad loc, 11. 17-18 can easily be restored 
on the hypothesis of a line of about 6^, or 80 letters ; but it is difficult to 
combine either of these alternatives with the restoration of 11. 1-3. Since 1407 
was written in the reign of Aurelian or a little later (certainly before 300), 
Tacitus, Probus, and Carinus are possible authors of the second and (except 
Tacitus) of the third rescript ; but the introduction of one of them or of an 
Emperor earlier than Gallienus would violate the chronological sequence of these 
rescripts, which has a prima facie probability in spite of P. Flor. 383. 

Fr. I. Col. i 

ϋξβασ ?]τδ? 

]«[.] . [.' .]ta 
]aL προ9 TO 
] . άστη? 

5 ]σ[.] . [ ] . δίκάσαντο^ 

'\γτο ταΰτα και ή[^^Ϊ9 σοΙ eniKOvpov- 
[μ^ν ] Νονμμίω Τονσκω καΐ Μονμμίω 

[Βάσσω νπάτοΐ9 άπο JVejay ττόλζως ζ {erovs) Φαώφι ιζ. 

Ε]ύσ€βη9 Εντυχ^ης ϋββαστο? . 

ΙΟ ]y ei/ μ^τονσία καθεστώς καί 

jo-Tyy τταρα τοϋτό τ€ ήγονμύνου Ttjs 
] πρυτανίαν ώστε μηδ\ν e/c r^y 
]ί των νανκΧήρων ου συν μξτα- 
'\καιον και άπο του προ9 την μβτα- 

15 νο]μιζ6μ€να δξ €πϊ Tais €φ€σ€σιν 

] άπο 'Ρώμη 9. 

o]s• Εύσββης Εύτυ)(^ηζ Χ^βαστο^ 
το\ τρίτον υπάτου πατήρ πατρίδος 
TJj βο]νλί] και τω δήμω χ^αίρ^ιν. 
20 "^το άνήκοόζ €ίμι ού& οτι παΐδξς 


Fr. I. Col. ii + Fr. 2. 

Α[ύτοκράτωρ Καίσαρ Aovklos Δομίτιο^ Αύ\ρη\ίανο^ [Εύσζβης Εντν^η^ 
Χφαστο9 ? 
[ 3^ letters ]ai €vt[ 

. [ 3 1 letters ]ω άργι[ 

2 5 ai[ 26 e[ 27 t[ 28 αποτ[ 29—32 lost 33 Όξ[νρνγχ^ίτών 

1-2. The τ of jros in 1. i is fairly certain, γ and σ being the only alternatives; Σ€βασ]τ6ς 
or Meyt'^l'Oi therefore seems inevitable. In the 7th year of Valerian and Gallienus, Saloninus 
was Caesar or Augustus (cf. 1273. 44 and 1563. i), and on the analogy of 11. 9, 17, 22 
and 889, part of an edict of Diocletian and Maximian in a. d. 300, 11. 1-2 or 1—3 would be 
expected to run Αυτοκράτωρ Καίσαρ (so also probably 889. I, rather than Αυτοκράτωρ alone) 

Πουβλιος Αικίννιος Oiakfpiavos TtppavtKos Μίγιστος Ευσΐβψ Ευτυχής Σeβaστ6s κα\ Αυτοκράτωρ 
Καίσαρ Ποΰβλιος Αικίννιος OvaSepiavos ΤαΧΚιηνος VeppaviKos Μίγιστος Έύσίβης Έύτυχης Σ€βαστ6ί καΐ 
ϋούβλια Αικίννιος Κορνήλιος 2α\ωνΙνος OidKeptavos 6 επιφανέστατος Καίσαρ, followed by a name in 

the dative with or without χαίρην. Γερμανικός Μέγιστος might however well be omitted in both 
cases, as it is in C. P. Herm. 119 verso, iii. 8-16, a rescript of Gallienus alone. If jro? 
belongs to Γερμανικός Μέγιστος in Valerian's titles, 1. I has 62 letters and 11. 2-3 would have 
to be restored Oi]a[X]e[pe]ia[i'os referring to Gallienus ; but this reading seems to be inadmis- 
sible, for (r) if a ρ occurred in the lacuna before la, the tail of it ought to have been visible, 
(2) 1. 2 would be expected to be i or 2 letters shorter than 1. i, whereas with Ov]a[X]6[p6]ta| 
at the end it would be 5 letters longer, (3) 1. 3 would hardly provide any space for a name 
between the conclusion of Gallienus' titles and ]ai προς τό, to say nothing of the omission of 
Saloninus. If ]τος belongs to Σεβασ]τός in Valerian's titles, 1. i would have 84 letters or, 
omitting Γερμανικός Μέγιστος, 66, but the titles of Gallienus would Still be expected to reach 
the end of 1. 2, and in order to explain ]q[.] . [. .]ia there as part of the name of the recipient 
of the rescript it would be necessary to suppose the omission of not only Saloninus but part 
of Gallienus' titles (e. g. Αυτοκράτωρ Κα'ισαρ, if the plural was employed in 1. i). These 
difficulties can be avoided by supposing the lines to have been much longer than 66 or 
84 letters and referring ]τος to Gallienus. The restoration Αυτοκράτορες Καίσαρες Πον^. Αικ. 

Ουάλ. Γερμ. Μεγ. κα\ ΤΙοΰβ. Αικ. Ούαλ. Γαλλ. Γερμ. Μέγιστος \ [Ευσεβείς ΈυτυχεΊς Σεβαστοί και 

Που/3. Αικ. Κορν. Σαλ. Οϋαλ. ό επιψ. ΚαΊσ., corresponding to the ordinary dating formula of these 
Emperors, would give 124 letters for 1. i, or, if Αυτοκρ. Καΐσ. was repeated, 136. With Εΰσ. 
Εϋτ. 2εβ. repeated after each Emperor and 2εβασ]τός referring to Gallienus 1. i would have 
180 letters if Γερμανικός Μέγιστος was inserted, 1 44 if it was omitted in both cases. Any one 
of these restorations would provide room for both the insertion of Saloninus' name in 1. 2 
and a space before ]a[.] . [. .]ia, but is open to the objections that in 1. 17 certainly, and in 1. 9 
probably, only one Emperor's name and titles occupy the whole of a line, and, secondly, that 
the additional titles added in 1. 18 after Σεβαστός suit a line of about 62 or 80 letters, so that 
with a Hne of over 140 letters there must have been an unusual insertion there. 889. 2 
adds νικητής to the titles of Diocletian, but places it between Ευτυχής and Σεβαστός, a position 
Avhich is incompatible with 1. 17. Tides like Γερμανικός Μέγιστος can follow Σε/3αστό$•, though 
it is more usual for them to precede; but they cannot be used for expanding 1. 18 without 
producing a deficiency in 1. 17. That Γερμανικός Μέγιστος, which is a constant title of the 
Emperors from Valerian to Probus, except Tacitus, was omitted in 11. 17-18, where the 


Emperor's titles are fuller than in 11. i and 9, is unlikely, and on the whole a line of about 
80 letters, making ]tos in 1. i 'Σ,φασ\τ6ί as in 11. 9 and 17, seems most probable ; but we are 
unable to solve the difficulty of 11. 1-2 satisfactorily. To suppose that Valerian owing to his 
absence in the East was omitted is not in accordance with ημ€'ίί in 1. 6 or with extant laws of 
A. D. 258-60 in the Cod. Justin., and the supposition that the rescript belongs to another 
reign altogether seems to be incompatible with 11. 7-8. Above 1. i is a blank space. 

7. Νου/χμίω Τουσκω : the mention of the consuls' names in the dative is usual in rescripts, 
e. g. 889. II. ' These were no doubt followed by the day on the Roman calendar, which is 
not likely to have corresponded to Phaophi 17 ; cf. int. The vestige of the first letter of 
Νου/^μίω is insufficient to decide between ν and μ, but though sometimes called Memmius 
Tuscus (or Memmius Fuscus, as in Vopisc. Vit. Aurelian. 13), his correct name, M. Num. 
Tusco, occurs in C. I.L. vi. 2388. Nummius Tuscus, consul in 295 and apparently prae- 
fecius urbi in 302-3, may have been his son ; cf. Prosop. Imp. Rom. ii. 421. 

9. The Emperor is very likely the same as in 1. 17 ; cf. int. 

13. μΐτα- here and in 1. 14 may well be part of μεταγωγή or μεταφορά (cf. B. G. U. 
286. 8), referring to the transport of corn ; cf. int. 

14. Perhaps 8ί]καιον, but e. g. 'Ρω\μαΊον can be read. 

17-18. Before τό] τρίτον either δημαρχικης ΐξονσίας OX Αυτοκράτωρ is to be restored. The 
meaning of the numbers following imperator in late third-century inscriptions and coins is 
disputed. Dessau {Ephem. Epigr. vii. 429 sqq.) considers that from the time of Gallienus 
onwards they refer to regnal years, not to victories as in previous reigns, and probably, if 
Αυτοκράτωρ τό . . . occurred here, the figure coincided with that of the tribunician year. The 
usual order of these Imperial official titles was (i) pontifex maximus, (2) iribunicia potestas, 
(3) imperator, (4) consul ; but there are numerous exceptions. The restoration άρχιερευς 

μεγιστοί, δημαρχικης εξουσίας το τρίτον Αυτοκράτωρ τό] τρίτον ύπατος πατ. πατρ. produceS 8θ letters 

in 1. 18;, or without Αυτοκράτωρ το τρ., which is often omitted after 250, 62. With the lower 

figure Αυτ. Κάϊσ. Μάρκος Αυρήλιος Κλαύδιο]? Εύσ. Έυτ. Έεβ. would make 6θ letters for 1. 1 7, Αύτ. 

Καίσ. Αούκιος Αομίτως Αυρη\ιαν6]ς κτλ. 63 (cf. int.), SO that there would be no room for titles like 
Τερμανικος Μέγιστος, the insertion of which in 1. 1 7 would yield a line of about 80 letters. 
A line much in excess of 80 letters would create a great difficulty with regard to the 
restoration of 1. 18; cf. n. on 11. 1-2. 

19. Όξυρυγχιτών της λαμπρός κα\ λαμπρότατης πόλεως τη κρατίστη βο\υλη (cf. Β. G.U. Ιθ74• 

ιο) would give a line of 72 letters; cf. notes on 11. 1-2, 17-18, and 33. But there is 
no particular reason for supposing a mention of Oxyrhynchus at this point. 
24. ΚαΙ]σαρ, γάρ, and άργυ\ρ are inadmissible. 

33. Probably ^Οξ\υρυγχιτων της λαμ. κα\ λαμπροτ. πόλεως η κρατίστη βουλή (ΟΓ τη κρ. βουλ[ι) ; 

of. 1. 19, η. and int. 

1408. Report of a Trial : Circular and Edict of a Praefect. 

34-1 X 25 cm. About a.d. 210-14. 

The recto of this papyrus contains a taxing-list concerning State lands 
in the Arsinoite nome (1446). On the verso in a large, almost uncial hand 
is a nearly complete broad column, containing (i) the conclusion of a report of 
a trial concerning a surety before Sopater, an official whose rank is not stated, 
(2) a circular of the praefect Juncinus to the strategi of the Heptanomia and 


Arsinoite nome concerning the suppression of robbers, enclosing (3) an edict on 
the same subject for publication ; cf. 1100 and B. G. U. 646. This edict was con- 
tinued in the next column, which is lost, and at least one column (cf. 1. 1, n.) of 
the report of the trial is missing. Juncinus is known from P. Giessen 40, ii. 14 to 
have been in office on Mecheir 4 of the 21st year of Caracalla (Jan. 29, 213) after 
Subatianus Aquila, who apparently was still praefect on Epeiph 39 of the i8th 
year (July 23, 210; cf. P. Flor. 6), and before Septimius Heraclitus, who had 
entered office by Phamenoth 20 of the 23rd year (March 16, 215; cf. B. G. U. 
^6%. vii. 8). The circular of Juncinus is dated in 1. 21 Phaophi 28 (Oct. 25), and 
the missing number of the regnal year therefore ranged from 19 to 23. 

As in B. G. U. 15, which bears a formal resemblance to 1408, the trial 
(11. 2-10) seems to have no connexion with the following edict, and may have 
taken place some years earlier. The contending parties were Tryphon, whom the 
judge speaks of as αξιολογώτατο^ and who perhaps had occupied some official 
position, and on the other hand Asclepiades and apparently his father, who had 
become mutual sureties for Tryphon in connexion with the payment of a fine 
(ττρόστίμον). The exaction of this was imminent, and Asclepiades wished to 
go away for a time, probably to present an appeal to the praefect (1. 7, n.) ; but 
to this proceeding Tryphon objected, and the ultimate decision was that Ascle- 
piades should return within fifteen days and pay to Tryphon the full amount 
of the surety in question. Where the trial took place and whether Sopater was 
a local official (e. g. strategus of the Arsinoite nome) or an Alexandrian magi- 
strate (e. g. archidicastes) are not clear. He may be identical with Julius Sopater, 
€-ίστρατηγησα5 in 226 (1459. 7). The beginnings of lines are lost throughout, 
and in most cases a few letters at the ends are wanting. The enlarged ν 
of κατ(λθ€Ϊν in 1. 8 (cf. the ν of χαίρ^ιν in 1. 11) determines the ending point, and 
the certain restorations at the beginnings of 11. 4 and 8 fix the size of the initial 
lacuna in 11. 2-10. In the circular this seems to have been about three letters 
smaller after 1. 11, an initial lacuna of the same size as that in 11. 2-10 being 
evidently unsuitable to e. g. 11. 14-15 7Γά[7^|τε]?. In the edict the probable restora- 
tions at the beginnings of 11. 22 and 26 suggest that the lines uniformly began 
about three letters to the right of 11. 12-20 ; but, since the lacunae at the beginnings 
of 11. 23-6 are larger than in 11. 11-20 and the restorations more doubtful, 
11. 23-6 may have been uniform \vith 11. 12-ao, 1. 22, which is introductory, being 
in that case slightly indented. 

The circular of Juncinus (11. 11-21) concerning the publication of his edict is 
couched in a severe tone, the word Kivhwos occurring thrice. Evidently Egypt 
was in a disturbed condition at this period owing to organized bands of robbers, 
as in the time of Marcus Aurelius, when the praefect M. Sempronius Liberalis 


dealt with the subject in an edict extant in B. G. U. 37a (= W. Chrest. 19). 
Juncinus' edict opened with general reflexions upon the shelter afforded to 
criminals (11. 22-6). 

[ ] 56y. ^ώπατρο? [elnev] άρκ^σονσί σοι π€ντ€καί8€κα, Τρύφων 

dnev ίπι τον- [ 
[τω μ€\ντοι, kav evros Trjs [προθ€σ]μία9 απαιτηθώ, e^eii' //€ npos αύτον 

την άγωγήν. [ 
\Χώπά\τρο^ Ηπ^ν τοΰτο καΙ χ[ω]/3[ίί] ei^ret/^eooy καΐ υπομνημάτων πάντως 
ή πρ[οσ- 
5 [φώνησι]? και ή της ίγγνης άναδοχτ) και το ^ξΐρόγραφον το ύπ\ρ τον 
πατρός το πισ[τ6ν 
[σοι παρ]€)(€ΐ. Άσκληπιάδης €ΐπ€ν• κατά το ίπιβάλλον μοι μίρος. Τρύφων 

ύπ^ν ο\1 
[. . . . aXX]r;XeyyiOi ^ίσιν μια yap 'ίκκ\\ΎΪ\τος και ev πρόστ€ίμ6ν ίστιν. 

\14.σκληπι]άδη ππ^ν φροντισον ΐντος των π€ντ€καίδ€κα ημξρων κατξλθξΐν 
[καΐ το πρ6\στ€ΐμον παν, αλληλεγγύη γαρ ύμων εστίν, θεματίσαι, ΐν εχη 
ό άξιολ[ογώ- 
ιο [raroy Τρ]ύφων το ασφαλές. 

[Βαίβιος] Ίουγκΐνος στρατηγοΐς Έτττά νομών καΐ Άρσινοΐτον γαίρειν. [ 
[€])(ω μεν ύμεΐν και δι ετερ[ων] μον γραμμάτων προστάξας πεφροντισ- 

[τη]ν των ληστών άναζήτησ[ιν] ποιήσασθαι, κίνδννον ύμεΐν επαρτήσας 

ει άμ\ε- 
\λε\ιτε, και ννν δε διατάγματ[ι β\εβαιωσαί μον την γνώμην ηθέλησα, 
ίνα πά[ν- 
15 ['■^Ιί είδωσιν οι κατά την Αΐγυπτον ουκ εκ παρεργον τιθεμενον τούτο 

το [ 
[Xpejoy, άλλ[ά] και to1\s!\ σνλλημψομενοις νμΐν γέρα προτιθεντα, κίνδν- 
νον [δε 
[τοις άπει]θεΐν προαιρονμενο[ι]ς επανατεινόμενον. όπερ διάταγμα βον- 

[εν τε ταΐς μη]τροπ6λεσί και τοις επισημοτάτοις των νομών {τοποις) 


[ζημίας νμΐν €πικ]€ίμ€νη9 //era klvSvvov ef τις κακούργο? λαθών β[ίάζζ- 
2θ [σθαί δύναται. ] ίρρώσθαί νμά? βονλομαι. 

[ (eVouy) . .] ^ Φαώφί κη. 

\AovKLos Βα'\ίβί[ο$\ Αυρήλιο? Ίονγκΐνο? ίπαργο? Αιγύπτου Xlyer 
\το ? Toiis λτιστας κα]θαι[ρ]€Ϊν )(ωρΙ? των νποδβ^ομ^νων μη δννασθαι 

[φανβρόν, άλλα] γυμνούς των πζρικβιμίνων αύτοΐ? οντάς ταγβως 
25 [ρησόμζθα ? €ΐσι] Se ύποδ^γομίνων ττολλοι τρόποι' οι μ\ν γαρ 

\yTes των άδικη]μάτων ύποδ^γονται, οι δ\ ου μζτίχοντίς μ\ν κα\. . 

5• εγ'γυτ;? Π. y. α\\\η\ΐ•/γυοι Π. First t of €ΐσιι/ corr. from σ. p. αΚ\η\(•γγυη Π. 

20. λ of βονλομαι ΟΟΓΓ. from μ. 

' . . . Asclepiades said, " Grant me . . days." Sopater said, " Fifteen will suffice for 
you." Tryphon said, " On this condition, however, that if payment is demanded from me 
before the end of the period, I shall have the right of arrest against him." Sopater said, 
" That is completely provided for you, even without a petition and a memorandum, by the 
declaration, the undertaking of the surety, and the trustworthy note of hand on behalf of the 
father." Asclepiades said, " So far as my share is concerned." Tryphon said, " The 
[two ?] are mutual sureties, for there is one appeal and one fine." Sopater said to Ascle- 
piades, " Take care that you return within the fifteen days and pay in the whole amount of 
the fine, as your surety for it is mutual, in order that the most estimable Tryphon may have 
the security." 

Baebius Juncinus to the strategi of the Heptanomia and Arsinoite nome, greeting. 
I have already in a previous letter ordered you to search out robbers with every care, warn- 
ing you of the peril of neglect, and now I wish to confirm my decision by a decree, in order 
that all inhabitants of Egypt may know that I am not treating this duty as an affair 
of secondary importance, but offer rewards to those of you who co-operate, and on the other 
hand expose to peril those who choose to disobey. The said decree I desire to be made 
public in both the capitals and the most important places of the nomes, penalties including 
personal risk being laid upon you if in the future evil-doers are enabled to use violence 
without being detected. I hope for your health. The . . year, Phaophi 28. 

Proclamation of Lucius Baebius Aurelius Juncinus, praefect of Eg}'pt. That it 
is impossible to exterminate robbers apart from those who shelter them is evident to all, 
but when they are deprived of their helpers we shall quickly punish them (?). There are 
many methods of giving them shelter: some do so because they are partners in their 
misdeeds, others without sharing in these yet . . . ' 

1. ]3: a figure apparently referring to the number of the column. 

2. Probably ήμίρα^ TpiaJKOira] (or τριάκοντα η\μΐραϊ^ bos J cf. 1. 8. 

3. ά•γω•γην: for the meaning 'arrest' cf. P. Tebt. 39. 22 βονΚομίνου άγω-γψ ποιησασθαι, 

and άγω-γιμος in 1471. 2 2. Later the word is used as equivalent to the Latin ac/i'o (cf. 
Wenger, Stellvertretung 262), a sense which is possible here. 


4-5. '7τρ\οσ\φώνησϊ\ς•. the ρ is nearly certain, and the final letter cannot be α (t, v, or ο 
are the only alternatives to s). The word, which is used for formal declarations, often 
on oath, addressed to officials (cf. Griech. Texte 4 int.), combines suitably with eyy^j^y ανα^οχχ], 

5. ύπβρ τον πατρός : he was probably the father of Asclepiades and was included in 
the άλληλΐγγυοι in 1. 7 and νμών in 1. 9. To suppose that Asclepiades was the father of 
Tryphon, and that άλληλ€γγνοι and νμων refer only to these two persons, does not suit «tViV in 
1. 7, for (σμ€ν would in that case be expected. Tryphon cannot be the father of Asclepiades, 
since the remark of the judge is addressed to Tryphon. That the judge takes official 
cognizance of a χΐψόγραφον and apparently describes it as πιστόν is noteworthy, for it has 
been sometimes supposed that a private χβιρόγραφορ was inadmissible as evidence in a court 
of law unless it had been subjected to δημοσίωσκ (so doubtfully Mitteis, Grundz. 83-4); 
but the present passage does not favour that view, which is also opposed by Jors, Zeitschr. 

f. Savignyst. xxxiv. 143 sqq. ; cf. 1472. int. 

6. There is a slight blank space before e^et, such as the writer frequently leaves between 
words, but sometimes between letters of the same word, τό -nioijov is too far away from 
rovro in 1. 4 to be the object of ■παρ^χίΐ, unless τοντοί^υ) be read there. 

7. The word before d\X]>;\e-yyt;ot was probably a figure, δνο if Asclepiades and his father 
were meant (cf. 1. 5, n.), or e. g. rpiy if there were other persons involved in the suit. 

ΐκκλητος: sc. 8ίκη ; cf. 1117. 3, 1642. 2 1 , Preisigke, .S". ^. 5693. 15, P. Amh. 82. 9 as 
restored by Wilcken, Grundz. 353\ in each case referring to an appeal to the praefect, 
which may well be the cause of Asclepiades' approaching departure (11. i and 8). If 
κατ^θϋν in I. 8 implies that his return journey was down stream, the trial before Sopater must 
have taken place north of the town to which he was going, so that the latter cannot have been 
Alexandria. Possibly the trial was held at Alexandria and the praefect happened to be 
away. If it was held in the Arsinoite nome (cf. int.) or at Oxyrhynchus, κατίκβύν can hardly 
be brought into connexion with a journey for the purpose of appealing to the praefect. 

9. νμων: cf. 1. 5, n. For θβματίζΐΐν cf. P. Catt. I verso, iv. 28 εξαργνρισθέρτατά γενήματα 

[ε]θ€ματίσθη, and Preisigke, Girowesen, 185. For άξιο\\ο•γωτατος cf. 1490. i. 

II. [Bai)3tos] 'lovyKivos: SO in P. Giessen 40. ii. 14; in 1. 22 below his full name was 
written [kovkios Ba]i/3t[oy] Ανρηλιος Ί., the restoration of the missing praenomen there being 
based on his probable identity with the official of that name whose cursus honorum (before 
his praefecture) is given in C. I. L. x. 7580, and who was probably a descendant of the 
juridicus of the same name under Hadrian {Prosop. Imp. Rom. i. 224). With [Bai/3ios] or 
[Λουκιοί] in the lacuna it is necessary to suppose that 1. 11 was uniform with 11. 2-10 and 
projected about 3 letters beyond 11. 12-20 (cf. int.). A shorter name, e.g. Taws, does not 
suit 1. 22 so well, for the ? of Ba]iiSt[os] stood above α\θ of κα\θαι[ρΥιν in 1. 23 and μ of α8ικη\- 
μάτων in 1. 26, where the restoration of the initial lacuna is fairly certain and requires 
12 letters, mosdy rather broad, in the space which would occupy only 11 in 1. 22, if [ratos 
Ba]i/3i[os] be read there. 

13-14. άμ[€\λ(]ΐτΐ : the supposed t is very insecure and jere could well be read: but neither 
a^[eX)7|a]eTe nor άμ[ί\λησ]€Τ€ suits the size of the lacuna in 1. 14, unless λ?; was written 
unusually small at the end of the line. 

18. ίπισημοτάτοί! των νομών (τόττοίϊ) : cf. 1100. 3 ^'ί'"'' τ[ώΐ' μητροπόλεων και eV τοΊί των νομών 
φοϊ^ΐρωτάτοα τόποι!, Β. G. U. Ιθ86. ϋ. 4 επισημοις τ^ών νορμών τόποις. 

20. ΐρρώσθαι υμάς βούλομαι : the usual salutation of a praefect at this period ; cf. 1100. 
5, n. 

22. [AoCkios Ba]i/3i[os] : cf. 1. II, n. 


1409. Circulars of a Strategus and Dioecetes. 

21-4 X 28-3 cm. A.D. 278. 

This fairly well preserved papyrus consists of a short letter from the 
strategus to the δΐκάπρωτοι (cf. 1410. int.) of the Oxyrhynchite nome (11. 1-6 
and 23), enclosing for their information a copy of a circular addressed to the 
strategi and δ^κάιτρωτοί of the Heptanomia and Arsinoite nome by the dioecetes, 
Ulpius Aurelius, concerning the repairing of the dykes and canals in view of the 
approaching inundation (11. 7-22). For this purpose a general corvee was 
apparently imposed on all cultivators (11. 9-10, note), and in addition to the con- 
trol to be exercised by the strategi and δβκάττρωτοι special supervisors were to be 
appointed in accordance with custom (11. 12-15). The exaction of a money pay- 
ment in place of personal service was forbidden in a strongly worded injunction 
(11. 19-22), which is probably the main point of the circular, but the relation of 
this injunction to the various imposts in connexion with the repairs of dykes and 
canals known from earlier papyri is not very clear ; cf 1. 20, note. The evidence 
concerning forced labour on the embankments is summarized by Wilcken, 
Grundz. 334-8 ; the working of the principles laid down in 1409 is well illus- 
trated by 1469, a petition written twenty years later by the comarchs of a village 
to the acting-praefect, which shows the difficulties arising from the multiplication 
of officials. 

Except perhaps 58 and 474, where the rank of the high officials Servaeus 
Africanus and Plautius Italus is not stated, 1409 is the only extant circular 
of a Roman dioecetes. Its style and treatment of the subject recall the more 
lengthy exhortations of the Ptolemaic dioecetae to officials in P. Par. 6-3^ and 
Tebt. 27. The direction of public works, as well as finance, fell within their 
province, as is shown by the Petrie papyri ; but by the middle of the third cen- 
tury the καθολικό^ (cf. 1410) seems to have become the chief finance minister, and 
the continuance of the office of dioecetes is not attested beyond the time of 
Carinus. Ulpius Aurelius, who may have been the immediate predecessor of 
Aurelius Proteas (1115. 11 and 1412. int.; six years later), was thus one of the 
latest holders of the office. The names of these two, and of two dioecetae under 
Aurelian, Andromachus (γ^νόμίνοί bιo^κητήs in Phamenoth of the 2nd year ; 
1264. 9) and Julius Monimus (1633. 15 ; Mesore of the 6th year), besides perhaps 
Moenatides (P. Ryl. 84. i ; A. D. 146), and Septimius ApoUonius κοσμητ^νσα^ την 
Ζωίκησιν (P. Thead. 14. 18 ; late third century), are to be added to the list 
in Wilcken, Grundz. 156. 


Αυρήλιος Άρποκρατίων στρατηγοί Όξ^υρνγχίτο]υ δζκαπρώτ[οί? τον νομον 

rfjs γραφζίσης ίπιστολήί eh kolvov ημίν στρατη[γοΐς και δ€]καπρώτοι? 

rfjs [Έπτανομίας και 'Αρσινο]ΐτ[ο]ν 
ύπο Ούλπίον Αυρηλίου τον κρατ[ισ]τον διοικητον π€/)[ί της των] χωμάτων 

άπζρ[γασιας και της των διωρνχω]ν άνα- 
καθάρσ^ως αντίγραφαν ίπιστύλλίται νμΐν, φίλτ[ατοι, ΐνα €ί]δήτζ και tois 

γρ[αφ€Ϊσιν άκολουθήτ€. οί S'] &ν πρ6- 
5 T€p09 ύμων κομίσηται ToSe τ[ο\ Ιττισταλμα τοις [λοι]π[οΐς] μξταδότω. €ρρω[σθαι 

υμάς εύχομαι, φίλτ]ατοι. 
{hovs) γ τον κυρίου ημών Μάρκου Αυρηλίου Πρόβου ^φαστοΰ Φαρμοΰθι [. 
ΟϋλίΓίος Αυρήλιος στρατηγοΐς κ[αϊ\ δβκαπρώτοις Έπτανομίας και Άρσι- 

νοΐτου [χαίρζίν. του καιρού της των 
χωμάτων άττ^ργασίας και τή[ς] των διωρύχων άνακαθάρσ^ως €ν€στη[κ6τος 

Ίταραγγΐλλξΐν ύμΐν avay- 
καΐον ήγησάμην δια τώνδξ των γραμμάτων ως χρή σνμπαντας τους 

γ€[ωργούς 1 8 letters 

10 ταΰτα άπ€ργάζ€σθαι ήδη μίτα πάσης προθυμίας ίπι τα διαφέροντα αύτοΊς 

7Γ • [ ] προ[ς το δ]τ)[μοσία re 

πασιν και ιδία ύκάστω συμφέρον την γαρ άπο των φγων τούτων yeivo- 

μ€νην ώφ[€λί]αν πάντας ([ίδβναι πΙ- 
πΐΐσμαι. odev δια φροντίδας ύμΐν τοις στρατηγοΐς και τοις δζκαπρώτοις 

γ^νί[σ6ω ζπ^ΐ^αι μ\ν απαν[τας άντι- 
λαβζσθαι της αναγκαιότατης ταύτης ίργασίας, αιρ^θήναι δΐ τους ύωθότας 

ei[y] τοΰτο χ€ΐροτον€Ϊσθα[ι ίπψζλη- 
τας 6^ αρχόντων ή και ιδιωτών τους άναγκάσοντας έκαστους τα προσή- 
κοντα ipya αύτοΐς σώμ[ασιν άπο- 
15 πληρώσαι κατά τον δοθέντα ορον kv ττ} του άποτάκτου συστάσζΐ άν^υ 

τινψ\ς άπξχθάας ή χάριτο[ς, ωστ€ €7re- 
.νζχθήναι ξΐς το τίταγμίνον ΰψος re και πλάτος τα χώματα και τούζ 

διακόπους άποφραγήναι προ[ς το δύνα- 
σθαι άντ€χ€ΐν ttj ίσομίνΐ] ευτυχώς πλημύρα του Ιξρωτάτον Νβίλου, τάς 

Τ€ διώρυχας άνα[καθαρή- 
ναι μέχρι τών καλουμένων γνωμόνων και του συνήθους διαστήματος, 

ΐν[α €]ύμαρώς [την] ίσομέν[ην τών 



ύ8άτων ζΐσροιαν ύπο8^χοιντο προ? apSeiav των ίδαφωι/, τούτον κοινωφ[€λ]ον9 
TVY)([auouTos,] μη8\ίνα, 8e 
20 άντι των €ργων αργύρων το παράπαν ττράττβσθαι. kav yap τοιούτο 
€πίχζίρ[ήσ]αί τολμή[σ]τ] fj των πρ[οστ€τα- 
γμίνων άμξλήστ], ιστω οτι ώ? λνμαίνόμβνο? τοις ^πΐ rfj σωτηρία συνπά[ση\? 

τη? Αιγύπτου προτ)ρ[ημί- 
V019 ου μόνον πβρϊ χρημάτων άλλα και π€ρι αύτη? τη? ψυχής τον άγωνα 

'φ[ι. €]ρρωσθαι ύμά? εύχομαι. {β.του?) γ [ 

(and hand) Αύρήλιο[? Χ]ιλβανο? υπηρέτη? ίπήν^γκα {hov?) γ Φαρμοΰθι ς. 

3• ίτΓΟ Π. ν of διωρυχω]ι/ COIT. 4• '^Ρ" ^• 5• ^Μ"" ^'i SO 1. 12 νμιν. φιλτ]ατοί' Π. 

7- αρσινοϊτον U. II. ϊδια Π. 14- ξ οΐ (ξ COTT. ιδιωτών Π. 1 6. ϋψος U. 

17. First ν θ{ αντ€χειν COTT. "κρωτατου Π. 1 8. ΐν[α Π. 1 9- ν8ατων . . . νποΒεχοΐντο Π. 

20. πραττ€σθαι Π. 21. "ιστω Π. ν θί λνμαινομ^νο: COTT. from ei{?). 23• ττη οί 

υπηρίτηί COrr. 

' Aurelius Harpocration, strategus of the Oxyrhynchite nome, to the decemprimi of the 
nome, greeting. A copy of the circular letter written to us, the strategi and decemprimi of 
the Heptanomia and Arsinoite nome, by his highness the dioecetes, Ulpius Aurelius, con- 
cerning the building up of the dykes and the cleansing of the canals is sent to you, dear 
friends, in order that you may be informed and follow his instructions. The one of you 
who is the first to receive this missive should communicate it to the rest. I pray for your 
health, dear friends. The 3rd year of our lord Marcus Aurelius Probus Augustus, 
Pharmouthi [.]. 

Ulpius Aurelius to the strategi and decemprimi of the Heptanomia and Arsinoite 
nome, greeting. The season for the building up of the dykes and the cleansing of the 
canals having arrived, I thought it necessary to announce to you by this letter that all the 
cultivators and . . . ought now to build these up with all zeal on the . . . belonging to them, 
with a view to both the public gain of all and their own private advantage. For I am 
persuaded that every one is aware of the benefit resulting from these Λvorks. Therefore let 
it be the care of you, the strategi and decemprimi, both to urge all to devote themselves to 
this most necessary labour, and to see that the overseers usually elected for the purpose are 
chosen from magistrates or private persons, who will compel every one to perform his 
proper work by personal service, according to the rule given in the constitution of the appoint- 
ment, with no malice or favour, so that the dykes are raised to the ordained height and 
breadth and the breaches are filled up, in order that they may be able to withstand the 
flood of the most sacred Nile auspiciously approaching, and that the canals are cleansed up 
to the so-called standards and the usual width, in order that they may easily contain the 
coming influx of water for the irrigation of the fields, this being for the common weal, and 
that absolutely no money is exacted from any one in place of work. If any one dare to 
attempt exactions or neglect these orders, let him know that not only his property but his 
life Avill be at stake for injuring measures designed for the safety of the Λvhole of Egypt. 
I pray for your health. The 3rd year . . . 

Presented by Aurelius Silvanus, assistant, in the 3rd year, Pharmouthi 6.' 

I. δ(καπρωτ\οΐ5 τον νομοϋ : henanp. του y (erovs) (cf P. Tebt. 288. 2 to'is πράκτορσι τοΰ 

< {fTovs)) is less likely ; cf. 1410. int. : but δίκαπρ. simply may be read. 


3. For the restorations cf. 11. 7-8. • " 

6. The day was not later than the 6th, on which the letter was presented by the 

νπηρίτης (1. 23). In 1119. 5 and 30 there is an interval of six days between the two 

corresponding dates. 

8. For napayyeWuv cf. e. g. 1411. 8. 

9—10. ye\_ suggests ye\a>pyois or ye^mpyovvras rather than ye\ovxovs or yf\ovxovvTas , since 

the circular probably applied primarily to δημόσια rather than to 18ιωτικα χώματα (cf. 1469. 5) ; 
but the traces of the supposed e may belong to the y. 1469 and 1546 show that, at this 
period at any rate, a village as a whole was made responsible for providing the necessary 
labour (cf. Wilcken, Grundz. p. 335, whose argument concerning the mention of the village 
in el'pyaarai-certificates of the second and early third centuries is unconvincing, as remarked 
in P. Ryl. 211. 7, n.); and a quite general expression (e. g. γΕ[ωργοί'5 καί «λτ^ρουχουι ; cf. 
P. Tebt. 288. 3) is wanted. The meaning of ταντα is doubtful. If dependent on an-epya- 
ζεσθαι, it may refer either to 1. 8 or to a word such as χώματα or ναύβια (cf. 1546. 3) lost in the 
preceding lacuna, and in that case the word following αίτοΐς might be ΐΓ([ριχώματα], the areas 
surrounded by embankments (cf. e.g. P. Cairo Preisigke 39. 10), or some other word in 
agreement with διαφίροντα. But e. g. iTe[ver]pepov], referring to the five days work on the 
embankments, customary in the second or early third century, could be the object of 
anepyaCeffuai (cf. B. G. U. 969. i. 25 π€νθημ€ρον μΐτρίΐν), which can also be used absolutely, 
and ταΰτα (referring to 1. 8) would then be governed by a preceding participle. The π is 
fairly certain, but possibly a υ intervened between it and the s of αντοϊς. νπ[άρχοντα], how- 
ever, would produce a tautologous expression. The phrase eVl τα 8ιαφ€ροντα αντοΊς is not 
likely to have any connexion with the system indicated in 290 (a.d. 83-4), in which an 

18ιωτικον χ(ϊ>μα is άyό(^μfvov) κατ εττιβοί^ην) S)v «αστ(θί) €χΐΐ {αρονρών), for this method of 

apportioning work according to the size of a holding was not employed, so far as is known, 

in dealing with δημόσια χώματα. 

13-14. €πιμ(λη]\τά5 : χωματεπιμίληταΐ axe often mentioned in second-century papyri and 
ostraca, e. g. P. Giessen 58-9 and 64 ; cf. the editors' commentary. ΐπΐίκ]\τας (cf. 1257. 13 

iireLKTOv δημοσίου σίτου, 1413. 2 ζ επ, χρυσού στίφάνου, the χωματίπίϊκται found in early 

Byzantine papyri, e. g. P. Brit. Mus. 1247. 2, and 1469. 7 <5 ttj emi^ei τών χωμάτων eniKfi- 
μίνοί) is slightly less probable, since the division 7Γp[oστ€τa\yμevωv is found in 11. 20-1 and 
eVjet^ai occurred in 1. 12. 

15. κατά τον BoBevTa opov ev Trj τοϋ άποτάκτον σνστάσα corresponds tO κατά τα Κΐλίυσθίντα 

νπο των το άπότακτον συστησαμίνων in 1187• 12— 1 5 (cf. η. ad loc^, and is to be connected 

with αΙρ(θηναι, not with άποπΧηρώσαι. Cf. also προ ttjs του άποτάκτου συστάσεως 1Ώ. 1562. II. 

16. 8ιακόπους : cf. 1469. 6, P. Goodsp. 30. vi. 4 Is epya 8ι.ακόπον, and P. Brit. Mus. 1246. 7, 
where 1. διακό[7Γον. 

17. ανα[καθαρτ]\ναι : cf, 1. 8 άι/ακα^άρσ€ω$•. αΐ'α[\|/•ί;σ^^]ΐ'αι is alsO pOSSible ; cf. B. G. U. 53O• 

17 TO ϋ8ρ(υμα άνεψησθη, P. Ryl. 90. 2 Ο and P. Giessen 42. int. 

18. The γνώμον(5 here seem to be poles for measuring the depth of canals, corresponding 

to νψος in 1. 16 as διαστήματος doeS tO ττλάτος. 

ig. ΐ'ίσροιαν ΰποδεχοιντο : for the OptativC cf. 1411. 16 fl μη π€ΐθαρχησ{€)ιαν. (ίσροια 

(cf. διάρροια) is apparently unattested elsewhere. 

20. avTi των epyωv apyipiov : in the second and early third centuries three kinds of money- 
payments connected Λvith dykes are known : (i) the ναυβιον (e.g. 1436. 6), (2) the χωματικόν 
(1438. 20, n.), (3) πενθήμερος όνων (P. Ryl. 1 95. 5). Of these the ναΰβιον has generally been 
explained in accordance with Wilcken, Ost. i. 263, as an impost in place of personal service, 
and the same explanation is applied by Kenyon to the χωματικόν, but is not accepted by 
Wilcken, Grundz. 331 ; cf. Osl. i. 342. The πενθημ. όνων corresponds to the μετρήματα νπερ 
της πενθήμερου in Β. G. U. 969. 20-4, and was clearly an adaeratio, but whether the payer in 

C 2 


P. Ryl. 195 Avas a {ρημόσως) κτηνοτρόφος, as in B. G.U. 969, does not appear. How far the 
system of taxation in Egypt was altered between the reigns of Severus Alexander and 
Diocletian, who introduced extensive changes, is still obscure owing to the paucity of 
evidence, and perhaps by the time of Probus the government had become much stricter than 
formerly' in enforcing compulsory labour, as is also suggested by the apparently compre- 
hensive character of the corv/e enjoined in 11. 9-10. We are not inclined to think that the 
dioecetes was referring either to the νανβων impost, which used to be levied on land-owners 
at the rate of 100 copper drachmae per arura upon κάτοικοι and 150 dr. upon έναφίσιοι 
(P. Brit. Mus, 372 ap. P. Tebt. ii, pp. 339-43, and P. Ghent verso, ii-iii a/. P. Ryl. ii, 
p. 421 : (ναφίσιοι were probably holders οϊ κΚηρονχικη and Ιδιωτική γ^; cf. P. Ryl. ii, p. 252) 
and was classed with άρη-αβία as one of the γνήσια δημόσια (P. Amh. 85. 9 and 86. 10 ; cf. 
P. Ghent, I.e., where the άρταβία calculation follows that of the ναύβιον), or to the χωματικόν, 
which was paid by dwellers in the raetropoleis as well as by those in villages, and was levied 
at a uniform rate of 6 dr. 4 obols apart from προσ8ιαγραφ6μ€να. The π^νθήμίρα όνων cannot 
have affected persons who did not own asses, and being rarely mentioned does not seem to 
have been a far-reaching impost. The bulk of the corvee must at all times have fallen upon 
cultivators of βασιλική γή OX landless persons, and if the ναύβιον and χωματικόν imposts sur- 
vived unchanged to the reign of Probus, probably they were not affected by this circular, 
which seems to be directed mainly against irregular exactions of money in place of personal 
service. Payments by individuals of varying amounts for ναύβια occur in the fourth century 
(P. Gen. 65), and in P. Flor. 346 (fifth century ?) there is mention of τά e| ίθονς δι8όμ(να vnip 
he (1. re) μισθών κα\ αναβολής τον δημοσίου χώματος, SO that money-payments in Connexion with 
the repairs of embankments in any case continued to be exacted in Byzantine times. 

23. νπηρίτης: cf. 1. 6, n. In 59. 22 ντιί^ηρίτης) βονλ{τ]ς) is more likely than νπ{ομνηματο- 
γράφος) βονλ(^(ντής) , 

1410. Edict of a Catholicus. 

13-5 X 7.8 cm. Early fourth century. 

An order, of which the conclusion is vi^anting, issued on the authority of the 
catholicus, Magnius (?) Rufus, making it illegal to reimpose the ofifice of decem- 
primus upon persons vi?ho had held that position since a particular year of two 
unnamed Emperors. From the handwriting the papyrus appears to belong to the 
early part of the fourth century, but there may well have been an interval between 
the date mentioned in 1. 5 and the actual date of the papyrus, which was probably 
stated in the missing lower portion. Owing partly to the uncertainty with regard 
to the reading of the figure in the first of the two regnal years mentioned, partly 
to the difficulties of chronology in the period from 305 to 323, it is not quite clear 
which Emperors are meant, but probably in 1. 5 the 8th year refers to Maximian 
and the ist to Galerius (and Constantius), i. e. A. D. 292-3, and the omission of 
Diocletian's regnal year (which was one in advance of Maximian' s) is to be explained 
by the supposition that 1410 was written during 305-13 after his abdication, when 
Egypt was governed by Maximinus Daza who belonged to the Herculian faction ; 
cf. 1. 5, n. During Diocletian's and Maximian's joint reign there are instances of 


Maximian's year being ignored, apparently for the sake of brevity (e. g. 895. 6), 
but none of Diocletian's years being so treated, though cf, 1416. 29, n. 

The Ιξκάττρωτοι, who were introduced into Egypt by Septimius Severus 
together with the βουλαί, and were generally, perhaps always, senators, had 
arduous duties as collectors of revenue both in corn (e. g. 1444. 3) and money 
(e. g. 1442. 5) ; cf. Wilcken, Osi. i. 62,6 and Grundz. 217-18, Seeck, Klio, i. 147-88, 
Brandis in Pauly-Wissowa, Realencycl. s. v., Gelzer, Studien, 42-3, Jouguet, 
Vie mimic. ^66 sqq. It has generally been supposed that the tenure of the 
office was one year, but Seeck, mainly on the evidence of two Thyatira inscrip- 
tions (C. I. G. 3490 and B. C. H. xi. 473), considered that the period lasted 5-15 
years, and identified the δ^κάπρ. with the quinquennales. 1410 does not state 
definitely the length of their tenure, but implies that re-election was customary ; 
and the apparent interval of twelve years or more between the date of the papyrus 
and the year when the Ι^κα-ηρ. in question entered office rather suggests that the 
normal tenure was longer than a year. Since 1257, where a person is still called 
δεκάττρωτοί four years after entering office, supports Seeck's view, and the objection 
to it urged by Wilcken, that the analogy of the tenure of municipal offices favours 
an annual period, breaks down in the light of new evidence that municipal offices 
were held for a longer period than a year (1413. 17 and 1418. 15), a five-years' 
tenure for Ιΐ.κα-ηρ. in Egypt is the most probable. Apart from 1410, they are not 
mentioned in papyri later than the reign of Diocletian, and Gelzer supposes that 
they disappeared when in 307-10 the new division of the nomes into -nayoi was 
substituted for the toparchies with which the δεκάπρ. were connected. The 
present regulation therefore probably indicates an important, perhaps the 
principal, step on the way towards the abolition of the office. 

Έ^ αύθ€ντ€ία9 Μαγ[ι/ί]ο[υ 

'Ρονφου του Βιάση μ{οτάτου) καθολ(ίκοΰ) 
ίπαρχ^βία^ Αιγύπτου 
και Λιβύης. 
5 rovs άττο τ\ου\ η (βτουί) και α (erovs) 
δβκαπρώτους μηκίτι 
μηδΐΐί eiV δζκαπρωτίί- 
*■ αν ονομαζζτω. χ^ρη γά[ρ 

αυτούς τ^τηρησθαι το\υ 
ΙΟ \οητ\ο\υ ΐνα μη 'η\ηράίσ\αν- 
rey αύθις άναδοθή\σον- 
ται τοις της δ€κα[πρω- 


rejijaiy λ6ίΤ0ΐ;ργ77//[ασ•]ί. οστι[^ 
Sk e/c SevTepov aveSi{SoTo} 
15 [α]υθΐ9 δ€καπρωτ[€ία 

12. I. 8€κα[πρω]τείας : the scribe noticed his original error, but inadvertently crossed 
through the first t instead of the second. 

' On the authority of Magnius Rufus, the most illustrious catholicus of the praefecture 
of Egypt and Libya. 

Decemprimi from the 8th which = the ist year must not be re-nominated by any one 
to the office of decemprimus ; for it is necessary that in future they should be protected 
from being appointed again to the duties of that ofiice, having once discharged them. Any 
person who has been reappointed decemprimus once more . . .' 

I. Έξ avdePTeias: cf. P. Leipzig 33. 7 e^ αυθ. του δικαστηρίου παραγγ\ΐ\\Η5 and Mitteis S 

int., p. 92. 

1-2. Μα•χ[ι/ί]ου 'Ρονφου : a procurator in Spain called P. Magnius Rufus Magonianus is 
known from C. I. L. ii. 2029, and a procurator of Neapolis by Alexandria in 247-8 called 
Magnius Rufinianus, probably a relative, occurs in B. G. U. 8. ii. 26. Our catholicus may 
well have belonged to the same family. The scribe has apparently used the second half of 
the μ to represent a, as in 1. 10 he used the a of iva to represent half the following μ. The 
remains of the letter before the lacuna suggest y rather than e or i, and there is barely room 

for Με[σσί]ο[υ, much leSS Me[TTi]o[v. 

2-4. The addition of Libya to Egypt in the title of the catholicus is new. He is 
generally called 6 8ιασημ. καθολ. (in C. I. G. 4807 of the year 341 λαμπρότατου) with or without 
ΑίγυτΓτου (e.g. 1509. 6); cf. C.i. L. iii. 17 v{ir) p\erfeciissimus) rat{ionalis) Aeg{ypti). 
Libya seems to have been united to Egypt by about a. d. 300. The earliest mentions of 
the union apart from the present passage are B. C. ff. i. S^ 6 κράτιστοε σνρηγοροί τοΰ 'κρωτάτον 

ταμΐίου 'AXe$av8p€ias και Αιγύπτου πάσης κα\ Αίβνης Μαρμαρικψ (late third Or fourth century), and 

C. I. L. iii. 18 v{i'r) p{er/ech'ssimus) mag[ister) privat{ae) Aeg{ypii) et Lib{yae) (fourth 
century). On the subsequent varying relationship of the two provinces see J. Maspero, 
Organisation militaire de Γ Eg. 23-5. 

5. η (^Tovs) κα\ a (eTovs) : the traccs of the first figure suit η better than ta or β, which 
are the only alternatives. A joint reign with a difference of 7 between the two figures 
indicates Maximian and Galerius, i. e. a.d. 292-3 ; cf. int. To refer the 8th year to Probus 
and the ist to his successors Carus, Carinus, and Numerian, i. e. a.d. 282-3, or the 8th 
year to Gallienus and the ist to the usurpers Macrianus and Quietus, i.e. a.d. 260-1 
(cf. 1411. int.), is unsatisfactory, since α (hovs) simply would be expected, and both the 
handwriting and the mention of Libya suggest a later date than the 2nd or 3rd year of 
Carinus or the 2nd of Macrianus and Quietus, which would be the latest years available for 
the date of the papyrus itself. With la {(tovs) κα\ a (eVorr ) the figures would suit Constantine 
and Crispus, i.e. a.d. 316-17 (cf. P. Thead. 6. 5). The ignoring of Licinius, who was 
in possession of Egypt from 313-23 and is mentioned by himself without Constantine in 
P. Thead. 49 (his regnal years are uniformly two behind those of Constantine), could be 
explained by the supposition that 1410 was written after 323, when his memory was 
obliterated. With β (eVov?) και α [ΐτονς) the Emperors ΛνοηΜ certainly be Diocletian and 
Maximian, and the papyrus could easily be assigned to a later year of their reign ; but the 


β of ΑφΙηί in 1. 4 (the only other β that occurs in 1410) is made quite differently. A curious 
date in 1318, the nth year of Galerius Augustus and [.]th of Maximinus Caesar, which 
seems to belong to the period 305-10, the first figure being apparently erroneous, 'affords 
a parallel for the omission of the Jovian Augustus (Constantius or Severus) in Egypt 
under the rule of the Herculian faction, such as we have supposed to be the case here. 

10. μη: the letters are imperfectly preserved, and the scribe seems to have omitted the 
the first half of the μ owing to confusion with the preceding α ; cf. 11. 1-2, n. A negative 
is essential for the sense. 

14-15. avebiiboTo): or άνώί{θη), for which cf. the forms avaberai (for avaboTe) in 

P. land. 9. 34, biberai in P. Brit. Mus. 1349. 17, μ^τά^^ί in P. Tebt. 416. 16. For the 
pluperfect cf. the unnecessary perfect τίτηρησθω. in 1. 9. The repetition of [aj^^t? (cf. 1. 11) 
after e'/c bevrepov is Superfluous, and the reading doubtful, e can be substituted for v, and 
p, e, or t for Θ, but άν€8ί\[θ]η els 8€κατΓρωτ[€ίαν and αι/εδ€(δ6)|[τ]ο els δ. are unsatisfactory. The last 
letter of avebe is slightly raised and the line unusually short ; for other abbreviations cf. 1. 2. 

1411. Proclamation of a Strategus. 

21.6x12-5 cm. A.D. 260. 

This interesting document is a notice issued by the strategus Ptolemaeus 
also called Nemesianus, ordering bankers and all other persons engaged in 
commercial transactions to accept the new Imperial coinage. The papyrus 
belongs to about the middle of the third century, and a strategus of that name is 
known from 1555. i to have been in office at Oxyrhynchus under Macrianus and 
Quietus, who held Egypt during nearly all the 8th and part of the 9th year 
of Gallienus (cf. 1476. int.). To their brief reign accordingly 1411 also is 
in all probability to be referred (cf. 11. ao-i, n.). The order was called forth 
by complaints of the δτ^μοσιοι (1. 3, note) that the proprietors of banks of exchange 
(κολλνβίστικαΐ τράττζζαι ; cf. 1. 4, note) were closing their doors in preference to accept- 
ing the coin ; and the trouble was apparently not new, for the strategus alludes 
in 11. i8-ao to a praefectorial edict or edicts previously issued on the same subject. 
There had been a steady deterioration in the coinage of Egypt, in the size of the 
coins as well as in the quality of the metal, and it is not surprising that attempts 
were made to discriminate, and some disinclination was shown to accept the θάον 
νόμισμα at its face value. It may be noticed in this connexion that in several 
contracts of about this period the money specified is old Ptolemaic silver ; as has 
been suggested by Wessely {Mitth. Pap. Rain., iv. 144 sqq.), the disrepute of the 
later Imperial issues may well have assisted the survival of the ancient coin. In 
the present case the dubious character of the claim of Macrianus and Quietus to 
the Imperial titles (they perished in the attempt to obtain Italy) may well have 
been an additional cause of the reluctance in Egypt to accept their coinage. 

On the verso is a list of utensils (1654) in a different hand. 


Αυρήλιος Πτολψαΐο? δ και Νψ^σιανος 

στρατηγό? Ό^υρυγγ^ίίτου. των δημοσίων ety 

%ν σνναχθίντων και αιτιασαμίνων 

T0V9 των κολλνβιστικών τραπεζών 
5 τραπίζίίτα? ώ? ταύτα? άποκλίΐσάν- 

τ[ω]ν τω μη βούλ^σθαι προσ{σ}ί€σθαι 

το Oeiov των Χφαστων νόμισμα, ά[νά•γ- 

κη γβγίνηται παραγγίλματι π[αραγ~ 

γξληναι πασ€ΐ Toh τάί τραπύζα? Κζκτ[ημί- 
ιο ν[οι]? ταύτα? άνοΐξαι και ηά^η'^ν ^π^νόμι- 

σ[μ]α προσύσθαι πλην μάλισ[τα 

παράτυπου καΐ κιβδήλον και κατακ[ζρμα- 

τίζίΐν, ου μόνοι? Se αύτοΐ? αλλά [τοΐ? 

καθ' οντινα δη τρόπον τα? συνα[λλα- 
15 γά? ποιούμενοι?, Ύ^ινώσκουσι[ν 

ω?, d μη πζίθαρχήσιαν ττ}δ€ τ[η παρ- 
αγγελία, πίΐραθήσονται ων το [μί- 

γζθο? τη? ηγεμονία? και €τι άνω[θ€ν 

«π αύτοΐ? ^το μξ']\γί^θο?'^ν€σθαι πρ[οσ- 
20 ίταξεν. εσημειωσάμην. €τον[? πρώ- 

το[ν] Άθύρ^ΐ^ ογδόη Acjcijat εικά?. 

1-2. ορ of ανρηΚιος, πτολ^μαιοί, νεμΐσυχνοί, and στρατηγοί above ω, which IS CrOSSed 

through, and ο above τω, which is crossed through. 5. 1. αποκλεισαιπ-α?. 6. Second 

σ of προσσΐ€σθαι above the Une. 9. e of πασίί above the line. 10. α of πα^η^ν corr. 

from λ. After |[π]1 beginning of another λ (?). i6. χ of παθαρχησιαν corr. from *c. 

I"?, ai oi τΓ^φαθησονται above e, which is crossed through. 20. First e oi ^σημςιωσαμψ corr. 
21. First ο of oySoj? above ω, which is crossed through. 

' From Aurelius Ptolemaeus also called Nemesianus, strategus of the Oxyrhynchite 
nome. Since the officials have assembled and accused the bankers of the banks of 
exchange of having closed them on account of their unwillingness to accept the divine coin 
of the Emperors, it has become necessary that an injunction should be issued to all the 
owners of the banks to open them, and to accept and exchange all coin except the abso- 
lutely spurious and counterfeit, and not to them only, but to all who engage in business 
transactions of any kind whatever, knowing that if they disobey this injunction they will 
experience the penalties already ordained for them in the past by his highness the praefect. 
Signed by me. The ist year, Hathur 28.' 

2. των δημοσίων : it has been disputed whether the δημόσιοι, who often appear in papyri 
of the third-fourth centuries, are simply Officials' in general (Wilcken, Archiv, iv. 223, 


Preisigke, Fachworier, 49), or φυΚακ^ς and other minor police-officials (Hohlwein, Muse'e 
Beige, ix. 187-94, accepted by Wilcken, Archiv, v. 441 ; cf. Gelzer, Siudien, 58), or the 
πρ^σβυτΐροι as well as the άρχίφοδοι and lower police-officials, but not the comogrammateis 
or tax-collectors (Jouguet, Vie munic. 217). In P. Brit. Mus. 1247. 23 (iii, p. 226) oi 
7rpoKi/x€i'[ot] δτ^μόσιοιίτ} includes the comarchs (cf. 1246, 25 ; iii, p. 225), who were by no 
means limited to police duties, besides other persons whose rank was not stated in 1247. In 

P. Goodsp. 14. 9 παραδώσουσιν els roiis Βημοσίου! της Nea? πόλίω? Preisigke {Berichtlgungen, 

173") is probably wrong in explaining δημοσίους as a general term for the corn-revenue 
officials rather than 8ημ. (θησαυρού!) (so Wilcken and Vitelli); but P. Ryl. 232. 8 and still 
more the present passage, which refers to officials of the metropolis rather than of the 
villages, favour the wide interpretation of δημόσιοι ; cf. 1421. 2 and n., 1557. 3. 

4. κολλυβιστικών τραττίζών : cf. Β. G. U. 741. lo, 1053. 16, and often in 1118-1156, 
P. Hamburg i. 2, C. P. R. i. 13, P. Strassb. 34. 7, P. S. I. 204. 21. The point of the adjective 
is not clear. Preisigke, Girow. 27 sqq., considers that κολλ. τρ. were not different from τρ. 
simply, whether privately owned or leased from the State, and in support of this it may be 
noted that κολλυβ. is omitted in 1. 9 πάσ^ι τοις τά? τράπεζας κ€κτ[?;με]ΐ'[οι]ί ; but the injunction 
there may be intentionally framed so as to include banks other than κολλνβ., if such existed 
apart from δημόσιοι τρ. with which 1411 is not concerned. Other terms applied to banks 
are χρηματιστική (P. Bnt. Mus. 1164; Antinoe) and (πιτηρουμίνη (Mel. Nicole, p. 193. 1-2, 
P. Ryl. 176. 2, n.). The former refers, according to Preisigke, to the notarial capacity of 
banks, which, as appears from P. Strassb. 34, was shared by the κολλ. τρ. ; the latter must 
refer to the supervision exercised by ίπιτηρηταί over banks which were leased from the 
government; cf. 513. 37, 1132. 8-12, nn. The relation of the ίπιτηροϋμ^ναι to the 
ϊδιωτικαί and δημόσιοι τρ. is disputed. If Preisigke's view of the leased banks is correct, and 
the ΉραιΐΚήδου κολλ. τρ. Ύαμύων at Arsinoe (C. p. R. I. 13) was really a leased ' Staatsbank', 
not ιδιωτική, the (πιτηροϋμΐναι τρ. do not form any more suitable contrast to the κολλ. τρ. than 
do the χρηματιστικαί, as he explains that term. The evidence, however, for Preisigke's theory 
of ' Staatsbanken ', which was mainly based on Oxyrhynchus papyri, is weakened by 1639, 
which mentions Ήρακλ€ίδου Ιδιωτική τρ. at the Serapeum of Oxyrhynchus in 22 b. c, and 
it is still uncertain whether the Ιδιωτικοί τρ. were different from the επιτηρούμενοι, and, if 
so, to what extent the banks not described as Ιδιωτ. or εηιτηρ. were leased or under private 
ownership ; cf. Wilcken, Grundz. 160 and 1639. 3-5, n. The phrase oi tos τραπίζας κΐκτη- 
μενοι (1. 9) is new, and comprehensive rather than precise, so that it might apply to any 
banks which were not δημόσιοι, whether leased or privately owned. On the whole we are 
disposed to think that κολλ. τρ., probably like the Ptolemaic άμοιβικα\ τρ., were contrasted 
with banks which did not undertake money-changing, perhaps the χρηματιστικοί, and that, 
if the Ιδιωτικοί τρ. were different from the ΐττιτηροΰμεναι, the κοΧΚ. τρ. belonged to the 
former class. 

20-1. ΐτου[ς πρώ|το[υ]: ίκ\του is also possible, the reigning Emperors in that case being 
Valerian and Gallienus, and the date 258. But since Ptolemaeus also called Nemesianus 
is known from 1555 to have been stralegus under Macrianus and Quietus (a.d. 260-1), 
πρώ\του is much more likely than €κ\του. τΐτάρ\του or τρί\του would imply an unusually 
long period of office for this strategus, three years being apparently the normal duration of 
their tenure (cf. Dittenberger, Inscr. Gr. Or. 699. 35). That the accession of Macrianus 
and Quietus took place before Hathur was already known from P. Strassb. 6. 30 ; cf. 1476. 
2 and P. Flor. 273. verso, where Thoth i (Aug. 29) of their ist year occurs as an isolated 
date, perhaps written later. On the question whether the year was 260 see 1476. int. 



1412. Notice of a Special Meeting of the Senate. 

22-5 X 21-6 cm. About A. D. 284. 

That the meetings of the senate were convened by the piytanis was 
a natural supposition made by Jouguet ( Vie munic. 379), and direct evidence on 
the question is now provided by this notice of a special general meeting summoned 
by the prytanis, who bears a long and interesting list of municipal titles (11. 1-3, n.), 
in consequence of letters received from the dioecetes (cf. 1409. int.) and another 
high official. Urgent business was to be transacted by the appointment of 
λζίτονργοί in connexion with the transport of corn required by troops, stationed 
probably at Babylon (cf e. g. 1261. 7), the requisite boats having been already 
provided by the government (11. 8-10, n.). The precise character of the liturgies 
is not stated ; but from other papyri of the third-fourth century they are known 
to have included the supervision of the transport by water, as well as the care of 
the transport by land from the θησαυροί to the Nile and the embarkation ; 
cf. 1. 14, n. It is noticeable that no hour is fixed for the meeting, which was to 
be held apparently on the same day (cf. II. 14-16, n.), and the place of assembly is 
also described in general terms (1. 11 ets βττι/χ^λ^ τότΐον). Presumably both time 
and place were subject to fixed rules and Oxyrhynchus had a regular βουλ^ντη- 
piov, though it is still unattested ; the evidence for βουλευτήρια at other metropoleis 
is singularly slight ; cf Jouguet, op. cit. 374. With a view of securing a full 
voluntary attendance at the meeting the prytanis, if 1. 16 is rightly restored, had 
posted up publicly the letters which he had received, and the concluding 
exhortation concerning the necessity for dispatch (11. 16-20) also bears witness to 
the difficulty of making senators perform their onerous duties in connexion with 
liturgies. The somewhat dilatory character of their deliberations is well illus- 
trated by 1413 and 1415 ; cf 1413. int. 

The date of the papyrus, which is written in a rather large late third-century 
cursive hand, is not preserved, but the dioecetes Aurelius Proteas (1. 9) is known 
from 1115. 11-12, where 1. Πρ[ω|Γ6α for ^ Κρ\ισ\τία, to have held office in the second 
year of Carinus (a. D. 283-4). The other high official b κράτιστοί Άμμώνωί 
(11. 9-1 ο) is no doubt identical with. 'Αμμώνιος 6 κράτ. ίττ^ίκτψ δημοσίου σίτου in 
1257. 14, and the unnamed emperor whose years are mentioned in 1257 was 
clearly Probus, as already suggested in 1257. int. Aurelius Ammonius δ κράτιστος 
in 1191. I, 15 (6th year of Probus) was perhaps the same person, though the 


context there suggests that he was an epistrategus. The ewet/crrj? δημοσίου σίτον, 
who is not mentioned elsewhere, was apparently created in the third century 
in addition to the existing (ττίτροττοί Nias ττολεω?, as the catholicus (cf. 1410. 
int.) was appointed in addition to the dioecetes. The κράτιστο^ Avp. 'Αμμωνίων in 
1544. 3 (probably early in the reign of Diocletian) may also have been an 
ίττΐίκτηί, and was possibly identical with Aur. Ammonius. The prytanis Aurelius 
Eudaemon also called Helladius (1. 1} was no doubt the same person as the 
βιβλωφύλαξ of that name in Mitteis, Chrest. 196. 4 (a. D. 307), where he is only 
called γνμ{να(ηαρχήσαί) βονλ{€ντηί) ; cf. 1452. 3, η. 

.4u[/)]?7[Ai]oy Ε[ύδ]αίμων δ και Έλλάδΐ09 γ[ξ]ν6μζνο9 ίύθ[η- 
νιάρχ^η9 κοσμητηί €^ηγητη9 ύπομνηματογράφος 
βονλξντης T^[s] λαμπρότατη? ττόλεω? των Αλζξανδρίων, 
γ[ν]μνασ[ι]αρχήσα9 βονλ[€]ντη9 evapyos ττρντανι? της 
5 λαμπρά? κ[αΐ\ λαμπροτάτη[9 Ό]ξνρνγ)(^ιτωι/ πόλζω?. 
τα τή? άνακ[ό\μιδη9 της evdeveia? των [γ^νναωτάτων 

στρα[τ]ιωτων ονδζ βραγ^ΐαν άνάθζσ\ϊ\ν ίπιδζ^ζ^ξται, και δια τοντο, 

και γραμμάτων ήμά? e/y τοΰτο κατεπειγόντων του κρα- 

τίστου διοικητού Αυρηλίου ΤΙ[ρ]ωτ€α Ίτι [5]e /c[a]£ τ[ον\ κρατίστου 

ΙΟ Αμμ\ω\νίου, και των πλοίων ήδη των ύπ\ο\δζγομίνων 
τα είδη ίφορμούντων, ίδεησεν e/y επιμελή τόπον δ[η- 
μοσίαν συναγαγεΐν πρόσκλητον βουλτην, ΐνα προτεθείση\9 
σκέψεως περί μόνου τούτου του κεφαλαί[ο]υ τελεσιν την 
ταχ^ίστην λάβη τα λειτουργήματα. ΐν[α ουν π]άντε9 εκόντες 

15 \ωσι ?] ^ουλευταΐ τοΰτο γνόν[τε]9 εν Trj σήμερο[ν ήτ]ΐ9 εστ[ι]ν ιε, 
[τα γρά]μμ[α]τα δημοσία πρόκειτ[α]ι. καλώς δ[ε\ εγειν ενόμισα [ 
[γινώσκει pjj' ύμας δι\α τ6\ϋδε του προ[γ]ράμματο9 συντετα- 
[χ^εναι ημάς] ύμιν συνε[ιδό]σιν προς τα κελευσθεντα οξέως 
[συνα)(\θήναι, ο[ύ]δενος ά[λλο]υ εν τη παρούση συνόδω μενον- 

2θ \_τος, ψ]τ]φίσασθαί τε τας [τ]ων λ[ιτ]ουργών χ^ειρο[τ]ο[ν]ίας. 
[{έτους) β?]' [ ιε. 

2. ϋπομνημ. Π. ΙΟ. ύ"π[ο]δί;^. Π. 

'From Aurelius Eudaemon also called Helladius, formerly eutheniarch, cosmetes, 
exegetes, hypomnematographus, senator of the most illustrious city of Alexandria, ex- 
gymnasiarch, senator, prytanis in office of the illustrious and most illustrious city of 


The question of the transport of provisions for the most noble soldiers does not admit 
even a brief delay, and for this reason, and since letters from his excellency the dioecetes 
Aurelius Proteas, as well as from his excellency Ammonius, are urging us on this matter, 
and the boats to receive the supplies are already at anchor, it became necessary to summon 
a special general meeting of the senate at a suitable place, in order that a discussion may 
be held on this single subject, and the obligations performed as quickly as possible. 
Accordingly in order that every one, being informed of this, may willingly act as senator (?) 
to-day, which is the 15th, the letters are publicly exhibited. I thought it right that you 
should know by this proclamation that I have instructed you, being now in possession of 
the facts, to assemble swiftly in view of the orders, since no other subject remains for the 
present meeting, and to vote upon the elections of those who are to serve. 

The 2nd (?) year, (month) 15.' 

1-3. Cf. the identical titles of an Alexandrian magistrate in a Pachnemounis inscr. 
(Hogarth, y! ΖΓ. aS". 1904, p. 10); in B. G. U. 1074. 10 (from Oxyrhynchus) the same four 
titles as those in 11. 1-2 occur (also referring to Alexandria), but ^υθηνιάρχη: is placed 
between ίξηγητης and ίπομνηματογράφος. Jouguet {Vie munic. 292 sqq.), in endeavouring to 
reconcile those two instances with the rules laid down by Preisigke, Beamtenwesen, 3 1 sqq. 
for the order of municipal titles in papyri and inscriptions, naturally became involved in 
great difficulties, and eventually concluded that exegetae, cosmetae, and eutheniarchs were 
all on much the same level, so that, if the chronological order in which these offices were 
held was followed, there was a good deal of variation. With regard to the υπομνηματογράφο: 
he did not accept Preisigke's proposal to relegate him to the lowest grade, but thought that 
he was inferior to the gymnasiarch. Our view of Preisigke's rules is somewhat different. 
The order in point of rank which he proposed was (i) gymnasiarch, (2) exegetes, 
(3) cosmetes, (4) chief-priest, (5) agoranomus, (6) eutheniarch, (7) hypomnematographus, 
and he considered that papyri differ from inscriptions in usually having an ascending instead 
of a descending order where several offices are mentioned together. The attempt to 
differentiate the practice of papyri from that of inscriptions, which results in interpreting 
the Pachnemounis list as a descending one (so Jouguet, op. cit. 298), although another 
Pachnemounis inscription (Hogarth, /. c. p. 5) has a list which is clearly ascending, seems 
to us fallacious. If inscriptions provide somewhat more exceptions than papyri to the 
general rule that titles are mentioned together in an ascending scale, that is more likely 
to be due to local variations of style than to the nature of the writing-material, and especially 
in the light of 1412 we prefer to interpret both the Pachnemounis inscriptions in accordance 
with the usual practice in papyri. This results in our regarding the hypomnematographus as 
superior to the gymnasiarch, which removes the difficulty (cf Jouguet, op. cit. 17 1-3) created 
by the great importance of the hypomnematographus at Alexandria (cf p. 30), as con- 
trasted with his supposed low rank in the nome-capitals, and is quite in accordance Avith the 
evidence of second-century papyri concerning the cursus honorum at Alexandria ; cf. 
P. Tebt. 286. 14-15, where Julius Theon is stated to have been archidicastes before 
becoming hypomnematographus, Flor. 68. 5 -^(νόμ. -γυμν. καΙ ΰπομκ, and Β. G. U. 832. 15 and 

888. 5, where [γ€νόμ.) νπομν. follows (i. e. ranks higher than) των γβγνμνασιαρχηκότων and γίνομ. 

άρχώίκαστψ respectively. The last three instances, which on Preisigke's view of the rank 
of the νπομν. were exceptions to his rule about the ascending order of municipal titles in 
papyri, thus on our view serve to illustrate it. With regard to the hypomnematographus 
fresh evidence is afforded by B. G. U. 1073. 4, where the titles γινομένου κοσμψον ϊξηγητοΰ 
νπομνηματογράίφον) are in the usual ascending order, and 1434. 10 and 1461. 2-3, in both 
of which cases he rankg higher than the apxiepeCs, and the two instances which have been 
thought to indicate his low rank in the hierarchy do not justify that inference. In B. G. U. 1 2 1 . 


I (a.D. 194), where Preisigke doubtfully proposes yevo{jiivov) \υπομνηματο-γρ{άφον^ άγορα{νομη• 

σαντος), the restoration is open to the objection that the νπομν. is absent from the list of 
municipal officials in P. Amh. 124, which is approximately contemporary vnih B. G. U. 121, 
and the creation of local ίπομν. was, as Jouguet points out, most likely connected with the 
establishment of senates in 202, so that Λve prefer to restore [ΐυθηνιαρχ(τ)σαντο5)]. In 55. 1-2 

(a.D. 283) Avp. ΆποΧΚωνίω τω και Λιοννσίω yev, νπομν. ι<\αι\ ως χρημάτιζα γνμνασιαρχησαντι 
βονλίντ^ (νάρχψ πρντάνΐΐ της Χαμ. και λα/χ. Ό^. πόλ. 8ύποντι κα\ τα πολιτικά Preisigke, followed 

by Jouguet, ignores και ως χρηματίζω, which in reality is a periphrasis for βονλίυτοΰ της λα/χ. 

πόλ, των Άλ€ξαΐ'8ρίων, aS is dear from 59. 2-3 (a.D. 292) where Avp. 'Απόλλωΐ'ο[5] τοΰ και 
Διονυσίου yev. νπομν. βονλΐυτοΰ της λα/χ. πόλ. των Άλεξ. γυμν(^ασιαρχησαντος^ πρντ(αν€νσαντος^ 

βουλευτού e'vap. πρντ. must be the Same person (cf. 1463. 27, n.). Hence yev. νπομν. 
in 55 refers to Alexandria, not to Oxyrhynchus, and stands in no close relation to 
γνμνασιαρχησαντι. Corroborative evidence for the high rank of the hypomnematographus is 
afforded by 59. 6, 1191. ii, and 1257. 4, Λvhere a strategus is called yevop. ίπομν., 59. 7, 
where a former νπομν. acts as deputy for the strategus, a function performed elsewhere by 
ex-gymnasiarchs or ex-exegetae (cf. Preisigke, op. cit. 66-7), P. Thead. 18. i, where 
a νπομν. is apparently a deputy-strategus, and 1645. 2-3, where two νπομν. are responsible 
for the appointment of a guardian, a task usually undertaken by exegetae or officials of 
the central government (cf. P. Tebt. 397 and 1466. int.). 

The normal order of the hierarchy of municipal officials in the nome-capitals was in 
our opinion as follows: (i) hypomnematographus, (2) gymnasiarch, (3) exegetes, (4) cos- 
metes, (5) chief-priest, (6) eutheniarch, (7) agoranomus. Concerning the eutheniarch (cf. 
1454. int.) it is still doubtful whether by himself he should be ranked above or below the 
cosmetes or chief-priest ; his office was often combined with the tenure of another, e. g. that 
of gymnasiarch in 1417-18, that of exegetes apparently in P. Tebt. 397. 15, that of chief- 
priest in P. Amh. 124. 22. There is also some fluctuation in the relative position of the 
cosmetes and chief-priest, the former taking precedence in P. Amh. 124 (Hermopolis) and 
Flor. 21. I (Arsinoe), the latter in 1025. 4-5 ; in C. P. R. 20. i. 2 (Hermopolis) the titles 
γνμνασιαρχησαντι και άpχιepaτevσavτι are arranged exceptionally in a descending scale, as in 
Inscr. 66 of De Ricci, Archiv, ii. 444. In P. Ryl. 149. 1-4 (a. d. 39-40) an unusual 
combination of the offices of chief-priest, exegetes, and strategus occurs. In P. Brit. Mus. 
1 177. ii (iii. 182) the cosmetes seems to rank above the exegetes. Where the άγωνοθίτης, 
who is rarely mentioned, should be placed is not clear. In Dittenberger, Inscr. Gr. Or. 
713, his office is combined with that of gymnasiarch, and seems to rank below it ; P. Ryl. 
117. 18 and 1416. 5 are indecisive. 

At Alexandria the conditions were somewhat different. Plaumann {Archiv, vi. 92*), 
after examining the evidence, could come to no definite conclusion ; but some of the 
difficulties which troubled him disappear with the modification of Preisigke's arrangement 
caused by placing the hypomnematographus at the top, and in P. Tebt. 317. 2 y[f]iO/ieVa) 
probably refers only to κοσμητ^, and lepel eξηyητr| are the offices actually held, so that this 
instance indicates the customary relation of cosmetes and exegetes, concerning which 
Plaumann expressed doubts. On the whole, in spite of the inconsistency of the evidence 
regarding the eutheniarch already noted, the rank of the seven officials mentioned above 
seems to apply to Alexandria as well as to the nome-capitals, except perhaps in the case 
of the chief-priest. The hypomnematographus (1102. 4), archidicastes (e. g. 1471. 2), and 
exegetes (P. Tebt. 317. 2) are called lepeh, as sometimes the exegetae in thenomes (Jouguet, 
op. cit. 338^). Concerning the relationship of the archidicastes to the hypomnemato- 
graphus the evidence is conflicting, since in B. G. U. 832. 15 an archidicastes (cf Koschaker, 

/. C.) is called των γeγvμv. [y^evoμevω νπομ\νημαΓογράφω, whereas in P. Tebt. 286. I4— 15 

and B. G. U. 888. 5 (cf. p. 28) these offices were held in the reverse order. Since the post 



of h}'pomnematographus at Alexandria was one of great importance and that official, who 
dated from Ptolemaic times, was chief of the praefect's chancery (that more than one 
νπομν. existed at Alexandria, as has been sometimes supposed, seems to us unlikely), we 
prefer to place him above the archidicastes, whose deputy is now known from 1472. 12 
to have been in one case an exegetes-elect, not a hypomnematographus. The στρατηγός της 
πόλβωί was inferior to the archidicastes (cf. Koschaker, /. c), and if he was identical with the 
vvKTepivbs στρατ. of Strabo, he may well have ranked low down in the list; for the νυκτοστράτηγοι 
of the nomes (Wilcken, op. cit. 414) do not seem to have ranked as high as ordinary στρατηγοί, 
and from 1560. lo-i i the office of στρατ. της πόλ. appears to have been lower than that of eVl 
της €υθη]νίας (i. e. eutheniarch), unless the two were held simultaneously. We are accordingly 
more disposed than Jouguet {op. cit. 193-4) to regard the rank of the στρατ. of Alexandria as 
quite different from that of the strategi in the nomes, who ranked above gymnasiarchs. 1560 
also mentions πρΐσβΐντης in the list of titles in 1. 11, placing it between em της ίύθη]νίας and 
άρχώικαστής. Το judge by 1242. 3-1 1, where the πρίσβεις are chiefly gymnasiarchs, the special 
office of πρ^σβίντης is likely to have ranked very high, so that the order of the Alexandrian 

hierarchy which we propose is the following: (l) ίπομνηματογράφος, (2) άρχώικαστής, (3) 
πρεσβευτής, (4) γυμνασίαρχος, (5) ^k^y^h^t (6) κοσμητης, (γ) άρχιερβύς Σεβαστών, (8) ευθηνίαρχος, 
(ρ) αγορανόμος, (ΐο) στρατηγός (^.\. 

8-ΙΟ. Cf. int. The -nkola in question were no doubt δημόσια] cf. P. Cairo Preisigke 34 

quoted in 1. 14, n., Amh. 138. 5 πλοίου ταμιακού, Brit. MUS. 256 (a). I σκάφης δημοσίας. 

Private boats were also frequently employed ; cf. πλοίου Ibiov in 1554. 6, P. Flor. 75. 8, 
Brit. Mus. 948. 1-2 (iii, p. 220), and Goodsp. 14. 3, and πλοΐον Ήραΐσκου ναυτικού in 
1544. 7-8. 

1 1 . ε'πιμελη τόπον : cf. int. 

1 2. πρόσκλητος βουλή, an expression adopted from Attic, is illustrated by the proceedings 
recorded in 1414, which apparently also refers to a special meeting (1. 29). How often 
the ordinary meetings of Egyptian senates were held is not known ; very short notice was 
given in the present instance ; cf. 11. 14-16, n. The word used in 1412 for ' meeting' is 
not συνέδρων (C. P. Herm. 7. ii. 6) but σύνοδος (1. 19). For partial meetings of the senate 
cf. 1414. 21, n. 

14. λειτουργήματα : the duties of Senators in connexion with the collection of corn and 
the transport from the granaries to the boats are illustrated by P. Brit. Mus. 948 (iii, p. 220), 
Flor. 75, W. Chresi. 434, and Stud. Pal. i. 34, all acknowledgements hy κυβερνψαι to senators 
concerning the receipt of corn for dispatch by river. That the νανκληρία too tended to 
become a liturgy was conjectured by Rostowzew, Arch'v, iii. 223 (cf. P. Giessen 11, 11, n.), 
and the evidence desiderated by Wilcken, Grundz. 379, was provided by 1261, a declaration 
concerning the transport of produce for troops at Babylon, made by a senator acting as an 

επιμελητής in terms which correspond to the declarations of a νανκληρος χειρισμού Ne'as πόλεως 
in 1259, and of a κυβερνήτης in 1260; cf. P. Cairo Preisigke 34. 3-4 Αυρήλιος Άμμωνάς . . . 
αρζ(ας) τ\ης Έρμου πόλεως ναυ^κληρος πλοίου δημοσίου της Μαξιμιανοϋ πόλίεως, where βουλευτής 

may well be the word lost before ναύ]κληρος. 

1 4-1 6. The reconstruction of this sentence is not quite certain. After λειτουργήματα 
a blank space was, we think, left, as after πρόκειτ[α]ι in 1. 1 6. The supposed ς of π]αντες is 
not very satisfactory, but the next word seems to be εκόντες, not a participle, βουλευταί 
suits the vestiges very well, and there is no room for a verb except at the beginning of 1. 15. 
The emphatic date refers to what precedes rather than to what follows ; in view of the 
pressing nature of the business, and the prevailing custom of giving invitations at very short 
notice {avpiov is usual, e. g. in 1487 ; σήμερον occurs in 1485-6), the fact that the meeting 
was summoned for the very day on which this notice was issued (whether sent to individual 
senators or publicly exposed) is not very surprising. Another doubtful point is the 


restoration of the beginning of 1. 16, where we suppose that [τά ■γρα\μμ[α\τα refers back to 
■γραμμάτων in 1. 8. The final α is probable in any case, but the traces of the preceding letters 
are very slight. ] τα[ν\τα and πρό]7ρα[/χ]μα are unsatisfactory. 

16-17. ίνόμισα [yiva)aKii\v or (νομίσα[μ€ν €lSev]ai can be read, or the infinitive may be 

e. g. Γνου^ετβΐΐΐ'. - 

20. Cf. the debate on liturgies in 1415. 4-31, and 1413. int. 

21. [erow β] : cf. int. It is not certain that the stroke belongs to a numeral, and some 
part of the name of the month would be expected to be visible. Perhaps no year was 
given and the stroke refers to the day of the month, br the date was written after a con- 
siderable gap and the stroke is accidental. The margin at the bottom is not preserved. 

1413. Report of Proceedings of the Senate. 

22-3 X 24-8 cm. A. D. 270-5. 

The procedure of the local senates in Egypt is very imperfectly known ; for 
though several fragments of reports of their debates are extant in 1103 (and per- 
haps 1305 ; cf. 41, a report of a meeting of the δ^μο? at Oxyrhynchus), B. G. U. 925 
(Heracleopolis), C. P. Herm. 7. i (Hermopolis), and De Ricci, C. R. Acad. Inscr. 
1895. 160, Wilcken, Archiv, iv. 115 sqq. (both Antinoopolis), owing to the great 
length of lines which is customary in this class of documents the restoration of 
lacunae is difficult ; cf. Jouguet, Vie munic. 374 sqq., where an attempt is made 
to reconstruct the Hermopolite text. 1413-15, which are reports, divided into 
sections, of discussions in the senate of Oxyrhynchus, with 1416, a list of resolu- 
tions, though also imperfect, are much more extensive, and serve to give a very 
fair general idea of the proceedings. 

The subjects of discussion illustrated by these four papyri concern either 
administration or finance. Under the former head come the appointment of 
exegetae and ίττιτηρψαί (1413. 4-i8, and perhaps 1-3), of a δημόσως τραττζζίτηζ 
(1415. 13-31), of a new prytanis (1414. 24—7), of an άγωνοθ^τη^ (1416. 5), of 
a temporary cosmetes (?) (1416. 18), the apportionment of the duties of gymnasi- 
archs on particular days (1413. 19-24, 1416. 6-9 ; cf. 1417-18), nominations for 
special liturgies such as the transport of military and other supplies (1414. 17-23, 
1415. 4-12)^ arrangements for the local festival (1416. 2 and 11-17), or other 
duties (1416. 19-26). Financial questions were debated in 1413. 25-33, concern- 
ing the completion of a gold crown in honour of Aurelian (cf 1416. 29, where 
some honour to be bestowed on an Emperor and praefect is mentioned), 1413. 
34-7, concerning a payment for some public object for which the cosmetae seem 
to have been responsible, 1414. 1-3, apparently concerning clothes payable to the 
State, 1414. 4-1 1, concerning the supply and price of yarn for linen required by 
a temple, and 1414. 12-16, dealing with an application from the city linen- 
weavers for an increase of their remuneration ; cf. also 1416. 3-4, referring to 


a loan from the municipal funds. An application from the local priests is 
alluded to in 1416. lo (cf. 1414. 4, n.), but the nature of the question discussed is 
uncertain, as in 1414. 28-30, 1415. 1-3 and 32-42, 1416. i and 37-8. 

The debate on each topic was generally opened by the reading of a com- 
munication from the strategus or some other external official (e. g. 1414. 17, 19), 
or by an explanatory speech from the prytanis (for an exception cf. 1413. 19, n.), 
who was no doubt responsible for the drawing up of 1416 and often took a lead- 
ing part in the discussion (1413. i, n.). The senators' remarks, as reported, 
are frequently collective, as in B. G. U. 925, frequently also acclamations like 
those in 41 ; but sometimes one section speaks, e. g. the exegetae in 1413. 5, the 
members of the third tribe in 1413. 12-13 (cf. 1415. 19), and in 1413 and 1415, 
though not in 1414, the names of individual senators are mentioned, besides the 
avvhiKO'i. That official of the senate is prominent in 1413-14, especially in con- 
nexion with bringing matters to a decision or collecting information to be used 
at a later sitting, and he seems to have been a kind of legal adviser, as well 
as an advocate of the senate in courts of law; cf. 1413. 17, n. There are 
frequent references to communications to or from officials of the central govern- 
ment, an eTTLTpoTTOs in 1416. a8, an cTreiKTrj? χρνσου στ€φάνον καΐ νίκηζ in 1413. 25, 
the epistrategus in 1413. 30, 1415. 8-9, the strategus in 1414. 4, 17, 19, 1415. 4, 13, 
and magistrates whose titles are uncertain in 1415. 13, 17, 1416. 19 ; but the 
officials of the central government do not take part in the debates, and Wilcken 
is no doubt right in now {Chrest. 39. int.) referring the avvibpiov in C. P. Herm. 
52. ii. 9 to a trial, not, as formerly, to a meeting of the senate (cf. 1412. 12, n.). 
A tendency to postpone business until the next meeting is distinctly marked : 
cf. 1413. 11-12, 1414. 16, 18, 1416. lo, and 1412. int. Altogether 1413-16 provide 
much new information, the details of which are discussed in the commentary. 

1413, written in a small cursive hand, consists of the ends of lines of a very 
broad column from the official records {υπομνηματισμοί ; cf. C. P. Herm. 7. ii. 7 
Tols ντ!ομνημ{ατισΘάσι) ίττι tj/s κρατ. βουλ.) of five debates in the reign of Aurelian 
(11. 4, 25-6) on a day early in Thoth (see below). 1414, which is approximately 
contemporary with 1413 since it mentions the same orvvbiKos, has on the verso a docu- 
ment written in the fifth year of an Emperor (1496. 25), and whether the reigning 
monarch there was Aurelian or Probus (cf.l497. 2-3) is uncertain. 1413-14 therefore 
may belong to the latter part of Aurelian's reign ; but the mention of the χρνσοΰί 
στ4φανος καΐ νίκη in 1413. 25 suggests a year soon after Aurelian had got rid of 
either Vaballathus, who was associated with him in his first and second years, or 
Firmus, who revolted in his third or fourth year. The second, third, and fourth 
sections are fairly intelligible, though from 11. 14 and 17 it appears that more 
than 80 letters are lost at the beginnings of lines normally (10 more in 11. 16-17). 


The first three lines give the conclusion of a discussion about the filling up of 
an official post, probably that of exegetes, which is also the subject of the follow- 
ing section. Lines 1-2 seem to belong to a speech of the prytanis, acting 
as ■γν(Λμηαστ]-γτί]τΎΐ^ (1. I, n.), proposing to assign half the post to some one. This 
is followed by some remarks from an exegetes, of which the senate expressed 
its approval by a favourite exclamation at this period, ωκεανέ (1. 3, η.). 

In 11. 4-18 the topic is the appointment of municipal magistrates, whose 
numbers tended at this period to diminish owing to the lack of willing candidates 
(cf. 1252. verso and 1642), and in particular, though perhaps not exclusively 
(cf. 1. 5, n.), the nomination of exegetae and their €τητηρηταί, thus providing 
an interesting parallel to P. Ryl. 77, which gives an account of the appointment 
of a cosmetes in the period before the creation of senates. On the general 
character of exegetae see Jouguet, op. cit. 315-18. Oxyrhynchus had at this 
period many gymnasiarchs (1413. 19-34, 1416. 6-9) and sometimes many 
eutheniarchs, who in 199 numbered \i (908. int.), but how many exegetae there 
were in the κοινόν of that ray^a (891. 14) is unknown. The prytanis opened the 
debate with a reference to honouring the Emperor by the nomination of senators 
to magistracies, in order that their payments for the crowns of office (στεττηκά, 
1. 4, η.) should be available for the State, and, in answer perhaps to a question 
who should make the first nominations, appealed to the exegetae. These 
officials suggested that Serenus (?) should be made exegetes. After a remark by 
the prytanis, which is lost, perhaps a request for more nominations, Sabinus, an 
ex-prytanis, called attention to the fact that a certain Plution had not yet paid 
his στξτττίκόν for becoming exegetes ; about this the prytanis apparently 
appealed to the γραμματζυ$ ττολιτίκων (1. 7, η.) for confirmation, and received 
an affirmative answer. The subject of Plution's debt was continued by one of the 
exegetae, perhaps with a warning that the precedent was not to be followed 
in the case of Serenus, to which the senators replied that the latter was 
nominated on the security of his property (1. 8, n.). The syndic then apparently 
closed the discussion about Serenus with a remark of which the point is obscure, 
but which perhaps implied that Serenus was ineligible owing to his being 
gymnasiarch. In any case the prytanis appealed to the exegetae for further 
nominations, and they put forward the name of Ion. A proposal was next made 
by a chief-priest that Ion should have an ίττίτηρητηί attached to him (1. 10, n.), the 
suggestion being accepted by the prytanis, who nominated Phileas and Plotinus 
for this post, their names meeting with the approval of the senate. The definitive 
appointment was, however, not made, the question being adjourned till the next 
meeting, and the prytanis appealed to the occupants of other magistracies 
to make nominations. The answer came from the members of the third tribe, 




which was at the moment responsible for liturgies (1. 12, n.), but the name of the 
person put forward (as exegetes ?) is lost. As in the former case, an (τητηρητηζ was 
nominated by the prytanis, and his name greeted with acclamations by the 
senate. After another proposal, which is lost, by the members of the third tribe, 
the syndic again intervened, explaining that he had seized the property 
of some individual (probably the person who had just been mentioned by 
the third tribe), and would report later on its value. A criticism of the two 
names presented by the third tribe was then made by a new speaker (possibly 
a hypomnematographus ; 1. 15, n.), who stated that the nominations had been 
made by only two persons, and this led to the selection by the senators collectively 
of several persons, chosen apparently from the whole body of the tribe or senate. 
The debate concluded with some remarks by the syndic concerning the first year 
of office (1. 17, n.), apparently making some concession to the newly nominated 
persons in order to induce them to serve. 

In 11. 19-24 the topic was the days on which individual gymnasiarchs were 
responsible for the provision of oil for gymnasial purposes, which was one of 
their chief duties. The opening speaker seems to have been not, as usual, the 
prytanis, but a gymnasiarch called Ptolemaeus, who stated that he had recently 
provided oil on two days (probably Thoth i and 3) in place of two of his 
colleagues, and apparently asked to be relieved from duty on the days fixed for 
himself. The senators accepted his proposal with acclamations, and appointed 
other persons to serve on Thoth 11 and 12, which must have been subsequent to 
the date of the meeting. An objection to the alteration of the dates was then 
raised by a gymnasiarch whose name is lost, but was apparently overruled by the 
senate, which proceeded to appoint persons for the 13th and following days. 
Another objection was then raised (1. 23) by a gymnasiarch called Serenus 
(perhaps identical with the preceding objector), that the change might affect him 
injuriously, and, if the first part of 1. 24 belongs to the same speaker, he seems to 
have claimed to have acted, like Ptolemaeus, in place of some one else, his remarks 
being greeted with applause from the senate. 

A fresh section begins in 1. 25, the prytanis reporting the receipt of a com- 
munication from the eTreiKTTjs χρυσού στβφάνου καΐ νίκηί of Aurelian (of which the 
purport was similar to that of the letter of the (ΐτζίκτηζ δημοσίου σίτου in 1412. 9), 
concerning the completion of a golden crown due from the city (cf. 1441. int.). In 
order to expedite matters the prytanis proposed that 12 talents more should 
be paid to the artificers, and a discussion arose on the questions how and when 
the amount was to be collected. With regard to the first point it was decided to 
keep the same collectors as previously ; with regard to the second the remarks of 
a certain Euporus, who apparently wished to expedite the completion of the 


crown in view of the approaching visit of the epistrategus, met with the approval 
of the senate. The syndic concluded the discussion, promising to report any 
payments made to the artificers in advance. The last section (11. 34-7) refers to 
some duty imposed upon the cosmetae, apparently involving a payment for 
a public work of some kind. 

1 \ • V '^°^^ -ψήφισμα αντω ίπΐ τούτοις γινύσθω e/y ήμιχώριον τ[ 35 

letters ]υδ[. . . . 

2 ]ay Se εισηγούμαι. Χεπτίμιος ^epfjvos 6 και Ισχυρίων ^^ηγητης 

€Ϊ[π{€ν)• ']'.••[•]' ρ[ 15 letters ]..[•]••[•.•] και ω[. . . . 

3 €7Γί tov]tois τοΓ? opois. οι βονλβνται Ηπ{ον)• ώκ€αν€, ί^ηγητά. 

4 [ό πρντανΐ9 €in{ep)• το μ€γα]λΐον τον κυρίου ημών Αύρηλιανοΰ ^φαστοϋ• 

ονομάσατε ούν και βουλευτας 'ίνα τα στβπτικά αύτων €ίσ[ 

5 οι βουλζυταΐ ξϊπον ]ι. 6 πρύτανις €ΐπ{€ν)• προτρεψασθε οι €ξη- 

γηταί Tivas. οι ίξηγηται ύπ{ον)' προτραπήτω [^]6/d^i/o? e/y 
€^ηγητ€ίαν. ό πρύτανίζ d[ir(€v)' 

6 ^α]β€Ϊνο^ και ώ? )(ρημα{τίζ£ΐ) ττρυτανεύσα^ €in{€v)• δ Πλουτίων 

στΐπτικον €τι οφείλει ης άνεδίξατο άττο τιμών ίξηγητεία^. 
δ 7Γρντ[ανΐ9 

7 [€ΐπ(€ν)' ]...[..]. [γ]ραμματ€νς πολ€ΐτικών un{iv)' ναι. Ιουλιανοί 

δ και Διοσκουρίδης ^ivyV^V^ ύτι{εν)' Πλουτίων οψζίΧζΐ στίτττι- 
[κ6ν,] οΰκουν [ 

8 οι βουλ€υτ]αι Ηπ(ον)' δ ονομασθείς βττί τω ίδίω πόρω ώνομάσθη. 

^ζπτίμιος Διογίνης δ και Άγαθος Δαίμων "γενόμενος ίιττομνηματο- 
γρ[ά]φος και 

9 ί*^^ ΧΡ'ΠΙ^^{τ^ζ^'-) σννδικος €Ϊπ{€ν)' ^ερηνό ?]? εστίν γυμνασίαρχος. 

δ πρύτανις εΧπ{εν)• ονομάσατε άλλους, ίνα καν το ε^ηγητικον 
συσταθη. οι εξηγηται εΐπ(ον)• προτραίΓητω "Ιων νιος 
ΙΟ εις την εξηγητεί]αν τον πάππου, ^εκοϋνδος Χεκοννδον άρχιερεύς 

ειπ[εν)' επιτηρείσθω ούν δ ονομασθείς, δ πρντανις εΐπ(εν)• αΐ- 
ρονμαι εις επιτη[- 

11 [ρησιν Φιλεαν καΐ] Πλουτεινον Ίνα την πίστιν άποπληρωσωσιν τη 

βουλή. οι βουλευτά! είπ{ον)' άγνε πιστέ Φιλία, άγνε πιστέ 
ΤΙλο[υ]τεΐνε. τούτων [ 

12 ύπερτεθεντων εις την] έξης βουλήν, δ πρύτανις ειπ(εν)• και αϊ άλλαι 

D 2 


apval ονομασάτωσαν. ονομάσατε 8\ και βουλίντάς. οι άττδ 
τή9 τρίτης φνλής €Ϊπ{ον)• 

13 ό πρντανις €in{€v)' έπι]τηρήσ€ΐ Νβΐλος βουλευτής, οι βονλ€νται 

€ΐπ{ον)' άγν€ πιστβ NeiXe, άζΐ καλώς NeiXo?, βοήθ^ιαν αύτω. 
οι άπο τή[9 τ]ρίτης φνλ^[9 

14 [ίΪ7Γ(ον)' Χ^πτίμιος Διογίνης 6 και 'Αγαθός Δαίμων γινόμενος νττο- 

μνηματογράψος και ώς χ^ρημα{τίζ€ΐ) σύνδικος €ΐπ(€ν)' ] κατ€ί- 

Χηφα πόρον, τουτέστιν γίνήματα άποκ€ίμ€να kv τω Μονίμου, 
και όταν γνωσθτ} ή ποσοτης, 7Γαρατ€[θ]ήσ€ται νμΐ[ν. 

15 ]φος και ως γ^ρημα{τίζζΐ) ύπ(€ν)' όσοι νυν ώνομάσθησαν itnh Φίλίου 

και Ήρακλιδίωνος ώνομάσθησαν. οι βουλ€υτ[α]ι €iir{ov)' άπο 
δλης [ 

1 6 [της φυλής ? ayve πισ]τ€ Ώριων γ^ουχ^ών kv Ν€σμξίμι, άγνβ πιστί 

Λ^ωνίδη γ€ουχών kv Δωσιθίου, ayv\ πιστί Βη[σ]αρίων yeoy[- 

17 [χ®'' ^^ Χ^τΓτίμιος Διογένης 6 και 'Αγαθός Δαίμων γ€ν6μ€νος ύπο- 

μνηματογράφος και ως χ]ρημα[τίζ€ΐ) σύνδικος €i7r(€v)' 'ίνα προ- 
τραπώσιν και άρχωσιν οι ονομαζόμενοι, το πρωτ€νίαυτον της 
λιτού ργησία[ς 

'8 ] ^ ^ 

19 [Πτολεμαίος γυμνασίαρχος ? €Ϊπ{€ν)• ej/y ττ][ν τρια]κάδα του Μεσορή 

γ^ρεισαι. τη μ\ν τριακάδι ουκ ίγ^ρεισεν, άλλα τη έξης νεομηνία 

δι βμοΰ €[χρ€ΐσ€]ν, παραδεγ^.- 
2ο , β ]y ό του Φιλοσόφου, γ kπ€στάτ€l Θεόδωρος υιός Πτολεμαίου 

και ουκ εγ^ρεισεν, αλλ* εγώ kK προ)(^ρείας [ε)(^ρεισ]α. kav ουν [ 

21 οΐ βουλευτά! εΊπ(ον)•] ωκεανέ Πτολεμαίε, ώκεανε γυμνασίαρχε, ια 

Διονύσιος δ και Αρτεμίδωρος, ιβ Αριστίων δ και *Αν^ρόνεϊ\κος 

22 [του. γυμνασίαρχος είπ(εν)' ] η εναλλαγή των ημερών, οι 

βουλευτά! είπ{ρν)' κύρια τα -\^ηφίσματα. ιγ Γενικός κα! οι 
μέλλοντες γυμ[νασιαργεΐν, 

23 ] Χερήνος Αμμωνίου γυμνασίαρχ^ος εΊπ{εν)' μη βλαπτετω μου* το 

ψήφισμα ή kvaλλaγή τής η\β]^[ρας ΐ8 letters 

24 «?] κα! μη εχρεισεν. κη Χεουήρος και Έττίμαχ^ος οι του Φιλο- 

σόφου, οι βουλευτά! ειπ{ρν)• θ)κε[ανε Χερήνε ?, ώκεανε γυμνασί- 
αρχε ?, 


25 \o πρντανΐ9 ύπ{ζν)' ] 6 ίττβίκτης χρυσοΰ στεφάνου καΐ ν^ίκη? τον κυρίου 

ημών Ανρηλιανοϋ ^€β[αστ]οΰ Ίο[νλι 24 letters 

26 τον κυρίου ημών Ανρηλια]νοϋ Σεβαστού καΐ οτι και ό στβφανος 

αντον ήδη kyiviTO, καΐ el μη οι τΐχνίΐταί [....]..[ 2y letters 

27 τα σκ]€νη ταντα κατ ^ν-^ην γξίνζται. άλλα δώδίκα τάλαντα δοθήτω 

τοΪ9 τ€χί/€ίτα[φ. [ 23 letters 

28 ]. οι βονλξνταΐ Ηπ{ρν)' οΐ αντοϊ άπαιτ^ίτωσαν. Θ ίων 6 και Ώ, ρίγανης 

Χ[αφήμον ?]os και ώ? χρ[νΗ•(^(^^ζ^ή €in{ev)• 18 letters 

29 δνν]ασθ€ avTovs άπαιτησαι. οι βονλίνταΐ ξΐπ(ον)• άγνοι πιστοί άπ- 

αιτηταί. Ενπορ[ος] δ και Άγα[θοί Δαίμων και ώ? χρημα(τίζ€Ϊ) ? 
€ΐπ{€ν)• . . . 
3© ]ναι, €αν [μ]η τίλ€ΐωθί} το βργον. ό πρύτανις ein^ev)' καΐ 6 κρά- 

τιστ\ο^\ ^πιστράτηγο? δ[ 27 letters 

31 Εύπορος ό και ^Αγαθός Δαίμων ? /c]ai ώ? χ^ρημα{τίζ€ΐ) €ΐπ{βν)' όταν 

ονν ζύθξως ίλθτ), Ιπζΐγθήσ€ται τ\ο ΐ\ρ•γον. οι βουλ€[υται €]ί[π(οι/)• 
23 letters 

32 ]τ€ Εϋπορζ, ΐύδιοίκητξ Ενπορ€. ^ζπτίμιος Διογένης δ και Αγαθός 

Δαίμων γ€ν6μ[Ενο9 νπομνηματογράφος 

33 [κοίί ώ? ΧΡνΐ^^{'''^ζ^ή σύνδικος Ηπ(€ν)' e'l τι to1]is τ€\ν€ίταις kv πίστί 

αναλίσκεται, παρατίθήσεται νμΐν, 

34 [ό πρντανις €ΐπ{€ν)' ]πον ην και ίπεστάλη τ6τ€ το κοινον των κοσμητ\ων 

δια Κ]ορνηλιανον καΐ Πανσα.ΐ'[ίον 22 letters 

35 ]ος δ€δη[λωκζν]αι πριν αν το παν άνάλωμα §o6[fj ]. Μάξιμον 

ey[. . .]δ[ 22 letters 

36 ] • • [• ^iTovpy }]τ]σίαν [...]. eooy τον Παχών α[ ^^ letters 

37 ]τον[ ] . . ο[.]ς αιτήσω . [ S3 letters 

8. νπομνηματογρ, Π. g. ϊων vtos Π. 1 4• ϋμι^ν Π; SO in 1. 33• ^5• ^"^^ ^• 

1. Φιλίου. 2 Ο. V10S Π. 

' " and let a resolution be made for him on these terms, that he (is to serve) half (the 
office) ... I introduce . . ." Septimius Serenus also called Ischyrion, exegetes, said, 
" . . .on these terms." The senators said, " Bravo, exegetes." 

(The prytanis said,) "... the majesty of our lord Aurelianus Augustus. Accordingly 
nominate also senators, in order that their payments for crowns (may contribute) to the ..." 
(The senators said,) . . . The prytanis said, " Do you exegetae press some one." The 
exegetae said, " Let Serenus (?) be pressed to take the office of exegetes." The prytanis 
said, . . . Sabinus and however he is styled, ex-prytanis, said, "Plution still owes the 
payment for a crown on account of the office of exegetes which he undertook among 


the magistracies." The prytanis said, . . . , secretary of the city revenues, said, " Yes." 
Julianus also called Dioscurides, exegetes, said, " Plution owes the payment for a crown ; 
therefore he is not . . ." The senators (?) said, "The person nominated was nominated on 
the security of his own property." Septimius Diogenes also called Agathodaemon, ex- 
hypomnematographus and however he is styled, syndic, said, "... Serenus(?) is 
a gymnasiarch." The prytanis said, " Nominate others, that the number of exegetae may 
be completed." The exegetae said, " Let Ion son of ... be pressed to take the office of 
exegetes held by his grandfather." Secundus son of Secundus, chief-priest, said, " Then 
let the person nominated be subject to overseers." The prytanis said, " I choose for the 
post of overseer . . . Phileas and Plutinus, that they may discharge this trust for the senate." 
The senators said, " Upright, faithful Phileas ; upright, faithful Plutinus." This question . . . 
having been postponed until the next meeting of the senate, the prytanis said, " Let holders 
of the other offices also nominate ; and nominate senators also." The members of the 
third tribe said, " (We nominate . . .)." The prytanis said, " Nilus, senator, shall be 
overseer." The senators said, "Upright, faithful Nilus; ever-honourable is Nilus; success 
to him." The members of the third tribe said, . . . Septimius Diogenes also called 
Agathodaemon, ex-hj'pomnematographus and however he is styled, syndic, said, " I have 
impounded the property of . . ., that is to say produce deposited at the farmstead of 
Monimou, and when the amount is known, it shall be laid before you." . . . phus and 
however he is styled said, " Those who were just now nominated were nominated by Phileas 
and Heraclidion." The senators said, " From the whole (tribe ?) . . . Upright, faithful 
Horion, land-owner at Nesmimis; upright, faithful Leonides, land-owner at Dositheou; 
upright, faithful Besarion, land-owner at . . ." Septimius Diogenes also called Agathodaemon, 
ex-hypomnematographus and however he is styled, syndic, said, " In order that the persons 
nominated may be pressed to serve and may take office, the first year's duty . . ." 

(Ptolemaeus, gymnasiarch, said), "... promised to provide oil on Mesore 30. On 
Mesore 30 he failed to provide oil, but on the first day of the following month he provided 
it through me ... ; on the 2nd oil was provided by . . . son of Philosophus ; on the 3rd 
Theodorus son of Ptolemaeus presided and failed to provide oil, but I provided it by 
a loan. If therefore . . ." The senators said, " Bravo, Ptolemaeus ; bravo, gymnasiarch. 
The nth is the day of Dionysius also called Artemidorus, the 12th of Aristion also called 
Andronicus, son of Asyncritus." Serenus son of Ammonius (?), gymnasiarch, said, "... 
the interchange of days." The senators said, " The resolutions are valid. The 13th is the 
day of Xenicus and the gymnasiarchs-elect, . . ." Serenus son of Ammonius, gymnasiarch, 
said, " Do not let the interchange of days injuriously affect the resolution concerning me. 
On the . . . even if he failed to provide oil; on the 28th Severus and Epimachus, sons of 
Philosophus." The senators said, " Bravo, (Serenus ; bravo, gymnasiarch ?)." 

The prytanis said, " The collector for the golden crown and victory of ovu" lord 
Aurelianus Augustus, Julius (?) . . . (reported) . . . our lord Aurelianus Augustus, and that his 
crown has already been prepared, and uriless the artificers . . . ; these objects are votive 
offerings. Let 1 2 talents more be given to the artificers . . ." The senators said, " Let 
the same persons make the demands." Theon also called Origenes, son of Chaeremon (?) 
and however he is styled, said, "... you can demand it from them." The senators said, 
"Upright, faithfial collectors." Euporus also called Agathodaemon, and however he is 
styled, said, " . . ., if the work is not finished." The prytanis said, " His excellency the 
epistrategus also . . ." Euporus also called Agathodaemon (?), and however^he is styled, said, 
" As soon as he comes, therefore, the work shall be pressed on." The senators said, "... 
Euporus ; obedient Euporus." Septimius Diogenes also called Agathodaemon, ex-hypomne- 
matographus and however he is styled, syndic, said, "... if any money is paid in advance 
for the artificers, it shall be brought to your notice." 


The prytanis said, "... and the body of cosmetae through Cornelianus and Pausanias 
was then sent . . . reported that before the whole cost was paid . . ." ' 

1. eVi TovTois : cf. 1. 3 eVl του\τοις rois opois, and, for δροί of the Senate, 1414. 4-9. 
The speaker, to whom the first part of 1. 2 also seems to belong, is probably the prytanis, 
who in B. G. U. 362. xv. 8 acts as γνωμηασηγητης and (ΤΓίψηφιστψ, though the suggestion of 
Jouguet {op. cit. 381) that he alone had the right of exercising those functions is disposed 
of by 1416. i and 4, where ordinary senators act as €ΐσηγηταί. A change of speaker in the 
lacuna after τ[, the earlier part of the line being then possibly spoken by the (ξηγητψ (cf. 
1. 2), is unlikely ; but, if /cai i>[s χρημα{τΙζ(ΐ) be restored in 1. 2 (cf. e. g. 1. 6), a third speaker 
perhaps intervenes, and eVi του\τοις rois opois might be spoken by him, not by the exegetes. 
The name and titles of Septimius Diogenes, the only σύνδικος found in 1413-14 (cf. 1. 17, n.) 
cannot be restored in 1. 2. 

etf ημιχώριον: cf. 1. 24, where the two sons of Philosophus have a single day assigned 
to them as gymnasiarchs, B. G.U. 579. 5 (= W. C/iresi. 2>jg) oi δυο γνμ{νασιαρχησαντ€5) Is 

χώραν h'os (SC. SfKanparov), 144. 7-9 ey {μίρονή άγορανο{μησα5) OT €ξη•γ{ητ€ύσαή, 574. ΙΟ εγ 

μ4ρ. άγορανομ., Ρ. Amh. 67. 8 ey μίρ. ?ip^ev. The officc in question may well be that of 
exegetes ; cf int. 

2. ΐίση-γονμαι \ cf. 1. I, n. yvapi\as is pOSSible before it, but not -γνώμ^ψ. 

3. ωκ^αν^: cf. 11. 21, 24, 41. 4, 1305, C. P. Herm. 7. i. 9, Wilcken, Archiv, iii. 541. 

4. For [0 πρντανις «^(ei/), projecting by 2 or 3 letters, at the beginning of a new 
section cf. 1415. 32, 41. Something like Set σίβ^σθαι may have preceded τό μΐγα\λΙον (for 
which cf. e. g. 1252. 38); cf. 1416. 29. 

στΐπτικά : cf. στ€τττικόν in 11. 6, 7 ; the term does not occur elsewhere. It clearly refers 
to payments for the crown of office; cf. P. Ryl. 77. 34-5 στΐφα[νη]φόρον ^ξηγητίίαν, 36-7 

et . . . βονλΐται στΐφανωθήναι ίξηγητάαν, £Ϊσίν(γκάτω το ϊσητηριον ivrevBeu, 1117. 5> ^-j ^^^ 
1252. 1 6 στί[φάνον του\ ΐνθψιαρχικου και αγορανομικού. The form στΐττηκόν SUpportS the 

view (which is not the usual one) that the officials called ol eVl των στψμάτων were connected 
with the στίφανοι of magistrates ; cf. P. Ryl. 77. 31, n. 

5. At the beginning of the line the speakers were probably the βουλενταί or εξηγηταί ; 

cf. int. 

[2}ρηνος : this reading, which is very uncertain, was partly suggested by a comparison 
of 1. 23 Σ^ρηνος 'Αμμωνίου γυμνασίαρχος with 1. 9, where ]ϊ eVrt γυμνασίαρχος probably refers tO 
the person mentioned in 1. 5. Since the exegetes ranked below the gymnasiarch (1412. 
1-3, n.), and the two offices were not, so far as is known, combined, the circumstance 
that' Serenus was a gymnasiarch seems to have prevented, in the opinion of the σύνδικος, 
his being eligible for the post of exegetes. Otherwise this mention of a gymnasiarch 
in 1. 9 is very abrupt, for in 11. 9-n the subject is still the election of exegetae, and though 
in 1. 12 the prytanis appeals to other άρχαί there is nothing in 11. 12-17 to indicate that any 
magistrates other than exegetae or their ίπιτηρψαί were proposed. That the members of 
the third tribe (11. 12-13) should come next after the κοινόν cf exegetae in nominating persons 
for that office is quite natural ; cf. 1. 1 2, n. 

6. άπο τιμών is uscd by itsclf as a title in 1498. 1-2. 

7. [γ^ραμματ^ύς πολιτικών : this title is new. πολιτικά χρήματα are probably mean t(cf. 
55. 14 ταμίας των πολιτικών χρημάτων) ; but he might be the secretary of the prytanis (who 
is described as Βκπων τά πολιτικά in 55. 4), though in that case he would be expected to be 
mentioned more often. A different official, the σκρίβας, seems to have been the principal 
secretary of the senate; cf. 1191. 7, n., 1417. 10. 

8. βουλευτεί ΟΓ ΐξηγητ]αί can be restored, ό ονομασθείς refers to Serenus (1. 6, n.)^ 
With eVt τω ιδίω πόρω cf. 1642. 20, where a man is appointed agoranomus eVi πόρω ίαυτού 


Koi των νποχαρίων τέκνων, and 1405, where a nominated πράκτωρ αργνρικών surrenders his 
πόρος rather than take office. Line 14 below also refers to the seizure of a πόρο? (that of 
Plution or some one just mentioned ?), apparently owing to the owner's refusal to become 
exegetes or επιτηρητής. For the restoration of the titles of the σύνδικος cf. 1. 17 and 1414. 7. 
For the rank of the ίπομνηματογράφος cf, 1412, 1-3, n. 

9. The name ]? is probably the same as that in 1. 5 ; cf, n. ad loc. 

10. εξη•γτ}Τ€ΐ]αν τον πάππου: cf. P. Ryl, 77, 34 στεφίσθω Άχιλλεύς κοσμητείαν' μιμοΰ τ6ρ 

επιτηρείσθω: ί, e. be Subject to επιτηρηταΐ, as 11. I Ο- 1 3 show. The senators seem to be 
more interested in them than in the exegetae, and the post of επιτηρητής appears to have 
been as important as that of the magistrate whom he supervised, επιτηρ. of exegetae are 
new, but επιτηρ. of the άγορανομεΐον are often found acting in place of agoranomi in 
Heracleopolite papyri, and επιτηρ. of gymnasiarchs occur in an obscure context in 471. 
29-36. For επιτηρ. of banks, whose relation to the τραπεζΐται is not yet clear, cf, 1411. 4, n. 
The present passage shows clearly the nature of the distinction between magistrates and 
their επιτηρηταί, and in the light of the new evidence the common identification of the επιτηρ. 
άγορανομείον with agoranomi {e.g. Jouguet, op. cit. 335) is to be rejected, 

11. αψε πιστέ: cf, 11, 16, 29, 41, 29,1415.27. The expression was commonly applied 
to persons accepting office. 

II— 12. τούτων . . . βονλην : cf. 1414. 18. 

12. οί από της τρίτης φνλη[ς : cf. 1030. 2 άμφο8ογρα[μματεϊ) α φυΚης, 1552. ^, and 1415. 

19 sq. The φυλαί corresponded to the αμφο8α at this period (cf, 1116. 20, n.), and that 
λειτουργίαι were assigned to them in rotation was known from e.g. 86. lo-ii ; cf. 
Jouguet, op. cit. 410-11, and 1. 5, n. 

13. πρύτανις εΧπ{εν)' επιτηρήσει: cf. 1. ΙΟ, η. προτραπητω ΟΤ δνομάζομεν followed 

by a proper name is probably to be restored at the beginning of both this line and 1. 14 ; 
cf. int. 

14. That the σύνδικος is the speaker is clear from παρατε[θ]ησεται νμΊ[ν, which is a favourite 
phrase of his ; cf. 1. 33 and 1. 17, n. Before κατείληφα the name of the person nominated in 
1. 14 (cf. 1. 13, n.) or possibly Ώλοντίωνος (cf. 11. 6-8) is to be restored; cf 1. 8, n. Μονίμου 

εποίκων waS in the ανω τοπαρχία (1285. 62). 

15. ^φος : if this belongs to a title, not to a proper name, υπομνηματογρα\φος is required, 
and the remark seems not inappropriate to that magistrate ; cf. 1412. 1-3, n. γενόμενοί 
νπομν. can of course be read, but Septimius Diogenes is unsuitable, since σύνδικος comes 
after ύπομν. in his titles and he was the speaker in 1. 14 ; cf. n. ad loc. 

16. βουλής can be substituted for φυλής. Nesmimis was in the ανω τοπαρχία (1285. 57), 
Dositheou in the κάτω τοπ. (1285. 139 ; cf 1425. 4, η.). 

1 7. σύνδικος : apart from 1413-14, where Septimius Diogenes plays an important part 
in the debates (cf. int.), and 1417, where another σύνδ. appears on behalf of the senate at 
a trial before a strategus, not much is known about syndics in Egypt, An Oxyrhynchus 
papyrus at Leipzig (M. Chrest. 196), a. προσφωνησις of βιβλιοφύλακες concerning the property 
of an accused person, is addressed to the prytanis and two σύνδικοι βουλευταί, who thus 
ranked below him. The normal number was at least two, for the plural also occurs in 
41. 29 άγνοϊ πιστοί σύνδικοι (Wilcken's Suggestion in Chrest. 45. int. that the plural is 
rhetorical is without justification), and in C. P. Herm. 23. ii. 5-8, where at a trial before an 

επίτροπος a σ^δ. says ημείς a εδειδά^χ^θ^η^μεν υπο της λα^μπρ . . .] ταΰτά σοι παρεβεμεθα, tO 

which the επίτροπος replied δσα εΙ\ρ}ήκατε άνεϊνεγκ 1 και δεήσει καΐ ΰμας ως συνδίκους . . . 

άvεvεyκε'iv τω λαμπ^ροτάτω) ηγεμόνι περ\ πάντων. Similar references to the παράθεσις of docu- 
ments by a syndic occur also in C. P. Herm. 25. ii. 3-4 and 41. 25; cf. 1413. 14, 33, 
1414. 16, the verb being also used by the prytanis in 1415. 8. C. P. Herm. 53 is probably 


a letter from the senate to a syndic (so Wilcken, Chresi. 39. int.) concerning an action 
brought by the senate against the gymnasiarchs (cf. 1417). In ancient Greek city-states 
the aivSiKoi seem to be identical with €κδικοι (cf. Liebenam, Stadteverwalt. 303 sqq.) ; but 
the %KhiKos Tr]s πο'λίω? {defensor civitatis), who appears in Egypt early in the fourth century 
(cf. 1426. 4, n.), was an official of the central government, whereas the συι/δικοι were 
presumably elected by the senate, like the prytanis (1414. 24-7). 

το πρωτίρίαυτον της λιτονργησία[ς : this new evidence for the normal tenure of municipal 
offices having exceeded one year is confirmed by 1418. 15 ; cf. 1410 and 1418. intt. 

19. The analogy of the beginnings of new sections elsewhere in 1413-15, in which the 
prytanis is the first speaker (cf. 1. 4, n.), suggests that he introduced the discussion here also ; 
but, if so, his remarks Avere unusually brief. The first person in 11. 19-20 appears to refer 
to the gymnasiarch who is acclaimed in 1. 21, even though in 1496. 28 the prytanis is found 
making payments, which may be for oil, together with other municipal officials, some of 
whom were probably gymnasiarchs. Ptolemaeus must have been mentioned before 1. 21, 
and the sentence beginning eav ovv [ was probably a request to let him off his appointed day 
or days ; cf. 11. 22-3, where the proposed change is further discussed. A word like νπίσχΐτο 
followed by a proper name is required before e]ls. 

ίχρ€ΐσ€ν : cf. 300. 12—13 etf το γνμνάσιον θ€ωνι . . . ίλ€οχρ(ίστηι,Ζ.ηά0.ν. Herm. ζ)']-62, 

which are reports to the βονΚη by an ίλαιοχύτηί (who corresponds to the ίΚαιοχρίστης) of the 
gymnasium concerning the neglect to provide oil on particular days assigned to different 

rfi έξης νΐομηνία : i. e. Thoth I (cf. 1. 20), not the ist intercalary day. 

παραδίχ[ : if this word belonged to the preceding sentence it was probably παρα8€χ[ό\μ€νος 

or παρα8€χ[^ο\μ€νου : cf. 1418. 1 8 παρ^αΒίξομαι τω παίδι τετράμηνων γνμνασιαρχίαν, the Context being 

obscure. But a full stop is perhaps to be placed after i[xpeiae]v, in which case e. g. παρα- 
δΐχ\[θητω μοι is possible, though not satisfactory ; for a request for the remission of Ptolemaeus' 
day came in 11. 20-1 (cf. 1. 20, n.), and all the earlier part of his speech seems to be 

20. ]s δ τοΰ Φιλοσόφου : Seovijpo]? or Έττι/ΐαχο]? is suggested by 1. 24, but this may have 
been a third brother, acting by himself. Φιλοσόφου is probably a proper name, not a title as 
in P. Leipzig 47. 11, 14 ; cf. 1497. i Έπίμαχον (the Έπ. mentioned in 1. 24) vl6v Φιλοσόφου. 
On the days of gymnasiarchs cf. 1. 19, n., 1416. 6-9. 

επεστάτει : this term is new in connexion with gymnasiarchs. The context shows that 
it refers to the one responsible for providing oil. The επιμελητής γυμνασίου quoted by 
Preisigke {Beamtenwesen, 63) and Jouguet {pp. cit. 321) from P. Rainer, Mittheil. iv. 58 is 
non-existent, as appears from the publication of the full text in C. P. Herm. 94, the title 

being επιμελητής της πλακώσεως στοών γυμνασίου. 

εαν ουν [ : something like δόξη ΰμΐν 8ότε αλλορ άντ εμοΰ probably followed in 1. 21. 
21-2. Άσ[υ]γκρί\[του : σκρί\[βας (cf. 1417. ιο) might be read, but there is hardly room 
for a patronymic in front of it. 

22. The speaker in the first part of the line may be Ptolemaeus or Serenus (cf. 1. 23), 
but is more likely to be another gymnasiarch making a similar objection to that of Serenus. 

κύρια τα ψηφίσματα : this probably refers to the previous decrees concerning the days of 
gymnasiarchs, which were not to be affected ; cf. 1. 23, n. 

Ξενικός : cf. 1496. 22, 34, probably referring to the same person. That gymnasiarchs- 
elect were liable for providing oil is noticeable; cf. P. Brit. Mus. 11 66, where a μελλογυμνα- 
σίαρχος makes a contract regarding the heating of a gymnasium thirteen months before 
entering office. 

23. Σερηνος : cf. 1. 5, n. μου το ψήφισμα means a resolution appointing a particular 
day for Serenus (cf. 1. 22), not a resolution proposed by him. 


24, Whether ei] κα\ μη ΐχρΐΐσεν κτλ. WES spoken by Serenus or e.g. by the speaker of 
11. 19-20 is uncertain, κη may refer back to Mesore (cf. 1. 19) ; if it refers to Thoth, there 
was an interval of several days for which no arrangements were made. Similar intervals 
occur in C. P. Herm. 57-62. For Έπίμαχοί cf. 1. 20, n. For the restorations at the end of 
the line cf. 1. 21. 

25. The prytanis, not ΐπείκτης, was the speaker, as is shown by ημών; cf. 1. 4, n. 
A verb like eypayj/^ev is to be supplied, en. χρυσοί στεφάνου κτλ. is a new title ; cf. 1412. int., 
and 1428. 3 eV. [της] οθόνης. The levying of aurum coronarium was not confined to the 
Emperor's accession ; cf. 1441. int. ^Ιο\υλίος or Ίο[υλιανόί is probably the name of the eV. 
rather than that of a new speaker, e. g. \ονλιανος ο και ΑιοσκονρίΙης (1. 7). 

26-7. For κατ ςυχην cf. C. P. Herm. 119 verso, iii. 4 τψ τυίννν τύχης . . . Τάλλίηνοΰ . . . 

πάντα ήμΊν κατ ίνχην ηνυσται. The great length of the lacuna between it μη oi τίχνΛται and 
τα σκ^ίύη makes it improbable that that τά σκ](νη . . . yiveTai is the apodosis, and the parallel 
from C. P. Herm. is against interpreting κατ ^νχψ in an unfavourable sense, ' visionary '. 
Something like τΐλ(ΐώσονσι το epvov (cf. 1. 30) is expected after τεχνεΐται. 

2g. άγνοΙ πιστοί : cf. 1. II, η. 

Έϋπορ[ος] 6 και ^Α-γα[θ6ς Δ,αίμων: cf. 1496. 26, and Β. G. U. 1073• 2, ιο74• ΙΟ, where 
he appears as πρΰτανις in the 5th-6th years of Aurelian and his titles are given in full 
(cf. p. 28). His proposal met with the approval of the senate (1. 32). 

30. Probably b\C επιστάλματος Or υπομνήματος ; cf. 1415. 8-9. 

31. For Εύπορος . . . κ]αΙ ως χρημ, cf. 1. 29, η. θίων 6 κα\ Ώριγίνηί Χαιρήμυνος κ\ιι ως χρημ. 

(cf. 1. 28) is also possible. 

32. €υδιοίκητί : the instances of this word in Stephanus, Lex., refer to easily digested 
food. ]re was probably another compound beginning with eu- rather than αγνέ πισ]τ€ 
(cf. ]. 11). 

34. ]πον : γ, σ, or τ, followed by ι, can be read for π, but πρόσκλη]τον (cf. 1412. 12) and 
συνίΒ]ριον are inadmissible. For the activity of the κοινά of different magistrates after the 
foundation of senates cf. 891, where the prytanis Cornelianus (about twenty years after the 
date of 1413) may be identical with the cosmetes of that name here. 

35. Μάξιμον : possibly the Μάξιμος of 1496. 36. 

36. λιτουργ]ησίαν : cf I. 1 7. 

1414. Report of Proceedings of the Senate. 

22-3x18 cm. A. D. 270-5. 

This report is similar to 1413 and approximately contemporary with it, 
the same syndic being mentioned. It is written in two hands, of which the first 
is smaller than the second, and both are different from that of 1413. The lines 
were of about the same length as those in 1413 and 1415, and both beginnings and 
ends are lost, but 11. 4, 19, and 24, where the restorations are practically certain, 
combine to indicate clearly the extent of the initial lacuna (about 16 letters) at 
the beginning of a new section ; the other lines presumably began a few letters 
to the right, as in 1415. ii. At the ends of lines about 50 letters are missing, to 
judge by 11. 9-10, where the whole lacuna between them can be filled satisfactorily ; 
but cf. 1. 1 5, n. Parts of six or seven different sections are preserved (that a new 
one began in 1. 12 is not certain), and except the first and last are fairly intelli- 


gible. Besides the prytanis and syndic, the only speakers appear to be the 
senators collectively, thus affording a contrast to 1413 and 1415 ; cf. 1413. int.^ 

The first three (or two) sections (11. 1-16) are concerned with different points 
connected with the 6Θονιηρά, on which subject in general see Wilcken, Grundz. 
245-7, and Reil, Beiir. s. Ken7itnis d. Gewerbes, 5 sqq., and in reference to the 
temples Otto, Priester u. Tempel, i. 300, ii. 64. That the Ptolemaic government 
controlled the textile industries in a manner somewhat similar to the oil-monopoly 
was shown by the fragmentary Cols. Ixxxvii-cvii of P. Rev. Laws ; but the details 
are obscure, and how far the parallelism with the oil-monopoly is to be carried is 
doubtful, especially in the Roman period, when Reil in fact supposes that the 
weaving monopoly had disappeared. To the scanty evidence for that period 
have now to be added P. Ryl. 98 (a.d. 172), an application for the lease of 
the \στ(ύναρχια of an Arsinoite village, addressed to the eTnrrjprjrai μισθοί) βαφικη^, 
which favours the continuance of a monopoly; 189, a receipt for χιτών€9 of 
some kind (cf. 1414. 1, n.) and τταλλίολα delivered in A.D. ia8 by the yep8ioi 
of Socnopaei Nesus to τταραληττται bημoσίo{υ) Ιμαησμοϋ κωστωδιών ; 2I4> a list 
of μερισμοί including one called L•ber|μaτos όθονίηραζ ; 374 (about A. D.^ 100), 
a taxing-list mentioning a payment of 5,420 dr. 2 ob. for όθο{νίηρά) ; Preisigke, 
5. B. 5677. g, a payment of 85 dr. for μ€ρ{ισμον) στόλ(ου) στρα{τίωτών)•, 1436. 5, 
where όθ[ον{ιηραή occurs in a list of taxes (cf. 1438. int.) ; 1428, a letter to 
an exactor about an ^ττείκτη? [τψ] 6θόνη5 and the manufacture of the requisite 
ίφάσματα ; and 1448, a list of στιχάρια and ττάλλια due from various villages. 
Most important of all is the present passage, which throws some much needed 
light on the relations of traders and manufacturers in the textile industries to the 
State and to the senate as tax-collector. Except for instances of payments of 
12 drachmae for χίψωνάξων (cf. 1436. 4) by a λινόϋφος in Wilcken, Osi. 
No. 23, and by a λινοττώλη? in Ost. No. 45' little was known of those two 
classes of persons in the Roman period. Lines 1-3 belong to the conclusion 
of a discussion about what seems to be a sum payable by the nome as the value 
of (most probably) στιχάρια, the prytanis being apparently the speaker. 
In spite of P. Ryl. 214. 42-3, n., there was probably a close connexion between 
the contributions of clothes for δτ^μοσω? Ιματισμοί and the payments of money for 
τιμή of clothes in 1414 or οθοι;ιτ/ρά : the latter was probably an adaer aiio irom those 
who did not provide actual clothes, and was balanced against the payments from 
the local authorities to the city manufacturers (cf. 1. 15, n.) or, as apparently in 
11. 1-2, against the total value of clothes due from the nome to the central 
government. The suggested interpretation of 11. 1-2 serves to explain a difficult 
passage in P. Leipzig 57 concerning the proportion of the tax which fell on 
μητροττόλίΐί ', cf. 1. I, n. 


In 11. 4-11 the topic is the supply of yarn (λινοί; στημονικόν) required 
for making the vestments {οθόνη) of a local temple, and the amount to be paid to 
the yam-merchants {λινίμ-ποροή. Probably a new section began at 1. 1%, where 
the question of the remuneration of the city cloth- weavers {λινόνφοι) was entered 
upon. The opening speech of the prytanis (cf. 1413. 4, n.) explained that 
a previous resolution of the senate concerning the budget of a temple required 
modification on account of the difficulty of obtaining yarn for manufacturing the 
temple vestments. Owing to the refusal or inability of the village flax-spinners 
and their wives to carry out their engagements, it had apparently become 
necessary to apply to the city yarn-merchants for the material, as was pointed out 
by the syndic, who reported that the price demanded by them was 49 denarii 
(196 drachmae), of which 11 denarii had already been advanced from the 
ταμιακοί Xoyos (1. 8, n.). This price was considered too high by the senate, and 
they reduced it to 30 denarii (120 dr.) in all, a figure accepted by the syndic, who 
then undertook to present a sample to the weavers appointed for the manu- 
facture of the temple linen. These are also mentioned in the obscure 1. 11, 
which seems to be concerned with the same subject as 1. 10 ; but the topic 
of discussion changes in 11. 12-16, which are concerned with a petition from 
the associated cloth-weavers of Oxyrhynchus, asking for an increase in their 
remuneration owing to the rise in both the price of raw materials and the wages 
of their assistants. Probably these manufactures were destined for the State, 
like those in 11. 1-3, not for the temple, as those in 11. 4-1 1. The figures relating 
to the demand of the cloth-weavers are not preserved ; but some increase in 
remuneration was conceded by the senate, which fixed the amount payable 
to them at 200 drachmae (for each κρίκοι ? ; cf. 1. 15, n.). 

After a short section (11. 17-18), perhaps referring to a different sitting 
(1. 17, n.), which deals with an appointment to a public office of some kind at the 
instance of the strategus, the question being adjourned, 11. 19-23 are concerned 
with another and similar communication from the strategus, ordering the 
appointment of persons to convey animals and other supplies for the government 
down the river, probably to Alexandria or Babylon ; cf. 1415. 4-12. The 
prytanis stated that in order to expedite matters he had held a partial meeting 
of senators and nominated a certain Sarapion. His choice was ratified by 
the acclamations of the senate as a whole. This interesting side-light upon the 
powers of the prytanis serves to explain a passage in B. G. U. 144 (1. 21, n.). 
Another instructive section follows in 11. 24-7, concerning the approaching 
resignation of the prytanis. The law, as it now appears, required that a new 
prytanis should be nominated six months before entering office. How long the 
normal tenure was is uncertain, but C. P. Herm. ^'] sqq. show that at Hermo- 


polls the same prytanis was in office for 14 consecutive months in the 14th and 
15th years of Gallienus, and probably he was prytanis in the 13th year also, 
so that if the appointment was annual re-election was evidently not unusual ; 
cf. Jouguet, Vie munic. 376-8. That the tenure was annual is now much more 
doubtful in view of the new evidence concerning the longer length of tenure 
(five years ?) of the offices of gymnasiarch and decemprimus (cf. 1410, 1418. intt.) ; 
but the question of re-election may well have entered into the present case, 
for after the senate had declared their intention of making the necessary choice 
by a resolution comes a speech from the prytanis alluding to his bad health, and 
that he was declining a proposal to re-elect him (which is probably lost in the 
lacuna between 11. %S~^) ^^ fairly evident from the complimentary entreaties 
of the senate that he should continue in office, which seem to express the 
resolution alluded to in 1. 25. A new section apparently began in 1. 38, where an 
obligation which probably fell on some members of the senate is mentioned, 
but the remains of the last three lines are very slight. If ^ov\K.r\v in 1. 39 is 
correct, the sitting in question was specially summoned, like that to which 
1412 refers. 

On the verso is a list of payments by various officials in the 5th year 
of Aurelian or Probus (1496) ; cf. 1413. int. 

1 [ 10 letters o]0iXe[Ta]i \κ\αΧ τάλ[α]ι/τα 8€κατ^σσαρα. η τιμή των 

R *''['''*]χ["]/?"*"' τάλαντα Ικατον τ€σσαρ\άκοντα 

2 [ II 1. ] άπβχω τα διαφβρορτα τω νομω els το μξρος Trjs 

TToAecuy e^ ημισοι. μηνιαίοι anoSovvai ίκ τη? f^fas• άπαιτξίσ- 
θωσαν Ι[πτά ήμισυ ? 

3 [ ΙΟ 1. ]xfC^rai. 

4 [ό npvTavis €ΐπ(€ν)' τη]ν τον icpov γραφ[η]ν κ[ατ]€σκ€\1τασθαι και ορον 

δζδώκατ€ και €π€στάλη{ν} τα δόξαντα ύμζΐν τω στρατηγώ, 
άλλα [οι iepeis μη ? 

5 [ TOVS το €ρ]γον τοΰτο μίτα^^ιρισαμίνον? μηδ\ τά[ί] γυναίκα? 

αυτών δννασθαι κλώθίΐν το Xeivov ττροφάλοντο . [ 

6 [ ]?•[••] °^®^ '^"^ '^^Ρ'- ''"op^o όροι/ 5ώτ€• ολίγ^ γαρ κώ[μά\ί 

ξίσιν at kv τω νομω υμών τοΰτο το ζΐδο? 'ίγουσιν. οι βου\λ'\^[υται 

7 [8 1. ]ναι. Χζπτίμιο? Διογένη? 6 καΙΆγαθο? Δαίμων γ^νόμ^νο? 

ύπομνηματογράφο? και ώ? χρημα(τίζίΐ) σνν[δικο? ei7r(ei/)• οι 
λινύμποροι ? 


8 [ 8 1. ]σ•αί καΐ ^[κ'\ τ^σσαράκοντα iui/ia δηναρίων etvai το Xeivov 

το στημονικόν, evScKU δξ δηνάρια αύτοΪ9 ξ^ωδίάσθη άπ[ο τοΰ 
ταμιακού λόγον 

9 [ 8 1. yjeveaOai. [οι βο]νλ€νται €ΐτΓ{ον)• [δζ]καΐννία δηναρίοις 

αρκΐίσθωσαν οι X€ivivnopoi{s} μ€τα το ίξωδιαζ[6]μξνον άπο τοΰ 
τα[/ί]ί[ακου λόγον. Χ^πτίμιο^ Αιογ^νη? ό και 'Αγαθός Δαίμων 
ΙΟ [νπομνη ματογρα\φο9 και ώί χρημα{τίζ€ΐ) σύνδικο? €ίπ(ζν)' €i τοΰτο 

ύμ[ΐ]ν [^§o^€v em τον στημονικόν, πξΐραν προσζνξγκονμ[€]γ και 
Tois /-((and \\3.ηά)^ΧΧονσι[ν νφαίνίΐν 

11 [ 13 1. ]''α|άτωσάΐ' τίνα οι λινόϋφοι οι μ€λλοντ€9 ύφαιναν την 

οθόνην τον lepov άνα . [ 

12 [άναγνωσθξίση? άξ\ιώσξω? τω\ν τ^]? πολίω? λινοόφων irepi τον μ€τα Tas 

πύρνσιν Ι^οδιασθύσαν αντοΐς [ύπβρ δραχ^μας δοθηναι 

άλλα? δραχ^μα? 

13 [ δι\α [τη]ν πλ€θτιμίαν [τω]ν (ίδων και την πλίομισθίαν των 

νπονργ\ω\ν, μξτα την άνάγνωσιν Ό ιτ[ρντανι? Ηπ(€ν)• δοθήτωσαν 
Tois λινονφοι? άΧλαι δραγ^μαΐ 

14 [ '^"l.T? f.^F \ρ'^ντΓλήρωσιν δρα)(μών διακοσίων δια την πλ€0- 

τιμίαν των ^ίδων. τοΰτο ψηφ[ίσασθζ ? 
Ι δ [• • σνντ€]τιμτ]μ€νον τοΰ κρίκον και ανται προσγ€νίσθωσαν. οι τ€- 

λονντ€9 την τιμήν τοΰ [λίνον ? 
ι6 [ III. ] π[α]ρατ£θήσ€ται νμΐν Trj έξη? βονλτ}. οι βονλ€νταΙ 

Ηπ(ον)' οΐτω. 

17 [ 15 '• άναγ]νωσΘβντος ίπιστάλματο? TepevTiov Άρίον στρα{τηγοΰ) 

Trepl τον αίρζβηναι 6/ία[ 

1 8 \<ίδοξζν νπ€ρτ€θήνα]ι [e]i9 την έξη? βονλήν. 

19 [άναγνωσθΐντο? ίπιστά\λματο9 τ[οΰ] στρατηγοΰ frepi αίρίσ^ω? αλλω[ι/ 

κατα]πομπων ζωών, μ€[τα την άνάγνωσιν δ πρντανι? €ΐπ{€ν)' 

20 [ 13 1• ] μάλιστα [δβ] των κ[ατ]απομπων των καταφ€[ρο- 

μίν]ων ζωών τοΐ? άμα τ[ο]ΐ9 καταφ[€ρομ€νοΐ9 

21 [ 15 1• ]νπον σννάξα? τινά? τον? παρ[6]ντα? άπο τη? 

βονλή? ώ[ν]ομάσαμ€ν 'iva ^αραπ[ίωνα 'ίνα μη 

22 [ 15 1• ] γ[ί]νηται. οι βονλ^νταΐ dn{ov)• ατίμητα τνρντανι, 

σωζον ήμϊν, πρντανι, καλώ? άρχι?, κα[λώ? ό πρντανι? €ΐπ(ζν)• 


23 [ 16 1. ] . ei/ τω λογιστηρίω ίστίν. οι βονλβνταΐ dn{ov)' 

ξπ€ΐ€ΐκω9 ό rrpvTaui?. 

24 [6 πρντανί9 €i7r(ei/)• ό ν6μ]ο9 κ[ζ]λΐν€ΐ προ εξαμήνου τον μίλλοπρντανιν 

ονομάζΐσθαι. νπομίμνήσκ[ω ν]μα9 τ[ 

25 [ ao 1. οι] ^ουλ€ν]ταΙ ξΙπ{ρν)' μ€τα σκύψίως ή ονομασία 

ydv[i\TaL r[ ό πρύτανι^ €ίπ{€ν)• 

26 [ 17 1• ]^ 7^Ρ Κ^) νόσω άμ\ καΐ τη9 nXevpds [/ό]€γχο//αί, 

ώ? Ιπίστασθαι, και [ ]....[ 

27 [οί βουλζυται απόν . . .]δν']Τ€ πρύτανι, evyev\ks\ ττρν\τ\ανι, €τι κάμ€ 

ύπξρ ημών, κάμ€ άξια του €πάν[ω χρόνου. 

28 [ό πρύτανΐ9 dn[ev)• 12 letters] . Ιστίν, και οι ημι[σ]υ τούτ[ου] του μβρου? 

[ό]06[Γ]λ[οι/]Γ€? [. .] . €οντίν[. . .]δ€ω[ οι βουλευτά! €ΐπ(ρν)• 

29 [ 31 1. ό] πρύτανι? €ΐπ{€ν)' €π€ΐδη σ[ή]μ€ρον πρόσκλητον 


3© [ 24 1. ] . [ ]αί π[ρ6νο]ιαν ποιήσηται άπαν 

το . \ 

2. 1. ήμισυ. \. 'Upov Π. 1. κ[ατ\€σκ4ψασθ€. 6. 1. oKiyai. ΙΟ. προσίνεγΊ!. Π. 

II. ο of οι before /xeXXowej COrr. from α (?). 1 2. λινοϋφων Π. 1. — σθ^ίσας. 1 3• ϋ^Γovpy[ω]v Π. 

1 6. νμιν U. 1. ούτω. 21. ο of jvTTOi' COrr. from α. 2 2. e of ατψ^ΤΕ COrr. from at. τα 

Οΐπρυτανι after ημιν COrr. from w. 23. η οί λογιστήρια COTT. from ω. 24. ϋττομιμν. Π. 

26. [pley'^o/iat Π. 1. ίπίστασθβ. 2*J, vnep Π. 

1-27. ' (The prytanis said,) "... is owing, and 14 talents. The value of the 100 (?) 
garments is 1 4[o] talents, ... I have received the 6-| belonging to the nome on account of 
the city's share. Let them be compelled to pay monthly from their own property 7^ (?) . . ." 

The prytanis said, " You examined the list of the temple and fixed a limit, and your 
resolution was submitted to the strategus, but (the priests ?) . . . made the excuse that those 
who undertook the work in question and their wives were unable to spin the yarn, . . . (see) 
that on this point also you fix a limit, for there are only a few villages in your nome which 
have this material." The senators said, . . . Septimius Diogenes also called Agathodaemon, 
ex-hypomnematographus and however he is styled, syndic, said, " (The yarn-merchants 
report that) . . . and the price of weaving-yarn is 49 denarii, and 1 1 denarii were paid to 
them from the Treasury's account . . ." The senators said, " Let the yarn-merchants be 
content with 19 denarii besides what was paid to them from the Treasury's account." 
Septimius Diogenes also called Agathodaemon, ex-hypomnematographus and however he is 
styled, syndic, said, " If this is your decision in the case of the weaving-yarn, we λνΐΐΐ supply 
a sample and ... to those who are to weave it . . . Let the cloth-weavers who are to weave 
the linen of the temple appoint (?) some one to (test it ?)." 

A petition of the city cloth-weavers having been read, to the effect that, besides the . . . 


drachmae paid to them in the past year (for each ...),.. more drachmae should be given 
to them on account of the rise in the value of the materials and in the wages of their 
workmen, after the reading the prytanis said, "Let . . more drachmae be given to the 
cloth- weavers, making 200 drachmae in all, on account of the rise in value of the materials. 
Decree this . . . When the bundle (?) has been valued, let these (drachmae) too accrue. Those 
who pay the value of the (cloth) ... it shall be submitted to you at the next meeting of the 
senate.'"' The senators said, " So be it." 

(Date .?) A communication from Terentius Arius, strategus, having been read, con- 
cerning the election of . . ., it was decided to postpone the matter until the next meeting. 

A communication from the strategus having been read, concerning the election of other 
convoyers of animals, after the reading the prytanis said, "... especially the convoyers 
of the animals transported ... I collected some senators who were present and nominated 
one, Sarapion ... in order that there should not be (any delay) . . ." The senators said, 
" Invaluable prytanis ; save yourself for us, prytanis ; excellent is your rule ; excellent . . ." 
The prytanis said, "... is in the counting-house." The senators said, " The prytanis has 
done right." 

The prytanis said, " The law commands that the coming prytanis should be nominated 
six months beforehand. I remind you . . ." The senators said, " The nomination is made 
with a resolution . . ." The prytanis said, "... for I have (long) been ill and have a cough 
from my lung, as you know, . . ." The senators said, " (Illustrious) prytanis, noble prytanis, 
still labour for us ; labour in a manner worthy of the past." ' 

1. ταΚ\α\ντα•. τα λ[ο]ιπά might be read, but 8εκατ4σσαρα probably refers to talents in any 
case rather than to the word after των, and is perhaps accounted for by the figures in 
1. 2 ; cf. n. 

τιμή : cf. 11. 9, 15, nn., and the προστιμησίΐς οθονίων in P. Tebt. 5• 63. 

σ[τι]χ[α]ρίωΐ' : cf. c. g. 1448. I. The reading of the figure (p ?, if there was a number 
at all) is very doubtful; but a new compound of ίστο-, like Ιστολο . . . . ουϊ in P. Ryl. 189. 3 
(cf. the Ίστωναρχία in P. Ryl. 98, and P. Rev. Laws xciv. 2 ]r τον ϊστον {ρραχμ.) /cf) is less likely. 
That a kind of garment was meant is strongly suggested by the context and a comparison of 

I. 2 with P. Leipzig 57. 26 sqq., an undertaking to transport to Alexandria τό ίπφάλλον τβ 

πόλίΐ ζ pepos χιτώνων pev ζίύγ(τ]) ρμζ, π€ρ.κλων (i.e. τταλλιόλωι/ ?) Cfvy(rfj [.J. 

2. απ(χω . . . els το pepcs της ποΚΐως : this indicates that the prytanis was the speaker in 

II. 1-2 ; cf. 1515. i, where he pays a tax on behalf of the city. 

^τΓτά ημισν : >j^ + 6^= 14 (talents); cf. 1. i, n. The use of μηνιαίοι for persons 
making monthly payments, not, as usual, for μηνιαίοι λόγοι (cf. Wilcken, Archiv, ii. 126) is 
remarkable, but without alteration of the text can hardly be avoided. 

4. Ίΐρον γραφήν : this document probably resembled B. G. U. 362, the official budget 
of the chief temple at Arsinoe in a. d. 21 5, and corresponded to the budget usually appended 
before 202 to the annual γραφοΊ ύρεων κα\ χειρισμού (the contents of the temple; cf. 1449), 
e.g. B. G. U. 162, P. Tebt. 298. After the establishment of senates, which assumed the 
administration of the temples, the budgets seem to have been drawn up by a special επψΐλητης 
appointed by the senate (B. G. U. 362. iii. 3), rather than by the priests. It is noticeable 
that P. Ryl. no (a. d. 259), in most respects resembUng an ordinary second-century -y/a. 
Ίΐρ^ων και χΐΐρ., has no budget attached to it. The temple in question, which was not 
precisely described (cf. 1. 11), was probably one of the two principal shrines at Oxyrhynchus, 
the Serapeum and Thoereum ; cf. 1449. int. and 1453. 

opov: cf. 1. 6, 1409. 15, n., 1413. 1-3. It seems to have fixed inter alia the amount to 
be collected by the senate for the yarn required by the priests. Lines 8-9, where an advance 
is said to have been made to the yarn-merchants from the ταμιακός λόγος, probably do not 


imply more than that the senate was responsible for obtaining the supply of yarn ; for the 
actual price of this material presumably fell directly upon οί τ(\ουντΐς τψ τψην τον [λίνου 
(cf. 1. 15, η.), or at any rate on the contributors to the temple, who were by no means all 
senators, as is shown by the list of persons (many of them women) making payments to the 
Arsinoite temple in B. G. U. 362. 

5. It is not clear whether 8ύνασθαι is governed by προΐβάλοντο, or by a word like φάμΐνοι 
or 81a. TO in the preceding lacuna ; in the latter case προφάλοντο connects with what follows. 
Besides a negative, the lacuna may have contained another infinitive with tovs , . . μεταχ^φισα- 
μένονα as the subject, ro €ρ]γοντοντο, which refers to the manufacture of yarn (1. 6), indicates 
that some reference to λίνον στημονικόν or yephioi had also just occurred. The subject of 
■προφάΚοντο is probably either the priests or ίπιμ€\ψαΊ appointed by the senate to collect the 
yarn (cf. 1. 4, n.), not the λινόϋφοι, who do not seem to be mentioned before 11. 10 or 11, nor 
the λινίμποροι, to whom αντοΊς in 1. 8 refers. 

5-6. A verb like φροντίσατε or γενίσθω eVi/teXes probably occurred in the lacuna before 
]a. For opov cf. 1. 4, n. 

Tovro TO eiSos : cf. 1. 1 3, where ΐΐδών refers to the yarn. elSos here might also mean the 
flax. Wilcken (Osi. i. 268) supposed that the cultivation of this was regulated under the 
Ptolemies, like that of the oil-producing plants, but the fragments concerning the οθονιηρά in 
P. Rev. Laws bear no trace of a list corresponding to that in Cols. Ix-lxxii, and in later 
periods at any rate λινοκαλάμη seems to have been cultivated at will, without reference to the 
government ; cf. e. g. 1102-3. The point of the remark about the κωμαι is not that the 
villages had failed to produce the statutable amount of yarn, but that this material would 
have to be obtained not from the local villages, but from the city λινίμποροι, who presumably 
imported it from other nomes, if there was not enough in the city. 

7. ]i/ai might be ναί (cf. 1413. 7), in which case another speaker intervened in the 
preceding lacuna, but is more likely to belong to an infinitive or participle. On the avvdiKos 
see 1413. int. and 1. i7,n. 

8. ([k] τεσσαράκοντα evvea : the Supposed ρ might be ι (but not any other letter), and the 
vestiges of the preceding five letters are very slight and inconclusive ; f [.] . . . τριάκοντα might 
be read, but there is not room for «'[(cjaroi/ τριάκ. [8e]Kaevvta seems to be the figure in 1. 9, 
where [τ(σσαράκον]τα ev. cannot be read ; but there is every reason to expect the figure before 
άρκίίσθωσαν to be considerably smaller than that in 1. 8, since the 1 1 denarii which had 
already been paid were part of the 49 denarii, whereas in 1. 9 they are an addition to the 
19 denarii. The senate, as we think, offered 30 denarii instead of the 49 demanded by the 
yarn-merchants, who do not appear to have had their prices fixed beforehand by a State 
tariff like that found in P. Rev. Laws xciv-viii ; cf. 1. 13, where the complaint of the cloth- 
Weavers about the ηλ^οτιμία των el8S)v does not suggest that the price of these was fixed by 
the government. How much yarn was supplied for 49 denarii may have been stated in the 
lacuna in 11. 7-8 ; cf. 1. 12, n. 

στημονικόν : this adjcctivc, ' suitable for warps,' seem to be new. 

avTols : i. e. the λινίμποροι (cf. 1. 9), even if the priests or (πιμίληταί responsible for 
obtaining the yarn (cf. 1. 4, n.), and not the λινίμποροι, were the subject of the verb governing 

eivat (e. g. προσΐφώνησαν^. 

άπ[ό τον ταμιακοί) λόγου: i.e. the fiscus ; cf. 1. 9, P. Brit. Mus, 985. 6 (iii. 229) τα 

ώρισθίντα μοι 8οθηναι fiV λόγον της σΓ/3α[τ]ίαί μου άπο τον ταμιακοί) λόγου, and Ρ. Leipzig 64 

quoted in 1419. 2, η. 

g. [8f]Kafvvea : ]τα ivv. might possibly be read, but there is not room for \τριάκον\τα, and 
cf. 1. 8, n. For λινΐμποροι, which seems to be a new form, cf. the λινοπώλαι in Wilcken, 
Osf. No. 45, quoted in int. In B. G. U, i. 3 and P. Rainer ap. Wessely, Karanis, p. 74, the 
priests of Socnopaei Nesus paid 300 drachmae eis τιμψ δθονίων βνσσίνων στολισμώ^ν), and 



the nature of the payment has given rise to some discussion in view of other evidence that 
the temple in question manufactured οθόνια itself; cf. Wilcken, Osi. i. 269, Otto, op. cit. 
i. 301. That the Vwov with which λιρψποροι were concerned was yarn, not manufactured 
linen, is clear from the present passage; the occurrence of σνντ€]τιμημίνου and τιμή in 1. 15 
Λvith an apparent reference to the finished product suggests that the priests of Socnopaei 
Nesus paid λινόϋφοι just as the senate or ol reXovvres την τιμήν τοΰ [λίνου did, and it is hardly 
likely that the weavers at Socnopaei Nesus were really priests, as supposed by Otto, since 
in the receipt& of the temple there is no trace of profits derived from weaving. The 
procedure in the case of the Oxyrhynchite temple was different, since the senate did not 
buy the manufactured article, out had separate arrangements with the persons who supplied 
the yarn and with the weavers. 

10. neipav : cf. 1. 1 5, n., and the np6s 8€ΐγματισμ6ν Βιάφορα remitted by Ptolemy Epiphanes 
in connexion with the οθόνια supplied by the priests (Rosetta Inscr. 17-18). 

7rpo(rfveyKovp[e]v: cf. 1260. 28 KaTcveyKw, and n. The construction of και τοίί is uncertain. 
μίλλουσι[ν ίφαίνΐΐν : cf. 1. II. την οβόνην τοΰ iepnv may have followed, as there ; but if 1. 11 
was also spoken by the syndic, there was probably some slight variation. 

11. Either ] ταξάτωσαν or a compound is more likely than π]ραξάτωσαν. What τιΐ'ά 
refers to is not clear. If it is masculine, άνα . [ is probably a future participle in agreement, 
e. g. άναμ[€τρησονΓα το λίνον, meaning that the cloth-weavers were to appoint a representative 
to examine the sample. But there may be a reference to the payment which they were to 
receive for making the cloth ; cf. 1. 1 5. 

λινόϋφοι: cf. int., 11. 12-16, 1281. 4, 1303, and Reil, op. cit. 97. An αμφοΒον at 
Arsinoe was called Αιννφίίων, e.g. P. Tebt. 321. 5 (wrongly assigned to Tebtunis by 
S. Niccolb, Vereinswesejt, i. 102). 

12. For άνα-^νωσθ^Ίσης at the beginning of a new section cf. 1. 19 ; the restoration suits 
11. 19 and 24. In 1. 17 (though cf. n.) and 1415. 4, 13, 17 the same participle occurs 
elsewhere than at the beginning of a line, and άνα-γ[νωσθύ(της can be read in 1. 11, with και 
Λξ\ιώσΐως in 1. 12, but the arrangement of 11. 11-12 as continuous is not satisfactory. In 
spite of the mention of λινόϋφοι in 1. 11, the λινόϋφοι in 1. 12 seem to be distinct, and not 
concerned with the temple, while with regard to the supply of yarn their arrangements were 
different from those in 11. 4-11 ; cf. 1. 13, n. λινόϋφοι τψ ττόλίως means the whole guild of 
cloth-weavers (cf. 1303 and the similar guilds of other trades in 85), this being the first 
mention of them in the Roman period ; cf. S. Niccolb, /. c. They must have been the 
persons responsible for making the cloth required from the city; cf. 11. 1-3 and int. 

αντοΐς was probably followed by [imp ίκάστου κρίκου (cf. 1. 15, η.) or whatever the 
measure of the cloth was; cf. 1. 8, n. 200 drachmae are much too small a sum to 
represent the whole amount due to the cloth-weavers. 

13. πλΐοτιμίαν των €ΐ8ων : cf. 11. 5-6, η. It is clear that the λίΐ/όϋφοί τ^ί πόλίω? had to find 
their own yarn, unlike the λινόϋφοι in 11. lo-ii ; cf. 1. 12, n. 

vnovpy[S)\v : cf. e.g. B. G. U. 362. viii. 6 παι8ία (1. -δί'οΐί) ς• νπονργοΰσι rots αυτοΐς 

ό ^[ρύτανις : οΊ [βονλΐυταί might be read, and in 1. 9 the senators fix the prices ; but in 
1. 1 6 they give their assent to some proposal, and though one or more changes of speaker 
may have occurred in the lacunae in 11. 13-15, it is more satisfactory to assign the whole 
passage following μβτά τψ άνάγνωσιν as far as βουλή in 1. 16 to the prytanis ; cf. 1. 16, n. 

14. ψηφ[ίσασθ(•. or, if this line was spoken by the βουλΐυταί (cf. the preceding n.), 


15. συντΐ\τιμημΐνου τοΰ κρίκου : κρίκος, which usually means an iron ring (cf. Reil, op. cit. 
66), is found in 147. 2 σχοιν{ίον) ήτοι κρίκον in the sense of a coil of rope. Here it seems to 
refer to a bundle of cloth, perhaps tied by a ring, for αύται refers to the additional drachmae 


voted by the senate, and the payment to the cloth-weavers would naturally be made after 
the valuation of the cloth following its manufacture. With συντΐ\-ιμημίνον cf. 11. i and 
9-10, nn. That the κρίκος refers to yarn is unlikely (cf. 1. 13, n.) ; but whether it means the 
whole amount due, or is a unit of measurement, is not clear, τον [κρίκου might be restored 
after την τιμψ, where the verb may well have been άπαιτΐίσθωσαν (cf. 1. 2) ; but [λίνου is there 
more likely, though referring to manufactured linen, not to yarn (cf. 1. 13, n.). oi reXoCirey 
are clearly tax-payers, not purchasers, and appear to have been the persons responsible for 
paying to the senate for the cloth-weavers the value of the cloth, i. e. probably the persons 
who make money-payments for οθονιηρά ; cf int. 

16. π[α\ρατ(θί]σΐταί υμΐν. cf. 1413. 14, 1 7, nn., 33, which suggest that here too the 
speaker Avas a σύνδικος : but if 2enTipios Αιογίνης κτλ. (cf. 1. 7) be restored, the length of the 
lacunae at the ends of lines was much longer than seems probable in 11. 9-10, and the assent 
of the senators suggests that π[α]ρατ€θ. κτλ. is all part of the speech of the prytanis. Cf. 

1• 13» ^M 3^rid 1415. 8, where παραθησόμεθα ... τω κρατίστω ίπιστρατηγω is Spoken by the 


17. Since 11. 19 and 24 are irreconcilable with the supposition that άναγ]νωσθίντος 
came at the beginning of the line, there was either a blank space before it or more probably 
e. g. a date. Terentius Arius is possibly the strategus mentioned in 1455. i, 34 (a.d. 275). 

€κα[: or eKf[. A minor official title is expected; cf. 1. 19. 

18. ebo^fv νπ€ρτΐθήνα\ι : cf. 1416. lO. 

19. [άναγνωσθεντος ΐπιστα\λματος : cf. 1. 1 7 and 1415. 1 7. For κατα]π•ομπώΐ' (maSC.) cf. 

1415. 6 and P. Leipzig ined. ap. Wilcken, Chrest. 43. int. ΰποΒΐκτης (1. -as) ήτοι καταττομπούς 

των κΐλίυσθ^των ....[..]. ων. For μ([τα την άνάγνωσιν cf. 1. 1 3. 

20. μάλιστα [8e] : ] . πλίστα[ΐί]οτ possibly ταχίστα[κ] can be read, with Tois instead of rots 
before άμα, but ίπι]μ€λητα[ΐς] is inadmissible. 

21. fls €τημ€λή] τόπον (cf. 1412. 11-12) cannot be read. A similar partial meeting of 
the senate seems to be meant in B. G. U. 144. ii. i (cf. 1416. int.) ^ρ4θη υπ6 [τ]ών em τοΰ άπ6 

της αυτής βουλής, where JoUgUCt {op. cit. 382) propOSCd του(του) for του, but τόπ(ου) or τΐ^ο)υ 

seems more Hkely. 

22. ^[ΐ\νηται•. the subject was probably a phrase like eWSpa (or ψποΒισμος) mpl την 

καταπομπην της αννωνης των γβνναιοτάτων στρατιωτών ] cf. 1415. 7• 

24-0 νόμ]ος: *Apt]os (cf. 1. 1 7) could be read, but there is not room for 6 στρατηγ]ός, 
which would rather be expected, if he were mentioned. 

25. σ/ceψ■€ωίapparently means a resolution of the senate, as in 1412. 13. In 41 the honour 
to be bestowed upon the prytanis has been supposed by Wilamowitz and others to refer to 
his re-election, but that is very doubtful since the meeting was of the δ;7μοί, not of the senate ; 
cf. Wilcken, Chrest. 45. 9, n. The appointment of a prytanis seems to have required the 
confirmation of the praefect ; cf. 1252. verso ii. 18-19. 

26. Probably πολ]ύ (or ex ttoWoJO) yap. 

27. κ]λυτε, a poetical word, is unsatisfactory here, though the doubtful ττ might be τ and 
the δ might be λ or a. ατίμητε (cf. 1. 22) is inadmissible. Whether the scribe wrote the correct 
vocative eu7er;[€y] is also uncertain. The scribe of 41, who is equally careless, especially with 
regard to the confusion of at and c, may have intended ^ντνχη for a vocative, though Wilcken 
{Chrest. 45. 3, n.) prefers to regard that form as an imperative, i.e., ίύτΰχει. The vocative 
of Α(ωνί8ης is Αεωνί8η in 1413. 1 6, but the declension of that word is of course different. 

28. The word after [ό]φ6[ί]λ[οΐ']τ6ϊ may be a verb ending in -ουσιν, but not [άπ]ίχουσιν. 

29. πρόσκλητον βον[λήν : cf. 1412. 12, η. But in 1416. 28 πρόσκλητον is used in 
a quite different sense, and the vestiges of βου[λην are very slight. 

Ε 2 


1415. Report of Proceedings of the Senate. 

26-2x32 cm. Late third century. 

This much damaged papyrus contains the latter part of one column and the 
beginnings of a few lines of a second from a report of the senate's proceedings 
similar to 1413-14 but a little later, and probably belonging to the reign of 
Diocletian or possibly the period 305-23 ; cf. 1413. int. The mention of 
an epistrategus, an official who is not elsewhere attested later than 280 
(P. Ryl. 114. ^Si n.), does not favour a fourth-century date. Two sections 
(11. 4-12 and 17-31) are fairly well preserved, and another (11. 13-16) is partly 
intelligible ; but the other three are quite fragmentary. Lines 1-3 belong 
to the conclusion of a debate, apparently a speech of the prytanis, declaring 
his intention of referring the question, which seems to have concerned some kind 
of transport, to the epistrategus. In 11. 4-12 the subject is the consideration 
of instructions from the strategus to appoint persons to serve in place of two 
others, who were responsible for transporting military supplies but had 
absconded. The prytanis was anxious for the appointment of substitutes without 
delay, but objection was raised by the senate to nominating beforehand a certain 
class of persons (or perhaps any one at all), for fear of their flight. The prytanis 
was therefore reduced to an appeal to the epistrategus on this point, as well as on 
the question of filling up two other vacant posts, of one of which the description 
is lost but the holder seems to have absconded, the other being the office of wine- 
collector, of which the holder, Aristion, had been released from duty by the 
epistrategus. The mention of Aristion's name was greeted with exclama- 
tions of approval by the senate ; when, however, the prytanis made another 
request for filling up the vacant posts, their reply referred to the seizure of 
the sureties of the defaulters and shows no signs of their consenting to do as 
they were asked, so that the concluding remark of the prytanis, which is lost, may 
well have been a repetition of his former declaration that he would appeal to the 

The next section (11. 13-16) began like the one preceding with the reading 
of an official communication from the strategus, of which the contents are not 
preserved ; a second communication was from a public banker, apparently 
desiring a substitute for one of his colleagues, whose conduct had been unsatis- 
factory. A suggestion was then made, probably by the senate collectively, that 
a richer person should be appointed, after which the prytanis made a speech, 
apparently occupying the rest of the section, except perhaps for a remark of 
assent from the senate at the end ; but the nature of his observations is obscure 


In 1. 17 a difficulty arises similar to that in 1414. 13 ; for, though a fresh series of 
communications was read, the name but not the rank of the official being given, 
the topic which gave rise to an animated discussion in 11. 18-31 was the appoint- 
ment of a public banker, and it is not at all clear that a new section began after 
1. 16, especially as 11. 15-16 may have been concerned only with the instructions 
from the strategus, and the question of the appointment of another public 
banker may have arisen out of the communication in 1. 14. The public bankers, 
however, formed a collegium at this period (cf. Wilcken, Ost. i. 647), and on the 
whole we are disposed to disconnect 11. 17-31 with the preceding section, and to 
regard the communications mentioned in 1. 17 as parallel to that in 1. 14, 
but referring to a different vacancy. The first speech seems to have come? 
as usual, from the prytanis, who pointed out that persons already holding 
a public office were eligible for election to a second, and it was on this question 
that most of the subsequent discussion turned ; for, after a second speech from 
the prytanis urging an immediate election (cf. 11. 4-13), but leaving the choice 
of a candidate to the senate, the members of the tribe which by rotation was 
responsible for the appointments to liturgies (cf. 1413. 13, n.) proposed the 
election of Ptolemaeus, a chief-priest, one of the lesser municipal officials 
(cf 1412. 1-3, n.). The next speech (1. 31) was apparently an objection to 
the nomination from Eudaemon (an exegetes who intervenes again later in 
support of Ptolemaeus) on the ground that the burden of two offices was beyond 
Ptolemaeus' means, as was also pleaded by the chief-priest himself. The prytanis' 
suggestion that more pressure should be brought to bear upon Ptolemaeus, 
as being too modest, led to renewed protests from both him and Eudaemon ; but 
though perhaps disposed to make some concession with regard to the office 
already held by Ptolemaeus, the prytanis would take no refusal on the question 
of the bankership, and the senators showed their opinion by the acclamations 
customary in these circumstances (1. 37, n.). A final appeal from Ptolemaeus, 
supported by a reminder of his past services from his champion, was disregarded, 
and his election as banker was proposed by the prytanis and accepted by the 
senate, a last good word for Ptolemaeus being spoken by Eudaemon, acquiescing 
in the verdict of the majority. This lively and interesting debate presents several 
points of similarity to the discussion in C. P. Herm. 7. ii ; cf. 1. 35, n. 

Col. ii, belonging to two other sections, contains only one or two letters in 
most of the lines, but is valuable for its indications of the method of commencing 
a new section, the beginnings of lines being nowhere else preserved in 1413-15. 
The lines in 1415 were, as is usual in this class of documents, of great breadth, 
and in no case can the whole gap between two consecutive lines be filled up 
with certainty ; but in 1. 5 not more than about 45 letters need be lost at the 


beginning, and the initial lacuna there is unlikely to exceed 60 letters. Compared 
with the beginning of 1. 5, the initial lacuna in 11. 1-3 is longer by about 38 letters 
and in 1. 4 by 8 ; in 1. 6 it is of the same length, and in 11. 7-10 shorter by 
5 letters, but longer in 1. 11 by 7, in 11. ia-13 by 11, in 11. 14-15 by 12, in 1. 16 
by 8, and in 11. 17-31 by about 35 letters. 

Col. i. 

I 6 irpvTavLS €Ίπ(€ΐή' o]tl άγοράζονσιν τά αιαυτων, κατα- 

ζ ]ωι/ άκούουσίν, ΐνα και ncpl τούτου 

αύτω παρα- 

3 [Θώμ^θα. ] 

4 [ό ττρύτανις €in{€v)' και ά]ί'αγ€ίΐ/ώσ[κ6]ταί νμΐν. άνα•γν[ωσ6^ντω\ν ^\τγ]ι- 

σταλμάτων δυο τοΰ στρατηγού, ivos μ^ν 

5 [περί τον άντΙ Άκτιασίωνο9 βονλ(€υτου) ? νιου κατα<ρίρον\Γθ^ 

καταπομπ[ο]ν9 οΐνου άποδράντο? €Τ€ρον δοθηναι, του 8k έτίρον 
π€ρΙ τον [ά]ντι Θύωνο9 βον\{ζντοϋ) νιον 

6 καταφύροντοί e^] 'Αραβία[9] joys καταπομπονς κριθής άπο8ράντα>ν 

ομοίως 'έτερον δοθηναι, μ\ζτα την\ άνάγνωσιν ό πρύτανις ίΙπ{ζν)' 
γ δότζ TOVS A6iroi;]/Dy[o]iis', I'ua μη βμποδίζητ€ ή κατα- 

7Γομπη{ς} της άννώνη{ς) των γ^νν^οτάτων στρατιωτ5^ν?[ οι 
βονλίυται dn(ov)• μη προ- 

8 [τραπήτωσαν ? ΐν]α μη φίύγωσιν. ό ιτρύτανις €i7r(€vy παραθη- 

σόμζθα και nepi τούτον τω κρατίστω ίττιστρατήγω, (η^ν]€σπ6μΐνοι 
5e και π€- 

9 [ρΐ και 7r]€pi συνλίκτον ο'ινον άντι Άριστίωνος τον άπολυθίντοί 

νπο τον κρατίστον ίττιστρατήγον δι άλ[\ου ν]π[ο]μνήματος. 

ΙΟ [οι βονλίνται ζΐιτ{ον)* *Αριστί]ων όταν ^λθη όλοκληρήσίΐ, λπτονργος 

ην ολοκλήρων Άριστίων. ό πρύτανις (Ηπ[€ν))' δ6τ€ τονς [λ€ΐτό]νρ- 
γού?, ΐνα 

II [μη ίμποδίζηται οι βονλζνται dn{ov)• ξγγύη η]δη^.'^ παρά 

τω στρατηγώ ην, Άκτιασίωνος και Θίωνος ίγγύαι παρά τω στρα- 
τηγώ [ή]σαν. ό πρύτανις €ίπ(€ν)• 



13 [0 TvpvTauis €Ϊπ[ξν)' ]e . . [.]A[.]e . . ου και άναγανώσκίται ύ/^ίΓι/. 

ά[ν\αγνωσ6€ντο9 €πιστ[ά]\μα[το]9 του στρατηγού [7r]€/Di του 

14 και ίπιστάλμ]ατο9 δημοσίων χρημάτων τραττ^δίτου irepi του αντί 

Πασ^ωνοί ?..]...[...] κατο και 

15 €Tepov δοθήναι, μ^τα την άνάγνωσιν οι βουλ^υται €i7r(pv)• δ πρύτανις ?] 

ζύτΓορωτξρον όνομαζύσθω. ό πρύτανις ίΐπ(€ν)' δια . . [. . .]αι 
. [, . . e]w"ei'^are .[...]...[. .]υτ . . . υμω e . [ 
ΐ6 ]....[.]... τηλίκαντην, και ύμΐς ουν ψηφίξΐσθζ το €.[...].. α- 

.[....]. οι βο[υλζ]υτα[ι Ηπ{ον)' .... 

17 [ό πρύτανι? (ΐττ{ζν) ? άναγνωσθίντων ίπισ]ταλμάτων '![.] . . ρφ^σου π^ρι 

[το]ΰ ωρ[. .]υ[. .] . [ 35 letters 

18 [μζτα την άνάγνωσιν ό πρύτανις €in{ev)• ety \ζΐτο]νργ[αν κατε- 

τάγησαν και ήδη e)(^ovT€S λ€ΐ[το]υργία9• οι βουλ€υ[ται] fiTjipv)' 

[.]'.'.[, ..\",]9 

19 δ πρύτανι^ Ηπ(ζν)' άνα7Γ\η]ρουτζ το λειτούργημα, δότε [ ] 

ι[. .]ί . , [. . . ., 6ν]ομάσασθ€ ο[ν] βουλεσθαι. οι άττο τη^ 

20 φυλή? Ηπ(ον)' Ευδαίμων ί^ηγητήί dn(ev)' ου δύναται ? JTjroXe- 

μαΐθ9 €ν[μ]€ν€ΐν Χειτουργεία, τοϋτ\ο'\ kni [. . .]ί[ ] 


21 ] πασαν άναλάβεσθε e/y άλλο τι βαρυτάται? raty e . . [.]αίαίί 

λειτουργείαι? και 
2 2 Πτολεμαίο? Δαμαρίω\νο? άρ^^ιερεύ? εΐπ{εν)' δέομαι ύμων, ου δύναμαι. 

μετρώ? ειμί, irapa πατρι τρεφομα[ι, 

23 ό πρύτανι? ε^π{εν)' ετι δεετε τη? άφ' ύμων προτροπή? Πτολεμαίο?, 

και αύτο? γαρ άπο τηλικ[ού- 

24 [του λειτουργηματο? αποφεύγει ? Εύ]δαίμων εξηγητή? εΊ7Γ{εν)' 

και Πτολεμαίο? μετρώ? εστίν και ου δύναται το βάρο? 

25 [ύποφερειν Πτολεμαίο? Δαμαρί\ωνο? άρχιερεύ? εΪ7Γ{εν)' ύπερ 

εμε εστίν το λιτούργημα. δ πρύτανι? εΊπ{εν)• ει και εν άλλτ] [ 

26 Πτολεμαίο?, ου δύναται] άντερεΐν ύμεΐν ει? την δημοσίαν τραπε- 

διτείαν. φανερον δε εστίν οτι ουκ εξεσ[- 
2-7 [τι ]ι[.] . . ί[. .]αρ . ϋύν. οι βουλενται είτΓ{ον)' άγναί 

πισταΐ Πτολεμαίε, ίκανα αύτω [ 
28 Πτολεμαίο? Δα\μαρίωνο? άρ^ιερευ? εΐπ(εν)' δέομαι ύμων, ού δύναμαι 

ύπο ενα καιρόν δύο [λι- 


29 \τουρ•γηματα ύποστηναί. Ευδαίμων ^^ηγητη^ (Ίπ(€ΐή• ΊΊτοΧΐμαΐο^ 

π]€Ϊραν της προαιρίσ€ω9 αύτον πολλάκι? δίδωκ^ν. ό Trpvravis 

30 προβάλ]λομαι αύτον ύμΐν. οι βουλ^νταΐ €Ίπ(ον)' ουκ avTiXe^ei ttj 

φνλτ} ΙΙτολ€μα[ΐο9 . . 
3? ] Ευδαίμων ^ivYVTrj? dn{€v)' πίστ€ως evcKfv αύτον 

€Ϊ\ασθ€. [ 

Col. ϋ. 

32 ό πρύτανις [€ίπ(€ν)' 

33 f € . [ 

Beginnings of 7 more lines. 

41 ό πρύται^ί[9 (Jn(ev)' 

42 α[ 

I. 1. eavrS>v, 5. νϊου Π. 6. 1. άποΒράντος. 'J. 1. (μποΒίζηται . . . γ€νναιοτάτων. 

g. ΰπο Ώ. II. ακ οί ακτιασιωνος COTT. ey'yuai Π. 1 4- \. τραπ{ζίτον. 1 8. β οί 

βουλΐνται COrr. 19. 1. βονλίσθΐ. 23. 1. Seerat, i.e. δΰται. 20. 1. τραπφτ€ίαν. 
2 7• 1. άγνΐ πιστί. Ικανά Π. 

4-31• ' The prytanis said, "... and it is read to you." Two communications from 
the strategus having been read, one concerning the appointment of a substitute for Actiasion, 
senator (?), son of . . ., convoying collectors of wine, who had absconded, the other con- 
cerning the appointment likewise of a substitute for Theon, senator, son of . . ., convoying 
from Arabia (?) collectors of barley, who had absconded, after the reading the prytanis said, 
"... Appoint persons to do the duty, in order that the carriage of the annona for the most 
noble soldiers may not be hindered." The senators said, " Let . . . not be (nominated) 
beforehand . . ., lest they run away." The prytanis said, " On this point we will refer to 
his excellency the epistrategus, and we will also add a statement concerning . . ., and con- 
cerning a collector of wine in place of Aristion, who has been released by his excellency the 
epistrategus in another memorandum." The senators said, "... Aristion, when he comes, 
will prosper ; a prosperous public servant was Aristion." The prytanis said, " Appoint the 
persons to office, in order that there may be no delay . . ." The senators said, " The surety 
of . . . was already (?) deposited with the strategus, the sureties of Actiasion and Theon were 
deposited with the strategus." The prytanis said, . . . 

The prytanis said, "... and it is read to you." A communication from the strategus 
having been read concerning . . ., and one from the banker of public moneys concerning 
the appointment of a substitute for Pasion, who . . ., after the reading the senators said, " Let 
the prytanis nominate a richer person." The prytanis said, . . . 

. . . Communications from . . . esus having been read concerning . . ., after the reading 
the prytanis said, "... were appointed to a public office although they already held such 


offices." The senators said, . . . The prytanis said, " Fill up the office, appoint , . ., 
nominate whom you will." The members of the . . tribe said, . . . Eudaemon, exegetes, 
said (?), " Ptolemaeus (cannot ?) remain in the public office . . ." Ptolemaeus son of 
Damarion, chief-priest, said, " I entreat you, I cannot serve. I am a man of moderate means, 
I live in my father's house, . . ." The prytanis said, "Ptolemaeus still requires to be 
pressed by you, for he too shrinks from so great an office . . ." Eudaemon, exegetes, said, 
"Ptolemaeus too is a man of moderate means and unable to bear the burden . . ." Ptolemaeus 
son of Damarion, chief-priest, said, "The office is beyond my powers." The prytanis said, 
" Even if Ptolemaeus ... in another office (?), he cannot refuse you with regard to the post of 
public banker. It is, however, clear that it is not permitted . . ." The senators said, 
" Upright, faithful Ptolemaeus . . ." Ptolemaeus son of Damarion, chief-priest, said, 
" I entreat you, I cannot undertake two public offices at one time . . ." Eudaemon, exegetes, 
said, " Ptolemaeus has often given an example of his loyalty." The prytanis said, "... 
I propose him to you." The senators said, " Ptolemaeus will not refuse his tribe . . ." 
Eudaemon, exegetes, said, " You elected him on account of his good faith." ' 

1. Perhaps eVetS^ φανερόν ioTiv o]rt ; cf. 1. 26. For καταφίρίτωσαρ cf. 11. ζ— 6. 

2. αντω is probably the epistrategus ; cf, 1. 8. παρα[θά>μ(θα indicates the prytanis or 
syndic as the speaker; cf. 1. 8 and 1413. 17, n. 

4. Koi ά^υαγ{ΐνώσ[κ€]ται νμ'ιν: cf. 1. 1 3, B. G. U. 925. I -Θην [ti/'j flbfis και άναγίΐνώσκρται. 

μ€τα τη]ν ανάγνωσ]ιν κτλ., De Ricci, Ci?. de Γ Acad. d. Inscr. 1905. 160 (W. Chrest. 27). 9-11 

avayvaa6(^T(u η διάτα^ίί Πρόκλου. άνα•γνωσθ(ίσ{τ]ί) κτλ. Something like (πιστάλματα ίλαβον, 

followed by the name of the strategus (cf. 1. i7,n.), probably preceded. 

5. For the restoration of the name cf. 1. 11. For καταφ€ρον]το: cf. 11. i, 6, 1414. 20; 
κατάγον]τος would also be suitable. For καταπομποί cf. 1414. 19, n. 

6. f|] Άρσ)3ία[ί] : this probably refers to the district between the Nile and the Red Sea, 
or else Arabia Felix. Most of the caravans bringing Arabian wares from Philotera, Myos 
Hormos, Leucos Limen, or Berenice entered the Nile valley at Υ^αινη {Keneh), Coptos, or 
further south, but Hadrian constructed a road from Antinoe to the coast. 36 (= W. Chrest. 
273) contains part of a tariff relating probably to wares imported from the Red Sea; cf. 
Rostowzew,- Archiv, iv. 298 sqq. The νομός Αραβία (cf. 1435. 8) is certainly not meant, 
and though Αραβία is sometimes used merely in reference to that part of an Upper Egyptian 
nome which was on the east bank (e. g. P. Brit. Mus. 401. 10 Κόχλακος της Αραβίας τοΰ . . . 
Ώαθυρίτου νομοΰ ; cf. Strabo, p. 806), it is very doubtful whether any part of the Oxyrhynchite 
nome, even the eastern toparchy, was on the east bank ; cf. 1421. 3, n. 

7. δότε κτλ. : cf. 11. lo-ii and 19. For the annona militaris cf. Wilcken, Grundz. 360. 

προ|[τραπ^τωσαι/ : cf. 1. 23, 1413. 9. -πράονομασθήτωσαν {<d. 1417. 8-9, n.) WOUld also be 


9. The person referred to in the early part of this line was probably mentioned also 
in 1. II, where, if the restoration is correct, he was in the same position as Actiasion and 
Theon with regard to his surety, a circumstance which suggests that he like them had run 
away. But δι' αλ\κον ν^\ό\μντ]ματος at the end of the line indicates that a υπόμνημα of the 
epistrategus occurred earlier, and π€|[ρί (title) άντι (name) τοΰ άπολνθίντος xmb τον κρατίστου 
επιστρατήγου δι* υπομνήματος και πίερί can be restored, in which case the first part of 1. 10 may 
have contained some complimentary references to him corresponding to those concerning 
Aristion, and the words preceding πάρα τω στρατηγώ in 1. 11 would have to be restored 

συνλίκτου οΧνου : the first word seems to be the genitive of σνλλίκτης, an otherwise 
unattested form analogous to νπο^ίκτης, rather than of σΰλλ^κτος. 

ΙΟ— II. Ινα 1 [μη (μποδίζηται: cf. 1. 7• 


11. ^jS;; : cf. 1. 1 8. If iyyvη is right, it was preceded by the name of the person described 
in the first part of 1. 9 ; cf. n. The deleted letter may have been 5 or v. 

πάρα τω στρατηγώ: declarations of sureties for pilots or ναύκληροι in the public service 
were usually addressed to the strategus, e. g. 1554; ίγγύαι probably means the documents, 
not the actual money. 

12. The final remark of the prytanis may well have been παραθησόμΐθα και nep\ τούτου τω 

κρατίστω εττιστρατηγω ' cf. 1. 8 and int. 

13. καϊ άναγαι/ώσκεται : cf. 1. 4> "• The word ending in -ov is probably a proper name,. 
στρατηγού being inadmissible, ν can be read for e before . . ov, but the name seems to be 
different from that in 1. 17. 

14. αντί Ί1ασί[ωνος κτλ.: cf. 1. 5 and 1416. II-I2 άντ\ . . .] τ[ο]ν ονομασθεί vtos) κα\ μη 

συν\(ΐτ[ο]υργησαντο[5. The word before και does not seem to be λ€ΐτονργησαντοί, but all the 
readings in this line after roO are very uncertain, en-l πάσι is possible. 

15. ονομαζίσβω is apparently middle, as in 1. 19 ; the active occurs in 1413. 4, 9. The 
speaker can be the senate collectively or an individual, but not the prytanis, who generally 
opens the discussion after the reading of documents, ονομάζΐσθαι (which would be passive, 
depending on τηρΐ τοΰ in 1. 14) cannot be read, and an aorist infinitive is expected after 
irepl τού. For the prytanis as nominator cf. 1. 30 ; but the subject might be e. g. the 

Χΐΐτονργονσα φυΚη ; cf. 1. I9, η. 

1 6. τηλικαύτην : cf 11. 23-4. λΐΐτονργίαν may well have occurred earlier in the line, but 
not immediately before τηλικ. At the end of the line ούτω would be suitable (cf. 1414. i6), 
but the reading ol βο[νλΐ]υτο[ί is very doubtfiil, especially as ντα was on a separate fragment, 
which is not certainly placed here. 

17. If a new section began in this line (cf. int.), the prytanis probably made an 
introductory remark, as in 11. 4 and 13. The word after ίπισ]Γά\μάτων is apparently a proper 
name, not a title, and may well refer to the strategus ; cf. 1414. 17. 

18. For the initial restoration cf. I. 6 ; that els λΐΐτο^υργίαν κτλ. belongs to the επιστάλματα 
is less likely. Instances of persons holding more than one public office are not uncommon : 

a βασιλικό: τραπίζίτηί in Β. G. U. 121 (a. D. 1 94) is alsO evapxos γνμνασίαρχοί, the ίύβηνιαρχία 

was often combined with other offices (1412. 1-3, n.), and cf. 1. 25, 1416. 5, nn. 

19. δότ€ [top λ(\[του]ργό[ν (cf. 1. lo) cannot be read. For 6ν]ομάσασθ€ cf. 1. 15, n., and 
for o'l από της \ [(number) φνλψ 1. 3o and 1413. 12, n. 

20-1. αναλαβΐσθΐ may be for άνάλαβίσθαι. The reference to βαρντάταις λ(ΐτονργίαις 

suggests that, in 1. 21 at any rate, Eudaemon (cf. int.) was the speaker, rather than the 
prytanis or the tribe, and if e. g. ου 8ΰναται (cf. 11. 26 and 28) occurred before njroXe/ioiof, 
that sentence too may belong to Eudaemon. The members of the tribe may have said 

προτραπητω ϋτολ^μαΐος ^αμαρίωνο! άρχίΐρ^ΰς : cf. 1413. 9• 

23—4• Cf. P. Ryl. 77. 38—9 avabf^apevos την μΐ'ιζονα αρχήν ονκ όψ^Ιλΐΐ την ίλάττον 

2 ζ. fV άλλη [: or eV«XXo[-, i. e. some part oi ΐναλλαγη (cf. 1413. 22, 23) or ΐναλλάσσ€ΐν. 

In any case there is probably a contrast between Ptolemaeus' άρχκρωσυνη, which might be 
got rid of in some w-ay, and the bankership, which he could not refuse ; cf. 1. 30, and 1627, 
which is concerned with a change of λΐΐτονργίαι. A somewhat similar situation occurs in 
C. P. Herm. 7. ii, where Heraclammon, who is pressed to undertake an εηιμίλίΐα, desires to 
vacate his position of eutheniarch first (perhaps he was gymnasiarch also, for tV των γυμνα-^ 
σιαρ[χ in 11. 8-9 apparently refers to Heraclammon, and his name may have occurred in 1. 2 
as one of the two gymnasiarchs instead of Paniscus' as restored by Jouguet, op. cit. 383). 

27. For άγνί πιστί cf 1413. II, η. ικανά might mean 'bail', and a word like aviepev 
can be restored; cf. P. Ryl. 77. 30 Ικανον άνίθήναι. But it may well have its commoner 


28. Δα]μαριωΐΌί: 0Γ, pOSsibly, ] Ώρίωροί. 

29. For ίποστηναι cf. e. g. C. I. G. 1 365 ^γυμνασιαρχίαν υττοστ. For Eudaemon as 
Ptolemaeus' supporter cf. 11. 24, 31, and 20-1, n. The senate also might be the speaker. 

30. προβάλ^λομαι : cf. C. P. R. 20. i. 6—7 rois ττροβαΚομίνοκ τον ημέτΐρον vlbv . . . els 

κοσμψ(Ίαν. The letter before ο (which is nearly certain) can be y, λ, π, σ, or r. 

31. πίστΐως evfKfv : cf. 1413. II. 

1416. Memoranda of Proceedings of the Senate. 

27'2Xi2'4cm. About A. D. 299. 

On the recto of this papyrus is a list of official persons (1498). The verso 
contains a valuable list of subjects discussed by the senate of Oxyrhynchus, and 
is to some extent parallel to B. G. U. 144, a fragment of what seems to be 
official memoranda of a prytanis (cf. Preisigke, Beamtenwesen, 53). Col. i of that 
papyrus is, however, too imperfect to show its contents, and of Col. ii 11. 1-5 
refer to a person appointed to an office by the prytanis after an informal meeting 
of senators (cf. 1414. 31, n.), leaving only 11. 6-9, which are part of a list of 
individuals apparently appointed to some λειτουργία by the senate. 1416 was 
clearly drawn up by or for a prytanis, and that it refers to the acia, not the 
agenda, of the senate is indicated by the use of past tenses throughout, especially 
in 1. I ά(τ•ϊ]γχ\σατο. The different subjects are normally introduced by the phrase 
■7r(e/3i) του followed by an infinitive, but in 1. 27 there was apparently some 
variation, perhaps owing to the commencement of a separate section. On 
the right-hand side there is an almost vertical break, and the ends of lines 
are mostly lost. Probably at least twenty letters are missing ; cf. 1. 6, n. The 
arrangement of 11. 19-26, which are not likely to form one paragraph, is uncertain. 
The writing on the recto bears considerable resemblance to 1412, which belongs 
to the reign of Probus, and 1416 must be assigned approximately to the close of 
the third century on palaeographical grounds. The mention of the praefect 
Publius indicates a date about A. D. 299, though only one emperor is referred to ; 
cf. 1. 29, n. On the general question of the subjects debated by the senate 
see 1413. int. 

(Ιση^(ητή$) [....] ξίσηγήσατο Τίίρων δ και 'Απολλώνιος βονλ(€ντή9). [ 
7r(€pi) τον 'ρρη[ο•]θ(αι) [e/jy το καλίσαι τον ίπιστρά{τηγον) els την πανήγ[υριν. 
π(€/3ί) τον άπο βονλΐυτικων npo^peiav γίνίσθαι e/y ray χώρας [ €ίση- 

(Ιση•γ{ητήή ^ζπτίμιος 'ίΐρίων ό και Αιογύνης. 
5 τ(€/)ί) τον άπο των όνομασθ(ίντων) eh άρχα? άγωνοβετην προτρα\πηναι. 


w{€pl) τον προτραπήναι γυμνασιαρχησαι Φαρμοϋθι κθ [ τον 

καΐ Ήρακλ^ίδον aL Ύ]μίρ{αν) και τους κληρον6μ[ον9 L•, Παχωι/ . 
νΐον Αίοννσίον, η 'lepaKa Έρμίον^ θ Η[ , ι Ή\ι6-^ 

δωρον, La φ Δωρίωνα τον και Πλοντα[ρχον. 
ΙΟ π{ζρι) τοΰ α η^ίωσαν οι lepiis e/y την e^(^s) βονλην νπ€ρτζθ[ήναι. 
[7r(epi) το]ΰ η^ιωκίναι Δίδνμον τον και Εύδαίμονα και [ άντι 

τ[ο]ν 6νομασθ{ίντοί) και μη σννλ€ΐτ[ο]νργήσ•αντρ['! προτραπήναι 

κλίωνα και Χΐρηνον γ€ον)^{ονντα9) ίν Χ^σφθα [ 
[/c]ai Έρμοψιλον και Όννώφριν ίκ δθ)ζτ}[9 
15 ί'']^''?! ^'^/ί^α και tovs σνν αύτω όνομασ6{ίντα9) [ ety το 

avTovs την πανήγνριν και ^ρήσθ{αι) [ Χζρηνον ? 

kiri τω τον Ήρακλύωνα αντον παρασ[τησαι ? 
τον] fipfja6{ai) [αν^τΐ Χιλβανον Άνΐΐκητον κοσμητ(ην) e0' ή[μ€ρας . 
τον] Ιποί[. . .]θ(^αι) άπόψασιν Αιμιλιανον Ασκλη7Γΐ[άδον 

Χαιρήμο }]να και ώνομάσ6{αι) νί[ο]ν 'Αβα[σκάντον} ίπΐ τω 

ν]ομικάριον Χαιρήμονα παρα.\στησαι ? 

roL» ? . . των δη]μ€νθίντων και τη^ πολίΐτικης π[ροσ6δον(?) 

] σνσταθηναι TJj i^fjs βονλτ] κα[ι 

]y Άπόλλωνο? τον κ{αι) NciXoy γν(μνασιαρ\ ) 

ΙΪ]τολ6/χΓίΌΐ/ ^$ηγ{ητ ) kv aXKa\C\s ήμξραι[? 


π(€ρί) ? . . .]ye[.] . και της βονλής και δια το δημοτίΧη ύναι 7Γα[ 

7r(e/)i) ?] τον πρόσκλητον Χαβύν πάρα τον ίπιτρόπον. 

7Γ(€/?ί) τον ....]. ι . αι τον Χ^βαστον και Πονπλιον ήγ(μ6[να) και ι[ 





3• τ of τον corr. απο added above the line. 8. 'iepaKa Π. 

1. 15 iepea. 2^. θ οί σνσταθηναι COTT. 

ΙΟ. It pets Π ; SO in 

1-18. '. . . Proposed by Tiron also called Apollonius, senator. 

Concerning the appointment of some one to invite the epistrategus to the festival. 

Concerning the making of an advance from the senatorial funds for the posts of . . . 
Proposed by Septimius Horion also called Diogenes. 

Concerning the urging of one of the nominees to offices to become steward of 
the games. 

Concerning the urging of . . . son of . . . also called Heraclides to be gymnasiarch on 
Pharmouthi 29 (-30?) for i-| days, and the heirs of . . for •|(?^ day, . . . son of Dionysius 


on Pachon ., Hierax son of Hermias on the 8th, ... on the 9th, Heliodorus on the loth, 
Dorion also called Plutarchus on the nth and 12th. 

Concerning the postponement of the petition of the priests until the next meeting. 

Concerning the petition of Didymus also called Eudaemon and . . . that in place of . . ., 
who was nominated and failed to serve as their colleague, Heracleon and Serenus, land- 
owners at Sesphtha, should be urged to take office . . . and Hermophilus and Onnophris . . . 
in succession to . . ., now priest, and those who were nominated with him ... for (super- 
intending) the festival, and the election of Serenus (.?) ... on condition that Heracleon 
should be bail for his appearance. 

Concerning the election of a cosmetes (?) in place of Silvanus son of Anicetus 
for . . days.' 

1. ίίσηγησατο : cf. int. and 1413. 2, n. (ΙσηΎ^ητης) added later in the margin here and 
against 1. 4 serves apparently to emphasize the insertion of the name of the proposer, which 
seems to be omitted in the later sections. This Tiron is probably mentioned in 1515. 4. 

2. TravTjy\ypiv : cf 1. 1 6, 41. I ]apias πανηγυριω: οϋσης, where Wilcken {Chrest. 45. I, n.) 

has suggested (ξτραορ8ι.ν^αρίας, and 705. 34—5 «^^^ '^^^^ v^" '''ψ '"«" (ττινεικίων rjpepau ίκάστον erovs 

πανηγυρίζοντας (sc. the Oxyrhynchites). A tax [ ] πανηγύρ€ω{5:) occurs in p. Ryl. 213. 

374. It is possible that a name is lost at the end of this line and 1. 5. 

3. άπο βουΧΐντικ.ών προχρΐίαν : cf. 1418. 2 Ο ay ΐκτΓροχ\ρί\ία: ττΐποίηκΐν γυμνασιαρχίας ημ^ρ . . ., 

and 1501, which is concerned with a loan by a ταμίας βονλ{(ντίκων) χρη{μάτων). The βου- 
λευτικά, which are not mentioned elsewhere, seem to be a private fund of the senate, distinct 
from the πολιτικός λόγος administered by them, on which see Jouguet, op. cit. 416. 

The name of some office or offices, e. g. της γυμνασιαρχίας, probably followed χωράς, for 
which cf. 1413. i, n. 

5. άγωνοθίτψ : this official, who is often met with in some of the provinces (Liebenam, 
Stadteverwaltung, 542), is rarely mentioned in Egypt; but cf. 1284. 8-9, where the order 
κοσμητεύσαντος [κα\ άγωνο]θ€τησαντος indicates that he ranked above the cosmetes (cf. 1412. 
1-3, n.), Dittenberger, Or. Gr. Inscr. ii. 713, where his office at Alexandria was combined 
with that of gymnasiarch (cf. ets αρχάς here), P. Ryl. 117. 18. 

6. After κ^ at least one more day (i. e. λ, followed perhaps by Παχών . ,) must have 
been mentioned, if 1. 7 refers to this date ; but that is far from certain. The occurrence of 
(Pachon) 8 in 1. 8 would suit the view that the lacuna at the end of 11. 6 and 7 extends to 
30 or 40 letters, but at the end of 1. 8 Only one name is necessary before «, and though 
a father's name may have been added and t . . . τον και Ήλιό]δωροΐ' is possible, a lacuna of 
more than 20 letters is unlikely. Probably several of the early days of Pachon were 
omitted; cf. 1413. 24, n. Gymnasiarchs only held office for a few days in the year, so that 
a large number of them was required ; cf. 1418. 15, n. 

8. h[: >^ηρονόμους (cf. 1. 7) is improbable. 

10. Cf. 1414. 18 and 1413. int. 

11-12. προτραπηναι, for which cf. 11. 5-6, or 8οθηναι (cf. 1415. 5, 1 4-1 5) is to be 
restored either in 1. 15, in which case the liturgy in question was connected with the 
πανηγυρις (1. 2, η.), or in 1. 12, in which case it may have been different and «ts• τ6 . . . 
πανηγυριν may depend on όνομασθ^ίντας) in 1. 15. It is curious that so many names were 
apparently suggested, for there seems to have been only one defaulter (τ[ώ]υ cannot be read 
in 1. 12), and only one substitute {αυτόν in 1. 17), with another person as surety. Possibly 
the persons mentioned in 11. 14-15 were not coupled with Heracleon and Serenus. 

13. Σίσφθα (or Σίφθα, as in P. Hibeh 45. 5) was in the lower toparchy (1285. 136), 
probably close to the Nile since a κνβψνητης in 1554. 6 came from it, and a place of some 
size since in 1285 it paid more than any other village in its toparchy. The boundary 


between the lower toparchy and the Heracleopolite nome was probably somewhere between 
Feshn and Feni, and nearly opposite Hibeh, which lies on the east bank. That town, 
perhaps identical with Hipponon (cf. P. Hibeh, p. lo), was in the Heracleopolite nome, but 
the papyri from its cemetery were mainly written either in the Κωίτης toparchy of the Hera- 
cleopolite nome, or in the lower toparchy of the Oxyrhynchite. 'ίτΰχις and ΊάΚαη, two 
Heracleopolite villages often mentioned in them, and, as P. Hibeh 117. 8 indicates, near 
each other, may well correspond to the modern Absi^g ΰίπά Tala to the north-west oi Feshn, 
in which case the Κωι'τ»;? τ6έο% was the southern portion of the Heracleopolite nome. This 
is on the whole more probable than the view suggested in P. Hibeh, /. c, that it was all on 
the east bank, for unless the Nile has shifted its coiu-se since Roman times, there was hardly 
any cultivation on the east bank between Wasta and Fent. Tala, however, might be the 
Ox)Thynchite village of Ταλαώ. Shenra, which is near the edge of the desert west of Fent, 
may be the Oxyrhynchite Ί,ιναρν, often mentioned in the Hibeh papyri, and Talt, a little 
south-west of Tala might be another, θώλ^ΐί. The Ptolemaic papyri found in recent years 
at Gamhud, between Shenra and Tali, are likely to throw more light on the question. 
Ίακόνα, another village in the lower toparchy, is stated by the Iterin. Anton, to have been 
twenty-four Roman miles from Oxyrhynchus. Since Sesphtha was in the 10th pagus in 
the fourth century (P. Giessen 1 1 5), it was probably in the extreme north of the toparchy, 
of which other villages belonged to the 8th and 9th pagi, i. e. further south in the direction 
of Maghdgha; cf. 1425. 4, n., and 1448. int. The boundary of the Oxyrhynchite and 
Heracleopolite nomes was perhaps slightly altered in Roman times, for Άσσύα, which is 
found in a taxing-list of Heracleopolite villages in P. Hibeh p. 8, occurs in 1529 along with 
villages of the lower toparchy of the Oxyrhynchite nome, unless a different village is meant. 

14. εκ hoxr^^: cf. 1265. 17 eV δίαδοχ^Γ τον . . . ■narpos in a declaration by a priest (cf. 

[vji/vei Upia in 1. 1 5). 

15. For €ty TO followed by an infinitive (ayeiv ?) cf. 11. 2 and 11-12, n. 

16. Perhaps rhv npoKelpevou Σερηνον should be restored ; cf. 1. 13. 

17. 7ταρασ\τησαι : cf. 1. 21 and 6. g. 1554. 8 ov και παραστήσω σοι. 

1 8. κοσμητ{ην) : Concerning this office not much is known, and whether it was normally 
held for only a few days at a time like that of gymnasiarch (cf. 11. 6-9) is uncertain, κοσμη- 
τ(οϋ) or κοσμητ{€νσαντος) would apparently yield the same sense as κοσμητ{ην), if εφ' ή[μ€ρας . 
be retained ; cf. 1. 2 for the absence of an expressed subject of the infinitive. ΐφη\βων 
followed by a title, which would be the subject of ι^ρησθαι, is less likely. 

19. π\(ττοι[ησ]θ{αι) does uot Seem the right verb if the genitive Αίμιλιανοΰ is correct, and 
there is hardly room for another letter besides 7r(ept) τοϋ in the lacuna, a can be read for o, 
and κ or η for t. άπόφασις means a sentence of a judge, but what rank Aemilianus Asclepiades 
held is uncertain, except that he was not praefect; cf. 1. 29, n. 

21. [ν^ομικάρων: νομικάριοί seems to be a late variant for νομικό:, which can mean either 
a legal adviser, as in C. P. R. 18. 22-5 (= M. Chrest. 84) '?ίΚαίσιος Maptavos . . . συνλαΚησας 
Άρτί[/ιι]β[ώρω τ]ω νομικώ nepi τοϋ πράγματος ν^πη\γόρ(νσ€ν άπό^φασιν η και άν\(\•γ]νώσ6\η\ or a tabelUo, 

as in 34. iii. 3 (cf. Koschaker, Zeitschr. /. Savignyst. xxix. 15-19). In Byzantine papyri 
νομικάριος occurs in 136. lo, 154. lo, P. land. 45. i. The proximity of άπόφασιν in 1. 19 
suggests the meaning 'lawyer' here, but 1. 20 refers to an election to some office and 
may belong to a new section. The doubtful second a of παρα[ can be ω, but 1. 2 1 may well 
correspond to 1. 17. 

22-5. That these lines were connected with 11. 19-21 seems improbable. They can 

be reconstructed [ττερί τον (κ (or άπό) τών δη^ΐνθίντων και της πολιτικής π\ροσό8ον τα πΐριγινό- 
μει/α (?)] σνσταθηναι ttj έξης βονλίί κα\\ ^ρησθαι άντ\ (cf. 1. Il)]f ΆπόλλωΐΌΓ τον k{cu) Νείλου 
γν(^μνασιαρχησαντος^ (πι^τ^ιρ^ητην . . . njroXf/xti'oi' κτ\. But π\ροσό^ου is very doubtful ,' the 

vestiges ΛνοηΜ suit ν at least as well and can be 7 . [, and parallels for the phrases in 1. 22 


are lacking. Line 25 might be [περί τον προτρ{απψαι) ΤΪγοΚΐμΊνον ΐξη•γ{ητίνσαι) κτλ.; cf. 1. 6. 
ι[ can be read after ημίραι.[ί] in place of the supposed ρ at the end of the line above. 

26. Possibly the supposed ι (or p) belongs to 1. 25, and the space between 11. 25 and 
27 was blank. If there was a line there, it may well have been a heading, possibly a date ; 
cf. the next note. 

27. This section seems to have begun somewhat differently from the rest, for, though 
n{epi) του can be supplied, the word before ttjs is not an infinitive, γυ. can be read for ye[.] . ; 
the word shows no sign of having been abbreviated. A substantive to which Βημοτΐλή: would 
apply is expected. 

28. τον is written a little higher than the rest of the line and might be a marginal note 
(cf. 11. I and 4), but this line is more probably a new section than a continuation of 1. 27. 
πρόσκλητον λαβεΐν seems to refer to receiving a judicial summons from the fnirponos, though 
πρόσκλησιν (for which cf. Mitteis, Grundz. 16) would be expected. For trials before an 
επίτροπος involving the senate cf. 1413. 17, n., 1417. int. It does not seem practicable to 
interpret πρόσκλητον here in the same sense as in 1412. 1 2 πρόσκλητον βονλην. 

29. The word before τόν is presumably an infinitive {]μισαι, ]κισαι, ]αρθαι, or javat is 
possible), but can be ]at καί. It is remarkable that only one Emperor is mentioned, though 
two were reigning if 1416 is contemporary with 1204, which mentions the same praefect 
(Aelius) Publius (Aug. 19, 299). He came after Flavins Valerius Pompeianus, who 
was in ofifice from October 287 (888. 6) to Sept. 15, 289 (1252. recto 28), and Aemilius 
Rusticianus, deputy-praefect in 298 (1469. i), and before Clodius Culcianus, who held office 
from Feb. 28, 303 (71. 23) to May 29, 306 (1104. 10). Of the three other praefects 
assigned to this period by Cantarelli {Fre/eUt di Egiito, ii. 13-16), Sallustius (P. Amh. 
137. 4) was shown by 1191 to belong to the 6th year of Probus (280-1); Aurelius Antinoiis 
(B. G. U. 13. 3) was not a praefect, but the π{ραι)τι{όσιτος), or at any rate a subordinate, 
of an unnamed praefect, while Πόσ[του/χ]οΓ or Ποσ[ε/διο]?, the praefect mentioned on Pompey's 
pillar at Alexandria (Dittenberger, Or. Gr. Inscr. ii. 718. 3), was probably our ηουβλιος, 
Salt having in fact read ITOYBAIOC and Kohler nOYBAIOC. On the praefects preceding 
Valerius Pompeianus see 1456. i, n. 

1417. Report of a Trial concerning the Senate. 

21-8 X 26•8 cm. Early fourth century. 

The trial reported in this fragment was an action before a strategus, brought 
by the senate of Oxyrhynchus through their σννίικο^ (cf. 1413. 17, n.) against 
Nilus, probably Thonius (1. ^'^), and perhaps other persons (cf. 1. 28), who had 
after election by the senate failed to perform the duties of eutheniarchs. A some- 
what similar action before an eTrtVpoTros, brought by the senate of Hermopolis 
against gymnasiarchs, is mentioned in C. P. Herm. ^^ (W. Chrest. 39) ; fragments 
of other trials in which the senate was represented by σvvl•ικoι are extant in 
C. P. Herm. 23, 25-6. The office of eutheniarch, a magistrate responsible for the 
grain supply of Oxyrhynchus, was difficult to fill, and, as 1252. verso shows, for 
some years before 289 it was in abeyance. In the present case one of the persons 
nominated (Nilus ?) threatened to resign his property and appeal to the praefect, 
as not infrequently happened in connexion Avith the nomination to municipal 


offices ; cf. 1405, 1642, and C. P. R. 30. The judge, as might be expected, 
exhibited a desire to carry out the resolutions (ψηφίσματα) of the senate (cf. 11. i6, 
23, 28-32) ; but the lines were of considerable length, though the writing is large, 
and are too incomplete to permit a reconstruction of the dialogue, which was 
chiefly between Nilus and the strategus. The papyrus probably belongs to the 
early part of the fourth century rather than to the end of the third ; a date 
towards the middle of the fourth century, though palaeographically possible, is 
hardly compatible with the prominence of the strategus, for that office after the 
establishment of the logistes and defensor (cf. 1426. 3, 4, nn.), and praeposiii of 
the pagi (1425. 4, n.) rapidly waned in importance ; cf. 1430 and 1470. intt. 

Col. i. 

α]δ[£]<α τα πλΐστα 
] οφζίλομζν avveSpev- 
\arai ] δ[6]γματι kv τω ψηφίσματι 

] και επίτροποι αυτά τα [.] . a/xafj' 
5 των] ύπαργόντων καΐ πάντα μου τα νπάρ- 

[γοντα βο ?]νλή, ξ^ίσταμ€ αύτοΐς 

]€ΐαν. Πλοντίων σύνδικος HTr{ev)' 
Νΐΐλο ?]? Ηπ(€ν)' οσα ύπάργοντα υπόκειται ταχύ 
]ω την e^oSov ττοωνμαί ίπζΐ το[ν] κύριόν 
ΙΟ \^μου ήγξμονα ia\v ό σκρζίβα^ φο-ίντι \τ\ην ύπ\ρ ι/[.] . υτου 

]re ου βούλονται, ακολούθως ήμ€Ϊς ττροο- 
] €v τοΪ9 νπομνήμασι τηρήσομξν το δί- 
\καιον τη\^ ^ύθηνιαργίας. των συνδίκων ηγινο- 

NeiXov την €ύθηνΐαρ]χίαν αντον μη Κ€χορηγηκ€ναι, NetXos ein{^v)' 
15 ο στ]ρατη•γο9 dn(€v)' recos• ονν τίνα δβησβί €κ 

] όφίίλΐί αύτο9 την χορηγίαν ποίη-{σασθαί) 

Col. it. 

[ βασ\ιΧικ[ 

[ ]ωι/ καΐ πρ . [ 

ο[. .] . ay ΤΓίριίχΐί ή άναδ[οχη ? αύτο]ΰ. ό στρατη[γο9 ein(€v)' 
20 σαντο οι άπο τη? βουλής μζτατβθήναι το ύπο[.] . ο[ 


σοΰ του τή? ζύθηνιαργία^ λειτουργήματος ei . [ 
Νζΐλος ύπ{^ν)' μάτ^ν ουν θζλω δια σον τον στρατηγον ο[ 
ό στρατηγοί Ηπ{^ν)' recoy το της βουλής ψήφισμα [ Νείλος ? €ί7Γ(€^)• πε- 

ρί γνμνασιαρχ^ίας μόνον διελάλησεν τβ βονλβ τ[ εύθηνιαρ- 

25 \ίαν. 6 στρατηγός ειπ{εν)' ου ταννν ττερά γυμνασι\αργίας 8ια- 

γεινώσκειν δύναται, η 6 κύριος μον [ό] διασ[ημ6τατος ήγεμων 
Νείλος είπ(εν)' πάρα των μελλόντων ε^ζ^ειν τα δόγμ[ατα 6 στρατηγός ειπ{εν)' 
ύμεις οι ενθεσμοι παραδοθέντες ενθηνίαργοι τ[ του κυρίου 

μου ήγεμόνος φανερά σοι πεποιήκα[μ'\ε\ν 

3© εν Trj ε^ετάσι και επηκτήσεται των λ€ΐ[ ο- 

ρίζεται τω της βουλή[ς] ψηφίσματι . [ της χο- 

ρηγίας παρά τίνος γειγνομενης . [ 
Θώνιος εΙπ{εν)' σοι . . νει[ ] • • [ 

5• ϋπσρ Π ; SO in I. 8. 6. ΐξίσταμΐ Π. 1. -μαι. 8. ϋποκίΐται Π. ΙΟ. vnep Π. 

28. νμ^ις Π. 3*^• 1• ^ττικτησίται. 

2. όφί/λομίν συΐ'€δρ€ί[σαί may be spoken by the strategus (cf. 1. i6 όφΰλΐΐ αυτοί), or by 
the syndic (1. 7). 

3. ΐι[ό]γματι: cf. 1. 27 and P. Fay. 20. 22, where the word is used by the Emperor 
(JuUan ?) for an edict, i. e. the papyrus in question. In 1417 it may refer to an edict of the 
praefect, who is mentioned just before 1. 27, while ήγΐμόν^ς] κα\ επίτροποι is not unlikely in 
1. 4, as e. g. in 237. vii. 14. 

5—6. Cf. 1405. 5—6 and 24—5 (ξιστανόμίνος αντω, and, for πάντα, 1405. int. avTois refers 
to the nominators, and φ]υ\η may be substituted for βο]υλη (which may of course be dative); 
cf. 1413. 13. 

8-9. It is not clear whether Nilus or the strategus is the speaker ; but if eVci in 1. 9 is 
for «Vt, as is probable (cf. 1. 25 Trepei), 1. 9 suits Nilus, and 11. 11-13, if there is no change 

of speaker in 1. 10, can be restored προο\νομασθΐντεί . . . ύπό της βουλής"^ iv rots ύπομρημασι 
τηρησομεν το 8ί^καιον της γνμνασιαρχίας (cf. 1. 24), άπολνθησομΐθα {? ; cf. 1. 20, η.) δε τ^]? (νθηνιαρχίας. 

On the other hand, if ενθψιαρχίας depends on τό δί[καιον, 11. 11-13 at any rate are best 
assigned to the strategus, and it is he who refers to the praefect in 11. 26 and 29. If eVei is 
retained, ΐξοδον might mean ' issue ', not ' voyage ', and the speaker be the strategus, but the 
instances of appeals to the praefect for release from liturgies (P. Amh. 82 and 1642. 21) 
favour the view that 1. 9 refers to a voyage to Alexandria. The line drawn above 1. 10 was 
perhaps intended to indicate deletion, as e. g. in 843. 

10. Perhaps [τ6ν 8ιασημότατόν μου ηγεμόνα', cf. 1. 26. The σκρίβας Avas the Secretary of 
the senate ; cf. 1191, a regulation that appointments of επίμεληταί by the senate should bear 
his signature. The letter after w/p is either ν or π, and that before υτου is apparently not a. 

11-13. Cf. 11. 8-9, n. After των συνδίκων a participle like προσφωνησάντων is expected, 
but ν,τιω\[μΐνων (i. e. ^τιαμενων) does not suit the vestiges, for the second letter seems to be y 
or σ and the fourth to be v, though whether any letter at all followed is very doubtful. 
η -γινο^μενη docs not suit the context 



19. άνα^\οχη•. cf. 1418. 1 8, Π. avab[oais would also be suitable with airro]C ; with ftojv or 
σο^ 2l longer word {avah\ei^is ?) is necessary. ε^(η\σαντο is more likely than ΐ^ηφί\σαντο. 

2 ο. νπό[μ\νη[μα is Unsuitable. At the end of the line a participle, possibly άπόΚνθίντος 
(cf. 11. 8-9, n.), is expected. 

22. μάτην : the fourth letter begins more like e than η, but μάτ(ορ for μάταων cannot 
be read. 

24. The subject of διελάλι;σίΐ/ is perhaps the praefect. On the combination of the 
offices of gymnasiarch and eutheniarch cf. 1418. 14, n. 

26. After δύναται is a blank space, ή is more likely than »; (referring to the βονλη), for 

11. 25-6 may well be restored ου τανΰν περί ■γνμνασι[αρχίας διαλήψομαι (cf. 1420. 5)• ^^ρΐ• τούτου 
ό (e. g.) tntTponos δία\γ(ΐνώσκ(ΐν δύναται^ η ό κύριος μου [ό] διασ\ημότατοα ήγ(μών. The last three 

words are not quite certain, for it is not necessary to suppose that a letter is lost after μου ; 
but διαΎ[νώσίται is inadmissible, θ being the only alternative to σ, and the omission of ό δια- 
σημότατος ηγΐμών would be unsatisfactory. 

27. δόγματα; cf. 1. 3, n. 

30. Perhaps λ(ΐ[τουργημάτων (cf. 1. 2i) ; but λα . [ can be read. 

33. This line is lower than 1. 16, which corresponds to 1. 32, and perhaps 11. 28-32 
contained the concluding judgement of the strategus. 

1418. Application to the Senate. 

Fr. I 30-6xi3-3cm. a. d. 247. 

On the recto of this papyrus is part of a Latin list of soldiers (1511). On 
the verso are the ends of lines of what must have been an interesting application 
to the senate through the prytanis from a certain Aurelius Pasion, who had 
combined the ofifices of gymnasiarch and eutheniarch, and apparently wished for 
some kind of relief in connexion with the gymnasiarchy of his youthful son ; but 
the initial lacunae, as is indicated by the certain restorations in 1. i, probably 
exceeded 70 letters in 11. 1-3 and 9-13, and 6^ in the rest, so that hardly any 
connected sense is obtainable. The first thirteen lines seem to be mainly con- 
cerned with an account of the writer's services and the difficulties of his financial 
position, while 11. 14-30 are a complaint against a former prytanis, Asclepiades, 
with reference to the days on which the writer and his son had been or 
were to be in office. Asclepiades by his failure to fulfil his promises had 
apparently caused them to undertake more than had been agreed upon or was 
just. The details are for the most part obscure, but 1418 supplies some useful 
information about the length of tenure of municipal offices ; cf. 1. 15, n. It was 
written in Thoth (1. 23) of the 5th year (1. 26) of the Philippi, as is shown by the 
mention of the praefect Valerius Firmus (I. 4, n.). A small detached fragment 
with the beginnings of four lines can belong to a second column. The papyrus 
is no doubt a draft or copy of the document actually sent to the senate. 


Fr. I. 

[Ο^νρυγχηων τή? λαμπρά^ και λαμπρότατη? πολύως ττ} κρατίστ^ βονλτ} 

^ίά €ν]άρχου πρντάνζω? πάρα Αυρηλίου Πασιωνο[ς 

]γ παρ' ύμΐρ τα τη9 γ^νομίνη? ονομασία? το\υ 

πάρα την ημ^τ^^ραν δύναμιν οπωσοΰν διαπίπρακται . [ 

τον λαμπρότατου ήμ]φν ήγ€μ6νο9 Ούαλξρίου Φίρμου έπΙ ύπομονϊ 

5 ]e • [σ]υντηρήσαι τον παΐδα καΐ εαυτοί? και ταΐ[? 

] όρου του δοθίντο? ύπο του μζγύθον? τη? ήγ[€μονία? 

]στηναι και '4π€ίσ€ν πάρα δύναμιν ου κατά [ 

τη? πληρω]Θζίση? υπ' €μοΰ ναυκληρια? και S)v άλλω[ν 

ύπ€ρ(?) την ήμ]€Τ€ραν πξριουσίαν ίστιν, κα[μ]οι νυν ύπά[ρχξΐ .... 
ΙΟ ]€ΐν ίστιν. άπάρκζΐ ουν [. . π]ρο? τα ύπάρ[χοντα . . 

κα]θ€στάναι, νμύτ€ρον 'ipyov ίστιν νυν [ 

μ]ου τα? δυνάμει? προτρίποντο? μ\ν τ[οϋ .... 
] . kv ύμΐν πλίον τι και των δυνάμεων μ[ου .... 
]σα9 ]^Ασκ'\ληπιάδου πρυτανεία? γυμνασιαρχία? re και eu- 
15 [Θηνιαρχία? ]α? κατ 'ίτο? γνμνασιαρχήσαί μ€ ή μύρα? πύντε βύθη- 

[νιαρχήσαι δβ ήμβρα? πύντζ παρ]α δύναμιν βιασάμςνο? ίμαυτόν, ξύχομαί 
τ€ δύνασθαι [ 
]ντ€? ήθ€λήσατ€ και τω λαμπροτάτω ήμων ήγζμόνι [ 
άν]αδ€ξομαι τω παίδι τ€τραμήνιον γυμνασιαρχίαν κα[. 

]σ€Τ6 μ€ν τη? Άσκληπιάδου πρυτανεία? ά? αυτό? Άσκλ[η- 
2θ [πιάδη? ]ριω ζψη ά? ίκ προχ[ρ€]ία? π^ποίηκζν -^υμνασιαργία? ήμί\- 

[ρα? ]διω ων ήδη το άνάλωμα πβπλήρωκα και τω 'Ασκλη[- 

[πιάδτ} ημίρα? τρύ]?, ιη ιΘ κ, ά? αντο? ό Ασκληπιάδη? kv ύμζΐν ύπ[. - 

]ο τω μ\ν οντι μηνι Θωθ το τρ[ίτο]ν, το δ\ δίμοιρο[ν 
] υπ' αύτοϋ τω αύτ[ω\ παιδί μου, απολαμβάνοντα? μ\ν α[. - 
25 το τρίτον, το δ\ δίμο]ιρον τω τή? συ[γκ]ομιδή? καιρώ, €πι δ€ τή? e[.] . . . [. 
τω kv€στω]τι € (erei) Έπύφ [η μύρα]? δύο, ια ιβ, τω δι ζίσι6ν[τι <τ (βτ€ΐ) 
ή]μύρα? πύντί, €π[1 δβ τή]? αύτοϋ πρυτανεία? Θώ[^ . . 
ημύρα? πύντ]€ τή? γυμνασιαρχία[? και ήμ€ρ]α? π€ντ[ζ τ]ή? €ύθη[νιαρχία? 

] άποδιδόναι ecoy αν [ 1 6 letters ]θ'τη[ 

SO ] την γνμ{νασιαρχίαν) τω υιω μ[ου 13 letters ]αι €τ[ .' . . 

Fr. a. 

^ ασ[, 2 y6j/o[, 3 σου χ[, ^ λ€ξι[ 

F 2 


2. νμιν Π; SO in 11. 13 and 22. 3. a of ] . av corr. from t. 8. ϋπ Π. 14. ου of 
[ασκ]\ηπιαδου corr. from η. 2 Ο. ay above the line. 23. διμοιρο[ν corr. 

2. Perhaps το[ΰ υΐοΰ μου or παώόί; cf. 11. 5, 18, 24, 30. For minors as gymnasiarchs 
cf. 1274. 13, n. 

3. irapa την ημετΐ^ραν 8ύναμιν : cf. 11. 7j 12, 1 3. 

4. OvaXepiov Φίρμουΐ cf. 1466. 2 (May 21, 245), 1271. 6 (April 26.?, 246), P. Amh. 72 
(June 16, 246), 720. 1 (Jan. 5, 247), P. Amh. 81. 5 (March 26, 247). The present mention 
(Sept. 247 ; cf. 11. 23-5) is the latest ; cf. 1466. int. 

6. opov : cf. 1409. 15, 1414. 4. 

7. Possibly ov κατά [λόγοι* : cf. 1405. 23 ουκ ανά λόγ(ο^ν. 

8. πΧηρω]θ€ίσης ; cf. 1. 21. On the ναυκΚηρία, which became a liturgy, see 1412. 14, n. 

9. Cf. 1415. 25 υπίρ e/xe ίστ»/ το \(ΐτονργημα. 

14. For the combination of the offices of gymnasiarch and eutheniarch cf. 908, 1252. 
verso ii. 32, 1417. 24. 

15. κατ €Tos : this indicates that the γυμνασιαρχία was held for a longer period than 
a year, though the holder was only 'ίναρχος for a few days in each year; cf. 1413. 17, n., 
1410. int., and 11. 25-8 below, where at least two consecutive years of office are implied 
(1. 26), and, if the πρυτανεία in 1. 27 refers to a preceding year, three or more. 

ημίρας nevre : in 11. 22-3 there is a question of three days, in 1. 26 of two, and in 11. 27-8 
of five again, 1. 28 perhaps referring back to L 15. This evidence (cf. also 1416. 6-9) is in 
accordance with that of the contemporary Hermopolis papyri ; cf. C. P. Herm. 57-62, and 

53• 13 (W. Chrest, 39) τάί ίπιβαΧΚοίισας αυτ[ο'ίς τ]^? γυμνασιαρχίας ήμερα! [rpet]?. 

16. For the initial restorations cf. 11. 28 and 7. 

18. άν\α8ίξομαί : cf. 1417. 1 9 άνα8[οχή ? The meaning seems to be that Pasion would 
undertake for four months in a year (i. e. -J) the responsibilities of gymnasiarch on behalf of 
his son ; cf. 11. 23-5, where there is a question of the division of three days between different 
months (in 1. 22 they are consecutive). nap]abe$opai 'remit' seems less suitable. 

19. ]σ€Τί : or ]σ€τα[ί]. 

2 ο. Possibly ίν συνίΒ]ρίω; cf. 1. 2 2 ev υμΊν. For fK προχ[ρί\ίας cf. 1413. 2 Ο and 

1416. 3. 

21. Perhaps 7Γαι]δίω; cf. 1. 5. 

22. Perhaps ΰπ[€\[σχετο. Asclepiades seems to have undertaken certain days himself; 
cf. 11. 19-20 and 1252. verso ii. 18-21, where a prytanis becomes eutheniarch. άνώίξάμην 
(cf. 1. 18, n.) can be restored before ήμίρας τρύ]:. 

24. The line may have begun [τω τψ συγκομώής καιρώ (cf. 1. 25), and ended α[ϋ|τοϋ. 

25. f[i]^i/r[t|[apxiaf docs not suit the vestiges at the end of the line, which may have 
concluded with a proper name, followed by πρυτανείας ; cf. 1. 27. 

26. Cf.l. 15, n. 

27. avTov (or avTov) is probably Asclepiades; but θώ[θ can hardly refer to the 5th year 
and be the month in which 1418 was written (cf. 1. 23), for the prytanis in 1. i was 
a different person. 

1419. Order from a Prytanis to a Tax-Collector. 

i6'8xi2-4cm. a.d. 265. 

An order from a prytanis of the senate to a tax-collector called a ττράκτωρ 
ΊτοΑιτι,κων (1. 2, η.), to pay the prytanis 1,500 drachmae credited by the tax- 
collector to another revenue ofificial, and 300 drachmae required for military 


supplies. The document was written by a clerk (across the fibres), and signed by 
the prytanis, who also added a line after 1. 5. Since the writing is not earlier 
than the middle of the third century, the I3th year in the date presumably refers 
to the reign of Gallienus (cf. 1407. int.) ; for though in the last year of Diocletian's 
reign instances occur of Maximian's year being ignored (895. 6 and P. Leipzig 84. 
vii ; cf. 1416. 39, n., and 1410. int.), there is no example of the omission of both 
Maximian's and the Caesars' years in a contemporary document. 1499, written 
in 309, is very similar to 1419 ; but that the latter was dated by the Oxyrhynchite 
era beginning in 307 (cf. 1431. 5, n.) and belongs to the year 319 is improbable, not 
only on palaeographical grounds but also because the sums mentioned are too 
small to suit the period of great depreciation of the coinage, and the financial 
powers of the prytanis were much circumscribed in the fourth century. The 
technical terms present several points of interest, especially as the evidence for 
the changes in the revenue administration caused by the establishment of senates 
in A.D. 202 is still scanty. 

TI{apa) του πρυτάν^ω^ 

Θωνίω πράκτορι πο\ίτικ{ων) γαί^ρπν). 
^ζο\Βίά\σόν μοι άή) S>v άπ^τησα$ 
Τ€[λω\ι/ικ(ωιή kv τω νομω as 
5 μ€Τ€βάλον δι{α) δημοσίας τραπίζ[ης) 

Όιτίΐνάτορι ά'π•αι(τηττ)) τι(μή5) ιτυροΰ 

(δραχ^μάς) Άψ, άλλα καΐ άλλα? eh λόγον 

άννώνης λξγιωναρίων 

ΤΓ€μφΘ{ίντ(ύν) άπο ^Ή.ρακ\λ'\άμ[μ\ωνος μ€τά 

Ίσχνρί(ιϋ(ι/09) διώκ(του) σίτ{ον) {δρα-χ^μάς) τ, γ{ίνονται) ίπ{1 το αντο) [δραχμαϊ) Άω. 

ΙΟ ίξοδίοσον τ[ά]5 δραχμάβ 

χιλ[ί]α8 όκτακοσία$. 

(eroir) φ Παννι δ. 

'From the prytanis to Thonius, collector of city-dues, greeting. Pay me from the 
tax-farming contributions which you have exacted in the nome the 1,500 drachmae which 
you credited through the public bank to Opinator, exactor of wheat equivalents, and further 
on account of the annojia of the legionaries sent from Heraclammonos with Ischyrion, 
corn-collector, another 300 drachmae, making 1,800 dr. in all. (Signed) Pay the 
1,800 drachmae. The 12th year, Pauni 4.' 

2. πράκτορι πο\ιτικ[ων) : cf. 1444 (a.d. 249), where πολιτικά are contrasted with κωμψικά, 
both being collected in corn by a δβκάττρωτο? in a village, and P. Strassb. 45, where the 
payments of κτητορ^ς are divided into those of πολίται and those oi κωμψαί. In Justinian, 

Edict. 13. 13 τά T£ "ΠοΚιτίκα και σοΚίμνια τ^Κη της μΐγάλης των 'Αλ(ξανδρ(ων πόλΐω! και τα ίκατίρας 


Αίγύητον (cf. 13. 14 8απανηματα ποιησαι in'i re της (Κ7Γνρώσ€ωί των 8ημοσίων βαΚανείων ini re τοις 

σολεμνίοις άπασι τοις πολιτικοΊς) are distinguished from δημόσιοι φόροι (13. 9)) ^^^ Gelzer, 
Archiv, V. 363, followed by Wilcken, Chrest. 297. int., connects these πολιτικά with the 
αστικον and κωμητικόν in P. Cairo Maspero 67060 (W. Chrest. 297), regarding them as 
communal taxes, like Maspero. It is, however, very doubtful whether κωμητικόν even in the 
Byzantine period ever meant a tax levied for the benefit of a village (i. e. public works). 
That is certainly not the meaning of κωμητικά in B. G. U. 802. xi. 23 (a.d. 42), P. Tebt. 340 
(a.d. 206) which is parallel to 1444, Ryl. 221. 29 (early 3rd cent.) κωμητικά διοικήσεως, and 
C. P. Herm. 120. recto iii. 12 (3rd cent.), where κωμητικά are contrasted with μητροπολιτικά 
(i. 4). In all those cases κωμητικά is a general expression for ' village-dues ' ; cf. P. Tebt. 
340. int. The same meaning will also suit κωμητικόν in P. Cairo 67060, and it is note- 
worthy that δημόσια αστικά in P. Cairo 67045-6 (cf. P. Brit. Mus. 1419. 439 άστικ(ων) 

Ανταίου) are in P. Cairo 67047 called δημόσια simply, so that there is no need to refer 
άστικόν to a communal as distinct from an imperial tax. πολιτικά in 1444 is clearly to be 
explained in the light of P. Strassb. 45 and C. P. Herm. 120 as simply equivalent to 
μητροπολιτικά, i. e. the ordinary State taxes of the metropolis, which in earlier times were 
often collected in villages (e.g. 1283. 4, 1433. 8, 38); and with regard to 1419 the fact 
that the πράκτωρ πολιτικών was concerned with τελωνικά (1. 4, η.) and paid them in the first 
instance to a δημοσία τράπεζα, just as the earlier πράκτορες μητροπολιτικών did, indicates that he 
was dealing with State, not with communal, taxes. For the separate existence of the latter 
there is in fact no very clear evidence : the results of Jouguet's investigation in Vie 
viunic. 432 sqq. are mainly negative, and even in C. P. Herm. loi it is not certain that 
the εξηκοντάδραχμος μερισμός was paid to the πολιτικός λόγος. The metropolcis even before 
the third century had property of their own, called οΐκος πόλεως in P. Fay. 87. 5, της πόλεως 
λόγος in 54. 1 5, and after the establishment of senates we hear of land belonging to the 
πολιτικοί λόγος (C. P. R. 39. 8), which is also often mentioned in papyri concerning public 
works. This fund was at first administered by the senate through the prytanis, who in 55. 4 

(a.d. 283) is called δΐί'πωι/καιτά πολιτικά, and below him by the ταμίας πολιτικών χρημάτων (55. 

14; cf 1501. 2). After the establishment of the logistes at Oxyrhynchus in the reign of 
Diocletian or just after (cf 1426. 3, n.) the πολιτικά Λvere controlled by him and an imperial 
επίτροπος, to whoni the prytanis had to apply before obtaining a grant for repairs of the 
public baths (1104; a.d. 306). From C. P. Herm. 92-3 (a.d. 265-7) it appears that at 
Hermopolis the πολιτικός λόγος supplied J of the expenses of public works. At Oxyrhynchus 

in A.D. 316 payment for δημόσια πολιτικά, έργα was made by a δημοσίων χρ[η'^των (ηοίλη[μ]- 
μάτων ; cf 1430. g, η.) τραπ{εζίτης) ^θξ(νρνγχίτον) πολιτικής τραπέζης (84. 8), and πολιτική 

τράπεζα there is considered by Preisigke and Wilcken {Grundz. 167) to be the communal as 
opposed to the State bank {δημοσία τράπεζα), and the outgoings are supposed by them to have 
come from the city not the State funds. We think, however, that the contrast drawn by 
Wilcken between δημόσιος and πολιτικός is too sharp : certainly in 84, as the employment of 
both terms with reference to έργα shows, there is no essential incompatibility between them, 
and instead of regarding δημόσιος there as used loosely (so Wilcken), we prefer to regard 

πολιτικός both in the phrase "Ο^^νρυγχίτου) πολιτ. τράπεζα and δημόσια πολιτ. έργα aS simply 

meaning ' of the city ', without implying any reference to the commune as distinct from the 

State; cf. 892. 11 πολιτικον έργον. In P. Strassb. 28 (a.d. 305) a πολι(τίκόί) τρα(π€^ιτ;;Γ) 

issues a receipt for φόρος προβάτων, which in earlier times was an ordinary State impost 
(Wilcken, Osi. i. 286), and it is very unlikely that this tax was ever made over to the 
πολιτικοί λο'γοΓ in the sense in which that phrase is used in C. P. R. 39. The senate became 
largely responsible in the third century for the collection of taxes through επιμεληταί and 
δεκάπρωτοι (Jouguet, Vie munic. 387 sqq.), and even in 55 and 1104 πολιτικά may possibly 
have the sense found in 1444 and not refer to the city's own funds ; cf Jouguet, op. cit. 281 


and P.Leipzig 64. 21-2 (a.D. 368) τ6ν άπ6 τών πολιτικωρ χρΐωστηθίντα κανόνα προσηκβι σωον 
άπο8οθηναι τοΓ? ταμιακοΊς Xoyois (sc. the imperial fiscus). TToXiTiKOs is, we think, primarily 
contrasted with κωμηηκός, not with 8ημόσιο!, at any rate in 1419 ; cf. the next note. 

4 τ([\ω]νίκ(ων) : the traces of the second letter would also smt i, but τι[ρω\νικ{ων) is 
unsatisfactory, for the tail of a p, if there had been one, ought to have been visible and 
though the χρυσ6ς ηρώνων is often mentioned in fourth-century documents (cf. 1103. mt.), the 
word τφωνικά is unattested in papyri. τ^[λω^κ{5>ν), moreover, is confirmed by the mention 

of an άτταιτητής ; cf an OStraCOn ap. Wilcken, Osi. i. 610 άπαιτ{ητ})ή μ^ρισ{μων) €νλ{^ιμματοί) 

τ,λωνικων. Here too the άπαηητψ may have been collecting arrears, which would account 
for his presence in connexion with taxes which were farmed and for his rank being apparently 
higher than that of πράκτωρ. During the earlier Roman period in the case of taxes collected 
directly άπαιτηταί are found interchanging with πράκτορες (Wilcken, /. c), and where taxes 
were farmed they are only known to come in when it was a question of arrears ; but their 
position may have been altered by the middle of the third century; cf. 1413. 29, where the 
senate appoints άπαιτηταί, and 1461. 13. In Os/. i. 581 ^ Wilcken in connexion with B. G. U. 
10 expressed a doubt whether τ,λωνικά necessarily implies the farming of a tax ; but in the 
present case there is no reason to suppose that the word is used loosely, for ημί, ττυρον in 
Osi. No. 1587 was collected by a τeλ{ώvψ) θησ{ανρο^) UpS>{v). What particular tax was meant by 
τψη irvpov is uncertain, but probably the ordinary land-tax is referred to ; cf. the πολιτικά in 
1444 and P. Thead. 42. 6, 9 (a.d. 312). In any case a State impost is probably meant ; 

^ " * 8.' L• 'ηρακ\\\άμ[μ\ωνο,•. κύμψ is probably to be supplied, but this is not known as 
a place-name, and was probably outside the Oxyrhynchite nome, like the place from which 
the soldiers in 1543. 4 came. 


1420. Report of a Trial. 

i6-2X2o-5cm. About A.D. 129. 

The recto of this papyrus contains some traces of obliterated second-century 
writing. On the verso is the concluding column of an account of a trial before 
the strategus Asclepiades, whose date is known from 1024. i. The contending 
parties were Heradion and Agathinus, and the dispute concerned the administra- 
tion of some property of which they were, apparently, joint ^ττίτροττοι (11. 9-10, η.). 
A final judgement was postponed by the strategus pending an examination of 
the accounts to be presented by the two parties. 

[ούδ]ί7Γω κατακζχώρισται. 'Ασκληπιά8ψ ό στρατηγό? 
σκ€ψάμ€νο9 unev άναγκαΐον ίΐναι δοκβΐ ιτρότ^ρον tovs 
λόγου? καταχωρισθηναι, ϊνα γνωσθβ τίνα μίν kaTLv τα 
καταλΗφθίντα, τίνα 81 τα πΐριγ^γονότα, καΐ τίνα τα 
5 χρ^[ο]\υτηθ€ντα. TOTe γα[ρ] και nepl των χορηγιών διαλήμ- 


ψομαι και, ei τι kariv άκόλουθον, κριθήσίται. Ή ράδιων 
€ί7Γ6ΐ'• evOms κατα)^ωρίώ τον9 λόγον^• ου παρ' ίμην Se αίτίαν 
ου κατίχωρίσθησαν. άλλ[ά] μίντοι καΐ τ6[ν] 'Ayadeiuou συν- 
[καΙτα]χω[ρίσ\αι Set, μ^χρι [κρίτ]τ)ρίου μήτ€ λαββσθ{αή της ίπιτρόπου 
ΙΟ [ypeias ? μή]τ€ Άγαθίίνου συγίχομίνον. ό στρατηγοί 
[eKiXevaeu σ]νι/ολα λη[μ]ματίσθήναι. άι/ί[γ]νωι/. 

3- ϊνα π. 5• <^ of χορη-γιωρ COrr. from α. 

' . . . has not yet been presented. Asclepiades, strategus, after consideration said, " It 
appears to be necessary that the accounts should first be presented, in order that it may 
be ascertained what has been left, what there is over, and what debts have been paid. 
I will then decide about the allowances, and, if there is anything required, judgement shall be 
given, Heradion said, I will present the accounts immediately ; but it is not my fault that 
they have not been presented. Agathinus too, however, must join in presenting them, and 
until judgement is given I will not undertake the post (.?) of guardian myself or in com- 
bination with Agathinus. The strategus ordered the whole amount to be accounted for. 
Read by me." ' 

9-10. The construction is harsh, but there is little doubt about the reading λαβ€σθ{αι), 
with which e/xe is to be supplied. (πίτροπον\[μ(νης might be read (sc. yrjs or ουσίας), but the 

form (ΈίτροπΐΊν for emrponevfiv is not certainly attested. σνν[8\ίχομενον or σνν[ι\σχομβνον or 

παρασχομενου can be substituted for συνεχομίνον ; we suppose that a space between ν 
and 6 or σ was blank. The doubtful χ can be λ, and the next letter might be a. tmrponov 
[xpeias (for which cf e.g. P. land. 33. 12 άντιληψ(σθαί xpfias) seems to refer to a private 
guardianship rather than an official post, Avhich would be less likely to be concerned with 

χρΐολντηθίντα and χορηγίαι (Οΐ χορηγεΐα) ; cf. P. Ryl. 1 82. I αναγραφή των άφέβίντων . . . υφ' ημών 
των γ (πιτρόπ\ων). 

1421. Order from a Strategus to Comarchs. 

1 1-9 X 9•2 cm. Third century. 

On the recto of this papyrus is part of a list of land-holders, written in the 
late second or early third century (1533). On the verso, written along the fibres, 
is a brief order from a strategus to the officials of two villages, situated in different 
toparchies but probably near each other (1. 3, n.), concerning the embarkation 
of some acacia- wood belonging to the government (1. 4, n.). P. S. I. 213, an 
order to the ττώωφύΚακζί of Nesmimis to keep some chaff, is similar ; cf. also 
the common orders for arrest, e. g. 1505-7. 

II(apa) τον στρατηγού 
κωμάργαις και δημόσιοι^ κωμών 
Τααμπίμον και 5'e/)ii0[e]a)y. 


TO ^\y^ov TO άκάνθινον το Κ€- 
5 κομμίνον kv ttj Εωνθζΐ k^avTrjs 
[7Γ€/χ•ψ•ατ6] e/s• [το ... . π]ροθμΐον, 
[καΐ ξμβάλζσθί αντο] ei'y το kvTav- 
\θα τταρασταθϊν 8η\μόσίον πλοΐον. 

[ 1 

2. ων οί κωμών COTT. from ης. 

* From the strategus to the comarchs and officials of the villages of Taampemou and 
Seruphis. Send at once the acacia-wood which has been cut at lonthis to the . . . ferry, 
and put it on board the State boat which is stationed there.' 

2. 8ημοσίοις: cf. 1411. 2, n. Here too there is nothing to indicate that police were 
specially meant, though the δημόσιοι would probably consist mainly of, guards; cf. the 
Leipzig papyrus mentioned in 1465. 8, n. 

3. Taampemou was in the eastern toparchy (1285. 88); Seruphis w^as in the western 
(1285. 71), and probably a place of considerable size, for it paid 1,940 drachmae, i. e. much 
more than any other village in 1285, where only three villages paid over 1,000 dr. Since 
Oxyrhynchus itself w-as in or adjoined the western toparchy (1475. 22, n.) and Taampemou 
was further east and probably near both the Nile (cf. 1. 6) and Seruphis (cf. 1545. 3, where 
it comes next to Seruphis), the modern village oiAskn/bak four miles east of Oxyrhynchus, 
is perhaps to be identified with Seruphis, and Tanbawak, between Ashrubah and Beni- 
mazdr, with Taampemou. The area of cultivation on the west bank is exceptionally 
broad in this part, and the eastern top. may have run north and south between Matai 
and Tanbadi (near Maghdghah), which strongly suggests Ύαμπίτί, also in the eastern top. 
(612). On the west would be the western and probably part of the middle top. The 
order of the toparchies in 1285 is (i) upper (i.e. southern), (2) Avestern, (3) eastern, (4) 
middle, (5) Thmoisepho, (6) lower (i. e. northern), and since the same order from south to 
north is traceable in the arrangement of the villages in pagi, which were substituted for 
toparchies in the fourth century (cf. 1425. 4, n.), probably the bulk of the middle top. was 
north of the western and eastern. That the eastern top. extended to the east bank of the 
Nile is improbable ; for behind Shekk Fadl, which is opposite Beni-mazdr, is the cemetery 
of Cynopolis (cf. Arch. Rep. 1902-3, p. 4). That town according to Ptolemy was on an 
island, but its site is fixed by a Graeco-Coptic-Arabic list of equivalents (Amelineau, 
Geogr. 396) at el-Kes, on the west bank about two miles south-east of Tanbawa. Ptolemy's 
account of the Cynopolite nome is not satisfactory, for Κώ, which he places west of Cynopolis 
and calls the metropolis of the nome, is not found in papyri or ostraca mentioning Cynopo- 
lite villages, and the Κωίτης τόπος was in the Heracleopolite nome, i. e. much further north 
(cf. 1416. 13, n.), while Tenis {Tehnah), which Ptolemy assigns to the Cynopolite nome, was 
really in the Hermopolite (cf. P. Ryl. 207 a. 13, n.). But his statement that Cynopolis 
was on an island is confirmed by its absence from the Itiner. Anton., indicating that it Λν38 
off the main road, and the ' island ' may well have been the bend of the Nile betweeii 
Matat2ina Abu Girgeh, if the Derwish canal corresponds to an ancient branch. The ' ferry' 
(1. 6) might then be over this canal, and all the land to the east of it would belong to the 
Cynopolite nome, which is likely to have also included the whole of the existing east bank 
between the Heracleopolite and Hermopolite nomes. That the ' ferry ' w as over the Bahr 
Yusuf is improbable, seeing that a village in the eastern toparchy is mentioned. In 


P. S. I. 80. 2 r Ίαμττήου is probably a misspelling or misreading of Ύααμπψου ; cf. the 
spelling Ύαμπίμον in 1491. 13. 

4. άκάνθινον: cf. 1112, where fallen acacia-trees situated on embankments were sold 
by the government for 13 drachmae each and 1188, where in a similar connexion the 
price was 4 dr. each. Acacia-wood was used for houses, boats, water-wheels, &c. ; cf. 
Reil, Beitrage, 72, P. Brit. Mus. 1 177. 191. 

5. iv Tji Εΐόνθίΐ : no village of this name is known, unless it is identical with κώμην 
Έΐω .[•... in P. Giessen 30. 10 (from Oxyrhynchus, as appears from 1. 7 άμφό8ον nXar«'as). 
Possibly Ίόνθιε was a τόπος at a village, especially as it has the article. Ίορθων{ος) (gen.) 
occurs as a personal name in P. Leipzig 99. ii. 6. 

6. eVf i, ανω, OT κάτω, but not evOaSe, would suit the lacuna. 

8. For παραστα^εν cf. 1542. 2. παρακεΐμΐνον is pOSsMe ; εφορμούν {1412. 1 1) is tOO short. 

9. The main document probably ended at πλοΐον, but this line may have had 

(σημΐίωσάμην (cf. P. S. I. 213. 7) Or a date. 

1422. Letter of a Strategus. 

i6-2x6-4cm. About a. D. 128. 

A short letter to Agathodaemon, an Oxyrhynchite strategus mentioned also 
in 1452. i, from the strategus of another nome (I. 3, n.) concerning an individual, 
whose arrest was required on the charge of harbouring a fugitive slave. Owing 
to the loss of the beginnings of lines a few points remain in doubt, but apparently 
the person wanted could not be found in the writer's nome ; cf. the declaration of 
riparii in 897, which probably corresponded to the reports of the local officials 
mentioned in 11. 9-1 1 here. Other papyri concerning fugitive slaves are 1423, 
1643, and P. Par. 10. 

[ ] kλ{άβoμiv) Mexieip) ιδ. (2nd hand) ττζ. 

3rd hand [. . . . Α]ημήτρως στρατηγοί 

[Γυναι pJKOTToXeiToi; Άγαθω Δαίμον\ι. 
[στρατη\γ5)ΐ ^O^vpvyyjeiTOV τώί 
5 [ ] φιΧτάτωι ^αίρ€ί[ι^. 

[ ] ^AyjiWei)^ ον Ιδήλωσα? [ey. 

[κβκλησθαί] ύπίρ νποδοχ^η^ Sov[- 

[λον ΐδη]λώθη και νπο των [ 

[κωμογρα]ιχματίων τον ν[ομοΰ 
ΙΟ [και των της μη]τροπ6λ€ως Ύροιμ- 

[ματίων άφανη ?]y dvai. (4th hand) (ρρώσθαί σε 
[^^χομαι ]ταμιο{ ) γρ - κ{ ). 


3rd hand \{^iTovs) ιβ ? Αυτοκράτορας Κα\ίσ[α\ρος Τραϊανού 
^ASpiavov ^φαστου Τ]νβι κ. 

5th hand? 15 [ Τνβι?] κδ. 

Ι. ζ οί πζ over an expunction. 

' Received on Mecheir 14. No. 87. 

. . . Demetrius, strategus of the Gynaecopolite nome, to his dearest Agathodaemon, 
strategus of the Oxyrhynchite nome, greeting. . . . Achilleus, who, as you stated, was 
accused of harbouring a slave . . ., has been stated by both the village scribes of the nome and 
the scribes of the metropolis to be missing. I pray for your health . , . The 12th year of 
the Emperor Caesar Trajanus Hadrianus Augustus, Tubi 20. 

Tubi 24 (?).' 

I. ίΚ{άβομ€ν) : cf. P. Tebt. 19. int. 

3. The Lycopolite nome was much nearer than the Gynaecopolite (on which see 
1380. 21, n.) to the Oxyrhynchite nome, and Αν]κοπο^ΐίτου would make 1. 3 correspond to 
1. 2, if there the writer wrote a rather large Δ and the space before it was blank, as is 
possible ; but there is not room for στρα-\ at the end of 1. 3, so that 1. 4 in any case 
corresponded to 11. 6 sqq., where the length of the initial lacuna is fixed by 11. 9-10. The 
remains of the letter before απολύτου consist of a long horizontal stroke coming below the 
line ; this does not happen to occur elsewhere in 1422, but suits κ very well. 

6. βΒηλωσας [ΐν-\κ€κλησθαι\ or εΒήλωσας [ [ητιασθαι\ can be read. 

7. For ντΓοδοχης cf. 1408. 23. 8οΰ[λου | (or 8ον[λων I, followed by a number) is a possible, 
but less likely, division. A name, either that of the slave or his master {σον ?), probably 

followed δου|[λοι;. 

II. άψανη]:: cf. e.g. P. Brit. Mus. 342. 9 άφαν€Ϊς iyevovTo. 

12. yp . k{ ) : or tt . <c( ). The last letter is written above the line and the 
preceding one is more like σ or -y than a. 

13. The year is restored from 1452. 14; cf. int. 

15. The meaning of this addition is obscure. If κ is right, the hand is probably 
different, and the note, if a date, m.ay be due to a ΰπηρίτης (cf. 1409. 23). The date of the 
receipt of the letter is, however, given in 1. i, being nearly three weeks later, (apovpai) δ 
could be read and possibly assigned to the third hand, in which case there might be 
a reference to Achilleus' property and a word like evnopo]s might be substituted in 1. 11 for 
άφανη]«. But an addition by the third hand after the date is unlikely. 

1423. Authorization for the Arrest of a Slave. 

27.3 XI 1-4 cm. Fourth century. 

A formal authorization, addressed by one officialis on the praefect's staflf to 
another, for the arrest of the writer's slave, who had run away with some of his 
property ; cf. 1422 and 1643. The papyrus belongs to the middle or latter part 
of the fourth century. P. Gen. 79, a νττομνηστίκόι; of a ducenarius to his 


contubernalis concerning the search for and arrest of a debtor, is somewhat similar ; 
P. Brit. Mus. 233 (W. Chrest. 44) is a parallel ΙντοΚ-ί] on a different subject in 
A.D. 345. 

Φ\αού\ιο<ϊ\ Άμμωνα? όφψικιάλίος 

τά[ξ\€ω9 υπάρχου Αιγύπτου 

Φλαονίω Αωροθίω όφφικιαλίω 

γαΐρΗν. €ΡΤ€λλομα£ σοι 
5 καί ίτητρύπω δονλόν μου 

Μάγνον κ[ά\λονμ€νον δράσαν- 

τα και kv Έρμου πόλι Βιατρίβοντα 

καί τινά μου €Ϊδη άφζλόμζνον 

δι[α]δήσας δίσμιον άγαγβΐν 
ΙΟ μ([τ]α του enl τή9 ^^σφθα. 

κυρία ή ίντολη και ίπ^ρωτηθι? 

ομολόγησα. Φλαούιο? Άμμω- 

νάς όφφικιάλιο? τά^εω? 

^πάργου Αιγύπτου π€ποίημαι 
15 TTJvSe ττ][ν €ν]τολήν. 

9• 1• ^ί[α\^σαντί. 12. 1. ώμολόγησα. 

' Flavius Ammonas, officialis on the staff of the praefect of Egypt, to Flavius Dorotheus, 
officialis, greeting. I order and depute you to arrest my slave called Magnus, who has run 
away and is staying at Hermopolis and has carried off certain articles belonging to me, 
and to bring him as a prisoner together Λvith the head-man of Sesphtha. This order is 
valid, and in answer to the formal question I gave my consent. I, Flavius Ammonas, 
officialis on the staif of the praefect of Egypt, have made this order.' 

6. δράσαιτα is apparently a novel form of the aorist of διδράσκειι/, not from hpav. 
The only alternative to δρ is φ, but φν^όντα cannot be read, and φ{θ)άσαντα is unsatisfactory. 

g. διΓαΙδ^σα? : Or δι((ΐ)8ήσαί, 

10. Toi eVt τη: Σεσφθα : i. e, the comarch. Sesphtha was in the lower toparchy of the 
Oxyrhynchite nome; cf. 1416. 13, n. 

1424. Letter of a Centurio Prince ps. 

25-5 X 14-2 cm. About A.D. 318. 

A letter from a centurio princeps (1. a, n.) to his brother Heras, asking him 
to obtain the release of a νεωργο?, i. e. tenant, of the writer from the post of tax- 
collector to which he had been appointed ; cf. P. Grenf. ii. 82. The papyrus 


was found with 1425 and 1448, and Heras was no doubt the praepositus of the 
8th pagus, Aurelius Heras also called Dionysius, to whom 1425 is addressed. 

Κυρίω μου άδελ^ω Ήρα 
[Αμμω\νω^ (έκατόνταρχο?) [ ] χαίρζΐ[ν. 
φ[. .] . [. ό ά]π[ο]8ίδού[ς σοί τα] παρ' e/x[oi; 
[y\pάμμa[τ]a γεωργό? μο[ν] τνγχάνζί. 
5 φησίν προβζβλήσθαι eh XuTOvpyiav 
TTJS κώμη9 Αωσιθ€[ο]υ, τοντίστιρ 
€ί9 άτταίτησιν στιγαρίων καΐ τταλλίων, 
μηδίπω Se ίγκΐχαρίσθαι την άτταί- 
τησιν. σπούδασαν τοίνυν, άδβλφζ, 

ΙΟ τούτον ρνσασθαι του λειτουργήματος, 
€τι Se και δεξιω? αύτω προσ{σ)χ€Ϊν, 
τα μεγάλα μοι χαριζόμενος h τούτω, 
άλλα μην και του λοιπού μη επι- 
τρέπον TOis άπο της κώμης 

15 άδικήσαι αύτον εν τοις άλλοις 
μηδ' εις ετέρας λειτουργίας προ- 
βάλλεσθαι, άλλ' ϊνα μοι μαρτυρήση 
τα ύπο της αγαθής σου προαιρέσεως 
αύτω ύπαρχθεντα. ερρώσθαί σε εύχομαι 

2θ πολλοίς χρόνο ις, 

κύριε άδελψε. 

On the verso 

κ[υ]ρί[ω] μου άδελφω Ήρα 'Αμμώνιος πρίγκι>^. 

2. XX Π. 6. τοντ π. 17- '"« Π. 21. αδ of αδελφβ corr. from μ (i.e. the 


beginning of μον). 

' To my lord and brother Heras Ammonius, centurion, greeting. Ph . . ., the bearer of 
my letter, is my tenant. He states that he has been appointed to a public office at the 
village of Dositheou, namely the collectorship of tunics and cloaks, but has not yet been 
entrusted with the collection. Accordingly use all your efforts, brother to rescue him from 
the office and also to give him your favourable consideration, thereby conferring a great 
favour upon me, and further not to allow in future the people of the village to injure him m 
other respects or appoint him to other offices, but let him testify to the benefits gamed by 
your good will. I pray for your continued health, iny lord and brother. (Addressed) To 
my lord and brother Heras from Ammonius, princeps: 


2. (ίκατόνταρχος) : cf. 1. 22 ττρίγκιψ, and Inscr. Gr. ad res Rom. pert. ii. 894 κ(ντνρΊων 6 
Koi πρίγκιψ σπφας θρακών; in C. I. L. iii, 7 63 1 two centuriones principes occur in the same 
cohort ; cf. Domaszewski, Rangordnung, 56. 

3. The first letter had a long tail, i. e. either t, p, φ, or ψ. 

6. Δωσιθεου : cf. 1425. 4, η. 

'J. στιχαρίων και παΧλίων : cf. 1448. int. 

1425. Appointment of a Workman at Pelusium. 

13-8 X 14-1 cm. A.D. 318. 

An official return, addressed to the praepositus of the 8th pagus (1. 4, n.)^ 
nominating a person to act as donkey-driver at Pelusium in connexion with the 
State transport service. Such returns were generally written by comarchs, e. g. 
1254. 14 sqq., 1426, P. Amh. 139, Flor. 2, P. S. I. 219 (cf. 163. 31), P. Brit. 
Mus. 1346-8 ; the present return is from a tesserarius (1. 5, n.). 

^Τπατία^ των 8βσποτών ημών Alk[i\vv(o[v 

Χζβαστον το e και Κρίσττον τον €7Γίφαν€στάτ[ον 
Καίσαρος το α. 
Αύρηλίω Ήρα τω καΐ Δωνυσίω πραίΐτ{ρσίτ<ύ) η πάγ(ού) νομ{οΰ) 
5 Ίταρα Αυρηλίου Ατρήτος ^Ι^ρακίωνος τξσσαλαρίον 
κώμης Αωσιθίου του ύπο σοΙ πάγον. δίδομι τω ί- 
δίω μου κινδύνω ττρος άμιψιν του kv τω Πη- 
λονσίω ορηλάτον άντΙ του ίκΐ δντος τον k^fjs 
Ινγζγραμμίνον [6]ντα ζ,ϋπορον και Ιπιτή- 
ιο διον προ9 την γ^ρζίαν 'άστι δ\ 

Αυρήλιος 'Ι2ρ[ο]9 Παθώθου άπο της 
αυτής κώμ[η]ς. 

υπατίας της [προκίμ]ίνης Φαρμοϋθι ιη. 
3nd hand Αυρήλιος Ατρ[ής ^πι]δίδωκα. Αυρήλιος 

15 Άμμωνας [έγραψα] ύπ{ζρ) μη €ίδ6τος γράμματα. 

Ι. ϋπατιαί Π. 5• ifpaicimvos Π. 1. τεσσαραρίον. 6. 1. δίδω /xt. ϊδιω Π. II. 

1. Παγωτού. 

' In the consulship of our lords Licinius Augustus for the fifth time and Crispus the 
most illustrious Caesar for the first time. To Aurelius Heras also called Dionysius, prae- 
positus of the eighth pagus of the Oxyrhynchite nome, from Aurelius Hatres son of 
Hieracion, tesserarius of the village of Dositheou in the pagus under your charge. I present 


at my own risk in relief of the donkey-driver at Pelusium in place of the one now there the 
person below written, who is a man of means and suitable for the duty, namely Aurelius 
Horus son of Pathotes, of the said village. In the consulship aforesaid, Pharmouthi 18. 
I, Aurelius Hatres, presented this. I, Aurelius Ammonas, wrote for him as he is 

4. ΑυρηΧίω Ήρα : cf. 1424. int. 

η πάγ{ονγ: the arrangement of villages by pagi instead of toparchies (cf. 1285) was 
introduced by 310; cf. Gelzer, Studien, 57. Dositheou (1. 6), which was in the lower 
toparchy, occurs with Teis, Paomis, Palosis, and Kesmouchis, which were all in the 
Thmoisepho top., in a list of villages of the 8th pagus in P. Giessen 115, and the same five 
villages are grouped together in 1448 along with Souis, which was in the lower top., 
Tholthis (either that in the lower top. or that in the Thmoisepho top.), and several apparently 
smaller villages, all of which are likely to have been in the 8th pagus. The Giessen papyrus 
assigns Iseum Tryphonos, which was in the lower top., Psobthis (probably that in the 
lower top.), and three other villages, of which the names are imperfectly preserved, to the 
9th pagus, and Sesphtha (also in the lower top.) to the loth. Nigrou and Sadalou, both in 
the upper top., were in the 2nd pagus (1426. 6-7) ; Lile (67. 5), Sarapionos Chaeremonos 
(1190. 19, where no correction of the text is required), Taampemou (901. 4), and Phoboou 
(1041. 4), all villages of the eastern top., were in the 5th pagus. Paneui, which was in the 
western top., perhaps belonged to the 3rd pagus (1559. 9). There were six toparchies in 
the Oxyrhynchite nome, and, as far as the evidence goes, the numbering of the pagi seems to 
correspond with the order of the toparchies in 1285, which begin with the upper and end 
with the lower (cf. 1421. 3, n.), so that the villages of the western top. may well have 
belonged to the 3rd and 4th pagi, and those of the middle top. to the 6th and 7th, while 
the I St pagus was presumably part of the former upper top., like the 2nd. It is probable, 
but not certain, that the Oxyrhynchite nome had only ten pagi ; the Hermopolite nome, 
which was larger, had apparently seventeen (cf. P. Flor. 71.71 where ιζ πάγου occurs, but the 
figures in 11. 69-71 are not in the right order, and P. Cairo Preisigke 46. 14). 

5. τίσσα(ρ)αρίου : for military tesserarii at Oxyrhynchus cf. 43. ii. 21. In 1430. 4 
a tesserarius of a village takes precedence of comarchs, but in P. Goodsp. 12.6a κουαδρά^ίοϊ, 
who seems to be identical with our τΐσσαράριο^, is mentioned after an ίή>ορο^ and comarchs. 
The village iesserarii bear Egyptian names, and are perhaps different from the military 
ones, though the tesserarius was not a very high officer, ranking below the signifer and 
optio) cf. Domaszewski, Rangordnung, 43. Preisigke's S. B. 2267 is a similar return by 
a Xiyjo-TOTTiaariys. 

8. ανηκάτον : on the δημόσιοι ονηλάται See Wilcken, Grundz. s'j'j. 

1426. Appointment of a Workman on Trajan's River. 

26-3 X 8-7 cm. A.D. 332. 

A return, similar to 1425, addressed by the comarchs (cf. 1425. int.) of two 
villages in the 2nd pagus (cf. 1425. 4, n.) to an interesting collocation of officials 
(11. 3-4, nn.) who had taken the place of the strategus and basilicogrammateus. 
At the end only the date giving the- month and the signatures are missing ; 
cf. 1425. 13-15. The workman nominated was required for repairs of Trajan's 
river, which connected Babylon with the Gulf of Suez. 


'Γ7Γατ[€]ί'[α]9 Ούλπίου Πακατιανοΰ τον 

Χαμπ[ροτάτου) υπάρχου και Μζκιλωυ Ίλαριαροϋ. 

Φλαουίω 'Ερμεία λογίσττ} καΐ Αύρηλίω 

Άχιλλίωνι ίκδίκω και Πτολβμίω γρα{μματβΐ) Ό^ν(ρνγχίτον) 
5 τταρα Ανρηλίων Ήρα ^[. .]τρο9 κωμάρχ{ον) 

ϋαδάλον καΐ Φιλιστίου Δί[ον]υσίον κωμάρχον 

Νίγρον /3' πάγου. δίδομβν τω ίδίφ ημών 

[kl\vSvv(u τον ίπιμζρισθζντα ταΪ9 

[κ]ώμαί9 ημών ίργάτην των αττοσ- 
ϊο [τ]€λλομίνων ίπΐ τον Τραιανον ποτα- 

[μ]ον ΙπΙ τω αντον κατ^Χθΐν καΐ 

Ιτλην γωραν άποπληρώσαι μη άπο- 

[λι]νπαν6μ€[ν]ον άχρι^ αν anoXv6fj, 

ον και €γγνώμζθα έκουσία γνώμτ) 
15 €ΚΤ€λονντα την χρζίαν e/y το ev μη- 

Sevi μβμψθήναι. €στι Se Α[νρήλίος 
Άτρή? Φαβονλον [ 

άπο κώμη? Νί[γ]ρου [ 

[ ] ω[9] {hcov ?) [. . 


]. Μαικιλίον. 4• r of πτολ€μ£ω corn from λ. 7• ϊδιω Π. ΙΟ. τράϊανου Ώ. 

Ι4• ΐγ'γνωμΐθα Π. 

' In the consulship of Ulpius Pacatianus, the most illustrious praefect, and Maecilius 
Hilarianus. To Flavius Hermias, logistes, and Aurelius Achillion, defensor, and Ptolemius, 
scribe, of the Oxyrhynchite nome, from Aurelius Heras son of S . . ., comarch of Sadalou, 
and Aurelius Philistius son of Dionysius, comarch of Nigrou, in the 2nd pagus. We present 
at our own risk the workman apportioned to our villages out of those to be sent to Trajan's 
river, on the understanding that he is to make the journey and fill the post without deserting 
it before he is discharged, and we are sureties of our own free will for his performance of 
the duties to complete satisfaction. His name is Aurelius Hatres son of Fabulus, of the 
village of Nigrou, aged about . . years. . . .' 

I. οΰλπί'ου Πακατιανοϋ : the name of this consul (in P. Cairo 10515 Τίακατίανο! simply) is 
given variously by Athanasius as Papinius Pacatianus and Fabius Pacatianus; cf Liebenam, 
Fasii consulates, 35. Qliviov is a less satisfactory reading. 

3. λογιστή: the earliest mention of a logistes (= curator \ cf. P. Leipzig 40. ii. 8) at 
Oxyrhynchus'is in a.d. 305 (895. 3), the latest in 363 (1116. 3). At Heracleopolis 
a logistes occurs in 288, if the lost B. G.U. 928 is rightly assigned to that year; but the 
reading and correction of the date there are uncertain. Wilcken [Chrest. 80), following 
Mommsen, considers him to be not, as the curator was in eariier centuries, an extraordinary 


magistrate belonging to the central administration, but a permanent municipal ofiScer appointed 
by the senate. We do not, however, think that that view suits 1104, where a \oyιστψ 
is requested by a prytanis to ask an ίπίτροποί to make a payment from the πολιτικά (1419. 
2, η.), or the other evidence concerning Egyptian λογισταί ; and that they were officials of the 
central government appointed from outside seems more probable for the fourth century. 
Later they may have been appointed by the senate; cf. P. Flor. 352. 2 (fifth century) πολι- 
revofievos και λογιστής. The logistes apparently succeeded to many of the functions of the 
strategus; cf. Jouguet, Vte munic. 463. For another instance of a nomination addressed to 
him see 1116, written by a σνστάτψ. In earlier times such nominations were sent to the 
strategus, e. g. 1254. . 

4. e/cSt'/co) : this is the earliest mention of the «Sikos [defensor) in Egypt, the next bemg 
in 336 (901. 3 hioiKQvvTi UhiKiav ^ Ο^υρνγχιτον) ; cf. DrufFel, Papyrol. Stud. i. 35 sqq., and 
902. I, n. He here ranks below the logistes {curator), with whom he is not elsewhere 
associated in Egyptian texts. 

■ypa(/j/naTeI) Ό|:υ(ρυγχίτου) : Ό|υ(ρυγχίτου) refers to all three titles, not to the last only. 
The γρα{μματίύή of the nome (though the papyrus is damaged, there is little doubt about 
the reading) seems to correspond to the βασιλικός γμαμματίύς of former centuries, but has not 
occurred previously in fourth- century papyri. 

10. Tpaiavov ποταμόν : cf. Ptol. iv. 5. The Ύραιαν^ 8ιώρνξ, of which an αργάτης and 

ΐπιμΐλητηί τη: άνακαθάρσ^ως are mentioned in P.S.I. 87 (a.d. 423, from Oxyrhynchus), is 
likely to be identical, rather than a canal in the Oxyrhynchite nome, as supposed by 
the edd. 

1427. Order to Workmen on Delta Embankments. 

5.1 X 6-5 cm. Third century. 

The recto of this papyrus, which is incomplete at the bottom, is blank. On 
the verso is a short order from a scribe of diggers employed by the government 
in repairing canals to work for fifteen days on the river Talu, which according to 
Ptolemy diverged from the main western branch at Hermopolis Parva {Damanhiir) 
and issued at the Bolbitine mouth. Kore (1. i) is likely to have been a village 
in that part of Egypt. The work in question was paid for (11. 4-5), and is to be 
distinguished from the corvie for working at canals, on which see 1409. The 
handwriting is small and very cursive with numerous abbreviations, some of 
which are obscure. The 3rd year in the date (1. 6) refers to a third-century reign, 
probably not later than that of Valerian and Gallienus. 

Avpy]K{ioi) Τιθοητιων γρα^μματβνή π{ο)τ{αμιτων ?) Κόρη δι 
ψοϋ MiXai/os φίλου σννγρα{μματ€νοντή και π(ο)τ(α/ζ£ταί? ?) 
χαφ€ΐι/. σνν€χ{ως ?) νανβ{ίων) μάλιστα το κ^^ψαλαιον ?) 
ζρ-γάσασθαι kv νδασι Τάλν του συνήθΐρυ^) 
5 φόρου ήμερων 8ίκάΐΓζντ€, / te. 

(erovs) γ ΤΙαΰνΐ κ<^. 

4• 1. (ργάσασθΐ ? ϋΒασι Π. 


' Aurelius Tithoetion, scribe of the river-workmen of Kore, through me, Melas, his 
friend, to his colleague and the river-workmen, greeting. By continuous labour dig the 
whole amount of naubia in the waters of Talu at the customary rate of payment for fifteen 
days, total 15. The 3rd year, Pauni 26/ 

1. π{ο)τ{αμιτωρ) : for ποταμίται cf. 1053. 2 and n. The word suits the context, but the 
reading here is not certain and π{ο)τ{αμΊταις) in 1. 2 is even more doubtful. The first letter is 
more like π than γρ, but the supposed τ may in both places be a stroke representing 

2. σννγρα{μματΐνοντι) : the flourish representing α is written somewhat differently from 
that in γρα{μματ€νή in 1. I, and the first letter might be a instead of σ ; but no proper name 
suggests itself, and the reading adopted gives an appropriate sense. συγγραμματ{ύ€ΐν is 
apparently not found elsewhere. 

3-4. If νανβ{ ) is right, the scribe has run the av together, as not infrequently happens 
in the cursive writing of this century ; cf. 1410. 1-2, 10, nn., and 1475. int. The ναύβιον 
at this period was a cube of i ξύλον or 3 royal cubits (669 and 1053. intt.), and digging 
5 ναύβια perhaps constituted an average day's work (Milne, Thehan Ost. p. 146), but receipts 
for much smaller amounts of νανβια are also common. Though the supposed e at the end 
of the line may be nothing more than a stroke over the κ, it is not satisfactory to connect 
κ with ί'αυ/3( ); for 20 naubia are too small an amount for fifteen days' work by at least two 
persons, and more probably a considerable number (1. 2), and το would then be left 
unaccounted for, τκ, i.e. 320, being inadmissible. The construction of εργάσασ^αί is not 
clear. If it is an infinitive, the only place for the main verb would be σννίχ(ΐτΐ) or -^(ea^e), 
which does not combine suitably with the following words, whether €ργάσασθαί depends on it 
or on e. g. κί{κ€λ€υσμενορ) ; hence we prefer to regard -θαι as a misspelling of -Oe. μάλιστα is 
also not quite certain, the third letter possibly being y or r. μέγιστα however, which seems 
to be the only alternative, does not suit the context, though the νανβων varied in size, being 
J smaller in Ptolemaic times than in late Roman (Jouguet, P. Lille i. int.). 

1428. Letter of a Praeses (?) το an Exactor. 

24 X 21-3 cm. Fourth century. 

A letter from Nicon, a high official, to the exactor of the Oxyrhynchite 
nome, ordering him to help in expediting the manufacture of clothing required 
by the State, for which cf. 1414. int. and 1448. On the office of exactor, which 
is first mentioned in the fourth century and was sometimes identified with that 
of strategus (Archiv, iii. 348 στρατηγώ [η]τοί ^ζάκτορι '^Ερμοττολίτ[ον\), see Seeck in 
Pauly-Wissowa, Realencycl. vi. 1542 sqq., Gelzer, Sttidieji, 50 sqq., Wilcken, 
Gnmdz. 229. In the present text, as often elsewhere, he seems to be concerned 
with the collection of arrears ; cf. 1. 2, n. The fact that Nicon sends an officialis 
(1. 12 ; cf. P. Leipzig 64. 15), and speaks of a centurion as a subordinate (11. 7-8) 
and of Alexandria as if he were not there himself (11. 3-4), combined with the 
general resemblance to P. Leipzig 64, strongly suggests that he was z. praeses of 
the province Herculia or, as it was called after 341 (cf. 1559. 8 and Gelzer, 
op. cit. 3 sqq.), Augustamnica, the head-quarters of which are likely to have been 


at Memphis or Babylon. The script is a large clear cursive, probably of about 
the middle of the fourth century ; the document was apparently a copy made by 
a clerk, but signed by Nicon himself. 

. . .]y Νίκων ^ξάκτορι Όξυρυγχίτον χαίρζίν. 
[ηλθ]€ν e/y ίμην yv5>aLv ώ? ΤΙτολ^μ[αίό\υ του ίπίκτον 
[τη?] οθόνη? e/y την Άλίξάνδριαν άπαντήσαντο[?. 
5 [ύπ]€ρ τον τοίνυν μη eviSpav ΐπακολουθήσαί πβρί την 

[€ξν]φην τη? αύτη? Οθόνη?, φρόντισαν την άποτ€- • 

[ταγ]μ€νην τω μΐρι βοήθβιαν παρασγΰν ^αραπίωνι τω 
[έκα]τοντάρχ^ω και Άντώνιον 6φφ{ικιάλίον) ττρο? το καταναγ- 
[κασ\θήναι τον? νπξνθννον? την ίσθήτα ανεπι- 
ιο [κΧή]τοι? τοΐ? νφάσμασιν κατασκ€νασαι, οίχρι? αν 
[ό π\ρο€ΐρημύνο? Πτολ€μαΐο? απάντηση, δια 
[8e\ τοντο άπύστιλα τον προ^ιρημ^νον οφφικιά- 
\λιό\ν. (and hand) ΐρρωσθ[αί a]e ξνχομαι. 

5. Second Ι' of ίί'εδραΐ' COrr. from f. 9, ϊιπ€νθυνον5 U. 10. νφάσμασιν Ώ. 12. α of 
οφφικια[λιο\ν corr. from ο. 

* Copy. . . . s Nicon to the exactor of the Oxyrhynchite noma, greeting. It has come 
to my knowledge that Ptolemaeus, the collector of linen, has gone to Alexandria. So to 
prevent any deception from occurring in connexion with the completion (?) of the weaving 
of the said linen, take care to provide Sarapion the centurion with the assistance 
assigned to your division, and with the services of Antonius the officialis, in order that the 
persons responsible may be compelled to manufacture the clothing in irreproachable (?) 
materials, until the aforesaid Ptolemaeus comes. For this reason I have sent the aforesaid 
officialis. I pray for your health.' 

1. άντίγραφον is abbreviated a/, as here, in 1470. 8 ; cf e.g. B. G. U. 1073. i. 

2. . . .]s: there is barely room for even rato]y, if this line was uniform with those 
following ; but it may have projected by three or four letters. 

ΐξάκτορι Όξνρνγχίτον : there was probably only one exactor for each nome when 1428 
was written; cf. P. Leipzig 51. 3 ιξάκτωρ Ύψ[ηλ]ίτ{ο)υ and ArcAiv, iii. 348 quoted in int. 
Late in the fourth century two or more exactores are found acting together ; cf P. Leipzig 62. 
i. 9 and Flor. 95. 60. Gelzer, followed by Wilcken, regards these as a quite different and 
much lower grade of officials, on the level of TvpaKropis, but the evidence for that is incon- 
clusive. If the exactores came in towards the end of the process of tax-collecting and were 
specially concerned with arrears, as Seeck supposed, the smallness of the sums collected by 
them as compared with those collected by ύποδεκται in P. Leipzig 62 would be explained, 
and 1428 rather supports Seeck's view, which Gelzer and Wilcken reject. Concerning 
B. G. U. 1027. xxvi• 10 O^^te fourth century), where ΐξάκτορ^: rank above πρόώροί and seem 
to be just as important as in the earlier P. Leipzig 64 or 1428, Wilcken {Grundz. 229^) is 

G a 


disposed to abandon his former explanation {ap. Gelzer, op. at. 50) that i^OKTopes of different 
years are meant. Gn'ec/i. Texte 18 is too incomplete to show the character of the €ξάκ{τωρ). 

3 Γ^λ^ els ΨΨ γνώσιν: cf. P. Leipzig 64. 29 (W. Chresf. 281) ηλθίν ds γνώσιν τη: 

^μηί κάθοσιώσ^ως in a letter of the praeses of the Thebaid (cf. int.), who proceeds, more 
correctly than Nicon, with on and the indicative. 

emKTOV [τψ] οθόνηί : this title is new, but cf. 1257. 13 τοΰ κρατίστον eneinTOV 8ημχ)σίον 
σίτου, 1413. 25 en. χρνσοΰ στ(φάνου, and 1412. int. 

6. [€$ν]φψ'• 3• compound of Ιφη is required (cf.l. 10 ίφάσμασιν), and [ΐξυ]φήν, though 
not attested, suits the size of the lacuna much better than [λιν]υφην (also unattested) or 

9-10. άνίπι[κλη]Γοΐί : e can be read for a and π or y for τ, while the last letter is more 
like ο than s• ; but ev €πι[τηΒ]ΐίοις is inadmissible and ]noioTois (for ]ποιητοκ ?) suggests no 
suitable word. The second tois may be a dittography. 

1429. Letter of a Lessee of the Alum-Monopoly. 

5-5 X 6-6 cm. a.d. 300. 

A short letter in the reign of Diocletian from a lessee of the alum-monopoly, 
probably at Oxyrhynchus, to one of his agents, announcing the dispatch of some 
alum and nasturtium-powder. Concerning the alum-monopoly the only evidence 
hitherto has been B. G. U. 697 (W. Chrest. 321), an acknowledgement by ein- 
τηρηταί at Arsinoe of the receipt of alum transported from the Small Oasis, upon 
which they paid the octroi duty and carriage. 1429 confirms Wilcken's inter- 
pretation of B. G. U. 697 and throws some light on the nature of the monopoly ; 
cf. 11. 1-2, n. 

Ανρήλ{ίος) Μακρόβιος μισθωτ{ης) άσχολ{ήματος) 
στυπτηρίας St' ίμον Καισαρίου 

Ύρα{μματ^ως) Αύρηλίω Ίσάκ χι{ρι<ττΎ\) χαί{ρ€ίΐή. €π€μ- 
ψά σοί στυπτηρίαν μίαν Ίτ{αλικηι/) Si(a) 
5 Ίσι8ώρον, καρδάμου ο{ύ)γ(κία?) β {καράτια ?) η. 
(erous) if και le και (eVofs) η 
Τνβι κη. 

Ι. ρ οί αυρηλιο! corr. from v. 3• '"''"' ^• 5• ϊσιδωρου . , . Lf Π. 

'Aurelius Macrobius, lessee of the administration of alum, through me, Caesarius, 
clerk, to Aurelius Isaac, agent, greeting. I have sent you one Italian pound of alum 
through Isidorus, and 2 ounces, 8 carats of nasturtium-powder. The i6th, 15th, and 8th 
year, Tubi 28.' 

1—2. μισθωτ^τΐί) άσχολ{ηματος) στυπτηρίας', cf. 977, a receipt of the φόρος of an ασχόλημα 

which was clearly parallel to, possibly even identical Avith, that mentioned here, P. Fay. 93. 

5—6 (W. Chrest. 317) βοίλομαι μισθώσασθαι παρά σον την μυροπωΧαικην και άροματικην ΐργασίαν, 


and Wilcken, Grundz. 257. The use of the word άσχ6λ{τιμα) is consistent with the 
view that Macrobius was engaged in the production as well as the sale of the alum, 
which was probably obtained from the Small Oasis (cf. int.). In 44. 6 oi τό ΐγκύκλιον 
άσχολου /iei/oi means the tax-farmers, and in P. Grenf. ii. 46 (cf. Wilcken, Archiv, v. 282) the 

ασχολούμενος το γραφέων (cf. P. Tebt. 524) apparently Corresponds to the 8ημοσιωναι of the 
αγορανομιών in 44. 8 (cf. also P. Ryl. 95. 15 τ]©!/ ασχολουμένων την ώνην ταύ^την) ; but οί 

ασχολούμενοι τους καταλοχισμονς in 45-6 Seem to be government officials (cf. 1463. 22, n.), 
and in B. G, U. 1202. 4 a topogrammateus speaks of the λόγος of his ασχολία, i.e. office, so 
that the word is not confined to the farming of revenues ; cf Wilcken, Osi. i. 388. On the 
use of alum in antiquity see Wiedemann, Herodots zweites Buck, 610; to judge by its 
association with κάρΒαμον, it was here probably going to be used for medical purposes rather 
than dyeing (467. 7). 

4. στντττηρίαν μίαν is for στυπτηρίας λίτραν μίαν, aS is shown by the following ^Ιτ{αλικην) : 

for λίτραι Ίταλικαί cf. e. g. 43. rccto iii. 13, p. Leipzig 84. vii. 10. In B. G. U. 697 alum is 
measured by talents. 

5. The ουγκία is usually divided into 24 γράμματα, but the symbol before η resembles 
that for κεράτια in later Byzantine papyri, and is not in the least like the abbreviation of 
γράμματα, e. g. in 1430. 1 7. The κεράτων {^iliquo) was ^ of a γράμμα. 

1430. Payment for Maintenance of a Public Bath. 

24'8x9'2cm. A.D. 324. 

An acknowledgement, similar in character to 84 (a. D. 316), addressed to 
a strategus by village-officials, of the receipt of 12 talents 4,575 drachmae for 
charcoal supplied by them to the public bath of Oxyrhynchus. Payment was 
made as the equivalent partly of tow, a common article of commerce in the 
Byzantine period (cf. P. Giessen T03. 11, n.), partly of fine gold, of which 
\o\ γράμματα were valued at 7 talents 3,730 drachmae. The solidus of 
Constantine and his successors, being γ^ of a pound, weighed 4 γράμματα (cf. 
P. Leipzig 62. ii. 31, Flor. 95. 10), and io| γρ. thus = a little over 2^ solidi. 
In the nearly contemporary papyrus 1653. 23-3 (a. d. 306) 58 γρ. are equated to 
12 όλοκότινα (aurei), but the gold in the case of 1653 may have been impure, 
and the aurei of Diocletian, which were -5^0 or ^0 of ^ pound, were somewhat 
larger than the solidi of Constantine. The ratio between the value of gold and 
billon in 1430, in which about 3 talents = i solidus, is not nearly so high as in 
four Hermopolite papyri of the fourth century (Wessely, Eift Altersindizium im 
Philogelos, 41-3), in which a solidus is valued at 36, 100, 120, and 183I talents ; 
but it is much higher than the ratio fixed by Diocletian in his edict concerning 
the maximum tariff (cf. Babelon, Traitd de momiaies, i. 611), where a denarius is 
reckoned as -50^00 of ^ λ,ίτρα of gold, so that only about 2,764 drachmae would 
be the worth of the metal in a Constantinian solidus. The fall in the value of 
the billon tetradrachm or denarius, which ceased to be coined in Egypt after 297 
(Wilcken, Grundz. Ixvi), was greatly accelerated in the reign of Constantine ; 


cf. 1431. int. and 1223. 32, where a solidus is valued as high as 2,020 μυριάδε? 
(i3,466| talents) near the end of the fourth century. 

1430 was written during the civil war between Licinius and Constantine, 
when the names of the consuls were in doubt (1. i, n.). The waning power of 
the strategus is shown by his being addressed like the praepositus of a pagus 
(1. 2, n.). The scribe of the body of the document was rather careless, mistakes, 
especially of omission, being frequent. 

Τ0Ϊ9 βσομίνοις νπάτοί? το δ . 

'Ερμεία στρατηγώ Όξ{υρνγχίτον) 

πάρα Όννώφίσο? Πίκνσίος 

ησαλαριου καΐ Παταήσιοί Ταχ- 
5 vp{t'?)os και IlaeXhov Άρ{ά)χθον 

κ{ωμ)άρχωι/, των πάντων κ(ω)μη^ 

Ήρακλζίδον {τον νπο) σβ πάγου, άπίσχο- 

μζν καΙ ηρίθμίμίθα πάρα 

Παύλου 8ημοσί{ων) χρημάτων τραπβζί[τ{ου) 
ΙΟ [[e]] e| ίπιστάλματός σο[υ] α τ€ταγ[//6- 

θα ζπισταλήναι ίξοδιασθηναί 

ημ€ίν (ύ)π€ρ τιμήν άντρακο9 χωρ{οΰντο5•) 

€19 το δημόσιον πανίδων 

σιππίου Κζν{τηναρίου) α δ€σ{μων) γ 
15 (τάλαντα) e (δραχμα^) 'Γ, ων πρ{οαπ€σχομ€ν}) [δραχμα?) Έρμε, τα λοιπά 

{τάλαντα) € [δραχμας) ων€, χρυσού ζνοψ)ρ(ο)ίζου 

γρα{μμάτων) iL [τάλαντα] ζ {δραχμαή Τψκ, / όμοΰ {{τάλαντον) α} 

[τάλαντα) ιβ [δραχμαΐ) Άφο€, πλήρη, κυρία 

ή αποχή και [€π€ρ]ωτηθίντ[£\9 ώμολ(ογ)ή- 
20 σαμεν. 

ύπατζία? της προκ[€ΐμίνη9) Μεσορή ζ. 
2nd hand Όννωφρι? και Παήσι^ και Παξ[λ€νη9 

ήριθμήμξθα ώ? πρ6κ[€ΐται). Ίσίδωρ[θ9 €γρα[ψα) 

ύπ[€ρ) αύτ[ων) μή €ίδ[6των) γρά[μματα). 

On the verso 

25 άπ6{δθ9) 'Ερμ[ία). [[. . .]] 

3. 1. Όννωφριοί (of. 1. 22), 4• 1• τΐσσαραρίου . . . Πα^σ-ιο; (cf. 1. 22). 7• ° ^^ 


α7Γ6σ;ΐ^ομεί' COrr. from ^ (sign of abbreviation). 8. \. ηριθμημ^θα. I2. \. τ ψψ άνθρακος. 

13. \. βάΚαν'ώιον. 1 5. ων ρ U. 16. \. €νο(β)ρύζον. 1 8. υ of κυρία COrr. from ρ. 

' Under the consuls to be appointed for the 4th time. To Hermias, strategus of the 
Oxyrhynchite nome, from Onnophris son of Pekusis, iesserarius, and Paesis son of 
Tachuris (?), and Pahelenes son of Harachthes, comarchs, all of the village of Heraclides 
in the pagus under your jurisdiction. We have received from and been paid by Paulus, 
banker of public moneys, by your order the sums concerning which we were notified (?) that 
orders should be given for them to be paid to us, on account of the value of charcoal sup- 
plied to the public bath, for i hundredweight and 3 bundles of tow, 5 talents 3,000 drachmae, 
of which we have already received 2,145 dr., remainder 5 tal. 855 dr., for 10^ grammes of 
fine gold 7 talents 3,720 drachmae, in all 12 tal. 4,575 dr., in full. This receipt is valid, 
and in answer to the formal question we have given our consent. In the aforesaid consul- 
ship, Mesore 7. We, Onnophris, Paesis, and Pahelenes, have been paid, as aforesaid. 
I, Isidorus, wrote on their behalf as they are illiterate, (Addressed) Deliver to Hermias.' 

I. The question which year is meant by rois iaoyxvois ίπάτοις τ6 δ* is bound up with that 
concerning the date of the 6th consulship of Licinius and 2nd of Licinius Caesar, since the 
year rois άπο8€ΐχθησομ(νοΐί υπ. το γ apparently corresponded to the year following that 
consulship ; cf. 42. 9 (as restored by Seeck [μετά τψ υπατίαν'\ τών) and Jouguet's latest 
discussion in P. Thead. p. 212. The evidence of the present volume confirms Jouguet's 
view, based on the Theadelphia papyri, that the consulship in question was 322, not 323 as 
proposed by Mommsen and Viereck, and that rots• eV. υπ. τό δ' (cf. P. Thead. 34 and 50. 28) 
means 324, not 325. The ordinary consuls of 325 occur in 1626. 23 (Pauni i), as in 52. i 
(month lost), P. Thead. 7. 26 (month uncertain), 35. 11 (Epeiph 4); Mesore, in which 
month 1430 was written (1. 21), is much more likely to be ten months earlier than 1(326. 23, 
than two months later. Even before the end of 324 the regular consuls of the year were 
recognized in Egypt (Preisigke, S.B. 5615. 16 Χοίακ κη), and concerning the consuls of 
325 no doubts are traceable. The latest extant dating which mentions Licinius' regnal 
years is 1574. 4, Tubi 26 of his i6th year, the 18th of Constantine (Jan. 22, 324), which 
shows that Constantine's conquest of Egypt was not effective before 324. The system of 
dating rots iaopivots (or άποδΐίχθησομίνοις) υπάτοις in a series must have begun in Egypt in 321, 
if the 4th year was 324, and was apparently the result of Licinius' refusal to recognize the 
consuls of 321 appointed by Constantine, Crispus II and Constantine Caesar II; cf. Seeck, 
Rhein. Mus. Ixii. 534. The consuls of 320, Constantine VI and Constantine Caesar, seem 
to have been accepted in Egypt without question ; cf. P. Cairo 10567 verso. There is as 
yet no evidence from papyri of datings in 321, and whether Licinius appointed opposition 
consuls in that year is unknown. In 322, the 6th consulship of Licinius and 2nd of Licinius 
Caesar, covering the loth-i ith indiction in Egypt (C. P. R. 10 ; cf. Fuhrer, 292), a curious 
phrase μίΚΚουσι υπάτοις 8(υτερα άμοιβί} occurs in P. Cairo 10622 after the consuls' names, and 
seems to be equivalent to τοις ΐσομένοις υπάτοις το β , a figure not yet attested. It shows that 
for some reason the dating by the consuls in office was insufficient, although these were 
known, and indicates either a doubt about the validity of the 6th consulship of Licinius and 
2nd of Licinius Caesar (who were of course not recognized by Constantine), or else an 
attempt to start dating by an era. That many efforts were made in the early part of the 
fourth century to substitute eras for consular datings is now clear from 1431, and the year 
321, in which the system of dating by consuls broke down in Egypt probably much more 
completely than in any year since the introduction of that system by Diocletian, may 
have been chosen as the starting-point of an era toIs εσομίνοις ύπατοι:, which survived for 
four years, and possibly represents a deliberate attempt on the part of scribes to simplify 
the official calendar. 


2. Έρμΐ'ια στρατηγώ: cf. 60. I, written in Mesore rots άπο^αχθησομίνοΐί νπάτοις το γ. 

A strategus is found in the Oxyrhynchite nome as late as 362 (1057. 2), and no instance 
from that nome has occurred in which he is identified with an exactor (cf. 1428. int.). In 
1. 7, if (τοΰ v-no) σε πάγου is more than a phrase taken from the customary address to a.prae- 
positus (cf e.g. 1425. 6), the strategus had become one of the /ra^/oji'/?' of the 10 pagi of 
the nome (cf. 1425. 4, n.) ; but without corroborative evidence we are rather disposed to 
regard σ? πάγου as due to a reminiscence, and not really inconsistent with *θ^(υρυγχΐΓου). 
The strategus is still found exercising judicial powers in 66 (357) and probably 1470 (336). 

4. τίσ(σ)α(ρ)αρίου : cf. 1425. 5) ^' 

5. Άρ{ά)χθου : cf. Άράχθηε in e. g. a contract of sale to be published in Part xiii. 

7. Ήρακλε/δου ίποΐκιον, as this κώμη is generally called, was in the western toparchy 
(1285. 72), and probably in the 3rd or 4th pagus (1425. 4, n.). For (τον νπο) σε πάγου cf. 
1. 2, η. ς-' πάγου is inadmissible. 

9. 8ημοσί{ων) χρημάτων τραπ€ζί{τον) : these words are very badly written, but the reading 
is confirmed by 84. 8-9 8ημοσίων χρ^^η]μάτων (so Wilcken, Chresi. 197. int. ior \η[μ^μάτωv) 

ΙΟ. τΐτάγ[μΐ\θα : cf. 84. 12. The precise meaning is not clear. An equivalent to 
αΐτονμΐθα in 55. 6, C. P. Herm. 56. 3-5 would rather be expected. 

12. χωρ(οΰί/τοί) : cf. e.g. 84. 15, 890. 8. 

13. πανί8ιον is apparently a mistake for βαλανάον or βαλανίΒιον ; cf. e. g. 53. 6, 1499. 3. 

14. For σίππιον, i.e. στΰππιον, see Reil, Beiirage, 123, P. Giessen in. 3, n. The 
relation of a 84σμη to a κεντηνάριον, which is used also for measuring iron in 84. 14 and 
charcoal in P. Amh. 138. 13, is unknown. 

15. hv πρ{οαπ€σχομενί): the abbreviation (cf. the critical n.) is similar to that used for 
(κατοσταί (e.g. 1286. 6) or προσδιαγραφόμενα (e. g. 1436), but since the sum in question is 
deducted from the main sum, not added to it, and the payment was made by, not to, the 
government, neither of those words is suitable here. In 1449. 19, 48, 52 it is used for 

7Γρ(οσ). For προαπεχειν cf. P. Tebt. 399. 1 4. 

τα λοιπά : the use of the accusative here indicates that the symbols for talents and 
drachmae in 11. 15-17 are in the accusative, and the abbreviations in 1. 14 in the genitive, 
not vice versa. The original arrangement was for payment in tow and gold, for which the 
government substituted billon. 

16. ενο(β'^ρ(υ)ζου : cf. P. Leipzig 62. 7 Μ€τά της όρισθείσηδ 6{μ]βρνζης. 

1431. Preparations for an Official Visit. 

8.3 X25.8 cm. A.D. 352. 

An order to an agent (χβιριστ??? ; cf. e.g. 1429. 3) to pay a carpet-manufacturer 
the price of a carpet required for the approaching visit of the dux, who was the 
supreme military authority in Egypt in the middle of the fourth century ; cf. 
P. Brit. Mus. ii, p. 270. That the writer occupied an official position is not 
certain, but he must have been a fairly rich man, for the carpet cost 1,500 talents, 
a considerable sum even though the billon coinage was much depreciated ; cf. 
1430. int. The equivalent amount of Ιηναρίων μυριάδ^^ is stated, and the meaning 
of that phrase, which has been misinterpreted (1. 3, n.), becomes clear. Another 
interesting point in the papyrus is the three-fold date, which is fortunately 


explained by 1632. It refers to three local eras, starting in the years 307, 325, 
and 341, and distinct from the two well-known Oxyrhynchite eras beginning in 
324 and 2,55) which soon superseded the rest ; cf. 1. 5, n. 

The writing is along the fibres of the verso, the recto being blank. 

^Αθανάσιο^ ^αραπίωνι γί^ξίριστγι) ya[LpeLv). 
Sbs Γζΐ/ναδίω ταπηταρίω ύπ\ρ τιμής ταπητίου kv Trj επι- 
δημία τον SovKos αργυρίου δηναρίων μυριάδας διακοσίας 
είκοσι π6ί/τ[€,] α kaTi {τάλαντα) Άφ. (2nd hand) kppS>a6ai σε εύχομαι. 
1st hand 5 A^e i^Tovs) κζ {βτους) ια {^ουή [Τ]ΰ[β]ι η. 

' Athanasius to Sarapion, agent, greeting. Give Gennadius the carpet-maker for the 
price of a carpet on the occasion of the visit of the dux 2,250,000 denarii, equivalent to 
1,500 talents. I pray for your health. The 45th, 27th, and nth year, Tubi 8.' 

2. Forταπ»7τάptoycfB.G.U. 1082.2 : in 999 it seems to be used as a proper name. The 
form ταπιτΰί occurs in 1517. 3. The price of a τάπης Alyunnos in the Ed. Diocl. 19, 21 is 
only 1,750 denarii; cf 1430. int. 

ίπώημία : cf. 1261. 7, n., P. Brit. Mus. 1159 (iii. 112), Wilcken, Archiv, iv. 374. 

3, δηναρίων μυριάδας: this phrase first occurred in P. Brit. Mus. 248 (ii. 306), where 
items of 675 talents (1. 13), 90 talents (1. 15), 1 40 (Βηναρίων) μυριάδΐς {h 19), and perhaps 
another (11. 16-17) rriake a total of 259 δηναρίων μνριάδίς (11. 21-2; τ[(τρ]ακόσΐ€ in 1. 21 is 
incorrect ; 1. διακόσιοι). Kenyon regarded 459 μνριάδ€ς as a conversion of only the two items 
in talents, ignoring the 140 μυριάδΐς, which, as he supposed, were accounted for in the mutilated 
lines 16-18. Hence he deduced the equivalence of the denarius and drachma, which was 
accepted by Wessely, Fin Alter sind. im Philog. 30. But the conversion in 1431, which 
corresponds to the conversion of 300 δψ. μνρ. into 2,000 talents in B. G. U. 1049. 13 (a. d. 
342), indicates that the denarius was reckoned, as would be expected, at the usual rate of 
4 drachmae, and the sums mentioned in II. 16-19 of the British Museum papyrus are clearly 
to be included in the total, of which the 675 + 90 = 765 talents (nearly 115 δην. μνρ.) 
formed only a part (in 1. 1 7 1. κα\ fls λόγον ^ργων). 

5• Cf 1632. 9, dated in 353, where the 47th, 29th, and 2nd years correspond to the 
1 2th indiction (i. e. 353-4). The first two of these eras, separated by eighteen years and 
dating from 307-8 and 325-6 respectively, are also now to be recognized in 92. 4, where 
the third is to be read δ (erovs), as suggested in the int. That papyrus equates the 31st, 
13th, and 4th years, and belongs to the year 337, not to 335, as doubtfully explained by 
reference to the years of Constantine and Constantius. A fourth example of a triple dating, 
in which the first two eras are probably the same as in the other three instances, is 1575. 4; 
but the figures are uncertain. The variation with regard to the third era is striking : in 
1431 it dates from 341, in 1632 from 352, in 92 from 334. Since eras at Oxyrhynchus 
dating from 324 and 355 (cf 125. int.) were known previously from numerous examples, 
of which the earliest so far is 1056 (37th and 6th year, 360-1), there are now no less than 
seven different eras attested between 307 and 355. With regard to the month in which 
they began, in 125. int. we supposed that the eras of 324 and 355 began on Thoth i (Aug. 
29) like regnal years, and this view was confirmed by 1116. 11-15 ^φ' iviavrov eva τών άπ[6 

νΐίομηνία! θωθ ΐως Μ(σορη επαγ, πίμιττης . . . του ίνΐστωτος ΐτουί μ (Jerovs) θ {erovs). But the years 

on the eras of 307, 325, and 352 apparently coincided with the indiction-year (cf. 1632. int.), 


which commenced in one of the summer months Pachon, Pauni, Epeiph, or Mesore (in the 
case of 1632 on or before Mesore i) and varied from year to year, and P. Flor. 325 raises 
a difficulty with regard to the eras of 324 and 355. That papyrus is dated on Pachon 25 
of the year after the consulship of Longinus, 12th indiction, and speaks of the 165th and 
134th year (i. e. 488-9) as evearos. The year after the consulship of Longinus is 487, and 
Vitelli proposed to insert τ6 after the consulship (cf. 1130. 3, n., for a parallel instancelof 
the omission of ro β'). Pachon 25 can belong either to the beginning or the end of an 
indiction; but if the year in question was 488, the 12th indiction had begun and the new 
year by the two eras of 324 and 355 had apparently begun with it. If the papyrus belongs 
to 489, the indiction was ending, and there would be nothing to show whether the years by 
the eras ended with it or at the end of Mesore ; but it is then necessary to insert τό y, which 
is unsatisfactory. Hence the starting-point of the year on the various eras remains in 
doubt, especially as it need not have been the same in each era. 

The following table combines the evidence of the years by Oxyrhynchite eras in use up 
to 360, after which date only the eras of 324 and 355 are found. 







Oct. 15 




May 26 




Jan. 4. 




July 25 




Oct. 10 


324 325 334 341 352 355 












From 325-360 there seem to have been two contending parties, one dating by the eras 
of 307 and 325, and after 334 by a third Avhich varied and was certainly not a cycle like the 
indictions, the other dating by the era of 324 and later by that of 355. To suppose that 
the eras of 324 and 325 are really the same is incompatible with the evidence of 1632, and 
no alteration of the figure of the indiction is there admissible owing to its accordance with 
the consular dating. The choice of particular years as starting-points of these eras probably 
depended in most, perhaps in all, cases upon purely local considerations. The only eras 
which suggest a connexion with events of great importance are those beginning in 324 and 
325. With regard to the earlier of these we suggested in 125. int. that it might possibly be 
connected with the Council of Nicaea. Hohmann {Chronol. d. Papyrusurk. 46), in objecting 
to this, treats Thoth i 323 and 354 as the 'Epochetag' of the two eras beginning in 324 
3-^d 355 by an error due to a curious misapprehension of the nature of ancient eras ; these 
begin with a year i, not with a year o, e.g. that by the Kat'crapoy κράτησις, which corresponds 
to the regnal years of Augustus, or the Diocletian era, of which the ist year was 284-5, i• ^• 
his ist regnal year. The Oxyrhynchite era of 324, of which the ist year was 324-5, 
cannot possibly be related, as Hohmann proposes, to events in the year 323-4, during 
most of which Licinius was still in possession of Egypt. The change of sovereigns, so far 
as Middle Egypt was concerned, is now fairly Avell fixed in the period between Jan. 22 and 
December, 324 (cf. 1430. i, n.), and the Council of Nicaea, which began in May according 
to some authorities and ended in September, 325, can be connected with either the era of 
324 or that of 325. Possibly the era of 324 is to be connected with the triumph of 
Constantine, and that of 325 with the Council of Nicaea. These two rival eras may have 
commended themselves to different religious parties in the city, and the supporters of the era 
of 324 in any case proved victorious. But the absence of any specially notable events in 
the years 307-8, 334-5, 341-2, 352-3, 355-6 rather indicates that all these fourth-century 
eras at Oxyrhynchus were suggested by events of local interest. 


1432. Report of a Tax-farmer to a Strategus. 

14-8 X 6-7 cm. A. D. 214. 

A monthly return of receipts of taxation, similar to those addressed to the 
strategus by ττράκτορζί άργνρι,κών, e.g. 1433, but written by the farmer of a tax 
upon sellers of two different kinds of pulse. The impost is no doubt the χ€φω- 
νάζων, a tax levied at varying rates on different trades, but uniformly upon 
members of the same one ; cf Wilcken, Ost. i. 321 sqq., Grundz. 188. The rate 
on individuals is not stated in the present case, 80 drachmae in all having been 
paid. For other instances of χζίρωνάξων in this volume cf. 1436. 4, 1518 (on 
Kovpds at 6 drachmae each, κλβιδοποιοι, &c.), and possibly 1517 and 1519 
(different trades ?). 

Αύρηλίω Άνονβίω(ΐ'ί) στ{ρατηγψ) Καίσαρος του κυρίου. 

Οζ(υρνγχ^ίτου) €στι Si' παρά άθηρο- 

τταρά Ήρακλάτο? Χαρά τ[ό\υ ττολων καΐ ορβωπολων 

Ακοΰ μητρο? Νικαίαί δραχ^μάί όγδοήκοΐ'τα, 

άπ Ό^υρύ-γγων πόλΐω^ 1 5 /^ {^Ρ^ΧΗ-^ή "^t ^^ '^^'- ^'■^- 
5 ύποσγ^σαρίου ώνη^ γράφοντ[αί 

άθηροπολών και όρβιο- eh την €πι τόπων 

ποΧών. μηνιαίοι \6yos δημοσίαν τράπαιζαν. 

του Παΰνί του βν^στώτοί (eror/s) κ β Αύτοκ[ρ]άτορο9 

κβ (βτους) Μάρκου Αύρηλίο[υ Καίσαρος Μάρκου Αυρηλίου 

ΙΟ Χ^ουήρου Άντ(ΰνίνο\υ 2θ \Χζουήρο^υ Αν\τ\(ύνίνου 

Ι. αυρηΚίω ανονβιω Π. 6— γ. 1. άθηροπωλων και ορβιοπωΧών : SO in 11. 12— 1 3. 

13. ορβιοποΧϊο Π. Ι γ. τραπαιζα τι. 1. τράττίζαν. 

*Το Aurelius Anubion, strategus of the Oxyrhynchite noma, from Heraclas son of 
Saras son of Akous, his mother being Nicaea (?), of the city of Oxyrhynchus, contractor for 
farming the tax on pulse-sellers and vetch-sellers. Monthly account for Pauni of the present 
22nd year of Marcus Aurelius Severus Antoninus Caesar the lord, as follows. From the 
pulse-sellers and vetch- sellers eighty drachmae, total 80 dr., which were paid into the local 
public bank.' Date. 

I. Aurelius Anubion is also mentioned in 1196. i (211-12; om. Aurelius), 1474. i 
(Jan. 31, 216), 1525. i (about Sept. 216). 


2. "Σάρα τ•[ο]ΰ : '2,ΐρην[ο\υ might be read, or 'S.apaTyo'^. 

3. tiiKolas : or, perhaps, Σικάτος, but that would be expected to be a man's name. 

5. νποσχ^σάριοί is a new form : for a νπόσχΐσις in connexion with the purchase of land 
cf. 1633. The χΐίρωνάξιον was frequently farmed, e. g. the reXoy γερΒίων and the imposts 
ηπητών, κοπηί τριχος κάϊ χΐίρωναξίον, but instances of its Collection by πράκτορις also occur; 
cf. 1436. 4 and Wilcken, Osi. i. 575-82. 

6. αθηροπ(ω)λών και ομβιοπ(ω)λων : άθήρη or άθαρη, the form used by classical writers, was 
according to Pliny, JV. H. xxii. 25. 121 an Egyptian word, olyram arincam diximus vocari. 
hac decocta fit viedicamentum, quod Aegyptii atheram vacant, infantibus utilissimum, sed et 
adultos inlinu7it eo. It is rarely mentioned in papyri (P. Leyden 3. 25). οροβος is frequently 
found in documents concerning traffic between the Fayum and Memphis, e. g. P. Fay. 69. 
The form όρβιοπώλης occurs in 1037. 4, ορβοπωΚψ in 1323; cf. P. Brit. Mus. 1445. 7, n. 

1433. Two Reports of Tax-collectors to a Strategus. 

i2«3X7-8cm. a. d. 238. 

These two returns in the same hand, addressed to a strategus by collectors 
of money-taxes at a village in the Thmoisepho toparchy (cf. 1436. o,^, n.) con- 
cerning their receipts in successive months, form nos. 31 and 33 of a long series 
of documents, which were joined together and numbered probably in the βιβλιο- 
θήκη 8ημοσίων λόγων. Ν OS. ^^ and 34, two returns of unirrigated land, addressed 
more than a year later to a basilicogrammateus and comogrammateus respectively} 
are also extant (1549). Since the taxing-returns belong to the troubled year 
238, the references to the reigning Emperors have a special interest. The con- 
clusions of both documents with the dates are lost ; but Col. i, which gives the 
account of Mesore, the last month of 'the past 1st year' (1. 15), was clearly 
written in Thoth of the and year of Pupienus and Balbinus Augusti and 
Gordianus Caesar, while Col. ii, which gives the account of Thoth in the 2nd 
year of Gordianus Augustus, was no doubt written in the next month Phaophi. 
Part of the names of Pupienus and Balbinus in Col. i has been deleted, but 
whether the news of their death was received before or after the dispatch of the 
document is uncertain. 1433 thus harmonizes with the evidence of other papyri, 
&c., concerning the short reign of those two Emperors ; cf. Wilcken, Ost. i. 805 
(in P. Flor. 98, which was published later, neither the year nor month of the reign 
is preserved). At Thebes on Epeiph 27 of the ist year (July 21) Gordianus 
Caesar is ignored in an ostracon ; but he is mentioned in the dating on Thoth 1 1 
of the 2nd year (Sept. 8) in a Vienna papyrus from the Arsinoite nome, while 
on Thoth 24 (Sept. 21) Gordianus Augustus alone occurs in another Vienna 
papyrus ; 1433. i was therefore probably written before Thoth 24. 

Similar monthly returns by collectors of money-taxes are common in Fayum 
papyri ; cf. P. Fay. 41. int. The instances in which the individual payments are 
detailed, as here (B. G. U. 42, 392, 639), are less numerous than those in which 



the totals for different taxes are given (B. G. U. 25, 41, 199. recto, 6^%-^, P. Fay. 
41-2, 239 ; cf. 42 {a)). In the other Oxyrhynchite examples, 1046 and 1283, both 
systems are employed. In Col. i only the total is preserved (1. 29) ; in Col. ii 
the payments are all for beer-tax (1. 52, n.). Probably other ττράκτορζ^ also sent 
in similar reports, for those extant in the papyri referred to seldom give the 
impression of being complete returns for the month ; cf. 1436. int. 

Col. i. 

[ λα ] 

[Φλανίω Άρποκρα-] 

[τίωρί στρα(τηγω) ΌξνρνγχΙ^ίτου)] 

[παρά Αυρηλίων] 
5 [Ν€χθ€νίβω9] 

[κ]αΙ [των συν αύτ(ω) 

[π\ρακ{τόρων) άργνρίκ(ων) 

[μ]ητροπ(ολιτικών) λημμά[τ(ων) 

[Θ]μοισ€φω τοπ{αρχ^ία?) 
ΙΟ [Κ]€σμονχ^ζω9 τ6π(ων). 

[κα\τ' άνδρα €ΐσπ[ρά- 

[^]€ωί άριθμή- 

[σζ]ω9 μηνο9 Me- 

[σ•ο]ρη τον δίξλ- 
15 [θ]6ντο5 α (eroi/s) 


[Κα]ισάρων Μά[ρκον 

[Κλ]ωδ[ου ][Μαξ[ίμου^ 

[κ]αΙ Αβκίμ[ο]υ 
2θ [Κ^αιλίον Καλονίν[ου 

^[Β]αλβίνον'^ Εύσφω[ν 

[Εγίτυγων Χφαστ[ω\ν 

καΐ Μάρκου Άντωνίο[υ 

25 [τ]ον ιβρωτάτον 

[Κ]αίσαρο5. €στ[ι] Si- 

[δί]€γράφη(σαν) €πϊ την 

[δ]ημοσίαν τρά- 

Col. ii. 

ΦΧαυίω Αρποκρα- 

τίωνί στρα{τηγω) Όξυρυγχ[ίτον) 
35 [τΓ]αρά Αύρηλίων Ne- 

χθζνίβΐ09 καΐ των 

σ[ύν α]ύτω πρακ{τ6ρων) άρ- 

γνρικ{ων) μητροπολ^ιτικων) 

λημμάτ(ων) Θμοίσ€- 
4θ φώ Ton[ap)(^ias) Κζσμούχξ- 

coy τ6π{ων). κατ άνδρα 

ίίσττράξξω^ άρι- 

Θμήσξω9 μηνο^ 

Θωθ του ίνξστωτοζ 
45/5 {^τους) Μάρκου 



Ενσφοϋ^ Εύτυγοΰς 

[Χζ'\βαστοϋ. βστί δί' 
5θ [δϊ\ζγράφη(σαν) enl τ{ην) 

δημοσίαν τρά- 

[π€ζ]αν ζυτηρά^, 

ων το κατ άνδ{ρα)• 

55 [. .]ωνίδο9 Π[αυ- 

[σίρΥωνοί (δρ.) μ, 

Χαραπίων 6 κ[άι) 

Αιονύσιο? καΐ 



[7τ](ζαν {8ραχμαΤ) τιτ, 6o [ή] κ{αι) 'Αρσινόη {Sp.) μ, 

ι^ο ών ...... 

[Jio]yei/i9 [. .] 

20. κα\ονϊν[ον π. 25- ϊΐρωτατου Π. 35~6. νίχθενίβιος Π. 

ί. ' 1-3 1 • 

Το Flavius Harpocration, strategus of the Oxyrhynchite nome, from the Aurehi 
Necthenibis and his associates, collectors of money-revenues of the metropolis in the 
Thmoisepho toparchy, district of Kesmouchis. List of individual receipts paid in the 
month of Mesore of the past ist year of the Emperors Caesars Marcus Clodius [[Maximus]] 
andDecimusCaeliusCalvinus [[Balbinus]] Pii Felices Augusti and Marcus Antonius Gordianus 
the most sacred Caesar, as follows. Paid to the public bank 316 drachmae, of which the 
items were : Diogenis . . .' 

1-5. Cf. 11. 32-6 and, for the restoration of the figures, int. 
8. [μ]ητροπ{ολιτι.κων) : cf. 1405. 20, 1419. 2, nn. 

i8, Ι[Μαφ>ου]]: the traces suit Μαξ[ίμον better than Πον[πιηνου, which, is also rather 
long. Μάξιμου is Omitted in P. Rainer, Mittheil. ii. 31. 

31. There is a blank space at the end of the line, and perhaps nothing was written 

after [Atojyew'y. 

52. ζντηραί'. cf. P. Tebt. ii, p. 335, Reil, Beiirage, 169. In Roman times it was 
apparently a tax on beer-manufacturers, being generally called ζντηρα κατ Άνδρα (but not 
here ; κατ Svbpa in 1. 53 corresponds to κ. a. in 1. 41). The two payments preserved, both 
of 40 drachmae (11. 56 and 60), are much higher than the amounts paid by individuals in 
previous centuries (4 dr. ^ ob. 2 chal. in P. Tebt. 353, 7 dr. 4 ob. in Amh, 121. 3, 10 dr. 
2 ob. in Fay. 47 {a). 5 and 262, 8 dr. in Tebt. Ost. i, 5^ ob. in Tebt. Ost. 2) ; a payment 
of 80 drachmae by tax-collectors occurs in P. Ryl. 196. 11 (a. d. 196). In the third 
century the depreciation of the coinage was making itself felt; cf. P. Strassb. 61. 5, where 
28 dr. are paid for ζντηρά in a. d. 228. 

55. Probably [eeJwwSos or [AejiwSof. 

59. This Άριστόκλΐΐα [η] κ(αι) Αρσινόη is probably mentioned again in 1537. 4. 

1434. Report of a Comogrammateus concerning Remissions. 

28-7x21 cm. A, D. 107-8. 

The recto of this papyrus contains most of the first column, and beginnings 
of a few lines of the second, from the beginning of a report concerning abatements 
of taxation (κουφοτελειαι), drawn up by a lately appointed comogrammateus of 
several villages in the upper toparchy (cf. 1425. 4, n.), and probably intended for 
the strategus. P. Fay. 40, an ατταιτησιμον τ€λ(Λνικη$ areXeiai (which does not imply 
complete exemption from taxation ; cf. P. Fay. 82. 14) drawn up by a como- 
grammateus, is somewhat similar. The scribe wrote a clear semi-uncial hand 
but in a very compressed style, and, owing to the loss of both the ends of lines at 


the bottom of Col. i and a few letters at the beginnings, the technical details, 
which are of a rather interesting character, are not very clear. Lines 9-17 are 
concerned with the estate formerly belonging to Gaius Julius son of Gaius Julius 
Theon, an Alexandrian official of high rank. This property was originally 
acquired from the Emperor Augustus, but underwent several changes of owner- 
ship (11. 9, 15, nn.). After 1. 17 there is a blank space of a line ; but 11. 18 sqq. 
seem to be concerned with the same estate, giving details as to its present 
condition, not to constitute a new section. With regard to κονφοτάλααι 
little was known apart from a passage in the edict of Tiberius Alexander, which 
provides some interesting parallels ; cf. 11. 3, 7, 15, nn. 

On the verso is the conclusion of an undertaking to provide bread, written 
nine years later (1454). 

Col. i. 
[Πάρα] Άπο\\Χ\ωνίου ν^ωστί καθισταμένου 
[κωμό]γρα{μματ€ω9) Μονίμου knoiKLOV καΐ άλλων κωμών 
[rfjs] άνω τοπαρχ{ία9). λ6γο9 [κουφ]οτξλ€ΐων τ[οΰ ί]α (ίτους) 
[Αύτο]κράτορο9 Καίσαρο? Νζρούα Τραϊανού Χφαστοϋ 
5 \Τ€ρμ]ανικοϋ Αακικοΰ. 

ύναι Si' 
[κουφο]τ€λξίων [[τ]]ωι/ τα άργυρικα καϊ σπιτικά καθ^ήκοντα) 
[ζν]θάδ€ λογίζβταΐ' 

[TaPfOL Ίουλιω υίω Ταίου 'Ιουλίου Θίωνος 
ΙΟ [γβ]νομίνου άρχ{ί}ΐξρζως καΐ ύπομνημα- 

[το]γ/)ά(0θϋ) kv τωδξ τω νομω iepay "Ισιδος 
[Τα]ποσ€ΐρίά8ο9 €ττ€]^α^χώρησ€ν Άκύλα9 κατά, 
[τ]ο άναφόρίον ίτηδοθ\ν ύπο Ταίου ['ioy]X[iO]y 
\Θ^]ωνο9 iraTpSs, καθά καΐ αύτος κατά διά[- 
15 [τ]αγμα €π€χώ{ρησζν) ^^{τω) Fatos ΤυράννιοΙ?) άπο [ 
\λο\•γου Καίσαρος k(f ω τίλύσί enl ΐΓ6λ{€ω9) ύπβρ Τ6- 
[λω]ν καΐ hipoov {τάλαντα) β (δραχμα?) . [. 

[. .]θί9 kK του Δημητ{ρίου) του ΙΙο[. . . ( ) κλή{ρου) {άρούρα?) . ,, 
[ω]ν άσπ{όρου) και χ^{ρσου) καΐ κατ€^υ{σμζνη9) [[άρουραι) . ., 

2θ [νο]μων ουσίας του κυρίου ^([βαστοΰ (άρουραι) . ., 

[ά ?]νθ' ου άπο €λ(αιώνο9) μ^χ^ρή κ (erofy) ev λόγω [ 

[λο]γιζ{6μ€ναί) [{αρουραι) . , 


[Ψω\βθ{ωζ) άνα a {dpovpa) a {άρτάβη) a, [ava . . δ'ί^^δ, 
[I]8v{ ) mS, / aS'c^riS, Ίδν{ ) [λβξδ. 

25 [άρ]γν{ρικών ?) ναυ{βίον) U χαλ{κοΰ) σ άλ{λαγψ ?) . [ 

[ΐ'α]υφίου ?) σκα, S>v {δραχμαΐ) η[ 

Col. ϋ. 
4 lines lost 
31 πρ[.] . . . [ 32 [ 33 [ 34 άργν{ρικα) τ[ 35 «αΙ (ν 

^-^οχίν) • [ 36 οδ άλλαγ[η 37 [• • -ΙΜ ) • • [ 

ΙΟ. αρχάίρίως Π. 11. ϊίρας 'iaiSos Π. ΐρ- e of χί(ρσου) COrr. from ω. 

' From Apollonius, lately appointed comogrammateus of the Monimou farmstead and 
other villages in the upper toparchy. Account of abatements of taxation for the nth year 
of the Emperor Caesar Nerva Trajanus Augustus Germanicus Dacicus, as follows. Abate- 
ments of which the due amounts in money and corn are reckoned here : to Gaius Julius, 
son of Gaius Julius Theon, formerly chief-priest and hypomnematographus, of the land in 
this nome sacred to Isis of Taposiris Aquila conceded in accordance with an application 
presented by Gaius Julius Theon the father, in accordance with the concession made to 
him by Gaius Tyrannius by an edict, from the account of Caesar, on condition that he 
should pay at the city for taxes and other charges 2 talents . . . drachmae, at . . . this in 

the holding of Demetrius son of Po arurae, of which . . are in the category of land 

that is unsown or dry or worn away, . . in the pastures in the estates of the lord 
Augustus, in place of which there are planted with olives (?), reckoned up to the 20th year 
in the account of . . ., . arurae ; at Psobthis taxed at i artaba i arura, making i artaba, 
taxed at . . 1^ arur., at Ida . . . ^ arur., total i§i arur., at Idu . . • -^ arur. ; money- 
taxes, for naubion at 200 dr. of copper, for exchange (?) . . ., for naubion(?) 221 (?) dr., 
of which 8 (?) dr ' 

2. Μονίμου paid 872 drachmae in 1285. 62, being probably one of the larger villages 
in the nome. The ciWai κωμαι apparently included Psobthis (1. 23) and the villages 
mentioned in 11. 18 and 24. In 1285 the villages mentioned next to Μονίμου (all 
probably small) are Ξΐνάρχον, Νί'σλα, [sjei/Cpt?, and ΆρχιβΊον. 

3. \κυνφ\οτίλ(ΐων : cf. 1. 7 and the edict of Tiberius Alexander (Dittenberger, Or. Gr. 

Inscr. ii. 669), 26 sqq. (ν{Τΐΰχθηρ δε κα\ nepl των areXetccv και κονφοτ(Χίΐών (v cus eariv και τα 

προσοδικά, Wilcken, Archiv, i. 148, Dittenberger's commentary, and Rostowzew, Rom. 
Kolonat. 109. On the edict of Hadrian lightening {κονφίζ(ΐν) the taxes on γ€ωργοί see 
P. Giessen 4-7. int., and on a remission of taxes in the Mendesian nome B. G. U. 903. 21. 

i]a (fTovs) : since Trajan has the title Dacicus (1. 5), the year cannot be earlier than 
the 6th, and the absence of άριστο: and Παρθικοί (cf. 1454. 12) indicates a year earlier than 
the 18th. All that remains of the number is the tip of an upward stroke joining the sign 
for eTovs, and this suits i]a better than ς-, θ, ι]γ, or ψ. 

7. For [κονφο]τ€λ€ΐών cf. 1. 3, η., and for καθ(ηκοντα) 11. 29-31 of the edict of Tib. 

Alexander wep δε τών £Κ τον Καίσαρος Xoyov (cf. 1. 1 5, η.) πρα-,χ\θ€ντων iv τωι μίσωι χρόνωι 
ntpl (ύν ίκφόρια κατβκρίθηι, ώϊ ΟυηστΐΊνοί ίκίΧΐνσΐν τα καθήκοντα τ(\(ΐσθαι, καϊ avTOS ϊστημι απο- 
λίλνκώί τα μηΒεπωι €ΐσπραχθ€ντα κα\ προς το peXXov μίνΐΐν αυτά Ιπ\ τοΊς καθηκονσι. αδικον γάρ ΐστιν 
τους ωνησαμΐνονς κτήματα καΐ τιμάς αυτών άπο8όντας ως δημοσίους γζωργονς ΐκφόρια άπαιτ(1σθαι τών 


ihiav (Βαφώρ. Wilcken formerly (/. c.) identified τα καθηκ. there with the προσοΒικά in 1. 26 
(cf. 1. 3, n.), supposing that the persons in question paid a vectigal, as distinct from an 
εκφόριον, to the State upon confiscated land bought by them; but in Grundz. 297 he with- 
drew the explanation of γ^ -προσόδου (cf. 1446. int.) as confiscated land, in deference to 
Rostowzew's criticisms {op. cit. 135 sqq.). 

9. Gaius Julius was contemporary with Aquila (1. 12), i.e. G. Julius Aquila, praefect 
in A. D. lo-ii (cf. Cantarelli, Prefetti, i. 20), his father G. Julius Theon with G. Tyrannius 
(1. 15), praefect in 7-4 b. c. (Cantarelli, op. cit. 19). The property, which belonged to the 
Emperor Augustus (1. 15, n.), was ceded by Tyrannius to G. Julius Theon, who apparently 
made it over to the temple of Isis of Taposiris (1. 11, n.), his son subsequently recovering 
it from Aquila. That it was in a. d. 107-8 still in the possession of Gaius Julius' heirs is 
very doubtful. That portion to which 1. 20 refers apparently belonged to an ονσΊα of 
Trajan, while 11. 18-19 and 23-4 seem to be concerned with βασιλική yrj. Possibly the 
space left below 1. 17 indicates that the section was not completed and 11. 18 sqq. belong to 
a new section altogether, but in that case it is strange that the land in 11. 18 sqq. was not 
further characterized. 

10. άρχ{ι]ΐ(ρΐως καΐ νπομνημα[το'\γρά{φον) : on the Order, which implies the superiority 
of the second office, see 1412. 1-3, n. υπομνηματογράφοι at this period probably existed 
only at Alexandria, and apxiepevs here probably means the άρχ. Άλ(ξανδρ(ίας καΐ Αιγύπτου 
πάση!, especially as he bears a Roman name. Theon who was άρχιδικαστης late in the 
first century b. c. (P. Ryl. 257) might be identical with G. Julius Theon here, and another 
Theon, άρχώικαστης in A. D. 58 (268. i), and G. Julius Theon γίνόμ(νοί άρχω. καΐ ίπομν. in 
the reign of Hadrian (P. Teb't. 286. 13) may well have belonged to the same family, as 
perhaps Theon άρχιΒ., father of G. Julius Dionysius άρχω. in 130 (C. I. G. 4734), who might 
be identical with the Theon in P. Tebt. 286 ; cf. also B. G. U. 832. 16 (a. d. 113) θίωνος 
του Oeavos των γΐγν[μνασιαρχ{τ)κότων) referring to a judge at Alexandria. 

11. iepas "ίσιδοί [Ία]ποσ(ΐριά8ος : cf. 11. 9, 15, nn. Ταττοσίφΐάί may refer either to 
Taposiris Magna in the Libyan nome or Tap. Parva near Alexandria; cf. 1380. 67, n. 
The number of arurae to which iepHs refers was not expressed anywhere in 11. ii-i7> hut 
seems to have been accounted for in 11. 18 sqq. 

12. επ(χώρησ(ν : cf. 1. 1 5 3-l^d P. Amh. 68. 7 (τννκΐχωρημΐνου fis πρΰσιν υπολόγου; a Sale 

is meant here also, apparently. For Ακύλα? cf. 1. 9, n. 

14. καθα κα\ αυτό: : aS it Stands, avTOs must refer to Taios Ύυράρνιο!, not the πατήρ, but 

we think that the sentence began as if ΐπ^χωρήβη υπο Ταίον Τ. was going to follow, and for 
this the writer substituted επ€χώ{ρησ(ρ) αν{τω) Taios τ. There is no point in καΐ avTOs if 
applied to Tyrannius. 

15. For Taios Tvpapvio{s) cf. 1. 9, n. At the end of the line [ίδ(ιΌυ) might be supplied, 
but for λόγου Καίσαρος cf. the passage from the edict of Tib. Alexander quoted in 1. 7, n. 
Καίσαρος here happens to mean Augustus (cf 1. 9, n.), but it there refers to no particular 
Emperor, Augustus being elsewhere in the edict called Θί6ς Έφαστός. Whether Καίσαρος 

λόγος = "ώιος (or ουσιακος) λόγος, ΟΓ is a general expression for the fiscus like κνριακος Xo'yos 

(edict of Tib. Alex, 1. 18), is left doubtful by Wilcken, Ost. i. 645. Dittenberger adopts 
the latter view, but the present passage on the whole favours the former. Possibly a comma 

should be placed after Ίυράρριο^ς), and άπο [λό]γου connected with Ιπ^χωρησ^ρ Ακύλας. If so, 

the land was, although Upa, in the Καίσαρος λόγος when Aquila assigned it to Gaius Julius 
the younger, and the nature of its tenure before Tyrannius assigned it to Gaius Julius the 
elder, who in any case seems to have been responsible for its becoming Upa (cf. I. 9, n.), 
was not stated in 11. 9-17. From 1. 18 it appears that part of it had once been cleruchic. 
For an instance of cleruchic land reverting to the Emperor in the Augustan period cf. 721. 
An example of the conversion of iepa γη by Augustus into βασιλική on a large scale occurs 



in P. Tebt. 302 (W. Chrest. 368). But the construction adopted in the text, according to 
which άπο \Ko]yov is connected with Tyrannius, not Aquila, is preferable. The temple lost 
the land in either case. 

16. πόλ(6ωϊ) probably means Oxyrhynchus (cf. 1. 11 τώδβ τω νομω) rather than 

vnep τί[λω]ν και ίτίρων : this form of paying for land acquired from the Emperor or the 
State is unusual. Extant papyri concerning the sale of land by the government, whether 

from the xmoKoyov βασιλικής (e, g. 721. 4, P. Amh. 68), or απρατα rrjs 8ιοικήσ(ωε (e. g. 513. 7 

and 1633. 7), or confiscated land under cultivation (B. G. U. 462), refer to a τιμή with, 

occasionally, προσΒιαγραφόμ^να (513. 1 4). But the Τ€λη καϊ erepa may include the τιμή, or 

a composition of future taxes may have been substituted for the price, which in the case of 
vnokoyov was generally low (12 drachmae per arura in 721, 20 dr. per arur. from a.d. 61- 
246 ; cf. P. Amh. 68. 20 and Brit. Mus. 1157. verso). 

18. [. .]ii?: 'u\^a>0\eis (for -θιοί) be restored (cf. 1. 23, n.), this line projected by one or 
two letters, Λvhich is quite legitimate, since in any case there is a change of subject. But 
a different village is expected in 1. 23. 

20. That an ουσία of the reigning Emperor should be subject to κουφοτ€\εια is natural; 

cf. Preisigke, S.S. 4226 . . . ουσίας τοΰ κυρίου Αυτοκράτορος άτ€λ.ην καϊ άνενγάρίυτον. 

There is no clear evidence for the taxes paid by ουσίαι, for in P. Brit. Mus. 195 it is uncertain 
in what relation the Emperor Tiberius (I. 2) stood to the κτησις in question. For νομαί in 
the ουσιακά cf. Wilcken, Gnmdz. 299. [. .]k(uv might equally well be read, but suggests no 
suitable word. Usually ουσίαι of the Emperor were called after their first owners simply ; 

but cf. P. Ryl. 134. 7 Τ^Φ^ρίου Καίσ. Έ(β. ουσία Τερμανικιανη, 

21. \a\vff ου από (^{αιώνος) : with [α\νθ' ου the line Avas slightly indented; with [ακά]ι/^οιι 
it would project slightly. For αντί in a somewhat similar context cf e. g. P. Tebt. 343. 23 
ώστε di/Ti ίλαιώνο^ς) φο{ρίμου). ov can be explained by supposing that the number at the end 
of 1. 20 was a fraction of an arura. The objection to [άκά]ι/^ου is that this Avord is not 
found applied to land ; in P. Tebt. 343. 6, &c., ακανθ{υς) is to be read on the analogy of 
συκάμινος in 1. 86; cf Wilcken, ArcMv, v. 239. Possibly [. .]νθου was a place-name, άπο 
ίλ{ασσώματος) can be restored in place of από (λ^αιωνος); cf C. P. Herm. 120. recto iii. 11 

και άπο ΐλασσώμ[ατος) της {αυτής) δη{μοσίας) ΐσττ{αρμίνης). The 20th year presumably refers tO 

the current reign. At the end of the line [ϋπολό•^{ρυ) or [ατ6λ(ώί') is more likely than e. g. 
Καίσαρος (cf. 1. 16) or σιτικών. In the case of υπόλογοι' sold by the government three years' 
arekeia was sometimes accorded; cf 721. 15. 

23. [Ψώ]βθ{ίος) : a village of this name in the upper toparchy (cf I. 3) is known from 
343. Three other villages called Ψώβθις in different toparchies occur in 1285. One artaba 
per arura is a common rate for land-tax upon cleruchic or private land (e. g. in 1459), 
including ίπόλογον bought from the government (P. Amh. 68. 22). As a rent of State land 
it would be exceptionally low (cf. e. g. 1446), and υπόλογοι; may well be meant here. 

24.^ [Ί]δυ( ): the papyrus has ]δ, with ιδ later, and [. .] y pa in 1. 25 ; but there is 
no certain instance in 1434 of strokes over figures and several cases occur of figures without 
strokes, so that the horizontal line apparently represents υ, as it does certainly in 1. 19 
κατφ{σμίι>ης), and probably in 1. 15 αυ{τω) and 1. 25 [αρ]γυ{ρικών) ναυ{βίου), and perhaps 1. 26 
[να]υ{βίου?). [Ί]δυ( ) Or [. .]δυ( ) is regarded by us as a new place-name; but the 
repetition of Ίδυ( ) is uncertain, and the fractions at the end of 1. 23 may have been 
8'λ'β:, in which case ifi arurae in 1. 24 refer to the whole amount, not to the twoPsobthis 
items only. 

25. [άρ]γυ{ρικών) : cf. 11. 7 and 34. For the naubion-tax cf. 1409. 20, 1436. 6, nn. 
200 (copper) drachmae (per arura) is not a rate attested elsewhere. If αλ(λαγ^ί) is right, 
a figure corresponding to the usual κόλλυβας of about -^ would be expected. If the beginning 


of the next line also refers to the naubion, 21 drachmae remain to be accounted for at the 
end of 1. 25. 

26. Cf. the preceding note. It is not certain that the column ends here. [. ,]υ( ) 
can be another place-name, or [/] 'Γσκα is possible. With the latter reading hu (δρ.) ;;[ might 
be a conversion of copper into silver ; but the usual rate of exchange of copper drachmae 
was 300 : I where the naubion was concerned, so that a rate of about 400 : i is not very 
suitable, and at, not hv, would rather be expected, if a conversion is meant. 

35• f'" firoxCv): cf. P. Tebt. 337. 2, n. 

36. ov a\\ay[r} '. cf. 1437. int. 

1435. Taxation-return concerning Pastophori. 

i8-3X29-9cm. a. d. 147. 

The recto of this papyrus contains part of apparently the last two columns 
of a very carefully written return addressed by tax-collectors or tax-farmers 
(1. 6 τ}μ\1ν\ ; cf. 1432-3) to a strategus (11. 7-8 e^eis ττρά^ό^μον] νττό του βασιλ{ϋκοΰ) 
γραμ.) concerning payments by τταστοφόροί, who belonged to the lower ranks of 
the priesthood. The two entries which are preserved in Col. i and the entry 
immediately preceding, which is included in the total in 1. 5, uniformly recorded 
payments of 4 drachmae for the main tax and if obols for τζροσίιαγραφόμ^να, but 
owing to the uncertainty attaching to the termination of υτίίρ Up[ov] in 1. 6, and 
the ambiguity of νιτίρ, it is not clear what the precise title of the impost was, or 
even whether it was stated at all. That it was connected with the rikos Upov in 
P. Fay. 39. 2 or 1[€]ρών in P. Fay. 4a (a), ii. 10, or the early Ptolemaic φόρο^ Upav 
is not unlikely, but other obscure payments, ίξρατ(ί)κ{ων) f7ri( ) and δω( ) 
Up€VTLK&{v) are also known ; cf. P. Tebt. 354. 23, n.. Otto, Priester und Tempel, 
i. 364. In any case the impost was levied upon priests, whether for the benefit 
of the temples or not. Of the two τιαστοφόροι one belonged to a temple of 
Apollo (i. e. Horus) at the Oxyrhynchite village of Teis (cf. 1436. int.), the other 
to a temple of an unknown deity, Saphthis, at a village which was in the 
Arabian nome (11. 8-10, n.). The sums due are stated first, being followed by 
the dates of the payments to a bank ; but the second set of entries seems to have 
been written at the same time as the first, the papyrus being a fair copy, not like 
P. Ryl. 188, in which the second set of entries was inserted later. Col. ii, of which 
only the beginnings of lines are preserved, belongs apparently to a summary, 
carrying over arrears to a future account, and below 1. 19 is a considerable blank 
space, indicating the end of the document. The reign was that of Antoninus (1. 18), 
and the year the loth (1. 4). A different taxing-account on the verso (1436) was 
written in the 17th (or 19th) and aoth years of the same reign. 

Η 1 


Col. i. 

[ ]^9β 

Πληνι^ Φθομώι/θον του Παποντ[ωτο9] παστο{φ6ρο5) Upov Άπόλλωνο? 
θξοΰ μ€γιστου κώμη? T^ea)[y {δραχμαΐ) δ, π ρο{σ 8 l άγραφο μίνων)] {οβολοή 
(ήμιωβίλιον), / {δρ.) δ [{όβ.)] {ήμίωβ.). 
τραπ{ύζτ]) ι (erovs) Παχω{ν) at π{ροκ€ίμζναι) {δρ.) δ, προ{σδ.) {6β,) 
{ήμιωβ.), / [{δρ.)] δ {6β.) {ήμιωβ.). 
5 γίνρ{νται) καΐ τούτων {δρ.) η, 7Γρο{σδ.) {τριώβολον), / {δρ.) η {τριωβ.). 

άλλου παστοφόρου δτιλωσαντο^ νμ[ΐν] δίαγβγραφίναι ύπ\ρ ί€ρ[οΰ 

αύτοϋ το i^fjs παρακ^ίμ^νον αύτωι κξφάλαων onep e^eiy πράξι[μον 

ύπο του βασίλ{ικον) γραμ{μ)ατ{€ωή άνα λ{6γον ?) 'Αραβίας άνω τ6π{ων)' 

Πασάφθις ΠασάφΘως του Ψ^νμώνθου [πασ]τοφόρο? kpox) Χάφβιο? κ[ώμ]τ)ς 

ΙΟ [. . .]^άμ^ως {δρ.) δ, πρ{οσδ.) {6β.) {ήμιωβ.), / {δρ.) δ {6β.) {ήμιωβ.). 

τραττ{ίζτϊ) ι {βτουή Έπάφ αϊ 7Γ{ροκ€ίμ€ναι) {δρ.) δ, [προ{σδ.) {6β.)] 
{ήμιωβ.), / {δρ.) δ {6β.) {ήμιωβ.). 

Col. π. 

[ ] 

[ ei]y το L [(eVoy 

[ ^ , ^ 

15 ^ S)v 

λοιπαι kv kyOeaei e/y \τον μήνα τοϋ ίνίστώτο? ι erovs 

Άντωνίνου Καισαρ[ος του κυρίου 
χρόνον {δρ.) ιβ . [ 

ΙΟ. (όβολο'ί) after πρ(οσδ.) corr. from {8υοβολοί). 

i. '792. 

Plenis son of Phthomonthes son of Tsipontos, pasfopAortis of the temple of Apollo, the 
most great god, at the village of Teis, 4 drachmae, for extra payments i^ obols, total 
4 dr. li ob. Paid to the bank in the loth year, Pachon, the aforesaid 4 dr., for extra 
payments i^ob., total 4 dr. i^ ob. Total of these also 8 dr., for extra payments 3 ob., total 
8 dr. 3 ob. Another pasiophorus having declared to us that he had paid for his temple the 
sum entered below next to his name, which you will hold subject to a corresponding (?) levy 
by the basilicogrammateus of the upper district of Arabia, Pasaphthis son of Pasaphthis 
son of Psenmonthes, pasiophorus of the temple of Saphthis at the village of . . . psamis 4 dr.. 


for extra payments i^ ob., total 4 dr. i^ ob. Paid to the bank in the loth year, Epeiph, the 
aforesaid 4 dr., for extra payments i^ ob., total 4 dr. i^ ob.' 

7. ττρά^ιίιμον: cf. B. G. U. 145• 5 ^QQ• *'^''"' «"^P*" τώΐ' ελάσσω φανίντων πραξίμου νπ €μοΰ 
πάρα τα μΐτα^οθίντα υπο τον βασί\(^ι.κοΰ^ γρ(^αμματ(ως), Ρ. GieSSen 48. 1 9 ^^ 7rpa^i/x[oisj ηγηθηναι, 

8-ΙΟ. Σάφθις occurs as a Mendesian village in P. Ryl. 215. 2, but is not otherwise 
known as the name of a god, while [. . .]ψάμΐως is not identifiable with any known 
Oxyrhynchite village. This payment seems to have been made in the Oxyrhynchite 
nome by an inhabitant of a village in the Arabian nome, the basilicogrammateus being 
apparently responsible for adjusting the irregularity. With ανω τότΓ{ων) cf. 931. 1 5 στρατηγώι 
2φ(ννντον Άρω τόπων ; but while that nome is known to have been subdivided for purposes of 
administration in the Roman period into two halves, there is no evidence apart from the 
present passage that a corresponding subdivision existed in the Arabian nome, and ανω 
τόπ{ων) need mean no more than the upper toparchy of a homogeneous nome. τοπ{αρχίας) 
is equally possible. 

1436. Account of Village-taxes. 

18-5 X 29-9 cm. A. D. 153-6. 

The recto of this papyrus contains 1435, written in the loth year of 
Antoninus. On the verso is most of three columns, vi^ith the ends of a few lines 
of a preceding column, from a series of monthly accounts of sums collected by 
TipaKTopes άργνρικων for various taxes. The heading in Col. iv, which gives the 
account of Thoth in the aoth year of Antoninus, shows that the toparchy con- 
cerned was that of Thmoisepho, and probably the village in question was Teis 
(1. 35, n.), though it is possible that the accounts concerned the whole toparchy. 
Cols, ii-iii, which are in a different hand, refer to two no doubt consecutive 
months, of which the second was either Me[cheir] or Me[sore], and with the 
latter restoration it is tempting to regard these two months as concluding the 
19th year and make Cols, iii-iv continuous. But the mentions of arrears of 
the 16th year in 11. 14 and 27 make it more probable that the year in Cols, ii-iii 
was the 17th (cf. the reference to arrears of the 19th year in Col. iv), and if there 
was an interval of several years between Cols, iii and iv, Me[cheir] is slightly 
preferable to Me[sore], as being nearer to the i6th year, though instances of taxes 
paid more than a year in arrear are not infrequent in papyri. 

The names of the taxes collected in the three months are preserved almost 
entire, but the amounts are in most cases lost. The document was no doubt 
drawn up either by a public bank or by the ττράκτορξ9 themselves (cf. 1. 34) from 
their monthly returns, which are illustrated by 1433. In Cols, ii-iii 11. 4-17 (and 
probably 3, 3), 20-4, 26, 39 (and perhaps 30-2 where the margin is missing) 
have two short strokes against them in the margin, indicating a revision of some 
kind ; cf. 1516 and P. Ryl. 188. int. It is noteworthy that in 1. 28 certainly, and 
perhaps in 11. 30-1, the absence of the marginal strokes coincides with the 


omission of the extra charges usually appended to the main sum in the case of 
the other entries in Cols, ii-iii ; but since 11. 6 and 39 provide an instance of a tax 
which in both cases has strokes against the entry, but in one has no extra 
charges, the coincidence may be accidental. 

Since the extant monthly returns of tax-collectors to the strategus cannot 
be depended upon as complete statements of the receipts from a village (cf. 1433. 
int.), and e. g. in P. Fay. 42 no details are given with regard to the sums paid 
direct to the bank, 1436 provides a much more comprehensive idea of village- 
taxation in the second century. Teis is mentioned fairly often in Oxyrhynchus 
papyri and was probably a large village ; for it had a temple of Apollo (i. e. Horus) 
with τταστοφόροί (1435. z), and if the reading of the figures in 1285. 126 is correct, 
it was one of six (out of about eighty) villages paying over 1,000 drachmae, while 
in 1448 it contributed more στιγάρια than the other villages except Dositheou. 
The items for particular taxes in 1436 are rather high in two cases, the poll-tax 
(1,000 dr. in 1. 14 and over 2,000 dr. in 1. 27, both items being arrears of the i6th 
year ; in 11. 8 and 44 the figures are lost) and pig-tax (about 660 dr. in 1. 9 and 
481 in 1. 25 for the 17th year, 219 dr. in 1. 15 and 171 in 1. 28 for arrears ; in 1. 47 the 
figure is missing). The poll-tax was only paid by males from fourteen to sixty 
years of age, and, to judge by the discovery in numerous Fayum villages of receipts 
for poll-tax collected by the TtpaKTopes of the metropolis and the frequent instances 
in the Oxyrhynchite nome of taxes of the metropolis collected in villages (cf. 
1405. 20, n.), there were probably many persons resident at Teis who paid poll- 
tax to the city-collectors at the lower rate of τ 3 drachmae, not to the village- 
collectors at the rate of, probably, 16 (cf. 1. 8, n.) or 20. Individual payments for 
pig-tax rarely exceed 2 drachmae (1. 9, n.), and the whole evidence regarding 
Teis suggests that it contained several thousand inhabitants. 

Besides the poll-tax and pig-tax there are during the three months fifteen 
different heads of taxation, several of them repeated, ranging from 226 to less 
than 4 dr. ; but even if the accounts of a whole year had been preserved, the 
number of taxes is likely to have been smaller than in P. Fay. 42 (a), an incom- 
plete list of taxes in arrear at the Arsinoite village of Pharbaetha in the late second 
century, containing at least twenty-eight items, apart from the taxes on the verso, 
which were τταρ" €τητηρηταΪ5, and a considerable number lost. Whether P. Ryl. 213 
(late second century), a long taxing-list of payments by villages in the Mendesian 
nome, is to be explained on the analogy of P. Fay. 42 (a) as a list of arrears is 
now in the light of 1436 more doubtful ; cf. 1. 18, n. Of the monthly totals in 
1436 only one is preserved (1. $^, 3,640 dr.), about § being arrears of poll-tax, for 
which no payments on account of the current year are recorded in that month. 
The items of arrears in Cols, ii-iii are fewer than the items referring to the current 




{δρ.) . . 


[{δρ.) . . 

5 6θ[ον{ίηρά^) 

{δρ.) . . 


{δρ.) . . 


[{δρ.) . . 


[{δρ.) . . 


{Sp.) [χ 

ΙΟ ίπαρον{ρίου) 

{δρ.) σ, 


{δρ.) μ, 

year, but the reverse is the case in Col. iv, and there was obviously much 
irregularity in the times of collection, as is also indicated by e. g. the returns to 
strategi (1433. int.). Details concerning the taxes, of which those for a vicarius 
(11. 3 (?), 31, 40), the ΐκλογιστΎΐ^ (1. 33), ίδιο? Xoyos (1. 24), and an adaeratio of an 
uncertain character (1. 50), are new, are discussed in the commentary. 

Col. ii. 

[ά/>ί%ΐ7σ€ω9) Τνβί{?)• ] 

[{τρίτης) βαλ{αν€ίων)(?) {δραχμαΐ) . ., ] 

πρ{οσδιαγραφομ€νων) {δρ.) . .] χ{αλκοΐ) β, 

πρ{οσδ.) {δρ.) . .] {π^ντώβολον) {ήμιωβίλιοιή, 

7Γρ{οσδ.) {δρ.)] τ] {τρίώβολον ?), 

πρ{οσδ.)] {δρ.) α {όβολος) {ήμιωβ.), 

.] {τ€τρώβ. ?), 

. . πρ{οσδ.) {δρ.)] o<j• {τ€τρώβ.), 

πρ{οσδ.) {δρ.) ιζ, 

πρ{οσδ.) {δρ.) γ {δυοβολοΐ) {ήμιωβ.), 

μ€ρισμ{οϋ) ^ρημ{οφνλακίας) {δρ.) μ€ {τ€τρώβ.) {ήμιωβ.), 

ονσι{ακον) φ6{ρον) παραδ{βίσων) κ (τηντώβ.) [• 

ί<7 {^^Tovs) λαο{γραφία9) {δρ.) Ά, 
15 νικ{η9) {δρ.) σιθ [πρ{οσδ.) {δρ.). ., 

€παρον{ρίον) [(^Ρ•) • •3 

σπ{ορδή5) Διονν{σου) [(5ρ.) . ., 

/^ τη{ς) δι{αγραφή$) [{δρ.) .... 

Col. iii. 

άριθ{μήσζω9) Μ€[χ€ίρ ?• 
2θ {τρίτης) βα\{ανύων) {δρ.) η [ ], 

βικα{ρίου) [{δρ.) . . ,] 

μζρισμ{ον) ζρη{μοφνλακίας) [{δρ.) . .,] 

ύποκ{ζΐμζνων) €γλογι{στ€ία) [{δρ.) . . ,] 

ιδίου λόγο(υ) δι{α) μ . υ{ ) [(δρ.) . .,] 
25 ύικ{ης) {δρ.) νπα {τριώβ. ?) x(aXACor) β, πρ{οσδ.) {δρ.) ve 

{δνοβ.) {ήμιωβ.) χ(αλ.) β, 

knapov{piov) {δρ.) ρ, [τΓρ{οσδ.) (δρ.)] η {τριώβ.)' 


iq- (eroi/y) \aoy{pa<pias) (Sp.) 'B . [.]ζ, 
νικ{ήή (<^Ρ•) pooc {δυοβ.) χ(αλ.) β, 

ναυ{βίου) {Sp.) σκ<τ χ(αλ.) β, 

3θ συ{μβολικον) {δρ.) μα {τ€τρώβ.), 

ίπαρον{ρίον) {Sp.) γ {τβτρώβ.), 

σπ{ονδή9) Δίονύ{σον) [δρ.] ίς-, πρ{οσδ.) α {δυοβ.) χ(αλ,) β, 
y τή{ή δι{αγραφή9) {δρ.) 'Γχμ. 

Col. iv. 
and hand κεφάλαια δία[γ]ρ[α0ωϊ/ δια πρακτόρων 

35 Θμοισ^ψω τοπ{αρχία9) T[^ecuy τ6π{ων) τον έν€στώ{τοί) 

κ {ίτον?) Άντωνίίνου [τον κνρίον. 
'ίσ[τι δβ• 

άρίθ{μήσ€ωή Θώθ' 

κ (erofs) {τρίτης) βα\{ανύων) {δρ.) η {πβντώβ.) [, 
4θ βικαρίον [{δρ•) • •> 

μζρισμ{ον) €ρημ{οφνλακία9) [{δρ.) . ., 

ούσια{κον) φ6{ρον) τταραδ{^ίσων) [{δρ.) . .' 

ιθ {(τονς) μ€ρισμ{ον) €ρημ{οφνλακία9) [{δρ.) . ., 

λαογρα{φία9) [{δρ•) • • ■ •? 

45 φό{ρον) υπολόγου [{δρ•) > -, 

ούσία{κων) ίδαφων [{δρ.) • • , 

νικ{ψ) [{δρ.) . . , 

€παρον{ρίου) {δρ.) ίβ {δυοβ.) [, 

σπ{ονδή^) Διονν{σον) {δρ.) [. ., 
5θ τιμ{ηs) ύ7Γα[.]λ[ {δρ.) . . 

ΙΟ sqq. 7Γρ{οσ8ιαγραφομΐνων) is abbreviated ρ) throughout. 20. y βαλ. Π ; so in 1. 39• 
28. α of ροα corr. 29. ν οί ναν(^βίου) corr. 

' Reckoning of Tubi. Third on baths . ., vicarius . ., lax on trades . ., extra payments 
. . 2 chalci, linen-tax . ., extra payments . . 5-| obols, naubion . ., extra payments 8 dr. 3 ob., 
receipts-tax . ., extra payments i dr. i^ ob., poll-tax . . 4 ob. (?), pig-tax 6[. .] dr., extra 
payments 76 dr. 4 ob., acreage-tax 200 dr., extra payments 17 dr., libation 40 dr., extra 
payments 3 dr. 2-| ob., desert-guards' rate 45 dr. 4^ ob., rent of gardens in the Imperial estates 
20 dr. 5 ob. ; 16th year poll-tax 1,000 dr., pig-tax 219 dr., extra payments . ., acreage-tax 
. ., libation to Dionysus . . ; total of the payment . . . 

Reckoning of Mecheir. Third on baths 8 dr., vicarius . ., desert-guards' rate . ., 
dues to the office of eclogistes . ., for the idiologus . . ., pig-tax 481 dr. 3 ob. 2 chal.. 


extra payments 55 dr. 2^ ob. 2 chal., acreage-tax 100 dr., extra payments 8 dr. 3 ob. ; 
1 6th year, poll-tax 2[. .Jy dr., pig-tax 171 dr. 2 ob. 2 chal., naubion 226 dr. 2 chal., 
receipts-tax 41 dr. 4 ob., acreage-tax 3 dr. 4 ob., libation to Dionysus 16 dr., extra payments 
I dr. 2 ob. 2 chal. ; total of the payment 3,640 dr. 

Totals of sums paid through the collectors of money-taxes for the Thmoisepho toparchy, 
Teis district, in the present 20th year of Antoninus the lord, as follows. Reckoning of Thoth. 
20th year, third on baths 8 dr. 5 ob., vicarius . ., desert-guards' rate . ., rent of gardens in 
the Imperial estates . . ; 19th year, desert-guards' rate . ., poll-tax . ., rent of unproductive 
land . ., land in the Imperial estates . ., pig-tax . ., acreage-tax 12 dr. 2 ob., libation to 
Dionysus . ., value of . . .' 

1-3. Cf. 11. 19-21, nn. and 38-40. 

4. χι{ρωναξίου) : cf. 1432. int. and 5, n. 

5. 6θ[ον{ιηρΰ5) : cf. 1414. int., 1428. 4, 1438. int. 

6. να[ν{βΙου): cf. 1409. 20, 1427. 3, 1434. 25, nn., P. Ryl. ii, pp. 243 sqq. It was 
generally paid in copper drachmae at the rate of 300 for a silver drachma, with extra 
payments of about -^ and a charge for κόλλνβος (' exchange ') of ^, but e. g. in P. Fay. 41. 
ii. 12 the payments were in silver. In 1. 29 there are no extra payments. 

7. σν{μβολικον) : for this resolution cf. P. Tebt. 298. 63 συμ\βολ[ι]κοΰ. συ{μβόλου), 

which occurs written out in e. g. P. Brit. Mus. 372. 9, 17 (P. Tebt. ii, p. 340) and P. Ghent 
verso (P. Ryl. ii, p. 421), can be substituted where only one receipt is in question, and 
σν{μβόλων) might be read here. The plural συμβολικά is not found written out, but very 
likely occurred in e.g. B. G. U. 219. 8. The evidence for this charge for giving a receipt 
is collected in P. Tebt. 295. 12, n. Extra payments occur here, but not in 1. 30. 

8. λαο{γραφίας) : cf. int. The rate of the poll-tax varied considerably in the different 
metropoleis, 20 drachmae a year being normally paid at Arsinoe (P. Tebt. 306. int.), where 
40 dr. were paid by some classes (Wilcken, Grimdz. 189) and 8 by others (P. Tebt. 354. int.), 
16 at Tentyra (Milne, Archiv, vi. 127), 12 at Oxyrhynchus (e.g. 1452. 19), 8 at Hermo- 
polis (P. Ryl. 193. 3, n.) and Memphis (P. Flor. 12). Concerning the rate of the tax in 
villages much less is known. In those of the Arsinoite nome rates of 40 dr., 22 dr. 4 obols, 
20, 16, and 12 dr. occur (P. Tebt. 306. int.), but apart from the payment of 16 dr. at Nebo 
(1438. 18), which is not certainly Oxyrhynchite, there is no evidence yet for λαογραφία in 
the villages of that nome. In the Arsinoite receipts i ο obols are usually charged for extra 
payments, besides a charge for σύμβολα, but no προσδιαγραψόμΐνα occur in 1. 14 nor, 
probably, here. 

9. υίκ{ψ) : for the pig-tax, which is often mentioned in Oxyrhynchus papyri, see 
P. Ryl. 193. 4, n., 1516. 2, 5, 1518. 7, 1520. 6. About i drachma 4 obols is so common 
a payment that this may well have been the tax on one or two pigs. The sum lost is likely 
to have been about 660 dr., to judge by the relation of the extra payments to the main sum 
for νίκη in 1. 25 (nearly ^). Elsewhere Ιικη generally occurs without extra payments (but 
I ob. for προσΒ. on i dr. 4^ ob. for νική is found in 574), and in 1. 28 they are not recorded ; 
but that may be due to inadvertence, the line having no marginal strokes against it ; cf. int. 
In 1. 15 the occurrence of extra payments is uncertain. 

10. ίπαρονί^ρίου) : on this land-tax upon vine and garden land in addition to the yew- 
μιτρία see 1283. 13, n., and P. Ryl. ii, pp. 243 sqq. In P. Brit. Mus. 195 and 374 the rate 
is 6 dr. 4 ob. per arura, equivalent to 2,000 copper dr., which is a common rate in Roman 
times elsewhere, though examples of i ,000 copper dr. per arura also occur. The payment 
of 3 dr. 4 ob. for eVop. in 1. 31 therefore probably represents the tax on Ί or i arura. The 
usual rate of προσδιαγραφόμΐνα upon inap. was -^ (P. Ryl. ii, p. 257); here and in 1. 26 it 
was just over ^, while in 1. 31 no προσδ. are recorded and in 1. 16 the details are lost. 


11. σπ•οΐ'δ(^ί): in II. 17 and 32 σπ. Δ.ωνν{σον), for which see 1283. 17, n., P. Ryl. ii, 
p. 422 and 216. 128, n. It was apparently a tax of 8 dr. per aroura on άμττζΚωνΐί, and, 
though probably devoted originally to religious purposes, was paid in Roman times to the 

department called διοίκησίί, like the έξαδραχμία Φιλαδελφου (P. Ryl. 213. 354). προσ8ιαγραφό- 

μ(να upon σπ. Αιον., Avhich here and in 1. 32 are between ^ and ^, are not found elsewhere, 
but προσδ. upon the οκτάδραχμο! occur in p. Ryl. 216. 

12. μίρισμ{ον) ερημ{οφυ\ακίας) : cf. 11. 22, 41, and 43. On this tax for the maintenance 
of desert-guards see P. Fay. p. 196, Wilcken, Griindz. 191. Numerous instances show 
that it was paid at the πύλαι together with the octroi-duties (cf. 1439-40), but here the use 
of the term μ€ρισμός indicates that it was levied as a ra.te per capita (cf. Wilcken, Ost. i. 256), 
not as in the Arsinoi'te nome. Elsewhere it was generally collected by tax-farmers, not 

13. ονσι[ακον) φό[ρου) παραδ(είσωΐ') : cf. 1. 42• The impost ούσια(κών) εδαφών in \. 46 is 

different, being more comprehensive, ϊδάφη in papyri often means land simply (e. g. σιτικά 
ίδάφη in 28β. 22), but can include land built upon; cf. P. Tebt. i, p. 598. On ονσιακη -γη, 
land belonging to the patrimonium of the Emperors, see Wilcken, Grundz. 298 sqq., and 
cf 1434. 20. 

17. σΐ!{ονδη$) ά.ιονΰ{σον) : cf. 1. II, η. 

i8. δι{αγραφης) : cf. 1. 34. διαστοληί occurs at this point in B. G. U. 652. 16, and 
πρακτορίας in P. Ryl. 2 1 3, where the receipts are classified under the headings διοίκησα, 
IfpaTiKO, and (Ίδη, as in P. Fay. 42 {a). That distinction is ignored in 1436; for ύικτ;, which 
belongs to the €'ίδη category in P. Ryl. 213, occurs along with λαογραφία, which belongs to 
the διοίκησα. Local usage no doubt varied as to the observance of this distinction ; cf. 
1443. 8 διοικήσ€ως και Ιΐρα{τικών) (Antaeopolite nome) with e. g. 1444. 8 (Oxyrhynchite), which 
omits these words. ττρακτορΊας suggests a monthly collection rather than arrears alone, and 
some of the features which led the editors of P. Ryl. 2 1 3 to refer that papyrus to arrears are 
traceable in 1436. Here too there seems to be no regular principle of assessment from 
month to month, and considerable fluctuations occur, while several taxes of which a mention 
would be expected, e. g. χωματικόν and άπόμοφα, are absent. The great variety of taxation 
in different nomes is well illustrated by a comparison of the lists in (i) 1436 (17 taxes), 
(2) P. Ryl. 213 (about 42, but not more than 20 in the same village), and (3) P. Fay. 42 {a) 
(about 28). (i) and (2) have only five in common, (i) and (3) two, (2) and (3) three or 
four. That P. Ryl. 213 is to be classed with 1436 rather than with P. Fay. 42 (a) is not 

19. Mf[xeip is preferable to Μί[σορΐ7 : cf. int. 

20. The τρίτη βαλανίίων (cf. 1. 39), which was distinct from the ordinary tax called 
βάλανικόν or νπ€ρ βαλανίίων for the maintenance of public baths (cf. 1430), was apparendy 
a charge of i on the profits of privately-ow-ned baths, and has occurred in the third century b. c. 
(P. Hibeh ii6. int.), but in Roman papyri only in P. Ryl. 213. 474. 

21. βικα[ρίου) : cf. 1. 40, 735. 6, where an opn'o in a. d. 205 gives a receipt to a Καισάρων 

οίκονόμον οΰικάριος for wheat Supplied to tTTTrets-, and B. G. U. 102. I, where a Καίσαρος OIK. oviK. 

in 161 gives a receipt to the elders of Socnopaei Nesus for 443-! drachmae for φόρος 
■προβάτων paid by them. Probably here too the vicarms was engaged in tax-collecting. 

23, νποκ{€ΐμίνων) iy\oyi{(TTeia) ; on the evidence for and meaning of νποκΐίμΐνα (= φίλάν- 
θρωπα : cf 1445. 9) in relation to the offices of epistrategus, basilicogrammateus, and 
comogrammateus see Martin, Episirateges, 137 sqq. νποκύμΐνα ΐννομίον, κωμο•γρα(^μματίίας), 
τοπ{αρχίας?), and τοπογρα{μματΐΐαγ) occur in P. Ryl. 2 1 3, and νποκίίμίνα simply, in the sense 
perhaps oi χιφωνάξιον upon bakers, in P. Ryl. 167. 21. This impost for the support of the 
(κλογιστης (cf 1480) is new. The eclogistae were Alexandrian officials, one for each nome, 
who examined the revenue-accounts; cf Wilcken, Grundz. 208, P. Ryl. 83. 18, n. That 


papyrus shows that they belonged to the department of the i'Stos Xoyoj, which is mentioned in 
the next line here. 

24. Ihiov λόγο(υ) δι(ά) μ . υ{ ) : δι(ά) μ€{ρισμον) ΟΧ δ μΐ{ρισμου) does not suit this abbrevia- 
tion, which is very cursively written. The stroke above the line probably represents v, so 
that δοαμο{νη5) is also unsatisfactory. 

31. Cf. 1. 10, n. 

35. Ττ^ίϊ is the only known village in the Thmoisepho toparchy beginning with Τ and 
is mentioned on the recto (1435. 3). That toparchy was probably smaller than the others, 
and was apparently situated between Oxyrhynchus and the northern {κάτω) toparchy ; cf. 
1285. 122 and 1421. 3, n. τ[ου evfarmros (with πρα[κτόρ(ύν) in 1. 34) is possible, in which case 
the sums refer to the whole toparchy ; but this is less likely. 

45. φό{ρον) ντΓολόγον : the νπόλυγον, i. e. unproductive land (cf. P. Tebt. i, p. 540), 
sometimes yielded a reduced rent ; cf. Rostowzew, Jidm. Kolonat. 1 7 1 sqq. In P. Tebt. 336. 8 
ττρόσοΒοι νπ{ο\όγου) in com are mentioned, but νπ{αρχόντων) is there possible. 

46. Cf. 1. 13, n. 

50. νπα[.]λ[ : νπο[.]α[ can be read. The title of the impost is in any case new. τψης 
χλωρών occurs in 1046. i. 

1437. Account of Hieratic Taxes. 

14-2 X 14-5 cm. About A. D. 208, 

A fragment of an account of money-taxes at an unnamed village. One 
section (11. 2-10) is nearly complete, and gives the totals collected for (1) ά-πόμοιρα, 
(a) Upa γη, i.e. rent of temple-land, in the i6th year of a reign which can hardly 
be any other than that of Septimius Severus and his sons, the reigns of Marcus 
Aurelius and Gallienus being unsuitable on palaeographical grounds. The 
ά-ηομοιρα, originally an impost of | or χ^ upon the produce of vine and garden 
land for the benefit of the temples, was diverted by Ptolemy Philadelphus to the 
cult of Arsinoe (cf. P. Rev. Laws xxiv-xxxvii). In the Roman period it 
belonged normally to the UpariKa department of taxation (P. Ryl. ii, p. 397 ; in 
the case of γη λιμνιτικη it was included under hιoίκησιs), and as it is here coupled 
with Upa γη, the fragment perhaps belongs to a general report by TrpaKTopes or 
a bank upon the taxation of one or more villages, arranged according to the 
usual classification of taxes under the headings 8ωίκησΐ5, UpartKa, and elh] ; cf. 
1436. 18, n. The payments for the two classes of άτιόμοφα are subdivided into 
those &v αλλαγή (cf. 1434. 36) and those Ισονόμου, an unusual survival of Ptolemaic 
expressions, on which see P. Tebt. i, p. 599 and, with regard to the άττόμοφα in 
particular, P. Hibeh 109. S-6, n. The figures relating to vine-land are not 
preserved ; the rate of the tax upon garden-land was approximately 12^ silver 
drachmae per arura where an agio was charged, and ii^ where copper was 
accepted at par. These rates are more than double those found in earlier papyri 
for άττόμοφα upon garden- land ; cf. 11. 2-3, n. The difference between the rates 
&v αλλαγή and Ισονόμου was only 6 per cent. ; cf B. G. U. 915. 2 (about A. D. 100), 


where i dr. ^ ob. are paid for αλλαγή upon ia| dr. for ατΐόμ., a charge of just over 
8 per cent. Usually the charge for κόλλυβο5, when άττόμ. was paid in copper dr., 
was about 2 per cent. ; cf. P. Ryl. 192. 10, n. The rate of exchange naturally 
varied. At Oxyrhynchus, e.g. in 242, the copper drachma was reckoned as 
-i- of a silver dr. ; but 3^0 was its normal value where this class of tax was 
concerned (cf. P. Ryl. ii, pp. 246-7 and 421), and was probably meant by the 
Ισονόμου rate here. Why in reckoning the ττροσ^ίαγραφόμβνα a deduction of 
about 23 per cent, was made on account of a ' difference ' is not clear ; cf. 1. 8, n. 

yiivovTai) [ 

ίς- {ίίτον^) [άμπ€λ{ώι/ων) ων άλ{λαγη) {άρονραι) . . . {τάλαντα) . {δρ.) . . ., 
ιτροσ8{ίαΎραφομί.νων) {δρ.) Άρ χ{αλκον5) α ?, 
ω[ν συν δίαφ6{ροι?) {δρ.) 'Τρνθ {δυοβ.) ?, 

Ισονόμου {άρονραι) [ ] (τάλ.) [. {δρ.) . . . , 

5 παρα^ύσων) &ν άλ{λαγη) {αρ.) ξδι<τρκηφιβ {δρ.) ψνα {δνοβολοι) {ήμιω- 
βίλιον) χ(αλ.) α, 
Ισονόμου {αρ.) ιζδί ι<τ^δ {δρ.) σα {όβολος) χ(αλ.) α. 
γ{ίνονταί) anop{oipas) {τάλ.) η {δρ.) σιγ {τ^τρώβ.) χ(αλ.) β, 
προσδ{ιαγραφομβνων) {δρ.) Άρ χ{αλ.) α, ων συν διαφό{ροΐ9) {δρ.) Τρνθ 

ie/oa(y) γή{ί) {δρ.) ωπβ {δυοβ.) χ(αλ.) β^ πρ{οσδίαγρ.) {δρ.) v€ {όβολ.) {ήμιωβ.) 
χ(αλ.) γ, /{δρ.) φ/ί {τ€τρώβ.) χ(αλ.) α. 
ΙΟ γ{ίΐΌνταί) €[π{1 το αύτο) {τάλ.) η\ {δρ.) ' Ατίγ {τ€τρώβ.) χ(αλ.) γ. 
[26 letters {δρ.) . .]ie {δυοβ.) {ήμιωβ.) 

' 1 6th year. Vine-land upon which an agio is charged . . . arurae, . talents 
.. . drachmae, for extra payments 4,100 dr. i chalcus(?), making with the difference 
3,159 dr. 2 obols (?) : vine-land at par . . ar,, . tal. ... dr. Garden-land upon which an 
agio is charged 6o|-|f ar,, 751 dr. 2^ ob. i chal. : garden-land at par i7§^ ar., 201 dr. i ob. 
I chal. Total for apomoira 8 tal. 213 dr. 4 ob. 2 chal., extra payments 4,100 dr. i chal., 
making with the difference 3,159 dr. 2 ob. Temple-land 885 dr. 2 ob. 2 chal., extra 
payments 55 dr. \\ ob. 3 chal. ; total 940 dr. 4 ob. i chal. Total of the whole 8 tal. 
4,313 dr. 4 ob. 3 chal.' 

2—3. d/LiTreXcorfi are regularly contrasted with παράδίίσοι in connexion with the άπόμοψα. 
Since no προσ^ιαγραφόμΐνα occur in 11. 4-6 and this entry apparently occupied two lines, the 
details given in 1. 8 are probably to be restored here, especially as ο[μ7Γελ(ώΐ'ωί') is inad- 
missible in 1. 3. ω[ν άλ{λαγη) or (άρονραι) [ might be read in place of ω[ν συν 8ιαφό(^ροΐ!), and 
with either of those readings a reference to άπόμοφα (cf. 1. 7) probably followed άμπ€λ{ώνων) 


in 1. 2 ; but if 1. 3 began ^[ν dX(Xayij) it ought to have been uniform with 11. 4 sqq. instead 
of being indented. The objection to introducing a reference to προσ8ιαγραφόμ(να here is 
that they do not occur in connexion with the parallel παρα8{€!σων) ων αλ{λα-γη) in 1. 5, and 
may have been mentioned for the first time in 1. 8; but this is less likely; cf. the calculations 
of προσμίτρονμενα in 1445. The rate of ττροσδ. in the case of άπόμοιρα was usually ^ of the 
main sum (cf. P. Ryl. ii, p. 245), so that 4,100 dr. for προσ8. implies 20,500 dr. for 
άπόμοιρα. The customary rate of that tax was in the first and second centuries 10 dr. per 
arura upon άμπιλώνί!, and 5 upon napade ίσοι, but in P. Hamb. 40-1 and 46-51 (a. d. 213- 
19) the rate was apparently 3,750 copper dr. (ΐ2•| silver) per arura upon both classes (cf. 
P. Ryl. ii, p. 250, where 1437 is alluded to in n. 5), and since ΐ2-| dr. is the charge upon 
παράΒίΐσοι in 1. 5 the same rate may be taken for granted in 1. 2 upon άμπΐλωνΐς. 20,500 dr. 
would therefore imply 1640 arurae, and perhaps these figures should be restored in 1. 2 ; 
but the entries before 1. 2 may have also referred to άπόμοιρα, though in a different year (cf. 
e. g. 143β), and in that case the 4,100 dr. in 1. 8 are the sum of several items, of which 
11. 2-3 are only one. 

5. x{a\Kovs) a : it has been sometimes supposed that the lowest denomination of the 
coinage at this period was the 8ίχαλκον (cf. P. Ryl. 192. 10, n.) ; but i chalcus also occurs 
in 11. 8-9, so that it presumably was represented by a coin, though perhaps an old one. 

8. προσδιαγραφόμΐνα were often connected with an agio on payments in copper (cf. 
Wilcken, Archiv, iv. 146), but special payments for κόΧΚνβος are usually associated with 
those for άπόμοιρα. The reduction of the 4,100 dr. i chal, which are ignored in the total 
in 1. 10, to 3,159 dr. 2 ob. is inconsistent with the difference between the rate of the tax 
upon land ων άλλαγη and Ισονόμου (cf. int.) ; and the difference here is probably due to other 
causes than a loss owing to the exchange. If our restoration of 11. 2-3 is correct, the 
διάφορα upon προσδιαγραφόμΐνα were mentioned there in connexion with land ων άλλαγη, where 
a reference to a difference on exchange would be quite intelligible ; but if the διάφορα meant 
only that, the absence of any mention of them both in 1. 5 with παραδ(€ίσων) hv ά\{\αγη) and 
in 1. 7, the total for άπόμοιρα, is difficult to explain. It is moreover unsatisfactory to suppose 
that by προσδ. δρ." Δ.ρ χ{αΚ.) a the writer meant not that actual sum in silver but an amount of 
copper nominally (i. e. at the ratio of 300 : i) equivalent to it. If he had meant copper, he 
would have been expected to be more explicit, διάφορα is used quite vaguely of losses in 
P. Cairo 1037 1. 8 (= W. Chrest. 11 b), and the word is not in papyri elsewhere specially 
connected with a difference of exchange, though διαφορ{Ιας) μίτρ{ων) occurs in P. Cairo 
Maspero 67055. i. i. 

1438. List of Arrears of Taxation. 

i7'3 X 1 1-7 cm. Late second century. 

On the recto of this fragment are parts of two columns of a taxing-return, 
probably written by a comogrammateus, like 1434. Only the ends of lines of 
Col. i survive, and of Col. ii the top is much damaged. The return, so far as 
can be judged, was concerned with arrears. Lines 10-13 give a list of three persons 
not forthcoming (?), who owed money for the trade-tax on cloth- weavers (1. 12, n.) ; 
this is followed by a section in a different hand concerning persons owing sums 
for various taxes, who had disappeared. The only individual concerning whom 
details are preserved was one of the three persons already mentioned. That 


Ν€/9ώ, a new village mentioned in 1. i6, was in the Oxyrhynchite nome is not 
certain ; but an identification with Να/3οώι, a village in the Άττολλωνοττολίτηί 
'Ετττακωμίαε (e.g. P. Giessen 58. i. 29), is unlikely. Of the taxes some are 
familiar, such as the λαογραφία, χωματικόν^ and δ€σμ.οφυλακία, others rare, e. g. the 
(τηστολίίκόν?), or new (e.g. 1. 19 kξabpaχμίa όνων, 1. 1 8 Ae/xA( ), and those in 
11. a 1-2). The collective classification of them as ^ττικεφάλια, i. e. taxes levied 
^er capita (1. 14, n.) is interesting, for that word has hitherto been misunderstood. 
€ττίκ(φαλ( ) also occurs twice in the upper part of Col. ii, of which one line 
begins μ^ρον^ ey(Aoyov?) όθονΐ7ΐρ[αί (cf. 1443. 13, the μερισμοί €ν5ίηματοί όθονιηράζ 
in P. Ryl. 214. 42-3, and 1414. int.). At the ends of lines the extent of the 
lacuna, which is the same in 11. 11-22, is uncertain, but probably does not exceed 
thirteen letters, and may be much less. Lines 11 and 18-21 are compatible 
with a loss of only one or two letters, but in 1. 14 a participle is required and 
abbreviation unlikely. The handwriting indicates a late second-century date. 

On the verso are the ends of eleven lines, and beginnings of a few more 
in a second column, from a taxing-list of lands with amounts in arurae and 
artabae, mentioning κατζξυσμ{4νη), for which cf. 1434. 19. 

Parts of 9 lines. 
10 ΧαραΐΓάμμ(β{ν) Ψ6ιτο{^) 'Ivv[pLo{s) 14 letters 

"ApHo^si) άνθ' (ov) Άμ6ί{ς) !4/χόί(το?) ΆποΙλλω^νίον) ? 
λινονψίκόν [ 

/ 6νόμ{ατα) γ αση[μα). 
2nd hand καΐ άπο ίπικίφαλίων τινών [άναγωρησάντων 
15 €ίί αγνοούμενους τόπους• [ 
Νββώ, [ 

"Χαραπάμμων Ψόιτο? "Ίνύρως . [ΐ2 letters 

λαογρα[φίας) {δραχμαΐ) if, Xe//\( ) (τριώβολον), δβ[σμοφυλ(ακία$:) . . , 
(έξαδραχμίας) 6νω{ν)(δρ.) e (όβολ.), ^πίστο\{ικοϋ ?) {δρ.) δ [13 letters ? 
20 χωμα{τικοϋ) [δρ.) ζ [ήμιωβ.), μ(ρισ{μοΰ) διπλ(ων) [ 13 letters? 

Ήρακλζωτίκ(ων) ζ€υγ{ών) {δρ.) ι[ 13 letters? 
Ήλίοπ{ολίτικών) {δρ.) . {τ€τρώβ. ?). 

II. ( of αμο(( ) in both cases corr, from o(?). 12. 1. λινοϋφικόν. ιη. ϊννριος Π. 

' . . . Sarapammon son of Psois son of Inuris . . ., Arius whose other name is Amois, 
son of Amois son of Apollonius, for cloth-weavers' tax. Total 3 persons not traced (?). 
And from personal dues upon certain individuals who have gone away to unknown places: 


at Nebo, Sarapammon son of Psois son of Inuris, for poll-tax i6 drachmae, for ... 3 ob., 
for prison-guards' tax (?) . , ., for the six-drachmae tax on asses 5 dr. i ob., for , . . 4 dr., . . ! 
for embankments-tax 7 dr. -I ob., for the rate for binka . . ., for Heracleopolite pairs (of 
loaves?) 10 dr. . . ., for Heliopolite . dr. 4(?) ob.' 

11. avff ipv): this expression indicates an alternative name; cf. Wilcken, Archiv iii. 
124, Viereck, Stud. Pal. xiii. 4, and 1145. 8 ''iipforl Πίτβχωι/Γο? avff hv ^Κμμόνάο^) nWe- 

12. λίΐ/οϋ^φ^ικόί/ : for the χαρωνάξιον On λινόϋφοι cf. 1414. int. 

13. αση{μα) perhaps has its ordinary sense 'with no distinguishing mark'. 

14. ίπικίφαλίων is neUter, not masculine; cf. B. G. U. I. 15 inep €πικ(φα\ίο[υ] των 
νττΐραιρόντων ίερίων, 833• 27 iyyvarai ήμ[άς] τ(ύ[ν\ (πικίφαλίων, Milne, Thebaii Ost. Ι36. I 
Xoy(os) Ι^ονσ'ιας ίτΐΐκίφαΚάων Πηηρι(ο)ί, De Ricci, C. R. Acad. des Inscr. IOC. i6o 

(= W. Chrest. 28) κα\\ ο]ύ τα ΐπικεφάλια τ€λοΰντα, Cicero, ad Att. V. 16 audivimiis nihil aliud 
nisi imperata ΙπικΐφαΚια solvere non posse. The word has generally been re^-arded as 
equivalent to ϊπικίφάλαων, and, since επικ^φάλαιον is used in Egypt for poll-tax (e s 
1157. 14), the ostracon in which επικΐφαλύων apparently referred to χΐψωνάξιον naturally 
caused a difficulty; cf P. Ryl. 191. 7, n. The present passage indicates that ^πικ^φάλιον 
is more general than επικΐφάλαων and applies to taxes other than the poll-tax, but like 
it based on capita. The χωματικόυ (1. 2o) was known to have been a tax of this character 
and there is no difficulty in regarding the ^(\σμοφν\(ακ\.α) (1. i8), €πιστη\[ικόι> ?) (1. 19), and 
μ€ρισ{μ6ή διπλ{ών) (1. 2o), or most of the new taxes, as levied uniformly, like the poll-tax. 
In regard to the έξαδραχμία όνων (1. 19) the sum paid creates a difficulty in any case (cf. n.) 
but this impost was, as its name implies, in origin a tax of 6 drachmae either for each ass 
or for a licence. 

18. λαογρα{φίας) : this is SO far the only example of a payment of this tax in an 
Oxyrhynchite village, if Nebo belongs to that nome ; cf. int. and 1436. 8, n. 

λ€μλ( ) : the word is unknown and perhaps Egyptian in origin. 

δ€[σμοφυλ{ακίαή : this tax is often coupled with λαογραφία and χωματικόν, e. g. in P. Ryl. 
185, 191, Tebt. 354. It was for the maintenance of prison-guards ; cf. the similar payments 
for μαγδωλοφνλακΐί in e. g. P. Ryl. 191. 5. 

19. (βξαδραχμίας) ονω{ν) : cf. 1. 1 4, n., and 1457. int. The abbreviation consists of $■ with 
a stroke over it, followed by the sign for drachmae. The relation of the εξαδραχμία to the 
other known taxes upon asses is not clear. That the amount owing was less than 6 dr. 
can be explained by supposing that part of the tax had been paid ; but the λαογραφία and 
χωματικόν represent the charges for a whole year, and the difference between 6 dr. and 5 dr. 
I ob. is not likely to be connected with the exchange, for the χωματικόν includes the 

•προσδιαγραφόμΐνα ' cf. 1. 20, n. 

ίπιστολ(ικοί?) (δρ.) δ [: 20 drachmae for . . , ΐπιστολ{ ) occur in Β. G. U. 653. 13 
a monthly return by πράκτορας, and payments for ίπιστολ{ ) ranging from ί obol 2 chalci to 
4 ob. are found in P. Tebt. 355, 544, 638. α is just possible here in place of δ. The 
termination of ΐπιστολ{ ) has not yet occurred written out, and the meaning of the tax is 

20. χωμα{τικοί) : ωμ was Written very cursively, if those letters were indeed intended, 
and the a is represented by a flourish : perhaps χω{ματικού) should be read. 6 drachmae 
4 obols were the usual amount of this tax, but 7 dr. ^ ob. occur in P. Tebt. 353-4, 
Ryl. 194. 3 (where the 8p. are βυπαραί), and higher rates in Theban ostraca. That the 
difference was due to the inclusion of προσδιαγραφόμ^να, as suggested in P. Tebt. 353, int. 
was confirmed by a Strassburg ostracon (Wilcken, Archiv, iv. 146); cf. P. Ryl. 194, 3, n.*' 

μερισ{μοί) διπλ{ών) : cf. Wilcken, Ost. ii. 163-4, P. Ryl. 214. 9. Elsewhere the tax is 


called hmXav simply (e.g. in P. Tebt. 355), except in P. Fay. 53. 6 ^απ{άνης) διπλ(ώι/.?). 
The sums paid for it are small, often less than i drachma. In P. Brit. Mus. 844. 5, 7 
(iii. 55) it is coupled Λvith ττοτ{αμο)φν\{ακΊα). διπλά are commonly jars of wine, but the 
meaning here is uncertain. 

21. 'Ηροκλ6ωτι<(ώί) (fvy{a>v): Ήρακλίωτικων = Ήρακλεοπόλιτικων ; cf. Β. G. U. 934. 4 
Ήρα[κλΐ]ωτ(ύν ττόλεωί. A Ptolemaic receipt for τ6 καθήκον reXos ζίυγων ττίντακόσια (which 

Wilcken corrects to π€ντακοσίων, but may be for πίντακοσίας, sc. δραχμάς) occurs in Oj/. ii. 
1028 ; cf. i. 219. Wilcken doubtfully interprets ζΐύγος as a pair of oxen or a cart, but the 
commonest meaning of the word in papyri is for a pair of loaves, χιτώνΐί also are measured 
by ζίΰγη in P. Leipzig 57. In P. Brit. Mus. 1157 (iii. 61) a tax called Βραχμ[ψ) ζΐυγμαηκών 
occurs among various imposts on land (cf. 1442. int.), being perhaps concerned with sluices, 

and ζ(νγ[μάτ(ύν) is possible here. But P. GieSSen 26. 1 1 αρτω[ν Έρμο\υπο\€ΐτίκών τ ήμιχοι[νιΚ€\Ιων 

trongly favours the reference to bread. 

22. C(vy{u}v) is probably to be supplied with Ήλίοπ{ολιτικών) ; cf. the preceding note. 
Possibly the lacuna at the end of 1. 21 only contained a sum in obols ; cf. int. 

1439. Customs-Receipt. 

5.3 x5.3 cm. A.D. 75. 

This is the first example from Oxyrhynchus of a class of tax-receipts which 
is common in Arsinoite papyri, concerning octroi-dues levied upon traffic across 
the western desert ; cf, P. Fay. pp. 195 sqq., Wilcken, Ost. i. 354 sqq. and Archiv, 
ii. 134, P. Ryl. 197. int. The general character of the formula resembles that of 
the other first and early second century instances, in which τταρ&χηκζ or τταρηξί is 
used in place of the later τ^τ^λωνηται, e. g. P. Brit. Mus. 1265 ; but it is noteworthy 
that the tax is only ^^q and is called δια7Γυλίο(υ), a word which here appears for 
the first time in a papyrus, whereas the Arsinoite receipts mention two taxes, of 
Y^o and -gQ, which are not further specified, δια ττύλη^ with the name of a village 
occurring immediately after the verb. In the present case produce was being 
transported probably from the Small Oasis (where the tax was paid) to 
Oxyrhynchus rather than vice versa. The Small Oasis was united to the 
Oxyrhynchite nome for some purposes in the later Roman period ; cf. 888. 8 
(about A.D. 300) (ζηγητγ ^Οξυρν}{χίτον κ]αΙ Μικρά? Όάσ^ω?, 485 (Α. D. ly^), where 
an inhabitant of the Oasis came under the jurisdiction of the Oxyrhynchite stra- 
tegus. In other cases the Oasis was more distinct ; cf. 1118. i (about A. D. 100), 
which mentions the strategus of the Small Oasis, 1498. 6 (before 299) στρα{τηγία) 
Όάσβω? (sc. MiKpas?), and 1210. 16 (about A.D. i), where the [κω]μογρα[μματ€Ϊ]ί 
Όάσεω? της lipbs τώι [Όξυρνγχίτηι ? are distinguished from the κωμογρ. Όξυρνγχίτου. 
The absence of the usual ττίντηκοστη εξαγωγής or ζΐσαγωγής (cf. 1440) may be due 
to the circumstance that none was levied upon traffic between the Oasis and the 
nome, and in any case a contrast is to be drawn between the εκατοστή διαπυλίου, 
which was levied at τηίλαι in the villages bordering on the desert, and the ττζντη- 


κόστη on exports and imports, which was levied on traffic by water as well as land, 
and outside the Arsinoite nome was collected separately, so far as is known ; cf. 
1440. int. 

The writing is across the fibres, and, as usual, there is a seal, which is 

ΤΙαρ€[σχ^ηκ€) Ιίαραπίων {βκατοστην) δίαπνλίο(υ) 
Όάσ{€ως) κριθής ονον '4να και 
σκόρδων ονον eva. (erovy) β 
Ονίσττασιανον τον κυρίου 
5 M[e]x€lp έβδόμτ}, ζ. 

" Ι. ρ Π. 

' Sarapion has paid the tax of y^ for customs-dues of the Oasis upon one ass-load 
of barley and one of garlic. The 2nd year of Vespasianus the lord, Mecheir the 
seventh, 7.' 

1440. Customs-Receipt. 

5-4 X 8-8 cm. A. D. 120. 

A receipt, apparently issued by a tax-farmer, for the payment of the duty of 
sV levied upon produce exported, probably from the Hermopolite to the 
Oxyrhynchite nome (cf. 1. 3, n.), by water or land. Corresponding receipts issued 
by τζλωναί ττζντηκοστήί λι.{μένο5) Σοηνη5 or reA. ττζντ. ^'Ερμωνθ{ίτου) occur on ostraca 
(cf. Wilcken, Osi. i. 376 sqq.) ; the Arsinoite ιτνλη -receipts associate the ττ^ντηκοστη 
with a ξκατοστή, the nature of which is at length cleared up by 1439 ; cf. int. 

Προσβ(ίβληκ€) πζντηκο(σ)τ{ην) του ΐν€σ[τώτος 
πέμπτου eroyy Αδριανού [Καίσαρος 

του κυρίου βξακοκής κώμ[ης) Χιν[. ^^ταπη [ 

ϋτβφάνου των άπο Ίβιωνο{ς) Τα[ν ? .je . [. . . - 
5 ρ€ως τήλ€ως άρτάβας είκοσι nivre, 

/^ τήλ{βωζ) {αρτάβαι) κ€. 'ίσγρν το καθήκον τβλος 
δια Τοθή? νομοφνλ{ακος) Φαώφι κα. 

3• τον κνριου added above the line. I. ίξαγωγης. ζ. 1. άρταβων. 7• h Τ^οθητο!. 

' Paid the tax of -^ for the present 5th year of Hadrianus Caesar the lord on export at 
the village of Sin . . tape by . . . son of Stephanus, inhabitant of Ibion Tan . e . . . . reos, 


upon twenty-five artabae of fenugreek, total fen. 25 art. I received the due amount of the 
tax through Tothes, nomophylax, on Phaophi 21.' 

I. προσβ{(β\ηκ€) : cf. e.g. P. Amh. 122. i, Ryl. 200. i, 217. i. π/)οσ/3(ολϊ7), which 
Preisigke prefers in P. Cairo 10264 (= his 29), does not so well balance μίμετ^ρηται), which 
is there used as an alternative, but it is possible here, in which case τΓΐντηκο{σ)τ{ης) is to be 
read. The construction of 11. 1-5 is confused, άρτάβας being written as if ίξάγων, not 
€ξαγωγηί, had preceded, άρτάβας cannot be the object of προσβ{ίβ\ηκζ), as becomes 
clear in 11. 6-7. 

3. Ί,ινΙ. Ι\ταπη : a Hermopolite village Έ,ιναπη is known from P. Cairo Preisigke 8. 9, 
and '\βιωνο{ί) Τα[. .]e . [. . .]pecus is perhaps identical with the Hermopolite Ίβίων Ύαν . . . ( ) 
in P. Amh. 126. 12. Several other villages called after ibis-shrines, and generally dis- 
tinguished by particular names, are known in the Hermopolite, Arsinoite, Heracleopolite, 
and Apollinopolite (Heptac.) nomes, and in the Oxyrhynchite nome Ίβιων Χύσεως, Ίβ. κ[ 
(1442. 2, η.), Ί/3. Αμμωνίου (492. 3), and perhaps another Ίβιών (158. ι, 998, 1071. 5)• 
There is no antecedent probability that the villages in 1440 are Oxyrhynchite, though with 
the division Σιν[. .]τα Πη[. . . the Oxyrhynchite Σενίπτα, which was in the middle toparchy 
(1285. i2o), might be meant. That name rather suggests the modern Sandafa on the 
right bank oiUitBahr -Fwi^/" opposite Oxyrhynchus ; but if that was the site of 2ei/eWa, the 
village would be expected to be more prominent in Oxyrhynchus papyri than it is, and 
Oxyrhynchus itself was in or bordered upon the western toparchy (cf. 1475. 22, n.). Π?7[- 
is not at all a common beginning of a personal name in Egypt, and in view of the 
resemblances between the place-names in 1440 and known Hermopolite villages and 
the use in I. i of προσβ^ββληκί), which is common in Hermopolite papyri but rare elsewhere, 
that nome is more likely to be meant than e. g. the Cynopolite. Σιν[α]λαβή, a Hermopolite 
village found in B. G. U. 553 b. 4, cannot be read. 

5. For the cultivation of τηλις in the Arsinoite nome cf. P. Tebt. i, pp. 562-3. The 
fruit was used for unguents (P. Petrie ii. 34 {δ), g), and bread (1572. 3), 

7. νομοφνλακος : whether νομό- refers to νόμος, νομός, or νομή (cf. πεδιοφύλαξ, αίγιάλοφνλαξ^ 

is not clear; cf. P. Amh. 108. 8, Ryl. 122. 7, n. This official is not found elsewhere 
engaged in tax-collecting, his main duties being those of a policeman (B. G. U. 759. 20 
νομοφύλακα και άρχίφοδον). The νομοφύλακΐ! at Alexandria in P. Halle i were diff^erent. 

1441. Receipt for Crown-Tax. 

7-7Xiocra. A. D. 197-200. 

The recto, to be published in Part xiii, contains part of a late second-century 
account of payments to workmen. On the verso is a receipt for στέφανοι, i. e. aurum 
coronarium, giving some details concerning the mode of assessment, which in the 
present case was based upon land, ιδιωτική yrf was taxed at the rate of 8 drachmae 
per arura ; upon another kind of land, probably βασιλική, the rate is not stated, 
the payment being on account. The only other instance of this method of levying 
the στeφαyos-tax is Milne, Theban Ost. 96, where 4 dr. are paid for στζφ{ανικοΰ) 
χρήμ{ατο^) on ^ arura in probably A. D. 222, a rate which is three times as high 
as that in 1441, if the land was in the same category. No. 95 of the same 
collection, a bilingual receipt for 3 obols for στζφ. χρήμ. in the second century, 


mentions palm-trees in the demotic portion ; but usually no indication of the 
system of assessment is given. Payments for στίφανοί occur sporadically in the 
first and second centuries ; cf. Wilcken, Ost. i. 299 sqq., Milne, Arc/iiv, vi. 131, 
P. Tebt. s^^. 25, 640, B. G. U. 11 23. 5, P. Ryl. 213. 352, 386. In the reign of 
Septimius Severus the mentions of it become frequent (1441, P. Brit. Mus. 474. 
(ii. 107), Ryl. 341. 4, B. G. U. 62), and still more so in the reign of Elagabalus 
(e. g. B. G. U. 452)5 third-century payments being generally in multiples of 
4 drachmae (in 1522 200 dr. are paid in the course of a year by two persons in 
instalments of 40 dr.). 1441, being dated by Severus and Caracalla without 
Geta, belongs to the 6th-9th years. For later mentions of στίφανος see 1413. 
25 sqq. (Aurelian), P. Brit. Mus. 966 (iii. 58 ; early fourth century), P. Fay. 20 
(Julian ?). 

[CEtovs) . Λ]ονκωυ ^^πτιμίου ^€ουήρον 
[Ενσ€]βοΰ9 IlepTivaKOS καΐ Μάρκου 
[Ανρη]λίον Αντωνίνου Καισάρων των κυρίων. 
δύγρα{ψαν) Πλουτίωνι και μ{€τ6χοις) πρά{κτορσι) στ^φανικων 
5 κλ{ηρον6μοί) Διονυσίου Άσκληπιάδου ι8ιοα{τικη^) 

(αρουρών) γ^η'^ δραχΙ^μας) είκοσι evvia, / [δραγ^μαΧ) κθ, 
^ασ[ι]λ{ική5) ομοίως in ι Koy{ov) δραχ^μας δίκαοκτω, 
[ Ι (δραχ^μαϊ)] ιη, ^αραπίων σζση{μύωμαι). 

5• Second α of ασκΚηττια^ον 00 ΓΓ. from δ. γ. em \oy{ov) added later. 

'The [.]th year of Lucius Septimius Severus Pius Pertinax and Marcus Aurelius 
Antoninus Caesars the lords. The heirs of Dionysius son of Asclepiades have paid to 
Plution and partners, collectors of the crown-dues, upon 3f arurae of private land Uventy- 
nine drachmae, total 29 dr. ; likewise upon State land on account eighteen drachmae, total 
1 8 dr. Signed by me, Sarapion.' 

1442. Receipt for Taxes of one Drachma and two Drachmae. 

9-7 X 13-1 cm. A. D. 252. 

The two taxes mentioned in this receipt, signed by a δεκαττρωτοί (cf. 1410. 
int.), for a payment of ^6 drachmae by a woman are identical with two taxes in 
P. Brit. Mus. 1157 (iii. 62 ; probably a. D. 226-7 rather than 197-8, since a δ€κά- 
■ηρωτοί is mentioned), abbreviated yS"*" and a"*". The first also occurs probably in 
1217. 3 of the same collection (iii. 61 ; A. D. 246; cf. Archiv, iv. 534) Βου{νων) 
Κλζ{ο)ιτ{άτρα5) β'*' in conjunction with the νανβιον impost (cf. 1436. 6, n.), which is 
also found in I157 together with τίΚ^σμα αμ-πίλου and τταραδζίσων, all those taxes 

I 2 


being classed as γνήσια τίλη (cf. P. Amh. 86. lo, where γνήσια Ιημόσια means 
άρταβίζία and ναύβιον). The tax a+ is often followed in 1157 by ζ€υγ{ματικων), 
which is written out in 1. a8 and sometimes stands by itself, but in place of 
a+ ζζνγ. in 11. 51 and 6y 8ραχμ{ ) ζ^νγμ. occurs. As we have already suggested 
(1157. 6, n.), a"•" there probably means i drachma, /3+ meaning 2 dr., and this 
view was confirmed by the evidence of 1185 that ?]"^ meant an 8 drachmae tax. 
It is tempting to connect the a+ and /3+ with the kirapovpiov, which was one of 
the regular taxes upon vine and garden land (cf. 1436. 10, n.) and is not men- 
tioned in 1 157, where its presence is expected. That impost is lost sight of after 
A. D. 219, and before that date land-taxes called i or 2 dr. are not known. It 
is noticeable that the rate of the k-napovpiov was sometimes 1,000, sometimes 
2,000, copper drachmae (equivalent to about 3I or 6| silver dr.) per arura ; but 
Ά"•" and 'B"*" cannot be read in 1442 or P. Brit. Mus. 1157, and in view of the 
equivalence of a"*" and δραχ/ιχ( ) it is best to expand hpaχμ{Ί]s) and regard this tax 
as an impost for ζ^υγματικά, whatever that may mean. The editors of P. Brit. 
Mus. 1 157 suggest that it refers to sluices or bridges (cf. 1437. 21, n.). The β"^ 
tax might still be the successor of the kirapovpiov ; that it was a tax on land is in 
any case probable. 

On the chronology of the reign of Gallus and Volusianus, in which 1442 is 
dated, and concerning which the evidence of papyri and coins presents some 
special difficulties, see 1476. int. 

Β (βτον?) των κυρίων ημών Γάλλου και Ούολουσιανοϋ 
Καισ[ά\ρων Χ^βαστων Φαρμοϋθι η. Ίβιωνο^ Χύσξως 
ύπ^ρ β {δραχ^μων) καΐ α [δραχμής] του αύτοϋ β (eroi/y) Αύρηλία Μαξίμα 

νίου [άσ]τη δραχ{μας) τριάκοντα e^, γ[ίνονται) [δρ.) λ<Γ. (2nd hand) Α[ύρήλιος) 

5 ό κ[αΙ) Χαραπίων γυμνασ[ιαρχήσας) κ[αι) ώς χρημ[ατίζω) δςκάτΓρωτ[ο$) [δρ.) 

τα e| σ€σημ[ζίωμαι). χ χ 

2. ϊβιωνο! Π. 

' The 2nd year of our lords Gallus and Volusianus, Caesars Augusti, Pharmouthi 8, at 
Ibion Chuseos for the 2 drachmae and i drachma taxes of the said 2nd year Aurelia 
Maxima daughter of Ammonius, citizen, (paid) 36 drachmae, total 36 dr. I, Aurelius 
Triadelphus also called Sarapion, ex-gymnasiarch, and however I am styled, decaprotus, 
have signed for 36 drachmae.' 


2. 'l/Staj/os Χυσβω?: this village is new. In P. Giessen 115 Ίβιων κ[, which occurs in 
a list of villages in the 9th pagus (towards the north of the nome ; cf. 1425. 4, n.), is likely 
to be diiferent ; for Xvais was in the ανω (i. e. southern) toparchy (1285, 67), and Ίβ. Χύσίω? 
was probably in the vicinity of Χυσ« : cf. 1440. 3, n. 

1443. Report of Sitologi to a Strategus of the Antaeopolite 


14-2x8 cm. A. D. 227(?). 

This return, addressed to a strategus by sitologi of a village in the Antaeo- 
polite nome (cf. P. Giessen 48. int.), concerning their receipts during two 
months, has lost the conclusion and about ten letters at the ends of lines ; these 
can, however, be for the most part restored by a comparison with the similar 
returns by sitologi in the Oxyrhynchite nome (1525-6), Arsinoite (B. G. U. 64, 
529, 534, 585, 835, P. Fay. 86 {a), 332, Tebt. 339, 53^, Strassb. 45, Thead. 28), 
Mendesian (P. Tebt. 340), and Apollinopolite Heptacomias (P. Giessen 6^, Flor. 
330) ; cf. also 1444. int. The papyrus was written probably in Hathur (cf. 11. $-6) 
of the 7th year of a reign which must be later than that of Caracalla, since 
several Aurelii are mentioned, and is hkely to be that of Severus Alexander (i. e. 
A. D. 227) rather than of Gordian (243) or the Philippi (249) ; a later date is 
unsuitable on palaeographical grounds. The report is divided into three sections 
dealing with (i) receipts of corn and other produce, with various extra charges 
upon the wheat similar to those in P. Tebt. 339 (11. 8-12) ; (2) arrears (11. 13-14) ; 
(3) a transference ordered by the basilicogrammateus (11. 15 sqq.). 

Α^υρ^ηΧίωι Αιοννσίωι τω και Άγ[ 

στρα(τηγω) Άνταίοπολίτον [ 

τταρα Αύρηλίων Adov καΧ Μ^λαν[ο^ καΙ 

καΐ μ{<ετ6χωιή σιτολόγωι/ Ψινομ€ρπ{ ). λόγ[ο? ev κ€φαλ{αίω) 
5 των μξμ^τρημύνων ήμΐν eis //[j?»'»? Θώ^ και 

Φαωφι τον ίν€στώτο9 ζ {eTOV?), €τι 8e [των μζμ^τρη- 
μξνων ύπ\ρ αύτ{οϋ) του \L\E\{e6vTos) Τ {^τουή. ί[στί Si- 
διοικήσΐω? καΐ ί€ρα(τικών) μζτ{ρήματο9) {αρτάβαι) ρο, 8α{νίίων) [{αρτ.) η, 
κρί6{ηή {άρτ.), ., 
φ[α]<ον {άρτ.) ο, λαχά{νων) {άρτ.) oe, [καΐ €πίμζ- ? 
10 τρον ^τα{^ τον {πνρον) {διαρταβίαή ποδώμ{ατο9) {πνρ.) {άρτ.) yL, [(€/ca> 
τοστή?) α 7Γθδώμ{ατο9) {άρτ.) κ δ , 
{ημιαρταβίον) ποδώμ{ατοή {άρτ.) μη, / 7Γθδώμ{ατοή και πρ{οσμίτρονμξνων) 
{άρτ.) [γΔκδ'μη, 


συν 8h ταΪ9 τον μ^τρήμ^ατο?) {πυρ.) (άρτάβαι?) porj [{irvp.) {άρτ.) ρπα 
και UXoyov των αύ{των) μη{νων) €λοίπογρα{φήθησαν) [{πνρ.) {άρτ.) . ., 
κριθ{ή9) (άρτ.) ν, φακού {άρτ.) λ, γ€νή[μ{ατο9) του <τ? (eroyy). 
15 [κα]ι μ[ζτ]€βλήθηαταν e| ίπιστάΧματο^ [Αυρηλίου 

Χ[α]ραπίωνο9 του καΐ Ήρακλβίδου βα[σιλ{ίΚοϋ) γρα{μματ€ωή . . . 

[ μ]€τρημ{α ) 'Αχιλλί[ω{νοή] τα? τ[ 

Traces of 2 lines. 

4. ψινομερ) Π. 7• ^^Φ ^• ^• ~ι^ρα{τικ.) Π. ΙΟ. β"^ ΤΓοδ. Π. II. = ποδ. . . . 

και ρ) Π. 

' Το Aurelius Dionysius also called Ag . . ., strategus of the Antaeopolite nome, from 
the Aurelii, Dius, Melas and . . . and their associates, sitologi of Psinomerp . . . Summary 
account of payments to us for the months Thoth and Phaophi of the present 7th year, and 
further of payments on account of the past 6th year, as follows. For the general revenue 
and temple revenue, in payments 170 artabae, loans 8 art., barley . . art., lentils 70 art., 
vegetables 75 art., and for extra payments upon the wheat, for the two-artabae for storage 
3^ art. of wheat, for i per cent, upon the storage-charge -^ art., for •| art. upon the storage- 
charge -^ art., total for storage and percentages 3f| art. of wheat, making with the 178 art. 
of wheat of the payments i8if| art. of wheat. And for arrears of the said months there 
was entered a deficit of . . art. of wheat, 50 art. of barley, 30 art. of lentils, from the produce 
of the 6th year. And there were transferred by order of Aurelius Sarapion also called 
Heraclides, basilicogrammateus, . . .' 

I . Άγ[ : t, λ, or ν can be read in place of γ. 

4. ■^ivo^epTr{ ) : or Ψινομ(ρ{ ), if the semicircular sign simply represents abbreviation. 
The village is unknown. For ev κΐφάλ{αίω) cf. e. g. P. Tebt. 339. 6. 

8. διοικ^σεωί και Ί(ρα{τικων) : cf. 1437. int., P. Rylands 213. 37-8, &c., 215. 9, 16. 
In P. Tebt. 339. 10 διοικτ^σεω? και ονσιακών occurs in a similar context. 

μΐτ{ρηματο!) {αρτάβαι) : an abbreviation or symbol of ττνροϋ is inadmissible, though wheat 
is clearly meant (cf. 1. 10). μ(τ{ρηματοί) forms a suitable contrast with δα(ΐ'6ΐωΐ'), i. e. returns 
of loans of seed-corn (cf. 1527), but in 11. 12 and 17 is abbreviated μ^τρημ^ ), and possibly 
that should be read here and {αρτάβαι) omitted. po8 is inadmissible, for δα has a stroke above 
it. {apr.) η is restored from 1. 12, on the supposition that 178 art. there is the sum of the 
ΐΛνο items in 1. 8. Possibly / {rrvp.) {άρτ.) ροη followed, in which case there is not room for 
a mention of barley ; but cf. 1. 14. 

9-11. For €πίμ(]τρον, which was suggested by Prof. Smyly, cf. P. Tebt. 92. 11, where 
2 artabae per cent, are charged for it, corresponding to the {διαρταβία) πο8ώμ{ατο5) here, tos 
before τοΰ {ττυροί) is in any case superfluous, for there is a space after {ττυροΰ) which renders 
the reading tos τοΰ {rrvp.) β {άρτάβα5) unsuitable ; and since the α of τας seems to have been 
crossed through, the word was probably intended to be omitted. With the [διαρταβία) 
πο8ώμ{ατο!) and the percentages upon it cf. the {πενταρταβία), which is distinguished from the 
προσμΐτροΰμΐνα in 1445. 3, and P. Tebt. 339. 17-18, where 3^ art. are charged for 2 ίκατοσταΧ 
υπέρ ποδώ{ματος) upon 1 76 art. of wheat, besides ^ art. for (εκατοστή) ποδώ{ματοί) and -^ for 
[{ημι]αρτάβιον) ποδ., similar charges for 2 (εκατοστοί) τΓοδ. and {ημιαρτάβιον) ποδ. also occurring 


in P. Tebt. 538 ; cf. 339. 17, n. πό8ωμΛ is found in the Ptolemaic period in P. Ryl. 71 and 
a papyrus to be published in P. Tebt. iii. The word refers to storage of θψατα, for which 
cf. 1444. int. In I. 11 {ίκατοστων) could be read in place of πρ{οσμίτρουμενων), the symbol 
being ambiguous ; cf, crit. n. 

12. ροη: the last figure is nearly certain; cf. 1. 8, n. Possibly {άρτάβαι), not (άρτάβαιή, 
should be read before it, and the 178 art. regarded as the sum of the items in 11. 8 and lo-i i ; 
but the arrangement adopted in the text is preferable in view of rats. 

15• (^^τ]φλήθησαν : €[ν]φληθησαν Cannot be read. Cf. P. Giessen 100. 13, n. 

1444. Report of a Decemprimus to a Strategus. 

32-7x12 cm. A.D. 248-9. 

On the recto of this papyrus is a return similar to 1443, but from a decemprimus 
(cf. 1410. int.) instead of sitologi, and giving a list of individual payments of corn 
in several months, not a summary ; cf. B. G. U. 553-7, 743-4, and 1443. int. One 
column, dealing with receipts at the granary of Tanais, a village in the middle 
toparchy, is nearly complete, but was probably succeeded by other columns 
which are lost, referring to different villages ; for on the verso is the beginning of 
a speech by an Attic orator (1366), which continued in the same direction as the 
writing on the recto. The heading of the return is by a practised hand, the list 
by an unskilful scribe, whose spelling and grammar are irregular. In the entries 
the nominative, dative, and possibly the genitive (1. ^^) are employed without 
distinction, and the use of 6 avros and kavrov is confused. The numbers of the 
days of the month have strokes under them, and as the left-hand margin is not 
preserved and the column slopes away to the left, the names of the months may 
have been inserted, e. g. in 11. 10 and 15. The payments are under the three 
heads of ττολιτικά, κωμητικά, and Θ4μα, the first two referring to rent or taxes, the 
third to private deposits of corn in the State granary ; cf 1525-6, 1539-41. 
In 1145, part of the day-book of a sitologus, θ( ), which is prefixed to most 
of the entries, is more likely to mean θ{ψα) than θ{άνατοί) or Θ{ησανρόί). 

[ 1 6 letters ] [ στ]/3ατ[7;γω Ό^νρυγχ^ίτον 

[πάρα Α]νρηλίον Ηρακλξίδον τον κ[αι Α]ίοννσί[ου βονλ[ζντον) τη9 
^Οξνρ]νγχ€ΐτώι/ TTOXeeos δζκα7Γρώ[τ]ον μ€ση[9] τ[θ7Γ(α/οχία?). κατ άνΒρα 
[γ^ιρΥστικοϋ πνρον μ€μ€τρημ€νον καΐ δίΐσταΧμ^νου δι' [ίμοΰ άπο 
5 \yevrj\^{aTo^) του €ν€στ(ωτο9) <γ (cToyy) Μάρκων 'Ιουλίων Φίλιππων 
[των] κυρίων ^(βαστων. 

€στι δν 
and hand θησαυρού Τανάίως Μάρκοι Αύρήλιοι 


.] κληρ{ονδμοι) Τααπολλώτο9 τήί και Μέγιστης [{άρτ.) ., 
ΙΟ ]α. L δι{ ) Ήρακλζίδτ} τω και ^ξραπίωνι 

Tava[ew]9 πολ{ιτικα) ^{άρτάβαι}^ [άρτάβαι) κ, 
α τω αν[τω] θίμ[α) (^Ρ''•) '^j yifvovTaC) αϊ [π{ροκ€ίμ€ναί), 

Πανζτβί[ν9 /e]peil>y {άρτ. ?) . [, 

δ. ι δι{ ) Κο[ ]αιου Ταν{α)€[ω9 κ]ωμ{ητικα) {άρτ.) δ [[.J [, 

15 α. Αύρη\{ίω) !4χ[ίλλεί ί]7Γπ€Γ 'Ρωμ{α(ω) Θ({μ{α)] {άρτ.) ί<Γ, 
δ. Δίονυσ\οδω\ρω δια ^ζραπίωνοί 

Γαί/(α)€[ω? κ]ωμ{ητικα) {άρτ.) e[, 

€. κληρ{ονόμοι) Δ[ιον\υσίου Έρμάμμωνος [ 

ή αύτη κωμητ{ικά) {άρτ.) [., 

20 <Γ• Τισόιτι κ[α]ι ΊΊαγνονβι δια του αύτον [ 

17 αύτ{η) κωμ{ητικα) {άρτ•) [• , 

ιβ. TOis αύτοΐς "Ιστρου κωμ{ητικα) {άρτ.) [., 

α. Ιαυτω Πανίτββΐ lepei θξμ{α) {άρτ.) [. , 

[.] Τύφι^ Τοτοίως και ή γυνή Ταν(ά)€ω9 
25 κωμ{ητικα) {άρτ.) [•, 

[. . .]τιλλίί Ήρατο9 ονόματος Ματρίου του κ[αΙ 
[ Έρμ]αΐσκου Ταν(α)βω9 κωμ{ητικα) [{άρτ.) . , 
[. . .^ριον Διονυσίου του και 'Αμμωνίου γυν€[κα ? 
[ Φα]ρβαιτίωνο^ η αύτη πολ{ιτικα) {άρτ.) [., 
3θ [. . .]ο( ) 'Ισιδώρου του και Φιλίσκου {άρτ.) [. , 
[. ] δι{ ) Χινθώνι θυγατρι Διογ[€]νου9 άγρρα- 
νομήσαντο^ μητρι των προγζγρα[μ- 
μίνων [[Ταϊ/(ά)6ω9 πολ(ίτικά)]] θ^μα \{άρτ.) . , 
[.] iax;Tois Τ^μη πολ{ιτικα) [{άρτ.) ., 

35 [. . ^]ήλιτο9 θ[ί]μα {άρτ.) [. , 

[. Άν]τώνιο[9 ό κ]αι Ήρακλα,ς δια [Πλ]ουτάρ- 
[χου] Ταν{α)€ω9 ττολ{ιτικα) {άρτ.) ι[, 

[. . . .]αρχο9 ΙΙ[α]σίωνο5 και οι άδβλφοι {άρτ.) κ[, 
κ?]αι €αυτοΪ9 Τα[ν]{α)€ως κωμ{ητικά) {άρτ.) ιγΔ.δ' χ{οίνιΚ€9) [., 
4° ] σνηδ' ^{oiviKCs) η. 

12. y at[ Π. ΐ3• '" οί πανίτβ€[υς corr. from δ. 14-5 at the end corr. 

22. f of Tois above the line. Ιστρου Π. 23. 1. τω αυτω. πανΐτβΐΐ 'iepei Π. 27. ίρμ]αϊσκον 

Π, 28. 1. γυνή. 30. 'ϊσώωρον Π. 34• 1• ^o*s avro'is (sO in 1. 39) Ίΐμή. 


i-ig. 'To . . ., strategus of the Oxyrhynchite nome, from Aurelius Heraclides also 
called Dionysius, senator of Oxyrhynchus, decemprimus of the middle toparchy. Detailed 
list of wheat entered on the books as measured and paid through me from the produce of 
the present 6th year of the Marci Julii Philippi Caesars the lords Augusti, as follows. At the 
granary of Tanais the Marci Aurelii, heirs of Taapollos also called Megiste, . . ; ist, paid by 
Heraclides also called Serapionfor city dues at Tanais 20 artabae ; ist, the same for deposit 
20 art. ; total the aforesaid. Panetbeus, priest, . . art. ; 4th, paid by Ko . . . son of . . . for 
village dues at Tanais 4 art. ; ist Aurelius Achilles, Roman knight, for deposit 16 art.' 

2. Α\ιοννσ![ου βουλευτού: decemprimi were generally, perhaps always, senators; cf. 
Wilcken, Grundz. 217. 

3-4. For κατ άνδρα χΐφ]ιστικοΰ ττνροΰ cf. 1526. 4. and Wilcken, Osi. ii, Nos. 888-90, 
where 1. χΐί{ρίστικου) rather than χ€ΐ(μεριυοΰ) before (πύρου), χαριστικοί is not elsewhere applied 

to πυρός. In 1257. 10— 1 1 TOLS Xoyois της δεκαπρωτείας, τ^ο^ΰτ ΐστιν τω χεφιστικω S)v ^πρ^οσέλαβΐ και 

τω κατ άνδρα τω iv δ\η\μοσ\ίω κατα^^κΐΐμίνω, το χΐίριστικόν seems to mean the current accounts 
(similar to e. g. 1145), as opposed to formal documents like 1444 ; cf. n. ad loc. The 
division of lines is not quite certain in 11. 3-6, the initial lacuna being of the same size 
throughout, and four or five letters being lost in 1. 2. 

4. διεσταΚμίνου δι [ϊμου : μεμΐτρημΐ'νος refers tO wheat actually brought to the θησαυρός, 

διεσταλμενος to wheat paid by deducting from an account of a deposit at the θησαυρός ; cf. 
Preisigke, Gi'rowesen, 88. There were usually two δεκάπρωτοι for each toparchy; cf. 
Wilcken, op. cit. 218. The δ^κάπρωτος in 1444 was clearly concerned with only a portion 
of each month's receipts. 

8. Ήίάρκοι Αυρηλιοι : for ftiis heading referring to the following names in general 
cf. e. g. 1526. 7. 

10. Ζ is probably, as Smyly suggests, a degeneration of 2", i. e. μΐ{ ), a common 
abbreviation in Ptolemaic times for μίτρον or μΐμέτρηται (or μίρος). It recurs in 1. 14, and 
possibly in 1. 31, where part of a stroke is visible before fit( ), but since a similar 
stroke occurs in 1. 34 before ίαυτοΊς, in both 11. 31 and 34 it probably refers to the number 

of the day. St( ) suggests some part of διαστίΧΚΐΐν (cf. 1. 4, n.), but μί{τρημα) δι{ΐστα\μΐνον) 

is not a very satisfactory combination, though in B. G. U. 652. 16 διαστολή hardly seems 
to differ from διαγραφή (cf. 1436. 18, n.). No special stress is to be laid on the dative 
Ήρακλείδτ], which is equivalent to the nominative (cf. e.g. 11. 13 and 23), unless δί(ά) 

Ήρακλίίδζρυ) τ(ρυ) καΙ Σίραπίωνζος') be restored. 

11. πολ{ιτικά): cf. 1419. 2, η. πολ{ιτών) could be read, with κωμητ{ων) instead of 
κωμητ{ικά) in 11. 1 9, &c., on the analogy of P. Strassb. 45. 20 ; but πόλ{ιτικά) balances θίμα 
(1. 33) better. . 

12. The abbreviation of γ{ίνονται) (cf. critical n.) is unusual, but the reading Ky 
(20^ art.) leaves the following word unexplained, and y{iv.) αί π[ροκ.) is very common in 
this class of accounts, e. g. P. Strassb. 45. 9. 

13. The supposed sign for άρτάβαι has no trace of the dot under the horizontal line, 
and there is a space after it, so that the letter at the end of the line is perhaps not a figure. 

18-21. η αυτή in 11. 19 and 21 is superfluous unless {άρτ.) . be restored at the end of 
11. 18 and 20, and the same difficulty arises in 11. 28-9, where the detention of ^ αυτή is parti- 
cularly difficult ; cf. n. κληρ{ονόμος) in place of κληρ{ονόμοι) would perhaps render ή αυτή in 1. 19 
easier, but in 1. 21 ^ αυτή would have to refer to Tisois, Pachnubis being ignored, and 
δια τοΰ αυτοΰ in 1. 20 is in any case obscure. The writer is somewhat confused ; cf. 
11. 28-9, n. 

22. "ίστρου : another village in the middle toparchy, like Γ(μή (i. e. Ίψη) in 1. 34 ; cf. 
1385. 98, 108. 


23. There is no apparent point in iavra, which here would have to be constructed with 
θψ(α), and in 1. 34 iavro'is does not suit πολ{ιτικά), so that probably in both places there is 
a confusion with τωαντω or rdis avTois. Panetbeus was mentioned in 1. 13. 

28-9. . . V'o" niust be a wOman's name in the nominative or accusative, but γυνή 
cannot be read, and, since neither yvve[ nor Φα]ρβαιτιωνος suggests a place-name, γυν{η) 
[Φα\ρβαιτίωνος is probably to be restored and ή αυτή ignored; cf. 11. 18-21, n. 

31. δι( ): cf. 1. 10, n. 

34. eavTols : cf. 1. 23, n., and for Τίμη see 1. 22, n. 

35. . .yi^iTos: Ήλίτα occurs in B. G. U. 926. 7 and *Ηλ€ί'τ(ου) in e. g. P. Ryl. 210. 6; 
but the name here is probably longer and in the nominative. 

1445. Report on Unproductive Land. 

15 x25.3 cm. Second century. 

The recto of this papyrus contains the ends of sixteen lines of one column, the 
middle part of another, and a few letters from the beginnings of lines of a third, 
from a report on land at a village, probably addressed to a strategus by a como- 
grammateus, like P. Giessen 60 and Wilcken, Chrest. 341. While those two 
papyri, so far as they go, give lists of land available for cultivation at the village 
of Naboo in the Apollinopolite nome, the intelligible portion of 1445 is concerned 
with the rent and taxes upon land which was out of cultivation for various 
reasons ; but 1445 may have belonged to a comprehensive report which included 
the information found in the Apollinopolite texts. Similar reports by a como- 
grammateus in the Ptolemaic period are extant in P. Tebt. 74-5. The land was 
divided into two main classes, δτίμοσία and ιδιωηκ?;', these being subdivided into 
ι^ησοι and ηττ^φοΒ. ii. i is concerned with δια\//•ιλοι νήσοι, in the δημοσία yr], the items 
being added in 11. a-4 to various others which had preceded and probably con- 
cerned other kinds of νήσοι, e.g. ττοταμοφόρητοί (cf. 1. 13). The τ: ροσμίτ ρουμάνα 
are nearly ^, the barley being also subject to a special impost of 5 per cent. 
(1. 3, n.). In 1. 5 is an entry concerning a small amount of δημοσία γη on the 
mainland, which for some unspecified reason was out of cultivation, the totals 
for δημοσία γη being calculated in 11. 6-7. There follows in 11. 8-9 the account of 
Ιδιωτική γη, which is taxed approximately at the rate of i artaba per arura, 
with extra charges, including one for the comogrammateus himself (1. 9, n.). 
These items are added in 11. lo-ia to the figures of the δημοσία γη. In 1. 13 
a new section begins concerning the i8th year, the preceding one referring 
probably to the 19th or 17th. The writing clearly indicates the second century, 
and the reigning Emperor is more likely to have been Hadrian or Antoninus 
than Trajan or Marcus, δημοσία γη on ζ/^σοι τΐοταμοφόρητοι is the subject of 
11. 13-14, which correspond to 11. 1-2 ; public land on the rjireipos, corresponding to 
that in 1. 5, is enumerated in 1. 15, after which the column breaks off. The rents 
were chiefly in wheat, with a small amount of barley ; references to a trifling 


payment in a third kind of produce (1. i, n.) have been deleted. The average 
rate (reckoning barley at f the value of wheat ; cf. P. Tebt i, p. 560) was from 
5 to 6 artabae of wheat per arura, apart from extra charges. 

On the verso is the conclusion of a tale in honour of Sarapis (1382). 

Col. ii. 
\8ϊ\α•^ζΐΚ(ύν [dpovpai) τιβ' (πυροΰ) {άρτάβαή λθδ'κδ' κρίθ{ής) {άρτ.) κα<^ κ δ , 

W) W/l *_^ ^ 

y (άρον.) 0/Sz. iV' λ''/3'^'[(5'] {πυρ.) {άρτ.) τμζΔ,γ' κρίθ{η9) {ο-ρτ.) v^Ly ίβ' , 
π ροσμ{^τ ρουμιών) {πυρ.) {άρτ.) νβ^^'κδί κρί6{η^) {άρτ.) ζ^γ' ί' β' μ^ η, {irev- 

ταρταβίας) βΔ,η', 
y/ {άρτ.) ι1.κδ'μ'η\ y {πυρ.) {άρτ.) υκ^ κριθ{η9) {άρτ.) ^γγ'η^μ^η'' 
5 ήπζίρου δημοσίας {άρού.) δ'η {πυρ.) {άρτ.) L•δ' μη , προ{σμ€τρουμίν%ον) η , 
L•γ κόμη. 
γίνον{ταί) δημοσία{^) γη{'ή {άρου.) oβL•\δίηΎ^' λ'β'^'δ' {πυρ.) {άρτ.) τμη 
Δι β μη , 
π ρο{σ μέτρου μίνων) {πυρ.) {άρτ.) νβγ', y/ {πυρ.) {άρτ.) υΔγ^ί'β'μ'η , καΐ ή 
προκ{€ΐμ€νη) κριθ{ή). 
ιδιωτικής γή9 ολη τη ίπίγραφη {άρου.) (5z.(S''iV'X'/3' 

{πυρ.) {άρτ.) δ-γ' μ'η , φιλ{ανθρώπου) η μη , π ρο{σ μετρουμένων) β\ /^ {"τυρ.) 
{άρτ.) e<r'. 
10 [γίνο]ν{ται) {άρου.) o^AO'jiV'^'^' (""^Ρ•) {"^ρτ•) rvyi β' μη' κρί{θή9) {άρτ.) 
προσμ{ξτρουμ€νων) {πυρ.) {άρτ.) νγ κρίθ{ή9) {άρτ.) iLr/ ίβ' μη , {π€ν- 

ταρταβία?) βL•η' , y iLK^i μη' , 
/ {πυρ.) {άρτ.) υ^ ι'β'μ'η κρι{θη9) ξγγ'η'μ'η'. [[/co( ) Δγ']] 
και των τώι ιη {ετζή νήσων ποταμοφο{ρήτων) {άρου.) δδ' 

{πυρ.) {άρτ.) Κ€/.κ'δ', π ρο{σ μέτρου μίνων) "γβ'η' , y ^F'^P•) {'^Ρ'^') '^^Ύ • 
15 ηπείρου {άρου.) [.]Δ.η'ξ;'δ' {πυρ.) {άρτ.) ιες-κ'δμ'η', π ρο{σ μέτρου μίνων) βγ κ δ , 
/ Ιζ[^ΐ'β']μ'η'. 

Ι. κο{ ) Ay, which is added below the line, is bracketed, as in 1. 12. 3. {nevrap- 

ταβίας) is written e -7-, as in 1. 11. 

'. . . bare (islands) 8§ arurae, 392^4 artabae of wheat, 21^ art. of barley; total 
72ff an, 347f art. of wh., 52^ art. of barl., for extra payments 52^ art. of wh., 7^ art. 


of barl., for 5-art. percentage 2f, total iof| art. Total 400J5 art. of wh., osff art. of 
barley. Public land on the mainland | ar. || art. of wh., extra payments i total ^. Total for 
public land 72|| an, 348II art. of wh., for extra payments 52^ art. of wh., total 40o|f art. 
of wh. and the aforesaid barley. Private land for the whole assessment 4f| an, 4^^ art. of 
wh., for salary ^, for extra payments |, total 5| art. of wheat. Total 77f| an, 3534% art. of 
wh., 52ii art. of barl., for extra payments 53 art. of wh., 7ff art. of barl., for 5-art. per- 
centage 2f, total loff. Total 4064% art. of wheat, 63II art. of barley. And on islands 
carried away by the river in the i8th year 4I an, 25^! art. of wh., for extra payments s^f, 
total 2 pi art. of wheat. On the mainland [.]fi an, 15^^ art. of wh., for extra pay- 
ments 2^, total i7ff.' 

I. [δί]α\/'6ίλωΐ' : sc. νήσων; cf. 1. 1 3. Land which after the inundation had become too 
dry to be cultivated is meant; cf. 707. 23, n., Cronert, Slud. Pal. iv. 95, P. Hawara in 
Arckiv, V. 397, where in a φοινίκων the portion which was hia^i\os is distinguished from the 
ψιλός, which was included in the φόρψος. 

([/co( ) [/.]y']] : cf. 1. 12, where from the context κο( ) appears to be the name of some 
kind of produce rather than an impost, though the bracketing, i. e. cancelling, of the entry 
in both places renders that argument uncertain. A small extra charge for κοσκινεντικόν (in 
P. Petne iii. 129 abbreviated κο) is common in Ptolemaic papyri, but has not yet appeared 
in the Roman period, and κο{\οκυνθΊνον) (cf. P. Rev. Laws xxxix. 6) or κο^ρίον) (cf. P. Tebt. 
314. 17) is more probable. 

3. {ττίνταρταβίας) : cf. 1. 1 1 and 1443. 10, (διαρτ-αβίαί) ποβώ/χ(αΓθ5) there corresponding 
to the (εκατοστοί) β of P. Tebt. 339. This extra charge of 5 artabae per cent, upon barley 
can now be recognized in P. Giessen 60 (cf. int. p. 31), where the editor reads e" or en and 
suggests €π{ιγραφήί) (cf. 1. 8, n.). The amount of the 5 per cent, impost is there calculated 
on the main amount of barley + the προσμΐτρονμΐνα, but here only on the main sum (1. 2, 
52ii art.). 

8. okrj TTJ ίπιγραφη : the point of this phrase is that the ΙΒιωτικη was not subdivided in 
detail like the 8ημοσία into νήσοι and ήπειρος, probably because the amount was small, επιγραφή 
in papyri of the Roman period is used in the wide sense of ' assessment ' in connexion with 
many kinds of taxes upon land ; cf. P. Brit. Mus. 195. 3 (P. Ryl. ii, p. 255), and a Hawara 
papyrus in Archiv, v. 397 ; but in Ptolemaic times (cf. Wilcken, Ost. i. 194 sqq., 
P. Tebt. 5. 59, n.) it means ' impost ', either in general or a particular tax upon land, 
coupled with διαρταβία in P. Tebt. 99 and ήμιαρτάβιον in Milne, Thehan Ost. 13-14. Here 
the ίπιγραφη happens to be concerned with land-tax, 4^^ arurae yielding 4^ artabae, so 
that some part was assessed at less than the very common rate of i artaba per arura (cf. 
1459. 1 1, n.) ; but, as the other Roman instances show, the word applies primarily to the 
arurae, not to the artabae. 

9. φιλ(ανθρωπον) : sc. κωμογραμματε'ι ; cf. Wilcken, Os/. \. ^οι,Μζτύη, Ept'sfraieges, 143. 
12. For the cancelled item cf. 1. i, n. 

15. The number of the arurae was probably 2 or 3 ; cf. int. 

1446. List of Cultivators of State Lands. 

34-1x25 cm. A. υ. 161-210. 

On the recto of this papyrus are parts of the last two columns of a somewhat 
novel kind of survey-list. The first section, 11. 1-91, gives a list of former 
cultivators of State lands, either βασιλική, ττροσόδου, or Upa, at the neighbouring 


Arsinoite villages of Theadelphia {Harit\ Euhemeria {Kasr el Bandt), and 
Polydeucia (perhaps GebaL• ; cf. P. Fay. p. 14), with the amounts of their 
holdings, the rents, and the names of the present cultivators. In 1. 92 there 
begins a series of different and shorter entries mentioning an ^ττίσκζψίί, a strategus, 
several other villages in the Θ^μίστου ^epis, and ' the 23rd year of the deified 
Aelius Antoninus '. Since the verso contains 1408, part of which is a copy of 
a proclamation issued in A. D. 210-14, the document on the recto must fall within 
the half century following the death of Antoninus. In Col. i about | of each 
line is missing at the beginnings, and in Col. ii. 60-93 about the same amount 
at the ends ; the rest of the second section (11. 94-103, below which is a blank 
space) is hopelessly broken. 

1446 is concerned with κοινή γζωργία (cf. 1. 92), and the first section follows 
a regular formula, beginning with the names of one or, more frequently, two of 
the associates. In some cases the abbreviation άπο( ), of which the resolution 
is uncertain (cf. 1. 84, n.), follows the first name, but τ€Τ€λ{€υτηκότ€ή, Avhich 
regularly follows και (μέτοχοι), may qualify all the persons previously mentioned 
in the entry. The amounts of the holdings were generally between 30 and 60 
arurae. A classification of the rents, which are remarkable on account of the 
unusual fractions of the artaba, is appended : 

Rents in Artabae. 




oe 150 12 



Theadelphia . . 



τ 1 


4, 9> 13. 16, 20, 22, 




oil 1 
06 150 12 


3 15 200 

16, 89. 


.11 1 1 
44 5 300 12 

















O5 30 5 00 

11' 1 

40 200 

4, 9> 13• 





Euhemeria . , 


r-l 1 1 1 
03 10 50 600 

1 JL i_ 

6 20 200 

1 1 

2• 75- 

5, 10, 17, 25, 42, 
[53], 66, 70. 

Polydeucia . . 


01 1 1 

02 20 150 


111 1 

3 10 60 150 

28, 36, 46, 48, 56, 
73, 78, 86, 90. 






[29],36, 56,63, 73, 
78, 81, 87, [90]. 

Uncertain . . . 







The artaba is commonly divided in the series | ^ | (but no further), and in 
the series i 1 1^ #4 • • • ; I and yV also occur (cf. e. g. P. Fay. loi), but the only 
parallels for the irregular fractions in 1446 are in P. Tebt. 341, where the fractions 
JL JL _i_ (?) ^^ (? ; but cf. 1446. 99), ^^-g- and γ-^^όο are found, and 986, where the 
fractions ^5- xV #0 το and ,^ occur, in both cases in the rents of State lands, as 
here. Since the corn is described in P. Tebt. as καθαρός, probably here too 
the presence of the curious fractions is due to a deduction for καθάρσια (cf. P. Tebt. 
92. 9, n.) or κακομ€τρία (cf. 1447. 6). The position occupied by the fraction χ^ i" 
the wheat payments for βασιλίκη γή at Theadelphia violates the rule that fractions 
are placed in a descending scale. In one place (1. $^) the difficulty can be avoided 
by interpreting rV/S' as ^^^ instead of ^^q t^. but in the other instances, in all of 
which ί'β' follows p'v, it is necessary to alter t'/3' to e. g. /t'^, in order to prevent 
an exception to the rule. Since there are too many instances to make the 
hypothesis of omission probable, we prefer to suppose that the variation in this 
group of entries was due to the addition of an extra -^ artaba to the rent, like 
that mentioned in 1. ^^. 

With regard to the size of the artaba, many of the small fractions, e. g. -^ 
■30 #0 T5 tIo tto ππο 6ϋο, would suit an artaba of 30 choenices, others, e.g. 
■io το -zh^ an artaba of 40, or, in the case of 5^0 and 5^0^ one of 25 or even 
50 choenices. There is still much uncertainty concerning the normal standards 
of measurement in Egypt. Viedebantt {Hermes xlvii. 422 sqq., 562 sqq.) wished 
to abandon two points which had been generally regarded as fixed, the sizes 
of the chous and choenix ; but his schedae of the artaba leaves out of account 
some important evidence of the papyri, especially P. Hibeh 85 and Leipzig 97, 
and the most recent evidence does not help to make the problems any easier. 
P. Ryl. ii56 shows that the 6pojiios-measure at Euhemeria in A. D. 26 contained 
33I choenices, whereas elsewhere that measure appeared to contain 42. An 
unpublished Fayum loan of A. D. 87 mentions artabae μ4τρωί ητάρτωι Φιλίιτπωι 
τώι του Μάρκου 'Αντωνίου (the lender), which disposes of the view that the μίτρον 
ΦιλίπτΓου in P. Brit. Mus, 265 referred to a private person at Hermopolis called 
ΦίλιτΓΤΓο?. 1640. 4 mentions an artaba μίτρω irpos ^κατοστάς biKa, but not many 
of the fractions in 1446 are έκατοσται. 

We omit some of the entries, which contain nothing of special interest 
except the following rare or unknown names (all genitive and masculine except 
where otherwise stated) : 'Apetros (fem.), TepULavis, Αημοκράτους, Αραύκου, ©ta^iai^ts, 
Καλαβώτου, Καλακαίλεω?, Ν^'ωνοί, ΤΙανηοΰτος, ΐΐανοσνίύί (nom.), Ώουσίμζως, Σα8αλου 
(cf. the Oxyrhynchite village in 1426. 6), Άρτιου ζττ{ικαλουμ€νον) Σακίστ(ου?), 
Σζρώίτοί, Σίφωνος, Ύαηρακλψ (nom. fem.), Ύατιοΰτος (fem. ?), Ύασηοϋτο5 (fem.), 
Τκαίσιτο? (fem.), Φιλοΰτο? (fem.), Χαρίτωνο5, Χιάσεω?. 



^ Col. i. 

Ends of 3 lines. 

4 [ 20 letters kcu {μίτοχοι) τ€Τ€λ{€υτηκ6τ€9) Θίαδβλ^ψίίας) βασ]ιλ{ική9) 

y(^y) ά(να) (πνρον) (άρτάβα^) γς ρνίβ' φακοΰ (άρτάβην) αρ κ 
" {οίρουραι) vUL•^ , ττροσόδ^ον) a{ya) (πνρον) ζ^Χ'φ' φακοΰ 

5 [{άρτάβης) '^'μσ {άρονραή . . ., Ενη{μζρζία9) βασιλ{ικηή y{fjs) ά(να) 

{πνρ.) ^yiV)( κ{ρίθη^) {άρτάβηί)] c~ κ σ φα\κ6ψ {άρτάβη$:) Ao'e' 
{άρονραή ζ, νννΐ γ€ωργ(ονμ€ναί) νπο Άφροδζίσίον 

6 [31 letters ]€(os Μνσθαράτος και Ίσγ^ίΐτο^ άδξ\{φοΰ) καΐ ^ίΐρίωι /os 


7 [και 38 letters ] Ίσατο? "Ω,ρον τυφλού και ^Ηραΐσκον Άκοίκξως καΐ 

Ποσβΐτο? ©eooroy 

8 [και 38 letters ]«s ΐ€ρ€ως. 

Ends of 4 lines. 

13 [ 22 letters καΐ (μίτοχοι) Τ€τίλ{€ντηκ6τ€9) 0ea5]eA(0e£'as) βασιλ{ικηή 

7(779) ά(να) (ττυρ.) {άρτ.) -^(ςρ'νίβ' φακον {άρτ.) αρ κ {άρον.) λ<τη\ 
προσ6δ{ρν) ά{να) {πνρή €ζλ'φ' φακ{ρν) {άρτ.) ^ μσ 

14 '^άρονή . ., νννι γ€ωρ'γ{ονμξναι) νπο \η letters λρο^ Κ€ραμίω9 και 

'Αιωνίως Τρύφωνος και Παβοντος Παβοντο? και 

15 [31 letters ] και τον άδ€λ{φον). 

ι6 [ 21 letters και {μίτοχοι) τβτ€λ{€ντηκ6τ€ς) 0ea5]eA(06i'ay) βασίλ{ίκηή 

γ{ης) ά{να) {πνρ.) {άρτ.) yc/ ρ'νίβ' φακον {άρτ.) αρ' κ {άρον.) ΐίδ\ 
ά{να) {ττνρ.) yq ρ'νίβ' φακον {άρτ.) y ί^σ 

1 7 [(ayoof.) . ., ά{να) κ{ριθ.) {άρτ.) . . {άρον.) . ., Ενη{μίρ€ίαή βασιλ{ικήή y{rjs) 

ά{νά)] {πνρ.) εγΥ/χ' κ{ριθ.) {άρτ.) ^κσ φακον {άρτ.) Loi' {άρον.) 
yy i νννι yξωpγ{ovμ€vaι) νπο Λονκάτο? 

1 8 [ ΟΙ letters ] και Άμμωνάτος Π^τίρμονθ^ως και Κοπ ρητός άπ{άτο- 

ρος) μη{τρος) Χαραποντος και 

19 [ 3^ letters ] 

Ends of 5 lines. 
25 [ ao letters και {μίτοχοι) Τ€Τ€λ{€ντηκ6τΐς) 0ea5eA(0e£ay) βασι\{ικής) 
y{f}i) ά{να)] {πνρ.) {άρτ.) y<^' ρνίβ' φακον {άρτ.) αρ' κ {άρον.) κδ, 
Ενη{μίρύας) βασιλ{ικής) y{rJ9) ά{να) {πνρ.) iy'i'v'x κ{ριθ.) {άρτ.) 

/ / / 
«5" κ σ 


26 [φακοϋ {άρτ.) Lot {άρον.) . ., νυνί γζωργ{ονμ€ναι) ύπο ίο letters ]ο? 

"Ηρωνοί και ''Akovl^t^os Πξσούρζως και "Ω,σ^ω^ Πανονρ^ως και 
2*j [ ί?ο letters f]"' Λαλατο^ 'Akovitos άλύω?. 

28 [ ΙΟ letters καΐ {μίτοχοι) τ€Τ€λ{€υτηκ6τ€9) 0ea5eA(^ei'as) βασιλ{ικψ) y{rjs) 

ά{να) {ττνρ.) [άρτ.) yq ρ'ν ίβ>'\ φακοΰ {άρτ.) αρ' κ [άρον.) κηL•, Πολν- 
8{€υκ€ίαή βασιλ{ίκήή γ{ή9) ^α{να) {ττνρ.) (άρτ•)]] ά(να) [πυρ.) yLK ρ'ν 
φακ{ον) {άρτ.) y ί^ ρν 

29 [(αροι;.) . . . , ά{να) κ{ριθ.) {άρτ.) ζδ' {άρον.) . • . , νννι yeωp]y{oύμ€l/aι) ύπο 

Ήρωνζίνου Χώι/σίω? και Κοττρήτο? άδ€λ{φον) και Σπάταλου 
3© [ 3° letters κ]αι Άκατοι Άκονιτος. 

Ends of 4 lines. 

35 [ 10 letters καΐ {μ^τογοι) Τ€τβλ{€ντηκ6τ€9) 0ea5eX(0eiay) βασιλ{ικης) y{fj9) 

ά{ρά) {πυρ.) {άρτ.) yq ρν ί βί φακοψ {άρτ.) αρ' κ {άρον.) μaL•η , ά{να) 
κ{ριθ ) {άρτ.) βιβ\ καΐ e^ €π{ισκ€ψ€ω5) ώρίσθ{η) άλ{λο) κατά. {άρονραν) 
κ{ρίθ.) {άρτ.) ι β', 

36 ^αρου.) . ., TIo\v8{evKaas) βασιΚ{ικη^) γ(τ7?) ά{να) {πυρ.) yLK ρ'ν φακοΰ 

{άρτ.) yi\^pv {άρον.) ια, ά{νά) κ{ριθ.) {άρτ.) e^ {άρου.) η, νννΐ 
yeωpγ{oύμ€vaL) ύπο Καήτβω^ Φονώνσ^ως 
Ends of 2 lines. 

39 [ 3° letters και {μέτοχοι) τζτ€λ{ζντηκ6τ€ς)] 0ea5eX(0ei'as) βασιλ{ικης) 

y{fJ9) ά{νά) {πνρ.) {άρτ.) yc^'pvίβ' φακού {άρτ.) αρ κ {άρον.) vc^L^t] , 
ά{να) κ{ριθ.) {άρτ.) α {άρον.) y, 

40 [νννι yeωpy{ovμevaϊ) ύπο και] Χαιρήμονο? Άσκληπιάδον 

τ€Τ€λ{€ντηκ6το9) διά Άοντίον νιον και 
Ends of II lines. 

52 [ 12 letters και {μίτοχοι) Τ€τβλ{€ντηκ6τ€9) 0ea<5eX(0eiay) βασιλ{ική9) y{rjs) 

ά{ι/ά) {πνρ.) {άρτ.) yc^' ρν\ιβ' φακού {άρτ.) αρ κ {άρον.) λ, i6pa(y) 
ά{να) {πνρ.) δζ' {άρον.) ιζΔη', Ενη{μ€ρ€ίας) βασιλ{ική9) y{fjs) 

53 [ά{νά) {πνρ.) ey'i'p'x κ{ριθ.) {άρτ.) ^'κσ φακού {άρτ.) Δο'/ {άρον.) . ., 

νννι y€ωpy{ovμ€vaί) ύπο . .]αιαπξΐτο9 Ι1αταβούτο9 και των τύκνων 
και Μαρίωνο9 "Ηρωνοζ 

54 [ 3° letters μ]νλ{ωνικού) καΐ τοΰ υιού και ϋαραπίωνος Μνσθον και 

Άζΰτος άδζλφού. 
65 [ ΙΟ letters καΐ {μίτοχοι) τ€Τ€λ{€ντηκ6τ€9) Θ€αδ€λ{φ€ία9) βασιλ{ίκη$) y{fjs:) 


ά{να) [πυρ.) {άρτ.) yc:'p'vL^'\ φακον (άρτ.) αρ κ {άρον.) vLic-^K, 
aiyk) {πυρ.) {άρτ.) 8δ'ντι'β' {άρον.) οβ^Ύ , ά{να) {πυρ.) α {άρον.) β, 

56 [ά{νά) κ{ρίΘ.) {άρτ.) . . {άρον.) . . , Πολν8{€νκ€ίας) βασιλ{ικηή γ{ή9) ά(ΐ'ά) 

{ττνρ.) yLK ρν φα\κον {άρτ.) yi^p'v {άρον.) ιδ, ά{να) κ{ριθ.) {άρτ.) 
e5' {άρον.) ς, νυνί γ€ωργ{ονμ€ναι) νπο "Είρωνος 

57 [ 25 letters aTrarojpos μη{τρο5) ΊσεΓτο? και "Ηρωνος ϋαμβά και 

'0.ρσνθμ€ως Έσκί€σλάκι{ο)ς 

58 [και %η letters jaXoi» άδ€λ{φον) και 'Ω,ρίωνο^ Κάστορος στροβιλάς 

και ^apaTos ^αραπίω{νο9) 

59 [3° letters ] 

Col. ii. 

Beginnings of 24 lines. 

84 "Ηρών Ίσίωνο^ άπο{ ) και {μίτόχοι) τ€Τ€λ{€ντηκ6τ€9) 0ea5eX(0e£ay) βασι- 

λ{ικήή γ{ή9) ά{να) {ττνρ.) {άρτ.) yc/ ρν ί^ φ[ακον {άρτ.) αρ' κ {άρον.) 
. ., νννι y€ωpy{ovμ€vaι) νπο 

85 !4ατ[ο]? "Ωρον ί^ρίω^ καΐ τον ά8ξλ{φοϋ) και Κάστορος Ήρώδον [ 

86 'Ηρακλείδης Ήρακλείδου και Παχόις Ήρακλείδον και {μίτοχοι) τετζ\{εντη- 

Kores) [Πο\νδ{ζνκ^ας) βασιλ{ικήή y(^y) a{ua) {πνρ.) {άρτ.) yLK ρν 

87 φ\ακο\\) {άρτ.) yi^pv {άρον.) ζδί , ά{να) κ{ριθ.) eS' {άρον.) γ, νννΐ γ6ωρ[γ(οιί- 

μεναι) νπο 

88 Πν€φζρωτο9 καΐ Έσονρξως νίον. 

89 Δύος Άπολλωνίον άπο{ ) και Φάσεις Τεσενούφεως καΐ {μέτοχοι) τ[ετ€λ{€ν- 

τηκότες) Θεαδελ{φείας) βασιλ{ικης) y{rjs) ά{να) {πυρ.) {άρτ.) y<^' ρ'νίβ> 
9θ φακον {άρτ.) yLε'σ {άρον.) ιη, Πολνδ{ενκεία?) βασιλ{ικης) y{r}s) ά{να) 

{πνρ.) {άρτ.) yLK ρ' ν' [φακον {άρτ.) yi^pv {άρυν.) . ., ά{να) κ{ριθ.) 
εδ^ {άρον.) . ., νννι yεωpy{ovμεvaι) νπο 

91 Τιμοκράτονς και Kp[ovi]cuvo? νίον καΐ Πτολεμαίοι) [ 

92 κοινής yεωpyίaς εξ επ{ισκεψέως) όρ[ιο]{δείκτον) ωρίσθ{ησαν) ά{να) {πνρ.) aL 

{άρον.) βίΧβ' [ 

93 κα\ εκ της yεvo{μεvης) τω Ky {ετει) θεον Αίλίον Αντω[νίνον 

94 καΐ άπο πεδίων κώμης Mayaΐδoς. [ 

95 και άπο πεδίων κώμης Άργιάδος [ 

{άρον.) ey'. [ 

96 καΐ άπο πεδίω[ν κώμης 97 κνάμον {άρτ.) [ 9^ και o-'fh 

πεδίων κώμ[ης 99 ά{να) {πνρ.) <^L.Tf^ [ 100 και τω 



γ , r L . I . [ loi Keias [ 102 στρα{τηγ ) φα[κον 

I03 a{ya) {πυρ.) (άρτ.) e5' [ 
4. y^^pj^ Π ; so with the other cases of groups of fractions. 7. ηράίσκον Π. 

8. ϊΐΟΐως Π; so in 1. 85. 14. αϊωι/εωί Π. 1 8. α) Π, 20. ακουί^τ]θί Π; SO in 11. 27 

and 30. 28. Dots are placed above a{i>a) (πυρ.) [άρτ.). 30. ου οί ακουϊτος corr. from α. 
4θ. νϊου Π; 80 in 11. 54» 88, 91• 5^• 1• στροβϊΚάτοί. σαρατος over an expunction. 

86. παχοϊς Π. 94• /^αγαϊδοί Π. 

11. 4-8• ' • • • and . . . and associates, deceased, at Theadelphia 59! arurae of Crown 
land rented at 3I j^ ^ artabae of wheat, ΐγ^ art. of lentils, . . ar. of confiscated (?) land 
at 5| ^ 5^ art. of wheat, i J^ 200 ^^t. of lentils, at Euhemeria 7 ar. of Crown land at 
5έ τσ To 600 art. of wheat, | 2V 2^ art. of barley, i ^ art. of lentils, now cultivated by 
Aphrodisius son of ...... . son of Mustharas and Ischeis his brother, Horion son of 

Eudaemon, . . ., Isas son of Horus, blind, Heraiscus son of Akoikis, Poseis son of Theon, 
. . ., priest.' 

4-5. For the restorations of the village-names and rents cf the table in int. For προσόδου 
γη cf. 1434. 7, η. 

17. The rent collected in barley at Theadelphia was probably either 2^ art. (cf 1. 35) 
or I art. (cf. 1. 39) per arura ; cf 1. 56. 

18. άπ{άτοροί)•. this abbreviation is common in Preisigke, S.B. 5124. 
35. On the extra ^ art. of barley added to the rent cf. 1. 92 and int. 

53. ]aianeiTos•. possibly κ]αί Άπεΐτο? ,* but there is not room for another name unless 
there was some omission in the usual statement of the rents. 

54. μ]υλ[ωνικοΰ) : the abbreviation recurs in 1. 68; cf. P. Brit. Mus. 335. 7 (ii. 191) 

Παπίΐτοϊ μνλονικοΰ. μνλ{οκόπον) (cf. e. g. 1042. 1 9), μυλ{ωνάρχον) (cf. P. Cairo MasperO 67 1 4 2. 

i. 3), or μυλ{ουρ•γον) is also possible. 

55. 7-'t'/3': probably 3^0+^; cf. int. 

56. a. 1.17, n. 

57• Έσκΐΐσλάκι{ο)5 : or επ(^ικαλουμά>ου) Κΐ€σλάκι(ο)ς. 

58. στροβιλάί (' distorted ') seems to be a new form. 

84. ά7Γο( ) : cf. 1. 89. The abbreviation, which recurs in 11. 60-83, ends with a hori- 
zontal stroke above the last letter, which elsewhere in the case of καί [μίτοχοι), Eujj(pepitas) 
and Χαιρη{μονος) is really a degeneration of μ, but with γίωργ^ούμεναι) and apparently 6pio- 
(δίίκτου) (1. 92, η.) merely indicates abbreviation, απο^ρυς) or άπό[8ημος) (cf. 1547. 23) is 
possible, if the word is contrasted with τ€τ€λ{ίυτηκότ(ί). 

92. όρ[ίο](δ€ίκτου) : the end of a horizontal stroke (not δ) above the last letter is visible ; 
cf 1. 84, n. For an αναμέτρησα by this official cf Wilcken, Chresi. 240. 

93. The 23rd year of Antoninus was a census-year, and κατ οΐκίαν άπογραφψ can be 
supplied with τψ γΐνο^μΐνης) ; but e.g. €πίσκΐψΐω5 (cf 1. 92) would rather be expected in this 

99. For ^ art. cf. P. Tebt. 341, quoted in int. The second figure may be β here. 

1447. Receipt for Corn-dues. 

13-2 X2I-7 cm. A.D. 44. 

This receipt, issued by a sitologus in the reign of Claudius, for corn-dues of 
an unspecified character is parallel to 287 and 383-4 (reign of Tiberius), and 
differs somewrhat from the stereotyped formula of this class of receipts from the 


reign of Domitian onwards (cf. e. g. 1541-2). The payer was a woman, not a tax- 
collector as apparently in 287, and the dues were probably not rent of State 
lands, but land-tax on other kinds of land ; cf. P. Fay. 81. int., Ryl. 302 [a). 8, n. 
There are three special points of interest, the ημίρα Σεβαστή (1. 2, η.), the mention 
of the artaba καγκξλλω, which has not previously been recognized before the 
sixth century (1. 4, n.), and the explanation of the 4 €κατοσταί added to the main 
payment as due to κακομ^τρία (1. 6, η.). The writing is along the fibres of the 
verso, the recto having only a date in a different hand. 

'^Etovs S Τιβ^ρίου Κλαυδίου Καίσαρος \^^βασ\τοϋ 
Τ^ρμανικοϋ Αύτοκράτορος ΈπβΙφ κα [^€]βα[στ7)). Θβων 
ό σ•ίΤολ{ογώιή τους π^ρΐ IliXa το7γ(οι;$) μ€μίτρη{μαι) παρά. Αρ[. . . .]y 

Φάτρβω(ς) Ά7Γθ{λλωνίου ?) Si[a) Ήράτος Όνρώ[φρ€ω^) πνροΰ σ{υμ)- 
ΤΓα(ρτα) μ[^τρω\ τω καν- 
5 f ίλλω άρτάβα{9) '4v8eKa τέταρτον και τ[ά^ Seo ?]ύσα9 
άντΙ τη? κακομβτρία? Ικατοστωγ [τ]€σσάρωγ. 

On the recto 
2nd hand δ (βτου?) Τ[ί]β€ρίου [Κλαυ8ίο]υ [Kai]aapos. 

4. σπ"" Π, 6. 1. ΐκατοστας ^τ^σσαρας. 

'The 4th year of Tiberius Claudius Caesar Augustus Germ. Imp., Epeiph 21, dies 
Augustus. I, Theon, sitologus of the district of Pela, have had measured to me by Ar . . . 
daughter of Phatris son of Apollonius through Heras son of Onnophris 11^ artabae of 
wheat in all, by the cancellus measure, and the 4 hundredths required as compensation for 
the faulty measure. (Endorsed) The 4th year of Tiberius Claudius Caesar.' 

2. Έπίΐφ κα [Σ€ΐβα(στ^) : οπ the Ύ]μίραι Σ(βασταί see Blumenthal, Archiv, v. 337 sqq. 
The evidence collected by him is supplemented by four instances in the reign of Gaius in 
the Rylands papyri (167. 34 Sebastus 3, 230. 13 Neus Sebastus 6, 144. 5 Pauni 2, 151. 21 
Soter 20), and two in the reign of Trajan (P. Ryl. 202 (a). 4 Thoth 21, P. S. I. 40. 16 
Mecbeir 16), besides the present passage. Some of the days are no doubt rightly explained 
as monthly commemorations of the birthday or accession-day of the Emperor or his pre- 
decessors. The 2ist as Έΐβαστη occurs in 288. 19 (Pauni of the loth year of Tiberius ; but 
the reading of the figures is uncertain) and in P. Ryl. 202 (a). 4, where it is the actual 
anniversary of Trajan's birthday. This number does not suit the birthdays or accession- 
days of Tiberius, Gaius, and Claudius, which are all accounted for in the ήμίραι "Σ,ΐβασταί by 
other numbers (cf Blumenthal, I.e., P. Ryl. ii, p. 142); but, especially if the reading in 
288. 19 is correct, the 21st may well be connected Avith Augustus, who assumed that title 
on Jan. 16, corresponding to Tubi 21, and possibly the instance in which Thoth 21 is 
"ξ,φαστη in Trajan's time is also to be explained as a survival of the same commemoration. 

Κ % 


If the 2 1 St in the Tiberius-Claudius period is not connected with Augustus, it presumably 
commemorated some member of the Imperial family; cf. Blumenthal, op. cit. 341. 

3. πΛα: a large village in the western toparchy ; cf. 1285. 81. 

4. Ά7Γο(λλωί/ιΌι^ ?) δί(ά) ΉρατοΓ : the ο of απο is not much higher than usual, and από 
hda(Tr6K7\s) OX δι{αγραφη!) might be read, but is unsatisfactory in this context, whereas δι(ά) is 
expected. Possibly άπο{δημου) is the word, as in 1446. 84 ; cf n. Ήράτος can be either 
masculine or feminine. 

σ(νμ)πα{ντα) : cf. 287. 6 πυρ{οΰ) [σν]νπαντα (the final a is written above the line), 384 

ττνροϋ τριω{ ) σννπ{αντα), 289. 2, 1 5, &C., where 1. σ{νμ)πα[ντα) before (δραχμάί), and 574. 

μ€τρω\ τω KavKeWco ': com described as καγκίκλω is frequendy met with in late Byzantine 
papyri, and Becker's explanation of it (P. Heidelb. iii, p. 32) as derived from the Persian 
qanqal, not the Latin cancellus, is accepted by Wilcken, Grutidz. Ixx. But καγκέλλω or an 
adjective formed from it was probably meant by a mysterious word in P. Brit. Mus. 256 {a). 

12 (ii. 99 ; A. D. 15), which has been read as κανκΐρΚοτω, χανκΐρλοτω, χαΚκΐρΚοτω, and χάΚκ(ϊΚοτω 

(the preceding words being μί\τρ(^ δημο\σίω, and the succeeding τω άν€νην(γμ€νω), and supposed 
to be an error for χαΚκηλάτω. The scribe of that papyrus is very inaccurate and elsewhere 
confuses ο and ω, so that καγκίλλω with the omission of the second τω is the most satisfactory 
correction of the passage. In an unpublished Byzantine tax-receipt from Oxyrhynchus 226 

artabae σίτου καγκίλλον = 200 art. καθαρού. 

5. τ[ας 8eo]vaas : the reading is far from certain, for η is slightly preferable to υ and 
after σ is a stroke which is not elsewhere employed by the writer in forming a, though it is 
hardly long enough for «, and may represent merely a false start. ]ησιας suggests only 
γν]ησίαί, for Λvhich γνήσια δημόσια in P. Amh. 86. lo (cf 1409. 20, n.) is not a very close 
parallel, ίκατοστας τεσσάρας was not written, but, unless a substantive can be read in 1. 5, 
seems to have been meant, the error being due to the preceding genitive. 

6. For κακομΐτρΊα the lexica quote only Eustathius, who uses it for ' bad metre ' ; it has 
not occurred previously in papyri, though additional ίκατοσταί are found frequently for 
adulteration (708) or unspecified reasons (e. g. 1443. 10). A μίτρον irphs ίκατοστας δίκα 
occurs in 1640. 5. 

1448. List of Arrears of Clothing. 

25-3x17 cm. About 318. 

This list of arrears of clothing owed by a number of villages was found with 
1424-5 and is of approximately the same date. It is remarkable for the minute 
fractions of the στιχάρια and τταλλία, which are divided, like the artaba (cf. 1446. 
int.), in the two series | ^ | and | | r^ -έτ τα- ^^ instance of the division of 
χλαμυδί? into similar fractions, which had occurred in P. Brit. Mus. 1259. verso 
(iii. 239), now loses its singularity. Of the seventeen villages mentioned the first 
four, which were formerly in the Thmoisepho toparchy (cf. 1285. I32 sqq.), are 
known from P. Giessen 115. ii to have been in the 8th pagus at this period, and 
Dositheou (1. 8), which was formerly in the lower toparchy (1285. 139), was in the 
same pagus (1425. 6), while Souis (1. 7) occurs next to Dositheou in 1285, and 
Tholthis (1. 6) was formerly in either the Thmoisepho or the lower toparchy 
(1285. 123, 141). The ten villages from 1. 10 onwards are, with one or two 



exceptions (11. 10, 13, nn.), new, and probably smaller than the first seven, two of 
them being called k-noiKia and one (1. 15) a χωρίον, a term which after the fourth 
century tends to supersede κώμη ; cf. P. Tebt. ii, p. -^β^. The whole list is likely 
to refer to the 8th pagus ; cf, 1425. 4, n. Some marginal notes have been 
inserted, referring to partial payments of the arrears. On the collection of 
clothing for military purposes in the Byzantine period see P. Leipzig 59-60, 
Goodspeed, Class. Philol. 10 (Preisigke, 5. B. 44^1), 1136, 1428, and for the earlier 
όθονιηρά 1414. int. 

(ίχουσι MtXavoi 
στιχ(άρια) y. 

Αιότι{μθ5) των άπο Αωσιθίου 
(βα\ΐ ΰπΐρ αυτών 


στιχ(άρια) γγ'. 


els οΊκόν σου ΐστιν. 

Εχθ€σΐ9 στιχαρίων καΐ παΧλίων 

Τή€ω9 στιχ{άρια) δβ^ 7Γαλ(λίον) L•, 
Κ€σμονχζω[^ στι]χ{άρ.) ββ' παλ{\.) LyK^', 
ΙΤαλώσεω? στίχ{άρ.) αβ' TTohQdov) ay , 

Παώμζως στιχ{άρ.) γ/3' παλ(λ.) ζ.γ\'§ 

Θώλθζω^ 7Γαλ(λ.) γ', 

^[ό\ν€ω9 στι\{άρ.) yy παλ{λ.) ββ'κ8\ 
Δωσιθίου στιχ{άρ.) [[5]] ^ί'/3' 7Γαλ(λ.) ζL•, 

S)u άπηv€yκά/ιr]y παλ{λίον) α, 
ίποίκίου Γζροντα παλ(λ.) γ', 

Π€τροκ{ ) στίχ(αρων) qK^ 7Γαλ(λ.) ιβ\ 
^ κνταλίτιδο9 Aoyyov στιχ{άρ.) ακδ' παλ{λ.) y\ 
€ποίκ{ίον) ^αραπα στιγί^αρ.) 8ίκ8'μη παλ{λ.) η\ 
Νααιλ{ ) 7Γαλ(λ.) γι'β\ 

χωρίον Χζρήνου και Νβμξσιωνος 

στιχΙ^αρ.) <^' κ^ παλ(λ.) ί β\ 
Πξλαίτου στιχ{αρ.) ίβ' μτ[ 7Γαλ{λ.) κδί, 
Χτρονθου στιγί^αρ.) ^κδ' μτ] 7Γαλ(λ.) -η , 
Ψανωρμα στιχ{αρ.) ιβ' μη 7Γαλ(λ.) κδ\ 
2θ Θαλασσοκάπρου στίγ{αρ.) δ'κδ'μη παλ{\.) η. 

On the verso 

'ίχ^θΐσις στιχαρίων και ιταΧΚιων. 


14• ΐ'ααϊλ( ) Π. 1*J, ΊΤίΚαΙτον Π. 

Ι. ίχθΐσις : cf. Ρ. Fay. 320 (χθ. λοιπ{ογραφον μίνων?) and Ρ. Hamb. i, p. 9^• 
2. The marginal note * They have received 3 στιχάρια of Melas' refers to the 4§ στιχάρια 
in this line. Melas is presumably a personal name, not a place-name. 

5. The marginal note ' Diotimus, inhabitant of Dositheou, has paid for them 3J στιχάρια ' 


refers to the 3f στιχ. The final t of 6.LOTi{y.os) is not raised above the line, and a μ or 
a stroke above the line ought to have been visible, but hion "Ιων cannot be read. 

10. ΐποικιου Τιροντΰ: TepovTi{ov) occurs as a village-name on a potsherd in Arch. 
Rep. 1904-5. 15 (= Preisigke, S.B. 1945), but cannot be read here, the α being nearly 
certain ; cf. int. 

11. Πετ/3οκ( ): or possibly Πετ/3ο/3( ). 

12. Σκυταλίτώος Αόγγον : cf. Σκοταλίτώο: in a sixth-century list of Oxyrhynchite villages 
in P. land. 51. 6, where probably Σκνταλίτώοί is to be read. 

14. Νααιλ( ): κ or π is possible in place of λ. 


1449. Return of Temple Property. 

Fr. I 20-6 X 7•6 cm. Fr. 4 19-4 χ 10 cm. a. d. 213-17. 

This elaborate return of dedicated offerings, draw^n up by the priests of various 
temples at Oxyrhynchus and in the Oxyrhynchite and Cynopolite nomes, is 
parallel to parts of B. G. U. 590+162 (W. Chrest. 91), 338, 387, 488, 590, 1023, 
P. Rainer 8 ap. Wessely, Karanis 59, Brit. Mus. 353 (ii. 112), all from the Arsinoite 
noma, P. Ryl. no (Hermopolis), and 521, a list of temple property at an Oxyrhyn- 
chite village or possibly the metropolis. B. G. U. 781, which has been sometimes 
regarded as a similar list, probably refers to a private deposit ; cf. Wilcken, Arckiv, 
vi. 302. The deities worshipped at the shrines in question were in all Zeus, Hera, 
Atargatis Bethennun[is ?], Core, Dionysus, Apollo, and Neotera(ll. 1-2; cf.'i-5, 
nn.), other references to these cults at Oxyrhynchus being scarce. Probably all 
the six temples at Oxyrhynchus enumerated in 11. '^-6 were much less important 
than the two chief ones, the Serapeum and Thoereum, both of which gave their 
names to άμφoba and appear in 1453 and in the list of the city buildings in 
43. verso. Another probably minor temple, mentioned incidentally in 1. 5, was 
the Demetreum. The return, like B, G. U. 387, was unaddressed, and may have 
been intended for the strategus or basilicogrammateus, to one or both of whom 
the annual γραφαΐ Upiwv καΐ χειρισμοΰ, exemplified by P. Tebt. 298 and the Berlin 
and Vienna papyri mentioned above, were sent in the first and second centuries. 
The address to those officials was often omitted in Oxyrhynchite άττογραφαί 
(e.g. 1109 and 1548). The date, however, of 1449 (Hathur of the 22nd-25th year 
of Caracalla ; cf. 11. 7, n., and ^^) is subsequent to the establishment of senates, 
which became largely responsible for the temple administration, and one of the 
third-century parallels, P. Ryl. iio(a.d. 259), was addressed to an άρχίττροφητη^ 
of Alexandria. A contrast also seems to be drawn in 1. 16 between 1449 and 
ordinary γραφαί, and since 1449 was certainly confined, like P. Ryl. no, to a list 


of the χζίρίσμόζ, the question which official was addressed remains uncertain. 
The omission is in any case to be connected with the fact that 1449 is a rough 
draft or copy, as is clearly shown by the frequent abbreviations and abrupt con- 
clusion, without any signatures or date. 

The four extant fragments do not join. Frs. i and 2, which come from the 
beginning, are separated by a gap, of which the size can only be determined with 
any approach to certainty in the case of 11. i and 7-9. Line 7 requires at least 
27 letters between άναθημάτ(ων) [ and ]v. A much longer restoration, inserting 
AvTOKparopos Καίσαρος or τον κυρίου ημών Αυτοκράτοροζ, as in 11. 40 sqq., before 
Μάρκου, would by itself be quite as satisfactory, but does not suit the correspond- 
ing lacunae in 11. 8 (of the same size) and 9 (5 letters longer), where the obvious 
restorations yield 24 and 33 letters respectively, and is only compatible with the 
corresponding lacuna in 1. i (3 letters shorter) on the supposition that both the 
priest whose name is lost and his father had double names. The arrangement of 
Frs. I and 2 adopted in the text is therefore more probable. The ends of lines 
are also missing, but the certain restoration at the end of 1. 8 serves to fix the 
approximate length of the lacunae in the other lines, though there may have been 
some irregularities ; cf. 1. 7, n. In 1. 12 there is a change of hand, the second 
being slightly smaller than the first. Fr. 4 consists of the first halves of lines 
belonging to the last column of the document, there being a blank space below 
1. 65. Whether this column immediately followed the first is uncertain. The 
list of temples in 11. 3-7 does not correspond exactly to the later details, so far as 
these are preserved. Lines 8-1 1, and probably 11. 11-31 also (cf. 1. 11, n.), refer 
to a temple of Neotera which seems to have been mentioned at the beginning of 
1. 5, unless it is the temple of Apollo and Neotera in 1. 4 ; 11. 40-1 apparently 
refer to one of the other five Oxyrhynchus temples, and 11. 42-53 to the 
Cynopolite village-temple mentioned in 11. 6-7 (cf. 1. 42, n.) ; but 11. 54-65 are 
concerned with temples at various villages of the Oxyrhynchite nome which were 
not mentioned in 11. 3-7. There is not room in Col. i, of which the height is 
uncertain, but which is not likely to have exceeded 50 lines, for the account of 
the four remaining temples of Oxyrhynchus, if the dedications were at all 
numerous like those in the temple of Neotera ; but there are indications 
that the account of the temple to which 11. 40-1 refer occupied only 2^ lines 
(1. 40, n.), and if the other four were also dealt with briefly or partly omitted, 
there were only two columns in all. Hence we have provisionally assigned Fr, 3, 
which contains the ends of 8 lines, to the lower part of Col. i. The few 
details preserved in it suggest that it refers to the same temple as 11. 8-31, for the 
objects described previously do not recur in it, and there is no trace of a mention 
of a new temple. But since no combination of Fr. 3 with 11. 8-31 is practicable. 


the list of objects at the temple of Neotera, if it continued up to 1. 39 or 
beyond, leaves only about 10 lines in Col. i available for the four temples not 
accounted for ; and if one or more columns intervened between Cols, i and ii, 
Fr. 3 may equally well belong to the interval. 

The unusually detailed list of offerings, including the donors' names where 
known (cf. 11. 9-12), though much obscured by lacunae, presents a number of 
points of interest. The first place in each section referring to a particular temple 
is given to an uKovihiov (e. g. 11. 8, 4%, 54, 63) of the reigning Emperor with his 
parents : the material of these triads is not stated but is likely to have been stone. 
There were also numerous statues or statuettes of gods, a ξόανον of Demeter 
partly in Parian marble, partly in wood (11. lo-ii), one of Neotera in bronze 
(1. 12), and another affixed to an uncertain object (1. 13), and one of an uncertain 
deity, partly in marble (1. 14), figures of Typhon (1. 14) and Harpocrates (1. 24), 
a gold statuette of Aphrodite (1. ^^ ?), ανΖριαντάρια of Zeus and Hera (1. 58) and 
perhaps of Demeter (1. 49, n.), silver figures of Core (1. 44) and apparently Bubastis 
(1. 19) on lamps, and a rudder representing Neotera (1. 14?). The other offerings, 
classified according to their materials, comprise \i)gold, lamps (II. 15, 48), armlets, 
and finger-rings (1. 16 ; cf. 1. 13), spoons and pen (1. 17), pendant {στραγγαλίί, 1. 23 ; 
cf. 1. 18, n.), 2 κρίκοι (1. 24), crescent {μψίσκιον, 1. 26; cf. 1. 18, n.) and other 
objects (11. 17, 19 (with a ττροσκννητηριον?), 2i, 25) ; (2) silver, pens (1. 17), armlets 
of different kinds, crescent and pendant (1. 18), mirror (1. 19), lamps (11. 19, 22 ; cf. 
1. 44), altar (1. 49), besides uncertain objects (11. 22-3) ; (3) bronze, mirror (11. 21-2, 
cfi), spoons (1. 30), lamps (11. 35-8), altar (1. 47), trencher {μαζονόμο^, 11. 58, 6o), 
uncertain (1. 29) ; (4) stone, lacchus-shrine (1. 46) and other objects (11. 14, ao, 34) ; 
(5) wood, probably a table (1. 23), couch (1. 41), part of a lamp (1. 44) ; (6) clothing, 
green robe (1. 13), cloaks (τταλλίολον, 11. 32, 39)^ Ιμάτια (1. 51), coverings (ττίρί- 
στρωμα, 11. 55> ^^) 5 (7) miscellaneous, pearl necklaces, one containing 52 pearls 
(1. 25), a pair of KophUia (1. c^^, n.), and a daily supply of oil (1. 6^). Many of 
these objects are not found in the other lists of temple property; cf. Otto, 
Priester und Tempel, i. 327 sqq. 

Col. i. Frs. I and 2. 

1 ΙΤ[α]/9ά Αυρ{τ]\ί(ύν) Ζωίλ{ον) 'Απολλώνιου μητ{ρο9) Αύρ{ηλία9) Αχι[λλί8{ο?) 

και 14 letters μη]τ{ροή Αύρ{ηλίαή Τααφνγχ{ιο5) αμφοτέρων [ ] 

καΐ των συν am{ols) lepiwv A[ibs και "Ηρα? και Άταργάτιδ{ο?) 

2 και Κόρη? και Διονύσου και Άπ6λλων[ο]? [καΐ Νΐωτ^ρα? και των συννάων 

θί]ων και κωμαστων προ[τομών τον] κυρ{[ο]υ Χφαστοϋ και νίκη? [αύτοΰ 
προαγούση? και 


3 Ίονλία9 Δόμνας ^ξβαστης και τον θ€θ[ν πατρός αντοΰ ? ^€ονήρον ]νων 

αύτων ίξρων τω[ν όντων] kv Trj μητροποΚ[ζΐ) en ι μ\ν το\υ Διονύσου €π 

4 Δρ6μ{ον) Θοήρί8{οή, τον Se hepov Άττόλλωνο? .[ 3ΐ 1. Oeov μ€γ]άλου άγαθοΰ 

δαψ{ονο9) καΐ Ν€ωτ{ύρας) [kv tois άπ]ρ νότου της π[ό]λ€ω? ίπ ά[πη]- 
\[ιώτην) [μ^ρ€σιν evr' άμφ6δ{ον) . . . . ( ), 

5 καΐ kv Tois άπο νότου knl λίβα μίρ^σί τη[ς πόλ{ξως) kn άμφόδ{ον) . . . . ( ) 

Ν€ωτ{€ρας)?, και kn άμφ6δ{ου)] ίΤλατ(€ΐα?) €Κ νότ{ον) του Δημητρ{ζίου) 
Δω? καί"Η[ρα9 κ]αΙ 'Αταργάτ[ιδ]ος Β€θ€ννύν[ίδ{οή ? καΙΚόρψ, και kn άμ- 

6 φ[ό]δ{ου) Δρόμ{ρν) Τυμνα{σίου) Διός καΐ "Ηρας και 'Λταργάτ[ιδ{οή BeOevvv- 

νιδ{ος) και Κόρη?, και kn άμφόδ{ου) Ί]ππ€ων Παρ€μβολ{ηή Πατ€μιτ 
λα[νρα]ς [Δι\ος και "Ηρας και Άταργάτιδ{ος) κ[αι Κόρης } , και kv 

7 του Κυνο7Γθλ{ίτου) Δώς και "Ηρας. γρα{φη) άναθημάτ{ων) [του κ. (βτονς) 

Μάρκου Αυρηλίου ^€ουήρο]υ Άντωνίνον Παρθικού Μ€γίστου Βρζταννικοΰ 
Μζγίστου Γερμανικού Μίγίστο[υ Ευσεβούς Σεβαστού. 

8 εστί 8l• των μ\ν kv τω της Ν€ωτ{€ρας) ιερ[ω, άκονείδιον του κυρίου ήμω]ν 

Αύτοκράτορος Μάρκου Αύρηλί[ό\υ Χεουήρου Άντωνίνου Ευτυχούς [Ευ- 
σεβούς Χφαστοϋ 

9 καΐ 'Ιουλίας Δόμνας της κυρίας Σεβαστής [και του θεοϋ ττατρος αύτοΰ 

Χεουήρου, k^ri\κειμε[v]ωv kiri τίνων άναθημάτ{ων) τα 6νόματ(α) των 
άναβ[εντ{ων) ίο 1., km 

10 yap άλλων μη γεινώσκειν ήμεΐν τους [άναθεντας δια το τα άναθήματ{α) αττο 

άρχαί]ων χρόνων kv τω ιερω είναι, ξόανον Δήμητρος 6[εάς μεγίστ{ης), 
ου ή προτομ{η) 

1 1 Παρίνη, τα δε άλλα μέρη τον σώματ{ος) ^[ύλινα, S3 1• ]<ί>ϊ^^^°ν •[••]• ^[• •]^[• •] 

ήμεΐν ουκ kπεδείχθ{η). και kni [ των kK της 

1 2 άνωθ{εν) συνηθ{είας) κατ ^ύχ{ήν) και εύσεβ{ειαν) άνιερωθεντ{ων), [ 26 1. ά]να. 

τεθ{ε ) υπο Φρ[α }]γ^ν[ο]υς 'η[ρί]ωνος, (and hand) ^ό[α]νον Νεωτ{ερας) 
χα{λκοΰν) μεικ{ρόν), δακτύλ{ιοί) ε [άνατεθ{εντες) υπο 

13 Διδνμ{ου), στολή καλλαΐνη άνατεθ{εΐσα) υπο τ{ής) μητ{ρος) Άν[ 26 1. ά]να- 

τεθ{ε ) υπο Κάστορος Άσκληπ{ιάδου), [βε ?]λενκωτο[ς] μεικ{ρος) k<j) ου 
ξόανον της Νεωτ{ερας) άποβ .[ Ι7 1• 

14 λιθ{ιν ) εύτόμου λίθ{ου), πηδάλ{ιον) τής [Νεωτ{ερας)'? , ξόανον 3θ 1., ο]υ 

ή προτομ{η) Π[α]ρίνη, τά δε περίαπτ[α επί]πλαστ{α), Τυψών τίνων μερών 
κα[ 17 1. 


15 κατά μ€{σον) Κ€Κολ{λημ€ν ) και τα kv γλωσσ[οκ6μω ΐ6 1, Χνχνοι )(ρ(ι>σοΐ) 

μζίκ(ροί) μ]€στ{οι) θζΐ[θί] β ai^[are]^(ei/rey) νπο H αρα[π[ίωΐΌ5)] ^ αραπ{ίωρος), 
aX(Xos) λ[ιίχ(ι/09)] χρ{νσον9) [μ]€ίκ{ρο9) μ(στ{ο5) Oeio^s) άρατζθ{ίΐ9) νπο 
Xapa^ipTos) !4χ[ίλλ( ), a\(\os!) λύχ(ι/οίί) χ^ρ{υσοΰ9) μ€ίκ(ρο9) μ€στ{ος) 

θ€Ϊ0{9) ? 

1 6 άΐ'ατ€θ(ζΐς) νπο Πτολξμαΐδο? γνναι[κο^ 36 1., S)v ό στα]θμ{ο5) Si{a) των 

κατά y(^p6vo{v) γρα[φων) \8η^οντ{αι), π^[ρι8ί^ϊ\α παι8ίκ[α) ι καΐ παίδικ{θ9) 
δακτνλ(ιος) α, βττί [το α{ύτο) χρ{νσον) {τίτάρτων)} ., ιοί. 

1 7 μύστ{ρα) χρ{νσα) β, y/)[a]0e[io(i')] χρ{νσονν) μακ{ρον) α, ορα[ ^-^ 1. μ]ζΐκ{ρ ) 

α, πάντ{α) €πΙ το α[ντο] )(ρ{υσον) [(τετάρτων) 9 1• ] • Xf}{y<^ ) (ντο[μο ) 
άργνροπ{οιητο ?) α {τετάρτων) β, γραφεία άργ(νρά) [ ly Ι. 

1 8 ψβλιοΐν) apy[vpovv) παι8ι[κ(6ν), ..]...[ 34 1• 7Γ€ρ]ιδ€ξ{ια) άργ(νρά) β, μηνί- 

σκ{ίον) [ ^]f}[yiyP )j τ^όίντία) όλκ{ής) {βραχμων) η (τριω- 

βόλον), aTpavy{a\h) apyiypd) ο[ Ι7 1• 
^9 χ[ρ{^^ )] <^^ν πρ{οσ)κννη[τηρίω ? ^^ \• ] . . [o]XAf(^s) {δρ.) δ {τριωβ.), οσυπτρον 

apyiypovv) π[αίδίκ{6ν), ] af>y{vp ) μ^ικ{ρ ) τ, \αμπάδ[^9) apyiv- 

ραΐ) καλαΐ Βονβασ[τ 1 6 1. 
2θ [πάν]τ{α) ίπΐ το α{ντο) δλ{κήή {δραχμών ?) [ 4ο 1• στάψμον \ΐ\χοντα μξστ{α) 

κτ)[ ΙΟ 1. ] . . oy χντ{οιή \ίθ{ινον) ίν κβκολλημ{ύνοΐ'), καΐ €T€po[u 16 1. 
21 [. . . ψ]€λίον κατ[α 44 1• ] . . [.]ί? σάκκου χρ{νσ ) κ[ ίο 1. ] . ον αση{μον) 

και ίπάνω κονχνλ{ΐ)ον και [ Η 1., κάτοπτρον 
2 2 [χ]αλίί(οί5ι/) veωτip[ικ{ov) 48 1. ] β, λαμπ{αή άργ{νρά) μ€στ{η) [ ΐο 1. ] . . . ( ) 

dpy{vp ) μ€ΐκ{ρ ) π€ρικ€χρνσωμ{€ν ) α[ ly 1. 

23 άργ{νρ ) β, τράπ[ζζα 4ΐ 1. ]α πάντ{α) μ^στ{α) Oeia μζΐ[κ{ρα) σνν 

] • 9y^9^j άλ{\η) aTpavy{a\h) χρ{νσα) Κ€Κθλλημ{€ρη), ορα[ 17 1• 

24 ^νκολλητ{ ) χντ{ ) [λιθ{ιν ) 41 1- ] • • [o]u κ€Κθ[λ]λημ{€νον) χντ{ον) λίθ{ινον) 

[ ΙΟ 1. ] .... (j- (j-i)v KpiK{ois) χρ{υσοΪ9) β, Άρποκρά[τη9 14 1• 

25 Χ/?(ι^σ ) μξΐκ{ρ ) μξστ{ ) θ[€ί 42 1. ] πζΐνώτ{ιον) [...., αλ(λο)] πζΐνά>τ{ιον) 

[. . . 7Γ€ί]ι/ων σ^[/ι]/χί'/ίτ(ωϊ/) αριθμώ νβ 'ίχον κατ[α μίσον ? 12 1. 

26 μψίσκ{ιον) χρ{νσονν), τρ[ 44 1- ] Atf.i{f(p ) «[ ]νρα ^, [ 5° 1' 

27 erepa μτ]νίσ[κ{ια) 57 ^• ] - μ{ ) [ 5^ 1• 

28 /x€i/c(/) ) α, άλ{λ ) κ€ΐ[ 29 χα{λκ ) ν άριθμ[ω ^ο μύστ{ρα) 

χα{λκά) δ μ€ΐκ{ρά) . [ 31 [ά]μφοτ{^ρ ) μ[€σ]τ{ ) [ 


Fr. 3. 

32 ] 7Γαλλ[ίΌλ(οι/) ? 33 Άφρο ?]δ€ίτ(ί;) χρυσ{ά) 34 ly/^^i/?/ 35 λν]χνο5 

μ€στο{^) 3 6 If', λνχ{νο?) χα{λκον9) 37 ayaredev 38 ] ctX{\o?) 

Xv)(^uos 39 jo'^ παλλίολ(οι/) 

Col. ii. Fr. 4. 

40 rou κυρίου ημών Αυτοκράτορας Μάρκου Αυρηλίου Χ^ουήρου Άν[τωνίνου 

Ευτυχούς Εύσββοΰς ϋ^βαστοΰ και του θβοΰ πατρός αύτοϋ 

41 ^^ουήρου καΐ 'Ιουλίας Δόμνας της κυρίας ϋββαστής, κλ^ίνη ξ[υλ{ίνη) 

57 letters 

42 του Κυνοπ{ολίτου) lkovUSiov του κυρίου ημών Αυτοκράτορας Μάρκου [Αυρη- 

λίου Χζουηρου Αντωνίνου Ευτυχούς Εύσφοϋς Χφαστοΰ καΐ του Θίοΰ 

43 πατρός αύτοϋ ^€ουήρου και ^Ιουλίας Δόμνας της κυρίας Χφαστη[ς 59 1•5 

44 λαμπ{ας) συν ζωδίω Κόρης άργυρω άσήμ{ω) όλκ{ής) λί{τρας) α '4σωθ{€ν) 

ξυλ{ίνη), €χου[σα 4^ 1., άνατ€θ{€Ϊσα) ύπο της 
46 μητ{ρος) Διονυσίας Δζίου απ' Ό^υί^ρύγχων) πόλ{€ως) άκολούθ{ως) οΐς συν^χω- 
ρήθ{η) ύπο Αύρ[{ηλίου) 59 1• 

46 θ^ου, και Ίαχχάριον μ€ΐκ{ρον) άπο ^€Vik{oO) λίθ{ου) άνατ€θ{ίν) ύπο Ανδρο- 

μάχ{ου) [ 6ο 1. 

47 βωμός χα{λκοϋς) άνατβθ{€ΐς) ύπο Ζμαράγδ{ου) άπ€λ€υθ{€ρου) Απολλ(ϋ{νίου) 

Χαραπ{ίωνος) άκ[ολού6{ως) οΐς συν€χωρήθη ύπο 39 1• 

48 και 6μοί{ως) πρ{οσ)€γ€ν€τ{ο) τω α (eVet) λαμπ{ας) χρ{υσά) έχουσα κατά μίσον 

. [ 6ο 1. 

49 [ά]νατζθ{€ΐς) ύπο Ήρακλ^ίδου Χαραπίωνος, άλ{λος) βωμ{ος) άργ{νροΰς) λί{τρας) 

α όγκιών eZ. [ 60 1. 

50 [θ]€άς μζγίστης λι{τρών) u άνατβ6{ ) ύπο Αύρ{ηλίου) 'Ιουλίου τω α {^τ€ΐ), 

και €1/ τω δ [(βτ€ΐ) S5 ^• σ€ση{μμ€ν ) 

51 [α\χρηστ{ο ) α, τα δζ Ιμάτια πάντ{α) άπο τ{ου) χρό{νου) σ€ση{μμ€να) 

άχρηστ{α) μηδ\ ΐχντ} [ 6ο 1. 

52 και πρ{οσ)€γ€ν[€]το τω ς {^Tei) μη{νι) Θωθ kv Ίξρω της Κόρης ^όανο[ν 

3θ 1. άνατίθ(€ν) ύπο 3θ 1. 

53 [γν]μνα(σιαρχήσαντος), και τω δι^λθόντι μη{νι) Φαώ{φι) κορδικίων ζίΰγος 

[ 6ο1. 


54 \κ'\ωιι[(ύν) τον νομοΰ' εστί Se- Hivapv, ίκονβίδων τον κνρίον ήμ[ων Άντοκρά 

Topos Μάρκον Ανρηλίον Χξουήρον Άντωνίνου Εντυ^ρν^ Εύσββον^ 

55 [^β]βαστοΰ καΐ τον Oeov πατρός αντον ^ζονήρον και 'lovXias Δ6[μνας της 

κνρίας ^ζβαστης 2g 1. τηρίστρωμα 

56 [φοϊ\νύκίνον σ€ση{μμ€νορ) άχρηστ{ον), κάτοτΓ{τρον) ν^ωτ^ρικ^ον) χα(λκουί/) 

δίπ(τνχ^ον) α. Τα[ ίο 1. elKoveiSioj/ τον κνρίον ημών Αντοκράτορος 
Μάρκον Αυρηλίου 

57 [Χ^]ουήρου Άντωνίνου Εύτυγονς Ενσββονς Χ^βαστον και τον [θΐον ττατρος 

αύτον Χ^ονήρον και Ίονλίας Δόμνας της κυρίας Χ^βαστης, 

58 ^ν ίξρω μαζονόμ{ος) χα{λκονς) α, άνδριαντάρια β Διός και "Ηρας θ€ώ[ν 

μεγίστων. 3^ 1• ^ίκον^ίδιον τον κυρίου 

59 ήμόον Αυτοκράτορας Μάρκον Ανρηλίον ^€ονήρον Άντωνίν[ον Εντν•)(ονς Εν- 

σββονς "Χζβαστον και τον θ^ον πατρός αντον ^βονήρον και Ίονλίας 
6ο Δόμνας της κνρίας "Ζ^βαστης, μ[α]ζονόμος γα^Κκονς) α κα\ι 2θ 1. ζΐκον^ίδιον 
τον κνρίον ημών Αυτοκράτορας Μάρκον 

6 1 Αυρηλίου Χ^ονήρον Αντωνίνον Εντνγονς Ενσ^βονς Χίβαστο\ρ και τον θίον 

πατρός αντον Ζ^ονήρον και Ίονλίας Δόμνας της κνρίας Χφαστης, 

62 πξρίστρωμα σζσημ{μβνον) άχρηστ{ον) α. Κζρκζθνρβως και Κ€ρκ[€ 59 ^• 

63 ίί' ταΐς ανταΐς κώμαις €iKovei8[t]a δύο του κνρίον ήμων [Αντοκράτορος Μάρκον 

Ανρηλίον ^ζονήρον 'Αντωνίνον Εντνγονς Ενσ^βονς 
04 Α^βαστοϋ και τον θβον πατρός αντον Χ^ονήρον και Ιονλίας Δόμ[νας της 

κνρίας Ζ^βαστης, και χ^ορηγζΐται νπο 24 1. 
^5 Ύνμνασιαρχ(τησαντος) ελαίου ήμ€ρησίω[ς] κοτύλης ήμισν αν X<upei €i[s 59 ^• 

Ι. 'iepemv Π. 3• 'tovKias Π; SO in 11. 9, 41) 43» 55> ^4•' tfP*»" π. 6. πατίμίτ Π. 

8. 'Up\a> Π; SO in 11. 10, 52, 58. 9• 1• 'Γ"" ονομάτ{ων). ΙΟ, 1. ημάς. 12. ανΪ€ρωθ. Π. 

13- καλλαϊνη Π. 14. νφ Π. 15. ϋπο Π; SO in 11. 1 6, ζο. 1 6. πτολεμαϊδοί Ώ. 1 7- δ' β 
IT. 19. πρ{οσ) is written ρ\ as in 11. 48 and 52. 1. ΐσοπτρον. 42. ίκονΐώιον Π; so 

in 1. 54• 44• ρω of αργυρω COrr. 46• ΐαχχαρίον π, ζθ. ϊουλιου U. ζΐ. ιμάτια 

. . . ίχνη Π. 6θ. ον of μ\α\ζονομος COrr. 

1-20, ' From the Aurelii, Zoilus son of Apollonius and Aurelia Achillis, and . . . son 
of . . . and Aurelia Taaphunchis, both . . ., and their associates, priests of Zeus, Hera, 
Atargatis, Core, Dionysus, Apollo, Neotera, and the associated gods, and celebrants of 
the busts of the lord Augustus and his advancing victory and Julia Domna Augusta and 
his. deified father Severus, at their . . . temples situated in the metropolis, in the case of 
Dionysus in the quarter of the Square of Thoeris, in the other case, that of Apollo ... the 
great god and good genius, and Neotera, in the south-east part of the city in the quarter 
of . . ., in the south-west part of the city . . . and in the Broad Street quarter to the south of 


the shrine of Demeter that of Zeus, Hera, Atargatis Bethennunis, and Core, and in the 
Gymnasium Square quarter that of Zeus, Hera, Atargatis Bethennunis, and Core, and in 
the Cavalry Camp quarter, Patemit street, that of Zeus, Hera, Atargatis, and Core, and 
in ... of the Cynopolite nome that of Zeus and Hera. List of offerings for the 2[.] year of 
Marcus Aurelius Severus Antoninus Parthicus Maximus Britannicus Max. Germanicus 
Max. Pius Augustus, as follows. Objects in the temple of Neotera, a representation of our 
lord the Emperor M. Aurelius Severus Antoninus Felix Pius Augustus and Julia Domna 
the lady Augusta and his deified father Severus, some of the offerings being inscribed with 
the names of the dedicators, . . . while in other cases we are ignorant of the dedicators, 
because the offerings have been in the temple from antiquity ; a statue of Demeter, most 
great goddess, of which the bust is of Parian marble and the other parts of the body of 
wood, . . . was not disclosed to us. And with regard to other offerings, which were 
dedicated in accordance with ancient custom for vows or pious reasons, . . . dedicated by 
Phragenes (?) son of Horion, a small bronze statue of Neotera, 5 rings dedicated by . . . 
son of Didymus, a green robe dedicated by the mother of An ...... . dedicated by Castor 

son of Asclepiades, a small . . ., on which is a statuette of Neotera . . ,, a stone . . . of well- 
cut stone, a rudder representing Neotera, a statue of . . ., of which the bust is of Parian 
marble and the amulets are of plaster, a statue of Typhon, part of which . . . joined 
together in the middle, and the ... in a casket, 2 small gold full sacred lamps dedicated by 
Sarapion son of Sarapion, another small gold full sacred lamp dedicated by Saraeus daughter 
of Achill . . ., (another lamp) dedicated by Ptolema'is wife of . . ., of which the weight is 
described in the periodical lists, 10 armlets for a child and i ring for a child, making in all . 
quarters of gold, . . ., 2 gold spoons, i small gold pen, . . . i small . . ., making in all . 
quarters of gold, i gold . . . well cut and decorated with silver, weighing 2 quarters, . silver 
pens, ... a silver bracelet for a child, ... 2 silver armlets, a . . . silver crescent . . ., in all 
weighing 8 drachmae 3 obols, a silver pendant . . ., a gold . . . with a shrine . . ., weighing 
4 dr. 3 ob., a silver mirror for a child, 6 small silver . . ., . fine silver lamps (representing ?) 
Bubastis . . ., in all weighing . . .' 

40-65. ' . . . (a representation) of our lord the Emperor M. Aurelius Severus Antoninus 
Felix Pius Augustus and his deified father Severus, and Julia Domna the lady Augusta, a wooden 
couch ... In .. of the Cynopolite nome a representation of our lord the Emperor M. Aurel. 
Sev. Ant. F. P. Aug. and his deified father Sev. and Jul. Domna the lady Aug., ... a lamp 
with a small figure of Core in unstamped silver weighing ι lb., the interior being of wood, 
having . . ., dedicated by the mother of Dionysia daughter of Dius, of Oxyrhynchus, in 
accordance with the agreement of Aurelius . . ., and a small shrine of lacchus of foreign 
stone, dedicated by Andromachus . . ., a bronze altar dedicated by Smaragdus, freedman of 
Apollonius son of Sarapion, in accordance Avith the agreement of . . . Likewise added in 
the I St year, a gold lamp having in the middle . . ., (an altar) . . ., dedicated by Heraclides 
son of Sarapion, another altar of silver weighing i lb. 5^ oz. . . ., a statue of... . the most 

great goddess weighing 15 lb., dedicated by Aurelius Julius in the ist year, and in the 
4th year . . ., i . . . decayed and useless and all the clothing decayed with age and useless, 
having no traces of . . . Added in the 6th year in the month of Thoth at the temple of 
Core, a statue . . ., dedicated by . . . ex-gymnasiarch, and in the past month Phaophi a pair 
of κορδίκια ... In the villages of the nome, as follows : at Sinaru a representation of our lord 
the Emperor M. Aurel. Sev. Ant. F. P. Aug. and his deified father Sev. and Jul. Domna the 
lady Aug. . . ., a dark red covering decayed and useless, i bronze folding mirror in new 

style. At Ta ... a representation of our lord the Emperor M. Aur. Sev. Ant. F. P. Aug. 
and his deified father Sev. and Jul. Domna the lady Aug., in the temple i bronze trencher, 
2 statuettes of Zeus and Hera, most great gods. At ... a representation of our lord the 
Emperor M. Aur. Sev. Ant. F. P. Aug. and his deified father Sev. and Jul. Domna the lady 


Auo-., I bronze trencher and ... At ... a representation of our lord the Emperor M. Aur. 
Sev. Ant. F. P. Aug. and his deified father Sev. and Jul. Domna the lady Aug., i covering 
decayed and useless. At Kerkethoeris and Kerke ... In the said villages two representa- 
tions of our lord the Emperor M. Aur. Sev. Ant. F. P. Aug. and his deified father Sev. and 
Jul. Domna the lady Aug., and there is provided by . . ., ex-gymnasiarch, daily ^ cotyle 
of oil, which goes to . . .' 

1. Άχί^λλίδ(οί) : cf. e.g. 1494. 12. 

άμφοτίρων [ : the lost title was probably προφητών (cf. B. G. U. 488. 3) or 

στο\ιστων (cf. P. Tebt. 298. 3) or πρ€σβυτ{ίρων) (cf. B. G. U. 387. i. 7). 

Δ: toy κτλ. : cf. 11. 5-6. Zeus probably = Ammon ; but with whom Hera was identified 
is uncertain; cf 483. 3 Upewg Aios και "Upas κα\\ . . ., and 1265. 7-1 1 quoted in 1. 2, n. 
For Atargatis cf. 1. 5, n. 

2. Κόρης : cf. 11. 5, 44, and 52. A temple of Demeter and Core in the Arsinoite 
nome is known from P. Petrie 97. 5, and they are mentioned in a stele found at Philadel- 
phia in the same nome (Lefebvre, Annaks, xiii. 99). In the Metelite nome Core was identified 
with Isis (1380. 72). 

Διονύσου : cf. 1. 46 Ίαχχάριον. A Λιοννσε'ιον at Oxyrhynchus occurs in 908. 8, and 

a TOTTOf Διονύσου τβχνιτων in the αμφοΒον Δρόμου θοηρώος (cf. 1. 4) in 171. ΙΟ (ϋ, p. 2o8). The 

tax called σπον8η Διονύσου was not connected only with Oxyrhynchus; cf. 1283. 17, n. 

Άπολλω>'[ο]ί : i. e. Horus. Cf. 984 πασ(τοφόρο$•) Άττολλ. βΐοΰ μεγίσ(του^ οίκων iv παστο- 
φορ'ιω του αυτο{υ) tfpo({;). 

και Νεωτ(€ραΓ) : cf. 1. 4, where she is apparently mentioned in conjunction with Apollo, 
and 1. 8, where a temple of her alone occurs. This was presumably different from the 
temple in 1. 4, and the only suitable place for it in 11. 3-6 is in 1. 5 ; for, though τη[ς 

Ν€ωτ(€ραϊ) might be read in place of το[ΰ Διονύσου in 1. 3 with Διον{ύσου) for NewT(epaf) in 1. 5 

or κ αϊ Διονύσου after Άττόλλωι/οί in 1. 4, the order of the temples in 11. 3-6 ΛνουΜ then bear 
no relation to that of the list of gods in 11. 1-2. With the restorations adopted in the text 
the temples of the first four gods are accounted for in 11. 5-6, those of the last three in 
U• 3-5, but inside each group the order corresponds to that in 11. 1-2. To suppose that 
the temple described at the end of 1. 4 refers to καΐ Ν€ωτ(εραί) alone is unsatisfactory, for the 
preceding words θ^οΰ μ6γ]άλου άγαθοΰ δαίμονος suit Apollo, not the name of an ΆμφοΒον. 
A dedication Nforepa θΐά μ^-γίσττ] occurs in a Dendera inscription of Trajan's reign, C. I. G. 

4716 (i"). 3—4; cf. 11. 20-1 φροντιστοϋ ίίροΰ Αφροδίτης θίας νΐωτψας, Franz SUppOSeS that 

Plotina, the wife of Trajan, is identified with Aphrodite, but it is not clear that a subordinate 
shrine rather than the chief temple of Dendera is indicated. Cleopatra is called θ(α 
vfwTtpa upon coins, and Νεωτ/ρα in 1449 no doubt means Hathor-Aphrodite, though 
Άφρο ?]δ{ίτ{τ]) occurs in 1. 33 and vea is a special title of Isis in 1380. 85. 

και των συννάων βΐ^ών κτλ. : cf. 1265. 7-Ι I (α. D. 33^) Ι^ρίως iepoi Διός καΙ'Ήρας κα\ των συν. θ. 
μεγίστων [κα ι κωμαστοΰ βίων προτομών κα\ νίκης αυτών προα(^γ)ούσης. The θεΐαι προτομαί there 

refer to the Emperor and his family, as here, and the temple was one of the three temples 
of Zeus and Hera in 11. 5-6. β^ών μΐγίστ]ων can be read for θΐ]ών, if Νβωτεραϊ and συννάων 
were abbreviated. 

3. \νων is probably the termination of a participle -μ^νων. Oeoi πατρός αυτοΰ Ί,€ουηρου 
occurs regularly in Col. ii, where Julia Domna is placed third instead of second and called 
κυρία Σφαστη, as in 1. 9, where she again comes second. The omission of πατρός αυτοΰ is 
possible here, but hardly in 1. 9. With β€ο[ύ Σ€ουηρου the lacuna can be filled by τών 
ίπογεγραμμ€]νων. For the association of Caracalla's parents with him cf. Preisigke, S.B. 4275. 

4. 'Απόλλωνος . [ : καί might be read, but the insertion of another male deity at this 
point is not wanted ; cf. 1. 2, n. 


5. For the supplement Νίωτ(εραί) cf. 1. 2, n. Twenty-eight letters are expected in the 
lacuna before ΙίΚητ{ΐΊας), and the restoration in the text is rather long (32 letters) if 

ττόλεωϊ was written out as in 1. 4 ; but to connect eV άμφό^υ] Πλατ, with τη[ς πολεω? is 

unsatisfactory, for there is already one additional piece of topographical information after 
Πλατ., so that another before eV άμφόδ(ου)] would be quite superfluous; cf. 1. 2, n. The 
missing name of the αμφο8ον either here or at the end of 1. 4 may well have been Κρητ(^ικον), 
which in 43. verso iii. 15 is mentioned next before the νοτινη πύλη. 

Αημητρ^ΐίον) Ι cf. 1485. 3• Several temples of Demeter in the Arsinoite nome are 
known (cf. Otto, op. cit. ii. 379), her cult being sometimes associated with that of Core ; cf. 
II. 2, 49, nn, and lo-ii. 

Άτα/3•)/άτ[ιδ]οί ν,(βίννΰν\ώ{ρ%) ? και Ko/jjjs : Atargatis was a Semitic deity, a form of Astarte, 
worshipped in Syria and sometimes identified with Isis (1380. 100, n.). This is the first 
definite mention of her cult in Egypt, but she was presumably meant by θίο. Συρία in 
P. Magd. 2 (cf. Strack, Arc/ii'v, ii. 547). Beeeuvvv[ib[os) (or -ν[ηί) appears to be a Semitic 
compound of oe/k and another word. A village called ΒηθίνναβρΊς near Caesarea occurs in 
Joseph, Bell. Jud. iv. 7. 4. For Core cf. 1. 2, n. 

6. Δρό/χ(ου) Υνμνα{(τΊον) : the context suggests that the Gymnasium was in the south- 
western part of the city (I. 5) ; in 43. verso it occurs in iv. 6, between buildings in the 
south (iii. 17 νοτινη ττνλη and 19 νοτ. ϊκκλησΊα) and places on the river-bank, i.e. east (iv. 24 
Καί(σα)/)θί βάλανε'ιορ, V. I μικρόν Ή eiKo μέτρων), the northern and western parts of the city 
apparently occupying Cols. i-ii. 

Ώατ(μ\τ λα[ύρα]ί : the lacuna is rather narrow for vpa, but Πατεμίτ as the name of a street 
is confirmed by the existence of a Ιΐατ€μίτης toparchy in the Hermopolite nome (e. g. 
P. Ryl. 123. 12). For the termination cf. P. Amh. 35. 21 eVt τοΰ npe/xtV at Socnopaei 

7. The year cannot be earlier than the 22nd owing to the occurrence of the title 
Germanicus Maximus ; cf. 1406. int. For the omission of Αυτοκράτορας Καίσαρος cf int. and 
e.g. B. G. U. 534. 19. The omission of Έ,υτυχοΰς, which is uniformly found elsewhere in 
1449, is common. The insertion of it would make this line project considerably, but in 
Col. ii the lacunae at the ends of lines range from 52 letters (1. 40) to 65 (1. 59), though 
commencing at the same point. 

8. For Νεωτ[ερας) cf. 1. 2, n., and for eiKovidiov (a new diminutive) int. p. 136. There 
would be room after βίκοι/, for an abbreviated adjective, e. g. λίθ(^ινον), but elsewhere in 1449 
eiKoviSiov is found without an epithet. 

9—10. For [και τοϋ θ(οΰ κτλ. : cf. 1. 3> ^• The clauses ίττ^κ^ιμί^ιΑων . . . iepia tivai seem 
to be awkwardly placed after the enumeration of objects had begun, and the grammar 
is defective ; cf. the crit. nn. yivayaKfiv appears to be governed by δηλοϋμΐν understood. 

A parallel phrase γ(ν]ομ€νων άγνωστων ήμύν occurred in Β. G. U. 590. 6. το κα\τ' {avhpa) or 

τοΙς are less probable readings than τους. 

ΙΟ— II. Δημητρος θ^ΐάς μ(γΊστ(^]ς) : cf. 11. 49 ^^^ 5) ^4} ^^• ^^ΐ ου ή προτομή ] Ώαρίνη cf. 

1. 14 and E.G. U. 387. ii. 3, where a similar phrase is indicated by ai προτομαί [ following 

uv8pfavTapfio\y (1. avdpeavrapeia [?). 

11. κα\ ί'πί [ : άλλων is rather short for the lacuna, and the construction is not 

clear, κατά την might be substituted for «κ της in spite of the following κατ euxijjv), and 
possibly καΐ eVi ... is connected with the preceding clause instead of being, as we suppose, 
a heading corresponding to επι]κ(ΐμ([ν^ων ini τίνων άναθημάτ(ων) and eVt] yap άλλων in 11. 9-10. 
The offerings enumerated in 11. 12-14 i^i ^^y case seem to belong to the same temple as 
those in 11. 8-1 1, and that κα\ 4π\ ... is contrasted with των μίν iv τω της Ν€ωτ(ΐρας) Ί(ρ[ω in 
1. 8 is unlikely. 

12. Φ/3[α]•}/6ΐ [o]ui (.?) : 'Qp[t]yei'[o]u£ cannot be read. 


13. βί'γίνκ<ύτο[ς] : there is hardly room for [p] after το. No word ending -γκωτος seems 
to be known, but βίΚ^νκώθια κώ. σηστρί^ια ωσι ds ξυλαμην occur in P. Fay. 1 1 8. 20, where 
instruments of some kind appear to be meant. 

άττοθ . [ : άποβη[κη, ' casket ' (beginning a new entry), is possible, but the vestige of a letter 
after θ rather suggests η or e. 

14. τψ [Ν€ωτ(ε>αί) : cf 11. 8, 1 3, and 2, n. Representations of deities are often found 
as the παράσημα of boats, i. e. on the prow, but not elsewhere in papyri upon the rudder. 
ξόανον Δήμητρας θ(άς μεγίστης (cf. 11. ιο-ιι, η.) just fills the space before ο]δ, which is more 

probable than η]ς. [(υ\πλαστ{η) (cf 1. I 7 ΐντο{μο )) is possible instead of [€πί]πλαστ{α). 

Ύνφών : i. e. Set, who in ancient times was the chief deity of the Oxyrhynchite 

15. κατά /ie(croi') : cf. 1. 48• 

μ]€στ{οΙ): cf. 11. 20, 2 2 {λαμπάς), 23 and 25 (in both cases followed by uelos, as here), 
3I) 35 (^i'X'Os), P. Hamb. 23. 34 μίστα άγγΐα. and η. 

1 6. κατά χρόνο(ν) ■γρα{φων): cf int. p. 1 34. 

π([ρώίξι]α: cf. 1. 1 8. π€[ρ[απτ]α (cf 1. 1 4) is leSS probable. For eVl [τό α{υτ6) 

cf 1. 17. 

17. μύστ{ρα): cf. 1. 30 and 921. 25. /χεστ(ά) (cf. 1. 15, n.) is inadmissible. 
opa[ : cf 11. 23 and 18, n. It seems to be a new substantive. 
άργνροπ(θίητο ): or άργνρόπ{ους), since the object contained 2 τέταρτοι of gold. 

18. πΐρ]ώίξ{ια) . . . μηνίσκ^ων) ; cf 11. 26-7 and P. Hamb. lo. 44-5, nn. 
στρανγ{α\ίς) : cf 1. 23 and LXX Judges viii. 26. o[ may well be either a repetition of 

ό[λκης or opn . . . (cf 1. 17, n.). 

a]p[y{vp ) : χ]ρ'{νσ ) might be read, but the weights in drachmae and obols appear to be 
silver, not gold; cf. 11. 19-20. 

19. πρ{οσ)κυνη[τηρίω} : this word is found elsewhere only in Byzantine writers. Cf. 

βωμός in 1. 47• 

Τίονβασ[τ{ ) : this is more likely to refer to the goddess Bubastis than to be an adjective 
referring to the town of Bubastus (cf. the lamp συν ζω8ίω Κόρης άργνρω in 1. 44) > but, since 
the preceding letter is not a figure, Βονβαστ.ις as a distinct item is unsatisfactory, λ, μ, or 
π can be read for the κ of καλαί, κ for the first β and ν for σ in Βονβασ^τ. 

20. σταθμόν: cf. 1. i6. μύστ[ρα) (cf 1. 1 7, n.) could be read for μ(στ{ά). For χντ{6ν) 
λίθ[ινον) κτλ. cf 1. 24. Neither that passage nor 1. 23 favours ΐνκ(κολλημ{(νον) for ev κ(κ. here. 
For a number not expressed by a figure cf 1. 63. 

21-2. κάτοπτρον | ;(]αλκ(οίν) ν(ωτ(ρ\κ[6ν) : cf 1. 56, and for ν(ώτ€ρα, ' ncw Style , 
contrasted with αρχαία in similar lists Otto, op. cit. i. 330. νίωτ(ρικ{6ς) may however be 
parallel to παιδικός (11. i6, 19). 

24. δυσκόλλί/τοί is known, but not «ύκόλλί^τοΓ. 

25. For 6\ίιος following μεστός cf 1. 15, n. 7re(ra)7-ioi/is not attested, but a pearl necklace 
suits the context. For κατ\α μίσον cf. 11. 15, 48. 

26. Perhaps τράπεζα; cf 1. 23. 

28. Possibly κείβωτός (cf 1. 1 5 τα fV ■)/λωσσ[οκόμω), but Κ6φ[ can be read. 

35• λυ]χΐΌί μεστό[ς)•. cf 11. 36, 38, and 1 5, u. The X is, however, very doubtful, the 
traces rather suggesting ] . ινος. 

40. The last word of the preceding column was no doubt ei«omSioi/, and probably this 
was the first entry under a new temple ; cf. int. 

42. τον Κννο-η{οΚίτον) : the Cynopolite village mentioned in 11. 6-7 is expected to be 
identical with this one, but had a temple of Zeus and Hera, whereas this village, to which all 
11. 42-53 apparently refer, had a temple of Core (1. 52; cf the ζώ^ιον Κόρης in 1. 44), 
and the Ίαχχάρίον in 1. 46 suggests that Dionysus was also worshipped there ; cf int. On 


the combination of the Cynopolite with the Oxyrhynchite nome for administrative purposes 
see 1453. 13, n. 

46. βΐον is more probably the termination of the patronymic of the dedicator (e. g. 

Δωσί|^/ου) than dtov. 

Ίαχχάριον : the diminutive seems to be new. Cf. Διονύσου in 1. 2. 

49. [ά]νατ€θ{ύή : βωμός probably preceded ; cf. ak{\os) βωμ{όή, which might, however, 
refer back to 1. 47. The weight (i lb. 5| oz. of silver) is slightly less than that of the 
silver βωμός in B. G. U. 781. vi. i (i lb. 9 oz. and a fraction). For Αήμητρος\ cf. 1. 10. 

50. For σ(ση{μμ€Ρ ) cf. 1. 51 and 11. 56, 62, where it refers to a πΐρίστρωμα, which is 
hardly suitable here. 

52. eV 'κρω της Κόρης: cf. 1. 42, η. 

53. κορ8ικίων ζ^ΰγος : κορ8ίκιον Only occurs elsewhere in P. Brit. Mus. 429. ϊι (ii. 314 ; 
about A.D. 350), where one κορδ. is valued at 5 talents. The meaning is unknown. 
Wessely {Wt'ener Stud. xxiv. 134) supposed that it was a Latin word Graecized. 

54. [κ]ωμ(ώι/) : cf. int. Sinaru was a village in the lower toparchy (1285. 134). 
55-6. For -πΐρίστρωμα \ cf. 1. 62. ττΐριστρώματα were a speciality of Oxyrhynchus, 

as appears from B. G. U. 781. 10 nepiarp. 'οξυρνγχιτικ{α) β. φοινίκινος, which generally refers 
to palm-oil or wine, is here apparently used of colour. 

56. δίπ{τνχον): cf. B. G. U. 717. 12 κάτοπτρον δίπτνχον. 

Ύα[ : the choice lies between Ύακόνα, Ταλαώ (both in the lower toparchy ; 1285. 130-1), 
Ύανά^ως, Ύακολκίλεως (both middle top.; 1285. 99, 113), Ύααμπψον, Τα/χπεη, ^nd Ύαρονθίνου 
(all eastern top. ; 1285. 88, 612, 384). 

58. μαζονόμ{ος) : cf. 1. 60. For ανδριαντάρια cLW. lo-ii, n. Before eiKoveitiov a villagc- 
name probably occurred; cf. 11. 42, 54 and int. 

60. κα[ί : cf. 1. 46. No Oxyrhynchite village beginning Κα- is known. For elKoueiSiov, 
preceded by a village-name, cf. 1. 58, n. 

62. πΐρίστρωμα: cf. 11. 55-6, n. Κ^ρκεβϋρις was in the western toparchy (1285. 70). 
The village KepK[e . . . here coupled with it was in a different toparchy, if it was Κ^ρκΐμοίνις 
(upper top. ; 1285. 66), or Kepiceipa or Κίρκίνρώσις (both in the middle top. and perhaps 
identical; cf. 1285. 23 and 116). But it is more likely to be an unknown village near 

64-5. This entry concerning oil is of a different character from the rest of the hst, 
which was perhaps left unfinished ; cf. int. e^s λυχναψίαν is not improbable ; cf. 1453. 4, n. 

1450. Estimate of Repairing a Public Building. 

i8xii-4cm. a. d. 249-50. 

This detailed estimate of the cost of roofing (1. 8 εττιστεγωσι?), plastering, and 
otherwise repairing a public building, addressed probably to representatives of 
the senate by a master-builder or carpenter (1. 27, n.), would, if more complete, 
have thrown some valuable light on the building-trade, concerning which not 
much is known (cf. Reil, Beitrdge, 35 sqq.) ; but owing to the loss of both the 
beginning of the document and more than half of each line, as appears from the 
date-formula at the end, little reconstruction of the fragment is practicable in 
the absence of a parallel. The only other papyri which are of much assistance 
with regard to the technical terms are C. P. Herm. 127. verso, a fragmentary 



nearly contemporary account of expenses for public buildings at Hermopolis, 
and P. Stud. Pal. x. 259 (6th cent.), a builder's account ; cf. also the Ptolemaic 
contracts for public works in P. Petrie iii. 43. The building in 1450 had a room 
or court for playing ball (11. 5, 7 σφαφιστηριον, which has not occurred previously 
in papyri) and apparently five furnaces (1. 5, n.), and is therefore likely to have 
been a gymnasium or, better, a public bath ; cf. 1. 10, n., and 54, an application 
to a gymnasiarch and exegetes in A. D. 201 for a payment on account of repairs 
at the baths of Hadrian. Lines i-ii give details of the estimated costs of 
various items, which were apparently summed up in 1. 12 ; 11. 14-24 provide for 
possible modifications in the estimate owing to various contingencies connected 
with the materials or the workmen, concluding with a reference to the supervision 
of the work. 

] . €μβα8ι[κ{ώι/)] 7Γηχ{ων) σπγ €πΙ [ ι8 letters 
π }]f}Taip των δοκών και €πί[ ^7 ^• 

]πα9 fi (pj^ci\f\ οικοδόμοι? και €ρ[γάταΐ9 ] • ?^ 

]ωτον των οστράκων δια πηλον (δραχ^μα?) ρ, κονία9 (h €V- 

5 της] ^^ξδρας ολη? και τον σφαιριστηρίου όλον καμπίνων 

€κ] [δραγ^μων) πθ [όβολον), των e (δρα^ /ias) νμ€ (π^ντώ- 

βολον), κονιαταΐ? συν kpyaTeia 

τη? e]|e(5/)as• και του σφαιριστηρίου, ίπι το αντο (τάλαντα) 

J 9ΐ•> 
] και των άλλων της βπιστβγώσζως [ ίο 1. ?] 
] γράφων και στβγώσβων ίπΐ το πλ{€Ϊον) ή [€λατ{τον) (τά- 
λαντα) . (δραχμας) ?] ρ[. .], και 

10 ] τοπικών ξίδων τη? ίπισκ^νης το[ν ]ι> 

i]ni το ττλβΐον η ίλαττον (τάλαντα) τ (δραγ^μα?) )(ν, 
eni το πλ€]ΐον ή '4λαττον, ητι? και ΐπάνω δβδήλωται €κ σνν- 
[όι|Λ€ω? ? στ6γ ?]ωσ6ωι/ eyej/ero, τινών δβ irpos τα? ννν ονσα? 

]α κατ άλλήλον? eivai ταΐς τβιμαΐ? και τοΐ? μισθοί?, ei δί 
'5 μ]€νον [. . . .]ζσθαι διά τβ άσφάλβιαν ή βύμορφίαν, ο 

] και [. . . .], δ άναγκαιω? προσγξίνβσθαι ιωθζ, 
]β[']αι ky τ[77] συνόψζΐ ή ολίγον άντΙ πλ^ίονο? συν- 
]y. e/ δ\ και των πρ[ο]κ€ΐμβνων €ΐδών μη €V€- 
] η και των ίνγβγραμμίνων kv ταΐ? συνόψβσι 
20 ]f ίκ τον τη? συνόψζω? κεφαλαίου κονφισθήσβται 


el Sk ποτξ fi^ev αν^οι/ται, πθΤ€ Se μιοννται ήτοί ίκ ττροτρο- 
[πί}? η e^] βύσχολία? τ^γν^ίτων η καΐ ίκλημτττόρων η 

] ή μη ξύσγοΧούντούν κατ ανάγκην ttX^lovos 
των ? π]ρο€στώτων η και ίτΓΐμζλου μίνων των €ργων 

25 ] 

[eroi/y α Αύτοκράτοροζ Καίσαρος Ταίου Μεσαίου Κυίντου Τρα]ιανον Αίκίου 

Εύσίβον9 Εντυχ^ονς Χφαστοϋ 
and hand άρχί "ί^τίκτων ίπίδύδωκα. 

6. πθ-^ π. 

Ι. ίμβαδι[κ{ών) πί7χ(ώΐ') : 'square cubits'; cf. 669. 6. 

2. 8οκών : these cost 4 dr. 5 ob. each in C. P. Herm. 127. verso i. 13. 

3. l/ras 17 αΰ'ξαίί] : cf. 1. 21 αϋξονται ποτ€ be μωΰνται. 

4. οστράκων δια πηλοΰ: cf. ττηλοποιία in C. P. Herm. 1 2 7. verso Fr. 4. The use of 
•potsherds in making mortar was an ancient Egyptian custom ; cf. Erman, Ltye in Ancient 

Egypt 419. 

Kovlas : there was apparently a blank space before this word, as occurs after επιστεγώσίω? 
(1. 8), Τκαχτον (11. II, 12), χν (1. ii), iyivero (1. 13), μισθοίς (L 14). On the plasterer's trade 
see Reil, op. cit. 34-5. ets €ύ|[μορφι'αν is possible ; cf. 1. 15• 

5. σφαιριστηρίου : cf. int. A comma should perhaps be placed after όλον. 

καμΐ'ινων: in C. P. Herm. 127. verso Fr. 15. 4 two κά/χιζ/οι are mentioned, and in the 
next line 240 drachmae, which seem to be the price of them, so that 89 dr. i obol in 1. 6 
here are probably the price of a κάμινος. 

6. κονιαταΐί•. cf. 1. 4, η. epyaTela is clearly used in a concrete sense, but whether it 
means tools or workmen is not clear. 

8. €7Γίστ€γώσ6ωΓ : this word seems to be new. The blank space after it (cf. 1. 4, n.) 
may have extended to the end of the line ; cf. 11. 11-12, n. 

9. y ραφών can mean ' paintings '. ζω]y ραφών is not a correct form, but perhaps 
ζω]γραφ{ι)ών should be read, or ζω'^γράφων dependent on another substantive. 

πλ{ΰον) η [€\ατ{τον)•. cf. 11. II-I2, where, however, there is no abbreviation. 

10. To[v ]v: βά\ανίο]υ should perhaps be restored; cf. int. For yvμvaσίo'\υ there 

is not room. 

11-12. After χρ is a blank space of about 12 letters up to the end of 1. 11 ; cf. 
1. 8 n. The next line may well have begun ωστ€ elvai τό παν (or γίνονται) της δαπάνη:, 
followed by a sum. For e/c συν|[ο'ψ€ω5 cf. C. P. Herm. 127. verso Fr. 12. 5, besides 11. 17, 

20 below, and P. Stud. Pal. X. 259. I σΰνοψις άνά\ωμ{άτων). 
13. στ€γ]ώσ€ωΐ' : cf. 1. 9. 
24. τών or ημών or υμών is probable before ττ^ροίστώτων, 

2 0. The year is likely to have been the ist, since Herennius and Hostilianus are not 
mentioned. They occur in the extant papyri of the 2nd year, 1284. 1-5 (Choiak 19) and 
C. P. R. 37. 15-19 (Phamenoth 8) ; cf. 1476. int. 

27. άρχι]Γ€κτων : or τέκτων simply. In the Ptolemaic period άρχιτίκτων is the title of an 
official (Fitzler, Bergwerke 57 sqq.), as also usually in the Roman period {pp. cit. 131 sqq.), 
whereas this individual was probably a private person. A private άρχιτίκτων occurs in 
P. Stud. Pal. X. 259. 6 (6th cent.) together with a τίκτων, and in P. Tebt. 277. 12 (3rd cent.) 

L a 


an άρχιτ€κτων occurs in a list of trades; cf. Reil, op. cit. 31. Some of the details, e.g. the 
δοκοί in I. 2 and επιστίγωσίί in 1. 8, suit a simple τίκτων (' carpenter ' ; cf. Reil, op. cit. 76 sqq.) ; 
but the fact that οΙκο86μοι, ipyarai (1. 3), and κονιαταί (I. 6) were under his direction suits 
' master-builder ' better. 


i6.2X9-3cm. a. d. 175. 

Of this valuable text II. i-io contain the conclusion of a declaration 
addressed to a magistrate by a Roman woman, Trunnia . . . This announced 
the enclosure of (i) an extract from the ofificial records concerning the examina- 
tion (Ιττίκρισι?) of her natural son L. Trunnius Lucilianus and daughter Trunnia 
Marcella, and three young male slaves, by a praefect of the fleet on behalf of the 
praefect of Egypt G. Calvisius Statianus, (2) declarations by three witnesses that 
Marcella was the sister of Lucilianus, and ended with an oath concerning the 
writer's relationship to her children, and the date. The extract itself follows in 
11. 1 1-33, and the whole document apparently closed with the autograph signa- 
tures of Trunnia . . . and the witnesses (11. 33-4). The papyrus is incomplete on 
all four sides, but at the end not more than three or four lines are likely to be 
missing, and at the beginning not more than seven or eight, for neither a column 
in excess of fifty lines nor the loss of a previous column is at all probable. The 
extent of the total gap between one line and the next is clearly fixed by the date 
formula in 11. 8-10 and other certain restorations, derived from parallels, in 
11. 11-12, 13-14, 1^-17, 21-22; the approximate starting-point of each line is 
determined by the heading in 1. 11. 

The extract from the τόμο5 ΐτΐίκρίσίων of the praefect, which was certified by 
a βφλιοφνλαξ of a record-office, probably at Alexandria (I. 3, n.), adds another 
second-century specimen to an important class of documents, of which most are 
badly preserved, but several can now be emended ; cf. the commentary. It stands 
closest to B. G. U. 1032 and Βζίίί. de la soc. arch. d'Alex. xiv. 196 sqq. (P. Alex.), 
which both record the epicrisis of illegitimate sons of Roman mothers, and to 
B. G. U. 1033, which concerns the epicrisis of slaves. Of the other examples, 
B. G. U. 113 and 265 (= W. Ckrest. 458-9), 780, and P. Hamb. 31 and 31 a refer 
to the examination of veterans, while the status of the persons in B. G. U. 847 
(= W. direst. 460) is disputed, a new interpretation of it (that they were Roman 
citizens) being proposed by us in 1. 21, n. P. Flor. 382. 67-91 (= 57 =W. Chrest. 
143), which records the epicrisis of an Alexandrian candidate for the status of 
ephebus before an exegetes, is also somewhat similar. The principal discussions of 
the relation of the extracts which do not concern veterans (all discovered recently) 
to the rest and to the epicrisis of 01 Ik του γνμνασων,μητροττολΐταί δωδεκάδραχ/χοι, and 


other privileged classes in the nomes (cf. 1452. int.) are in Wilcken, Grundz. 
196 sqq. and 395 sqq., where the earlier literature is reviewed, and Jouguet's 
commentary on P. Alex. 

The most striking point in 1451, which admits of an almost complete 
restoration, is the association of a Roman girl of 11 (or possibly i) on equal 
terms with her brother, aged probably 23 (11. 23-4, "•)' i" ^^e epicrisis conducted 
as usual by a military representative of the praefect of Egypt. Wessely 
{Epikrisis 8, Sitz.-Ber. Wien. Akad. 1900) had already called attention to the 
circumstance that the title on the verso of B. G. U. 113 appeared to indicate the 
epicrisis of the daughter of a veteran with her father, and, in spite of Wilcken's 
rejection of that view in Chrest. 458. 16, n., P. Hamb. 31, in which a veteran is 
associated with his son and daughter in an epicrisis, shows that evyarpos αντου in 
the title is dependent upon αντίγρ{αφον) e7r[iKpt(aea)s) : the preceding words may 
well be κ]αί followed by a proper name or τί)?.' Slaves were not more eligible 
for the army than women, and the epicrisis in a family group of a girl and three 
young slaves beside a youth of military age, and of a daughter beside her father, 
shows that, even if the current view concerning the military character of the 
epicrisis of youthful Roman citizens before the praefect be accepted, these 
examinations served other purposes which cannot have been military at all. 
Elsewhere the epicrisis of women is only known for certain in the case of 
a Jewess, subject to the taxes called 'Ιουδαίων τέλ^σμα and ατταρχη in her 6ist 
year although (ττικ^κριμένη in her 59th (P. Stud. Pal. iv, p. 71. 11. 159, 184 
= W. Ckresi. 61). In 1. 86 of the same papyrus Θ[ζρ]μονθαρίου (^[^{eKp^ivns) 
6]μοίω^ άζζλφψ, referring to a woman whose parents obtained Alexandrian citizen- 
ship, was doubtfully restored by Wessely, but not accepted by Wilcken, and it is 
noticeable that in P. Flor. 382 the evidence of status produced by an Alexandrian 
woman is not an epicrisis-certificate but a payment (?) of άτταρχη, apparently 
corresponding to the payment of poll-tax adduced as evidence in ei.g. 1452. 21. 
Poll-tax was not paid by women in Egypt, so that no epicrisis for their admission 
to the privileged class of μητρο-ηολϊται δωδεκάδραχ/χοι was necessary. Hence it has 
been generally assumed that they required no epicrisis before assuming the title 
of άττό γυμνασίου ; but this is not quite certain, for in P. Amh. 99. 4 Έρμωιη} η δια 
^7Γΐκρίσ€ω? Μία η και 'Ερμιόνη occurs, and though this can be explained away, as is 
done by Wilcken, following us, δια Ιττικρίσεω? may refer to an k-nUpiaii of the 
woman herself. But whatever may have been the case with regard to the 
epicrisis of Graeco-Egyptian women in the nomes, it is now clear that Roman 
girls— probably in order to prove their legal status— sometimes or even regularly 
underwent the same epicrisis as their brothers or fathers before the praefect of 
Egypt or his military deputy. 


Secondly, the ages of the persons subject to epicrisis in 1451 and the 
evidence produced in support of their claims lend no support to Jouguet's view 
{op. cit. 213) that Roman and Alexandrian male citizens were subject at the 
age of 14 to a ' financial ' epicrisis, resembling that of μητροττολΐταί δωδ^κάδραχιαοι , 
before a military epicrisis at the age of about 20. If Lucilianus had already 
undergone epicrisis nine years before the date of 1451, the circumstance ought to 
have been mentioned in 11. 22-6 along with or in place of the μαρτυροττοίησι^ of 
his birth. That Marcella and the slaves had never been subject to epicrisis 
previously is obvious, and the reason which led Jouguet to infer the existence of 
a 'financial' epicrisis of Roman citizens at the age of 14, the possibility of 
evasions of poll-tax from the age of 14-19 by persons falsely claiming to be 
Roman citizens, seems to us insufficient in the absence of any direct evidence 
for his view. Male Roman citizens were not, so far as is known, brought up for 
epicrisis before the age of 20 or 23 (1451. 23-4, n.) ; but women appeared at the 
age of II (1451. 32) and slaves at the age of 19 (B. G. U. 1033. 17), 11 or 12 
(B.G. U. 1033. 18, ^^)y 9 (1451. 32), and 5 (1451. ^^). Since the examination 
was apparently held as a rule at Alexandria, so that a journey was in many 
cases necessary, it may have been the custom to present the whole family when 
the time came for the epicrisis of the father or son. 

The occurrence of the epicrisis of girls by a praefect of the fleet on behalf of 
the praefect of Egypt opens, however, a Avider question concerning the funda- 
mental meaning of that term. Owing to the accident that the earliest papyri 
which mention epicrisis to be discovered either referred to veterans or introduced 
references to soldiers, the term was at first supposed to have a definite military 
significance, and though the subsequent evidence adduced by Kenyon (P. Brit. 
Mus. ii. 43 sqq.), ourselves (257. int.), and Wessely (op. cit. and Stud. Pal. iv. 
58 sqq.) established the existence of a financial epicrisis conducted by local 
officials in the χώρα, epicrisis at Alexandria before the praefect or military officers 
has continued to be regarded as in the main a military proceeding with the 
object of enrolling recruits. From this point of view the badly written B. G. U. 
143 (= W. Chrest. 454) ^τ^^ι^ρ^θη Γάιο? ΤΙζτρώνίοί Σβρηνοζ ντΐ[ο] Κρ[ί]7Γου €ττάρχο(υ) 
[κλ]άσ[η]ί Άλeζavhpivηs τω (Iret) κγ Άντωνίνον Καισαρο? του κυρίου Φαώφι ιβ ύττό τοϋ 
Ίτατροί raios ΤΙζτρύύνιος MapKcXXivos is usually explained as a recruiting-certificate 
of a soldier employed in the fleet, and B. G. U. 142 (= W. Chrest. 455) «ττβκρ. 
'Ισίδωρο? Τίρμανοΰ νττο ΤΙρίκου ζττάρ. κλάσ. 'AAe£. κγ (er.) Άντ. Καισ. τοϋ κυρ. Φαω. φ 
L• σττίίρης β Ουλττία Itttt€x{s] τυρμης Ά7Γο[λ]λιζ;αριου ν[ττό] 'Ισιδώρου as a certificate of 
the transference of a soldier from a cohort to the fleet. Presumably, however, 
the epicrisis in those two cases was of the same character as that of Lucilianus, 
Marcella, and the slaves by Juvencus Valens in 1451, where there is no indication 


that the praefect of the fleet was anything more than the deputy of the praefect 
of Egypt. In B. G. U. 1033 the epicrisis was held, partly at any rate, by the 
praefect of Egypt himself, and instances of the delegation of the judicial powers 
of that official to military praefects occur in C. P. R. 18 and 237. viii. 3. Probably 
the epicrisis for the whole country, so far as Romans and Alexandrians were 
concerned, was being conducted in 175 by Juvencus Valens, as is indicated (i) by 
a comparison of 1451 and its parallels with P. Flor. 382, where it is expressly 
stated that the presiding exegetes was concerned with a particular γράμμα, (a) by 
the arrangement of the numbering of the aeXibes and the local subdivisions in the 
headings of these extracts (1. 17 ; cf. 1. 3, n.). Marcella and the slaves were not 
recruits for the fleet, and that all the youths examined at the same time as 
Lucilianus were intended for the fleet is highly improbable, while in the case of 
e. g. P. Alex, it is very unlikely that all the youths examined with G. Julius 
Diogenes were intended for the cohort of the president. In fact we are prepared 
to go a step further, and maintain that, just as the epicrisis of veterans on settling 
in the country was quite distinct from their formal discharge (άπολυσυ) from the 
army (cf. e. g. 1508, where veterans from the fleet are discharged δια τριη{ρ)αργων), 
so the epicrisis of youths of military age was quite distinct from their enrolment 
in the army. B. G. U. 143 we regard as a certificate that Marcellinus had under- 
gone an epicrisis similar to that described in 1451. His father seems to have 
occupied the position of Lucilianus' mother (1451. 20) and that of the ΐΐατ[Ύ\ρ\ if 
that is the right restoration (cf. 1. 21, n.), in B. G. U. 847.11. The word to 

be supplied before v-no του -narpos is probably either [ j^ez^os or ■γνωστξ.νόμζνοζ, 

as in P. Flor. 382. 80. Marcellinus, like Lucilianus and Diogenes, may have 
been intending to become a soldier, but not all Roman citizens in Egypt entered 
the army. In B. G. U. 142 the circumstances were different. Here the examinee 
was a soldier, but the supposed transfer from one branch to another rests on 
a forced interpretation of ck, which as e.g. P. Grenf. ii. 51. 5 διττλοκάρυ e^ άλη? 
[ο\υατραν[(α\ν indicates, implies that he belonged to a cohort, not that he was 
leaving it. The evidence of his name, Isidorus son of Germanus, suggests that 
he belonged rather to the hepoi (1451. 13) than to the *Ρωμαιο6 or 'XX^^avhpas. 
That the military authorities in Egypt were not very particular as to the citizen- 
ship of recruits, at any rate in the auxiliary cohorts, is clear from the occurrence 
of non-Roman names in 735 and B. G. U. 696, and we should regard the epicrisis 
of Isidorus after he became a soldier (he seems to have been vouched for by 
himself; cf. Wilcken, Chrest. 455. int.) as parallel to that of Sempronius Herminus 
in B. G. U. 447. 30. This person was a ίτητίύ? eiArj? Μαυριτανή? Ι'ηικξ.κριμίνο^ υττό 
Σζμτιρωνίον Αίβζράλωί (praefect in 154-9) ^^i^ probably was not an Alexandrian, 
much less Roman, citizen before he entered the army (cf. Lesquier, Rev. de phil. 


1904, 30), for he is mentioned together with a number of Graeco-Egyptian 
inhabitants of an Arsinoite village. The strongest argument for the military 
character of epicrisis in certain cases is the apparent correspondence of Ιπικεκρι- 
μίνο$ to probattis in the phrase tirottes probaii vohmtarii in B. G. U. 696. i. 38 and 
tir.prob. in 1022. 4 (= W. Chrest. 453), which is parallel to Trajan's phrase (Plin. 
Ep. X. 30) dies quo primum probati sunt (sc. tirones illi vohmtarii). Probatus is the 
nearest equivalent of eTriKe/cptjuteVos : that this term ever corresponds to translatus^ 
lectus (-ρρημίνοί; cf. B. G. U. 435• 4), or missus (άττολζλυμένοί), as supposed by 
Lesquier, op. cit. ai, we do not believe. But it is quite impossible to attach the 
technical military sense of probare to Ιτικρίν^ιυ when this term is applied to 
veterans, girls, and slaves, and the proceedings connected with epicrisis before 
the praefect of Egypt or his representative do not in the least resemble a dilectus. 
That €TTtKpiv€Lv approximates to e^era^etv was shown by B. G. U. 562 (cf. Wessely, 
op. cit. 25), and that it does not imply selection was proved by 39 (= W. Chrest. 
456), a certificate of άπολυσιρ concerning a weaver of Oxyrhynchus, ζτίζκρίθη L• 
'AXe^avbpdq being added three times at the end, and probably representing the 
signatures of different officials in the original document of which 39 is a copy. 
That papyrus has generally been considered to refer to rejection from the army, 
but we now prefer to regard it, with Wessely, as referring to a discharge from 
a liturgy of some kind ; cf. 1415. 9. 

To sum up the evidence concerning epicrisis by the praefect of Egypt, the 
following different classes can be distinguished : (i) veterans; (a) other 'Ρωμαίοι, 
whether of advanced years (P. Stud. Pal. iv. 69. 34a, though the reading of the 
figures νθ is doubtful and possibly the individual was a veteran) or of military 
age; (3) Roman women; (4) Alexandrians; (5) freedmen and (6) slaves of 
Romans (or Alexandrians) ; (7) others, i. e. Graeco-Egyptians, whether soldiers 
or not (B. G. U. 14a and 39). The examination was generally held by a military 
representative of the praefect, but the majority of the persons examined was not 
eligible for military service, and probably the object of the procedure was in all 
cases the same, i.e. the determination of legal status, corresponding to the 
epicrisis of Graeco-Egyptians in the χώρα, which, as is now clear (cf. 1452. int.), 
was by no means confined to the question of remission of poll-tax. Whether 
epicrisis was universal in the case of Roman citizens in Egypt is uncertain. Out 
of the ten extracts or certificates concerning them, five refer to veterans (in one 
case with a daughter) and three to illegitimate sons (in one case with his sister) ; 
there are only two cases (B. G. U. 143 and 847) in which an apparently legitimate 
son is presented by his father. Since these veterans may only have obtained 
Roman citizenship by enlisting, and there is no evidence that they had ever gone 
through the process of epicrisis as youths, there is a presumption that epicrisis 


was not resorted to in the case of Romans until or unless circumstances required 
a legal definition of their status. But this question can hardly be settled unless 
the use made of these extracts can be determined, and it remains to consider the 
declaration to which the extract in 1451 was appended. 

Here the loss of the beginning of the document unfortunately renders the 
object of the declaration in 11. i-io obscure. The date shows that it was not 
a κατ οΐκίαν άτΐογραφη, and the census held a year or two before the declaration is 
actually referred to in 1. 26. The other extracts from the τόμοι Ιττικρίσζων of 
praefects do not help, being all independent documents. In P. Flor. 38a the 
αντίγραφου Ιπικρισεω? of an Alexandrian citizen (cf. p. 148) is appended to 
a petition from him to a praefect many years later ; but the declaration on oath 
in 1451 is of a different character. P. Hawara 401 (Arckiv, v. 395) bears more 
resemblance to 1451, and 11. 1—7 may be restored as follows : ^ Ένρ[η]μονί Upei 
(ζηγητ[η τον Άρσινοίτου ? ^ τταρά Ταίον ΘεωΐΌί ^Ω.ρίωνθ5 ου[€τρανοΰ των ^ντίμωί αττο- 
λξλ(νμ€νων), *ώί 6e τΐρο Trjs σ[τ]ρατια5 κίχρ[η{μάτι.Κ€) 8 1. άττο τη^ * Αρσινοϊτων *τ7θλ6ω5 
άναγρα{φομζνον) k-n aμφόl•{ov) Ανσανίον \τόι:ων. βονλόμίνος ΙΟ 1. κα-^ τατα[γ]ηναί els 
το[.] . . €ντασ . . [ ΙΟ 1. €ΤΤ€νηνοχά σοι την ^ ΐττίκρισίν μου καΐ την του ττρο? 7τ[ατρο5 (or 
μ[ητροί) άδελφιδοΰ (name) irpbs το i? -^ττ' €μοΰ το άκόλουθον τΐραχ^θηνα[ι. The epicrisis- 
return concerning a boy called Dionysius, which follows in 11. 8 sqq., is of the 
usual Arsinoite type corresponding to 1452. 1-27, and, unless Αιονυσίου is restored 
after κ€χρ[η(μάτικ€) in 1. 3, refers to την του ττρό? κτλ. not to ξττίκρισίν μου, so that 
an epicrisis extract {^ττίκρισίν μου) corresponding to 1451. 11-33 may perhaps 
have been added later, the conclusion of the document being lost. That the 
general arrangement of the declaration in 1451 was similar is not improbable, 
though the end was different, and σοι in 1. 3 may well be the exegetes or 
strategus,the document in any case probably being a notification of the epicrisis 
to a local official for a special purpose. That it refers to a change of residence 
is possible ; cf. the phrase βουλόμζνοί τιαρζττώημζΐν Trpos καιρόν kv τω Άρσινοίττ) 
regularly found in the extracts concerning the epicrisis of veterans. But a close 
parallel for 1451. i-io is not at present obtainable. 

[εττάρχου Αιγύπτου δια 'Iovov]ivK[o]v 0[ύάλ]€ντο9 [€π]ά/οχου [σ]τό[λοϋ 

Χ^βαστου 'AXe^av- 
[δρίνον Trj . . τον ? Φαμζν]ωθ ΐ€ (βτον?) Αυρηλίου Άι/τω[νζί]νου Καίσα[ρο9 

του κυρίου ycye- 
[νημίνην Ιπίκρισιν €7Γί\φίρ€ΐν σοι ίπξσκξμμίνην βκ Trjs kv [16 letters 
[βιβλιοθήκης δι Άν]ουβ[ίώ\νο9 του και Διονυσίου βιβλιοφύλακο?, rjs ά[ντί- 

γραφον ύποτίτα- 


5 \κται, μΐτα τΓροσ]φωνή[σ€ω]ι/ μαρτύρων τριών irepl του dvai την [Τρονννίαν 

[aSeXorjv του Τρο]υννίου Λουκίλλιανοϋ, καί των δούλων μου Εΰ[φροσύνου 

και ολύτου 

\καΙ ΠΧουτάρ-^ου, κ\αί ομνύω τον βθιμον 'Ρωμαίοι? ορκον uvai αυ\του? 

ίμαυτης υιού? 
[και μηδβνΐ άλλο]τρίω κ€\ρήσθαι, ή 'ivoyos ίϊην τω ορκω. (eVous) [ίς* (or 

ιζ) Αντοκράτο- 
\pos Καίσαρος Μάρ\κου Αυρηλίου Άντωνίνου Χ^βαστοϋ Άρμ^νιακον Μ[ηδικοϋ 

ro [Γίρμανικοΰ ^αρμ]ατικοΰ Μεγίστου μηνο9 Αδριανού. 

[άντίγρα^φον) €πικρίσ]€ω9. ίκ τόμου βττικρίσξων Ταίου Καλουισίο\υ ^τατιανοΰ 

[Αιγύπτου ου προγρ]αφή' οι ύπογζγραμμίνοι ούβτρανοι και 'Ρωμα[ίοι και 

\ροι και δοΰλοι καΐ] eTepoi Ιπ^κρίθησαν υπο Καλουισίου ΐ!τ[α]τιαν[οΰ ίπάρ^ου 

[δια Ίουουίνκου 0]υάλ€ντο9 ^πάρχ^ου στόλου ^ββαστοΰ Άλ€ξα[νδρίνου άττό 

15 [του ΐ€ (βτουζ) Αύρηλίο]υ Άντωνίνου Καίσαρος τοϋ κυρίου ecoy Παΰν[ι του 

αύτοϋ {ίτου$\ α δ\ παρ^θβν- 
[το δικαιώματα τ]ω προγζγραμμύνω Ίουουίνκω Ούάλ€ν[τ]ι 4κάστ[ω ονόματι 

[μξθ €Τ€ρα σβλίδων] οδ' Ό^υρυγγ^ιτου- Λούκ[ϊ\ο? Τρούνν[ι6\? Λουκ[ιλλιανο? 

S που ρ ίου 
[υιοί €τών , Τρουν]νία Μαρκέλλα άδβλφη αύτοϋ ίτών , δοΰλ[οι Ευφρό- 
[ercoi/ , IP^Mf^ ^των , ΙΙλούτ[αρ]χ^ο? ίτων . €πη[ν€γκ€ν 

ή των προκβι- 
20 [μίνων παίδων μήτη]ρ των δβ δούλων δβσποινα Ε[. . . . .]ια Τρο[υννία ίο 1. 

[ \ρηματιζο'\υσα τέκνων δικαίω εαυτή? δίλτον προφ^[σσιωνο? βπι σφραγί- 

[δων Κ€χρονισμίνη]ν τω le {ίτβή θζοϋ Αδριανού και των παίδων [δίλτου? 

[σ€ωί δύο ίπΐ σφρα]γζίδων κβχρονισμβνα? την μ\ν Λουκιλλιαν[ου ις (erei) 

θίοϋ Αντωνίνου 


\ττ]ν 8\ Μαρκίλλη^] S (βτξί) Αυρηλίου ^Αντωνίνου, St hv η ΐΓρογ€γρα[μμ€νη 

Τρουννία ... 
25 [ι 2 1. €μ]αρτυροποΐζΐτο upat α^τ?7[ί] υιούς tovs ίπίκρίανομβνους €Κ μη 

[νομίμων γάμων, κ]αΙ των δούλων OLKoykveiav κα\1 κ\ατ οίκ[ίαν άπογραφην 

του ίδ [ξτους) 
[Αυρηλίου Αντωνί]νου δι' rjs οί δούλοι άν€γράφησ[αν.] €δω[κ€ν ή Τρουννία 

καΙ γνω- 
[στήρας ]ν Έρμαϊσκον, 'Ιουλίους δύο "Ερμ[ι]ππον κ[αί 

[γραψοΰντας αύτ^] μηδΐνΐ άλλοτρίω κ€χ{ρ]ήσθαι. και της τ[οΰ ττροκβψίνου ? 

3© [κου Ούάλζντος σημ]€ίώσζως, ίπΐ μ\ν του προ[κ€ΐμί\νου Τρου[ννίου Αουκιλ- 

λιανοΰ ^που- 
[ρίου υίοΰ είκοσι τρ\Ηων άσημος, knl Sk Τρουννίας Μα[ρ]κ€λλ[ης Μπουριού 

[^νδΐκα άσημος, καΐ ?^ δούλων ίπΐ μ\ν Εύφ[ρο]σύνου evvia ά\σημος, ίπΐ 

δζ 0- 

[ [λύτου .... άσημος,] καΐ ίττΐ Πλουτάρχου ττίντξ άσημος, (and hand ?) 

Τρο[υννία 1 2 1. 
[. . . ίπίδίδωκα ? (3rd hand) Γά ?]ι[ο]ς Καικίλλιος Κλήμ[η\ς ο καΐ Bepe- 

ν[ικιανος 9 ^• 

II. ydiov καλονϊσιου ΤΙ', SO in 1. 13. 16. Ίουουΐνκω ΤΙ. 2ζ. v'iovs U. 28. ΐρμα'ίσκον 

ϊονλιουί Π. 

' ... to produce for you the record of the examination held by Calvisius Statianus, 
praefect of Egypt, through Juvencus Valens, praefect of the Imperial Alexandrine fleet, on 
the . . of Phamenoth of the 1 5th year of Aurelius Antoninus Caesar the lord, certified by 
the record-office at . . . through Anubion also called Dionysius, keeper of the records, of 
which a copy is appended, with declarations of three witnesses to the effect that Trunnia 
Marcella is the sister of Trunnius Lucilianus, and of the examination of my slaves 
Euphrosynus, . . . olytus and Plutarchus ; and I swear the usual oath made by Romans that 
they are my children and I have made no false return, under penalty of being liable to the 
consequences of the oath. The i6th year of the Emperor Caesar Marcus Aurelius 
Antoninus Augustus Armeniacus Medicus Parthicus Germanicus Sarmaticus Maximus, 
in the month Hadrianus. 

Copy of an examination-certificate. Extract from the volume of examinations held 
by Gains Calvisius Statianus, praefect of Egypt, of which the heading is " The hereinafter 
named veterans, Roman citizens, freedmen, slaves and others were examined by Calvisius 
Statianus, praefect of Egypt, through Juvencus Valens, praefect of the Imperial Alexandrine 


fleet, from Phamenoth of the 15th year of Aurelius Antoninus Caesar the lord until Pauni 
of the same year. The claims presented by them to the aforesaid Juvencus Valens are 
affixed to each name." After other details, sheet 74 : " Oxyrhynchite nome : Lucius 
Trunnius Lucilianus, illegitimate, aged years, Trunnia Marcella, his sister, aged 

years ; slaves, Euphrosynus aged years, . . . olytus aged years, Plutarchus aged 
years. The mother of the aforesaid children and mistress of the slaves, Ε . . . ia 
Trunnia . . ., acting by the lus liberorum, produced concerning herself a tablet of declaration 
under seal dated in the 1 5th year of the deified Hadrianus, and concerning the children two 
tablets of evidence under seal, dated, that of Lucilianus in the i6th year of the deified 
Antoninus, and that of Marcella in the 4th year of Aurelius Antoninus, in which the afore- 
said Trunnia . . . testified that the persons under examination were her children by unlawful 
marriage, and concerning the slaves the certificate that they were born in the house, and 
a census-return of the 14th year of Aurelius Antoninus, in which the slaves were registered. 
Trunnia also provided as certifiers . . . Hermaiscus and two Julii, Hermippus and . . ., who 
declared jointly with her that no fictitious evidence had been used." And (a copy) of the 
description made by the aforesaid Juvencus Valens, in the case of the aforesaid Trunnius 
Lucilianus "illegitimate, 23 years, with no distinguishing mark", in that of Trunni?i 
Marcella "illegitimate, 11 years, with no distinguishing mark", and with regard to the 
slaves, in the case of Euphrosynus " 9 years, with no distinguishing mark ", in that of 
. . . olytus " [.] years with no distinguishing mark ", and in that of Plutarchus " 5 years, 
with no distinguishing mark ". 

Presented by me, Trunnia ... I, Gains Caecilius Clemens also called Bereni- 
cianus, . . .' 

1-2. Cf. 11, 14-15, nn. The previous words probably were τψ Τρουννίον Αουκίλλιανοΰ 

καϊ Tpovvvias Μαρκελλης υπο Καλουισίου Στατιανοΰ {^ΐνομίνυν ? ', cf. 1. 8, η.), preceded by a verb 

governing the infinitive in 1. 3 (e.g. άναγκαΊον ήγησάμην or €κε\€νσθην); cf. p. 153. For 
γεγίνημίνην ίπίκρισιν cf. 1452. 43-7. γΐνομίνην is hardly long enough. 

3. €πι]φψειν: cf. 1. 19. dj/a]0€peti' would also be suitable. 

ίπΐσκΐμμίνην : cf. 1587. 3 sqq., and επίσκ{(ψι.ε) νπομνη(^ματος) in 1649, a document 
emanating from a βιβλιοθήκη, and B. G. U. 73. 15. 

iv\i6 letters: if δημοσίας is supplied, there is hardly room for iv \^Αλεξαν8ρία or 
[Όξυρυγχίττ] before it, but ev[ea8e would be possible, especially since the first two letters of 
βιβλιοθήκης may have come in 1. 3 and the α of διά may not have been elided. Alexandria 
was probably the scene of this epicrisis, conducted by a praefect of the fleet, as it was the 
place of epicrisis of Tryphon in 39 and Heron in P. Flor. 382 ; cf. p. 148. The other 
parallels mentioned on p. 148 contain no clear indications of the place, but for the most 
part suggest Alexandria; cf. P. Hamb. p. 132. Whether, however, the official records of 
epicrisis, which were tabulated geographically (I. 17), were kept at Alexandria or forwarded 
to the nomes is not certain, where residents in the χωρά were concerned. Wilcken 
{Chrest. 143. int.) supposes that the extract quoted in P. Flor. 382 was deposited at 
Hermopolis, but we should interpret the difficult 11. 76-7 of that papyrus differently. 
ΐΐκονισθεντων, which he connects apparently with βιβλώίωu understood and interprets as 
' made in extract ', is probably parallel to the preceding participle ίΐσκρινομένων and qualifies 
παίδων, meaning ' described ' and referring to the σημΐίωσις (cf. 1451. 30 and ΐΐκονισμός in 
B. G. U. 562. 6), while βορινού is likely to refer not to ' das bekannte Nordquartier von 
Hermopolis ', which is not attested and ought in any case to have been more explicitly 
indicated, but to a subdivision of the previously mentioned -γράμμα at Alexandria ; cf. the 
πλινθίον ζ βορρι{ν)όν of the 2nd -γράμμα at Autinoe in P. BriL Mus. 1164. {d) 12. Since 
the προς rrj Αθηνά [γρα]φίΊον may also be at Alexandria, and Heron's residence in the 


Hermopolite nome may date from a period long after his epicrisis at Alexandria, the 
Florence papyrus does not really provide any argument for supposing that the records of 
epicriseis held at Alexandria were sent away from that city, and since the position occupied 
by the place-name in 1451. 1 7 and similar extracts suggests that the aeXiSes refer to the 
whole of Egypt, not the particular nome, [Άλί^αι/δρβί'α or some locality within it is on the 
whole more probable than [Όξνρνγχωρ 7ΓΟλ« in 1. 3. Another alternative is ίν\κτησ(ων τοΰ 
νομοΰ (cf. Β. G. υ. 73• 13) ; but των €ν[κτησ(ων would be expected. 

5. jLieTci προσ]φωνη[σ€ω\ν : και προσ^φώνη[σι]ν is leSS likely, especially aS των δούλων in 1. 6 

appears to be dependent upon ίπίκρισιν, there being no room for another accusative after it. 
The name of the first witness probably occurs in 1. 34 ; he was not identical with any of 
the three γνωστή pes in 1. 28. 

5-6. For the restoration cf. 1. 18. 

6-7. Cf. 11. 18-19 ^^^ 32-3• For ΐθιμον 'ΡωμαΙοκ ορκον cf. Wenger, Zeitschr. f. 
Savignyst. xx. 252-3. 

7-8. Cf U. 25 and 29. 

8. erouf \ις '. ίζ is equally possible, for the association of Commodus with Marcus 
Aurelius, which took place in the 17th year, is ignored in papyri WTitten in Tubi 
(P. Amh. 170) and Mecheir (P. Brit. Mus. 1265/!) of that year, i. e. later than Hadrianus- 
Choiak (1. 10). Juvencus Valens is not called γνόμίνοί έπαρχος in 1. 1, but whether Calvisius 
Statianus was still in office when the declaration was written is uncertain. He took part in 
the revolt of Avidius Cassius and was superseded by Pharmouthi 6 of the i6th year 
(April I, 176; B. G.U. 327. i). 

II. [avriypa{(f)ov) (πικρίσ]ίω5 : cf. P. Hamb. 31 a. 18, B. G. U. 113. verso i, P. Flor. 382. 
67. If αντίγραφαν was written out, this line probably projected by about 3 letters; for an 
addition of 3 letters to the lacunae at the beginnings of lines would cause a large increase 
in the number of words divided between two lines. 

Taiov Καλου£σιΌ[υ Στατιανοΰ : cf. 1. 8, η. and Cantarelli, Prefeiii, i. 57. 1451 agrees with 
C.I. L. 12048 concerning his praenomen, which according to Dio Ixxi. 28 was Flavius. 
An epicrisis held by him apparently in person, which is mentioned in B. G. U. 847. 13 
(cf. 1. 21, n.), was probably different. For ov προγρ]ηφή (I. 12) cf. e.g. P. Alex. 2. 

12—13. Cf. P. Alex. 2—3 'Ρωμαίοι κα\ άπελςνθΐροι (και) 8οΰλθί. Άλίξανδρΐϊς, which foUowS 

'Ρωμαίοι in Β. G. U. 1033• 2, can be substituted for άπβλ^νθΐροί. 

14. ίπάρχου στόλου Έεβαστοϋ 'Αλΐξα[ν8ρίνου : cf Β. G. U. 1 4 2-3 (quoted on p. 150), 
1033, where in 1. 8 στάβλου ΐπιτρόπω Σεβαστού έκά(σ)τω \ ονόματι παράκειται and in 1. 34 

€π[άρχου] στόλου are certainly to be restored, and 1032. 16, where έπαρχου στ[6λου] seems 
more likely than έπαρχου σπ[€Ίρηί]. The classis Augusta Alexandrina occurs in C. I. L. iii. 
43) &c. 

14-15. For Φαμενωθ cf. 1. 2, where θ•ώ(9 is the only alternative but is excluded by the 
mention of ΠαίΐΊ here, the period of epicrisis usually occupying three months or less ; cf. 
B. G. U. 265. 14, where it began and ended a month earlier than in 1451, and P. Hamb. 
p. 132^ For the omission of the day cf. B. G. U. 780. 5, 847. 5. There is hardly room 
for the insertion of it twice here, even though a day may well have been mentioned in 1. 2. 
For ά 8ε κτλ. cf. P. Alex. 8, B. G. U. 1033. 7. 

17. The figures, of which the reading 08 is very uncertain, had a stroke over them. 
^οξυρυγχείτου confirms Wilcken's reading 'Αρσ»Ό|[«'του in Β. G.U. 847. 9 as against Jouguet's 
suggestion 'Αρσινό\[ης, based upon Ώηλουσίου in P. Alex., which he referred to the village of 
Pelusium near Theadelphia, where the papyrus was found. A nome, however, is usually 
mentioned at this point (cf. E.G. U. 1033. 9 Άρσινο?]είτου), and Pelusium in P. Alex, is, 
we think, more likely to be the well-known city, which issued separate coins corresponding 
to those of the nomes and stood apart from the Sethroite nome; cf. 1380. 74, n. 


17-18. For Έ,πονρΊον vlos cf. P. Alex. ii, B. G. U. 1032. 17. The omission of the 
numbers referring to the ages is usual at this point, but they were inserted in the σ-ημΐίωσΐ! J 
cf. 11. 23-4, n. 

18-19. For the names of the slaves cf. 11. 32-3. 'Ιππόλυτος is too short in both 
places, only a brief space being left blank after €των here. 

19-20. προκΐΐμίνων (cf. 1. 30) suits the spacc better than ίπικρινομ^νων, ΐοΜπά in P. Alex. 
andB.G.U. 847. 11. 

20. δουλωι/ δίσποινα: οϊϊ this analogy Β. G. υ. 1033. 19, where the editor reads 
8ικαιω\μά[τ]ων δε ei[s•] τη[ν'\ (πί[κ]ρισιν (λίμίλιος Μάρκο! above the line) f[. .]το |, is probably to be 

restored ϊπηνί-γκίν 6 των δο]υλωΐ' δεσπΓόΐΓτ^ίί] (hip. Map.) ΐπι\κψΐ(τιν βΓαυΙτοΓΟί. 

ε[ ]ta Ύρο[νννΊα . . . : σ can be read for e, but not τ, so that the first name was 

certainly not Ύρονννία. That she had a long third name is rendered probable by 11. 24-5 
and 33. The occurrence of three names for a woman is unusual, but seems inevitable. 
χωρΧς κυρίου is common in third-century papyri in connexion with χρηματίζουσα τέκνων δικαίω 
(cf. 1467. int.), but does not occur in the parallel passages of P. Alex, and B. G. U. 1032. 

21. tekTov προφε^σσιωνος : cf. Β. G. U. 1032. 1—2. ¥ov exQ.Tnples οΐ i,a.un professi'ones 
of birth see the Cairo tablet Inv. 29807 and 894 (= W. Chrest. 212-13). The word is 
also to be recognized in B. G. U. 847. 16 (= W. Chrest. 460) where the editors read 
] . . ^ [.] . οφεστι . [. . .]ων (for the confusion of σσ with στ cf. e.g. Archiv, vi. 102 
Κλαστ£κόί). The whole passage in B. G. U. 847. 9-17 we should restore on the analogy 

of 1451. 17-24 thus: ^ μΐ& erjepa σελίδωι/ t^• ΆρσίίΌ-^" [et'roi;• 17 letters] Mo^tpo? ΐτων , Πολυ- 
δίΰκη(ς^ ^^[ετωι/ ίπηνΐγκεν δ των €\π[ίΐ^κρινομίνων 7Γατ[ΐ7ρ| ^^^[20 letters]δ^ . [. .] . (a proper 
name, possibly ending Πολυ]δευ[κ7;]ί) €Vei[K]ptaeii' €αυτοΰ eVei ^^ [τοΰ ι, (erovs) Μάρκου Αυρηλίου 
'Avτ^ωvίvoυ γίνομΐνην υπο Καλου-^* [ίσιου Έτατιανοΰ τοΰ η•γ€μο^εΰσαντος καθ' ην αυτός '^[2 2 1.1 άπο 
χαλκης τάβλη\^ς ΐ^τίκρίθη, ^^ [και των ΐπικρινομίνων δβλτοΐυ? β Γπ]ροφεσ(σ)(ώ[ΐ'1ωΐ' eVet ^^ [σφραγίΐδωι» 
κ(χρονισμ€νας,τη\ν p[e\v Μα|ίμ[ου τ]^ προ e . . . Jouguet had in 11. lO-lI Suggested ΠολυΒΐύκηζς) 
^' [δοΰλο? €τών €πηνεγκ€ν 6 των €\π\(ί\κρινομενων πάτ[ρων |, Supposing that MaximuS waS 

a ireedman ; but it is unlikely that the two (πικρινόμενοι possessed a different status (cf. 1451. 
18, where the slaves are distinguished from the 'Ρωμαίοι), zud sealed pro/esswnes of birth 
do not suit freedmen, slaves, or even Alexandrians. Hence we prefer to suppose that both 
Maximus and Polydeuces were Romans, and presented for examination by their father. 
Polydeuces as a Roman cognomen in Egypt is not more remarkable than e. g. Diogenes 
in P. Alex. 

22. For the restorations at the beginning cf. 1. 23, and for those at the end P. Alex. 18, 
B. G. U. 1032. 3. In P. Alex, the μαρτυροποίησις concerning a twin sister of Diogenes was 
also produced, but she was not included in the epicrisis, being perhaps dead. 

23-4. The dates of the two μαρτυροποιησας are no doubt the years of birth, as is shown 
by P. Alex., where the correspondence between the year of Diogenes' birth and the date of 
his mother's μαρτυροποίησις is not Only to be inferred, as is done by Jouguet, from the 
circumstance that the μαρτυροποίησις was made in the same year as the mother's enfranchise- 
ment, but was actually stated in the undeciphered last word of the papyrus, which is €ίκοσ\ι, 
ίτων being omitted, as in 1451. 31-3. Concerning Lucilianus' and Marcella's age all that 
is quite certain is that he was aged either 3, 13, or 23 in the 15th year (1. 31), and that the 
μαρτυροποίησι: of her birth was made in the 4th or 14th year of Marcus. There is a slight 
space between δ (eVei) in 1. 24 and the lacuna, which favours the 4th as against the 14th year, 
and though one of the slaves was aged 5 (1. 33), and in P.Tebt. 316 Alexandrian boys became 
ephebi at the age of 3 and 7, the epicrisis of a girl under 2 is improbable. Hence the 
4th year may be taken with much confidence as the year of Marcella's birth, especially as 
this suits the restoration of the lacuna in 11. 31-2. The circumstance that the 4th year, 
which belonged to the joint rule of Marcus and Verus, is ascribed in the 15th year to 


Marcus alone is not a serious objection ; cf. the references to the ist and 6th years in 1449, 
written after the death of Septimius Severus. The age of Lucilianus is more open to 
question. There is hardly any presumption that he was older than his sister simply because 
he is mentioned first, for a girl would in any case be likely to be mentioned after a boy ; 
cf. the arrangement of the sexes in κατ οΙκΊαν άπογραφαί, e. g. 1547-8. The age of the 
youth in P. Alex., 20 years, suggests 23 as the number in 1. 31, and in 1022 the ages 
of tirones prolati (cf. p. 152) range from 20 to 25. On the other hand Ύρον\ννΊον 
Αουκιλλιαροΰ \ Σπουρίον νίοΰ rp]etcui' ΛΥουΜ be Sufficient for the lacuna in 11. 30-1, and the 
insertion of €Ϊκοσι not only makes the end of 1. 30 rather long, but requires in 11. 23-4 

ΑονκιΚλιαν[ον ις (eret) ^eoC ^ Κντωνίνον \ την δε Μαρκίλλης] δ {erei), omitting τω before the numbers 

(cf. 1. 2), although it occurs in 1. 22. With the omission of είκοσι in 1. 31, ΑονκιΧΚιαν[οϋ τω 
φ (eTft) την I δε ΜαρκίΧλης τω] δ (ετει) is the natural restoration of 11. 23-4; but this is too 
short by about 7 letters (which might be supplied by the insertion of a month after φ (έΥει) 
or Ύρονννίας before Μαρκίλληί), and makes the position of Αυρηλίου Άντωνίνου rather unusual, 
since it would be expected to follow ιβ {erei), and [οΰ φ (ετει) Αίρηλίον Άντωνίνον ι is too long. 
There is a great advantage in having a different reign contrasted with Αυρηλίου Άντωνίνου in 
1. 24, and in view of the parallel in P. Alex, we have no hesitation in preferring the insertion 
of e'UoaL before τρ]είώί' in 1. 31 either to that of δε'κα (which is practically as long as είκοσι 
and requires τω β {erei) in 1. 23, not evading the difficulty there) or to the omission of 
any number before τρ](ΐών. ΐτών eUoai in place of Σπουρίου νϊοΰ in 11. 30-1 would remove the 
difficulty caused by the length of the supplement, but would not be in accordance with 
P. Alex, or B. G.U. 1032 or the probable restoration of 11. 31-2. If, however, the ages of 
Lucilianus and Marcellawere not 23 and 11 but 13 (or 3) and i, that only serves to 
strengthen the argument on p. 150, against the military character of epicrisis. A higher 
age for Lucilianus than 23 is excluded by the term παίδων in I. 22. 

25-6. υΐοΰί: P. Alex. 21 in referring to a son and daughter uses τέκνα. For τους 

€πικρ[€ίνομενους κτλ. cf. Β. G.U. IO32. ΙΟ, P. Alex. 18, 23. 

26. Cf. B. G. U. 1033. 22 sqq., where a κατ οϊκίαν απογραφή and two οικογε'ι/ειαι are 

produced as evidence at the epicrisis of slaves. The census of the 14th year of Marcus is 
the only one that could have included slaves of which the eldest was 9 (1. 32). 

27-8. Three was the regular number of the γνωστηρί! (certifiers to identity) in this 
context ; cf. P. Alex. 24-5, where καί in the lacuna before the third name is to be omitted, 

B. G.U. 1032. II-13, and 1033. 28 sqq., where εδω]κεΐ' και γνωστηρ[ας] Αίμιλλίους | [δυο, . . . 
και ...].... 'ϊοΰστον, τους τρεΐί | [συγχειρογραφοΟιτα? αυτώ μ\ηδί τοι (or μ^η8(ν\) aXXoT[picuj μη8έ 

ήμω\[νυμία ? (cf. 1266. 35) <^χρηο-θαι is to be restored. [μη8]€ τοι άλλοτρίω was also written in 
P. Alex. 26, the lacuna at the beginning of the line requiring 3 not 5 letters, and though 
B. G. U. 1032. 14 suggests that it is there an error of the copyist for μηδινί, μηδέ τοι seems 
possible in B. G. U. 1033. Probably των y "Επιμάχου in P. Flor. 79. 16 refers to γνωστηρίς, 
as suggested by Wilcken, Chresi. 145. 13, n. For other kinds of γι/ωστ^ρε? cf. 1490. 2, n., 
and P. Hamb. p. 137. 

30. σ»7ρ]ειώσεω£ : cf. P. Alex. 27 and 1. 3, n. The genitive is dependent on αντίγραφαν 

31-2. On the ages of Lucilianus and Marcella see 11. 23-4, n. 

33-4. Τρο[υΐΊ'ία is written thicker than the preceding and following lines, but is not 
certainly in a different hand from one of the other two : 1. 34 is distinctly not by the first 
hand, and presumably contains the signature of one of the three witnesses mentioned in 1. 5, 
not a writer on behalf of Trunnia, who is unlikely to have been illiterate, ΐπώΐδωκα καΐ 
ομωμοκα τον ορκον is expected after ΤροΓυ^ι'α on the analogy of e.g. 1266. 41 ; but, unless 
the following name (cf. 11. 20-1 and 24-5) was omitted here, as in 1. 27, there is not room 
for more than εττιδεδωκα. κλημ[ί]ν5 και Βερεΐ'[ικιαζ/όϊ is possible, but less satisfactory. 



ι8•8χ8•8 cm. a. d. 127-8. 

These two epicrisis-returns concerning a Graeco-Egyptian boy of thirteen 
called Sarapion, both sent simultaneously by his uncle to the strategus, basilico- 
grammateus, and other officials (1. 2, n.), are parallel to several published papyri 
from Oxyrhynchus. The first, which is a claim for the admission of Sarapion to 
the class of inhabitants of the metropolis paying la drachmae for poll-tax (less 
than the normal amount ; cf. 1436. 8, n.), closely resembles 258, 478, 714, 1028, 
1109, 1306, and Wilcken, Chrest. 317 ; the second, a somewhat different claim for 
his admission to the privileged class of ot e/c τον γυμνασίου, corresponds to 257 
(= W. Chrest. 147 ; A. D. 94-5) and 1266 (a. d. 98). Both returns break off just 
before the point at which the parallel documents give the ancestry on the 
mother's side ; but since Sarapion's father and mother were full brother and sister 
(11. lo-ia, 36-9), no separate statement of his ancestry on the mother's side is 
required, and it is probable that practically nothing is lost in either return except 
the customary oath, signature, and date. 

The occurrence of these two distinct returns side by side serves to throw 
light on several disputed points in connexion with the much discussed subject of 
epicrisis (cf. 1451. int.). The view of Schubart {Archiv, ii. 157) and Lesquier 
{op. cit. 26), that these two classes of Oxyrhynchite claims were not really 
different from each other, but alternatives, and that ot L• του γυμνασίου were 
equivalent to μητροττολΐταί bωbeκάbpaχμoι, which was controverted by Wilcken 
{Gruiidz. 199) and Jouguet {Vie munic. 79-80), is shown to be incorrect. The 
references in the second return in 1452 to ot Ik του γυμνασίου also tend to confirm 
Wilcken's and Jouguet's wide interpretation of that expression, i. e. ' belonging to 
the gymnasium', not 'descended from a gymnasiarch ', as suggested in 257. int. 
Though some points remain in doubt (cf. 11. 34-5, SS^ 54, nn.), the second return, 
like 257 and 1266, traces the ancestry back through the epicrisis of A. D. y2-^ 
(cf. 11. 44-6, n.) to the γραφή of A. D. 4-5 ; but it does not describe the individual 
entered in the γραφή as either the grandson of a gymnasiarch (257. 20), or a guard 
of the palaestra (1266. 8). Probably, however, descent from a member of that 
γραφή, rather than actual membership of a gymnasium, was the main qualification 
for admission into the class of ot L• τοϋ (or άττο) γυμνασίου, or, as it is called in 
1202. 18, the τάγμα του ■παρ' ημίν γυμνασίου : for in P. Amh. 75 and Ryl. 102, two 
Hermopolite returns which correspond with some variations to the second return 
in 1452 and trace descent back to the reign of Nero, women are called a-nb 
γυμνασίου, and a child aged i is entered on the list of άφήλικ€ί of that category 
(P. Ryl. 102. 34). 


The Arsinoite epicrisis-returns, B. G. U. 109, 324, 971, P. Gen. 18, 19, Grenf. 
ii. 49, Fay. 217, 209, 319, Tebt. 320, Hawara 401. 8 sqq. (cf. 1451. int.), Ryl. 103-4, 
all belong to the same class as the first of the two in 1452. The formula 
naturally differs to some extent from that of the Oxyrhynchite examples, but 
Wilcken, Grundz. 199-200, somewhat exaggerates the amount of the variation. 
The Arsinoite examples do not insert the phrase d (ξ αμφοτέρων γονέων μητρο- 
-πολίτων δωδέκαδράχ/ιιων eiaiv (1452. 7-8), and the evidence in them is mainly that 
of census-lists, which are seldom, if ever, adduced as evidence in the Oxyrhynchite 
returns (cf. 1. 27, n.), these referring to payments of poll-tax (e. g. 1. 21) or eiru/atVeiy 
(e.g. 478. 31) ; but the evidence adduced in the Arsinoite examples, where it is 
not stated that κάτοικοι are concerned and «ικοσίδραχμοι are probably meant, 
proves that the boy was ίξ άμφοτ. γον. μητροττ., the άμφο8α being carefully noted. 
Nor can we agree with Wilcken's view that the Arsinoite expression ντίζτάξαμξν 
τα δίκαια refers, not to the details immediately following (census-lists, sometimes 
supplemented by €τηκρίσ€ίί of members of the family), but to quotations which 
were written on a separate papyrus, originally enclosed but not preserved, υπό- 
τασσαν is commonly used with reference to something included in the same 
document (e.g. 1470. 6), and μ^ν ovv, which follows in e.g. P. Tebt. 320. 11, 
indicates that the δίκαια were given in the next sentence, συμιταρ^θέμην, which 
Wilcken regards as parallel to υτ:4ταξα, seems rather to be contrasted with it. 
Concerning Hermopolis fresh information is afforded by the unpublished P. Brit. 
Mus. 1600 (Bell, Arckiv, vi. 107-9), a series of applications for epicrisis, one of 
them written by a *Ε,ρμοτ:ολίτΊί]^ από -γυμνασίου όκτάδραχμο^. The evidence of that 
papyrus, and still more that of 1452, serves to settle the question discussed by 
Jouguet ( Vie munic. 83-5) about the relation of the returns concerning ol Ik 
του γυμνασίου to those referring to μτ/τροττολίται δωδ^κάδραχμοι. It is now clear 
that these terms are not mutually exclusive, and that the epicrisis in the case of 
oi eK του γυμνασίου had a different object from that attained by the other class of 
returns, which were concerned with the remission of poll-tax. Probably the local 
officials were chosen from ol L• του γυμνασίου, who must have been less numerous 
than the μητροττολΐταί bωbeκάbpaχμoL or όκτάδραχμοι. Admission by epicrisis into 
oi L• του γυμν. was also a necessary preliminary for attaining to the εφηβαία ; 
cf. 1202, P. Flor. 382, Jouguet, op. cit. 150 sqq., Wilcken, Grundz. 140-3. Before 
becoming an ephebus, however, an εισκρισι? was necessary, and applications con- 
cerning admission to the Ιφφάα were addressed in the first instance to the 
exegetes of Alexandria in the case of Alexandrian citizens resident in the χώρα 
(477 and P. Flor. 382), or to the exegetes of the nome in the case of ordinary 
Graeco-Egyptian youths (P. Flor. 79, Ryl. loi), not to the strategus, basilico- 
grammateus, &c., as is the case with 1452 and no doubt 257 and 12ββ (which 



have lost the address, if it was ever written). Hence the latter class of returns 
stands apart from those referring to ephebi, and nearer to the epicrisis-returns 
concerning μητροττολΐται, though the epicrisis of ot ex του γυμνασίου was of 
a municipal rather than financial character. 

The following list of the successive generations in Sarapion's ancestry com- 
bines the evidence of both returns; cf. 11. 27, 44-6, and 57-8, nn. (i) Pkaes (?), 
(2) Ammonius, (3) Ptolemaeus, included in the γραφή of A. D. 4-5 (11. 53-4), 
(4) Diodorus, υττ€ρ€τψ in 72-3 (11. 4, 26, 51), (5) Plution, kinKpidiis in 72-3, regis- 
tered in the census (?) of 89-90, and dead before 127-8 (11. 3,25, 49), (6) Sarapion, 
(ττικρίθίίί in 99-100, married to his full sister Tnephersois, registered in a poll-tax 
list of 123-4, and dead before 127-8 (11. 11, 20, ^j, 56), (7) Sarapion, born in 
1 13-14, iTiiKpieds in 127-8 (11. 13-145 39-4o)• 

Above each column is a cross like a large χ, as in 1028 and 1547. 

Col. i. 

^Αγαβψ Δαίμονι στρα{τηγω) και 

Ίίρακι βασιλ{ικω) γρα{μματ€Ϊ) και oh aA(Xoty) καθήκ{€ΐ) 

παρά ΔιοΒώρου ΙΙλοντίω(νοί) 

τον Διο8ώρου μητρο{9) Τατρβίφιο{ς) 
5 !4yuoiToy απ ^Οξνρνγχων πόλεω?. 

κατά τά κέλ^νσθ^ίντά) π^ρι ^[πι]κρί{σ€ως) των 

προσβ{φηκ6των) e/y {τρισκαι8€κα€τ€Ϊς) €ί €^ άμφοτ{ίρ(ύν) 

γοΐ'ίων μητροπ{ολιτωιή (βω8ίκα8ρά•^μων) ίίσίν, 

ίτάγη €π' άμφό8[ου) Κρητικού 
ΙΟ ό των ομοπατρίων μου ά8ζΧ[φων) 

Σαραπίω(νο5) και Τνζφ^ρσοιτος 

/^[ητρο(^:)] Δωγυμζως νιος 

"Χαραπίων προσβ{(βηκω9) e/y {τρισκαι8€κα€τίΐς) τω 

8ΐ€λθ(6ντι) ια (erei) Τραϊανού 
15 Ά8ριανοΰ Καίσαρος του κνρίον 

οθ^ν παραγξν6μζ[νος) προς τ-^ν 

τούτον ίπίκρι{<τιν) δηλω [6]Γ[ι/α]ί 

αύτον {8ω8€κά8ραχμον), κάϊ τον τ[ο]ντον 

πατίρα epoO 8h ομοπά- 
20 τρων ά8€λ{φον) Χαραπιωνα τζτξλ{ίντηκζναι) 

το π{ρΙν) Οντα (δω8€κά8ρα)(^μον) 8ι' όμολ6γ{ον) λα[ο]γ ρα^φίας) 


η {ίτονή 'Αδριανού [άμ]φ6δ{ου) [Παμμ€{νονς) 
Πα[ρ]αδ€ίσον, και rbu π[ατ{(ρα) των όμο- 
πατρίων μου άδζλψών του 
2 5 5e άφή\[ικο9) πάππο{ν) Πλουτία^να) 

Διο8ώ{ρου) τ€τ€λ{€υτηκ€ναι) το ir{piv) οντά {δωδζκάδραχμον), 
[ο]ν καΐ θ (erei) Α[ομίτίανο]ΰ 

Col. ίί. 

11. 38-33 = 1-5- 
33 κατά τά κζλ(νσθ{ζντα) π€ρι €πικρί(σ€ως) τ[ων 

ΐΓροσβ{φηκ6των) e/y τού^ €Κ τον γνμνα^σίου) ή €κ [ 
35 τον yivovs τούτον (ίίσίν), ίτάγη 

ίπ άμφόδίον) Κρητικού δ των ό- 

μοττατρίων μου άδζλ^φών) ^αραπίω(νο9) 

και Τνζφξρσοιτος άμφο{τίρων) μητ[ρο(9) 

4[ωγν\μ{€ως ?) vibs ^αραπίων πρ[οσβ[φηκω^:) 
40 €/y {τρισκαι8€κα€τ€Ϊ9) τω δΐ€λθ{6ντι) ια (erii) Τραϊανού 

jiSpiavov Καίσαρος τον κνρίον 

δθ^ν παραγζνομζ^νοί) προς την τούτον 

Ιπίκρι{σιν) 8η\ω κατά την γ€νομβ(νην). 

τω € (eret) θ€ον Ού€σπ{ασιανον) ύπο Χοντωρί[ον 
45 Χωσιβ{ίου) στρα(τηγήσαντοί) και Νικάν8{ρον) γ€νομ€{νον) βα[σίλ{ικον) 

γρα{μματίω9) και &ν άλ{λων) καθήκ{<ει) των U τον 

γνμνα{σων) ίπίκρι(σιν) ίπικ€κρίσθ{αι) τον 

ττατύρα ημών τον 

5e άφήλ{ικο9) πάππον Πλουτίω{να) 
50 [67γ' ά]μφ68{ου) Δρόμου Γνμνα{σίον) [άκολ{ούθωή 

oh 6 πατ(τ}ρ) αντοϋ kv νττ{€ρ){€τίσιν) €πήν€γ[κ{€ν) 

άπο8ζί^€{σιν) m και ό αύτοΰ πατ{ηρ) 

Πτολζμαΐο^ί) Άμμω{νωυ) Πκαήτ{6ς ?) ίστιν 

kv TTJ τον λ8 (erot/y) θίοΰ Καίσαρος γρα{φη) α . [.]/( ), 
55 [τ€τ]€λ{€ντηκ€ναι) το π{ρίν), Α:[α]ί [τον τ]ον άφήλ{ικος) π[ατ{ίρα) 

[kμoΰ\ 8\ 6μοπάτριο{ν) ά8ξ\{φον) Χαραπ[ί(4να) 

[δμοί]ω{ς) [km]K€Kpi[a\6{ai) τω γ (Ιτ€ί) β[ίον 

Μ Ο, 


[Tpaiavov ύηο Α]ιοΐ'(νσίον) στρα(τηγήσαντο?) και ω[ν άλ(\ων) 
[καθήκ{€ή €π]ί τον προκ€ΐμ€Ρον [ 
6ο [άμφ6δ{ον)] δρόμου [Τνμνα{σίου), 

21. το) Π ; so in 11. 26, 55• 34• 1• " for »?• 5ΐ• ^^ L Π. 

' Το Agathodaemon, strategus, and Hierax, basilicogrammateus, and the other proper 
officials, from Diodorus son of Plution son of Diodorus, his mother being Tatriphis daughter 
of Amois, of Oxyrhynchus. In accordance with the orders concerning the examination of 
boys who have reached the age of thirteen years, if both their parents are inhabitants of the 
metropolis rated at 12 drachmae, Sarapion the son of my brother and sister on the father's 
side Sarapion and Tnephersois, whose mother is Dogumis (?), was put in the list at the 
Cretan quarter as having reached the age of 13 in the past nth year of Trajanus 
Hadrianus Caesar the lord. Wherefore coming forward for his examination I declare that he 
is rated at 12 drachmae, and that his father, my brother on the father's side Sarapion, died 
some time ago being rated at 12 drachmae in an undisputed (?) poll-tax list of the 8th year 
of Hadrianus in the quarter of Pammenes' Garden, and the father of my brother and sister 
on the father's side and grandfather of the minor, Plution son of Diodorus, died some lime 
ago, being rated at 12 drachmae, who was also registered (?) in the 9th year of 
Domitian . . . 

To Agathodaemon, &c. In accordance with the orders concerning the examination 
of those who have reached the class of persons belonging to the gymnasium, if they are of 
this descent, Sarapion, son of my brother and sister on the father's side Sarapion and 
Tnephersois, whose mother is in both cases Dogumis (?), was put in the list at the Cretan 
quarter as having reached the age of 13 in the past nth year of Trajanus Hadrianus 
Caesar the lord. Wherefore coming forward for his examination I declare that at the 
examination of those belonging to the gymnasium held in the 5th year of the deified 
Vespasian by Sutorius Sosibius, then strategus, and Nicander, then basilicogrammateus, 
and the other proper officials our father, the grandfather of the minor, Plution, was 
examined as resident in the Gymnasium Square quarter in accordance with the proofs 
adduced by his father, who Λvas over age, that his father also, Ptolemaeus son of Ammonius 
son of Pkaes(?), was in the list of ... of the 34th year of the deified Caesar, which 
Plution died some time ago, and that the father of the minor, my brother on the father's 
side, Sarapion, \vas likewise examined in the 3rd year of the deified Trajan by Dionysius (?), 
then strategus, and the other proper officials, as resident in the aforesaid Gymnasium 
Square quarter . . .' 

1. Άγα^ώ ό,αίμονι: cf. 1422. 3 (year lost). He was succeeded by Asclepiades before 
Hathur 17 of the 14th year (1024. i). 

2. Ίίρακι : he was still in office in the T4thyear with Asclepiades as strategus (1024. 7), 
for whom he became deputy (1024. 43, undated). The Hierax of 579, who was con- 
temporary with Apollinarius, strategus in the 20th-2 2nd years (1472. i, 484. 2), was 
probably a different person. 

oif αΧΚοις καθηκίΐ : by these are meant the two βιβλίοφύλακ€ς κα\ (πικρίται and the 
γραμματίνς πόλβως (714. 5 sqq. ; cf. 1028. 3, where -γ{νμνασιαρχησαντ(ς) probably implies 
βιβλιοφύλακΐί, as remarked by Wilcken, Grundz. 20i\ and there are two ypa/it. πολ.). In 
the other Oxyrhynchite parallels mentioned on p. 160 the address is omitted, as in 
P. Ryl. 104. 


12. Δωγυμ6ω5(?): the name seems to be abbreviated in 1. 39. ΑιονυσΙας or Δίδυ/χ»;? 
cannot be read. 

21. 6μο\όγ(^ον) : the latest discussion of this obscure term is in P. Ryl. 209. 10, n., 
where it is sought to show that it means ' undisputed ' in all cases. 

27. β (fret) Δ.[ομιτίανο\ΰ : this was a census-year, and the verb may have been tin-oyf- 
γράφθαι; cf. the Arsinoi'te parallels discussed on p. 161. [6]v καΙ κτλ. in any case probably 
supplied the evidence for Plution being a δωδ(κά8ραχμο!, and corresponded to δι' ό/χολό^(ου) 
λαογρα[φίας) in 1. 21. There is hardly any doubt about the reading, e being much less 
suitable than β, and neither 6[eov Ύίτυ]ν or Ύραιανο]ΰ nor Ό[υ(σπασιανο]ΰ being admissible. 
Plution underwent epicrisis in the 5th year of Vespasian, so that (πικ^κρίσθαι cannot be 
restored here ; but his age at the time of that event is not clear ; cf. 11. 44-6, n. 

34-5. η (Κ τον yevovs τούτου (elaiv) : if jj is 7, these words can be construed as they stand ; 
but the correction of j? to d is suggested not only by the parallel passage in 1. 7 and by the 
use of η for el at the corresponding point in Wilcken, Chrest. 217. 7, but also by the 
Strassburg papyrus from Hermopolis quoted by Wilcken, Grundz. 200, in which some 

persons undergo epicrisis el e'i αμφοτέρων yovtw^v TO μητροπο]λιτικ6ν yivos σώζονσι, οι δ' e'/c του 
yv^J^vaσίoυ ei] απ αυτοί του τάyμaτόs (Ισι (cf. ρ. ΐ6θ). η fi[ai or η ΐπ[ι might be read, but is 

unsatisfactory. With ή there would be a contrast between persons who were actually 
members of the gymnasium and those who were descended from such persons, but this 
does not suit the usage of «κ του yυμvaσίov, since άπο yυμvaσioυ is applied to women and 
children (cf. p. 160) and designates a class. That the ancestry was an essential point of the 
evidence is indicated bolh by the details found in all epicrisis-returns concerning oi U rod 

γνμν. and by 1202. 20 ΐπικριθίντα κατ άκολουθίαν των ίτών κα\ του y€voυs. The age at which 

young Graeco-Egyptians frequented the gymnasia is not directly attested, but has generally 
been assumed to be 14, that being the age of epicrisis and normally oi ίφηβεία. But at 
Athens the period of ΐφηβύα (from 18-20) followed after that of education at a gymnasium, 
and since Egyptian youths became ephebi younger than Athenians, they may have also 
frequented the gymnasia at an earlier age. 

44-6. Cf. 257. 12-15 and 1266. 25-9 : in the latter case the praefect is mentioned 
as well as the local officials. This circumstance, coupled with the fact that the same 
epicrisis of 72-3 is referred to in all three papyri, suggests that the epicrisis at Oxyrhynchus 
in that year, Avhich coincides with the date of the returns made by Heraclides for Arsinoe in 
P. Stud. Pal. iv. 62 sqq., was not an ordinary epicrisis such as was held at Arsinoe every 
year after 54-5 for κάτοικοι. At Oxyrhynchus the earliest mention of an epicrisis is in 60-1 
(257. 33), and P. M. Meyer {Heerwesen, 230) supposed that epicrisis of oi ίκ τοΰ yvμvaσloυ 
was not introduced before that year. By 94-5, the date of 257, it had evidently become 
annual. The origin of epicrisis is still obscure (cf. Wilcken, Grundz. 199-200), and that 
Plution was aged exactly 14 in 72-3 is very doubtful, since his father was then over 60 
(1. 51) and the ages of the κάτοικοι at Arsinoe ΐπικ€κριμίνοι in 54-5 range from 18 (not 8, as 
stated by P. M. Meyer, op. cit. 116) to 62; cf. 257. 12, n. Plution's son, Sarapion (cf. 
the list on p. 162), was, however, born probably in 85-6, since he was apparently aged 14 
in 99-100 (11. 57-8, n.), and a date approximating to a. d. 5^-9 is the most suitable for 
Plution's birth. 

51. ό Ίτατ^ηρ) is Diodorus; cf. 1. 4. For iv m{(per(aiv) cf. Wilcken, Grundz. i^^j. 

53. Πκσήτ(όϊ) eoTw: the name is remarkable, and the omission of roC before it is not in 
accordance with 1. 4 and the usual practice. 257 and 1266 do not give a third name at 

this point, but have ΰιτος (1. υώοϋί) yυμvaσιάpχoυ εστίν (257. 20), κ[ J (257. 36), ΟΓ 

simply (στίν (1266. ι ο), β can be read in place of κ and λ instead of a, but there is notliing 
after π to indicate that the writer meant π{ροσ)κλητ(ός) or τι(ροσ)3λητ[ός), which would have 
to mean ' added ', and neither of those words is satisfactory in that sense. 


54, γρα(φα) a . [.]t( ) : 12ββ. II has γρ. των e< του γυμνασίου τταρα .... μ(νων, 257. 21 
•yp, των ίκ τ. γυ/ί. eVt άναμ(ροδάρχω{ι] ν, 257. 37 [w• ^'""Ί ομφόΒου τοΰ αντον. Α particle ΟΓ ον 

και (cf. Ι. 2 7), to connect [Ter]€X(€UT7;KeVai) With (πικΐκρίσθ(αι), is expected; but there is no 
room available in 1. 55, and since άλ[λ]ά cannot be read in 1. 54, an asyndeton seems likely. 
^φ[η]β{ων) is also inadmissible. 

57-8. e[eov I Ύραιανου ίττο Α]ιον(νσίον) : the name of the stratcgus is very uncertain, the 
lacuna having barely room for Δ, if Τραϊανού is right. This can hardly be doubted, for 
ΔΪομΑτιανοϋ cannot be read, and 6[€ov | Ύίτου would make the date of Sarapion's epicrisis, 
presumably at the age of 14, 80-1, which does not combine suitably -with the dates of the 
epicrisis of his father Plution (72-3) and his son (127-8, certainly at the age of 14). On 
the other hand 99-100 is just midway between 72-3 and 127-8, as is quite natural if 
Plution was not much over 14 in 72-3 ; cf. 11. 44-6, n. 

1453. Declaration of Temple Lamplighters. 

32-5 X 13-5 cm. 30-29 B.C. Plate II. 

This declaration on oath, addressed by four lamplighters (λυχι^άττται), two 
from each of the two principal temples of Oxyrhynchus (cf. 1449. int.), to the 
officials called oi em των Upcav (1. 13, n.), is especially noteworthy as being the 
earliest extant papyrus of the Roman period. The date in 11. 29-30 is for 
the most part lost, but the lamplighters undertook to provide oil ' from Thoth i 
to Mesore 5 of the present ist year of Caesar ', as they had provided it up to the 
preceding 22nd and 7th year (of Cleopatra and probably Antony ; cf. 1. 22, n.), 
which, according to Porphyry {a/>. Euseb. i. 168), was the last year of her reign. 
Alexandria was captured on Aug. i, 30 B. C. (C. I. L. i. 327), and since the 23rd 
year of Cleopatra is not attested (Svoronos is certainly wrong in assigning a series 
of Cypriote coins ranging from the ist to 23rd years without double dates 
to Cleopatra, instead of Ptolemy Auletes, to whom they are assigned by Poole 
and Regling), and the custom of starting a 2nd regnal year on Thoth i following 
an accession prevailed in Egypt after the third century B. c. (cf. P. Hibeh, 
App. i), it was not clear whether the 2nd year of Augustus was reckoned from 
-^ug- 31» 30 B.C., or from Aug. 30, 29 B.C. In the case of Hadrian, whose 
accession took place on Aug. 11, 117 according to the Viia Hadr. 4, his 2nd year 
began on Aug. 29 of the same year, whereas the 2nd year of Tiberius, who 
'acceded on Aug. 19, 14, began on Aug. 30, 15 (P^ Brit. Mus. 276. 17, n.), the 
news of Augustus' death having evidently reached Egypt after Aug. 29, 14. 
1453 is clearly inconsistent with the view that Augustus' ist year in Egypt con- 
sisted only of Aug. 1-30, and demonstrates that his 2nd year began in 29 B.C., 
as maintained by Wilcken {Qst. i. 786-7) ; but a difficulty arises from the 
apparent inference to be drawn from 1. 20 that Mesore 5 (July 30, 29 B. C.) was 
the last day of the ist year. Probably there is an error of omission, for the 


insertion of Ιπαγομίνων after Μ^σορη renders the passage normal and parallel 
to e. g. me. 12. The choice of Mesore 5 could, however, be explained without any 
alteration of the text by connecting it with the statement of Dio li. 19, that 
in 30 B. C. the senate decreed την re ημ^ραν iv y η 'Akf^avbpcia (άλω (i. e. Mesore 6) 
άγαθην re eirai και e? τα e-Tretra eVrj άρχην Trjs άτταριθμησξω^ αυτών νομίζζσθαι. 
Wilcken (Hermes, xxx. 151 sqq., Ost. I.e.) connected this with the era of the 
κράτησίς Kaiaapos found occasionally in papyri of Augustus' reign after his 
30th year, and perhaps indicated by the mentions of his 46th year, which occur 
at least twice on coins, and are difficult on any other view to reconcile with the 
evidence pointing to the 43rd year as the date of his death (Hohmann, Chronol. 
51, in discussing 721 overlooks the fact that the 44th year of Augustus in that 
papyrus is ύσιόν). Owing to the agreement between the years of the κράτί^σι? 
Καίσαρο? and ordinary regnal years, especially in B. G. U. 174, written on 
Mesore 29 of the 36th year according to both systems, Wilcken concluded that 
the reckoning in both cases began on Thoth i, 30 B, C, and if the reading [A]<f, not 
[\]e or [X]C, in B. G. U. 174. 5 is certain, it seems impossible to make any distinc- 
tion between them. Since we are unwilling to suppose that the ordinary regnal 
years of Augustus ended on any other day than Mesore Epagomenon 5, we prefer 
the insertion of €τταγομ4νων in 1. 30, though the chronology of the beginning 
of Augustus' reign is not yet quite clear. Cleopatra is thought by Wilcken 
and Bouchd-Leclercq to have outlived the beginning of her 23rd year (Aug. 31, 
30 B. c), and the introduction of the 6th intercalary day appears to date from 
22 B. c. ; cf. Hohmann, op. cit. 48 sqq. In favour of the correction of 1. 20 
is the circumstance that the scribe of 1453 was in any case not very accurate, 
small omissions and other slips being frequent. Palaeographically the papyrus 
is valuable as a dated specimen of first-century B. C. uncial writing, resembling 
that of 659 (Part iv, Plate iii, Pindar's TTap^eVeia) and Schubart, Pap. Graecae, 
Plate xi« (Menander). 

AvTL\y]p\a](^ov όρκου. Θω[ν\ί^ δ? και 
JTar[o]j0i{o}y [Θ]ώνι(ο)9 καΐ Ήρακλ(ί8η9 
Τοτ[ή ?]ου, αμφότεροι Χνγνάπτοι 
5 ί^ρο\Ρ ^αράτΓΐ]8θ9 θίον μ€γίστ[ο]ν καΐ [ 

τον αν\τ6βγ Ήσίον, (^καϊ) JJaains 6 Θοώνιος [ 
και Π€τ[6σι]ρ[ίς ό] Πατοίφι{ο)γ τον 7r/)[o]ye- 
Ύραμμίν[ον, ά]μφ6τ€ροί λνγνάπτοι 
τον Ιν Ό^νρν(γ))(ων πόλ€£ [ijepoO 0ovpiSo[s 
10 Θίά? μί[γί]στης, οι τ^σσαρ€9, 6μ[ν]ύο~ 


μ€ν Καίσαρα? θίον e/c θβον Ήλιο8ώρύΰ[ι 

'Ηλιο8ώρου καΐ Ήλιο8ώρωι Πτολίμαίον 

τοΪ9 €πί των Upoov του Όξνρν{γ)χίτον κ[αΙ 

Κυνοπολβίτον el μην προστατήσ[€ΐν 
15 τον λν)(^νον των ττρο8ί8ηΧωμ€ν\ων 

lepcov καθώς πρόκειται, και χορη[γ]ή- 

σ€ΐν το καθήκον ίλαιον e/y τον? καβ ή• 

μίραν Χν•)^νον? καομίνου? kv τοΪ9 

σημαινομύνοι? Upot? από Θωνθ α 
20 6ωί Meaoptj (Ιπαγομύνων ?) e τον βν^στωτο? α (ϊίτους) 

Καίσαρα? άν[. . . .]/θ[. . . ^ .] ακολου- 
θώ? τοΐ? €ω? τον κβ του και ζ (ΐτον?) 

Κ€χωρηγημ€νοι?, όντων ημών 

άλληλ^νγνων των προγ€γραμμ€- 
25 ί'ίοΐ', των ύπαργόντων ήμ€Ϊν πάν- 
των όντων ίπι τον ττοιή- 

{η}σ€ΐν κα{ι}τα τάπιγζγραμμίνα. ΐύ- 

[ορ]κ[αΰντι μύν] μοι ei» ίΐη, ίφιορ[κονν- 

[τι Se τα €ναν]τία. {€τον?) [α] Καίσαρο? [. . . 
3θ [ ] άντίγρ[α{φον).] Παάπι? Θώνι(ο)ς 

[όμώμοκα] και ποιήσω καθ6τ[ι] προ- 

[κείται. Θ]ωνι? ^Αρπ{α\τισι{ο)? ykypa- 

[0α υπ\ρ\ αυτόν άξιωθξΐ? τιά το 

[μη €iS]ivai αύτον γράμμα[τ]α. 
35 [Ηρακλ€ί]δη? όμώμοκα και πο[ι]ή- 

[σω καθ6]τι πρόκειται. 

[ΓΓεΓοσίρφ όμώμοκα και ποιή[σω 

[καθότι πρ6\κζΐται. "^Slpa? Τοτθ€ϋτ[ο? 

[ίγραψα ύπ\ρ α\ύτοϋ ά^ιωθά? 8[ια το 
4θ [μη e'lSivai αύ]τον γράμματα. Θ[ωνι]? 

[όμώμοκα] όμοίω? καθ6τ[ι πρ]ό- 

[κίΐται. ] 

4. 1. λνχράπται : SO in I. 8. 6. 1. Ίσείου. 1 1. 1. Καίσαρα. 17. ιόΓ f\aiov COTT. 

from V. 23. 1. κ€χορηγ. 2 7- τα of ramyeyp. added above the line. 33. 1. «to. 

40. τα o( γράμματα COTT. 4 I. θοτ of καθοτ^ι COTT. 



' Copy of an oath. We, Thonis also called Patoiphis son of Thonis and Heraclides 
son of Totoes, both lamplighters of the temple of Sarapis, the most great god, and of the 
Isis-shrine there, and Paapis son of Thonis and Petosiris son of the aforesaid Patoiphis, 
both lamplighters of the temple of Thoeris, the most great goddess, at Oxyrhynchus, all 
four swear by Caesar, god and son of a god, to Heliodorus son of Heliodorus and Helio- 
dorus son of Ptolemaeus, overseers of the temples in the Oxyrhynchite and Cynopolite 
nomes, that we will superintend the lamps of the above mentioned temples, as aforesaid, 
and will supply the proper oil for the daily lamps burning in the temples signified from 
Thoth I to Mesore (intercalary day ?) 5 of the present ist year of Caesar ... in accordance 
with what was supplied up to the 22nd which was the 7th year; and we the aforesaid are 
mutually sureties and all our property is security for the performance of the duties herein 
written. If I observe the oath may it be well Λvith me, but if I swear falsely, the reverse. 
The I St year of Caesar . . .' Copies of the signatures of the parties, those of Paapis and 
Petosiris being written by proxies. 

I. ] . a: this is perhaps a number («a ?), or possibly i'\yh{όσιμov) (cf 1548. i), and may 
have been written in a different hand from that of the main text. 

4. Tot[ij ?]ου : cf. 1. 38 Toto€vt[os. Ίοτοης (gen. Ίοτοήονς Or Ίοτοητοΐ) is the USUal 

nominative of this name; cf. e.g. P. Grenf. ii. 18. 

\νχνάπτοι : λνχνάπται, the correct form, known only from Hesychius, cannot be read 
either here or in 1. 8. Oil for λνχνα-ψΐα was one of the chief items of expenditure in the 
accounts of the temple of Jupiter Capitolinus at Arsinoe (B. G. U. 362 = W, Chrest. 96). 
In the Roman period it was often provided by gymnasiarchs (cf. P. Amh. 70. 10 (=W. 
Chrest. 149) and 1449. 64-5, n.), who were also responsible for oil for λυχι/αψία (l413. 
19, n.). 

6. (Ί)σιΌυ : this subordinate shrine in or by the Serapeum of Oxyrhynchus is men- 
tioned next after the Serapeum in 43. verso ii. 14. 

II. Καίσαρ{α) θίον fK θ(οΐ>•. cf. Β. G. U. 543. 2-3, an oath written in the 3rd year of 

Augustus, Καίσαρα αυτοκράτορα θίον νίόν, aS in P. Tebt. 382. 21 (year uncertain) with Αυτο- 
κράτορα last. 

13. Tots em των 'κρών : this title is found in the Ptolemaic period (cf. P. Tebt. 313 
1-2, n.) apparently as a variant for ΐπιστάτης των 'κρών. In P. Tebt. 313 (a.d. 210-1) an 

άρχιπροψητης of the reigning Emperors was eVl των fv Ήλιου noKei κα\ ^Αφροδίτης [ι]ΐρων, and 

since the Oxyrhynchite nome is here coupled for purposes of religious administration with the 
Cynopolite, as in 1449, where priests of temples situated in both nomes occur, the Aphro- 
ditopolis there may well have been the capital of the Aphroditopolite nome, which probably 
adjoined the south of the Heliopolite nome. The Oxyrhynchite and Cynopolite nomes 
were administered by one strategus in the second century b. c, as appears from a papyrus to 
be published in P. Tebt. iii. 

19. θωνθ a: δ or λ could be read instead of a, the bottom of the letter being lost; but 
Thoth I, being new year's day, is so common in this connexion that there is hardly any 
doubt about the reading in spite of the difficulties discussed in int. ; for even if people at 
Oxyrhynchus began dating by Augustus before Thoth i (Aug. 31), 30 b.c, which is improb- 
able, it is very unlikely that 1453 was written before that day. The analogy of leases, 
which generally cover regnal years, and were usually written in Thoth, Phaophi, or Hathur 
(cf. Gentilli, S/ud. Hal di Filol xiii. 289), suggests one of those three months as the most 
probable supplement of the lacuna in II. 29-30, which is of quite uncertain length, since the 
blank space before αντί•^ρ\α.{ή>ον^ may have extended to the beginning of I. 30. 

20. MfCTopr) e : cf. int. Μίσορι)[ι] e could be read, but there was probably a short blank 
space between Μίσορι; and the number, as in 1. 19 between θ«υ^ and the number. The 


reading yitaopt) [i\t is in any case most improbable, the line above the figure being no longer 
than that above the single figure in 1. 19, and Mesore 15 being inexplicable as the last day 
of the year. Of the e only the top survives, coming above the hne like e.g. the first f of 
κΐχωρηγημίνοις in 1. 23, a circumstance which renders y or ς, the only possible alternatives, 
much less satisfactory readings. 

21. The word following Καίσαρος was probably an adverb {άι^νπ€']ρ[θ(τως]}), not 
Αί{τοκ]ρ[άΓορο$•], which is not very often used in mentioning Augustus and never occurs in 
date formulae of his reign (cf. e.g. 11. 29-30, where there is no room for it). Moreover, 
the vestige of the second letter suits ν but not v, the tail of the ρ of ρος ought to have 
been visible, and [aropof] is rather too long for the lacuna. 

22. κβ τον κα\ ζ{ΐτονί): cf. int. and P. Ryl. 69 (i8th and 3rd year). The nature of 
the second reckoning is disputed, Bouch^-Leclercq and Svoronos referring it to Antony, 
Mommsen to a second reckoning of Cleopatra, Strack to Caesarion. The recent discovery 
by Lefebvre of an inscription {Melanges Holleaux) dated in the nth year of the joint reign 
of Cleopatra and Caesarion confirms Porphyry's statement that from the 8th to the 15th 
year only one reckoning was employed, but from the i6th to the 22nd two, thus disposing 
of Dittenberger's restoration erour c rov κα\ β in Or. Gr. Inscr. i. 194, and rendering the 
reading '12' much more probable than '16' (either number can be read according to 
Spiegelberg) in the figures of the regnal year of Cleopatra and Caesarion in P. Cairo dem. 
31232. Strack's view fails to account for the introduction of a new system in the i6thyear, 
and the numismatic evidence strongly favours the reference to Antony. 

23-7. δντωνημών κτλ. : the construction IS difficult, and would be improved either by the 
insertion of e'/c before των in 1. 25 and the omission of όντων in 1. 26, or, preferably, by 
the insertion of something like κατοχίμων or iv κατοχί} after όντων, and alteration of τοΰ to 
T« in 1. 26. Probably the space left in 1. 26 after όντων indicates something in the original 
which the copyist could not read. 

29-30. There need not be any letters lost in 1. 29 after Καίσαρος, but there is room for 
e.g. [θώ^ I or Φαώ|φί. Part of 1. 30 may have been blank; cf. 1. 19, n. 

38. Ίοτοΐΰτ[ος : cf. 1. 4, n. 

1454. Declaration of Municipal Bakers. 

28-7 X 21 cm. A.D. 116. 

On the recto of this papyrus is 1434. The verso contains the conclud- 
ing column of an undertaking (or of the signatures to an undertaking) by 
bakers, addressed to officials of some kind, concerning the manufacture and 
sale of bread, partly from wheat supplied to them by an agoranomus (1. 8). 
Arrangements were made for the quality and weight of the loaves, the trans- 
fer of the price, and the commission to be received by the bakers for their 
trouble. Concerning the municipal supply of bread in the Roman period in 
Egypt very little was known ; cf. Jouguet, Vie mwiic. 324-7, Wilcken, Grunds. 
365-6. The only other papyrus which throws much light on the subject is 
908, a contract between eutheniarchs in 199 for the grinding of wheat 
for bread. There is no evidence at present of the existence of distinct 
officials of this name so early as the reign of Trajan, to which 1454 belongs ; 


but after A. D. 150 the title 6 k-nl rrj^ ξυθηνίας occurs at Alexandria either 
alone (Dittenberger, Or. Gr. Inscr. 705) or combined with that of agoranomus 
(B. G. U. 578. 9), and in the nome-capitals combined with the office of exegetes 
(P. Tebt. 397. 18) or cosmetes (P. Flor. ^^η. 75); cf. 1412. 1-3, n. Hence 
1454 is more likely to have been addressed to a board of officials, perhaps 
including, besides local apxovres, the strategus, who in second-century papyri 
(cf. 1455. int.) is found managing άγοραί, than to agoranomi or eutheniarchs 
alone. It is presumably a copy or draft of the original, being written in a 
large, somewhat irregular hand with a thick pen. 

{προθησομ(ν €i9 πράσι]ι/ μ€τά των ίξ 'ίθονς πράτων ήτοι euOaSe 

[ή οπού kav κίλ^νσθωμξν ?,] καί την τ[ζΐ\μην άποκαταστήσομζν ύμ€Ϊν, 

[και άρτους παραστ]ησ[ο]μ€ν ύμΐ^^ν όπτού? ήρτνμίνον? άριστους 

δ [• καθ'] €[<αστ '?]ον άρτον^.'^ σταθμού λάτρας δυο, λογιζομίνων 

[ύπ€ρ έκάστ]ης (αρτάβης) α\βτ]ω{ν) λ, λημψομζθα 8k ύπίρ πρατικον καΐ 

κοπτου(ργ })ία9 
[και δαπάν]η9 πάσης έκαστης {άρτάβης) όβο{λονς) ι, ομοίως Se και άς 

[πάρα . . . .]ος €νάρχ(ρν) άγοραν6μ(ον) kv *Οξνρνγχ{ων) πολ^ι kv τρισΐ δόσ^σι 

μίτρω δημοσίω 

[ ] (άρτάβας) ων<Γ άΧ^νροποιήσομΐν και άρτοποιήσομξν όπότί kav 

10 [κ€\€νσθώ]μ€ν κα\ϊ\ προθήσομ^ν eh πράσιν μ€τα των k^ ίθονς πράτων ώς πρό- 
[κ€ΐται, και €vSoKOvp]ev πασι τοις προδ^δηλωμύνοις. (eroi/y) κ Αύτοκράτορος 
[Καίσαρος Nepova Τρα]ιαΐ'[ο]ν Χφαστον Γερμανικού Δακικοϋ Παρθικού 

Φαώφι λ. 

5• *"' of ορ'^'ον ΟΟΓΓ. 8. fv τρισι above ev deleted. 

* ... we will expose it for sale with the customary sellers either here or wherever we 
are ordered to expose it (?), and will restore you the price and provide for you loaves which 
are baked, prepared, acceptable, . . . , each weighing 2 pounds, 30 loaves being reckoned to 
each artaba, and we are to receive for selling and making the flour and all expenses 10 obols 
for each artaba; likewise also with regard to the 856 artabae by the public . . . measure 
which we have received from . . . , agoranomus in office, at Oxyrhynchus in three instal- 
ments, we will make them into flour and manufacture loaves whenever we are ordered to do 
so, and expose them for sale with the customary sellers, as aforesaid ; and we consent to 
all the above-mentioned stipulations. The 20th year of the Emperor Caesar Nerva Trajanus 
Augustus Germanicus Dacicus Parthicus, Phaophi 30.' 

1. Apparently not άντίγρα[φον). 

2. των e'l (θον! πράτων, for the restoration of 11. 2-3 cf. 11. 9-10. π-ρατώΐ' might come 


from πρατο!, but πράτης is much the commoner word (cf. 1455. 5, P. Ryl. 226. 5, and the 
αρτοπράται in B. G. U. 304), and suits μ(τά better ; cf. also the πρατικόν in 1. 6. 

4_g. Sprovs is probably to be supplied in the initial lacuna of one of these two lines ; 
but κατά μήνα ΟΓ an adverb may have occurred at the beginning of 1. 4, and the construction 
of 1. 5, where there has been a correction, is obscure. The alteration of Xtirpas to λίτρων 
is attractive ; for with έχοντας in 1. 5 σταθμον λίτρων Avould be expected ; cf. 144Θ. 20. The 
description of the loaves seems to refer to the bread in general, not to a present for the 
officials, though e.g. «κατόι/ might be read in 1. 5. But if καθ'] ί[καστ]ον is right, the pre- 
ceding word is likely to have been another adjective, or a participle in the nominative. 
For οπτούί cf. Hdt. ii. 92 αρτον: oitTovs πυρί : νμ[ίΐ'] κοπτούς (cf. 1. 6, η.) is unsuitable. 
ηρτνμίνον! probably refers to the leavening; cf. P. I'ebt. 375. 27 ζί>μηί ηρτυμίνης. 

6. α[ρτ]<Β(ΐ') λ (fi is a less satisfactory reading) is expected at this point, 30 pairs {ζ(νγη) 
of loaves being reckoned as 2 artabae(i. e. 30 loaves to i art., as here) in P. Brit. Mus. 18. 
22 (i. 22) ; cf. Wilcken, Os/. i. 755. ^ίυ]γ(ώι/) and χ[οι]ν{ίκων) are much less suitable readings, 
and, though an artaba of 30 choenices is known from P. Rev. Laws xxxix. 2, the particular 
kind of artaba meant here had probably been already indicated ; cf. 11. 8-9 where a fresh 
number of artabae is stated to be μΐτρω 8ημοσίω . . . 

πρατικόν: cf. Preisigke, S.JB. 4425. v. 13 τών ^η]γορασμ4νων χωρίς πρατικων : it Stands in 
the same relation to πράτης (cf. 1. 2, n.) as μισθωτικόν in P. Amh. 88. 26 to μισθωτής ; 
cf. Wilcken, Archiv, v. 253. 

KOTTTovipy i)ias : this word is new, but seems appropriate to the context ; cf. 
άλΐυροποιήσομΐν in 1. 9 and κοπτάρια meaning cakes of some kind in P. Goodsp. 30. xlii. 5. 
κοπτοπ(ρι)ίας does not suit the traces of the sixth letter so well, and to read 6πτου(^ργ)ίας or 
67Γτοπ(οι)ίας (cf. otttovs in 1. 4), and suppose that the initial ο was corrected from ω, is also 
unsatisfactory, κο here being written small, as in άακικον in 1. 12. 

8. ]oy : ]ωΓ or ]i{o)s might be read. το]ΐς evapx{ois) άγορανόμ[οις) is Unlikely. 

9. Before (άρτάβας) an abbreviation of ημιαρταβίω is not unlikely; cf. 1472. 19. The 
word in any case probably agreed with μ^τρω. πνροΰ, if mentioned again (it must have 
occurred in connexion with the artabae to which 11. 2-7 refer), ought to have preceded μ^τρψ. 

1455. Declaration of an Oil-seller. 

21.8x9•! cm. A.D. 275. 

A declaration on oath, addressed probably to a strategus, by an oil-seller 
of Oxyrhynchus, who undertook to sell fine oil (1. lo, n.) in the public market 
and to provide a surety. 83, a similar declaration to a logistes fifty-two 
years later by an egg-seller, differs by containing no mention of a surety and 
a more precise prohibition of any secret sale ; B. G. U. 93, 649, and 730 are 
parallel declarations to the strategus of the Pharbaethite nome in the second 
century by owners of pigs, and several bonds of sureties for the performance 
of duties by dealers in supplies are extant in P. Brit. Mus. 974 (iii. 115; καρ- 
ττωνηί at HermopoHs, A.D. 305-6) and Strassb. 46-51 (butchers of various 
kinds at Antinoopolis, A. D. 566) ; cf. also 1454. int. and the monthly reports of 
various guilds to the logistes in 85 and P. S. I. 302. The date of the papyrus, 
Phaophi αϊ (Oct. 19 in 275) of the 7th year of Aurelian, is very important for the 


chronology of that reign, being inconsistent with the scheme proposed by 
Preisigke, which allowed Aurelian only part of a 6th year as his last ; cf. 
1476. int. 

Αυ\ρη\ίω 12 letters στρα- 

7-7?[γω Ό^υρνγχίτου Αυρήλιο? 0€- 

[6δωρ]οί ^Ω.ρ[((ϋνο? του Θ]ώΐ'€β)ί 

[μη{τροί) ...].[.]. [. από τη\? Xa//(7rpay) και 
5 λαμίττροτάτηί) Ό ^(νρυγ χαιτών) TroAecoy πράτηί ίλαίου 

χρηστού, ομνύω την τον κυρίου 

ημών Αύρηλιανοΰ Χ^βαστοϋ 

τύχην napi^eiv ημ^ρισ^ιω? 

kv ώ €χω ίργαστηρίω ίττΐ τήί 
ro [ά\γορα9 αϊλαιον χρη[σ]τον πρδ? 

διάπρασιν και ύπηρ^σίαν τη? 

[π6]λ€ω? €is το μηδ6μί[α]ν €yi~ 

§ρ[αν] ζπακολ[ουθξ]ΐ[ν, η evo- 

\χο5] ίΐην τω ορκω. παρέσχον 
15 [Sh (]μαντου ίνγυητην Αύρή- 

Χιον Χαραπάμμωνα Χαπρί- 

ωνο? μη{τρο9) Θαήσιο? άπο τη? 

αύτη? TToXecoy παρόν- 
τα και ζύδοκονντα. 
2θ (βτου?) ζ Αντοκράτοροζ Καίσαρο? 

Αουκίου Δομιττίου Αύρηλιανοΰ 

Γίρμανικοΰ Μεγίστου Π€ρσικο[ΰ 

Μίγίστον ΓοΘΘικοΰ Μ[ε]γίστου 

Καρπικοΰ Μβγίστου Εύσφον? 
25 Εύτυγοΰ? Χφαστοϋ 

Φαώψι κα. 
2nd hand Αύρήλ{ιο?) Θεόδωρο? Ώρίωνοί ωμοσα 

τον ορκον και έκαστα ττοιήσω ώί 

πρ6κ€ΐται. Αυρήλιο? ^αραττάμ- 
30 μων Χαττρίωνο? ίνγνώμαι τον 

θζόδωρον ώ? πρόκειται. Αί{ρήλ(ιοί) 


^ιλβανοΐ Αμμωνίου ίγραίψα ύπ\ρ 
αυτών μη ΐΐδότων γρ[άμματα. 
3rd hand Αύρή[λιό\9 Τ[ 13 letters 
35 [σ€]σημ[ίίωμαι'ί 

6. ν of ομνύω COrr. 8. 1. ημερησίως. ΙΟ. 1. eXaiov. II. νπηρΐσιαν Π. 21. hoμιτ τιον Π. 
29• av/)7jXtos corr. from σαραπαμ, 

' To Aurelius . . . , strategus of the Oxyrhynchite nome, from AureHus Theodoras son 
of Horion son of Thonis, his mother being . . ., of the illustrious and most illustrious city 
of Oxyrhynchus, seller of fine oil. I swear by the fortune of our lord Aurelianus Augustus 
that I will provide daily in the factory which I possess in the market-place fine oil for sale 
and service of the city, so that no fraud may ensue, under penalty of being liable to the 
consequences of the oath ; and I have provided as my surety Aurelius Sarapammon son of 
Saprion and Thaesis, of the said city, who is present and gives his consent. The 7th year 
of the Emperor Caesar Lucius Domitius Aurelianus Germanicus Maximus Persicus Maximus 
Gothicus Maximus Carpicus Maximus Pius Felix Augustus, Phaophi 21.' Signatures of 
Theodoras and his surety, written by Aurelius Silvanus, and of another Aurelius. 

I. Perhaps Αν[ρη\ίω Tepevrlfu Άρ(^)ίω : cf. 11. 34-5, n. 

10. (€)\aioi> χρη[σ]τόν : olive or sesame oil is probably meant ; cf. P. Gen. 63. iii, where 
«λ. χρ. is opposed to Ιλ. ραφάνινον, and Reil, Beitrage, 137-8. 

34-5. If \σ(\τί]\^Ί(ύμαί (or σε]|σι?μ.) is right, these lines presumably contained the 
signature of the strategus (cf. int.). The only known strategus of this reign at Oxyrhynchus 
is TepevTios "Apeios (1414. 1 7), and Avpri[Xio]s T^epevTios "Apeios is possible here; cf. 1. I, n. 
[ί]πΐ7»'[«ν'«ϊ (cf. 1409. 23) or [Ε]πηκ[ο\ονθηκα might be read, but neither word is expected in 
this context. 

1456. Declaration concerning Appearance in Court. 

9'7 X 8-6 cm. a. d. 284-6. 

A declaration on oath, addressed to a strategus by a citizen of Oxyrhynchus, 
undertaking to appear at the session of the praefect's court about to be held at 
the city or in the nome (cf. 1. 9, n.). The grounds of the action, which was 
directed against certain comarchs, were being stated when the papyrus breaks off. 
The date of 1456 is fixed within the period Oct. 284 — March 286 by the 
mentions of Diocletian without Maximian, and of the strategus, who is known 
from other papyri (1. i, n.). The praefect, M. Aurelius Diogenes, who was 
probably identical with Diogenes, a high official mentioned in P. Cairo 10531 
(3rd-4th cent.), seems to have held office between Pomponius Januarianus 
and Flavius Valerius Pompeianus (11. i, 8, nn.). Similar declarations are 260 
(M. C/iresi. 74), 1195, 1258, B. G. U. 891. recto, P. Leipzig ^a-^, Hamb. 4; 
cf Wenger, Rechtshist. Papyriisstud. 5i sqq. 


[Αυ\ρη\ί(ύ Φιλιάρχω τω και ΏρίωΐΊ στρα(τηγω) 'Οξ{υρνγχίτον) 
[Α]νρήλιοί Ζοϊλά? Θζογίνον? μητ{ρο9) Τανριος 
[ά]πο τή9 λαμπρά^ καΐ λαμπρότατη? Ό^υρυν- 
[χ]€ίτώζ/ πόλβω?. ομνύω την τον κυρίου 
5 [ημ^όίν Ταίου Ούαλ^ρίου Αιοκλητιανοΰ 
[Καί]σαρο9 Χ^βαστοϋ τύγτ}ν εμφανή ίμαν- 
[το\ν καταστήσασθαι τω διασημοτάτω 
[ή]μών ήγΐμόνι Μάρκω ΑύρηΧίω [Γ^αλ]] 
AioyiviL ίνθάδί ίύτυχω? €πι8ημήσαν- 
10 [τ]ι η καΙ ίν τω άστυγζίτονζΐ νομω^ και δικά- 
[σ]ασθαι ίπ αύτοΰ προ9 τού? άπο του νομον 
[.] . . ι ωδ€ γζνομύνον? κωμάργα? ^ττισ- 
[ ]y €veK€v rJ9 ου 6[ΐ6ντω9 ? 

2. ζοϊλας Π. ΙΟ. First e of aarvytiTovei corr. from t. 

* To Aurelius Philiarchus also called Horion, strategus of the Oxyrhynchite nome, 
from Aurelius Zoilas son of Theogenes and Tauris, of the illustrious and most illustrious 
city of Oxyrhynchus. I swear by the fortune of our lord Gaius Valerius Diocletianus Caesar 
Augustus that I will present myself before our most eminent praefect, Marcus Aurelius 
Diogenes, when he auspiciously visits this place or the neighbouring nome, and will bring 
an action in his court against the comarchs from the nome now (?) present ... on account 
of the . . . which they wrongly . . .' 

I. This strategus also occurs in 1260. i (where 1. Φιλιάρχω for Φιλίππω: Pauni 18 of 
the 2nd year of Diocletian and ist of Maximian, i.e. June 12, 286), P. S. ί. 162. i (2nd and 
ist year, month lost), and 1115. i (Pachon 26, i.e. May 21, of the 2nd year of an unnamed 
Emperor). In the last mentioned papyrus the praefect in office was Pomponius Januarianus, 
who is also to be recognized in P. Thead. 18. 3, where 1. Ώ.ομπ[ω]νίω [ί\ανου[αριαν]ω, the year 
being the 2nd of a reign (1. 19), and the months Hathur and perhaps Mecheir occurring 
(the date in 1. 22 is mainly undeciphered). A different praefect is found in 1456. 8, and in 
the 2nd year of Diocletian (a.d. 285-6) the elevation of Maximian to the rank of Augustus 
was known in Middle Egypt on Pharmouthi 5 ( = March 3 1 ; B. G. U. 1090. 36) and Pachon 
29 ( = May 24 ; B. G. U. 922. 2), so that it must have taken place somewhat earlier than 
April I, the date assigned to it by Idatius. Hence both 1115, which on other grounds 
appeared to belong to the reign following that of Probus (cf. int.), and P. Thead. 18 are to 
be assigned to the 2nd year of Carinus and Numerianus (i.e. 283-4) rather than to the 
2nd of Diocletian (285-6), and Aurelius Philiarchus' tenure of office lasted from May 21, 
284, to June 12, 286. On Sept. 19, 287, the strategus was Apollonius, as is shown by 
a papyrus to be published in Part xiii. The accession of Diocletian took place in the 
autumn of 284, Carinus and Numerianus having entered on their third year in Egypt, 
as is shown by coins ; cf, 1476. int. The date of 1456, which ignores Maximian in 
11. 4 sqq., is thus limited to the period between Oct. 284 and March 286, and M. Aurelius 


Diogenes (1- 8) was probably the immediate successor of Pomponius Januarianus and 
predecessor of Flavius Valerius Pompeianus (cf 1416. 29, n.). 

8. The deleted Σαλ looks like a mistaken reference to 'hbpiavios Σαλλουστιοί, praefect in 
280 (1191. 4), who was apparently succeeded by Pomponius Januarianus (cf. 1. i, n.). 

9. (veabe : i.e. at Oxyrhynchus. In the Roman period the convenius of the praefect for 
cases concerning the Heptanomia and Thebaid was usually held at Memphis (705. 6-7 ; 
cf. Wilcken, Archiv, iv. 366 sqq.); but he probably held courts at various points of Middle 
and Upper Egypt more frequently than is allowed by Wilcken ; cf. P. Ryl. 74. int. 

10. άστν-γΐίτων νομός (i.e. the Oxyrhynchite nome) is a novel expression in papyri. 

12. Perhaps [v\vv\ S)Sf yej/o/xeWvf ; but the second word is very doubtful. It cannot be 
read as an accusative ending in f, and [e]i/ia5e (cf. 1. 9) is also inadmissible. 

κωμάρχα! : Or κωμάρχ[ο\υ5. There might be another letter or two at the end of the 
line, and e.g. €πιτη\[ρησ(ως is possible. ίνκ(\[κΚημένου]ς (or fjK.) is unsatisfactory, though 
a participle is not unlikely. 

1457. Registration of Asses. 

16 χ8•4 cm. 4-3 B.C. 

A return addressed to the farmers of the six-drachmae tax upon asses 
by a citizen of Oxyrhynchus, who registers two asses for the current year. 
This impost has previously occurred only in 1438. 19, but is clearly identical 
with the ei6(os) δνων in an unpublished Strassburg papyrus of A. D. 119-20 
mentioned by Wilcken, Grundz. 205, which is also an άτιογραφη to tax- 
farmers. It is remarkable that 1457 and that papyrus are the only άτΐογραφαί 
of asses which are known, although returns of camels, sheep, and goats are 
numerous (cf. Wilcken, /. c, and 1458), being addressed, unlike 1457, to the 
strategus and basilicogrammateus. For a return of a different character 
addressed to a tax-farmer cf. 262, a notification of death sent to an (κληπτωρ 
ycpbiaKov. The known imposts connected with asses are (i) a licence called 
the bί^τλωμa όνων, which appears in B. G. U. 213 (a. D. 112), and for which 
8 drachmae were paid annually on one ass, as in the case of the Η-ηλωμα Ιτητων 
8 dr. 8 obols annually on each horse (cf. P. Hamb. 9. int.) ; (2) a tax of 
4 drachmae per ass levied on purchasers (P. Hamb. 33, A. D. 150-200 ; cf. 
P. Brit. Mus. 305, which mentions in 11. 2-3 ('πηη{ρη)τ{ακ) e/c . . ( ) και 
b€K{arqi ?) ayopas Άλε^άι^δρου, sc. Νήσου, and in 1. 4 τ4λο5 ovov ... ου ■qyo(paae), 
A. D. 144) ; (3) t4\os 6νηλ(ατων ?), for which 2 dr. i obol. are paid in one case, 
but much larger sums (75 dr. and 150 dr.) when όνηλ{ατων) is coupled with 
αμα${ών) ; cf. Wilcken, Osi. i. 272) ; (4) ττίνθημίρος δνων, for which 8 dr. were 
paid in P. Ryl. 195. 5 (cf. 1409. 20, n.). All four seem to be distinct from each 
other, and though the kξabpaχμίa is possibly identical with the δίττλωμα, the sum 
found in 1438. 19 (5 dr. i ob.) does not accord with that in B. G. U. 213. 


*Αρίστ(ονι και ΙΙτολ[ζμαίω kv ττ} ύπαρχ^ούστ} ^[οί ο]ι- 

TOis ζξαληφόσι την ί^αδρα- ίο κία ίπΐ τον npbs 'Oivpvy• 

•)^μηαν των όνων ^ωι/ ττόλεί Χαραπίήου άπο 

παρά, Θοώνΐ(ο)^ τον Θώνιο^. νότον τον δρόμον ίργαζο- 

5 απογράφομαι eh το eve- μίνας μου τα ΐδια €ργα. 

στηκο9 κζ {ζτο?) Καίσαρος 1 4 ξντνχ€Ϊτ€. 
τα υπάρχοντα μοι o[vov9 and hand σ^σημ^ίωται. [ 

θηλήας δύο \€[νκ6χροα9 {ίτονς) κζ Καίσαρ[θ9] Τν[βι . . 

2. τ of την corr. 4• ^ '^ of θοωνις του COTT. from Of. 7• ί• ■'■^ί νιταρχοΰσαβ. 

' Το Ariston and Ptolemaeus, farmers of the six-drachmae tax upon asses, from 
Thoonis son of Thonis. I register for the present 27th year of Caesar the two Hght- 
coloured female asses which belong to me at the house belonging to me at the Serapeum 
at Oxyrhynchus on the south of the Square, and are employed upon my own work. 
Farewell. Signed. The 27th year of Caesar, Tubi . . ' 

8. λί[υκόχροαί : cf. P. Brit. Mus. 333. 22 (ii. 199)• There is not room for \(\νκοχρώμΩνς, 
which occurs in a sale of an ass to be published in Part xiii, 

II-12. από νότου του 8ρόμου : the αμφοΒον Νότου Δρόμου (339, 786, &C.) refers tO the 

Serapeum ; cf. 1105. 7. 

12-13. epyaCopevas μου τα ιδία epya : the Strassburg papyrus mentioned in int. is more 

explicit, having μη ίρ•γαζομίνο{ιιΐ) μισθού αλλ' els Idiav χρείαν. 

1458. Registration of Sheep and Goats. 

i4'9Xi3-icm. ad. 216-17. 

The chief interest of this return of sheep and goats addressed to a 
basilicogrammateus lies in the fact that the papyrus was written in the 
Athribite nome (in the south of the Delta), like 500. The formula differs a 
little from those of the second-century Oxyrhynchite (74), Hermopolite (P. 
Amh. 73), and Arsinoite (B. G. U. 133) parallels, and the third-century Hera- 
cleopolite one (Hartel, Gr. Pap. Erz. Rain. 74), which is also addressed to 
a basilicogrammateus, the others, as well as 245-6 (first century), having been 
sent to a strategus (και oi<i καθηκξΐ in 74). The papyrus is joined to a similar 
but fragmentary return by a woman Aurelia Ammonia (?) also called Heraclea, 
the ends of both documents being lost. They had been glued together as 
part of a series, and apparently brought to Oxyrhynchus, before the verso was 
used for writing a list of abstracts of contracts concerning land. The proper 
names Άρθώνις, Αημητροΰί, and Κεφαλοί)?, and Όξνρν}/\{ων) ττό^ ) « τον 



Neuai;[o/)os (or [hpov) κλψ]ου occur ; but the lines, of which parts of ten survive, 
were very broad, and no connected sense is obtainable. 

Ανρηλίωι '4[• ' • •]γ^ βασίλ{ίκω) γρα{μματ€Ϊ) Ά6ρίβ(ίτον) 

Ανρήλίος Λίλ[ον]ρίων evap- 

χος κ[οσ]μητη9 βουλ{€ντη?) τη? 

Άθριβίτών πόλξω?, πριν 8[€ 
5 τυχΐν ttjs 'Ρωμαίων ttoXltl- 

as Αίλουρίων Ζωίλον JVe[o- 

κ6σμι[ος] ό και 'AXOaievi. a7r[e- 

γρα{ψάμην) τω διβληλυθότι κδ (cTCi) e[7ri 

TTJs μητροπόλεων πρ[6β{ατα) ξ, 
ΙΟ [ά]ρρ{€να) ζ, θηλ[νκα) λ[., 

[αί]γα α, ύποτίθ{ια) *:[., 

κα {ίΤ€ΐ) πρ6β{ατα) ιθ, atya α, 

/^ πρ6β{ατα) έβδομήκοντ[α 

kvvia, atyes δύο, 
1 5 ^ν πρ6β{ατα) app{eva) ις, θηλ{νκα) |[γ, 

aiyes β. e| ων 

δΐίφθάρη πρ6β{ατα) άρ[ρ]{€να) [. , 

[θη]λ{υκά) ια, [ ιο letters 

' Το Aurelius . . ., basilicogrammateus of the Athribite nome, from Aurelius Aelurion, 
cosmetes in office and senator of Athribis, before he received Roman citizenship called 
Aelurion son of Zoi'lus, of the Neocosmian tribe and Althaean deme. I registered in the 
past 24th year at the metropolis 60 sheep, 7 male, 3[.] female, i goat, 2[.] lambs, in the 
2ist year 19 sheep, i goat, total 79 sheep, 2 goats, of which 16 are male, 63 female, 
2 goats. Out of these there have perished , . male, 1 1 female . . .' 

4-5. πριν Be κτλ. : cf e. g. B. G. U. 107 1. 5. 

6-7. Ν6[ο]κόσμι[οϊ] ό και 'AXOaievs : the Neocosmian tribe at Alexandria is known from 
P. Flor. 92. I, Hamb. 32. 4, but the combination with the well-known Althaean deme is new. 

11. νποτίθ^ια) : this spelling also occiirs in the other return (cf int.) and B. G. U. 629. 
14, &c. 

12. κα (?τ6ΐ) : κ€ or κγ cannot be read. There is no corresponding entry in the parallel 
returns from other nomes. As the reports were, so far as is known, sent in annually, the 
interval of three years between the dates in U. 8 and 1 2 is somewhat remarkable. 


1459. Return of Unwatered Land. 

35-5 X 1 1-2 cm. A. D. 226. 

This return sent to a basilicogrammateus by a veteran concerning his land, 
which had not been reached by the inundation and was dry {αβρογο^) or arti- 
ficially irrigated {^ττηντλημύνη), is similar to 1113, 1549, and an ApoUinopolite 
and several Arsinoite papyri (P. Hamb. 11. int.). Part of the land was βασι- 
λική (11, I a, ^6) ; the rest, which was taxed at the usual rates of i or i^ 
artabae per arura (cf. 1. 11, n,), was apparently κληρουχικη which had passed 
into private ownership, and may have been a grant to the veteran from the 
State (cf. P. Giessen 60. int.). The names of the lessees (or in the case of 
βασιλική γη the sub-lessees) form a lengthy list, the property being situated 
mainly near Palosis, but partly near two other villages in the Thmoisepho 
toparchy. These returns were probably made not annually, but when there 
was a low Nile (cf. Eger, Grtmdhuchwesen^ 188, Lewald, Grundbuchrecht^ 79, 
1113. i. 14, n.) ; the orders in the present case are attributed to unnamed 
praefects and an ex-epistrategus, whereas in the other instances they were issued 
by a praefect or procurator usiacus. 

-4[ύ/)ί7λ]ίω Νζμζσίωνι τω κ{αι) Αί[ο]ν[υσίω\ βα[σίλ{ικω) 
[ ] γραμματίΐ ^Οξνρυγ^ζίτον 

πάρα 'Ιουλίου 'Ω,ρίωνο^ ούζτρανοϋ των 

ίντζίμωί άπολζλυ μίνων. ά7Γθγρά{φομαι) 
5 TTpos το €ϊ/€στ(δ?) e (eroy) Μάρκου Αυρηλίου ^ξονήρον 

Άλζξάνδρου Καίσαρος του κυρίου κ[α]τά τα κ€- 

λ€υσθ{ξντα) υπό Τ€ ήγβμόνων και 'Ιουλίου ^ω- 

πάτρου ζπιστρατηγήσαντο? ην 'έχω άβρο- 

χ[ον] καΐ €7Γηντλ(τ]μβνην) π€ρΙ κώμην Παλω- 
ιο σιν €κ τ(οϋ) "Ανδρωνος οτυν τω Μξνβσθ^ίως) κλ^ήρω) 

els Πβτσίίριν Ήρακλήου α [άρτάβης) άβρ6χ(ου) (α ρου pas) β$^, 

και [εκ τ{ου) α]{υτοΰ) eis ΊΙράκλη[ο]ν Π€τσξίpι[o]s βασι[λ{ική9) 

άβρ[6χ{ου) [άρού.) . ., και €]κ [τ{οΰ) 13 letters ] . [. . 

να Π[ ]••[•]•[•] ^βρ^Χ^Ρ^) {Ο'ρου.) α, και €κ του 

1 5 αυτού [els ...]... Πανβχώτου aL άβρ6χ(ου) 

{άρού.) [. ., καΐ CK του λοί\που Μ€ν€σθ{βως) κλ{ήρου) eis 

Π[ 14 letters ] . [.] άβρ6χ{ου) {άρού.) ^'[δ\] 

κ[α]ι [ίκ τ{ρΰ) α{υτοϋ) e/s 'Αλί]ξάν8ρου α {αρτ.) άβρό- 

Ν 2 


χον {άρον.) [. ., κα]1 e[/f τ{ον) .... e/y] Θατρην Παυσζίρι- 
2θ [o]y a (dpT.) άβρ6)((ον) {άρον.) [. . , και ej/c τ{ρν) α(υτον) e/y Χαρατηά- 

δην Άμμωρ[ων α ? (άρτ.)] άβρόχΙ^ον) [άρον.) γ, και ΐκ τ(οϋ) 

λοιτΓοΰ Μ€ν€σθ€ω9 e/y Θατρην Άρισ- 

τάνδρον α (άρτ.) άβρόχΙ^ον) (αρού.) L•, και ίκ τον α(ντον) els 

^αραπιάδην Αμμωνίον aL• και α [άρτ.) άβρό- 
25 χον [άρον.) ey', και e/c τον α[ντον) ety Ιΐ€[τσ€]ιριν 

Παν€χώτον aL άβρ6χ[ον) [άρον.) δ' τ] ί q , και €Κ τ[ον) α[[ντον) 

€19 IleTaeipiu Uavcreipios a [[άρτ.)] άβρ6χ[ον) [άρον.) δ'ΐ] , 

και ίκ τ[ον) α[ντον) eh &eppov6iou Άριστάνδρον aL 

άβρόχ[ον) [άρον.) αβ\ και eK τ[ον) λοιπόν M'e^/eσ^(€α)y) κλ[ήρον) 
3θ eis Μάρκον TleTpooviov IIpeiaKov a [άρτ.) άβρό- 

γον [άρον.) βL•, και nepl το Ν€ΐκοστρά[τον) ίπ[οίκιον) eK τ[ον) 

UToXepaiov και Φιλίππον κλ[ήρον) eh IleTaeipiv 

Ήρακλήον α [άρτ.) άβρ6χ[ον) [άρον.) aL•, και ίκ τ[ον) α[ντον) eh Όν- 

νωφριν TIeTaeipios α [άρτ.) άβρ6χ[ον) [άρον.) α, και irepl Xe- 
35 0<ί> ίκ τ[ον) ΙΙαρμ€νίωι/09 κλ[ήρον) eh JJeTaeipiv μητ[ροΐ) 

Θαήσιοί βασιλ[ικη?) ίπηρτλ[ημ€ρη?) [άρον.) α. (eVoyy) € Αντοκράτορο[9 

Καίσαρος Μάρκον Ανρηλίον Χ€θνήρον Ά\€^άνδρον 

Εύσ€βον9 Εύτνχοϋξ ΐ!€βαστ[ο]ν Φαμ€νωΘ ι. 
and hand 'Ιονλι{ο)9 Ώριων ίπιδίδωκα. 

On the verso traces of an address (?). 

' To Aurelius Nemesion also called Dionysius, basilicogrammateus of the Oxyrhynchite 
nome, from Julius Horion, an honourably discharged veteran. I register for the present 
5th year of Marcus Aurelius Severus Alexander Caesar the lord in accordance with the 
commands both of praefects and of Julius Sopater, ex-epistrategus, the unwatered and 
irrigated land which I own : in the area of the village of Palosis in the holding of Andron 
with that of Menestheus, entered to Petsiris son of Heracleus, rated at i artaba, unwatered, 
2i arurae; and in the same holding, entered to Heracleus son of Petsiris, Crown-land 
unw., . . aru. ; and in the holding of . . ., entered to . . ., unw., i aru. ; and in the same 
holding, entered to . . . son of Panechotes, rated at lA artabae, unw., . . aru. ; and in the 
remainder of Menestheus' holding, entered to . . ., unw., || aru.; and in the same holding, 
entered to . . . son of Alexander, rated at i art., unw., . . aru. ; and in the holding of . . ., 
entered to Thatres daughter of Pausiris, rated at i art., unw., . . aru. ; and in the same 
holding, entered to Sarapiades son of Ammonius, rated at i(?) art., unw., 3 aru.; and in the 
remainder of Menestheus' holding, entered to Thatres daughter of Aristander, rated at i art., 
unw., A aru. ; and in the same holding, entered to Sarapiades son of Ammonius, rated at 
I J and I art., unw., 5 J aru. ; and in the same holding, entered to Petsiris son of Panechotes, 
rated at i^ art., unw., ^ aru. ; and in the same holding, entered to Petsiris son of Pausiris, 


rated at i art., unw., f aru. ; and in the same holding, entered to Thermouthion daughter 
of Aristander, rated at i^ art., unw., if aru. ; and in the remainder of Menestheus' holding, 
entered to M. Petronius Priscus, rated at i art., unw., 2^ aru. ; and in the area of Nicostratou 
farmstead in the holding of Ptolemaeus and Philippus, entered to Petsiris son of Heracleiis, 
rated at i art., unw,, i^ aru. ; and in the same holding, entered to Onnophris son of Petsiris, 
rated at i art., unw., i aru. ; and in the area of Sepho in the holding of Parmenion, entered 
to Petsiris whose mother is Thaesis, Crown-land, irrigated, i aru.' Date and signature. 

I. τω κ(αι) Δί[ο]ΐ'[υσι'ω : cf. P. Hamb. 19. I, where the same basilicogrammateus is 
mentioned, also probably in the 5th year. 

7. \ovk'iov Σωπάτμου : this new epistrategus is to be inserted between Aurelius Severus, 
deputy-epistrategus (1202. i, P. Flor.^382. 50; a.d. 222-3), and Di . . . Balbinus (B. G. U. 
659. 7 ; A.D. 228-9) in Martin's list, Epi's/raieges, 185. He may be identical with the judge 
2ώπατρος in 1408. I-IO. 

9. For the association of είΓηντλημίνη γη with αβροχος cf. p. Giessen 4-7, Ryl. 96. 16. 
In the case of the former half of the charges was let off, in that of the latter the whole. 

10. "Ανδρωνος συν τω Μ€ΐ/ίσ0(εωϊ) κλ{τιρω)•. cf. 1044. ΙΟ, 23. That papyrus clearly refers 
to the village of Palosis, which also occurs as a personal name in 11. 6 and 19. Ώίτσΐψις 
Ήρακληου in 1. 19 might even be identical with the person of that name in 145Θ. 11, 32. 

II. tls Ukaeipiv: cf. the preceding n. σωμαηζομίνας is to be supplied; cf. 1113. 17 
1460. II, nn. 

α (άρτάβης) : this was the normal rate of land-tax upon an arura of catoecic, cleruchic, 
or ordinary private land; cf. P. Ryl. 202. 3, n. and 1434. 23, 1445. 8. n., 1549. 16. 
The i^ artabae rate found in 11. 15 and 24 sqq. also occurs in 1044. ii (i. 7, n.) and 
B. G. U. 139. 13 in connexion with private land. 

16. λοί]π-οί Merecr^(eW) : cf. 1. 29, 1044. 24. 

31. ΐ>}(ίκοστρά{τον) €ττ{οίκι.ον) : cf. 593, where the Πτολ. κα\ Φιλ. κληρο5 is also mentioned 
(1. Φίλιππου for Φιλίσκον), and 1534. int. A Νίΐκοστρά(του) κλήρος at Palosis occurs in 1044. 1 1 
(cf. 1. 10, n.). The (ποίκων was no doubt in the Thmoisepho toparchy, like Palosis and 
Sepho (11. 9 and 34). 

1460. Revision of Lists of Land-owners. 

9-8x9'2cm. A.D. 219-20. 

This return of landed property, addressed to a strategus, is of an unusual 
character, being intended for a revision of the government survey-lists, in which 
the names of the cultivators had ceased to correspond to the facts ; cf. the list of 
deceased cultivators of Crown-lands and their successors in 1446. The reign is 
fixed by the name of the strategus, Aurelius Harpocration, who is known from 
1283. I to have been in office in the 2nd year of Elagabalus (A.D. 318-19); 
the year was apparently indicated in a marginal note at the top (3rd ?). Another 
strategus of the same name in A.D. 278 is known from 1409. i, but the hand- 
writing decisively indicates the earlier date. 6-8 letters are lost at the ends of 
lines, and the papyrus breaks off before reaching the main sentence, describing 
the writer's own land, but not without providing some interesting information 
about the nature of the revision. On the left it was joined to another document, 


of which the ends of 14 lines survive, mentioning ] η κρατίστη \ [βονλη ? and ] τω 

[ ] . γ (?Tovs ?) 

Ανρηλίωι Άρποκρα[τ]ίωνί στρα{τηγω) 0[ξυρυγ)^[ίτον) 
πάρα Φλανία? Μ[α]ρκ€λλη9 χρημα[τιζούση? 
5 χωρί? κυρίου κατά τα ^Ρωμαίων ίθη [τέκνων 
δίκαίω. ίπ€ίδη ή ά7Γαίτησι[ς\ των [σιτικών 
eyeLvcTO άπο άρ-^αίων ονομάτων \των πλεί- 
στων γενομένων επίπ\άστω\ν και άπαί- ? 
τησιν €ποιοΰ[ν]το e^ ης πολλοί ή[δικοΰντο, 

ΙΟ εκέλεύσθη άνανεωθήναι eh τα ν[ 

και κατ eros σωματισθηναι και κεό^αγωρισθη- ? 
ναι τύπω τω8ε• τι Ικάστω υπ\α\ρ\^ει εφ' εκά- 
στης κώμης και εκ του ποίου ϊδ[ους, τι 
ιδιωτικής γης, τί δε δημοσία[ς, ποΐαι 

15 [S\k κα[ρ]πεΐα[ι] επ άρουρηδω καθ' ε[κ]αστο[ν όνομα 
[συν το]ΐς όφειλομενοις γε[νεσ]ι [ ίο letters 

4. φλαυϊαί π. 1 2. ϋπ[α]ρ. Π. 13. ϊδ[ουΓ Π. 14 ιδιωτικής U. 

' Το Aurelius Harpocration, strategus of the Oxyrhynchite nome, from Flavia Marcella, 
acting without a guardian in accordance with Roman custom by the ius liberorum. Since 
the collection of corn-dues was being based upon old lists of names, most of which were 
fictitious, and collections were being made Avhich involved injustice to many, orders were 
given that the dues should be revised . . ., and should be entered on the lists annually 
and registered upon the following plan, namely with a statement how much is owned by 
each individual at each village and to what class it belongs, how much is private land and 
how much public, and what kind of crops are grown in each case on the particular arurae, 
together with the classes (of produce) due . . .' 

2. That this line was written by the writer of 1. i is not certain, but a reference to 
a month is possible. 

6. [σιτικών : Βημοσίων is rather long. 

8-9. άπαί\τησιν•. cf. 1. 6. A Synonym would be improvement in view of the shortness 
of the interval, but there seems to be no other suitable word. 

10. Probably ι^ία or v[vv. The subject of the infinitives is apparently σιτικά, not 


11. σωματισθηναι: the latest discussion of this verb and σωματισμός is in Preisigke, 
Fachworter, 167-8, where references to the eariier literature are given. Preisigke wishes 
to translate σωματίζίΐν ' verkorpern ', i. e. put in the body of a document, and to connect it 
with the Byzantine use in e.g. P. Cairo Masp. 67133. 6 Ίίρημίας νομικό: μαμτνρώ δ και 


' " nn.irn which is ffenerallv regarded as different from the use in e.g. 1044. 26 S>» 

1!ΖΣ)Ζ^^^Ϊ.Ζ^Χΐ"^ίΛ An unpublished Byzantine ...WX^ ^ZZZ 

from Oxyrhynchus! similar to 126, has ««ίφ.σον . . . rA.V;.«ra ... & ro. ..ομα,„ Io^»„u 

Ζχ^ζΤ,αϊ J^ar,™. .i= r> ψί» -rpo<r,y«p»., σ«μά„σο. there to ί.λ,•^ ^ ■■ 

'^^Llnize. 8. The word seems, in spite of Preisigke, often to have a special reference to 

'"T+.xi!ji".his word gives a suitable sense, but is rather •οπ| f°', J/^^^--; 
which L's n'ot elUhere seem to exceed 8 letters, 'ta'^tiiw defers to «ans erence ο 
is the right length, but «ατ«γρίφ«.» in connexion with land usually refers to transierenc 

ownership. , , , c 4 λ t 

16. y«[i/i>[ocn is possible in place of y<V«"•)' L- 

1461. Registration of a Shop. 

,7.5 x7.1cm. A.D. 222. 

This registration (^^αφί) of a vegetable-shop m the of Severus 
Alexander presents some novel features, being addressed apparently to a former 
ί„μ^η.ατον,άφο, and a former chief-priest. The papyrus is broken at the top 
but he wrTting on the verso, which was subsequently used for an account of 
p^^rlentrior r'ents (beginnings of .. lines) has a margin ab-e .. and probabty 
nothine is lost before 1. i of the recto, though it is possible that two former 
nothing lost D ;„„^^ „„( one. Property-returns, other than κατ 

^rr"^"''^;* ' Ji ;^Wch 1461 as is shown by the date, has nothing to do) 
:Xt:rot:tai;d':::d (e.g.l4a.). were usuany sent to -ο/...^.-- 
and this may have been the actual rank of the two --magistrates η 1461 of 
tW omission of the title βφλιοφύλ^χκ,, with the y(>,^raaca«w<»-r«) •" W^S. 3 
nlTZ) mI 1-u e ex-gymnasiarchs are found as ^./3Λ.οφνΛακ«, but several 
rnci'^^f ottrex-magisLes in that position occur (cf. ^^' ^'^^ 
^esen, 34-9). Of the two in question here one had ^^l^^^^'^^^^^^^, 
a lower office than that of gymnasiarch ; cf 1412. 1-3, n. ine snop 
bv tie Imperial te«. and the writer of the papyrus, who was apparently the 
'L e waTliableir the repairs, appending a receipt for Pay-ms wh'c^^^^^^^^^^^ 
made to an a^.r^W. (cf. 1418. 4, ".). General a.oypafa. of Ρ^Ρ"'^ ^"^ J 
to the rules laid down by Mettius Rufus in ^«'■;"-7°' k"""" '° "^ 14βΐ 
place in the third century, and are not certainly attested after ^-D. I3.• 1 
seems to belong to the same class as P. Brit. Mus. 940-5 (•". "7-")>.'"'' "'''"" 
been sent in unduly late. Sellers of vegetables were apparently subject to a tax 
called δΐ7ΐ(λώματθ5) λαχα(νοττ<ίλον) ; cf. P. Tebt. 360. 

μί,,Χ(,ν) 1 . . [ " letters -5 (?"..) β Airo.,,ro<,o), Ka.apo, 

r . .V ye«K'V«>) ίηομ,ημα- Μάρκον Avp„Xlio]u 



[κα\ί Αύρη[\{ί(ϋ)] Ώρίωνι γ€νομ{€νω) Εύσφοϋ^ Εντυχονς 

άρχΐ€[ρ]€Ϊ Χφαστοΰ Άθνρ κ. 

πάρα Αυρηλίου Έρμαΐσκον. 2θ ίστι Sh rfjs άτΓοχ{ή9) το άντί- 
5 απογράφομαι '^χ^ίν βργασ- γρα^φον)' 

τήριον λα)(ανοπωλ{ικον) kvep- Χαχανοπωλξίο^υ^ Έρμα- 

γ(οιή άπο Παχών γ (erouy) μ^χρι ΐσκον βσχον Sia Αιοσκόρου 

σήμερον, ον ίπΐ το{ϋ) αυτ{ρΰ) γ [eTOVs;) el? κατασκευήν α | ί } X(Aay) {βρ.) κ, 

προ? τω Ψοϋ kv κτήσβι 25 [ετονς) δ ξπΐ λόγου {δρ.) κ^ 
ΙΟ κυριακίΙ προ? Trj Π•λατζ[ί- κα(1) όμοί(ω?) [δρ.) κ, 

α, και διαγξγραφύναι μβ e[is και όμοί{ω?) (δρ.) κ, 

κατασκευήν άλ(λα?) (δραχμα?) κ δι{α) και όμοίω[?] {δρ.) κ, 

Διοσ- και όμοί{ω?) αϊ λοιπ{α'ι) {δρ.) κδ, 

κόρου απαιτητού, ω? η 3° γ{ίνονται) {δρ.) ρκδ. 

άποχη περύχει. 

6. fvepy'{^) Π. 8. y corr. from α (?) ; cf. exegetical η. 

' To Aurelius . . ., ex-hypomnematographus, and Aurelius Horion, ex-chief-priest, from 
Aurelius Hermai'scus. I register the fact that I have a vegetable-seller's shop in working 
order from Pachon of the 3rd year up to the present day, situated in the said 3rd year at 
Psou in Imperial ownership in Broad street, and have paid for repairs 20 drachmae more 
through Dioscorus, collector, as stated in the receipt. The 2nd year of the Emperor Caesar 
Marcus Aurelius Severus Alexander Pius Felix Augustus, Hathur 20. The copy of the 
receipt is as follows : For the vegetable-seller's shop of Hermai'scus I have received through 
Dioscorus for repairs 20 drachmae more; the 4th year on account 20 dr.; item 20 dr.; 
item 20 dr. ; item 20 dr. ; item the remaining 24 dr.; total 124 dr.' 

6-7. evfpy{ov)•. or ivepy\o'\u (with λαχαΐΌ7Γωλ(6ίΌν) preceding; cf. 1. 22) or ivepy\o'\\i{v)•, 

cf. crit. n. 

7. γ (erovs): sc. of Elagabalus, the mention of whose name is avoided, as in 1. 25. 

8. To{v) αυτ{ον) y {erovs) : the number was apparently a, at any rate originally, but this 
is inconsistent with το{ΐ) αυτ{οΰ), and, as β (cf. 1. 15) cannot be read, it is best to suppose that 
some superfluous ink above the end of the a represents the cross-bar of a γ, the loop of the 
a being left uncorrected. 

9. προς τωΨοΰ : an island called ^ώ near Syene is known from Dittenberger, Gr. Or. Inscr. 
i. 168. 42 (cf. ii. 547), and -ι\τώ with the prefix Teproi/- (found in several Hermopolite villages) 
occurs in P. Ryl. 108. 12. IoC seems to have been a building or τόπος, but the last letter is 
doubtful, being perhaps η. •<ίίόω cannot be read, if iv is right ; and, as the vestige before ν suits 
€ better than ω, Sfdo) {i)v or Ψόων {iv) is unsatisfactory. 

10. The Ώλατύα gave its name to an αμφοΒον at Oxyrhynchus ; cf. e.g. 248. 17. 

12. a\(Xas) {8ραχμάς) κ: cf. 1. 24, to which this payment refers, having been made 
apparently in the 3rd year of Elagabalus. κ suits the vestiges better than any other number, 


κδ or pKh (cf. 11. 29-30) being inadmissible. It is not possible to read ai X{omai) here (cf. 
1. 29) and regard it as a mistake for τά? X(ot7ras), though in I. 24 the writer seems to have 

confused a\(Xas) with αί λ(οΐ7Γαί). 

2 2. λαχαΐΌττωλί/ηΜ : or pOSSibly λαχανοπωλίον, but not -πώλου or πωλ«ο[ϋ]. 

23- (ο-χον : who issued the receipt is not stated. 
24. a{i}\{\as) : cf. 1. 12, n. 

1462. Two Notifications of Cessions. 

15 X II-7 cm. A.D. 83-4. 

These two documents, addressed to the oiiicial in supreme charge of the 
administration of catoecic land (καταλοχισμοί), were joined together and numbered 
probably in the office of the local agent of the department (11. a-3, n.). They 
were written by persons to whom landed property had been ceded (at any rate 
in the second case by purchase ; cf. 11. 29-30, n.), but owing to the loss of the 
conclusions the precise purpose of the notifications is obscure. Probably, how- 
ever, they exemplify the process of μ€Τ€Τΐΐγραφή, i. e. transference of ownership in 
the official register of catoecic land, referred to in 273. 18 sqq. {=M. Ckrest. 
aai) κα[τοι]κικηί γψ apovpas -nivre as καΐ e^eV[Tat] rfj Γαι'α . . . άττό rrjahe [rijs δμο]- 
λογίας bt kavrrjs μ(τe■nίγpάφeσθaL [δια των κ]αταλοχίσμων. The communications 
addressed by the office of καταλοχισμοί to subordinates (P. Flor. 93) or to 
agoranomi (e. g. 45-6) are likely to have been the direct consequence of similar 
notifications. On the general evidence concerning the transfer of catoecic land 
see 45. int., Preisigke, Girowesen, 497 sqq., where the process as explained is 
probably much too elaborate, Mitteis, Grundz. 111-12. Both documents in 1462 
mention contracts made through village γραφεία, i.e. parallel to those drawn up 
in the ayopavoμdov or μνημον€ων of the metropolis, which are probably indicated 
by the ομολογία in 45. 7 (cf. Mitteis, C/iresL 222. int.). In the second case there 
was an interval of at least three months between the date of the contract (Pauni 
of the and year, 1. 35) and the notification (in the 3rd year), which is accounted 
for by the fact that the contract was made in a distant part of Egypt ; in the 
first case the interval is likely to have been less, especially if ηαχ\ων (the 9th 
month of the year) in 1. 14 is right. But in any case the procedure seems to 
have been slower than that exemplified by 45, where the officials of the κατα- 
Aoxta^ot'-office are found communicating with the agoranomi on the day on which 
the sale was drawn up. With regard to the nature of the contracts we share 
Mitteis's objections to Preisigke's hypothesis that two different ones were 
necessary, and regard 273 as on a level with C. P. R. i (M. C/iresi. 220) and an 
example of the kind of agreements indicated in 1462. 




Col. i. Col. ii. 


[ α ] 

[Ταροντιλλίω ? τω προς τοΐ? /cjara- 

[δια Πλοντάρχ{ου) ? χ€φισ]τον 

[πάρα ο]ν Διοσ- 

[κόρου του Ήρα]κλ€ίδον 
[ II letters ]ίου τον 

[καΐ ] παρακ€- 

[χωρηται 8ι'] ίμον ή άφή- 
[λίξ μου θνγά]τηρ Ήραΐσ- 
[κη ? κατά όμο]λογίαι/ την 
[τΐλίωθΐσαν] δια. τον 
[της κώμης ^t\vapv της 
[κάτω το]π[α/)]χία? γραφίο{ν) 
[τω ΙΙα)(\ων μηνΐ τον 
[ei'ea]ro)[ro]y γ {^^τονς) 
[Αντοκ^ράτορος Καίσαρ[ος\ 
[Δομϊ\τιανον Χφαστον 
[Τ€ρμ\ανικον πάρα τον 

[ ]€σίθϋ μον ά[δ]<ί\- 

[φον . . . .]χου Τηρα:[.]ο- 
[ 15 letters ]αλ- 

and hand Ταρουτιλλίω τω προς τοΐ{ς) 
δια Πλοντάρχ{ον) χείριστου 

25 πάρα Αημη[τρ]ίου τον Καλ- 
λίον των άπο κώμης Stvapv 
της κάτω τοπαρχίας, πα- 
ρακξχώρημαι σνν ere- 
ροις νπάρχονσι νποπ€ίπτο{νσίν) 

3θ βνκνκλίω καθ^ όμολο- 
yiav την Τ€λςίω6ξ.ΐσαν 
δια τον της Νώ^ως και 
άλλων κωμών [τή]ς 
Άλξξανδρβων χώρας 

35 γραφίον τω Τίαννι μη ν ι 
τον δΐ€λθ6ντος δβντύ- 
ρον '4τονς Αύτοκράτο[ρος 
Καίσ[α]ρος Δομιτιανοϋ ^€- 

[Γ€ρμ]ανικον πάρα Εντνχ{ ) 

4θ [ τ]οΰ [ ]ai'oi;[y ? 

U. 2. 

Το Tarutillius, superintendent of the distribution of lands, through his agent Plutarchus, 
from Demetrius son of Callias, inhabitant of the village of Sinaru in the lower toparchy. 
I have had ceded to me together with other property subject to the εγκύκλιον-ΐΆΧ, by a contract 
executed through the record-office of Noi's and other villages in the territory of the Alexan- 
drians in the month of Pauni of the past second year of the Emperor Caesar Domitianus 
Augustus Germanicus, from Eutych . . . son of . . . son of . . .' 

2-3 (=23-4). These lines must have projected if the restoration is correct, for only 
14 and 13 letters would be expected in the two lacunae. Possibly a whole line is lost at 
the top, but Col. i is already higher than Col. ii. For προς τοΊς κ]αταλ(οχισμοΊς) cf. P. Grenf. 

ii. 42. I Uvppos ό TTpos Totr καταλο;(( ίσμοΐί) των κατοίκ{α>ν) της Α[ΐγύπτου in A.D. 88. TarUtilliuS 
was already in office in A.D. 81 (165). 'ϊ\paκKeibης Ύαρουτιλλίου ό άσχόΚ[ονμίνος) τους κατα- 
ΧοχισμΌνς τοϋ Έρμοπολίτου in A.D. 84 (P. Flor. 92. l) may have been his son. For Πλούταρχος 


cf. 174, where he is called 6 καθιστάμενος ΐπιτηρψψ και χείριστης καταΚοχισμων Οξυρυγχίτου 
(α. D. 88), and 345. 

6-7. For the Alexandrian tribe-name there are several possibilities, but of the known 
deme-names Zrjveios is the only one short enough for ]. 7. It occurs in combination with the 
tribe-names Προπαπποσφάστειος and 2ωσικόσμιοί, which are both unsuitable here ; cf. the list 
in Jouguet, Vie munic. 130-1. 

9-10. Ήραΐσ[(«; κατά : 'Upais is a very common feminine name, but it is not easy to hll 
up the lacuna. 'HpniWoy is fairly common. 

I p. r γσ'ιον: the vestige before σ suits β or α better than η, and to \6μο•γν\ησΊου 

there is the further objection that the word following ]χου (or ]rov) in 1. 20 is not Διοσκόρου (cf. 
I. 4), although apparently a proper name, [νΐοθ^σίου ' adopted ' is not an attested form 
(though cf. άφέσιος) and is too short. 

23-4. Cf. 11. 2-3, n. 

29-30. νποπΐίπτο[υσιν) ίνκυκΚίω : the tax on sales was 10 per cent, of the price at this 
period; cf. 242. int. The τέλος καταλοχισμων paid by incoming catoeci (P. Tebt. 357, 
Wilcken, Grundz. 305) was different; cf. 1472. 25. 

32. Νώεω? : this village was unknown. For the "ΑΧεξαν^ρίων χώρα see 1273. 8, η. 

1463. Application for Examination of a Slave. 

27-2 X 15 cm. A.D. 215. 

An application for the examination {άνάκρισιή of a female slave, sent to the 
nomarch of Antinoopolis (1. i, n.) through his deputy by the intending purchaser, 
with her signature and that of the seller. All this part of the papyrus is very well 
preserved, but the last few lines (26-35), which contain a letter from the deputy- 
nomarch, either issuing the required certificate of avaKpcais or authorizing it to be 
made, are in the essential portion too much damaged to be intelligible. The 
application was written a few years after the constiUitio Antoiiiniana, and naturally 
all the persons referred to are Aurelii. The mention in two cases (those of 
the guardian of the purchaser and his proxy ; 11. 5 and 20) of Alexandrian tribe- 
and deme-names is not surprising (cf. e. g. 1458. 6) ; but, since the buyer was 
resident at Oxyrhynchus and the seller in the Heracleopolite nome, it is remark- 
able that the question of ανάκρισι$ should be referred to an Antinoite official. 
Apart from the present document, all that is known about that process is that it 
was preliminary to the sale of a slave and was conducted by various officials ; 
cf. P. Brit. Mus. 251. 6-8 (ii. 317 ; = M. Chrest. 270) avaUhuiKav h\ ol άττοδομενοι 
Tij (ωνημίντ] ην ττίττόηνται iirl [rijs δι]καιο[δ]οσία9 [τ]ών οΐκίτών άνάκρισιν υνσαν tJJ 
^€στ[ώ]σιι,?. Leipzig 4• i- Ι5-Ι7 (= Μ. C/ircsi. 171) η]νττ€ρ άσφάλ^ιαυμ^τά καΐ Ttjs 
a[TToypa]<p[ij]s καΐ ανακράσ^ω^ ΐμ ττ€7:[οίηταϋ two proper names τ]ω καΐ Ίτητία τοΐί 
αξι[ο]λ[ο]γω[τά\τοΐ5 [€>[ά]ρχοΐ9 i^τoμvημ{aτoγpάφoLs) μ€τά και τ[ηί . . .] -ηροκτητικηί 
ασφάλεια? . . . άvέbωκ(V 6 ά[ττοδο/Λ€2;ο5ΐ, 1209. 19-21 άνα[κρίθίση]9 rrjs Tepevros ώί δια 
τοΰ ιτροτ4ρου χρηματισμού [bηλoΰτaι]. Mitteis {Grtmdz. 192) explains άνάκρισίί as 


a permit for the sale, Preisigke {Fachworter, s.v.) as a certificate containing an 
official description of the slave. The fact that a precise description of the slave 
is given in the application (1463. lo-ii), and that γνωρίζων occurs in the letter of 
the deputy-nomarch (1. 30 ; cf. the -γνωστηρζζ who appear in connexion with the 
(irUpicns of slaves and others in 1451. 27), indicates that the ' examination ' was 
intended to establish the identity of the slave, and somewhat resembled the 
process of ζττίκρισι^ ; cf. 1451. int. The intervention of the Antinoite nomarch 
may have been due to the circumstance that the birth-certificate of the slave was 
deposited at Antinoopolis during a former period of residence of her mistress at 
that city. The beginnings of 11. 30-1 are on a separate fragment, of which the 
exact position is uncertain ; it can be assigned to the beginnings of 11. 38-9 
or 29-30. 

Ανρηλίωι Άμμωνίωι νομάρχ^τ) Άντινόον πόλβω? 

8ια Αυρηλίου 'Απόλλωνος τ[ο]ΰ και ^ξρήνο[υ] 8ία8όγου 

πάρα Αύρηλίας Κλαυ8ία9 Χαραπίωνος απ Όζυρύγχων 

πόλεω? μζτα κυρίου του εαυτή? άν8ρο9 Μάρκου Αύρη- 
5 λίου Αμμωνίου Διονυσίου του 'Αμέριμνου ^ωσι- 

κοσμ^ίου του καΐ Άλθαίίω?. βουλομύνη ώνήσασ{θαι) πάρα ■ 

Αύρηλία? Άρτ€μζΐτος Αμ6ίΤ0$ μητρός Ταψαμόι- 

τος άπο Χοινώθβως του Ήρακλίοπολίίτου νομοϋ 

χωρίς κυρίου χρημα{τιζούσης) δικαίων τίκνων 8ούλην 
ΙΟ ονόματι Τυραννί8αν yevu Ασιαγζνην λβυκόχρουν 

ως (ίτων) κ8 ei και τι{νι) Ijepcu ονόματι καλζΐται, 

αξίω την ταύτης άνάκρισιν γ^νύσθαι κατά τα Κ€- 

λίυσθίντα. 8ι^υτύγ€ΐ. {ίτους) κδ Αυτοκράτορας 

Καίσαρος Μάρκου Αυρηλίου Χ(.ουήρου Άντωνίνον 
1 5 Παρθικού Μζγίστου Βρ€ττανικοΰ Μβγίστο[υ Γ]€ρμανικοΰ 

Μεγίστου Ευσεβούς Χφαστοϋ Θωθ ιη. (2nd hand) Αύρη- 

λία Κλ[α]υδία ζπι8€8ωκ[α.] (3rd hand) Αύρήλ{ιος) 

Αμμώνιος ΐπιγίγραμμαι της γυ[να]ικός 

μου κύριος, ^ξρήνος ΐ!αραπίων[ος το]ΰ Χαιρή- 
2ο μονός Φυλαξιθαλάσσιος ό και Άλ[θαΐζύ]ς 

'έγραψα ύπ\ρ αύτοϋ μη €ίδότο[ς γράμ]ματα. 

{μη €ίδότ[ο]ς} (4th hand) Αύρηλ{ία) Άρτξμπς ξύδοκώ. Αύρήλ{ιος) 

Καλλίνικος 6 και Κοπρίας Ήρακλίίδου μητ{ρος) 


Ίσ€ίτος άφ Ηρακλύον^ πολζως €γραψα ύ- 

25 [ττερ] Trjs τον άδ^λφον γνναικο? γράμματα 

[μη ξίδνίας. (^th hand) Αύρήλ[ως) Ά]μμώριο9 νομάρχης Άντι- 
[νοου π6λ{(eωs) Sia Ανρηλ{ίον)] 'Απολλώνιου τον και ^[€]ρήι/ον διαδόχον 
[ 15 letters ] άντι άποδ[ 2θ 1. 
[ 14 letters ]€iois τω ύπ[ 29 1. 

3° ^Τ^[• -Μ ] γνωρίζων [ 19 1. 

€7riTeXo[f '\υτον κανδν\ν ΐ'] \. 

ώί σ[ II 1. '\θη. €σημίω[σάμην. (βτον^) κδ 

Αντοκ[ράτορο9] Καίσαρος Μ[άρκον Αύρηλίον ^€ονήρον Άντωνίνου 
Τ1αρτικ\οϋ Μ.€•γ\ίστου Βρζταν\νίΚον Μίγίστον Τ^ρμανικου 
35 M.iyLaTo\y Eu\rv^ovs Χίβ[αστον 

7• ταφαμοίτος Π. g. 1. δικαίω. II. ep of ίτβρω COrr. from ω (?)• Ι5• βρίτ'τα- 

νικου Π. 17. ω οί ΐττώίΒωκα COrr. 21. vnep Π; SO in 1. 24• 24. ϊσατος Π. 34• 

1. ΠαρΛκΓοϋ. 

* Το Aurelius Ammonius, nomarch of Antinoopolis, through Aurelius Apollo also called 
Serenus, his deputy, from Aurelia Claudia daughter of Sarapion, of Oxyrhynchus, with her 
guardian, who is her husband, Marcus Aurelius Ammonius son of Dionysius son of 
Amerimnus, of the Sosicosmian tribe and Althaean deme. As I wish to buy from Aurelia 
Artemeis daughter of Amois and Taphamoi's, from Choinothis in the Heracleopolite nome, 
acting without a guardian by the ms liberorum, a female slave called Tyrannis, of Asiatic 
descent, white-skinned, aged about 24 years, or by whatever other name she is called, I request 
that her examination may be held in accordance w'ith the orders on the subject. Farewell.' 
Date, signatures of Aurelia Claudia and her guardian, the latter written by Serenus, and of 
Aurelia Artemeis, written by the brother of her husband, and part of a letter from the 
nomarch, through his deputy. 

I. νομάρχη Άντιρόον πολίως : the nomarch at Antinoopolis seems to have taken the place 
of the strategus at other nome-capitals ; cf. Kuhn, Antinoopolis, 143 sqq. 

8. The early Ptolemaic form of Χοινωθις was Χοφνωτμις, found in P. Hibeh 112. 26 and 
68. 3, which also indicates that it was in the Κωΐτης toparchy (cf. 1416. 13, n.). Χοινώθμις 
occurs in P. Stud. Pal. x. 8. 2 (4th cent.). 

II. (I και Ti(vi) ίτίρω ονόματι: this is the regular phrase; cf. B. G. U. 316. 12, 
P. Strassb. 79. 2. 

22. The fact that Aurelia Artemeis, though acting without a κύριος (1. g), was unable to 
write is noticeable in view of the importance elsewhere attached to a knowledge of writing 
as a condition for dispensing with a Kvpios; cf. 1467. int. 

27. Άπολλωΐ'/ου : in 1. 2 Απόλλωνος. 

2 8. Perhaps άντ\ αποΒ[όσ(ως, SC. of the charge for άνάκρισις. 

29. τω ντι[•. possibly τω ίσι[όΐ'Τί, with €rf[i in the next line; but the bottom of i, if that 
letter followed er€[, would be expected to be visible, and the position of the fragment con- 
taining the beginnings of II. 30-1 is uncertain ; cf. int. 

31. ίπιτελο[υ . . . seems to be a participle, but ΐπιτΐ\([ι is possible. 


1464. Declaration of Pagan Sacrifice. 

ι'7•2 X9'8cm. a. d. 250. 

On the recto of this papyrus is a libellus of the period of the Decian 
persecution, containing a declaration of conformity to pagan worship, like 658. 
Examples of these libelli from the Arsinoite nome are now numerous ; cf. P. M. 
Meyer, Abhand. d. BerL Ahad. 1910 and Grieck. Texte, 15-17, and P. Ryl. 
12, 112. The present specimen differs slightly from the normal type, mentioning 
a Θζία κρίσί5 (i. e. Imperial decree) in 1. 6, and indicating that part, if not all, of the 
writer's family associated with him was represented by himself (1. 10, n.). The 
official signatures appended to most of the Arsinoite libelli are here absent. 
658 is incomplete at the end, but in the light of 1464 the signature in the 
last extant line of that papyrus is almost certainly that of the writer of the 

The verso contains parts of ten lines of an account of names (e. g. BτJσαsJ 
^eyofxowis) and drachmae, written soon after 250. 

[ΤοΓ?] €7Γί TOiV θυσιών αίρζ,θύσι τη 9 

[0]ξνρνγ)(€ίτών πόλεωί 

[παρ]ά. Αυρηλίου Γαιώνος 'Αμμωνίου 

[μη]τροί Ταξΰτο?. del μ\ν θύ^ιν και 
5 [σ7Γ€]νδβιι/ και σύβξΐν Oeoh ξίθισμίνος 

[κατ]α τα κίλβυσθξντα ύπο της θ^ίας κρίσεως 

[και] νυν ίνώπιον υμών θύων καΐ σπίν- 

\8(ύ\ν και γζυ[σ]άμ€νο9 τών ίβρβίων άμα 

[Τα ?]ωτί γυναικι [κ]αι Άμμωνίω καΐ Άμμω- 
ιο [νι]ανώ υίοΐς και Θέκλα θυγατρι δι ίμοΰ κ[α]ι 

[ά^ί\ώ ύποσημιώσασθαί μοι. (βτους) α 

[Αύ]τοκράτορο9 Κ[α]ί[σαρο]9 Ταίου Μβσσίου 

[Κυί]ντου Τ[ρ]αιανοΰ Δίκιου Εύσφους 

[Έ1ν\τνγοϋ9 Χ^βαστοΰ Έττβιφ γ. Αύρή[λιο9 
15 [Γαί\ων ίττιδίδωκα. Αύρήλ[ιος) Χαραπίων 

[6 κ{αΐ)\ Χαιρήμων 'ίγρ[αψα] ύπίρ αύτοΰ μτ) [ζΐδό- 

[το9] γράμματα. 

3• yaiavos Π; SO in 1. 15 γάι^ων. 7• ^Ζ^*^" Π. 8. 'iepeiwv Π. 12. γαϊου Π. 

*Το the commissioners of sacrifices at Oxyrhynchus from Aurelius Gaion son of 
Ammonius and Taeus, It has ever been my habit to make sacrifices and libations and pay 


reverence to the gods in accordance with the orders of the divine decree, and now I have 
in your presence sacrificed and made Hbations and tasted the oflferings with Taos my wife, 
Ammonius and Ammonianus my sons, and Thecla my daughter, acting through me, and 
I request you to certify my statement. The ist year of the Emperor Caesar Gains Messius 
Quintus Trajanus Decius Pius FeHx Augustus, Epeiph 3. I, Aurelius Gaion, have presented 
this application. I, Aurelius Sarapion also called Chaeremon, wrote on his behalf, as he is 

I. [Tots] eVi των θνσιων αίρεθΐΊσι : this, with the perfect in place of the aorist, is the usual 
title of the commissioners; in 658. i they are called rois ϊπί.τών ί€ρ(^ίί)ων [καϊ\ θυσιών. 
5. σίβίΐν : in the Arsinoite h'belh' ^νσφύν is used, more correctly. 

9. [Τα]ωτι: cf. e. g. 256. 4, B. G. U. 26. 18, and Ία^ΰτο^ in 1. 4. 

10. θΐκΚα : cf. e. g. 1059. 2 (5th cent.). Whether δι' εμοΰ refers to her alone, or to the 
wife and sons also, is not clear ; cf. int. In 658 a son and daughter are mentioned ; but 
the Arsinoite libelli generally mention one person only, even when ύ/χά? occurs in the 
attestation of the officials. 

κ[α]ί : this is superfluous, as the writer has participles instead of indicatives in 11. 6-7 ; 
cf. 658. 11-12. 

1465. Petition concerning Theft. 

14-3 X IO-5 cm. First century b. c. 

A petition to an official, complaining of a theft of corn and asking for the 
arrest of the suspected thieves. The script is practically uncial, resembling that 
of 1453 (30-39 B. c), and the phraseology of the concluding section (11. 9-16) is 
in the Ptolemaic style, so that the papyrus is as likely to have been written in the 
reign of Cleopatra (or possibly Ptolemy Auletes) as in the early part of the reign 
of Augustus. Owing to the loss of the beginning it is uncertain which magistrate 
is addressed, but the phrase καταστησαι cttI σέ (1. i%) suggests the strategus 
or eTTtararrjs φυλακίτών : cf. e. g. P. Ryl. 136. 14, 149. 33. Pauses are indicated 
by short blank spaces after κοίταζο[μ4]νονς (1. 9), ττ[ροσ]αγγ4\λων (1. ίο), and 
κομίσωμαί (1. 13). 

. . • • • • • 

[ά]ΐ'€λ^€[Γ^] άπο fjs ί[χω άλω 

πβρί το Πίκύσιοί 'latehv άπ[η]νίγ- 

[κα]ντο λυστρικωι τρόττωι €i9 (πνρον) [άρτάβας) δ, 

ο(χοίωί καΐ a<f> ^[y €χ]ω trepl τ[δ] αντο 


5 Ίσΐ€Ϊον αλ[λ]7?9 αλω ^y γβωργωι 

βασιλικής [y]fjs e/y aXXas {πνροΰ) [(άρτάβας)] δ. 

καθυτΓονοων ουν e/s Χαραπίωνα 

άλ(ύνοψυλα[κ]α και τους aXXovs τους €Κ€Ϊ 

κοιταζο[μί]ΐΌνς, S)v χαρ'^ ήνομη- 
ιο μΙ'^Υος π[ροσ\αγγύλλων, άξιω συν- 

τ[α\ξαι ^\κ\ζΎΐτήσαντας τους α[ίτίο]υί 

καταστήσαι ίπι σΙ, οττω? Ιγώ μίν 

τα Ηλημμίνα κομίσωμαι, οι δί φαρη- 

σόμ^νοι αίτιοι τύχω[σ]ί Sf ιτροσήκ^ι 
15 ττρδ? ίπίστασιν άλλων, 'ίν ω άι/χεί- 



8. φυλα[κ]α of αλωνοφυλ. above the line. 

' . . . before I returned, thievishly carried off from the threshing-floor, which I own near 
Iseum Pekusios, as much as 4 artabae of wheat, and likewise from another threshing-floor, 
which I own near the same Iseum for the Crown-land cultivated by me, as much as 4 more 
artabae of wheat. I have suspicions against Sarapion, guard of the threshing-floors, and the 
others who sleep there. Wherefore having been wronged I appeal to you, and request you 
to give orders (to your subordinates) to search out the guilty persons and bring them before 
you, in order that I may recover the stolen property, and the persons who shall be proved 
guilty may receive due punishment, so as to prevent others, and that I may obtain relief. 

1 . [a]veX^e[Ii^] : πριν /xe may have preceded, π can be read in place of v, and the 
following από is very uncertain, but [6Ϊ]σίλ^ό[ντ]« άφ' ψ is inadmissible. The lacuna at the 
end of the line has room for 2 or 3 more letters, and 'ί[χομ€Ρ is possible, in spite of ^'χ]ω in 1. 4. 

2. Πίκύσιοί ΊσκΊον : several villages called after shrines of Isis are known in the 
Oxyrhynchite nome (cf. 1488. 28, n.) ; but this one is new. 

7. καθνπονοων ουν : the sentence begins as if άξίώ was to be the main verb, but the 
writer makes a fresh start in 1. 9 with ων χάριν, adding two more participles, els 2αραπίωνα 
is an unusual construction: the accusative simply after Kaevnovoelv occurs in P. Ryl. 146. 19, 
the genitive in P. S. I. 1 68. 26. 

8. άΚωνοφνλα[κ]α : cf. the 6 άλωνοφΰλακ€ς mentioned together with an αρχ€φο8ο: and 
άρχιπί8ιοφνλαξ in a list of δημόσιοι of Seruphis, an Oxyrhynchite village, in a Leipzig papyrus 
cited by Wilcken, Grundz. 415. In P. Ryl. 90. 2, &c., άλωνοφυλ{ακίαν) is probably to be read 
in place of the unusual ά•γωνοφνλ(ακίαν), 

ΙΟ. π[ροσ]α•γγίΚλων : a participle has superseded the indicative as in 1. 7, the writer 
making a pause after -\ων (cf. int.). This word is common in Ptolemaic petitions ; cf. 
P. Hibeh 36. i, 37. 2, Ryl. 68. 17, P. S. I. 172. 7. 

15. irpos επίστασιν αλΚων : this phrase Can now be recognized in the very cursively 
written P. Amh. 35. 48, where 1. irpos (πίστα{σιν) άλλων. 


1466. Bilingual Request for a Guardian. 

ii«3 X iS'Y cm. A. D. 245. Plate I. 

A request for the appointment of a guardian, addressed to the praefect 
Valerius Firmus by a woman, in both Latin and Greek. The writing is across 
the fibres, and the right-hand half of the document is lost, but can be restored by 
the aid of 720 (= M. Chrest. 324), a similar request in Latin to the same praefect 
two years later, and 1201, a bilingual application for agnitio bonorum possessionis 
in A. D. 258. The Latin cursive writing is much smaller and more rapidly 
penned than that of those papyri and 1114 (a. d. 237) and 1271 (a. d. 246). 720 
was the original petition, containing the actual signatures of the applicant and her 
proposed guardian (both in Greek), with the answer made in the office of the 
praefect and a remark of assent, probably in the praefect's own handwriting. 
1466 also has at the bottom the answer to the petition, but in Greek, not Latin, 
and since the sigilatures appended to the Greek text are not autographs, the 
document is clearly a copy made in the praefect's office, the Greek docket 
appended to the Latin text giving the number of the original petition, which had 
been entered in the praefect's books. The Latin version is probably only a par- 
tial copy of the original, the Latin date and answer being omitted in 1. 2, but 
translated in 11. 6-η and 10 ; cf. 1201. 21-2, where the Latin answer of the prae- 
fect is translated. Lines 1-3, which are close to the upper margin, may even 
have been written after 11. 4-10: The lower part of the papyrus contains traces 
of an earlier document which has been expunged, and on the verso are three 
widely separated lines, apparently of an account, in a different hand, besides 
traces of other Writing at right angles, all of which seem to have been^niten- 
tiohally obliterated. The text of the account is U . . α . ^ου ds σφ( ) ρ . [, ' Ανρη- 
λ(ίου) Άχιλλ(6ω?) υί(οΰ) φ, ^ Αυρηλ{ίον) 'Αιιμωνίον Κ(φαλ{ ) . [. 

The juristic aspects of 720 in relation to the other evidence concernmg the 
appointment of guardians are discussed by Mitteis, Zeitschr.f. d. SavignysU xxix. 
590 sqq., Grundz. 248 sqq. Local magistrates were also competent to appoint 
them before and after the constitutio Antoniniana (cf. 1473. 20, n.), and whether the 
guardian appointed by the praefect was permanent or tt^os μ6ν^)ν ταντην την 
οίκονομίαν (56. ι6) is not clear. Incidentally 1466 provides the earliest date for the 
praefecture of Valerius Firmus, which is carried back to Pachon 26 (May 21), 245• 
In P. Flor. 4. 5, written in the same month without mention of the day, a different 
praefect is found. Aurelius Basileus. The latter is also mentioned in 1277. recto 
as holding office on Mesore 25 (Aug. 18) of the 5th year of an unspecified reign, 
which is more likely to have been Gordian's (i. e. A. D. 242) than that of the 



Philippi (248), which was suggested in 1277. int. In 241 the praefect seems to 
have been Annianus (P. Strassb. 41. 17), and C. Julius Priscus was vice-praefect 
about this period (C. I. L. vi. 1638). 

1 Valeria Firmo praef{ecto) Aeg{ypti) ab Aurelia Arsinoe. rogo, 

domine, [des mihi auctorem e lege lulia et Titia Aurel{ium) 

2 Erminnm. {erovs) β Παχών Kf. κ6λ(λημα) γ8 τ{6μο9) ely. 

3 ερμηνεία των 'Ρω[μαΐκών' 

2nd hand 4 Ούαλ^ρίω Φίρμω ίπάρχω Αιγύπτου πα[ρα Ανρηλία? 'Αρσινόη?, 
βρωτώ, κνρΐ€, δονναί μοι 

5 κνριον ^πιγραφόμξνον κατά νόμογ Ίονλιον κ[αι Τίτιον Ανρήλιον 

Έρμ^ΐνον. ίδόθη ? 

6 προ φ καλανδών 'Ιουνίων Αυτοκρά[τορί Φιλίππω S (βαστώ και 


7 ύπατοι?. Αύρηλία 'Αρσινόη Σαραπίωνο? ([πιδίδωκα αΐτουμίνη τον 

Ανρήλιον *Ερμζΐ- 

8 νον κυρών μου (πιγραφήναι. Αυρήλιο? Τιμα[γ^νη? ΐΐ letters 

έγραψα ύπίρ αύτη? 

9 μη πδυίη? γράμμαΤα. Αυρήλιο? Έρμ^ΐνο? Διονϋ\_σίου ΐύδοκω τη 

δζήσ^ι. (βτου?) β Παχών κ<^. ? 
3rd hand 10 e/ μη ^χ€ΐ? έτίρου κυρίου δίκαιον tv α[ιτίΐ κύριον ? δίδωμι. 

2. τ) Π. 

' Το Valerius Firmus, praefect of Egypt, from Aurelia Arsinoe. I ask you, my lord, 
to give me as guardian according to the Julian and Titian law Aurelius Herftiinus. The 
2nd year, Pachon 26. Sheet 94, vol. i. 

Translation of the Latin : 

To Valerius Firmus &c. Presented on the 12th day before the calends of June in the 
consulship of the Emperor Philippus Augustus and Titianus. I, Aurelia Arsinoe daughter 
of Sarapion, have presented the petition, requesting that Aurelius Herminus should be 
appointed my guardian. I, Aurelius Timagenes(?) son of . . ., wrote for her as she is 
illiterate. I, Aurelius Herminus son of Dionysius, consent to the petition. The 2nd year, 
Pachon 26. 

Unless you have the right to another guardian, I grant you the guardian for whom 
you ask.' 

I. The restoration is derived from 720. 3-4, where e/ is omitted before Tt/ia, whereas 
in 1. 1 4 it was inserted, as probably here,• since κ[αί in 1. 5 is practically certain, Ύ[ίτιορ being 
inadmissible, rogo, domi'ne, des mihi also occurs in 1201. 3. Line i seems to have been in 
any case longer than 11. 4-8, and probably no Word corresponding to (πιγραφόμ€ΐ>ον in 1. 5 
{inscriiendum ?) occurred in it. 


2. The Egyptian date, which perhaps occurred also in 1. 9, here belongs to the docket, 
the original Latin date corresponding to that in 1. 6 being omitted ; cf. int. The τ of τ{όμος) 
(cf. crit. n.) was written like a v, as in 1201. 1 1 τ(όμοί) eh. 

3. των'να^μάίκων: cf. 1201. 12. 

4. (ρωτώ . . . μοι : cf. 1201. 1 5. 

5. ΐπιγραφόμίνον was probably not represented in the Latin; cf. 1. i, n. For 'Ιούλιοι/ 
κ[αΙ Ύίτιον cf. 1. I, η., and for ΐ8όθη 1201. ig. 

7. For ([πώίδωκα cf. 1201. 5 (in 720. 8 there is a lacuna), and for αΐτονμίνη 1201. 6. 

8. Ύιμα[Ύ4νης : the reading is very uncertain. The first letter might be Ε or Θ, but 
'Ep/ie[iiOf (cf. 1. 9) is unsuitable. 

9. ίύδοκω TTj 8(ησ(ΐ : cf. 720. 9-10. The insertion of the date is suggested by 1201. 21, 
but the space may have been blank. 

10. 720. 12-15 has guo ne ab \iusto iutore iutela] (so Wilcken, comparing Lex 
Salpensana 1. 43) abeai, Pl[uiammonem\ e lege luh et \Tit. auc/ofem] do, which means the 
same. The point of the reservation is illustrated by P. Tebt. 397. 25-6 (νποΒίζομαι μη 

€χουσα τον ΐπιγραφησόμΐνόν μου κνριον τω τον σννόντα pot avbpa . . . eVi ^ίνης elvai και μη nepiftvai 
μοι πατίρα μηΒΐ τον πατρός ττατίρα μηδϊ ίχιν pe άδίλφον η ν'ιόν. That papyrUS dates from before 

the constitutio Antoniniana, but Graeco-Egyptian law did not differ appreciably from Roman 
on this point. 

1467. Petition for ius trium liber rum. 

25-8 X 8-1 cm. A. D. 263. 

This interesting document is a petition to a praefect from a woman, 
Aurelia Thaisous also called Lolliane, claiming the right to act w^ithout a guar- 
dian in virtue of her possession of three children and ability to write, and asking 
for official sanction of her application. This was duly granted by the response 
added at the end, which is ih the same hand as the petition, showing that the 
document is a copy, not the original. The beginning is lost, but evidently only 
a few lines containing the address are missing before 1. i. The date (1. 29) is 
the 10th year of an unnamed P^mpefor, who is almost certainly Gallienus both 
on palaeographical grounds and because the same woman, with her alternative 
names generally reversed, recurs in 1475 acting without a guardian in the 
14th year of that Emperor. The only other possible reign here is that of Severus 
Alexander,• but the handwriting and the use of the epithet Ιιασημότατο^ applied to 
the praefect strongly favour the later date. The praefect therefore is likely to 
have been Aurelius Theodotus, who is known from P. Strassb. 5. 6-7, 18 to have 
been in office on Mesore 21 of the 9th year and in an unknown month of the loth 
year. On or before Pharmouthi 2 of the 13th year the praefect was Κονσσώνιο^ 
I[. . . (P. Ryl. 165. 9), and perhaps another praefect who held office shortly before 
the 14th year was Claudius Theodorus (C. P. Herm. 119. recto iv. 25). 

There are frequent references in papyri, especially after the constitutio 
Antoniniana, to Roman women acting χωρι? κυρίου τέκνων δικαιω κατά τα 'Ρωμαίων 

Ο 2 



€θη ; cf. 1463. 9, Kubler, Zeitschr.f. Savignyst. xxx. 156 sqq. ; but this is the first 
papyrus to illustrate the process by which the right was secured. The fact that 
so high an official as the praefect was addressed on the subject indicates that the 
privilege was by no means a * reichsrechtliche Floskel ', as suggested by Partsch 
in reviewing KUbler {Archiv, v, 472). The only extant parallel for 1467 is 1264, 
an application from an Oxyrhynchite citizen to the local magistrates for recogni- 
tion of the right to από των νόμων ασυλία, which was based (the correction 
ev-naibdas for evvaibdas in 1. 18 is confirmed by 1467. 11) upon the ius liberorum 
established by the Lex lulia et Papia Poppaea; cf. 1264. int. The mention 
in 11. 4-5 of the number of children (by Roman law three in the case of a Roman 
woman, four in that of a freedwoman ; cf, Kubler, I.e.) conveys the impression 
that they were all living, but it is not certain that the survival of the children was 
necessary for the granting of the ms trium liberorum. That a knowledge of 
writing was also generally required, though not an absolutely necessary condition 
(11. 8-10, 13-15 ; cf. 1463. 32, n.), is new and interesting. Neither Roman nor 
Graeco- Egyptian law was known to have laid stress on this condition in con- 
nexion with the independence of women, though in the light of 1467 the point 
of (τησταμίνη γράμματα in 56. 12 is now clear ; cf. 1473. 21. 

μότατζ ήγζμών, οΐτιν€9 
(ξονσίαν διδόασιν ταΐί γυναι- 
ζιν ταΓί των τριών τέκνων 
5 δικαίω Κζκοσμημίνα[ί]ί εαυ- 
τών Kvpieveiv καΐ χωρ[ί5] κυ- 
ρίου χρηματίζζΐν kv aly ποι- 
οΰρ\τ'\αι οίκονομίαις, 7Γθ[λλ]ω 
δζ πλίον ταΐς γρά[μ]ματα 

10 ίπισταμίναις. και αύτη τοί-^ 
νυν τω μ\ν κόσμω τή9 ίύ- 
ηαιδίίας ΐύτυχήσασα, 
€νγράμματο9 δί κα[1 e]y τά, 
μάλιστα γράφζΐν ξύκόποος 

15 δυναμένη, ύπο πβρισσης 

ασφάλεια? δια τούτων μου 
τώ[ν] βιβλΐΐδίων προσφω(νύύ) 
τω σω μξγίθι npos το δύνα- 
σθαι άν€μποδίστω9 ay ίν- 

ζο τίΰθίν ποιούμαι οίκ[ον]ομία[9 
διαπράσσ€σθαΐ. άξιώ €\e[iu 
ύ,ύτα άπροκρίτως το[Ϊ9 δί- 
καιοι? μ[ο]υ ep τ^ σ^ του [δια- 
σημότατου τ[ά]ξι, ΐν ω β[(βο- 

2£! V^[v]F^I'V f[^]l id'^]^^'^ ό[μοία9 ? 
\apiTas ομολογήσω. δΐζυτ[ύ]χ[€ΐ. 
Αύρηλία Θαϊσ\ο\ύ? ή και ^1ολλ[ί- 
ανη δι^πβμψάμην προ9 e- 
πίδοσιν. €του? ι Έπ^Ιφ κα. 

30 ίσται σο\υ\ τα βιβλία kv ττ} [τά^ί. 

14- «of evKOTTwi above β deleted, and οπ possibly οοιτ. 

27. ίαϊσ[ο]υΓ Π. 

Ι5• νπο Π. 

24' 'ίν Π. 


' . . . (Laws have been made), most eminent praefect, which enable women who are 
honoured with the right of three children to be independent and act without a guardian in 
all business which they transact, especially those women who know how to write. 
Accordingly I too, fortunately possessing the honour of being blessed with children, and 
a writer who am able to write with the greatest ease, in the fullness of my security appeal 
to your highness by this my application with the object of being enabled to carry out without 
hindrance all the business which I henceforth transact, and beg you to keep it without pre- 
judice to my rights in your eminence's office, in order that I may obtain your assistance 
and acknowledge my unfailing gratitude. Farewell. I, Aurelia Thaisous also called 
Lolliane, sent this for presentation. The loth year, Epeiph 21. 

Your application shall be kept in the office.' 

1. Something like νόμοι γ^γίνψται is expected, and νόμοι | [πά]λα[ι γε]γ€[ι;]^;ιτ{αί] is possible ; 
but the vestiges are too slight to aiford a real clue, and the verb may have been [. .]ra[t. 

κατά τους νόμους takes the place of κατά τα '?ωμαίων ΐθη in P. Strassb. 29. 29. 
13. κα[ι e]f τα μάλιστα : ούσα [»ca(] τά cannot be read, 

17. προσφω(νω): of the Supposed φ only the tail survives, and the top of the σ is lost. 
•ηροσ[€]χω and προσ[α]γω are both unsatisfactory. 

22. άιτροκρΊτως : cf. P. Leipzig 64. 17, where it seems to mean 'provisionally', and 

P. Flor. 68. 13 χωρ\5 ΤΓροκρίμ[μ}ατο5. 

24. τάξι: cf. 1. 30, Β. G. υ. 981. i. 10 τά της τάξΐως βιβλία, and the τά^ίΓ ίπάρχου in e. g. 
1422. 2. The meaning ' list ' (cf. e.g. 1551. 16) is inapplicable here. 

25. ei[a]aei ό[μοίας : the Supplement is rather long. 

1468. Petition concerning Ownership of Slaves. 

25x14-9 cm. About A. D. 258. 

A petition to the deputy-praefect, L. Mussius Aemilianus (U. 1-2, n.), 
concerning the rightful ou^nership of some slaves. After a prelude in general 
terms (11. 4-10; cf. 1469. ^-5), the writer accuses Syrus, his great-uncle, of 
having made a false claim to the ownership of two slaves born to a female 
slave belonging to his mother. This attempted fraud had been accidentally 
detected, and the writer's mother had taken steps (by petitioning a praefect ? ; 
cf. 1. a8, n.) to vindicate her rights, which remained undisputed during her lifetime. 
Shortly before the date of the petition she had died, and complications had 
evidently arisen in connexion with the bequeathal of the slaves ; but after 
1. 3a the papyrus, which becomes seriously damaged after 1. 25, ceases to be 
intelligible, and soon afterwards breaks off, apparently at the point where the 
writer, having finished his narrative, was asking for assistance. Blank spaces, 
indicating a pause, occur after 8ίηγησιν (1. τι), [kavrriv (1. 17), -θίν (1. ao), 
ibio[v]s (1. a6). 

On the verso are traces of an expunged document. 


Λονκίω Μονσσίω Αίμιλιανω τω βιασημοτάτω 

SiinovTL την ήγβμονιαν 
πάρα Αυρηλίου Θ^ων^ίνον του και Άφύρχιο? Διοσκόρον μητρός Τα- 
αφύνχιοζ απ Όξνρύγχων πόλεως. Tots κάκου pyuv προγΐί- 
5 /οω? βχ^ουσιν τύχντ] ου δικαία? ίπινοίας προ9 τω μηΒ\ν 
6φβλθ9 eχ€i^' en καΐ τοΪ9 €Κ των νόμων ώρισμίνοις 
€πιτ€ΐμίοί9 υποβάλλε ή ση (ΰτονος και π^ρΐ πάντα ακοίμη- 
το? πρόνοια, τοιούτου ουν κατ ίμοΰ Ιπιχ^βιρουμίνου ΐπι 
την σην avSpeiav καταφεύγω θαρρών τ€ύξ€σθαι των προσ- 

10 όντων μοι δικαίων, ήγ€μων κύρΐ€. τα Sk του πράγματα? 
τοιαύτην e^ei την διήγησιν. γίγονβν ttj ήμ€Τ€ρα μη- 
τρι Τααφύνχ^βι άπο κληρονομιά? τη? μητρο? αύτη? Θατρή- 
το? 'Απολλώνιου Θβράπαινα Θαήσι? e^ οίκογίνον? δούλη? 
Τααφύν^ιο?. ταύτην την δούλην άπογραψαμίνη τη 

15 προ? το θ {€το?) τη? βζοΰ 'Αλεξάνδρου βασιλεία? κατ οίκίαν άπο- 
Ύραφιι κά\ι τΥ]ν δεσποτύαν και την νομην ειγεν 
αύτη? [ύ]0' [ία\υτην. ζή[τ\ησιν δε ποτέ ποιούμενη περί 
οί[κο]π[εδων ?] και άνερα[υ]νώσα εν τοΐ? επι τόπων 
δημο[σίοι? άρχ](ίο[ι? τα] ενγραφα είρεν τι κακουργη- 

2θ θεν. τον γά/ο προ[? μητ]ρο[?] αύτη? θείον Χύρον Άπολ- 
[λω]ΐ'ίΌΐ' κα\ι την •γυναΙκ\α άπογραψαμενου? μεν ει- 
[δε]ν κ . ^[. . του? εκ Θα]ήσιο? γεγονότα? παΐδα? Άπολ- 
[λώ]νιον κ[αι Αρσεΐτα, τα?] δε δεσποτεία? και κυρία? άλλο- 
[τριώ]σαντα.[?, δ ού . .]δ[.]τον ούδε προσήκον ην, μάλλον 

2 5 [δε ο]ύκ ά^[ ]/οαι/ άπαγαγεΐν του? αλλότριου? 

[ώ? ?] ίδίο[υ]?. μ[. . . .]αι τώ[ν τε λαογράφων το άληθε? 

[. .]νεαμ[ ] . τ[ή]? κ[α]κουργία? ταύτη? μη σιωπη- 

\σά]<τιι μ[ IrlOffb ?] ''"«Ρ^ Τιτιανώ Κλωδιανω 

[. . . .]α . [ , κα\ ε\ω? μεν εκείνη περ[ϊ\ήν άναμφι- 

30 [σβήτητοι εγενοντ]ο η τή[?] Αρσε[ΐ]το[?] και του Απολλώνιου 
[κυρία και οι τούτων] καρποί, τ[ον]τεστιν μη επιγεινωσ- 

[κ μετα]λ[λ]αξάση? τη? μητρό? μου προ μη- 

[νών 1 6 letters ] . . οΐ κληρονόμοι των προει- 

[ρημενων Μ•]* νεαρ[α\? περί των άνδραπδ- 

35 [δων άποδείξ^Λ? ? . . . π ?]ωποτε του? κληρονομηθεντα? 

[ 23 letters ] . τ[ ]v ύπηρχ[^] . [. . 

4-5. ω of προχίφωΓ corn 7. ίποβαλλίΐ Π. ι y. [ύ]φ Ώ. 27. Above τ of 

Ύ[η\ί is an interlinear letter, and others may have been lost. 29. ν of cKcd/»; corn 

32. /iira]\'[X]a|aCT;jS Π. 36. 07r»7p;^[ej Π. 

'To Lucius JMussius Aemilianus, the most eminent deputy-praefect, from Aurelius 
Theoninus also called Aphunchis, son of Dioscorus and Taaphunchis, of Oxyrhynchus. 
The Avicked designs of those who are ready to commit crimes by artifice are not only made 
to be no avail, but are subjected to the decreed penalties of the laws by your active and 
in all cases unresting vigilance. Accordingly I, being the victim of such designs, appeal to 
your nobility with the full confidence that I shall obtain the rights due to me, my lord 
praefect. The statement of my case is as follows. My mother Taaphunchis obtained by 
inheritance from her mother, Thatres daughter of Apollonius, a serving-maid Thafe'sis, 
daughter of a slave born in the house, called Taaphunchis. This slave she registered in the 
house to house census in the 9th year of the reign of the deified Alexander, and held the 
ownership and possession of her for herself. On one occasion, when conducting an inquiry 
concerning building-land and examining the documents in the local public archives, she dis- 
covered that a fraud had been committed. She saw that her maternal uncle Syrus son of 
Apollonius and his wife registered . . . the children born to Thaesis, Apollonius and Harseis, 
and alienated the rights of lordship and ownership, which was . . . and wrong, nay more it 
was (intolerable ?) that they should take away slaves which did not belong to them as if they 
were their own. . . . (my mother) did not maintain silence about this fraud, (but presented 
a petition ?) to Titianus Clodianus ; and during her lifetime the ownership of Harseis and 
Apollonius and usufruct of them were undisputed, that is to say . . . After my mother's 
death . months ago, ... the heirs of the aforesaid . . . (made) new (declarations) concerning 
the slaves . . .' 

1-2. Mussius Aemilianus is also called δΐίπωι/ τψ ήγ€μονίαν in Euseb. His/. Eccl. vii. 11. 
9, and in 1201. 14 on Thoth 27 of the 6th year of Valerian and Gallienus (Sept. 24, 258). 
In 1201. I (the same day) he is styled prae/{ecius) Aeg{ypti), as in P. Ryl. 1 10. 7 ό δια- 
σημότατος ηγ(μών οϊϊ an Unnamed day of Phaophi of the 7th year (Sept. 28 — Oct. 27, 259). 
The holders of the praefecture during the reigns of Callus and Aemilianus, and the first 
five years of Valerian and Gallienus are unknown ; in Decius' reign Aurelius Appius 
Sabinus was praefect on July 17, 250 (C. P. R. 20. ii. i), and for the praefects from the 
9th to the 14th year of Gallienus cf. 1467. int. A coin with the inscription Α{ντοκρ). κ(πίσ). 
MI ΑίμιΚιανός, ascribed by Poole to this Aemilianus (cf. 1201. int.), is, as Mr. IVIilne informs 
us, a tooled coin of Philippus I, and therefore not really inconsistent with the names Lucius 
Mussius, of which the praenomen occurs only in 1468. 

18. οί[κο]^[€δωΐ' : οίΓκο]νί[ΐ'ώΐ' (cf. 1. Τ3) is inadmissible. 

24. . .]δ[.]τοί' : or ]/3[.]ror. αί']ί[κ]τόΐ' cannot be read here, but αι{(κτόν is possible 
in I. 25. 

25. ]pav: it is not quite certain whether the supposed tail of a ρ (or possibly t) before 
av belongs to this line or to the line below, vnayayelv is possible in place of άπαγαγίΊν. 

20. λαογράφων: λαογραφ[ι]ών might be read; but the λαογράφοι received census-returns 
(e.g. P. Flon 4. i ; cf. 1468. 14-15), and the two slaves, being described as nalSts in 1. 22, 
may have been under the age (14) for paying poll-tax. For the stop after ίδίΌ[υ i cf. int. 
The first word of 1. 27 may be a participle [. .] . σαμ[ίμα.^ν. 



27-8. σια>τΓη[σα\στι : σιωτ:η[σασ]αη is inadmissible, but the dative is difficult, and perhaps 
σιω77,5[σα]σ(α) ή μ[ητηρ should be read or σιωπβ. There was a correction in 1. 27 (cf. crit. n.), 
and the construction of II. 26-9 is very obscure. 

28. Titianus Clodianus may well have been a praefect. The application to him was 
made after a.d. 230 (1. 15) and some little time (cf. 1. 29) before the date of 1468. 

33. ] . . oi κληρονόμοι : or possibly ΐ7]μ5ί [ο]ί κληρ. ; but the termination of the word before 

i;eap[a]s in 1. 34 doeS not suit εποιησάμ]€[θ]α. 
35. Perhaps μη8ΐπ]ώποτ€. 

1469. Petition of Village-Representatives. 

10-5 X 24-3 cm. A.D. 298. 

A well preserved petition to Aemilius Rusticianus, an otherwise unknown 
deputy-praefect (1. i , n.), from two comarchs on behalf of the village of Paimis 
which was situated in the western toparchy near the metropolis (1475. 22, n.). 
Their complaint was concerned with the repair of an embankment, and illustrates 
the difficulties experienced in carrying out the regulations which had been laid 
down a few years previously by the dioecetes in 1409. For this state of affairs 
the multiplication of officials was largely responsible. The embankment in 
question having broken down was first inspected by the δημόσιο? γ^ωμύτρηί, who 
estimated that 400 νανβια (about 6qo cubic metres) were required to repair it. 
The duty of supplying these was imposed upon the village by the χωματ€'π€ίκτψ, 
and 250 ναύβια had already been dug. With these two officials the villagers seem 
to have been quite satisfied ; their complaint was directed against a subordinate 
of the strategus, who intervened at this point, being apparently responsible for 
the ultimate disposition of the earth among different embankments. This 
individual from corrupt motives, as the villagers hint, credited them with only 
100 of the 250 ναύβια which they had dug, the remaining 150 being apparently 
transferred to another village, and the praefect was accordingly requested to 
set matters right. P. Thead. 17 (a. d. 332) is another petition to a praefect from 
a village, represented by three persons of whom at least one, Sakaon, was 
probably a comarch, though empxe beσ^Ioτa^, in 1. 4 represents, as is remarked by 
Wilcken, Archiv, vi. 300, hapxe δ^σττοτα, not iv άρχτ} δίσττόται. The writing 
of 1469 is across the fibres of the recto and is continued on the verso, which 
is unusual. Evidently it was a draft or copy, the month being omitted in 
the date in 1. 25, and the signature in 11. 23-4 being in the same hand as the rest 
of the document. The Greek is of poor quality ; cf. 11. 8-το, nn., and 11. 16-17. 

Αίμίλίφ^Ρονσηκιανω τω 8ιαστΐ}χ{ρτάτ(ΰ) 8ια8ίγο{μίνω)τα μίρη των ί^ογωτάτοον 
ίπάργων πάρα των άπο κώμης 


Πα€ίμ€ως τή[ί] nph? λίβα τοπ{αρχίας) του Όξνρνγχίτον νομοϋ Si' ήμων 

των τον ίνΐστωτος '4τον9 κωμάρχων Αύρη{λίων) Πιβήμιο? 
και [Ν€μ]βσια[ΐ']οΰ. μόλις μ\ν αν, κνρΐ€, του Βικαίου kv τοΓ[9] κα& ημάς 

€πιτάγμασιν νπαρχθίντο? ήμΐν δυνηθ^ίημίν 
όλ[οκλ]ηροΰντ€9 τΓαντ€λώς Sifzvveiv τα προσήκοντα, eTretVep (αν ττλίονφα 

τΐ9 προ)(^ούρήστ) καθ' [■η]μα>ν 
5 δι' άδυναμίίαν άναπόστατοι καταστη[σ]6μ€θα. χώμα ουν kariv δημόσιον 

€Κ νότου της ήμΐτίρας κώμης 
€0' ω διάκοπος και τόποι ^ν€γ[ι]μμίνοι ά[ν]αβολή[ς] ίίκότως δ^όμ^νοι. τοντο 

νπο του δημοσίου yeoo/ze- 
τρου συ[ν]ωψίσθη δάσθαι ν[αυ]βίων υ, και ό τη ^πίξίΐ των χωμάτων 

€πικ€ίμ€νος καθ^ίζων ημάς 
τού[ς ο]ίκίζοντας τοΐς τόπο[ι]ς ήνάγκασ€ν ά[ν]αβαλ6Ϊν ναύβια σν. ού ταΰτα 

μ€ν ουν μόνα ήριστο 

τ[^ κ]ώμη ήμων e^ ol• και τα ολα του χώματος ναύβια υ €π€Κ€ΐτο ημΐν 

ό επί των χωμάτων άναβαλίΐν, 
ΙΟ άλλ[ά κ]αι ^π€ΐδη της διαταγής των αύτων χωμάτων ύττδ του βοηθού του 

φθάσαντος γινομίνης ΐσ[ως α]ίσχροκ€β δίας €ν€κα, ad γαρ ό δημόσιος 

επιστήμων ων των τόπω[ν ] αύτων ττοιούμίνος την έκαστου χώματ({ς] 

τοΐς πλησίον οΙκον[σ]ι άκ[ολουθγι τω ίκάστ{ης) κώμης σχοινισμω, 

On the verso. 
ό ie ως ίφ'ηρ δια λήμμα €ΐς το προκύμ^νον χώμα διίταξ^ν ήμας Ιπ\ 
ναυβίοις ρ, 
15 ήδη σν άναβαλόντων ήμων, δηλονότι τά λοίπά ρν ναύβια έτίροις 

ίθίλων. του ούν π^πιστ^υμ^νου τα χώματα ύπο της ηγεμονίας, και οΰτρς 
άλλου τιvhς μάρτυρος άμ^νονος, τήν γ€νο{μίνην) ύφ' ημών άπ^ργασίαν 

και τής του βοηθού του στρατηγού κακουργίας καταφανούς ούσης, τήν 

πρόσοδον Ιπι σ« 



ποιούμεθα Sia τήσδΐ τή9 δ^ήσ^ως δίόμίνοί Κ(λί[ϋσ]αί σ€ δί iepas σον υπο- 
2ο ω ear το μίγζθός σον δοκιμάστ) η τω )(^ωματ€π(ίκττ} άναμΐτρήσαι καΐ 
προσ8[(]^[α]σθαί ημΐν 

τα ττα'λαί v(f> ημών άναβληβίρτα e/y r^ αντο χώμα ι/ανβια{ν}, ημών 
€τοίμ[ω?] ίχόντων 

δσατΓίρ άλλα ημΐν αίρίΐ άπ^ργάσασθαι kv oh ίτάχθημ^ν τόποις. 

Ανρήλωι Πίβήμις καΐ Νζμίσιανο? δΐίπβμψάμ^θα προ9 Ιπίδοσιν. Αύρη(λιο$) 
Πλοντίων €γρα[ψα] 

ύπ(ρ αυτών άξιωθίΐς υπ αυτών ψαμίνων μη uSivai γράμματα, ύπατΐίας 
25 [Παυλίνου το β] και Ούιρίου Γάλλου. 

9• 1. (Ττίθ(Το for (πίκατο. It. 

19. if pas U. 21. Second 

3. ϋπαρχβΐντοί Π. 6. ϋηο Π; SO in 11. ΙΟ, ι6. 

ϊσ[ο)5 π. Ι 2. υ of αυτ-ωκ COrr. (?). 1 6. 1. και τούτον. 

α θ{ νανβια{ν] COrr. from ω, (χοντο) Π. 25• ονίριον Π. 

'Το Aemilius Rusticianus, the most illustrious deputy in the most eminent office of 
praefect, from the inhabitants of the village of Paimis in the western toparchy of the 
Oxyrhynchite nome, through us, the comarchs of the present year, the Aurelii Pibemis and 
Nemesianus. It is with difficulty, my lord, that even when justice is shown to us in com- 
mands concerning us we could accomplish in full our duties, since, if any advantage of us is 
taken, our weakness will leave us no escape. There is a public dyke to the south of our 
village, in which there is a gap and places washed away, naturally requiring embankment. 
This dyke was estimated by the public land-surveyor to require 400 naubia, and the overseer 
of labour on dykes set us, the local inhabitants, to work, and made us bank up 250 
naubia. Nor was this all that was imposed upon our village, since it resulted in the overseer 
of dykes making us responsible for the whole 400 naubia ; but when the distribution of 
earth for the said dykes was made by the assistant of the strategus, who came first, probably 
for the sake of base profit — for it is the practice of the public land-surveyor, being cognizant 
of the localities themselves, to assign the repairs of each dyke to the neighbouring population 
in accordance with the size of each village — he for gain, as I said, credited us with 100 
naubia, although we had already banked up 250, clearly proposing to assign the remaining 
150 naubia to others. Since the official entrusted with the dykes by the praefecture than 
whom there is no better witness, knows of the work done by us, and the unfairness of 
the assistant of the strategus is evident, we appeal to you by this petition, entreating you to 
order by your sacred signature whomsoever your highness may approve of, or the overseer 
of dykes, to measure the embankment again, and to credit us with the naubia which we 
have previously banked up on the said dyke, we being ready to perform any other work 
which you may choose for us in the locality to which we were ordered. 

We, the Aurelii Pibemis and Nemesianus, sent the petition to be presented. I, 
Aurelius Plution, wrote it on their behalf at their request, as they stated that they were 
illiterate. In the consulship of Anicius Paulinus for the second time and Virius Gallus.' 

I. hiah(xo{^p.(V(u) ra μίρη των (ξοχωτάτων ΐττάρχων : cf. P. Flor. 89. 1—2 (corr. by Wilcken, 
Archiv, iv. 453) hti'\na)v τα μίρη τηί ^ιοικήσΐού! τη[ί . . . (ξοχωτατοί {emtften/t'ssmus) OCCUVS 


frequently in inscriptions, especially those referring to praefects of the Praetorian guard or of 
Syria (cf. Magie, De Roman, vocab. sollemn. 103-4), but in Egypt is very rare. The only 
instance seems to be P. Cairo Masp. 67009. 1—2 τψ (^οχ\ω\τάτη\ν νμ(τίραν\ φίΚανθρωπΙαν, 
referring to a dux of the Thebaid. The division of Egypt into three provinces, Jovia, 
Herculia, and Thebais, is generally assigned to a. υ. 297, i.e. the year before that in which 
1469 was written, so that Aemilius Rusticianus might be a praeses Herculiae ; but petitions 
to the praefect of Egypt from inhabitants of Herculia in the reign of Diocletian or shortly 
after are common, e. g. 1470 (cf. Gelzer, Sludien, 5), and that official is more likely to be 
meant here. The ordinary epithet of both the praefect of Egypt and the praesides of 
Herculia and Thebais was διασημότατος i^perfectissimus) at this period. On Aug. 19, 299, the 
praefect of Egypt was Aelius Publius (1416. 29, n.). 

t5>v από κώμης : in P. Thead. 17. 2 του κοινού των άπο κώμης : cf. int. 

6. Βιάκοπος: cf. 140Θ. 16, η. 

7- ν[αν]βίων ν : cf. int. and 1409. 20, 1427. 3» ηη. 

ό Tjj €πίξ^ι των χωμάτων ΐτηκ^ίμίνος : cf. 1. 20 χωματΐπήκτη and 1409. Ι3""Ι4ι '^• 
8. ο^.κίζοντας τοΙς τόπο\ι\ΐ = οίκοΰντας τοίις τόπους. 

g. ναΰβια υ (πίκΐΐτο ήμίν 6 ini των χωμάτων : for the confusion of Construction cf. 1434. 
14, n. ίπικΐίμίνος had occurred in 1. 7. 

10. infibf] : this sentence is incomplete, the writer starting on a parenthesis in 1. 1 1, and 
having forgotten the construction when 1, 14 is reached. 

11. αγσχροκΐρ δίας : perhaps α]Ισχροκ(ρ[8€ίας ι\^ίας, but from 1. 1 3, where there was almost 
certainly a blank in the corresponding space, it appears that a piece of the upper layer had 
flaked off before the papyrus was written upon. In both 11. 1 2 and 1 3 the space below Ktp 
is also blank, though the upper layer is preserved. 

12. αυτών is not very satisfactory, especially as the τ is very doubtful and there would 
be room for another letter in the lacuna after τόπω[ν. ν]αύβ[ι]ον (but not ν]αυβ[ΐ\ων) could be 
read ; but even if the space before ποιούμίνος was not blank and contained a word of five letters, 
it is difficult to find any construction for another substantive. An adjective making 
a complement of ποιούμενος and governing τοΙς πλησίον οΙκοί[σ'\ι would be suitable, or 

possibly τ^αύτην (sc. την διαταγην) [σκοπιΐ ?], with άί([ολο]ύ^ω[ί τω] (κάστ(ης) in 1. I 3» should be 

read. But «['^oXou^jet τω suits the vestiges ttiere better, and part of the e oif κάστ{ης) is written 
on the lower layer, there being probably a blank before it; cf. 1. 11, n. 

21. ναϋβια{ν] : ναΰβια {σ)ν (cf. 1. i5)is improbable ; for there is no sign of ν here being 
intended for a figure, and the preceding α is corrected ; cf. crit. n. 

1470. Petition concerning Ownership of Land. 

20'8x24'8cm. a.d. 336. 

The chronological order of the three documents on this papyrus is the 
reverse of their actual order, the second and third being enclosures ; cf. 68-7 
and P. Thead. i8. The earliest (11. 9-18) is a petition to the praefect Flavins 
Philagrius (1. 4, n.) from a woman called Theodora, whose father, a veteran, had 
shortly before his death purchased a piece of land in her name. Although the 
price had been paid to the seller, possession of the land had somehow passed 
to the seller's brother, Demetrianus, and since he refused to give it up Theodora 
appealed for assistance. This was granted her by a letter (11. "^-H) from the 


praefect to an official of the Oxyrhynchite nome, forwarding the petition and 
giving instructions for the settlement of the dispute. A copy of this letter was 
forwarded by Theodora to the official, with an explanatory note (11. 1-5), the 
document having been drawn up probably in his bureau. The loss of 35-30 letters 
(in 11. I and 9, where the restorations are certain, 28 and 27 letters) at the 
beginnings of lines, though these are often capable of restoration, leaves some 
points obscure, especially the nature of Demetrianus' claim to the land, and the 
rank of the nome-official addressed in the first two documents. In A. D, 336 the 
logistes or the defensor rather than the strategus would be expected to be found 
in such a context ; cf. 1426. 3-4, nn. But the name of the logistes on the 
30th of the month in which 1470 was written is known from 1265. 5 to have been 
Avprikio's YlapavLos και Μακρόβιο?, for whose full name there is not room in 1. 3 
(in 1. 6 probably only the title was given) ; and two months later than 1470 
Φλαοΰιο? 'Ιουλιανό? ^ιοικων Ικ^ικίαν^Όζυρνγχίτου occurs in 901. 3, so that it is almost 
equally difficult to suppose that the defensor was addressed, especially since 
the Nilus (?) who is mentioned in 1. 16 maybe identical with the official addressed 
in 11. 3 and 6. Hence there are strong grounds for supposing that the official in 
question was the strategus, who in '^^'j is coupled with the logistes in 66, an 
application corresponding to 1470 with the addition of the answer of the 
officials addressed. 67, which is arranged on a similar plan, is addressed to 
a TrpoTToXiTeuofieiOs, but this is too long a title for 1. 6. 

1 \MiTa την ύπατύαν ^Ιουλίου Κωνστα]ντίον πατ[ρί]κίου ά8(\φον τον δίσπό- 

του ημών Κωνσταντίνου Ά'/ού{Ύου]στου καΐ 'Ρ^ο\}ψίου 'ΑΚβίνου Toh 

2 [ ] ύπάτοις Φαμ^νώθ. 

3 [ ι8 letters στρατηγώ ? ' Ο]ζ[υρυ]γ\ίτου Trapb. Αύρηλίας QeoScopas θυ^γατρος) 

[[.]] Ενδαίμονοί γ^νομίνου ούξτρανοΰ άπο της αύ[τ]ή? 7r6Xe[a)y. 

4 [of ίπίδωκα λφύλλου π/θο]σ0[€ΐ?γο]ΐ'<7α ΙπΙ την άρ^την του κυρίου μου 

Φιλαγρίου του λαμπρότατου Ιπάρ\ου της Αιγύπτου και οΐ> €τυ)^ον 

5 [παρ αύτοϋ γ^ρηματισμοϋ ^ν^τ^ταγότος ίπΐ πίρας άγβηναι τα κ^κ^Χ^υσμίνα 

ΙστΙν άντίγραψον. 

6 [Φλαούως Φιλάγριος στρατηγώ}]' Οξυρυγχίτου. Αύρηλ[ία Θεοδώρα λίβΐλλον 

^πιδοϋσα ol• το άντίτυπον ύποτίτακται €••[•]•[•••] εαυτής Tfj δια- 

7 [ 37 1. ] • • • Τ'^^' 0[Ρ°'''"]'Λ^ • • ']ff[']i^ όμολογούντων αυτών ταύτα αύτ^ 

άποδουναί, ή e[i] άντιλίγουσιν 

8 [ 29 1. ] fof V ['(]al δοθηναί. 'ίρρωσο. ά^ντίγραφον) λιβίλλου' 


9 \Φ\αουί(ύ Φίλαγρίω τω λαμπροτάτω] Ιπάρχω Αιγύπτου τταρα Ανρηλίας 
Θζοδώρα^ θνγατρο9 Εύ8αίμονος του και . . [.]ι8ίου γ^νομίνου 

ΙΟ [ούίτρανοΰ άπο τή^ 0^(υρυ-γγιτων) ττ6\{^ω^). 6 πατήρ μου πάριων Ιώνηται 
πάρα Πασιπίντώου MeXavo? άπο ttjs αύτήί πόλεω? nepl κώμην Χ^ντω 

1 1 \τοϋ Όξυρυγγίτου νομοϋ €Κ τοΰ Άπ]ο\λοφάνου9 κλήρου €πΙ κυτών Ικατων 

ίννήα άπο ονόματος 'Χί\^(ύνίου Πάσιτο^ κα(ϊ) Ίναρωοΰτο^ 

12 [ 15 1• y^^ άρουραν μί\αν τίταρτον, (αρου.) α8' , €Κ πλήρουί τούτω μζτα^ 

βα\{€]6μ€ΐ/09 την συμφωνη[Θζΐ]σ•αν τιμήν 

13 [ ακολούθως ttj γ€γίν]τ]μ4ντ) πράσι τ^ και ίπα ονόματος μου 

συντακτίίστ]. ουκ οιδ όπως ύπο . [.]ι;ωί/ Δημητρι- 

14 \cLvos 20 \. ]• • ' νων Δημητριανοΰ τοΰ άδβλφοΰ τοΰ τω πατρί μου 

άποδομύρου [ξλ]πίσα9 την 

15 [γήν ταύτη ν άλλοτριώσαι ? της Sh η\μ^τίρας ορφάνιας καταφρονών. διο 

δύομαι της σης κηδαιμονίας, λαμπ[ρο\τατ€ €παρ)^ξ, 
ϊ6 [και άξιώ κίλίΰσαί ae δια ? ] Νίίλου, iav ίπικρίντ]ς, ίπαναγκασθήναι 

τον αύτον Δημητριανον [ ] πάρα 

17 [ ι6 1. την γήν άποδοΰ]ναι προς Το δύνασθαί μαι ταύτην άπολαβοΰσαν 

ο [ 14 1. ] • μασιρ 

ι8 [ 34 1• Αύρηλ]ία Θεοδώρα ίπιδίδωκα. 

Ι. 01S of Tois corr. from ων (?), i. e. the scribe began to wfite των %αμπ{ροτάτων) ; cf. 1265. 

4. 8. ο of βρρωσο COrr. from ω. ιό. ο of ττασιττί ιτωου and ω of σίντω corr. II. 

1. κοιτών ίκατον ΐννία. 1 3• L in\ . . < σννταχθύστ]. οιδ < . . νπο Π. 15. 1. κη8(μονία!. 

1 6. η θ( (πικρινης corr. Ι "J. \. μ€. 

' The year after the Consulship of Julius Constantius, patrician, brother of our master 
Constantinus Augustus, and Rufius Albinus, under the consuls to be appointed, Phamenoth. 

To . . ., strategus (?) of the Oxyrhynchite nome, from Aurelia Theodora daughter of 
Eudaemon, formerly a veteran, of the said city. A copy of the petition which I pre- 
sented, appealing to the nobility of my lord Philagrius, the most illustrious praefect of Egypt, 
and of the communication which I received from him ordering that his commands should be 
carried out, is as follows : 

" Flavius Philagrius to the strategUs (?) of the Oxyrhynchite nome. Aurelia Theodora 
having presented a petition of which the copy is appended . . ., See that ... if they 
acknowledge her claim it is restored to her, or if they object .... Farewell." Copy 
of the petition. 

" To Flavius Philagrius, the most illustrious praefect of Egypt, from Aurelia Theodora 
daughter of Eudaemon also called . . ., formerly a veteran, of Oxyrhynchus. I\Iy father in 
his lifetime bought from Pasipentoiis son of Melas, of the said city, in the area of the 
village of Sento of the Oxyrhynchite nome in the holding of ApoUophanes, plot 109, 
registered in the name of Se . onius Pasis and Inaroous . . ., one and a quarter arurae, i^ 


aru., of . . .land, and paid him in full the price agreed upon ... in accordance with the sale 
which had been effected and had been arranged in my name. Somehow Demetrianus . . . 
Demetrianus, the brother of the man who sold the land to my father, hoping to alienate this 
land and despising my orphan condition. Wherefore I need your protection, most illus- 
trious praefect, and beg you to give orders through . . . Nilus (?), if you so decide, that the 
said Demetrianus should be compelled to restore the land to me . . ., in order that I may by 
recovering it be enabled to . . . Presented by me, Aurelia Theodora ".' 

I. Cf. 1265. 1-4. This line apparently projected to the left. On Pachon 6 (May i) 
the consuls of the year were known (901. i). 

3. Nei'Xo) should perhaps be restored; cf. 1. 16, n., and int. 

'γινομένου ovtrpavov : γΐνόμίνο: implies that he was dead; cf. 11. 9-10. In P. Gen. 10. 2 
\γ{νο\μ€ρον overpavov is to be restored. 

4. ΦιΚαγρίον : this praefect is known from references in St. Athanasius to have held 
office from 334-6 and again from 338-40 (cf.\\\, Pre/eUi, ii. 25-6); but he has not 
previously occurred on a papyrus. 

5. For χρηματισμού cf. 1472. 3. ββ. 20 has άποφάσίως at this point. 
ίν]τ€ταχΟΓθϊ : cf. 67. 5 ^"τάξαί, 

6. άντΊτνττον : the use of this word as equivalent to αντίγραφαν seems to be new. 

7. (/)[ρόιτ]ι^ε : cf. 67. 10 φρόι/τισον at the corresponding point. 
10. Σΐντώ : a village in the middle toparchy ; cf. 1285. 109. 

I I. K{ot)ra>v (κατ(ρ)ν fvv(t)a : κοίτη as a parcel of land is used in Hermopolite papyri where 
Arsinoite papyri have σφραγί:. For the numbering of σφρα-γ'ώα and κοίται in the wider 
sense of subdivisions of village-lands cf. 918 and Preisigke, S. B. 4296, 4325. 

12. The initial lacuna no doubt contained a patronymic, followed by an adjective such 
as σίτικης, 

13. ί^ημητρί^ανό^: Or possibly Δ;2μΓ/τρι[οΓ, since Δημητριον is adttiissible in 1. 16 and 
Αημητριανον in 1. 1 4 might be a different person.• 

16. ita . . . . . .] Νίίλου : cf. int. and 1. 3, n. Φλαου/ου] or Αυρηλίου] is possible. ]νοι\ου 

or ]νοι8ου could be read, but suggests no suitable name ; ]uoi δ(ι)' ol (cf. e. g. 1469. 20) is 
unlikely, though a name ^'ithout a title is not very satisfactory. 

1471. Contract of Loan. 

22.5 X 9.4 cm. A. D. 81. 

A contract for the loan of 38 drachmae for four month's at the usual I2 per 
cent, rate of interest, in the form of a σνγχώρησίί addressed to the otherwise 
unknown archidicastes Pallas, who may have been related to the well-known 
freedman of that name in the reign of Nero. This class of public contracts, 
as distinguished from private χειρόγραφα, is illustrated by numerous Alexandrian 
papyri of the reign of Augustus in B. G. U. iv ; cf. Koschaker, Zeitschr. /. 
Savignyst. xxviii. 370 sqq., Schubart, Archiv, v. 47 sqq-, Lewald, Rom.-dgypt. 


Grundbuchrecht, 87-91, Mitteis, Grundz. 65-7. As is the case with most of the 
later σνγχωρησίΐ'ϊ, one of the parties was a Roman citizen ; cf. 727. int. 1471, of 
which the formula closely resembles that of B..G.U. 1056 and 1147. i-22,is interest- 
ing on account of the occurrence of the ά7ώ7ΐμο5 clause (11. 22-3), found only in the 
Alexandrian σνγχοαρησ^ΐ'ί. The distinction between the right of personal execu- 
tion conferred by it and by the ordinary clause τη? -πρά^^ω^ ονσης Ικ re αντον . . . 
καθάττ€ρ €κ bLκψ (cf. 11. 29-32) is discussed at length by Lewald, Zttr Personal- 
exekution im Recht d. Pap. 27 sqq., but without attaining to a very definite 
conclusion. Apparently some kind of immediate obligation to personal service 
was meant ; cf. Mitteis, Grundz. 46. In the Alexandrian σνγχωρησ€ίί containing 
this clause, with one exception (B.G. U. 1156), the debtor who was αγώγιμοι was 
a Persian of the Epigone, and it has been generally supposed that there was 
a special connexion between that class and this mode of execution. 1471 is 
incompletely preserved at this point (1. 7) ; but the reading Τ1ζ[ρσίνη9 is preferable 

there to τον [ , and is confirmed by 1β3& (22 Β. C), where the debtors who 

are αγώγιμοι are again Persians of the Epigone. The document has been crossed 
through, showing that the loan had been repaid. 

όφ(είλημ.α). κόλ(λημα) [.]γ. 

ΠάλΧαντι kpu κ[α\ άρ]χιδικασττ} καΐ ττρο? τβ 
€7Γί/ί€λ6ία των )(ρη[μα]τιστωι/ καΐ των οίλ\λ(ΰν 
5 τταρα Μάρκου Aoyydvov Κ.[αστρ\ησίου 

άπολίλυμίνων €(ν)τ€ίρ.[ως και π]αρα. Τ€Τ€- 

ώ[ρ]ι{ο)ς της Π[. . . .]ος Π€[ρσίνη9 μ€τά 

κυρίου τ[ο]ΰ υί[οϋ 

ά[μ]φοψ4ρων [των άπο τή9 μητροπό- 
ια λ€ωί του Όξυρ[υ]γ[χίτου.] συ'γ[χ<ο]ρ[^ΐ ή 

Τ€Τίώρΐ9 ^χ^ίί' ηαρά του Μάρκου Λογ- 

γζίνου Καστρησίου Saveiov δια χ^€ΐρο[9 

αργυρίου Χφαστοΰ νομίσματος δρα- 

χμας τριάκο[ντα] οκτώ τόκων δρα- 
15 χμιαίων ξκά[στη]9 μνάί κατά μήν[α, 

ον και (ύτακτήσ€ΐν [τ]αύτην τω 

Μάρκω Λογγ^ίνω Καστρησίω, το ie 

Κ€φάλαιον ίπάναγκον άποδώσ^ιν 

kv μησιν τίσσαρσιν άπο Τνβι του 


20 €Γ6σ7ωτο9 πρώτου trovs Αύτοκράτορο[9 

Καίσαρος Δομιτιανοΰ ^φαστον 
άννπίρθίτως, η ύναι αντη\ν ayayyi- 
μην και avvi\ia6at μ^χρί τον ^κτ€Ϊ• 
σαι τω Μάρκω Aoyyeivoa Καστρησίω 

25 παραχρήμα το [μ]^ν Saueiov tocs του 

άpyυpίoυ δραχμάς τριάκορ[τ]α οκτώ 
σύν ημιοΧία, τ\ούς'\ 8ζ τόκους 
και του ύπ^ρπ^σόντος χρόνου τους [ί- 
σους, της πρά^^ως ονσης τω Μάρκω 

3© [Ao]yyeii>(u Καστρησίω παρά re της ΤζΤίώρι\ο^ 

\καΧ\ €κ των \υπαρ\χόντων αυτί} πάν- 
\t\uv {αύτΎ} \πάντ\ων} καθάπίρ ey δίκ[ης. 
[{€τους) α Αύ]τοκρά[τορος Κ]αίσαρος Αομιτι[ανό\ΰ 
[2φ]ασ[τοΰ Τΰβι] e. 

35 2nd hand ? [ 21 letters ] . [ ιοί. 

6. ιμ[ of (Τ(ΐμ\ως ΟΟΓΓί 1 6. 1. οΰί ΓοΓ ορ.• 

' Debt : sheet [.]3. 

Το Pallas, priest, archidicastes, and superintendent of the chrematistae and the other 
courts, from M. Longinus Castresius, an honourably discharged veteran, and from Teteoris 
daughter of 'P . . ., Persian, with her guardian, her son . . ., both inhabitants of the metro- 
polis of the Oxyrhynchite nome, Teteoris acknowledges that she has received from 
M. Longinus Castresius from hand to hand a loan of 58 drachmae of Imperial silver coin 
at the interest of i drachma per mina each month, which she is to pay regularly to 
M. Longinus Castresius, and is bound to return the capital in four months from Tubi of the 
present istyear of the Emperor Caesar Domitia.nus Augustus without any delay ; otherwise 
she is liable to arrest and detention until she pays in full to M. Longinus Castresius 
forthwith the loan of 38 drachmae of silver increased by one half, and the interest, and the 
interest for overtime at the same rate, M. Longinus Castresius having the right of execution 
upon both Teteoris and all her property, as if by a legal decision.' Date and signature of 
an official (?). 

I. The numbering of συγχωρησίο: by κολλήματα is common in the Alexandrian examples. 

5. κ[αστρ]ησίου : cf. 11. 12, 1 7, 24, which show that it is part of M. Longinus' name, 
though in origin probably a title meaning ' born in the camp ' ; cf. καστρησια in P. Hamb. 
31. 14. 

7. Τ1{[ρσίι>η! : cf. int. 

16. (ίτακτησαν corresponds to δίδουσα . . . (ντάκτω: in Β. G. U. 1 1 47. 12. In e.g. 
B. G. U. 1 107. 1 1 the word is used in the middle, (Ιτακτουμίνην . . . τροψύοκ. 


25. τταραχρημα: in the Alexandrian συγχωρησικ concerning loans this word precedes 
άγώγψον (of. 1. 22), where it is more suitably placed. 

32. 2νγχωρησΐΐ5 usually have άξιονμ(ν at the end before the date, but άξιονμΐν is also 
omitted in B.G. U. 741. 

34. [τΐιβι] € (cf. 1. 19) = Dec. 31. The accession of Domitian, which took place on 
Sept. 13, was known in Egypt before Dec. 6 (P. Brit. Mus. 283). 

35. This line, below Avhich probably nothing is lost, presumably contained the signature 
of an official in the office of the archidicastes. At this point 268 has a name followed by 
κατακ€[χ]ώρισται, 727 a name and an abbreviated word, B.G. U. 729 an undeciphered Latin 

1472. Application concerning Deposits. 

15x12-8 cm. A. D. 136. 

An application, similar to 1270, to a strategus from a man who had lent 
some corn on deposit and wished to recover it from the heir of his debtor, 
enclosing an authorization from the deputy-archidicastes (11. 8-13, n.) to the 
strategus for the serving of notice (μίτάδοσι?) upon the heir (11. 4-7), this being an 
answer to an application from the creditor (11. 8 sqq.). The conclusions of the 
two applications, corresponding to 1270. 50-61, are lost. 

This class of papyri concerning the archidicastes and arranged on the same 
plan falls into four main groups : (i) B. G. U. 339, 614, 83a, 1038, P. Flor. 55-6, 
Giessen 34, in which the applicant cites in his favour the νττογραφη of a praefect to 
a petition or the result of legal proceedings before the archidicastes ; (2) 286, 
485, B. G. U. 888, P. Flor. 68, 86, in which the contract violated was a δημόσιο? 
χρηματισμοί (i.e. either a notarial agreement, or a συγχώρησί^ like 1471, or 
a διαγραφή of a bank ; cf. Mitteis, Grtmdz. 58-72), and the substance of it was 
quoted ; (3) 719, 1473-4, 1560, B. G. U. 578, P. Flor. 40 (?), Griech. Texte, 6, 
Preisigke, 5. B. 5692 (?), in which the contract in question was a private χειρό- 
γραφου, so that the application was for registration at Alexandria (δημοσίωσυ) as 
well as μετάδοσι?, the contract (in Griech. Texte, 6 an (ττίσταλμα to a banker) 
being quoted in full; (4) 1200, 1475, 1561, B. G. U. 455, 717, P. Leipzig το, 
P. S. I. 74, in which the application was for δημοσίωσι? only, with a view to the 
information of the βιβλιοφυλακε? των (γκτησ^ων, the contract being, as in (3), 
quoted in full. With regard to 1270, 1472, and P. Brit. Mus. 908 (iii. 132) the 
difficulty arises that while only the substance of the contracts is given, as 
in (2), these are described in terms which do not necessarily imply that they 
were δημόσιοι χρηματισμοί {ομολογία in 1270. 21, (γγρατττοι ασφάλααι in 1472. 
16, €ν€χνρασία coupled with ίτζρα χειρόγραφα in P. Brit. Mus. 908. 34 ; cf. e. g. 
the άσφάλ^ιαι in 1473. 26, 1474. lo, which required δημοσίωσυ). Possibly, as 
suggested in 1270. int. with reference to the ομολογία in question, the contract 



was really notarial in all three cases, and these do not really differ from the 
examples in class (2) ; but private χειρόγραφα seem to have been accepted as 
evidence in actions at law, at any rate in the second century (cf. 1408. 5, n.), 
and the practice of δτ^μοσιωσι? clearly became much more general in the third 
century, when a clause concerning it was regularly inserted at the end of certain 
classes of contracts (e.g. 1473. 17-18). A comparison of the dates of these 
three papyri and those in class (2) with the dates of those in classes (3) 
and (4) rather suggests that before the reign of Marcus Aurelius (P. Flor. 
40) or Commodus (B. G. U. 578) applications to the archidicastes for μζτάhoσιs 
were made without much respect to the question whether the contract in 
question was Ιημόσιο^. 

On the archidicastes see 1412. 1-3, n., Koschaker, Zeitschr. f. Savignyst. 
xxviii. 254 sqq., xxix. i sqq., on the process of μ€τάδοσΐ9 Mitteis, Grundz. 
124 sqq., and on δτ;/χοσίωσΐ5 Mitteis, op. cit. 84-7, Jors, Zeitschr. f. Savignyst. 
xxxiv. 107 sqq. (especially in its relation to the process οι (κμαρτύρησι^, illustrated 
by 1562), 1266. 17-19, n. 

Απολιναρίωι στρα[τηγω) 

πάρα Ήρακλάτο^ τον καΐ ΉρακλίίΒου *Ηρακλάτο5 άπ Όζνρ[ύγ)(]ων πόλεω?, 
ον επόρισα ίκ του καταλογξίον χρηματισμού άντίγ ρ\αφ\ον νπόκβιτ^αι). 
Δημήτριος 6 και Δομίτιο^ 6 Βιίπων τ\α\ κατά την άρ[χϊ\8ικαστίαν 
5 τω του Οξυρυγχείτου στρα{τηγω) χαίρειν. του S^Sopiv^o^v υπομνή- 
ματος avTiy ρα[φον) σννταξον μςταβοθήναι coy νπ6κ€ΐ[τ{αι).] €ρρω(σο). (βτονς) Κ 
Αύτοκράτορος Καίσαρος Τραϊανού Αδριανού Χφαστοϋ Έπύψ e. 
Αίλιανω Εύφράνορος yevopeuov ίξηγητον νίω ν€ωκ6ρω 
τον μίγάλον Χαράπι8ος γζνομίνω ίπ[ά\ρχω σπειρης 8ζντ[βρας) 

ΙΟ Κομμαγηνών ιππικής Up€i άρχιδικασττ} και προ? Trj k- 
πιμ€λ€ΐα των χρ[η]ματιστών και των άλλων κριτηρί[ω]ν, 
δια Δημητριον το[ν κα]ί Δομιτίον άποδξδξίγμίνον ίξηγητοΰ 
δύποντος τα κατά [τ]ην άρχιδίκασ[τ]ζίαν , 
πάρα Ήρακλά τον κα[ι Ή]ρακλ€ίδου Ήρακλάτος άπ' Όξνρύγχω[ν 

15 πολίως. όφ€ΐλομ[4ν]ων μοι νπο Διογίνονς Ήρακλ€ίδο[ν 

τον Μιγκιωνος ά[πο] της αυτής πόλεως κ[α]τ' (νγράπτο[νς] άσ- 
φα[λ]Ηας δυο γεγονυίας τω δωδε[κ]άτω ζ[τίΐ] Αδρια[νο]ΰ Καί[σ]αρ[ος 
του κνρίον, μίαν μ\ν Θωθ παραθήκη[ς] κριθή[ς] μίτρω δη- 
μοσίω ήμιαρταβίω άρταβών είκοσι τεσσάρων ήμίσ[ο]υς χοι- 

20 νείκων εννέα, κατά δε την δευτεραν τω Φαμενωθ το[ν] αν- 


του 8ωδ€κάτου eroyy ώσαντω? παραθήκη? 7rv[p]ov μίτρω 
δημοσίω ήμιαρταβίω άρταβων ζΐκοσι τεσσάρων •)(θΐν[ίί]κ(ύ{ν) 
[τ]ρίωι/, ων πάντων την άπόδοσιν ώμολόγησβν ποιή- 
[σα\σθ^ μοι όπηνίκα kav αίρωμαι, €[τι] δξ [κ]αΙ [τ]ζλων kvKv- 

25 κλίου και καταλ[ο]χισμων, ων χρ[όν]ων και [Si€]\$6v- 
των και μηδ^μιά^ άπo86σ([ωs] y['^]y[ov]vi[a\^, μ^τηλ- 
W?X?r[°]y ''■^ ^οί) [Α]ίογ€νονς €πι κλη[ρονο\ιιω υι[ω\ Ημ[. . . 
[•] •, [ά]^<ώ σνντά[ξαι γρ]άψαι τω του Όξυρ[υγχίτου σ]τ[ρα{τηγω) km- 
^9[%?[*] τούτου {άντί]γρα{φον) τω Η[μ ίο letters ]πο[. . 

30 [ 31 1. ]υ[. ,] . [ ι8 1. ^ι [ ^^ 1. yi[. .] . * 32 [ 34 1- ] • ντου δι[. 

33 [ 35 1• Μ•]αί' 34 ι 4θ 1. ] . 

Fr. Ι. Fr. 2. 

] • 4 ])? . [ 

]αν[ ] . Θτ,[ 

]α0ί?[ ν . [ 

]• • [ Μ 

5 14 

15# ΰτΓΟ π. ly. ytyoinfiasTl. 23. \. ΤΓθίτ^σα\σθαι. 2*J. ΐ'ϊ[ω] Π. 

* Το Apollinarius, strategus, from Heraclas also called Heraclides son of Heraclas, of 
Oxyrhynchus. A copy of the communication Avhich I received from the record-office is 

Demetrius also called Domitius, deputy-archidicastes, to the strategus of the Oxyrhyn- 
chite nome, greeting. Give instructions that a copy of the memorandum which has been 
presented be served, as follows. Good-bye. The 20th year of the Emperor Caesar Trajanus 
Hadrianus Augustus, Epeiph 5. 

To Aelianus son of the former exegetes Euphranor, neocoros of the great Sarapis, 
formerly praefect of the second cavalry cohort of the Commagenes, priest, archidicastes, 
and superintendent of the chrematistae and other courts, through Demetrius also called 
Domitius, exegetes-elect and deputy-archidicastes, from Heraclas also called Heraclides, 
son of Heraclas, of Oxyrhynchus. Whereas I am owed by Diogenes son of Heraclides son 
of Mincion, of the said city, in accordance with two written deeds of security made in the 
1 2th year of Hadrianus Caesar the lord, the first in Thoth, for deposit, 24^ artabae 
9 choenices of barley by the public ^-artaba measure, and the second in Phamenoth of 
the said 12th year, likewise for deposit, 24 art. 3 choen. of wheat by the public A-artaba 
measure, all of which he agreed to repay me whenever I choose, in addition to taxes on sale 
and assignment of land, and w-hereas the periods have elapsed and no repayment has been 
made and Diogenes has died leaving as his heir his son . . ., I beg you to give instructions 
for a letter to be written to the strategus of the Oxyrhynchite nome, stating that he is to 
serve a copy of this memorandum upon . . ." ' 

Ρ 3 


I. ΆτΓολιι/αρίωι : he was still strategus on Mecheir 3 of the 22nd year (484. 2; cf. 
579, which is undated). 

7. The signature of a subordinate of the archidicastes and that of the clerk who wrote 
the οικονομία (cf. 1474. 6-7, nn.) are customary after the date at this point. 

8-13. Neither Aelianus nor his deputy Demetrius also called Domitius was known 
previously. A year before the date of 1472 Claudius Philoxenus was archidicastes 
(B. G. U. 73. 3-5, 136. 23-4), and two years after it Nicolaus was deputy (P. Brit. 
Mus. 1222. 3 = iii. 126). For the association of the office with that of ν€ωκόρος of 
Sarapis cf. Koschaker, op. cii. 261. The occurrence of an ex-soldier as archidicastes is 
somewhat unusual; cf. Koschaker, op. cii. 260. The cohors ii Flavia Commagenoru7n 
equiiata is only known to have been stationed in Dacia (cf. Pauly-Wissowa, Realencycl. iv. 
274), and seems to have been different from the σπ-φα 8fVT{epa) Κομμαγηνών Ιππική : but 
a προσκύνημα of soldiers belonging to an (ί]λη Κομμαγψών occurs in C. I. G. 5057, an inscrip- 
tion at Talmis; cf. Preisigke, S. B. 4575. The mention of the rank of Aelianus' deputy 
(exegetes-elect) is interesting, since the other references to deputy-archidicastae give no 
information on this point. The office of archidicastes was sometimes combined with that of 

gymnasiarch (B. G. U. 614. 10 ΆποΧΧωνί^ω τω προς τω pipei του της ττόλεω? γυμνασίου iepel 

άρχώικαστί)), but, as the order in Β. G. U. 614 indicates, was superior to it, the exegetes 
ranking next below the gymnasiarch at Alexandria, as in the nomes ; cf. 1412. 1-3, n. 

15. Cf. P. Brit. Mus. 908. 22 sqq. (iii. 133 ; = M. Chrest. 229), where in the restoration 
of 1. 23 καθ ην is to be omitted, and in 1. 26 [Άφροδ/σιοϊ] to be supplied. 

19. ημιαρταβίω is new in connexion with μίτρω, but is perhaps to be restored in 1454. 9. 
μίτρον ίξαχοίνικον and μ. τΐτραχοίνικον are common. 

24-5. όπηνίκα eav αίρωμαι was the usual Stipulation with regard to the return of παρα- 

θηκαι, e. g. P. Tebt. 387. 9. For [r]eXav ΐνκυκλίου κα\ κατα\[ο'\χισμών See 1462. 29— 30, η. 

25-7. ν και, υι of y[e]7[oi']ut[a]r and ω υι[ω] were οη a Separate fragment, which is not 
certainly placed here, especially as και [ is not very satisfactory and και χ[ might be read. 
yeyowiag is however the regular word at this point; cf. e.g. 1474. 23. 

27. The word after υί[ώ] is presumably a proper name ; cf. Griech. Texle, 6. 22-3. 
]7Γο[ in I. 29 suggests ύ]π•ο'[χ/)€|ω (cf. e.g. P. Flor. 56. 14), but τ}\μ(τίρω v\ does not fill the 

28-9. For eVi]8o[{}]i/a[t cf. 485. 29 ; but the vestiges do not suit very well, and it is 
doubtful whether there is room for eVi-. For the restoration of the end of 1. 29 cf. 1. 27, n. 

33. ]υ[.]αΐ' might belong to /ieVo]^[a]ai/J [κυρίαν. cf 1270. 52-3. 

Fr. I. 2. ]ii/[ does not belong to \αντί\γρα[φον) in 1. 29. 

3. '\αφη[ suggests iav he (cat] άή>η\\ικΐς ώσι (cf. c. g. 485. 30) ; but that phrasc would be 
expected in 1. 31, and the slight traces of 11. 30-2 do not fit into the formula of 485 or 1270. 

1473. Application concerning a Remarriage. 

26•2 X 25-4 cm. A. D. 201. 

An application to a strategus from Horion, enclosing an authorization from 
the archidicastes for the serving of notice {μ^τά^οσι^) upon Horion's wife Apollo- 
narion, following upon the registration at Alexandria (δημοσιωσι?) of the contract 
for their remarriage; cf. 1472. int. The earlier part of the papyrus, which 
is lost, but must have corresponded in arrangement to e.g. 1474, contained 


{a) the beginning of the apph'cation to the strategus, {b) the authorization of the 
archidicastes, and the beginnings of {c) Horion's application to the archidicastes 
and {d) the contract. Lines 1-36 give the rest of {d), including in II. 19-33 (^) 
an application from Apollonarion to the deputy-strategus for the appointment of 
a guardian ad hoc, and his authorization. This is followed by the conclusion of 
{c) (11. 37-43) with copies of the signatures of a scribe of the archidicastes 
(11. 42-3 as καθηκζΐ . . . Άβυρ y), and the archidicastes himself (1. 43 €[σ]ημιωσάμην), 
and the conclusion of {a) (11. 43-5)• The documents are arranged, as usual, in 
the reverse of their chronological order. 

The contract for remarriage is of an uncommon type; cf. B. G. U. iioi 
(13 B. C). The date of the original marriage does not appear, but it must have 
taken place before 194, since the offspring of it was aged 5 in 198-9 (I. 10). 
Apollonarion, who owned property (1. 13) besides her dowry (1. 5), became 
indebted both to the State in connexion with some vine-land (1. 3, n.) and 
to other creditors (11. 4, 7-8, 15), and these debts may well have been connected 
with the separation. In Thoth (Aug. 29 — Sept. 37) 197 the claims of the 
original contract were disposed of by a document of the nature of a divorce, 
apparently drawn up by a bank (1. 6, n.). By this the wife's dowry was repaid by 
Horion to Apollonarion, who made it over to her creditors (1. 5), and the legiti- 
macy of the offspring was recognized (1. 9). Horion did not, however, break 
off relations with his former wife, for in the course of the same year 197-8 
he lent her money to pay her dues to the State (11. 36-7), and before Phar- 
mouthi I (March 37) had arranged to remarry her (1. 33). The actual con- 
tract, which was between the husband and wife like the Alexandrian σνγγωρ-ησζΐί 
concerning marriage in B. G. U. iv, and not, as in most other marriage- 
contracts, between the husband and the parents of the wife, was drawn up 
on Pharmouthi 13 (April 8). There was probably no fresh dowry, such as 
is found in B. G. U. τιοι, for there is no reference to a repayment of it in 
the provisions concerning divorce (11. 11-16; cf 1273. 35 sqq.) ; but Horion 
lent Apollonarion 3^ talents (11. 34-5), and received security for the repay- 
ment of her debts both to himself and other creditors, being empowered to 
receive the revenues of her property until all claims had been satisfied (11. i- 
8, 1 3-16). The legitimacy of the offspring was the subject of a renewed 
declaration (11. 8-10). 

The application for a guardian and the response (11. 19-33) ^^^ parallel 
to P. Tebt. 397, Brit. Mus. 1164. {a) (iii. 156 ; cf. Wilcken, Archiv, iv. 550), and 
56 (application only). The concluding sections (11. 37—45) follow the formula of 
719, so far as that papyrus goes, and show the correct restoration of a rather 
important lacuna in it (11. 37-8, n.). The brief request to the strategus for 


μετάδοσι? (11. 43-4 ; cf. 1270. 57-8) does not indicate any breach of the contract, 
and seems to be merely a precautionary measure, the δτ^μοσίωσι? of contracts 
becoming frequent in the third century; cf. 11. 17-18, n. and 1472. int. The 
strategus himself is likely to have been Dioph(anes), who was in office at the 
end of the 8th year (199-200) ; cf. 899. int. 

. [ 73 letters ]...[.•]..[ 18 l 

r 53 1. ]..[..].. f[ 12 1• Ifa ύποστζί\[α 14 1. 

r ]6ίσα[ 37 1. ].••.[ I3 1• ]nv αμπέλου πρόσο8\ον ? . . . . λ]όγοι> οκτα- 

8ρ[οίχμον ίο 1. ] 
[.]ί[. .]ων καΐ αλλ[ων ...]..[ Ι7 1• ^]ρ(^Χ(^^Υ [• • • •]«5ί[<^χ1«'λ{®'' τ[ό]κ[ο]ι; 
8ραχμ[ίαίου έ]κάστης μνα9 κατ[α μήνα €καστον] 
5 χωρίς ^ν δύγραψ^ν ή Άπ[ολλωνάρί]ον άρ[γυ]ρίον ταλάντων τριών και προς, 
kv οίς και ή προσβνζχθΐΐσα νπο των γον€[ω]ν [α]ντής 
τώ Ώρζίων[ι] προΐξ αμα ττ} τον γάμ[ο]υ αυτών ττροσζλίύσζΐ, ήτις σννγραψη 
ίλνθη τω δκλθόντι ς- (erei) μηνι Θωθ δια της €πί τον προς Όξυρνγ- 
χων πόλεί ^ α[ραπ{€ίον)] τραπύζης. eh 8e τα άλλ[α ο\φξΐ\όμζνα νπ αυτής 
€7Γ€ί τόκοις ίπακο\ουθήσ€ΐ ή Άπολλωνάριον [γ]ράμματα ίκδιδομίνη τής 
€πακολονθήσ€ως τω Ώρξίωνι €[ως ά]ν ταλλα νπ\ρ αντής 6φΗλ6μ€να πληρο- 

φορηθή. αμφότεροι δε ή τ€ Άπολλωνάριον και 
δ Ώρίΐων €^ομολογοννται τον και δια τής πβριλνσίως ζξομολογηθίντα γεγο- 
νότα αίαντοΐς (ξ αλλήλων νίον Χαιρήμονα τον και 
ΙΟ Φανστον όντα προς το Ινεστος ζ {ΐτος) ίτών €. σνμβιοντωσαν ουν άλλήλοις 
οι γαμονντίς άμ^μπτως καθα καΐ πρότίρον σννφίουν 
φνλάσσοντ€ς τα τον γάμον δίκαια, δ δζ [γ]αμών και έπιχορηγζίτω ττ} 

γνναικι τα δύοντα κατά δύναμιν. kav δί, δ μή €ΐη, €Κ διαφοράς 
άπαλλαγώσι αλλήλων, khv μίν πριν ή πληρωθήναι τον ^Ωρΐίωνα τοις προ- 

ΚΗμύνοις αύτον ταλάντοις δνσι και δραχ^μα[ΐ\ς τρισ- 
XeiX/aty και τοις σννα\θησομ€ν[ο]ις τόκοις, άντιλήμψζται δ ^Ωρξίων των 

προσόδων (τών) τής Άπολλωνάριον ΰπαργόντων ecoy ol• {ο^ν 
πληρωθή, τζλών τα νπ\ρ αυτών δημόσια και χ^ωρηγών ττ} Άπολλωναρίω €ΐς 
διατροφήν κατ €τος πνρον άρτάβας πεντήκοντα μετρώ 
15 τω προκειμένω καΐ οίνου κεράμια πεντήκοντα πέντε, και TOf[s άλ]λοις εϊστοτε 
φανησομενοις αντής δανεισταΐς αποδώσει, αφ' ου ^ άν 


17 πάντων αττόδοσι^ γίνηται, 'ίκτοτ€ ή Άπολλωνάριον άντιλήμψ€τα[ί\ των 

ϋπαργόντων αυτή?, ίπΐ Se πάντων καθότι προς αλλήλους 
σνν€)(ωρησαν. κυρία ή συνγραφη ήνπ^ρ οπηνίκα kav αίρωνται οι γαμοΰντΐί 

η και τίί αυτών και δια δημοσίου άνοίσουσιν, των re- 
λών και γραμματικών όντων προς αμφότερους, (ζτους) ζ Αυτοκρατόρων 

Καισάρων Αουκίου Χ^πτιμίου "Χεουήρου Εύσζβοΰς Περτίνακος 
'Αραβικού Αδιαβηνικοΰ Παρθικού Μεγίστου και Μάρκου Αυρηλίου \^Αντ]ω- 

νίνου Σεβαστών Φαρμοΰθι ιγ. εστί δε της αιτήσεως του κυρίου 
2θ [ά]ντίγραφον• Άμμωνια(νο)ς βασιλικός γραμματέως Όξ[υ]ρυγχείτου [δί\αδεχ^ό- 

μενος την στρατηγίαν ει μηδέν άντιπείπτει, μηδενός δη- 
μοσίου ήτοι ιδιωτικού καταβλαπτομενου , δύνασαι ως ά^ιοΐς επισταμένη 

γράμματα κυρίω \ρήσασθαι τω Εύδαίμονι 
προς μόνην [ταύτ]ην την οικονομίαν. εσημιωσάμην. {έτους) ζ Αουκίου 

Χεπτιμίου Χεουήρου Ευσεβούς Περτίνακος και Μάρκου Αυρηλίου 
Άντωνίνου [Σεβαστών Φαρμοΰθι . .] Άμμωνιανώ βασιλικώ γραμ{ματεΐ) δια- 

δε)(^ομενω { ν \ και τα κατά την στρατηγίαν παρά Απολλωναρίου 
Χαφήμ[ο]νος [ ]..[.. απ' 'Οξυρ]ύγχων πόλεως μητ{ρος) Καρπο- 

κρ[α ]Τί9^' επισταμένη γράμματα και ποιωμενη προς τον 

25 προσιβ[ν]όντ[α μοι] άνδ[ρα Ώρείω]να Ίερακος εξηγητεύσαντος τή[ς] Όξυρυγ- 

γειτών πόλ[ε\ως ^κατά συν^γαμική{ν) συνγραφην 
δι ης ά[σ]φάλ[ι]α [δίδοται τω Ώρείων]ι ων η{ο}ύχρήστησεν μοι και διέ- 
γραψε τω διελθόντι ς• {(τει) επϊ την δημοσίαν τράπεζαν εις λόγον 
ης άπχιτήθην [. . . . αμπέλου πρ]οσόδου, ετι τε και εξομολογουμενη συν αύτώ 

τον γεγονότα ήμεΐν εξ αλλήλων υίον Χαιρήμονα 
τον και Φαΰσ[τον, άμα και ταΐς] διά της συνγ[ρ]αφής ενγραφησομεν[α]ις εξ 

συμφώνου περί της συμβιώσεως ημών διαστολαΐς^ 
αίτοΰμ[αί] διά [σου προς μόνην] ταύτην την ο[ι]κονομίαν επιγραφήναί μου 

κύριον Εύδαίμονα Άγήνορος του και Θεοξενου 'Απολλωνί{ου) 
30 μητρός Ταεΰ[το]ς τ[ή]ς και [Αη]μ[ητρ]οϋτος άπο της αυτής πόλεως παρόντα 

και εύδοκοΰντα. διέγραφα δε το ώρισμενον της αιτήσεως 
τέλος. {έτους) ζ Αυτοκρατόρων Καισ[άρ]ων Αουκίου ϋεπτιμίου Χεουήρ[ο]υ 

Ευσεβούς Περτίνακος 'Αραβικού Αδιαβηνικοΰ Παρθικού Μεγίστ[ο]υ 
και Μάρκ[ο]υ Αυρηλίου Άντωνίνου Χ[ε]βαστών φαρμοΰθι α. !47Γθ[λλω]ί'[ά]/5ίθΐ' 

Χαιρήμονος επιδεδωκα. Ευδαίμων Άγήνορος ευ- 


δοκώ. ΆποΧλώναρίον Xaι[p\ήμov[os!\ συνη\6[ό\ν τω πρω(Λν[τ]ί ά.ν8[ρ]ί Ώρ^ιωνί 

προ9 γάμου κοινωνίαΐγ), και '^σγον τα του αργυρίου 
τά\αντ[α β] η[μ\ίσυ, yeiVoj/[r]ai 6[ρ'\αγ\^μ]αΙ μύρ\ι\αι ίπτακιαγ^ίλιαι, κα^ι\ ΐύ- 

8[ο]κώ πασι tols προκ^ιμ^νοι^. Ευδαίμων Άγήνορο? αίτηθζΐ? 
35 ^7Γΐγίγ[ρα]μμαί τή9 Άπολλωναρίου [κύρ]ω9. Ωραίων ^Ιβρακοί σ[υν]η[λ]θο[ν 

τ]τ) ΆτΓοΧΚωναρίω προ9 γάμου [κ]οιΐ'ωι/ία(ν) ίπΐ ττάσί τοΪ9 προκριμέ- 
νοι?, και συν^θύμην τύ\ Άπολλωναρίω en[a]v, ο μη €Ϊη, άπαλλ[αγώμ€ν δοΰνα]ι 

ζνοίκησιν την πατρωαν [ο]ίκιαν kir άμφόδου Δεκάτη?, 
τοϋτο δ\ βουλ6μ€νο9 kv δημοσίω [γΥνίσ[θ\αι δίδωμι τη πόλι δια το μοναγρν 

αντο eivai και μη ττ^ρύχ^ξΐν ray [''"jf/^i της διαθίσβω? 
διαστολας [τ]α9 ορισθείσα? {δραχμάς) φ, άξιώ [ά]ναλ[αβ6]ντα[ί] αύτο παρ 

^μ[ο]ϋ [ύ]ποκ€^€ΐρογραφημζνον υπ' €μου πβρί του €ivai τα? ύπο αύτο 
[ύ]7Γογ/)α0[ά]? ί\διογ\ράφου?, την πρ\ω\την τη? Άπολ\λ'\ων αριού και την i^fjs 

του κυρίου αύτη? συνγραψαμίνου και την τ^λξυταίαν 
4© [ej/iou τοΰ ^Ωρ[£ίω]νο9^ συ[νκαταχωρ]ίσαι αύτ[ο] τωδζ τω ύπομ[νήματί] το μ\ν 

αύθβντικον ei'y την Άδριανην βιβΧΐΐοθηκην, τούτου 
\δϊ\ τ[ο] ϊσον €19 [την τ]οϋ Να[ναίου, και σ]υντά^αι γραφτϊναι τω τον ^0]ξυ- 

ρυγχ[€ί]του νομον στρατηγώ μξταδοΰναι τη Άπολλωναρίω τούτου άν- 
[τίγρ]α((ρον), ίνα [^ίδη αύτ]η άπο [τοΰ νυν μ€ν]οντά μοι [τα] άπο αύτη? δ[ί]καια 

ώ[? ά]7ΓΟ δημοσίου χ^ρηματι[σμ]οΰ. ω? καθήκ€ΐ. (βτον?) Θ Λουκίου 

[ου ΐ!€ου]ήρο[υ Εύσίβοΰ]? Πζρτί[νακο? και Μάρκο]υ Αυρηλίου Άντωνίνου Εύ- 

σβ[βο]ΰ? ϋββαστών Άθΰρ γ. ([σ]ημιωσάμην. τούτου οντο? άξιω την μ€τ[ά- 
[δοσιν] γ€[νίσθα]ι [τη] 'Απολλων[α]ρίω [ώ? καθ]ήκ€ΐ. {ξτους) θ Αύτοκρ[α]τ6[ρ]ων 

Κα[ισάρ]ων Λουκίου Χ^πτιμίου ^[ζ^ονήρου Εύσ^βον? Π^ρτίνακο? 'Αρα- 
45 \^Αδια]βην[ι]κοΰ Παρθικού Μ€γίστον [και Μάρκου] Αύρηλί[ου Άν]τωνίνον 

Εύ[σ]€βοΰ9 Χφαστ[ώ]ν [[/cat Πουπλίον ϋ^πτιμίου Γετα]] Καίσαρο? 

Χφαστοϋ Παΰνι ι. 

Fr. Ι. Fr. a. 

]αννι . [ ]κα[ 

2. ϊ;ποσΓίίλ[ Π. 5• ^'^° Π; so in 11. 7j 3^ (twice). 7. σα[ραπ{ίίον)] inserted above 
the line, τοκ οί tokois COrr. ή απολλ. π. 8. vnep Π; so in 1, 14. 9. 1. eavTo'is. viov π ; 


so in 1. 27. 10. σννφιον U. II. s of δίαφοραν COrr. from t. 12. a οι τιΧηρωθηναι 

COrr. from e. 13. υπαρχόντων Π; so in 1. 16. 14, 1. χορηγών. 20. 1. γραμματίύς, 

24. 1. ποιούμενη, 25. UpaKos Π ; so in 1. 35. Dots are placed over κατά συν. 29. μ of 

(νδαιμονα rewritten. 30. 1. διίγραψα. 33. 1. 7Γροόΐ'[τ]ι. 34• ^• ■τ^τακισχιλιαι. 37• 

Third ο of βονλομ^νος corr. from 7. 40. ϋπομ[νηματί] π. First /3 of βιβλΐΐοθηκην corn 
41. ϊσοί' π. Second ο of νομού corr. from ω. 42. "tVa Π. 45• '"' of irauj/t corr. from χω. 

'. . . drachmae at the interest of i drachma per mina each month, apart from the 
three talents and more paid by Apollonarion, including the dowry provided by her parents 
to Horion at the time of their marriage, which contract was discharged in the past 6th year in 
the month of Thoth through the bank of the Serapeum at Oxyrhynchus. With regard to her 
other debts at interest Apollonarion shall be responsible for them, delivering to Horion the 
documents of settlement until the rest of her debts are paid off. Both Apollonarion and 
Horion acknowledge the son born to them, who was also acknowledged in the deed of divorce, 
Chaeremon also called Faustus, aged 5 in the present 7th year. Let the parties to the 
marriage therefore live together blamelessly, as they did formerly, observing the marriage- 
rights, and let the husband provide the wife with necessaries according to his means ; but if, 
which heaven forbid, they part from each other owing to a dispute, if this takes place before 
Horion recovers the aforesaid 2 talents 3,000 drachmae and the accrued interest, Horion 
shall take the revenues of Apollonarion's property until he recovers the debt, paying the 
taxes upon them, and for subsistence providing Apollonarion annually with 50 artabae of 
wheat by the aforesaid measure and 55 jars of Λνΐηε, and shall repay the other creditors who 
may appear up to that time. But from the date on Avhich all the debts are paid off, thence- 
forth Apollonarion shall take her own property, all the provisions of the contract being 
observed. This contract is valid, and whenever the parties to the marriage or one of them 
choose they shall effect the publication of it, both parties being responsible for the taxes and 
scribes' charges. The 7th year of the Emperors Caesars L. Septimius Severus Pius Pertinax 
Arabicus Adiabenicus Parthicus Maximus and M. Aurelius Antoninus Augusti, Pharmouthi 
13. The copy of the request for a guardian is as follows : Ammonianus basilicogrammateus 
of the Oxyrhynchite nome, deputy-strategus. If there is no objection, no public or private 
interests being injured, you are at liberty, as you request, since you know how to write, to 
employ Eudaemon as your guardian for this transaction only. Signed. The 7th year of L. 
Septimius, &c., Pharmouthi . . To Ammonianus, basilicogrammateus and deputy-strategus, 
from Apollonarion daughter of Chaeremon . . ., of Oxyrhynchus, her mother being 
Carpocra ... As I know how to write, and am making a marriage-contract with my 
former husband Horion son of Hierax, ex-exegetes of Oxyrhynchus, by the terms of which 
Horion obtains security for the sums which he lent me and paid in the past 6th year into the 
public bank on account of the revenue of vine-land . . . demanded from me, and further am 
acknowledging with him the son bom to us jointly, Chaeremon also called Faustus, together 
with the other provisions concerning our cohabitation to be inserted in the contract by joint 
agreement, I request that you may appoint as my guardian for this transaction only 
Eudaemon son of Agenor ajso called Theoxenus, son of Apollonius, his mother being 
Taeus also called Demetrous, of the said city, who is present and gives his consent. I have 
paid the prescribed tax for my request. The 7th year &c., Pharmouthi i, I, Apollonarion 
daughter of Chaeremon, have presented the application. I, Eudaemon son of Agenor, 
consent to it. I, Apollonarion daughter of Chaeremon, have been united to my former 
husband Horion in marriage, and have received the 2^ talents, total 15,000 drachmae, of 
silver, and consent to all the aforesaid terms. I, Eudaemon son of Agenor, at her request 
have been appointed guardian of Apollonarion. I, Horion son of Hierax, have been united 
to Apollonarion in marriage upon all the aforesaid terms, and have agreed, whenever, which 


heaven forbid, we are divorced, to give Apollonarion the right of inhabiting her paternal house 
in the quarter of the Tenth. 

And whereas I desire this contract to be publicly registered, I give to the city, because 
it is single and does not contain the provisions concerning the disposition (?), the prescribed 
1 2 drachmae, and request you on receiving it from me with my attestation that the signa- 
tures appended to it are autographs, the first of Apollonarion, the second of her guardian 
and co-signatory, the last of myself, Horion, to register it together with this appHcation, 
the original at the Library of Hadrian and a copy of it at the Library of the Nanaeum, and 
to give instructions for a letter to be written to the strategus of the Oxyrhynchite nome, 
stating that he is to serve a copy of this application upon Apollonarion, in order that sh^ 
may herself know that henceforth the rights in virtue of it are assured to me, as by a public 

Let the proper steps be taken. The 9th year &c., Hathur 3. Signed. 

This being so, I request that it be served upon Apollonarion in the proper way. The 
9th year &c., Pauni 10.' 

3. άμπίλον πρόσο^[ον : cf. 1. 27, which shows that it was a tax, not one of ApoUonarion's 
own πρόσοδοι (1. 1 3), and int. The impost 7Γροσόδ(ωί') or -δ(οι;) άμπ€λ(^ώνων) or -λ(ου) occurs 
in the nearly contemporary 1046. 3, and is parallel to the impost προσόδων φοινικιών) or 
-κ{ά>νων) in Wilcken, Ost. no. 276; but the relation of it to the other known taxes upon 
vine-land is uncertain. 1436. 13, where ονσιακοΰ φόρου παραδΐίσων occurs in*a list of taxes, 
suggests that άμπίΚου πρόσοδος might be equivalent to αμπ. φόρο:, i. e. rent of vine-land 
belonging to the State ; but πρόσοδος might refer to προσόδου yij (cf. 1446. 4, &c.). The 
present passage, especially if ΰπίρ is restored before λ]όγον, seems to connect the πρόσοδος 
with the 8-drachmae tax, which is known to have been levied upon vine-land, and was 
generally called σπο^δι^ in the Oxyrhynchite nome ; cf. 1436. n, and P. Ryl. 216. 128, nn. 
For λ]ήγου 6κταδρ[άχμου cf. P. Ryl. 1 86. 3 λόγου (οκταδρ.) νομ(ου) [, the preceding entry 
recording a payment for ά]μπίλ{ου). 

4• [χΚλί]ωι/ is unsatisfactory, for that word is spelled χeιλiωv later in the line, and if the 
letter before ωρ was i, the tail of it should have been visible. After δ]ραχμων either [τΐτρ]ακι- 
\σχ]ΕΐΚίωρ or [πΐντ]ακισχ.] can be read. 

6. ίλύθη : for Xoeiv in reference to payment of debts of. P. Hamb. i. 14, n., P. Ryl. 176. 
3. The mention of the bank (cf. P. Ryl. 176) also indicates that the repayment of 
ApoUonarion's dowry by Horion is meant; cf. int. and 1. 9, n. 

9. πίριλνσΐως: cf. 129. 12 πΐριλύσΐως ρΐποΰδιον, and P. GieSSen 30. 1 5 τα της π(ρι\. 

γράμματα, both referring to divorce. Probably this document was identical with that con- 
cerning λΰσις implied in 1. 6 ; cf. int. 

10-12. σνμβιοντωσαν . . . αλλήλων I the usual formula; cf. e.g. 1273. 22-5. 

17-18. TJvnep όπψίκα κτλ. : this is the earliest example of the stipulation at the end of 
contracts concerning marriage, sale, &c., which became stereotyped during the next thirty 
years in a slightly different form (e. g. 1273. 37-40, 1475. 33-4), omitting the references to 
taxes. The tAj? consisted of (i) the usual 12 drachmae for Alexandria (1. 38 ; cf. 1475. 41), 
(2) the obscure ToC τιμήματος τίλη (1200. 45, P. Leipzig 10. ii. 21), which correspond to τό 

imep της δημοσιώσ(ως ωρισμίνον in 1475. 42 (cf Π.), and tO which the payment for δημοσίω- 

{σις) in p. S. L 109. 2 and the sums sometimes acknowledged by the first signatory to the 
authorization of the archidicastes (cf. 1474. 6, n.) apparendy refer. The γραμματικά, i. e. 
payments to the scribe of the καταλογήον who drew up the οικονομία (1474. 7, η.), are not 
mentioned elsewhere, but probably correspond to the σπονδαί in P. S. I. 109. 7. The 
sharing of the expenses is not in accordance with the evidence (e.g. in 11. 37-8) that the 
person who made the application for δημοσίωσις was actually responsible for the charges. 


20. Άμμωνια(νο)ί : cf. 899. 34, where he was deputy- strategus on Pachon 27 (May 22) of 
the 7th year, the reading of the figure there being confirmed by the dates in 11. 22-3 and 31 
here. On the competence of the exegetes, as well as the strategus, to appoint guardians see 
Ρ Tebt. 397. 4, n. νπομνηματογράφοι (cf. 1412. 1-3, n.) were also competent, as is shown by 
1645 ; but sometimes the praefect was petitioned on the subject (14ββ). 

2 0-I. el μηδίν avrmfirrTfi : SO in an unpublished Oxyrhynchus papyrus cited by Wilcken, 
Archiv, iv. 550-1, which proceeds μψΐ (1. μφ^) 8ημόσιον fj 18ιωτικ6ν καταβ\άΐΓΓ€ται, and omits 

ιίησταμίνη -γράμματα, for which cf. 5β. 12 and 1467. int. In P. Ryl. 120. 25 d μη8ί\ν is 

more probable than ei be τ\ι before άντιπ^ίπτ^ι, 

22. πρόί μόνην \ταντ\ην την οίκονομίαν : cf. 1. 29, 56. 17, Ρ• Tebt. 397• 4) ^•> Brit. MuS. 

1164. (/) 6-7, Ryl. 120. 26. 

23. It is improbable that Fr. i, which might be u\avvL . [, is to be placed after \Ί,ΐβαστων, 
for Pauni is not a suitable month for the response, the application having been made on 
Pharmouthi i (1. 32), and the contract dated on Pharmouthi 13 (1. 19). In P. Tebt. 397 
the response is dated, but not the application; in P. Ryl. 120 the date of the application 
corresponds to that of the response, but is a later insertion. 

27. άμπίλον π/)]οσόδου : cf. 1. 3, η., and int. 

30-1. 8ΐίγρα{ψ)α . . . reXos : cf. 56. 22. P. Ryl. 120. 17-18 alone indicates the amount, 

having tovs 8e vnep τψ αιτήσεως KeXevadevras 8ί8οσθαι els το . . [24 letters] πόλίωί [όρολοΰί 
evvea ημι\σν^ 8ΐ€γραψα eVt την fv Έρμου πόλίΐ 8ημο[σίαν τράττΐζαν. 

33- ■7τρωων[τ]ι: προσυν[ό]ι{τ]ι (cf. 1. 25) cannot be read, but may have been meant, if the 
scribe wrote 7Γρωυΐ'[ο]ΐ'[Γ}, as is possible. For πρ{οό)ντι cf. e.g. P. Ryl. 154. 4> referring to 

a previous period of Άγραφος γάμα. 

34• τάλαντ\α β\ η[μ]ισυ : cf. 1. 12. 

37-8. 8ί8ωμι . . . ιβ: cf. 719. 3°"^; where 1. 8ώον[ς ras] όρισθίίσας (δρ.) ιβ Ινΐκα τον μη 
π(ρύχ€ΐν Μ«(?) ray Trepi \τψ 8ιαθ(\σζως 8ιαστοΚάς και μοναχον 8ημοσιοΰσθαι. With the wrong 

restoration [8ημοσιω\ΐΐω5 that passage was very obscure, and the technical meaning of 
Μθΐσις here is far from clear ; but 1473 shows that the subject of nepUxeiv is the contract 
and in 719 μ^ is probably to be corrected to μου, if μου cannot be read. In both papyri the 
contract in question was single, whereas where the clause evtKa τοϋ (or διά το) κτ\. is omitted 
it was τρισσή (1561. II, P. Leipzig 10. ii. 19) or 8ισση (1200. 44, 1475. 41, B.G.U. 578. 
14, 717. 23) ; and 8ιάθ(σΐί perhaps refers to the division of the copies of a contract among 
the parlies, e.g. in 1273. 37. 8ιά, though uncertain, suits the traces better than προς, and 
fveKa is more likely to have a causal than a final sense. 

38. \ν\ποκ(χ€ΐρογραφημίνον : cf. Griech. Texie, 6. 25. 

40. On the two Alexandrian libraries see 34. 

42. Iva [etSfl αυτ]η αττό [roC viv μίν]οντα: 1200. 50, 1475. 45, and P. Leipzig 10. ii. 26 

have προς TO μίνΐΐν, 485. 32 Iv βίδωσι κα\ ποιησωνται . . . η (18ώσι χρησόμίνον (^οπως ποιησωνται . . • 
η €Ϊ8ώσι is more usual ; cf. e.g. Β. G. U. 578. 20), 1270, 52 has ti'[a 6(δώσι μίνουσαν \ κυρίαν 
την όμολογί^αν ... ΐνα \αυτη €ίδ],7 is leSS likely. 

ώ? καθηκ(ΐ : cf. 1270. 54. 1475. 50, ηη. In the corresponding passage Gnech. Texle, 
6. 35 P. M. Meyer reads γ{ινβσθω) ως καθ. ; but the γ is not certain and in any case is omitted 
in the Oxyrhynchite examples. This endorsement was written for the archidicastes by 
a γραμματίύς, the signature of the archidicastes himself being ([σ]ημιωσάμην in 1. 43 ; cf. 
Griech. Texie, 6. 38. 

45. Geta occurs in the date-formulae in Egypt in the 9th year of Severus on Tubi 13 
(P. Brit. Mus. 347. 4 = ii. 71) ; cf. 1. 43 where he is not mentioned on Hathur 3. B. G. U. 
156. ii-i2(=W. Chresi. 175) of the 9th year is said to have 'Έ.ττ{ΰ)φ after Εύσίβοίί, omitting 
Σΐβαστών and Geta ; but we suspect a misreading of Σ(βα{στων) Φα{ώφι). 

Fr. I. Cf. 1. 23, n. 


1474. Application concerning a Loan. 

13-6 X 18-3 cm. A. D. 216. 

An application, similar to 1473, to a strategus from a woman with reference 
to the return of a loan, enclosing copies of (i) an authorization from the archi- 
dicastes for μtτάl•oσιs (11. 3-8), (2) her application to him for δημοσίωσυ and 
μ^τάδοσι? of the contract (11. 8-1 1, 23), and (3) the contract itself (11. 11-22); 
cf 1472. int. The conclusion, corresponding to 1473. 37-45, is missing. The 
reference to a payment of 14 drachmae by the applicant at the office of the 
archidicastes (1. 6, n.) explains the corresponding passage in B. G. U. 578, which 
has hitherto been misunderstood. The terms of the loan, which was without 
interest, but subject to an increase of one-half if not repaid at the proper time, are 
somewhat unusual ; cf. 1. 18, n. A few corrections have been made in a different 

Αύρηλίω Άνουβίωνι στρα(τηγω) Όξνρνγχίίτον) 

τταρα Ανρηλίας Α[ιδ]ύμη^ τη? καϊ Διονυσία? και ώ? χρηματίζίΐ δια Αυρηλίου 

Νβίλου γραμμα- 
τίων, ου knof^iaa α\πο διαλογή? χρηματισμού ίστιν άντίγραφον Αυρήλιο? 

Κάσιο? 6 kp^b? και άρ- 
χιδικαστή[?] στ[ρατ]ηγω Όξυρυγχίίτου χαίρων. τή? τ^τηλιομίρη? δημο- 

σιωσ€ω? άντιγρα- 
5 (Ι>ον μ^ταδοθ[ήτα>] ω? ύπόκιται. ίρρωσο. {ίτου?) κδ Αυρηλίου ^€ουήρου 

Αντωνίνου Καίσαρο? 
του κυρίου Μ€[χ€ΐ]ρ e. Μάρκο? Αυρήλιο? Αρπογρατίων σ^σημίωμαι {δραχμά?) 

ιδ. Μάρκο? Αυρήλιο? Νζ- 
μ^σιανο? 6 και Ειρηναίο? και ώ? χρηματίζω γραμματίων καταλογίον την 

οικονομίαν έγρα- 
ψα. Αουκίω Χ^πτιμίω Αύρηλίω Κασίω Upl άρχιδικαστί} καϊ προ? τβ eiri- 

μζλβία των χρημα- 
τιστών καΐ των άλλων κριτηρίων πάρα Αύρηλία? Δίδυμη? τή? και Διονυσίας 

και ώ? χρημα- 
ιο τίζ^ί. τή? προιμίνη? μοι δισσή? άσφαλύα? και τή? ύπο αυτήν υπογραφή? 

άντίγραφον ύπδ- 
[κί\ται. Πζκΰσι? Πανσιρίωνο? μητρο? Τΐθζΰτο? απ Ό^υρύγχων πόλ^ω? 

Αύρηλία. Διδύμυ τή κα[1 


Διονυσία και ώ? γ^ρηματίζ^ι Sia Χουγάμμωνο^ aireXivQepov του ττάππου σου 
Αυρηλίου Δί- 

ογίνους \aipeiv. ομολογώ οφίλζΐν σοι as Ισ^ήκ^ιν πάρα σου kv χρήσι πυροΰ 
άρτάβας τ€σσ€ρά- 

κοντα 7Γ€ντ€, και ταύτας άποδώσιν σοι χωρίς διαφόρου τω Επ^Ιφ μηνι τοΰ 
ίνίστώτος κγ (βτους) 
15 ττυροΰ ναίου καθαρού άδώλου άβώλου άκρίθου καικοσκιν^υμίνου και €ΐς δη- 
μόσιον μ€- 

τρουμύνου ίνθάδζ kv τω Όξυρυγχίίτΐ] μίτρω παραλή μπτικω σου κώμης ^ύρων 
των σων 

μζτρούντων, πάντα δξ χωρίς ύπ€ρθίσ€ως, €i δΙ μη, €κτ€ίσω σοι τοΰ ύπ€ρ- 
π€σόντος χρόνου 

διάφορον 6^ ημισάας, της πράξζώς σου οϋσης €Κ re ψοΰ και U των υπαρ- 
χόντων μοι παντοί- 
ων πάντων, κυρία {ή) χ€ΐρ τισση γραφίΐσα πανταχη ίπιφ^ρομίνη και παντι 
τω ύπ\ρ σου ίπι- 
20 φίροντι. (erofy) κγ Αύτοκράτορος Καίσαρος Μάρκου Αυρηλίου ^€ουήρου 
Άντωνίνου Παρθικού 

{Μί\γ[ίσ]τ[ο'\υ Βρΐ[ταν]ικ[ο]υ [Μζγίστο]υ Τ^ρ[μα\νικοϋ Μεγίστου Εύσφοΰς 
ϋββαστοΰ Χοίακ κ. Π^κΰ- 

[σις Παυσφίωνος Ίσχον τας προκιμίνας ά]ρτάβας τ€σσα{€}ράκοντα πίντί και 
αποδώσω ως πρό{κ(ΐταί). 

[S)v χρόνων και δι^λθόντων και της ά]ποδώσ(ως μη γ^γονυίας [βογίλομαι άπο 
της τισσή[ς 

3• tVpevs Π ; so in 1. 8 'iepi. 4• 1• τ(Τ€λ(ΐωμΐνης. ζ. αν of ανρηλιον COrr. from μα. 

6. 1. Άρποκρατίων: αρπ corr. from σάρα. 7• '• γραμματ(ύς. g. ι οΐ κριτηρίων corr. from τ. 
ΙΟ. προίμίνης Π. t οΐ μοι corr. by a second hand from v, and δ οί δισσης from τ. 1 1. 5 

of Tf^evrof corr. from r. 12, First π of πάππου corr, from το. 13. e of οφίλίΐί/ inserted 
above the line by a second hand. 15. 1. veov . . . άδολου . . . κ(κοσκιν€νμίνον. 1 6. τη. 

θ{ οξυρυ-γχ^ιτη corr. σω Π. 1 8. 1. σοί. Ι ρ. \. δισσή. 20. os of καισαροί COrr. from 

ων (?). 23. 1. a^nohoiTfOiS , . . δισσή[ί. 

* Το Aurelius Anubion, strategus of the Oxyrhynchite nome, from Aurelia Didyme also 
called Dionysia, and however she is styled, through Aurelius Nilus, scribe. A copy of the 
communication which I have received from the bureau is as follows. 

Aurelius Casius, priest and archidicastes, to the strategus of the Oxyrhynchite nome, 
greeting. Let a copy of the publication which has been effected be served, as follows. 


Good-bye. The 24th year of Aurelius Severus Antoninus Caesar the lord, Mecheir 5. 
I Marcus Aurelius Harpocration, have signed for 14 drachmae. I, Marcus Aurelius 
Nemesianus also called Irenaeus, and however I am styled, scribe of the bureau, wrote the 

To Lucius Septimius Aurelius Casius, priest, archidicastes, and superintendent of the 
chrematistae and other courts, from Aurelia Didyme also called Dionysia, and however she 
is styled. Appended is a copy of the bond issued to me in duplicate and of the signature 
beneath it. " Pekusis son of Peusirion and Tetheus, of Oxyrhynchus, to Aur. Didyme 
also called Dionysia, and however she is styled, through Suchammon, freedman of your 
grandfather Aurelius Diogenes, greeting. I acknowledge that I owe you the 45 artabae of 
wheat which I received from you on loan, and will repay these to you without interest in the 
month of Epeiph of the present 23rd year in Avheat that is new, pure, unadulterated, un- 
mixed with earth or barley, sifted, and measured into the public granary here in the 
Oxyrhynchite nome by your receiving-measure of the village of Syron, the measurement 
being performed by your agents, all without any delay, or, if I fail, I will forfeit to you 
interest for the overtime at the rate of half the capital, you having the right of execution upon 
both my person and all my property of every kind. This bond, written in duplicate, is 
valid wheresoever it is produced and whosoever produces it on your behalf. The 23rd year 
&c., Choiak 20. I, Pekusis son of Pausirion, have received the aforesaid 45 artabae, 
and will repay them as aforesaid." The period of the loan having expired and no repay- 
ment having been made, I desire that of this duplicate bond [a single copy should be sent 
to the Library of Hadrian &c.' 

I, Αυρηλίω Άνονβίωνι '. cf. 1432. I, n. 

4, τίτ{ί)λι(ω)μ(νη! 8ημοσιώσ(ως : SO 1200. 7, 1475. 5 in the Secondary application to 
the archidicastes, to which there is nothing corresponding in the earlier examples such as 
1474. The archidicastes himself in the letter corresponding to 1474. 3-6 there uses 

τeτeλ{eιωμtvηs)πpoσφω{vησeωs) (1200. 2, 1475. l). The USUal phrase at this point is deSofj^vov 
imo μνήματος, e. g. 485. 5 ; but B. G. U. 578. 4 has ^ημοσιώσΐως χρ\η'^α\τι,σμοϋ where 1474. 3 
has χρηματισμού. 

6. σΐσημίωμαί {8ραχμαή ιδ : cf. Β. G. U. 578. 8, where the words after σ^ση^μύωμαι), 

which Mitteis {Chresi. 227. 8, n.) did not understand, are {8ραχμας) f. This entry apparently 
corresponds to that in P. Leipzig 10. ii. 32-3, to which 1200. 4 and 1475. 3 (cf. n.) 
are parallel, and the first of the two signatories usually found at this point (e. g. 485. 7-8) 
was probably ό προς rff hiaXoyfi TTfs πό\ΐ<ύί, the second being regularly, as here, a scribe of the 

KUTaXoyeiov (in B. G. U. 888. 4 called νομογράφος αγοράς), who wrote the document (^οικονομία : 

cf. 1. 7, n.). The 14 drachmae here may include the 12 drachmae regularly paid to 
Alexandria (e.g. 1473. 38), but part of the sum presumably belongs to the τοϋ τιμήματος τίλη 
(1473. 17-18,1475. 42, nn.), like the 5 drachmae in B. G.U. 578, and the whole 14 drachmae 
may well be exclusive of the 1 2 drachmae for Alexandria. Perhaps they include γραμματικά 
(cf. 1473. 17-18, n.). The payments of 16 drachmae i^ obols and 12 dr. [.] ob. in P. S. I. 
109. 9, 23 seem to be for the 8ημοσΙο}{σις) of contracts, including σπονδαί, and to be of the 
same nature as the payment of 14 drachmae here. 

7. οΙκονομΊαν: Mitteis [Chresi. 239. int.) refers this only to the νπογραφη of the archi- 
dicastes, but the whole document is probably meant, especially if ojtKoiO/iiaj/ [π]άσα«' is right in 
B.G.U. 578. 9. 

8. This archidicastes was previously unknown. 

14. 8ιαφόρον practically = τόκου : cf. 1. i8, n., and 1040. int. 

16. μίτρω παραλημτΓΓίκω : cf. 101. 4 1, where it is τΐτραχοίνικον χαΧκόστομον. This measure 

was formerly explained by Wilcken {Osi. i. 772) as that used by officials called παραλημπται. 


but he abandoned that explanation {Archtv, i. 13 1^) in favour of the view that it was equivalent 
to ω και παρΐίληφ^. This is, we think, unlikely, for in 1040. 17-19 /-'«(τρω) παραλ. σοϋ ω κάϊ 
παρα[μ('\μΐτρημίΘα occuFS. In favour of Wilcken's earlier explanation can be urged the 
parallelism οϊ μίτρον σιτοΚο-γικόν (740. 17); but a 'receiving-measure' may be a technical 
expression like the ^οχικόν or napahoxiKOv measure, which was contrasted with the άνηΚωτικόν 
measure (P. Hibeh 87). 

Ί,νρων : a village in the western toparchy (1285. 75). 

18. διάφορον e'i ημισ€ίας : i. e. if the debtor failed to repay the 45 artabae in Epeiph, he 
had to pay 67^, i. e. the ημιόλία. It is more usual for a διάφορον of ^ to be charged in place 
of interest, apart from penalties for delay; cf. 1040 and the ήμώλιοι τόκοι in P. Reinach 15, 
&c. In 1640. 7 διάφορον fK τρίτον occurs in a similar context, and in P. Strassb. 71. 8-9 
1. (K I τρίτον for the unsatisfactory μο[ν | τρίτον. That passage means that the borrower had to 
repay 4 artabae in place of the 3 which he received, not, as Preisigke supposes, that he 
actually received only 2 out of 3 artabae nominally lent to him. 

23. Twenty-seven letters are expected in the first lacuna, and the first καί may be 
omitted ; cf. 1472. 25-7, n. της δε προθίσμίας διελθονσης (485. 27) is rather too long. 

1475. Application concerning a Sale of Land. 

35 X 19-6 cm. A.D. 267. 

This long• and well-preserved papyrus is closely parallel to 1200, and is 
mentioned in 1200. int. It was written a year later than that series of docu- 
ments, and, like it, contains (a) an application to an archidicastes (1. i, n.) 
concerning the δημοσίωσι^ of a sale (11. 6-9, 41-7), (d) a copy of the sale (11. 10-40), 
(c) a further application to the archidicastes for the communication of the 
hημoσ^ωσLs to the βιβλωφνλακζς των (γκτησ^ων (11. 4-5? 48—9), with (d) an endorse- 
ment on his behalf (I. 50), and (e) the required letter to the βίβλωφνλακ€5 inserted 
in the upper margin (11. 1-3). (d) and (e) are in the same hand as 1200. 1-4 
(and ^6 ?) and 1561. 20-1 (a. D. 269), where the line corresponding to 1200. 4 
and 1475. 3 occurs at the end of the document, as in P. Leipzig 10. The body 
of the document was written in the three cases by different scribes, that of 
1475 employing a more cursive hand than the other two, and in his ligatures 
sometimes approximating to the style of the letter of the archidicastes (cf. 
Part ix, Plate vi). The decipherment of the difficult line 1200. 4 in the 
Alexandrian chancery script can now be carried a stage further, though one 
word is still uncertain ; cf. 1. 3, n. The maker of the application, Aurelia 
Thaisous also called Lolliane (1. 5, n,), is known from 1467, where she claimed 
the right to act without a guardian. 1475 does not contain at the end a sub- 
sequent endorsement by her corresponding to that in 1200. 57-61, where in 
1. 58 the date is to be read (hovs) a και (Irous) δ, i.e. the ordinary reckoning 
of Aurelian and Vaballathus, not (er.) γ καΙ (It.) α. As in 1200, there are 
a few marginal notes in a third hand (different in the two papyri), these having 
been made in the βιβΚωθηκη των (γκτησ^ων (1. ι, η.). 


'ΐΓαβ€τ(ίθη). AvprjiXios) Taios KOL Αρπ[οκ\ρατίων Uj){€v^) και άρχί8ικ{αστη9) βιβλω- 
(φνλαξιν) Ό^νρν(γχίτον) γ^αί{ρζΐν). τή$ τ€Τ€λ(€ΐωμίνη9) 
7Γροσφ(ύ(νήσ€ωζ) avTLypa{<pov) νπ6κ{€ίταϊ). ίρρω{σθζ). (βτον^) ι8 Γαλλιη- 
νοϋ Χίβαστοϋ Φαρμονθι ιη. 

ό προ? TTJ δία{\ογτ}) τη(?) πόλ(€ω9)• δί€γρα{•ψ€ϊ/ ?) Αύρ[η\ίον) 
Άλί^άνδρον γ^ρτ^^ματίζοντο?). 
2nd hand ΑύρηΧίω Ταίω τω και Άρποκρατίωνι if[/>ei] άρχ^ιδικασττ} [κ]αι π[ρο$;] rfj ini~ 
μβλ^ια των χ^ρηματιστων και των άλλων κριτηρίων 
5 πάρα Αύρηλια? Θαϊσοντο? τή? κα\ϊ\ Αολλιανήζ. τή? τ€[τ]€λιωμ€νη? 

δημοσιώσίω? αντίγραφαν υπόκειται. 
Ανρηλίω Ταίω τω και Αρποκρατίωνι /ep[ei] άρχιδικαστί} και π[ρ]ο9 Trj €7Γί- 
μζλία των χρηματιστών και των άλλων κριτηρίων 
πάρα Ανρηλία? θαΐσοντος της και Αολλιανης θνγατρο? Χαραπίωνο? τον 

και Αγαθόν Ααίμονος άγορανομή- 
σαντο9 τη? Ό^νρνγχ^ιτών πόλεως, τη? προ€ΐμβν[η]? μοι δισσης άσφαλία? 

σνν τη μ€τά τον γ^ρόνον υπογραφή άν(τί)- 
γραφον νπόκζίται. 
ΙΟ Αυρήλιος Άγαθ[€Ϊ]νο9 6 και Ώριγξνης Οναριανον τον [κ]αΙ Κλάρον μητρός 
'Πριγβνίης της και Τανριος άπο Όξνρνγ- 
^ων π6λί[ω]ς Αύρηλία Θαϊσοντι τη και Αολλιανη θνγατρι Χαραπίωνος 

τον και Αγαθόν Δαίμονος άγορανομήσαν- 
τος της αντής πόλξως μητρός Αιοννσίας της και Διαίνης άπο της αυτής 

πόλξως -χωρίς κνρίον χρηματιζονστ) 
Τ€κνων δικαίω γαίρζίν. ομολογώ π^πρακίναι και παρακ^γωρηκίναι σοι 

άπο τον ννν ίς τον aei χρόνον 
τά υπογεγραμμένα υπάρχοντα μοι άγοραστι\κ\ώ δικαίω πρ6τ€ρον σον της 
ώνονμενης περί κώμην 
15 Παεΐμιν [τ]ης προς λίβα τοπαρχίας τον αντον Ό^νρνγχίτον νομον ίκ 

τον Νείκωνος άνθ' ον Νεικομήδονς 
κλήρον σιτικάς κ[α]1 έτύρας άρονρας ενδίκα, h αϊς λάκκος σννερξνκως και 
ό τροχός ομοίως σνν- 
ιτροσφ(ώνησΐ5) €ρ€νκως €κ μ€ρον{σ}ς σνν τη ίπικειμίνη μηχανή, &ν όλων γ['^]ί[τ]ο[ν€ς] 

av(TTis) §τ,(μο«^ώσί«5). ^/^^^ ^^^ χφ^^^ ξ^^^^^ καί άλλα, βορρά πρ6- 

Τ(ρον Ίονλίον Θίωνος, άπηλιώ7\ο]ν τά έ^ης οικόπεδα και ψιλοί τόποι και 
το ον πωμάριον, και kv τη αύτη κώ- 


μτ^ kv Toh άπο βορρά και λιβο? μύρξσι της αύτη? κώμης οικία? δύο και 

τα τούτων γ^ρηστήρια και ανήκοντα 
2θ ττάντα κα\ϊ\ tovs (Κ βορρά και λιβός τούτων ψ€ΐλο[ύ]ς τ6που[9] και το 

μζτοξύ πωμάριον νννι kv γ^^ρσω άρούρης 
ημίσους [τζτάρ\του 1[κκ]αιδίκάτον knl το ιτλίον [ή] ίλαττον και το ον kv 

αντω φρίαρ, ων οικοπέδων και ψιλών 
τόπων [και π]ωμαρίον όντων ύπο μίαν όψιν [yjeiroi/ey νότου παρόρια τή? 

πόλεως, βορρά π€ρίμ€τρα της 
κώμη[ς,] άπηλιώτον lepaKiov, λιβός τα προκ^ίμ^να σιτικά kδάφη, kni δ€ 

πάντων ακολούθως 
τη δικαία πράσι και παραχωρήσι. τΰίς δζ σνμ[π€]φωνη μίνας προς 

αλλήλους ύ[π€ρ τ]€ΐμής και παραγωρητικοϋ 
25 των πpo/c[e]t/ίeί/ωι/ πάντων άρ•γ\υρ\ίου ΧφασΤοϋ [νομ\ίσματος δρανμας 

kvv{ζ)aκ[ισ)(^ιλί]aς έπτακοσίας, αΐ ξίσι 
άργυρ[ίου τάλα]ντ[ο]ν ίν και δρ[αχμ]αι τρισχί[λιαι ζπτ]ακόσιαι, αυτόθι 

άπίσγον παρά σου δια γΐΐρος kK πλή- 
\ρ\ονς. δ[ίδ κρα]τί\ι\ν σξ και κυρίίύ^ιν συν e/cyoi'[oiS και] τοις παρά σου 

μ^ταλημψομίνοις των παραχωρου- 
μένων [υπ* €]μοΰ ως πρόκειται και ζξουσίαν [^χ€ΐ]ν και χράσθαι και οικο- 

νομξΐν π€ρι αυτών ώς kav alpfj, 
άπ^ρ καΐ k\nav\ayKov παρίξο[μ]αί [σο]ι βύβαια [κ]αί καθαρά άπο μόνου 

του ήμξτβρου ονόματος και παν- 
3© Toy του k^ ονόματος μου kπeλζυσoμkvo^) σοι, άρκουμίνης σου τη ΐς μ€ 

άπο σου βφαιώσι τών '4ως του 
δΐζλθ[όν'\τος και αύτοΰ του διβλθόντος ιγ (βτους) διά το τα άπο του 

kveστώτoς ιδ (βτθυς) τούτων πρόσφορα α,ναι 
σου της ώ[ν]ουμ€νης, προς ην και ΐϊναί τα άπο του αύτοΰ ιδ [ίτους) άπο 

καλανδώΡ τξλίσματα. κυρία ή πράαις 
και παραχώρησις δισση γραφβΐσα, ήνπβρ όπηνίκα αν alpfj δημοσιώσ€ΐς 

διά του καταλογίου ου προσδβό- 
μζνος ίτί[ρα]ς μου €ύδοκήσ€ως διά το ίντ^ϋθ^ν ίύδοκΐν μ€ τη (σομύν]] 

ύπο σου δημοσιώσι. π€ρι 
35 5e του ταΰ[τ]α ορθώς καλώς γξνίσθαι ίπξρωτηθ([ΐ\ς ύπο σου ώμολόγησα. 

(βτους) ιδ Αύτοκράτορος Καίσαρος 


Πονπλίου Λι[κιν]νί[6\υ Γαλλιηνού Γζρμανικοΰ Μ€γί[στ]ον Παρθικού Me• 

γίστου Εύσββοΰΐ Εύτνχοΰί Χφαστοΰ 
Άθύρ κγ. Α[νρ]ήλιθ9 Άγαθίΐνος ό καΐ Ώριγ€[νψ] πίπρακα καΐ παρ€- 

χώρησα rfj Λολλίαντ} ττ} καΙ Θαϊ- 
σουτι τα πρ[ο]<ίμίνα ύπάρ[χ]οντα και τα συγξ[σκ€ν]ασΐΛ[ίν]α αντοΐ? πάντα 

κ[αι] άπίσχον τάς [τη]? τιμή? 
αργυρίου τάλαντον %ν [κα\ι δραχμας τρισχιλ[ία9] έΐΓτακο[σί]α? κ[αϊ\ βε- 
βαιώσω άπο μόνου του ήμετίρου 
4© όνόματο? και ζ[ύ]8οκω T[fj] €σο\βίνΐ]] δημοσιώσ[ι] και ίπ€ρωτηθ[ΐ\}[?] ώμο- 

βουλ6μ[€νο]9 Se [άπο τ]ή9 δισσής ά[σ]φ[α]λία? μοναχήν [iv δ]ημοσίω yeviaOai 

δίδωμι Trj πολι τα? ορισθείσα? [δραχμά?) ιβ και 
το ύπίρ τη? δη[μο]σιώσεω? ώρισμ€νο[ν,] άξιω [άραλα]βόντα? αύτην παρ^ 

του διαπεσταλμενου υπ' εμού Αυρηλίου Νείλου 
νπογεγραμμενην ύπο αύτοϋ περί του ϊναι την μετά τον ^ρο{ο}νον ύπο- 

γραψην ίδιόγραφον του Αυρηλίου Αγαθίνου 
του και 'ίΙριγει/[ο]υ? συι/καταχωρίσαι συν τψδ[ε τω] ύπομνή{ματι) την 

αύθεντικην ει? την Αδρίανην βιβλιοθή- 
45 κην ταύτη? δε το [ϊσ]ον συν ύπομνή{ματι) ι? την του Ναναίου, πρ[ο?] 

τ[ο] μενιν μοι τα άπο αύτη? δίκαια ώ? άπο δημοσίου χρηματισμού 
ένεκα του εύ[δο]κηκεναι τον Αύρήλιον \Αγα]θεΐνον τον και Ώριγενην ττ} 

τη? άσφαλίου δημοσιώσι. (ετου?) ιδ 
Γαλλιηνού 2!ε[βα]στοΰ Φαμενωθ κδ. 
ταύτην δε β[ουλ]6μενο? προσφω[ν]ηθήναι τ[οΐ]? [των ε\νκτήσεων του Ό^υρυγ- 

χίτου νομοϋ βιβλιοψύλαξι άξιώ 
επιλαβοΰσι την δηλουμενην δημοσιωσιν ύπ[ογεγραμμ]ενην ώ? καθήκει 

συντά^αι γράψαι αύτοΐ? ΐν ίδώσι. 
50 1st hand ώ? κα[θή]κ{ει). (ετου?) ιδ Γαλλιηνού Σεβαστού Φαμ{ενωθ) κ^. 

Ι. γαϊο! Π. 1 6. ο corr. from του and f of τροχοί from v. 21. (Xut'tou Π. 

23. ι οί lepaKiov corr. from τ. 32. π of first απο corr. 41, 1. βovλofJ[ΐv]η : so in 1. 48. 

44. ηροίτηρΟΟΤΤ. 46, 1. ίίσφαλίίαί. 49. \. (πίΚαβόντας. 

' Aurelius Gains also called Harpocration, priest and archidicastes, to the keepers of tiie 
property-registers of the Oxyrhynchite nome, greeting. A copy of the communication which 
has been executed follows. Good-bye. The 14th year of Gallienus Augustus, Pharmouthi 
18. The examiner-in-chief of the city : she has paid (?), Aurelius Alexander acting. 

To Aurelius Gains also called Harpocration, priest, archidicastes, and superintendent of 


the chrematistae and other courts, from Aurelia Thaisous also called Lolliane. A copy of 
the publication which has been executed follows. 

To Aurelius Gaius, &c., from Aurelia Thaisous also called Lolliane, daughter of 
Sarapion also called Agathodaemon, ex-agoranomus of Oxyrhynchus. A copy of the bond 
issued to me in duplicate with the signature succeeding the date follows. 

"Aurelius Agathinus also called Origenes, son of Varianus also called Clarus and 
Origenia also called Tauris, of Oxyrhynchus, to Aurelia Thaisous also called Lolliane, 
daughter of Sarapion also called Agathodaemon, ex-agoranomus of the said city, and of 
Dionysia also called Diaena, of the said city, acting without a guardian by the ius liberorum, 
greeting. I acknowledge that I have sold and ceded to you from the present time for ever 
the property beloAv written, which is mine by right of purchase and formerly belonged to 
you the buyer, in the area of the village of Paimis in the western toparchy of the said 
Oxyrhynchite nome in the holding of Nicon also called Nicomedes, consisting of 1 1 arurae 
of corn-bearing and other land, in which is a tank in disrepair and the water-wheel likewise 
partly in disrepair with the apparatus belonging to it, the adjacent areas of the Avhole being 
on the south and west a canal, &c., on the north land formerly belonging to Julius Theon, 
on the east the buildings, open spaces, and existing orchard mentioned below, and in the 
said village in the northern and western parts of it two houses with all their fittings and 
appurtenances and the open spaces to the north and west of these with the intervening 
orchard which is now dry, of the extent of ^| arura more or less, and the existing well, the 
adjacent areas of these buildings, open spaces, and orchard, when they are surveyed in one 
piece, being on the south the parts of the metropolis along the desert, on the north the 
circumference of the village, on the east a hawk-shrine^ on the west the aforesaid corn-land, 
in all respects according to just sale and cession. And I have herewith received from you 
from hand to hand in full the sum jointly agreed upon for the price and cession-money of 
all the aforesaid property, 9,700 drachmae of Imperial silver coin, making 1 talent 3,700 
drachmae of silver. Wherefore you and your descendants and heirs are masters and owners 
of the property ceded by me as aforesaid, and have power to use and administer it as you 
choose, and I am bound to deliver it to you guaranteed and free from claims in my name 
only or by any one else in my name, you being satisfied with the guarantee from yourself to 
me concerning all charges up to and including the past 1 3th year, because the products of 
the property from the present 14th year henceforth belong to you the buyer, who are also 
responsible for the taxes beginning with the calends of the said 14th year. This sale and 
cession, written in duplicate, is valid, and whenever you choose you may publish it through 
the record-office without requiring further concurrence on my part, because I hereby 
concur in the publication to be made by you ; and having been asked by you the formal 
question whether this is done rightly and fairly I have given my consent. The 14th year of 
P. Licinius Gallienus^ &c., Hathur 23. I, Aurelius Agathinus also called Origenes, have 
sold and ceded to Lolliane also called Thaisous the aforesaid property and all the con- 
structions appertaining to it, and have received the i talent 3,700 drachmae of silver for 
the pricej and will guarantee the property from claims in my name only, and I consent 
to the publication to be made by you, and in answer to the formal question have given 
my consent." 

Wishing that one copy of this duplicate bond should be made public, I pay to the city 
the prescribed 12 drachmae and the sum prescribed for the publication, and request that, 
on receipt of the bond from the person Avhom I have dispatched, Aurelius Nilus, with his 
attestation that the signature after the date is the autograph of Aurelius Agathinus also 
called Origenes, you will register the original with this application in the Library of Hadrian, 
and a copy of it with the application in the Library of the Nanaeum, in order that the rights 
derived from it may be assured to me, as from a public deed, because Aurelius Agathinus 



also called Origenes has consented to the publication of the bond. The 14th year of 
Gallienus Augustus, Phamenoth 24. 

And whereas I desire that this should be communicated to the keepers of the property- 
registers of the Oxyrhynchite nome, I request that, on receipt of the aforesaid publication duly 
signed, you will give instructions for a letter to be written to them for their information. 

Let due steps be taken. The 14th year of Gallienus Augustus, Phamenoth 27.' 

I. The marginal note παρΐτ(ίθη) is absent in 1200. It means that the document was 
entered in the διαστρώματα of the βιβλιοθήκη (γκτήσβων : cf. 1547. I, 1552. I, Mitteis, Grundz. 
103 sqq., Lewald, R'omisch-Aegypt. Grundbuchrecht, 38 sqq. The marginal note in the 
same hand against 1. 1 7 corresponds to that against 1200. 18 (in a different hand), showing 
that the annotations in 1200 were also made at the βιβλιοθήκη. 

Tales 6 Koi ' λρη[οκ]ρατΐων : this archidicastes was previously unknown. In Pauni of the 
13th year (1200. 3, 56) Didymus also called Sarapion was in office, as in P. Giessen 34, 
where in 11. 4-5 there is some mistake in the dates. The number of the year is read doubt- 
fully as ly in 11. 4 and 9, the day being in the latter case Pachon 28, which is in accordance 
with 1200. In 1. 5 Φαώ]φί ιδ is restored, but this date must be later than Pachon 28 since 
11. 5-9 are an enclosure in 11. 1-5, and either Έπ€ΐ]φί or (more probably) Meao]pfj must be 
read in 1. 5, unless {erovs) 18 can be read in 1. 4. 

τ(τ€λ[(ΐωμ(νης) : SO in 1200. 2, where Wilcken (.i4ri->^/z;, vi. 291) wished to read yey€(fi/- 
μίνη:) ; but here τίτΐλ is quite clear. 

3. Cf. P. Leipzig 10. ii. 32-3 ( = M. Chrest. 189) οί πρό? τΐ^ Βιολόγε τής πόλεως• ^leypa^^ev") 

Ανρηλί^ίον) Σαραπάμμωνος χρημ{ατίζοντος). Concerning the name Αΰρ[ηλίου) Άλ^ξάνΒρου here, as 
in 1200. 4, 1561. 20 (cf. int.), there is little doubt, and if 8ύγρα{•ψ€ν) is certain in the 
Leipzig papyrus that is probably the preceding word in the Oxyrhynchus examples also. 
The abbreviation is more like διίγρα{\}/ΐν) in 1475 than in 1200 and 1561, and άπίχα Άλίξ. 
or anf{xei) Ανρ{ηλ.) Άλΐξ. (cf. 1200. 1-4, η., Wilcken, /. c.) is most improbable. 8ιίγρα{ψΐν) 
refers to the payment of the τ(λη ; cf. 1474. 6, n. χρη{ματιζοντος) was supposed by Mitteis 
and Wilcken to mean ' performing his office ' in connexion with the payment, but it might 
refer to the scribe who wrote the οικονομία; cf. 1474. 7, n. In P. Leipzig 10. ii. 32 there is 
stated to be no change of hand corresponding to that in 1561. 20. 

5. QdiaoxiTos της /ca[t] Αολλιανψ : the Order of the names is the reverse in I. 37, as in 

10. Aurelius Agathinus also called Origenes is probably identical with the agoranomus 
of that name in 1208. 16 (a. d. 291). 1642 is concerned with his appointment to that 

15. άνθ' ου: cf. 1438. II, η. 

17• For the marginal note cf. 1. i and 1200. 18, nn. 

22. νότου παρόρια της πόλβωί : from this it appears that Pai'mis (I. 23) was on the edge of 
the desert near Oxyrhynchus on the north, so that the Avestern toparchy (1. 15) was in that 
region; cf. 1421. 3, n. For παρόρια cf. 1113. 17 and P. Flor. 50. 9, 86 {ή παρόριοή. A 
village called Meya τΐαρόρ[ιον) is known from 154. 12 and P. land. 51. 8, and Ώαρόριον 
is coupled with Senokomis (cf. 1506. 2) in 1545. 5. 

24. δίκαια : δί' c'/xov might be read, but is less likely. 

30. από σοΰ βφαιώσι : the present buyer had owned the property previously, and sold it 
to the present seller; cf. 1. 14 and 1635. 23 (a.d. 249) άρκονμίνου σο(υ) rfi eis μι άπο τ\ον\ 

προτίτα-γμίνου μου ττροκτήτοροί . . . βφαιωσΐΐ. 

33-4• Cf. 1473. 17-18, η. 

41. βουλύμ(νο5 for βονλομίνη, as here and in 1. 48, occurs in the corresponding passages 
of 1200. 


42. TO vwep της Βη[μο\σιώσ(ως ωρισμίνον Corresponds tO το του τιμήματος Τίλος in 1200. 45 > 

cf. τα τοΰ τιμ. τέλη in Ρ. Leipzig ΙΟ. ϋ. 21. In the latter instance τίμημα has been explained 
as a penalty for delay (Gradenwitz, Koschaker) or as an ad valorem tax (Mitteis). 1200, where 
there is no question of delay, does not at all favour Gradenwitz's view, but neither the new 
evidence concerning the amounts apparently paid for the τίμημα, 14 drachmae in the case of 
a deposit of 45 artabae of wheat (worth about 500 drachmae), 5 dr. in the case of a loan of 
1,200 dr. (cf. 1474. 6, n.), nor the present passage provides any definite support for 
Mitteis's view, though not incompatible with it, if the 14 drachmae in 1474 include the usual 
12 dr. for Alexandria. The technical sense of τίμημα in the phrase 18ίω τιμήματι (85. 7), and 
eavTov τιμήματι (1208. 4 ; cf 1662. 3), is also obscure, and whether the meaning 'valuation ' is 
implied in τιμήματος τίλη is very doubtful. 

48. προσφω[ν]ηθήναι : SO in 1200. 53 and probably in B. G. U. 825. 13, where in 
a similar context Schubart {ap. Preisigke, Berichtigungen, 70) reads προ[.1 θήναι. 

50. ώί• κι^^βη\κ(ΐΐ) : cf. 1473. 42, η. In 1200. 56 (which was perhaps written in 
the same hand as 1200. 1-4) there is an interval of only two days between the dates 
in II. 3 and 56, whereas here the corresponding interval is twenty-one days ; cf. 1. 2. 
In Griech. Texte 6 the day is the same in 11. 6 and 37. 

1476, Horoscope of Sarapammon. 

9-8 X 7-7 cm. A. D. 260. 

This horoscope of a person born on Phaophi 2 of the ist year of Macrianus 
and Quietus (the earliest certain date by those Emperors), which year corre- 
sponded to the 8th of Gallienus (cf. P. Strassb. 6. int.), was found with 1563, 
another, but less well preserved, horoscope of a person born two years earlier, in 
the 6th year of Valerian and Gallienus, Thoth 37. In both papyri the positions 
in the signs of the zodiac occupied by the sun, moon, five chief planets, and 
ωροσκό -nos (point on the horizon which was rising ; in 1564-5 called ώρα) were 
indicated by degrees and minutes, as in P. S. I. 23 and the much more elaborate 
horoscopes P. Brit. Mus. 98, no, 130 (i. 126-39) ; the other horoscopes of the 
first four centuries (235, 307, 585, 596, 804, 1564-5, Class. Rev. viii. 70, P. S. I, 
22, 24-5) give the signs only, with occasional descriptions (e. g. in 1565) of the 
relation of the body in question to the sign, such as are also found in 1476. 

1476 and 1563-4 are the only horoscopes which belong to the period of uncer- 
tainty concerning the chronology of the Roman Emperors in Egypt from Decius to 
Diocletian (a.d. 250-284 ; 1565 belongs to 293). Decius died in the spring or summer 


of 251; his 2nd year in Egypt, which began Aug. 29, 250, is not attested later than 
March 4, 251 (C. P. R. 37), and there are no Alexandrian coins of a 3rd year. The 
argument from the silence of coins is by no means conclusive, for there are no Alexan- 
drian coins of the ist year of Decius' successors, Gallus and Volusianus, and only one — 
and that not absolutely certain — of their 2nd year, though papyri of their 2nd year are 
numerous (e. g. 1442) ; but there is no reason to suppose that Decius' reign extended 
into the year beginning Aug. 30, 251, which was the 2nd of Gallus and Volusianus. Their 
3rd year, as appears from 1119. 5, 14, 40, was reckoned at Oxyrhynchus as still current 
on Aug. 16 and 22, 253. This circumstance is less surprising than is implied in 1119. 5, n. 
(where 1119 is wrongly referred to the year 254) ; for coins of their 3rd year are very common, 
while those of AemiUanus, their successor, all belong to his 2nd year, and it is probable that 
Aemilianus' ist year consisted of only a few days. The only extant dating by that emperor 
is 1286. 10 (2nd year Ph[aophi], i. e. Sept. 28-Oct. 27, 253). Valerian and Gallienus are 
known from C. I. L. viii. 2482 to have been recognized in Numidia before Oct. 22, 253, but 
apart from coins 1187. 21 (June 20) is the only record of their ist year in Egypt, which is 
generally supposed to have been 253-4, not 252-3. A census-return for the 5th year of an 
unnamed third-century reign (P. Stud. Pal. ii. 32), which is apparently that of Valerian and 
Gallienus, strongly supports the usual view, since these returns were made at intervals of 14 
years and 257-8 is the right year for a census. After the revolt of Macrianus and Quietus 
(about Sept. 260-Nov. 261) and the restoration of Gallienus the chronological difficulties 
increase. The accession of Claudius was in 1906 placed by Preisigke (P. Strassb. 6. int.; 
of. Hohmann, Chronol. d. Papyrusurk. 54-7) in the autumn of 268 (between Aug. 29 and 
Oct. 16, so far as Egypt was concerned) on the apparently conclusive evidence of P. Strassb. 
7 and 10- 1 1 (subsequently confirmed by P. Tebt. 581) that the 15th year of Gallienus was 
followed by the ist of Claudius. Earlier writers had usually accepted the statement of the 
Vita Claud, iv. 2 that his accession took place in March (268), or, like the editors of the 
Prosopogr. Imp. Rom., placed that event between Jan. i and July i, 268, in order to make 
the 15th year of Gallienus coincide with the ist of Claudius. Claudius is generally thought 
to have died in his 3rd year (270-1 according to Preisigke, 269-70 according to most earlier 
writers). The few weeks' reign of Quintillus is attested in Egypt by coins only, and the 
accession of Aurelian (who in Egypt at first had to admit the association of Vaballathus) was 
placed by Preisigke between Aug. 29 and Dec. 31, 270 (he was consul in 271), while most 
other writers, including Homo, Essaisur I'empereur Aure'lien, 340, assigned it to the spring 
of 270. The accession of Tacitus, which was preceded by an interregnum of uncertain 
length, is universally assigned to Sept. 275, so that it occurred in the 6th year of Aurelian 
according to Preisigke, who ignored the Alexandrian coins of the 7th year, in the 7th year 
according to others. Tacitus, who was consul in 276, did not five until Aug. 29 of that 
year, the latest date by his reign being on June 8 (P. Strassb. 8. 17), and the accession of 
Probus is assigned to the spring or summer of 276. The coins credit him with 8 years 
(Homo, op. cit. 337-8 by misstating the figure as 7 vitiates his chronology of Probus and 
Carinus), and, though papyri do not reach later than Sept. 29 of his 7th year (P. Brit. Mus. 
1243 ; cf. Archiv, iv. 553), the accession of Carus with Carinus and Numerianus is generally 
assigned to the autumn (Oct.?) of the year beginning Aug. 29, 282. 55, dated April 7 of 
their ist year, is the only Egyptian record of their reign apart from coins of the ist and 2nd 
years of Carus and ist-3rd years of Carinus and Numerianus, and 1564 (March 23 of the 
ist year of Carinus alone, the papyrus having probably been written soon after the death of 
Carus). With the accession of Diocletian firmer ground is reached, especially as datings 
by consuls began to supplement, before they supplanted, those by regnal years, and there is 
no reason to doubt that his ist year in Egypt began soon after Aug. 29, 284, from which the 
era of Diocletian dated. 



The new evidence already adduced in the present volume, besides suggesting doubts as 
to the correctness of the received chronology of Valerian and Gallienus (1407. int.), has 
confirmed the evidence of Alexandrian coins with regard to the existence of a 7 th year of 
Aurelian (1455. 20), and a reconsideration of the chronology of the whole period from 
250-284 is necessary. Under these circumstances the opportunity afforded by the horoscopes 
of verifying on astronomical grounds dates by the regnal years of Valerian and Gallienus, 
Macrianus and Quietus, and Carinus is particularly welcome, since it enables us to decide 
whether the evidence of 1455 can be reconciled with that of the Strassburg papyri and 
P. Tebt. 581 either by pushing back the accession of Valerian and Gallienus from Sept.-Oct. 
253 to a month before Aug. 29 and not later than June of that year (on account of 1187, 
which would have to belong to June 20, 253, instead of June 20, 254), or by making the acces- 
sions of Tacitus, Probus, and Carus with his sons take place a year later than on the received 
chronology. One of those two alternatives seems at first sight to be the only method of 
accounting for a i6th year of Gallienus as well as a 3rd of Claudius and 7th of Aurelian ; 
but either of them would lead to difficulties, the second by upsetting the received dates of 
the consuls in 276-284, the first by necessitating the elimination of Aemilianus (on the 
hypothesis that Valerian ignored him and dated from the death of Gallus), or the deduction 
of a year from the reign of Gallus and Volusianus, and in either case making 1187 earlier 
than 1119 (cf. p. 230). 

Dr. J. K. Fotheringham, whose authority on matters relating to Graeco- Roman chrono- 
logy is well known, has kindly computed from Neugebauer's Ta/eln zur astronomischen 
Chronologie, ii (191 4), the correct position of the heavenly bodies indicated in the four 
horoscopes of this volume, and we present his results in tabular form. In the case of 1563, 
where the figure of the hour is obliterated, it is assumed that the middle of the sign Capricorn 
(in which was the ίαροσκόπος) Avas on the horizon, i.e. 1.45 p.m. Egyptian time (which= 
11.45 ^•Γΐΐ• Greenwich time). In 1476 the ' loth hour completed, 2 minutes' is regarded 
as 3.48 p.m., and the ' ist hour' in 1564 as 6,59 a.m., but in 1565 as 6.35 a.m., the 
hour in all three cases being reckoned as ^ of the interval between sunrise and sunset 
at Oxyrhynchus. In the case of 1563 and 1476 computations have been made both for the 
years according to the generally received chronology of Gallienus (a. d. 258 and 260 re- 
spectively) and for the years preceding (which in 1476 involves a difference of i in the Julian 
equivalents of the days owing to intercalation), a. d. 257 and 259 would of course only be 
applicable if the accession of Valerian and Gallienus took place before instead of after Aug. 
29, 253. In the case of 1564-5, where details of the astronomical positions were not given, 
the computations for the generally received dates are sufficient ; for in any two consecutive 
years the signs occupied by at any rate Mars and the moon would inevitably be quite 
different, so that the agreement between the statements of the horoscopes and the facts with 
regard to those bodies in the years 283 and 293 is adequate proof of their disagreement in 
the years 284 and 294. 


Sept. 24, 258 

Sept. 24, 257 


Pisces 2° 

Pisces 7° 21' 

Aquarius 23° 41' 


Cancer [. .° 
Cancer [. .° 

Cancer 21° 20' 

Libra 19° 42' 


Cancer 10° 52' 

Gemini 10° 4' 


Leo 19°? 

Leo 19° 44' 

Virgo 22° 38' 


Libra 3° 

Libra 0° 43' 

Libra 0° 58' 


Libra 3° 

Libra 12° 45' 

Libra 25° 22' 


Capric. 2[.]° 43' 

Capric. 29° 26' 

Virgo 19° 46' 


Capric. [. .°] 

Capric. 15° 

Capric. 15° 



1476 Sept. 29, 260 

Horoscopes Aquarius 28° Aquarius 26° 32' 

Saturn Aries 11° 32' Aries 5° 46' 

in opposition (0° 33' from opp.) 
Mars Beginning of Leo Leo 0° 8' 

Jupiter Virgo 3° ( / Virgo 3° 35' 

Venus Virgo 8° 16' Virgo 11° i' 

Mercury Virgo 23° 44' Virgo 27^^ 23' 

Sun Libra 8° Libra 6° 19' 

Moon (Capric.) 8° 32' Capric. 9° 58' 

Sept. 30, 259 
Aquarius 26° 50' 
Pisces 21° 6' 
(15° 26' from opp.) 
Scorpio 7° 59' 
Leo 8° 46' 
Scorpio 6° 45' 
Virgo 18° 14' 
Libra 6° 32' 
Leo 18° 40' 


















March 23, 283 
Aries 21° 53' 
Aries 1° 51" 
Taurus 15° 6' 
Cancer 0° 25' 
Cancer 12° 7' 
Capric. 17° 3' 
Pisces 4° 26'' 
Pisces 13° 19' 

1565 Aug. 28, 293 

Virgo Virgo 17° 20' 

Virgo Virgo 4° 16' 

Scorpio Scorpio 3° 49' 

Far in Sagitt. Sagitt. 27° 53' 

Gemini Gemini 21° 13' 
Beginning of Gem. Gemini 0° 3' 

End ? of Leo ' Leo 29° 57' 

Libra Libra 18° 56' 

Dr. Fotheringham writes ' It is clear that the data given on the horoscopes are obtained 
by computation, not by observation ; for all the horoscopes are cast for some time during the 
day, when the stars were invisible, and even the moon was above the horizon on only one of the 
four occasions (1476). The agreements for the years 258, 260, 283, 293 are so close as to 
remove all possible doubt of the dates for which the horoscopes were cast. In comparing 
the signs given on the horoscopes with those found by computation, it should be observed 
that the horoscopes always name them in order, either beginning or ending with the Horo- 
scopos. The bodies falling within six signs after the Horoscopos would normally be below 
the horizon, and those within six signs before the Horoscopos would normally be above the 
horizon.' The order of the signs to which he alludes is also observed in most other horo- 
scopes, but not in 585, P.S.I. 22. 29-38, 23. 1-12, 24. 11-19, and 25: it is sometimes 
a useful help in supplying gaps ; cf. 1476. 1 2, n., 1563. 8. 

The valuable results of the astronomical evidence are thus to confirm the generally 
accepted dates of the accessions of Valerian and Gallienus (between Aug. 29 and Oct. 22, 
253) and Carinas (about Oct. 282), and there is no longer any doubt about the Julian years 
corresponding to their regnal years, or any reason to question the accuracy of the consul-lists 
between 251 and 284, The period of uncertainty in the datings by regnal years is now 
limited to 268-75. Here there must be some errors in the evidence concerning the duration 
of reigns, and if the limits securely fixed by the horoscopes are observed, either the last year 
of Gallienus was really his 15th, not i6th, or that of Claudius his 2nd, not 3rd, or that of 
Aurelian his 6th, not 7th. The papyri which give the fullest information on'this period are 
P. Strassb. 6-8, a series of receipts for payments of 2,000 drachmae a year, generally in two 
instalments, by the same persons on account of sheep-tax ; these begin in the 2nd year of 
Valerian and Gallienus, and proceed regularly through the reign of Macrianus and Quietus 
up to the 15th year of Gallienus, when 1,000 dr. were paid on Sept. 14, 267, and March 20, 
268. The next entries are 1,000 dr. on Nov. 5 and March 26 of the ist year of Claudius, on 
Sept. 21 and July 17 of his 2nd, and Sept. 20 of his 3rd, [κα\ y {ΐτουή] being a certain 


restoration in the last line of P. Strassb. 7. P. Strassb. 8 records the usual payments on 
March 31st of Aurelian's ist year (the earliest extant reference to him) and on Nov. 17 and 
April 13 of his 2nd year, after which there was no further payment until Nov. 5 of the 5th 
year (the reading of the month and the figure of the year is somewhat doubtful), when 
4,000 dr. were paid on account, followed by a payment of 3,000 dr. on account on June 8 
of the ist year of Tacitus (i.e. 276). P. Strassb. 10. 25 has the earliest reference to Claudius 
(Oct. 16 of his ist year), and P. Strassb. 11. 9-15, written on March 10 of his ist year, 
mentions the 'past 15th year', sc. of Gallienus. This evidence in favour of Claudius' 
accession between Aug. 29 and Oct. 16, 268, fits in very Λvell with P. Tebt. 581. 1-3 ΐτους 
ις του κυρίου ημών Ταλλιηνοϋ Ί,φαστον Φαώφι α (there is πο real doubt about any of the readings, 
<e' being much less suitable than ις), which is the only direct reference to the i6th year 
indirectly implied by the Strassburg texts. The 3rd year of Claudius is also mentioned in 

1646 αϊτούς (1. er.) τρίτου Κλαυδίου Σ(βαστοΰ Φβωφ^ι τρίφτη [και ei])(af, i. e. Oct. 20, by which date 

(the latest extant reference to him) he may have been dead. The brief reign of his brother 
Quintillus, lasting a few weeks probably, was recognized in Egypt by the issue of coins in 
his name, but is not attested by papyri. Since Aurelian became consul on Jan. r, 271, the 
Strassburg papyri seemed to limit definitely the date of Aurelian's accession to the period 
between the end of Sept. and the end of Dec. 270 ; but against them must be set (i) the 
statement of 1208. 11 that the 2nd year of Claudius became the ist of Aurelian, which has 
generally been regarded as a mere error [β for y), (2) the date in 1455. 20, Oct. 18 of 
Aurelian's 7th year, (3) a date in 1633. 38, Aug. 23 of his 6th year. All of these require the 
accession of Aurelian to have taken place before Aug. 29, 270, and, when taken in combina- 
tion with the dates of Aurelian's ist year (P. Strassb. 8. i March 31 ; 1200. 58 May 25; 
cf. 1475. int.), some time before the end of March 270. 

From this impasse there seems to be only one method of escape, since the astronomical 
evidence bars the two simplest ways out of the diflficulty. A year has to be eliminated, and 
the choice is in the last resort best left to the coins. These support the 3rd year of Claudius 
and 7th of Aurelian, but not the i6th of Gallienus, Sallet [Die Daten der alex. Kaiser- 
miinzen, 73), after rejecting three supposed examples of that year, was disposed to accept the 
statement of Cohen that he had seen one, but neither the British Museum nor the Dattari 
collection contains any coins of the i6th year, and Mr. Milne has not met with one, 
although he has examined four large hoards covering this period, which contained altogether 
889 coins of the 15th year of Gallienus and 864 of the ist year of Claudius. There is thus 
a very high degree of probability that, if there had been any coins of the i6th year of Gallienus, 
they would have occurred in these hoards, and it is almost certain that Cohen was mistaken. 
The accession of Claudius must in any case have taken place near the beginning of the 
Egyptian year, since it was known at Hermopolis by Oct. 16 (P. Strassb. 10. 25). If 
he really came to the throne in July 268 shortly before the close of Gallienus' 15th 
year, it is quite possible that coins of the ist year were minted at Alexandria, but that 
the news of his accession did not penetrate into the upper country until Sept.-Oct., 
thus giving rise to a second system of dating, according to which Gallienus entered 
upon his i6th year and Claudius' ist and 2nd years corresponded to his 2nd and 3rd 
by the official reckoning. It is true that in the case of other emperors who came to the 
throne shortly before Aug. 29, e. g. Tiberius and Hadrian, no trace of a double system of 
reckoning their regnal years is found (cf. 1453. int.) ; but 1208. 1 1 is, so far as we are 
aware, the only example of a clear divergence from the official mode of reckoning an emperor's 
reign, and may well be more than a mere slip. P. Strassburg 10 and 11 can easily be 
explained as examples of the Upper Egyptian reckoning parallel to 1208, while P. Tebt. 
581, dated by Gallienus probably two months or more after his death, is not more remark- 
able than e. g. 104. which is dated by Domitian more than two months after his death, or 



B. G. U. 515, which is dated by Commodus five months after his death ; cf. Wilcken, Ost. \. 
802, Hohmann, op. at. 51 sqq. The only really serious objection to the hypothesis that 
the dates in the early part of the ist year of Claudius refer to a different system from that 
implied by the coins and papyri which extend to the 3rd year, is P. Strassb. 7, which has 
two entries in his ist year, two in his 2nd, and one in his 3rd. In order to reconcile that 
papyrus with the chronology of Claudius which we prefer (July 268-Jan. 270), it is neces- 
sary to suppose that the scribe has confused the two systems, and has put down two entries 
too many. This is not very satisfactory, but is preferable to supposing that coinage was 
issued in Aurelian's name for a year which did not come into existence, and that 1455 was 
written a whole year after Aurelian's death, in the 2nd year of Probus. 

A (eTovs) Μακρ{ιν\ιανον και Κνιήτον 

Χ^βαστων Φαώφι β ήμίρας 

ωρ[α) ι ττΐπΧηρωμίνρ μοΐ{ρων) β. 

ωροσκόπος 'Τβρη^όω μοί{ρων) κη, 
5 Κρόνον Κραω ία λ€π(τώί/) λβ άκρώνυ- 
κτος άφαιρ€τι[κ6\9, 
"Αρης AiovTi αύ . [.]repoy, 

Zevs Παρθίνω γ λίπτών ( ), 

Άφρο8^ίτη ΤΙαρθίνψ η ις, 
ΙΟ Έρμή9 Παρθύνω κγ μ8, 

TJXios Ζνγω η, 

σ6λ77[ί'7;] (^Αίγόκ^ρω) μοι{ρων) η Χίττίτων) λβ. 

Χ αραπ[ά]μμωνογ. 

ζ. 1. Κρόνος, 

5-6. άκρώννκτο! : with this spelling οΐ.άκρώννχοί for άκρόνυχοί in p. Hibeh 27. άκρώνυκτος 
is the word used by Ptolemy for an opposition, as Dr. Fotheringham informs us. Cf. 1. 11, 
where the position of the sun is nearly exactly six signs distant from that of Saturn, and int. 

άφαιρίτι[κο\ί : Dr. Fotheringham writes Ά planet is said to be άφαψΐτικόί when the 
inequality in its longitude resulting from its anomaly or epicyclic motion is, if positive, 
diminishing, or, if negative, increasing. Substituting the heliocentric for the epicyclic theory 
of the motion of the planets, this would in the case of one of the outer planets, such as 
Saturn, mean that the planet would be άφαφίτικό! when the excess of its geocentric over its 
heliocentric longitude was diminishing, or the excess of its heliocentric over its geocentric 
longitude increasing. Putting i for heliocentric longitude, λ for geocentric longitude, and / 

for time, the condition is that — ^ — - is positive. This condition is fulfilled by Saturn at 

both the dates for which the computation has been made.' 

7. αύ . [.]rfpoi : π can be read in place of τ, but f is almost certain. The actual position 
of Mars at the beginning of Leo (cf. p. 232) suggests that the adjective corresponds to άρχάί in 
1565. 8, and in that case it would be expected to begin αντο- or ανθ-. αυ6[η]μ(ροί is un- 
satisfactory. Or it might begin with αίξι- and be contrasted with άφαφίτικόϊ in 1. 6 ; but the 


usual opposite of that term is προσθίτικός. Dr. Fotheringham remarks ' Mars is προσθΐτικός 
at both dates. But in the absence of any numeral to express the position in Leo it 
is practically certain that the mutilated word means " at the very beginning ", and has 
nothing to do with anomahstic motion.' 

1 2. (Αιγόκερω) was Supplied by Dr. Fotheringham from the astronomical calculations, and 
is in accordance with the position of this entry at the end after that dealing with Libra (1. 1 1) ; 
for the starting-point of the entries was Aquarius (1. 4), and between Libra and Aquarius 
there are only Scorpio, Sagittarius, and Capricorn. A regular order was usually observed ; 
cf. p. 232. 

1477. Questions to an Oracle. 

15-2 X 8-9 cm. Late third or early fourth century. 
The recto of this papyrus contains part of a list of payments by γεωργοί 
(1532), written late in the third century. On the verso, probably written in or 
shortly before the reign of Diocletian, is part of a curious list of questions to 
a deity, which are similar to those found in P. Fay. 137-8, B. G. U. 229-30, 
Wessely, Script. Gr. Spec. 26, P. Brit. Mus. 1267 d [Archiv, iv. 559), Θ23, 1148-9, 
and 1213. Each question was numbered consecutively: those preserved are 
nos. 72-92 with slight traces of a preceding column, and there is likely to have 
been at least one later column, unless the papyrus was much reduced in breadth 
before the verso was used. There seems to be no particular plan in the arrange- 
ment of the questions, which are of a general character, suitable for persons of 
various ranks, not one particular individual, and apparently intended to cover 
the principal subjects on which people were accustomed to appeal to the gods 
for information. The numbering suggests a possible reference to a spell of some 
kind as the mode to be employed in obtaining answers, but the purpose of 
the document as a whole is quite obscure. A high stop is employed after the 

οβ, el λήμψομαι το όψώνιοι^; 

ογ, d μ€νώ οττου υπάγω; 

oS, ίί πωλούμαι', 

oe, d 6^ω ωφζ,λιαν άπο τον φίλου ', 

5 05", *ί SiSoTai μοί έτ€ρω σνι^αλλά^αι; 

οζ, d καταλλάσσομαι ds τον yovoy, [ 

οη, €ί λαμβάνω κομίατον\ 

οθ, fl λήμψομαι το άργύριον; 

π, el ζ^ 6 άπ68ημο9; 

ΙΟ πα, (ΐ Κ€ρ8αίνω άπο του πράγματ[θ9', 

πβ, η προγράφεται τα ίμά; 


πγ, u (ύρήσω πωλησαι; 

πδ, (Ί δνναμαι δ ενθυμούμαι af)a[i; 

π€, (ί γίνομαι βίόπ(ίατο$', 

15 ""'i'j " φυγαδενσομαι; 

πζ, 6ί πρεσβεύσω; 

πη, εΐ γίνομαι βουλευτή?; 

ττθ, εΐ λύεται μου 6 δρασμος; 

Ο, €t απαλλάσσομαι της γυναικ6[ς; 

2θ γα, εΐ πεφαρμάκωμαι; 

^β, εΊ λαμβάνω [τ]δ ίδ[ιο]ν; 

ι sqq. 1. η for ti. 7• First α οί λαμβάνω corr. from η. 2ΐ. ϊδ[ιο]ι/ π(?}. 

' 72, shall Ι receive the present ? 73> shall I remain where I am going? 74, am I 
to be sold up ? 75, am I to obtain benefit from my friend ? 76, has it been granted to me 
to make a contract with another person ? 77, amp to be reconciled (?) with my offspring (?) ? 
78, am I to get furlough (?) ? 79, shall I get the money ? 80, is the person abroad alive ? 
81, am I to profit by the transaction ? 82, is my property to be sold by auction ? 83, shall 
I find a means of selling? 84, am I able to carry off what I am thinking of? 85, am 
I to become a beggar (?) ? 86, shall I take to flight ? 87, shall I become an ambassador (?) ? 
88, am I to become a senator ? 89, is my flight to be stopped ? 90, am I to be divorced 
from my wife ? 91, have I been poisoned? 92, am I to get my own? . . .' 

1. ft is probably for η rather than ei; cf. 1148. 2, n. 

2. Cf. P. Fay. 137. 2 χρημάτισαν μοι η μΐ'ινωι fv ΒακχιάΒι ] η (οΓ 17) μίλ^^^ω ίντυνχάνιν', 

5. hiboTai : cf. 1213. 4 and η. 

6. yovov is not very satisfactory, especially as the first letter is more like σ than y. But 
the third, if not v, must be « or μ, and there is no room for σόν followed by a word 
beginning with o, unless the latter was abbreviated. 

7. κομ'ιατον apparently = comvieaium, and might mean ' provisions '. 

14. βιόπρατος ΟΓ βιόπρωτος can be read, but neither word is known, βροντητός is inad- 

1 6. Whether πρεσβίΐ'σω refers to rank or age or an embassy is not clear. A βονΚ^υτηί 
πρ^σβντατοί occurs in P. Giessen 34. 2 ; cf. the next line here. 

1478. Gnostic Charm for Victory. 

5-4 X 1 1-9 cm. Late third or early fourth century. 

A short Gnostic charm, containing a prayer for the success of a certain 
Sarapammon in a race. The efficacy of the amulet depended on ten or eleven 
magical symbols and the invocation of a mysterious deity, whose name is written 
in larger letters. P. Brit. Mus. 121. 390-3 (i. 97), entitled νικητικον ζρομεωί, is 
similar. The writing is across the fibres. 


Νξίκητικον ΐ!αραπάμμωι/€ΐ νΐω Άπολ- 
λωνξίον. magical symbols. 
So? νύκην ολοκληρίαν σ(τ)αδίον καΐ 
οχλον τω προκξίμβνω Χαραπάμμωνι 
5 e^ άνβματο^ ^ΎΛΙΚΎ^ΗΧΟΎ. 

5• '• ονόματος, Cf. ονομασία in 15ββ. ΙΟ. 

' Charm for victory for Sarapammon son of Apollonius . . . Grant victory and safety 
in the race-course and the crowd to the aforesaid Sarapammon in the name of Sulicusesus. 

3. σ(τ)αδίΌυ : cf. P. Brit. Mus. 121. 392 δόί μοι . . . χάριν iv τω σταδι'ω. 

5. The beginning of the name recalls that of 2i;XiiJX, an angel at the end of the list in 
P. Brit. Mus. 124. 36 sqq. (i. 123). 


1479. Letter to Thracidas from Alexandria. 

12-5 X 15-2 cm. Late first century B. c. 

The coticluding part of a letter to Thracidas from a person who had 
apparently gone to Alexandria in connexion with a law-suit, Thracidas, who had 
been with the writer, having left him shortly before (cf. 1. 7). It is joined 
on the right to another letter from a different person to the same Thracidas, of 
which the beginnings of eight lines survive. The handwriting in the two cases 
leaves iio doubt that the reign mentioned in 1. 14, where the number of the year 
is lost, was that of Augustus. The first letter is a palimpsest, but the earlier 
writing was completely obliterated. 

[ ]?■ • [•] .[..]...??/. ατ[. .] Yya)[a]TTJp, 

ίκομισάμην τ{ο) €7Γίστόλ[ί]θί' Θρασνβούλ{ον) 
ky Κανώπωΐ' δίο τα βυβλία οΰπω €Ϊλη^α), 
αλλά κ€Ϊταί άντφίβλημίνα. Άπΐί 
5 ie ό συνήγορος οΰττω ίπ^λήλυθ^ν 
τά βυβλία, αλλά καθ' ημίραν διυττ^ρ- 
τίθίΐται. άψ' ου κ^χωρισαι rfj ι<^ 
\κ\ζγβημάτικίν Χαβζΐνος. Φιλομούσω 


[ζ\1ρήκαμζν 'ίνα ζξίλθηι προς ai. 
10 [άπ]6στ€ΐλον kv τω γό/ιω κραμβ^(ο)ν 
[ΤΙτ\ολ\άτι. ασπάζεται σβ "Ομηρος και 
[Τα }]ζρμάν και Φιλίρωτα κα[ι] την γννα{ΐκα). 
[και] σζατον Ιττιμίλον ΐν vyu{vr}s). €ρρω{σο). 
(eroi;y) [. . μ]η[v]hs Τν[βι .]. 

On the verso 
1 5 Θρακί8α, 

3. y of ey inserted above the line (?). π of ονπω corr. from λ. 8. ω of φιλομουσω 
above the line. 13. 1; vyiai[vT]s). 

* ... I received the letter of Thrasybulus at Canopus ; accordingly I have not yet 
obtained the documents, but they are lying collated. Apis the advocate has not yet 
examined the documents, but has delayed from day to day. Since you v^-ent away on the 
1 6th, Sabinus has been acting in the business. I told Philomusus to come to you. Send 
a decoction of cabbage for Ptollas in the load. Homerus salutes you and Tahermas and 
Phileros and his wife. Take care of yourself, so that you keep in good health. Good- 
bye.' Date. (Addressed) ' To Thracidas.' 

I. γν(ύ[σ]τηρ : cf. 1490. 2, n. 

4. άντιβΐβΚημίνα \ cf. B. G. U. 97O• 3~4 ^μαρτυροποιησατο ΐκγ€γρά\φθαί\ και •π ροσαντιβίβΚη- 
KtPM ί'κ τeύχovς βφλ€ώίων . . . €π[άρ\ον\ Αίγνπτον, and 35. 9~ΙΟ (Κγΐγραμμί[ρον και ιτροσαντιβ^]- 
βΧημίνον iyivero €Κ σννκόΧΧησίμων βιβλιδίων . , . ϊπ, Αίγ, 

7. There is a short space before άφ' ου. 

8. Φιλομουσω : the last letter might be o, but the dative was clearly meant. 

10. κραμβαν is more likely to be for κραμβύον, a word found in medical writers, than for 


13. This, the usual late Ptolemaic formula, is still found in A. d. 57; cf. B. G. U. 
1095. 22. 

1480. Letter of Hermogenes to a Prophet. 

30x5-8 cm. A. D. 32. 

An incorrectly spelled letter, written in the reign of Tiberius to a prophet by 
a friend, with reference to a delay (?) in making some payitient, in which a como- 
grammateus and eclogistes (auditor of accounts of the nome ; cf. 1436. 23, n.) 
were concerned. 

Έρμογίνης Άρνώτΐ] 15 του τον €κλογισ[τοΰ 

τω προφήττ} και φι\- ώς Έρμογίν^ι^ ΐν[α 

τάτω πλΐστα γαί{ρ^ν) μη σχη r[. ..]..[. ., 


Kol δια παντός vyu{yeiv). παρακαλώ [σ€ /ze- 

5 ουκ ημίλησα π€ρΙ γάλως π[ψψαι 

ου μοί €πιτ€ταχα9' 20 τω νίω μ[ου φά- 
^πορ^ύθην προ? σιν μα λ[. 

Έρμογίνην τον κω- π€ρΙ αν[τον . . ., 

μογρ[α]μματ€αν, και και γράψ[ον μοι π€ρι 

ΙΟ όμολόγησύ μοι ποήσξ Z)V η[α\ν 8ύν[(ύ- 
την άναβολήν π€π6η- 25 μ€ κα\ι] ή5Ύΐ[ως 

Τ€ e/y τον €κλογιστήν. ποήσω. €ρρω[σο. 

λυπον ήαν Svvjj ^[π]ισ- {ίτου?) ιη Τιβζρίου Καίσαρος 

τολην λαβΐν παρ' αύ- Χφαστοϋ Μζχ[€φ) ιΘ. 

On the verso 

[άπ6δ{ο9) Άίρυωττ) προφήτΐ] παρά. Έρμογ{ζνουή Ήρακ{λ ). 

4• 1. £iytai(i'€ti/). ΙΟ. 1. ωμο\όγησ€ . . . ποησαι. II. 1. ττΐπόηται. 1 3. \.\οιπον iav 

13-14• ''■ οΐ ([η\ίστο\ψ corr. from κ. 24-5• '- 4°]" δν^'^]/^*'* • • • "ϊ^*!®^• ^7• Second t of 
τιβΐριου corr. from ο. 29. Second η of πάρα above the line. 

* Hermogenes to Haruotes the prophet, my dear friend, greeting and best wishes for 
your continual health. I did not neglect your instructions : I went to Hermogenes the 
comogrammateus, and he consented to make the delay. He has made it as far as the 
eclogistes is concerned (?). For the rest, if you can get a letter from the eclogistes himself for 
Hermogenes, in order that he may not keep the . . ., I urge you strongly to send my son 
a message for me . . . ; and write to me concerning what I can do, and I will gladly do it. 
Good-bye. The i8th year of Tiberius Caesar Augustus, Mecheir 19. (Addressed) Deliver 
to Haruotes the prophet from Hermogenes son of Heracl( ).' 

1 1 . άναβολήν : this word is generally used in papyri in a literal sense (e. g. Avith 
ναυβίων in B. G. U. 593. 3), and the meaning here is uncertain. 

18. παρακαλώ, instead of being the apodosis of (e)ai' 8vvrj, may start a fresh sentence. 
21—2. Possibly λ[(γονσαν I nepl αύ[τοΰ | or av[roD τούτ{ον). 
23. γράψ^ον : or γράψ^αι or γράφ[€ΐν. 

1481. Letter of a Soldier to his Mother. 

9-3 X I2'5 cm. Early second century. 

The first part of an early second-century letter of more than usual 
interest, written by a soldier in camp to his mother, reassuring her about his 
health, acknowledging the receipt of various presents (11. 7-9 θαλλία and OaWos), 
and expressing his general satisfaction. B. G. U. 423 ( = W. Chrest. 480), the well- 
known letter from Italy of a soldier serving in the fleet to his father, which is 


a little later in date, was written in a still more cheerful tone ; cf. also Griech. 
Texte 20. The writing is across the fibres. 

©eiui'ay TeOevTi τήι μητρί και κυρία ττλεΓστα )(^ai{fieiu). 
γξΐνώσκίΐν a[e] θίλω οτι 8ιά τοσούτον χρόνου ουκ ά- 
πίσταλκά σοι ^πιστόλων διότί kv παρ^μβολτ} ήμι καΐ 
ου δι άσθβι^€[ί]αν, ωστβ μη λοιπού. Xeiav δ' ζΧοητήθην 
5 άκουσαν οτι ήκουσα^• ου γαρ δ^ιγώς ησθίνησα. μέμ- 
φομαι δ€ TOU ζϊπαντα σοι. μη όχλου δ^ ττίμπβιν τι ή- 
μΐν. ίκομισάμζθα δί τα θαλλία πάρα του {τον\ ^Ηρακλύ- 
δον. Αιονυτα? δβ ό αδελφό? μου ήνβγκί μοι τον β άλ- 
λον κα[ι την] €πιστολήν [σου] ([κο]μισά[μ]ην. ευχαριστώ 
ΙΟ [τοΓί θίοΐς 13 letters ] πάντοτ€, ίπικ . e . . τα 
[ 22 letters ]νται δηλω ουπ . . . αυ- 

Ιη the left-hand margin at right angles 
μη ίπιβαροΰ πίμπίΐν τι ήμΐν τω[ 

On the verso 

άπο Θ^ωνατοί [Τξθζϋτι . . . 

3• 1. (Ιμι. 4• 1• λυτΓοϋ . . . ΐΚυπηβψ, 

'Theonas to Tetheus his lady mother, many greetings. I woiild have you know 
that the reason why I have been such a long time without sending you a letter is that I am 
in camp, and not that I am ill ; so do not grieve about me. I was much grieved to hear 
that you had heard about me, for I was not seriously ill ; and I blame the person who told 
you. Do not trouble to send me anything. I received the presents from Heraclides. 
Dionytas my brother brought me the present, and I received your letter. I give thartks to 
(the gods) . . . continually, . . . (Postscript) t)o not burden yourself to send me anything. . . . 
(Addressed) From Theonas to Tetheus . . .' 

7. θαΚλία: in P. Brit. Mus. 335. 20 (ii. 192) θαλ{\)ΐία corresponds to θαλλον in 1. 17 ; 
cf. θάΚλόν in 1. 8 here and Wilcken, Archiv, ii. 131. The instances of βαΚκόί are collected 
in P. Ryl. 166. 18, n. 

10. [roti ieoTr : or [τώ κνρίω Σαράπιδί : cf. Β. G. U. 423. 6. 

1482. Letter of Morus to a Friend. 

21-4 X 12-2 cm. Second century. 

On the recto of this papyrus are the beginnings of the first seventeen lines of a 
letter from Epimachus to Panares written about A. D. 120-60. The only passage 
that is intelligible is 11. 4-5 ττίμτταν ουν μοι όφ[ζίλ(ΐί ras ? πρόί τον | άρχιδικαστϊ)ι/ eiri- 


στολά^. On the verso is a letter to the same Epimachus from a friend called Morus, 
who together with Panares had been winnowing some barley under difificulties 
caused by the weather. Storms such as that described in 11. 6-9 are not uncommon 
in January at Oxyrhynchus. The script is the rude uncial of an illiterate writer, 
who makes numerous mistakes of spelling in spite of several corrections. 

Μώροί Έτημάχω τωι κυρίωι μου 

■γράφω σοι 'ίν ί8β9 οτι λζλικμήκαμζν 
την κριθην τον Ανασίτον ttj rj, καΐ ου 

5 όντως αντην λζλικμήκαμβν μ€τα 

κότΓον. 6 Ζβνς γαρ ^βρ€χ€ και αμάχητο? 

ην ό άνζμος, καΐ Πα{νά)ρ€ς olSe οσα 7Γίηο{ή)κα- 

μ^ν 'ίνα άσγνσωμ^ν όλως μξτζνίγκαι τα άλλα 

συν θ€θΐ?. βξύβησαν δξ τον όλου άρτάβαι λη χύνικ€{9) 5• 

ΙΟ τ{ο)ντων κατ^φθακα άρτάβας ιβL• χννικα{ή η. 
ΐξήτασα Se πφ της θίΐμης τον χόρτον 
τον ίφ^τινον, ζττράθη 8h kv ττ} κώμη k^ 
Ιπτα δραχμών το άγώγιν και Πα{νά)ρ€ς δΐ 
οϊδί. πολλά δί ξ{κ}ξ€τάσας evpov iη[pa 

15 και ουκ ίύθνχαλκα, άλλα μ€τα τ€τρά- 
μηνον. δοκιμάσις δ\ [[σύ]] πως σε βαστά- 
ζι και αν συ δοκη ypa -^ις μοι π€ρι τούτων, 
και πόστον μίρος καταφθάνω του μεγάλου 
κλήρου{ς}, και ή θίλις μύ^αι \αν^τα του Αύασί- 

2 ο τον μ€τα των άλλων. kv τω δι τοπω του πα- 
τρός σον άποτίθίΐκα την μζριδαν μου. 
το προσκοίνημά σ{ο)ν ποιώ και των τέκνων 
σου π[α\ντων [/cat] των άδζλφώΐν] σου [πάντων 
k\cu ] 

25 [ €ρρώ]στ€ σ ζϋ[χομαι, 

[ ] κύριί μου. 

ο ϊν Π. 7• 1• no(va>r;r (of. the recto) ; so in 1. 13. 8. ϊ of Iva above f, and ω of 
Γ,σνυσωμβν above o. ολα,ϊ above the line. 9• "^ "λου above the line. 1. xo.w«(r). 10. 
]. χοίηκα(Α II. 1. τψη,. 12. e of δ. above the line. 13. e of παρ» corr. from a. 

I 4. ο of πολλά rewritten, e^raaas COrr. from ^κζητησας. I 6. 1. σύ βασταζ{,γ{ί) i 1 7- 1- ^»»; 

18. ί of /ifpos above p, which is crossed through. 19. s of κληρον, above the line. l. « 



for η. e of μίίξαι coTT. 21. Ρ of την above the line. 2 2. 1. προσκύνημα, κ of και corr. 

25. 1. (ρρίύ\σθαι. 

' Morus to my lord Epimachus, greeting. I write to inform you that we have winnowed 
the barley of the man from the Oasis on the 8th, and we never had so much trouble in 
winnowing it ; for it rained and the wind was irresistible, and Panares knows how we worked 
to succeed in transferring all the rest with the help of the gods. The total result was 38 artabae 
4choenices; of these I have disposed beforehand of 12^ art. 8 choen. I made inquiries 
about the price of annual grass : it was sold in the village at 7 drachmae the load, as Panares 
too knows. After many inquiries I found some that was dry, and not to be paid for in 
ready money, but after four months. You will examine the question how you are to trans- 
port it, and, if you please, write to me about this, and say what proportion I am to dispose 
of beforehand from the large holding, and whether you want me to mix what belongs to the 
man from the Oasis with the rest. I have stored my share in the room belonging to your 
father. I supplicate on behalf of you and all your children and all your brothers and . . . 
I pray for your health, my lord.' 

7. πΐπο(τι'^καμ€ν : Or π€πο(νη^καμ(ν , πεπζω^καμΐν is leSS likely. 

12. (φ€τινοΰ : ϊφετ€ΐο5 occurs in MSS. as a variant of inireios and aspiration before eros is 
common in papyri, but εφετινός is apparently a new form. 

15. (υθύχάλκα: a rare adjective, for which Ducange cites Basilic. 9. 3. 

16. The object o{ βαστάζι(ς) (cf. crit. n.) is probably the barley (cf. 1. 19), not the grass. 

24. κ[αί was followed by a name, or κ[ατ Ιίνομα] can be read. 

25. €ρρώ](ττ6 σ : the last two letters could be ae, but the first two cannot be read as 

€ρρώσθ^αι or ΐρρώσ]τ€. 

1483. Letter of Reprimand to a Subordinate. 

15-8x8 cm. Late second or early third century. 

A sharply w^orded letter from Dius to Zoilus, who, though called the writer's 
friend in one of the two addresses on the verso, is blamed for his absence and for 
having presented an unsatisfactory account of payments in connexion with a vine- 
yard or garden-land. At the end Dius threatens to take measures against Zoilus' 
surety, and throughout writes in the tone of an official superior. Not improbably 
he was an Ιτητηρψη^ and Zoilus a χαριστψ, the land belonging to an ονσία, or 
being at any rate administered by the government. The date of the letter is 
probably the period from Commodus to Caracalla. 

Alos Ζωΐλωι γαίρ^ιν. tos. '^Tepa Se €Ϊδη kv τωι 

€τά|ω μοι eXdeiv euros Κ€ κτήματ[ι] ζητ€Ϊται, ωι/ τον 

του Τϋβί μηνο? και ουκ ηΧθα^. \oyov δώσ[€φ kv τω \Κ\ογιστηρίω. 

ί^ξργόμ^νο^ δ\ \6yov μοι Sk- 15 ΐσθζΐ 8e ώ?^ kav μη δίά τά- 
5 δωκα? αναγραφής Siv δια σβ- ^ου? πάν reXfjs καΐ kyβφά- 

αντοΰ k^w8iaaa9. γράφβις δ^ στ)^ τα [πρ]οζ σε ζητούμενα, 


(ξωδιακίναι κ^ράμια λγ κη- τον Ιγγυητήι/ σου κατίχω 

πούροι? και μόσχου? δύο ου? eW αν r[e]X^y μοί την τιμήν 

τίθυκα[?,] και ί^ωδίασα? τοΐ? 2θ των ζητουμίνων. 
ΙΟ αυτοί? ων ούδί h μη nape- ίρρωσθαί σ€ ζϋχομ{αι). 

δίπατο τιμήν ω? σον λαβόν- 

Οη the verso 

Ζωΐλωι π{αρα) Α ίου φί[λ{ου). 
(In the reverse direction) άπ6δ{ο?) Ζωιλ(ω)[[λου]] ir{apa) Aeiov. 

1. ^ωϊλωι Π; so in 11. 22-3. 8. vo of 8υο COTT. lO. is Π. 15. 'iauei Π, 

23. λ of ^ωίλ(ω) corr. from s. 

'Dius to Zoi'lus, greeting. You arranged with me to come before the 25th of the 
month of Tubi, and you have not come. When you went away, you rendered to me an 
account consisting of a list of what you had spent yourself. You write that you spent 
33 jars upon the gardeners and two calves which you sacrificed, and you have spent upon 
them things of which absolutely no one has received the value, since you had it. Other 
claims are being made against you in the vineyard, of which you will have to render an 
account at the reckoning-office. Know that, unless you pay all quickly and discharge the 
claims made against you, I shall seize your surety, until you pay me the value of the claims. 
I pray for your health. (Addressed) To Zoilus from his friend Dius. Deliver to Zoilus 
from Dius.' 

2. μοι : μη can equally well be read, but does not suit the context. 

5. αναγραφής : for the use of this term in connexion with taxation-lists cf. P. Amh. 77. 

1 3 άντί-γραφον των άναγραφίων των δίά τψ πύλης ΐΐσαχθίντων. δια γραφψ is inadmissible. 

23. The second address is possibly in a different hand. 


Second-fourth century. Plate I (1487). 

These four invitations with 1579-80 are of the type which has been made 
familiar by Oxyrhynchus papyri (110-11, 523-4, 747, 926-7, 1214 ; cf. P. Fay. 132), 
but present some new details of interest. 1484 (second or early third century) is 
another invitation to dine ' at the table of the lord Sarapis ' (1. 3, n.), a meal which 
was here held in the temple of Thoeris (cf 1453) not, as in 110, at the Serapeum, 
nor, as in 523, at a private house, and was apparently connected with a festival 
in honour of ephebi. In 1485 (second or early third century) and 1486 (third or 
early fourth century) the invitation was for the same day, not, as usually, for the 
day following. In 1485 the entertainer was an exegetes, and the meeting-place the 
temple of Demeter (cf 1449. 5). 1486 and 1487 (fourth century) fix the 8th hour 
for the feast, like 747 and 1580, while 1485 fixes the 7th. like 1214: the 9th hour 



(generally about 3 p.m.) was more usual, but whether the difference was real or 
due to the change of the time of sunrise (which varies about two hours in• Egypt) 
is uncertain. The new words μ^λλοκούρια (1484. 4, η.) and λύκανον (1486. 2; 
meaning obscure) occur. The writing is across the fibres except in 1485. It is 
noticeable that in the course of the third century καλν. takes the place of the 
earlier €ρωτα. 

1484. 3-1 X4-9 cm. 

Έρωτα σε 'Απολλώνι- 
ος δζίπνησαί eh 
[κ]λ€ίρην τον κυρίου 
^αράπιδο? νπ\ρ μβλ- 
5 λοκουρίων των 

[άδβλφων ?] €V τω Θ[ο-\ηρίω 

1485. 4 Χ 5'3 cm. 

Έρωτα σαι διπν[η- 
σαι ό ^iηγητη[9 
kv τω Δημητρίω 
σήμερον ήτις ka- 
5 τίν Θ άπο ωρ(α9) ζ. 

1486. 57 Χ 12 cm. 
Ι Καλΐ σαι Έ^νικος [ό] και 
Πίλιος ds Tovs γά- 

2 μονς αντοΰ λύκανον σή- 

μερον Φαρ- 

3 μοΰθι κβ άπο ώρας η. 

1487. 8-3 Χ 7 cm. Plate I. 

Καλΐ σ6 Θ ίων 
υίος 'ίίριγίνους 
(19 τους γάμους της 
αδελφής ίαυτοΰ 
5 ej/ TTJ αϋριον ήτις 
ίστύν Τΰβι θ 
άπο ωρ{ας) η. 

1485. 1, 1486. ι. 1. σι. 1487. 6. θ corr. from ?? by a second hand. 

1484. ' Apollonius requests you to dine at the table of the lord Sarapis on the occasion 
of the approaching coming of age of his brothers at the temple of Thoeris . . .' 

1485. ' The exegetes requests you to dine at the temple of Demeter to-day, which is 
the 9th, at the 7th hour.' 

1486. ' Xenicus also called Pelius invites you to his wedding . . . to-day, Pharmouthi 
22, at the 8th hour.' 

1487. ' Theon son of Origenes invites you to the wedding of his sister to-morrow, 
which is Tubi 9, at the 8th hour.' 

1484. 3. [(cjXeiV?;!/ του κυρίου Σαράπώος: Wilcken {Chres/. 99. int.) regards this as a cult 
meal, to which view INIr. Milne objects, comparing Aristides els^apamv 27, where it is said that 

people make S. their companion at feasts, προ'ίστάμίνοι δαιτνμόνα αυτόν κα\ εστιάτορα. 

4. μεΧλοκουρίων : probably a festival in honour either oi μελλοεφηβοι (cf 1202. 17), 
or of persons ceasing to be άφήλικΐς (at the age of 25 ; cf. 491. 16), or possibly in honour 
of an approaching marriage, if [αδελφών] refers to a brother and sister. 


1488. Letter of Sarapammon to his Sister. 

20-3 X 5-5 cm. Second century. 

A letter from a man to his * sister ' (the expression may be conventional ; cf. 
1296. 15, n.), giving various directions about some wine (11. 3-13) and a mortar 
(11. 13-19 ; cf. 1. 14, n.). A curious reason for the writer's postponement of his 
return is assigned in 11. 32-5. 

^αραπάμμων Θα- 
ησ€ί Tjj ά8€λ{φίϊ) yaip^LV. 
δί€7Γ€μψάμην σοι 
οϊνου Κξράμίον διά, 
5 Πατά TIVOS ναυτι- 
κού, owep €ί €κομί- 
σω δήλωσαν μοι. 
€ί γάρ ουκ ήνίχθη 
σοι, γ€νοΰ e/y το γνα- 
ιο φζΐον 'Ηρακλείου και 
μάββ €1 παρ€τί- 
θη αύτοί9 και δ^^αι 
αυτό. γ€ν[οΰ] δ€ και €/[$" 
τ[ο] €ργαστ[ήριον 

On the verso 

1 5 και μάθΐ [ei ev άσφα- 
λ€Ϊ Ιστι κα\ι e\i '^ρρω- 
ται ή kv τω αίθρίω 
Κ€ΐμζνη μζγάλη 
θυΐα, και τΓω? ^χ^ίί 

2θ γράψον μοι. ζμΐλ- 
λον γαρ άνξλθζΐν, και 
ύπ€ρξθύμην '4στ αν 
μάθω πότζρον ipa 
Ίσάς η ου, και €i χρ^ία 

25 €στι του μ€ άνίλθ^ΐν. 

^ρρώσθαί σε ζϋγομ{αι). 
Χοί(ακ) κδ. 

€is το Ισ€Ϊον ωστ€ Θαήσίΐ π{αρά) ^αραηάμμων(ος). 

Ι ρ. βνϊα Π. 2 2. νπ(ρΐθ(μην Π. 24• 'i(Tas Π. 

' Sarapammon to his sister Thaesis, greeting. I sent you a jar of wine by one Patas, 
a sailor. Let me know whether you received it ; for if it was not brought to you, go to the 
fuller's shop at Heracleum (?) and find out whether it was delivered to them and get it. Go 
also to the workshop and find out whether the large mortar placed in the portico is safe 
and sound, and write to me how you are ; for I intended to come back, but put it off 
until I learn whether Isas is in love or not, and whether there is need for me to come 
back. I pray for your health. Choiak 24. (Addressed) To Iseum for Thaesis from 

9-10. γναφΐων 'HpmXeiov : γναφικη was one of the monopolized trades (cf. P. Fay. 36. 
int., Wilcken, Grundz. 250), and 'Ηρακλ«Όυ is therefore probably a village, not a person, in 
spite of the fact that (τό) ΉρακΚΰον was in the middle toparchy (1285. 100); cf. 1. 28, n. 

Cf. Brit. MuS. 286. 13 (ii. 184) γναφικήν κω\μών NetjXou TrdXeus και Συκνυτταίον [Nijajou. 


14. 4ρ'γαστ[ήρίον : this may well have been used for making oil, mortars being often 
mentioned in connexion with the oil-manufacture (cf. Otto, Priester und Tempel, i. 295). 
Mortars may have been used also in the γναφικη, as they were in the milling-industry 
(λίθος σιτοκοπικοί συν θυΐίτι occurs in an Unpublished Byzantine contract from Oxyrhynchus), 
but the €ργαστηριον here does not seem to be connected with the γναφεΐον. 

2 8. TO Ίσβίοι/ : several Oxyrhynchite villages called after Isis-shrines are known, being 
usually distinguished from each other; (i) 1539. 11 Χ"\νω: cf. 732. 2, where 1. Ίσίον 
'Άί/(ω), (2) 897. 7 Ί. Ζαπίτου{?), (3) 1285. 32 Ί. Κάτω, (4) Ρ. Giessen 115 Ί. Kepic[, (5) 1285. 
56 Ί. Παγγα, (6) 1465. 2 Ί. Πεκύσιοί, (v) 1285. 1 38 Ί. Ύρύφωνος. (ι), (3), (v), and probably 
(4) were in the κάτω, (5) in the Άνω toparchy; of (2) and (6) the toparchy is unknown. 
Which village is meant here is uncertain; cf. 11. 9-10, n. 

1489. Letter of Sattos to his Sister. 

9-4 X 1 3• I cm. Late third century. 

A letter in vulgar Greek from a man to his 'sister' (cf. 1488. int.), giving 
various directions about a cloak which he had left behind, &c., and referring to 
his debts. The writing is across the fibres in a small cursive hand of the period 
from Gallienus to Diocletian. 

ϋάττος Ευφροσύνη {s}. άσπα^ζ'^σοι/ Φίρμον και Τ^κονσαν και τον9 η- 
μών TravTas τταρα τοΪ9 6eoL9 της πόλεω? των Άντινοαίων. το κι- 
θώνίν ίπιλίλισμί τταρα Τίκονσαν e/y τον πυλώνα' πύμψον μοι 
ώί eVe/i-vlrey μοι. καΐ ίνοχλΐΐς μοι οτι όφζίλίΐς 'Αγαθός Δαίμονι χαλ- 
5 κόν πίπλήρωσα αυτόν, ή πίποι(τί)κατ€ ψωμία, π€μψον μοι, 

ώ? του άλλο(υ) μηνός eXeiico/xe. ef^e πάντας ττβπλήρωκα ώς Αγαθός 
Δαίμων, ουκ ης αίμος άνά8ογος• ουκ '^χ€ΐς πράγμα• μη €ΐ/6χλ€ί{9}. 
€ί δι, '^ρ-χομ^ τω άλΧο μηνι. παράδος το κιθώνιν μου Kepapea 
τη κουρίδι. άσπάζου Χτράτ\ο\ν και Χτρατον^ίνκη και τα π€δ[ία 
ΙΟ αυτών. ίρρώστύ σε ίΰχ^ομαί. 

On the verso 

[τη] άδ^λφη Εύφ[ροσΰ\νη Χ άττος Άρποκράτου. 

2. 1. Άντινοίων. 3• ί• eVt\eXj;a/iai. 4• 1• Άγα^ώ Δ. g. 1. 7Γ€7Γλ)7ρωκα . . . «. 

6. 1. eλevσoμaι . . . Αγαθόν Ααίμονα. 'J. 1. epos. 8. 1. ίρχομαι , . . αλλω. g. 1. Στράτο- 

νίκην . . . παιδΤί'α. ΙΟ. 1, ίρρωσθαι. 

' Sattos to Euphrosyne. Salute Firmus and Tecusa and all our friends before the gods 
of Antinoopolis. I have left my cloak behind with Tecusa at the gateway ; send it me as 
you sent it me before. You worry me about the money which you owe to Agathodaemon : 
I have paid him in full. If you have made any cakes, send them to me, as I shall return in 
another month. I wish that I had paid every one like Agathodaemon. You were not my 
security ; it is not your affair ; do not worry. If necessary, I shall return in another month. 


Deliver my cloak to Kerarea, the hairdresser. Salute Stratus and Stratonice and their 
children. I pray for your health. (Addressed) To my sister Euphrosyne from Sattos son 
of Harpocrates.' 

I. Ί,άττος : or Έ,άττυς, with π(αρά) \Ί^άττ{υ)ος for Σ arros in I. II. 

8. Kfpapea: 0Γ Kepvpea: cf. Kapovpis in P. Leipzig 97. vii. 20. 

II. Cf. 1. I, n. 

1490. Letter of Heraclides to an Official. 

9.7 X 14-9 cm. Late third century. 

On the recto of this papyrus are the ends of thirteen lines, and beginnings of 
fourteen more in a second column, of an account of various payments in drachmae 
(alpiai t[, φολέτρο{ν) [, biauo{μψ) (άρουρων) [. &c.), written in the latter part of the 
third century. On the verso is a letter written nearer the end of the century to 
Sarapion probably an official of some kind (cf. 1. i,n.),by Heraclides, asking him 
to help 3^γνωατ^ρ (1. 2, η.) who was in difificulties. The ink is much obliterated 
in places. 

Ήρακλ€[ίδης Χαρ\απίωνι τωι άξιολογωτάτω χαίρίΐν. 
Δημήτριοι 6 γνωστή ρ η^ίωσίν /xe \iyiv σοι 
ώστ€ αύτον αΧυπον yeuiaOai νπ\ρ των προτίρων 
ίτών. Myei γαρ οτί ωψίλησα αύτον μ^γάλως και 
5 €v Tjj άννώντ]. Xeyei Se otl άννωνα νυν ζτ]Τζΐται. 
€ί οΰν πάλιν Svvrj ίκπλίξαι τταρα σ€αντω, τύχη 
TTJ άγαθχΐ' d δ\ μή ye, Ιιτίστίΐλον τι OeXeis €τοι- 
μασθηναι. άλλα μη άμ^λήση^, ονπω γαρ ^ήλθαν. 
kav ίσχύστ)? [[αλλω]] ίκπλβ^αι, /xeya €ργον irouis, 
10 8ώτι κτήνη ούκ €χομ€ν ovSe χοίρου?. 

ίρρώσθαι σε όλοκλη[ρ]οϋντα 

3. ijnep π. 9• ''σχυ"''?* Π. 

'Heraclides to the most notable Sarapion, greeting. Demetrius, the certifier asked 
me to sDeak to you, so that he may be freed from anxiety about the previous years. He 
savs " I helped hC greatly in the matter of the annona." He says that tlie annona is now 
bJng cSed. Κ fhen 'you can again get him off by yourself (?) good luck to yo^^^ 
but if not, give instructions as to what preparations you wish to be "^^^;•. .i^° "° "Jjf^bl 
this for they have not yet gone away. If you are strong enough to get h m off, will be 
"achievement, since 1 have no cattle or pigs. I pray for your complete health. 


1. άξι6koyωτάτω \ this term is used of strategi, logistae, and senators ; cf. Zehetmair, De 
appellationibus honor ificis, 44, and 1408. int. 

2. -γνωστηρ: in the third and fourth centuries -γνωστηρΐί are generally found presenting 
persons for liturgies; cf. P. Hamb. 31. 20, 1451. 27-8, nn. ^ 

4. ort ωφέλησα αυτόν : Demetrius' actual words are quotod, αυτόν being Sarapion. 

5. vvv ζητείται was Suggested by Mr. E. Lobel. . . ν 8ύναται is possible ; but it is difficult 
to find any suitable infinitive, even if άνν(ων)αν or άννών(αν) be read in place of αννων. 

6. eWXe'lai: cf. P. Tebt. 315. 21 κάγω αντον εκπλεξω, P. S.I. 93. 1 6 (from Oxyrhynchus) 

πψ}]ψαι αυτω επιστολίδιον οτι εξεπλίκη. In P. Brit. MuS. 988. 9 sqq. (iii. 244; cf. Archiv, 
iv, 558) ί δ' ου (or Ihov) σν ουκ ηθελησας αυτό (sc. a ΒιαστοΧικόν) εκπλεξαι, Is μεγάλα πράγματα 

άπήλθαμεν, the sense is diff"erent, and in P. Strassb. 73. 17-18 the context of ε'κπλεξας is 

9. αλλω is unsatisfactory, and, as Lobel remarked, seems to have a line drawn through 
it. άλλοί' or αλλω! Cannot be read. 

1491. Letter of Alypius to his Brother. 

26-4Xio-5cm. Early fourth century. 

The recto of this papyrus contains part of a series of receipts for official 
payments written in A.D. 292-304, to be published in Part xiii. On the verso in 
a large cursive hand of the early part of the fourth century is a letter, with an 
autograph signature, from a man to his 'brother' (cf. 1488. int.), hoping for his 
support and asking for information concerning a purchase of barley. An earlier 
letter in the same hand, beginning Άλυττιο? Θοταλύθι και Σαρα[7:άμμωνί] (cf. 1491. ι) 
χαίρ€ίν, and ending ^ρρωσθαι νμάί ζύχομαι, has been washed out. 

Άλύπως ^αραττάμμωνι τον Αωννσιο^ ό km- 

άδ€λφω γαίρζίν. σφραγιστής τη? 

θαρρώ πρώτον μ\ν Ταμπίμον^ 'ίνα 

π€ρι της οικίας otc προνοήσωμαι άργνρί- 

5 οχλησις kav fi προ- 1 5 ου. ίρρώσθαι 

ίστασαι ημών, και σ€ ζϋ)(ομαι, 

άξιώ σ€ μαθξΐν ct5eX0e. 

πόσου ήμΐν συν- 2nd hand ^ρρώσθαι 

αλλάσσζΐ κριθην σ€ ^ϋγομαι, 

ΙΟ [[)7/χα']] 6 τρόφιμος 20 άδξλφξ. 

5—6. προ'ίστασαι Π. II — 12. 1. Διονυσίου τοϋ επισφραγιστοΰ. 

' Alypius to his brother Sarapammon, greeting. I am confident in the first place about 
my household that if there is any trouble you are supporting me, and I beg you to find out 
at what price the foster-son of Dionysius, the sealer of Taampemou, is contracting to get 


barley for me, in order that I may provide for the money. I pray for your health, brother. 
(Signed) I pray for your health, brother.' 

II. €πισφραγιστης της Ύαμπ€μου : the ίπισφραγιστης was an official attached to the village 
granaries; cf. P. Tebt. 340. 14 (Mendesian nome). Ίααμπψου is the more usual spelling; 
cf. 1421. 3, n. 

1492. Christian Letter. 

2 2-6 X ιο•3 cm. Late third or early fourth century. 

This letter, 1493-4, and 1592 have a special interest as being among the earliest 
Christian documents from Egypt and approximately contemporary with the well- 
knovi^n letter of Psenosiris (P. Grenf. ii. 73) ; cf. also 1161-2 and 1495, which are 
somewhat later. 1492, from Sotas to his son, begins with a somewhat unusual 
formula (cf. 1. i, n.), and after pious reflections (11. 4-8) proceeds to give directions 
about the ' separation ' of some land which the son intended to present to a tottos 
in accordance with ancient custom (11. 8-15). Possibly this refers to a gift for 
religious purposes. The script is a good-sized cursive. P. S. L 208, a fourth- 
century letter on vellum from Sot[as] to his ' brother ' Peter, which recalls the 
phraseology of 1492 (cf. the nn.), was possibly written by the same person. 

Χα[ί\ρ€, ί€/ο[€ vie pav τω τόττω, ττοίησον 

Αημητρι[αν€. ^ώτα? αι^τήί' άφωρισθήναι 

σε πρ[οσαγορζύω. 'ίνα χ^ρήσωνται, κ[α]1 ώζ 

το KOLVOV . . [ kav κρύνιι^ πξρΐ του e[p]y[oi' 

5 €ν8ηλον και το κοι[νον 1 5 θάρρΐΐ. πάντα^ T[o\i^s 

σωτήριον ημών [. . ., kv τω οϊκω σου άπαντ\α^ 

ταϋτα yap ίστιν τα €[ν τ^ προσαγ6ρ€υ€. ίρρώ- 

θξία ττρονοία. €ί ουν e- σθαι υμάς €νχ^ομαι 

κρξίνας κατά το παλ[αιον τω θ^ω δια παντοί 

ϊο e^os δούναι την αρ[ο]υ- 2θ και kv τταντί. 

On the verso 

τω Upfu ν\ι\ω μ\ο\υ Δημητριανω π{αρά) Σωτον. 

Ι. iep[e π. 12. ]. άφορισθηναι. 13. ϊνα Ώ. 14. του inserted abovc the line. 

18. ϋμαί Π. 2 1. Ϊ€ρω Π. 

' Greeting, my holy son Demetrianus ! I, Sotas, salute you. Our common ... is plain, 
and our common salvation (is secure ?) ; for these are the objects of Divine providence. If 
then you have decided in accordance with ancient custom to give the arura to the place, see 
that it is separated, so that they may use it ; and however you may decide about the work be 



of good cheer. Salute all who are in your house. I pray to God for your continual good 
health in every respect. (Addressed) To my holy son Demetrianus from Sotas.' 

I. Xa[i]pe: for this style of beginning a letter cf. P. S. I. 206, 208, and Ziemann, 
De Epistularum Graec.formub's, 295-7. 

iep[e : cf. 1. 2 1 and 1592. 7. 

3. npUaayopfva : this word (cf. 1. 1 7), though rather long for the available space, is 
employed at this point in 526. 2, P. S. I. 206. 2, 208. 3, Flor. 140. 2. 

6. The word lost is probably an adjective balancing ΐϋΒηλον. 

9— ΙΟ. κατά TO παλ[αιόΐ'] eOos : cf. P. S. I. 2o8. 6 κατά το Wos. 

12. άφ(ο)ρισθηναι : cf. int. and B. G. U. 1060. 33 τ6ν άφωρικότα το έδαφος. Part of the 
Libyan nome was called η άφωρισμένη in the third century b. c. (P. Rev. Laws Ixi. 3). 

17. npoaayopeve : cf. P. S. L 2o8, ID προσαγορΐύομΐίν). 

1493. Christian Letter. 

10-9 X 9-6 cm. Late third or early fourth century. 

The first part of another interesting early Christian letter (cf. 1492. int.), from 
a man to a friend or relative with reference to the addressee's son, v^rho had been 
entrusted to the writer's charge, κύρωί is contracted, but not ^eo's ; cf. P. Grenf. 
ii. 73 and 1495, where both are contracted, and 1592, where Kvpios and ττατηρ are 

Θωι /is Ήρακλήω τω φιλτάτω 

y ^ 

πλίΐστα γαίρ^ίν. 

προ μ\ν πάντων €ΰγομαί σβ όλο- 
κληρζΐν και viiv€LV πάρα τω κ(νρί)ω 
5 θζω. γινώσκβιν σβ θίλω, άΒέΧφί, 
οτί κατά την ί τον ovtos μη- 
V0S Θωθ ζκομίσάμην σον τον 
υΐον ζύρωστοΰντα καΐ όλοκΧη- 
ρονντα δια παντός, τούτου ονν 
ΙΟ την ^πιμβλΐίαν ποιήσω ώ? 
tSiov νίον. ουκ άμξλήσω Sh 
άναγκάζξΐν αντον παραπροσί- 
^eij/ τω e[p]ya), e/c τούτον θ€θΰ 
[. . .]/ρ6 . [ 13 letters ]ολο[. 

On the verso vestiges of an address. 

4. v'Uvfiv Π ; 1. iyiaiveiv. π of πάρα over κ . . {και ?), which has been expunged, κω Π. 
7. το π. 8. v'iov τι. 


' Thonis to his dearest Heracleiis, many greetings. First of all I pray for your 
prosperity and health before the Lord God. I would have you know, brother, that on the 
loth of the present month of Thoth I received your son safe and sound in every respect. 
I shall take care of him as if he were my own son. I shall not neglect to make him attend 
to his work, . . .' 

11-13. Cf. 1581. 5-7. 

1494. Christian Letter. 

14-4 X 9-7 cm. Early fourth century. 

Another early Christian family-letter, badly spelled, which has lost the 
beginning. The handwriting suggests a date not much later than A. D. 300, while 
the high price of olives (3 talents for a Kvihiov in 1. 17) indicates a reign not earlier 
than Diocletian's. The verso contains, besides the address, two lines written at 
right angles to it in a different hand (^ Ύανρ/ια ^ {hovs) e Ά^υρ.), which seem to have 
no connexion with the letter. This dating presents a difficulty ; for the reign of 
Probus seems too early, and there is no suitable reign in the fourth century, during 
most of which datings by more than one regnal year were employed, where regnal 
years were used at all. Possibly one of the various Oxyrhynchite eras beginning 
in A.D. 307, 324, &c., was meant ; cf 1431. 5, n. 

δώραν και την δούΧην αύτη? 
δ . . . [ 2θ letters Άχ^βιλλίδαν. ασπάζομαι την 

ξδύησξν Ιμαϊ κατίλτ^ΐν e/s άδζλφήν μου Μακαρΐίαν και 

Παγ[γ]α., e'iv οϋτω^ 6eov θύλοντο? 'Ρωμαναν και τους ημών 

τάγα τΐΐ πραταίον γβνηται. //ά[[λ]]- 15 ττάντας κατ όνομα' και, αν θί- 
5 λξίστα μ\ν δ^ήσπ και υμάς ev- Xjjs, αγοράσω eXea? κνίδια 

γζσβαι nepei ημών, €iv όντως παλίά, ως τον κνιδίον (ταλάντων) 

ίπακονστ} ό θαιος τών ^νγών γ. e/ \ήμ- 

ύμών και γύνηται ήμ€Ϊν όδθ9 [ψομαι ? . .]μαίν γράψον μοι. 

^νθύα. άσπάζομ{αι) τους γΧνκν- ζρρώσθαι υμάς 

ΙΟ τάτους μον αδελφούς, Διοννσο- 2 ο [ξϋγρμαι. ] 

On the verso 

] [π(αρά)] Βοηθον ΆχζΐΧΧίίωνος 

] Θωθ κη. 

2. 1. efi€ κατΐλθύν. 4• 1• ''• ττρατίον, 5• ^P-f^S Π ; SO in 1. 8 ύμων, 7• '• ^^ο^• 

9• S of TOVS inserted above the line. 12. ώα of αχαΧκώαν corr. 16. 1. e'Xaias. 

17. 1. παλαιά, υ οί του inserted above the line. 19. ϋμας π. 



' . . . I had to come down to Panga in order that, if God so wills, there may perhaps 
be something to sell. It will be most necessary for you too to pray on my behalf, in order 
that God may thus hear your prayers, and a straight way be made for us. I salute my 
sweetest brethren, Dionysodora and her slave Achillis. I salute my sister Macaria and 
Romana and all our friends by name, and, if you like, I will buy some old jars of olives at 
3 talents the jar. If I am to receive . . ., write to me. I pray for your health. (Addressed) 
To . . . from Boethus son of Achillion. Tholh 28.' 

3. Παγ[γ]ά: i.e. Ίσείοι/ Ilayya ; cf. 1488. 28, n. In 250. 5 1. Πα77ά Ίσΐ€ίω[ι for 

1495. Christian Letter. 

26 X 1 1-5 cm. Fourth century. 

A letter from Nilus to his ' brother '_, asking him to pay a debt on his behalf. 
The biblical contractions of Kvpios and^eos occur; cf. 1492. int. The hand- 
writing suggests about the middle of the fourth century. 

Κνρίω ά8βλφω Άπολλωνίω ίο ενταύθα και γξΐ/ύσθω σοι, 

NiiXos yaipuv. €7γΙ οί[.]νην[.]ο as οδον, 

προ μ\ν πάντων ^νγομαί σοι. ίπιβη ουκ ζδννήθη μ^τ αυ- 
τήν ολοκληρίαν πάρα τω κ{νρι)ω τον άξζίν. άλλα μη άμέλή- 
5 0{(ί)ω. πάν ποίησον, άδέλφί, στ]ς, άδ^λφί, ay ε/^ώ? 
δο? τω άδ^λφω μου Ζακάωνι 1 5 την οφίλ^ιάν μου ενταύθα, 
πλακούντα us λόγον μου ^ρρώσθαί σε 
ώί τζσσαράκοντα τάλαντα, ζϋ^ρμαί πoλ\oΐs 
και δήλωσόν μοι δω tois ίσas )(p6vois, κνριί μου. 

On the verso 

Κυρίω άδίλφω Άπολλωνίω N€ίλos. 

4—5. κω θοΰ Π. 

' Το my lord brother Apollonius Nilus, greeting. First of all I pray for your prosperity 
before the Lord God. By every means, brother, give my brother Zakaon the confectioner 
about forty talents on my account, and let me know if I am to pay the equivalent amount 
where you are, and you shall have it, since . . ., as he could not bring it with him. Pray 
do not neglect this, brother, for you know my debt (.'') in that quarter. I pray for your 
continued health, my lord. (Addressed) To my lord brother Apollonius from Nilus.' 

7. πλακούντα : πλακουι/τάί (cf. e. g. άρτνματάς in 1517. 1 4) is an apparently new variant of 
πλακονντάριος {πλακονν[τα]ρ[ίω\ in P. Klein. Form. 1053) or πλακονντοποιός (Preisigke, S. B. 984. 
5). In p. Klein. Form. 694 and 967 the form is uncertain owing to abbreviation. With 
the reading πλακοϋι^α there is no construction for as τ€σσαράκοντα τάλαντα. 



II. Another person, to whom αυτοΖ and (^ννηθη in 1. 12 would refer, was perhaps 
mentioned in this line ; but 1. 1 2 may refer to Zakaon. e n-/ presumably = eW/, in spite of 

eVtSij in 1. I 2, and αυτοί = αΐτον. 

15. οφίλπαν: this form seems to be new, and perhaps [[•]! φιλ{(]ίαν should be read. 


(i) T/ie Senate of OxyrhyncJms. 

1496. 33-3 X 18 cm. On the verso of 1414. Parts of two columns of a list of 
money payments made in several months of the 5th year (of either Aurelian 
or Probus; i.e. A.D. 373-4 or 379-80; cf. 1413. int.) by various persons, 
including a prytanis and probably two individuals (Xenicus and Euporus 
also called Agathodaemon) who are known from 1413. 33 and 29 (cf. the nn.), 
so that all the payments are likely to have been by municipal officials or 
senators, for e.g. oil; cf. 1413. 19-34. Of Col. ί only the ends of 19 lines 
survive, the payments being uniformly i talent, except for one instance of 
3 tal. Col, ii ^° ty, E[ei;]tK09 δι(ά) Τρωιλου {τρωϊλ. Π, as in 11. 33, 34) irarpos (τάλ.) [,, 
^^ ις-, Κάλλ[ι]'π-7Γ05 δί(ά) Aioyivovs τΐατρο^ (τάλ.) α, ^^ κ<7, κθ, BevtKOs δι(ά) Τρωίλου 
Ίτατρο? (τάλ.) α, ^^ λ, Ευδαίμων δ και Θ4ωνδί{ά) κλη(ρονόμων) Nei\ov νίονΉριγίνουί 
^^ Άκου(σιλάου) ντ:οιι[ν\Ύ\[ματογραφΎ]σαντο$) Ύυβι ις (τάλ. ?) ., ^^ (after a space) 
και [. . .] άττό ς• τ{ου) Ύΰβι e {hovs) έ'ω? [Φα\ρμουΘι . [ ^^ [Γαι }]ανου Uiaoypi{os) 
(ovpt corr.) καΐ Ευττόρου τον [και Ά]γαθοΰ Ααίμο[νο9 ^"^ e {hovs) Ύΰ[βί .] ^^ [. . .] ό 

TTpvTavLS δι(ά) του υιοί; [(τάλ.) ., ^9 [ jeipto? Ίττττόνξΐ,κος (ϊπττ.) 6 καΐ Αίωνί^ης 

δι(ά) τον ττίατροί (τάλ.) ., ^° [. . . . τ]ίων [6] καΐ Άττολλώι/ιο? (cf. 1. 33) δι(ά) τοί5 
TTaTp[d]s [(τάλ.) ., ^^ [Ευ5αίμ]ων 6 καΐ Θίων δι(ά) κληρον[ό{μων)] Νείλου (cf. 1. 33) 

. [(τάλ.) ., ^^[ ]τίων 6 καΐ Άττολλώ^ί^ιοί] δι(ά) [τον] ττατροί [(τάλ.) ., ^^[ ]- 

ζίριοί Ίτητόνβίκοί δ καΐ Αίωνίδηί [(τάλ.) ., ^* [. . . .] EertKos δι(ά) Τρωίλου 
ττατρό? [(τάλ.) ., 2^[*Ηλιο?]δωρο? δ καΐ Χαιρημων [(τάλ.)., ^^ [. . . .]ωί' δ καί 
Άλ€ξί[ω]ν ντι[ζρ) Μαξίμου υίωνον [(τάλ.) ., followed by traces of 3 lines. 
The entries in Col. ii have dots in the preceding margin, indicating a revision ; 
cf. 1436. int. 

1497. II X 13-7 cm. About Λ. d. 379. The upper portion of an official 
report of sums paid to Epimachus son of Philosophus, ex-gymnasiarch 
(cf. 1413. 30, n.), as the price of (i) 13 talents of pitch at 3,400 drachmae each, 
and (3) pottery jars, apparently purchased through him for the municipal 
Treasury, to which he was accountable. For official accounts mentioning 
pitch cf. 1286 and P. S. I. 83, which also belong to the second half of the 
third century. ^ [Ajo'yos ττρό? Έπίμαγ^ον γνμ(ΐ'ασιαρχήσαντα) viov Φιλοσόφου. 
^ φαίνεται hihόσθaι αύτω τω δ (erei) τον κυρίου ^ ημών Ώρόβου Σίβαστοΰ άττό Ti]s 



αγορασθείσης ττίσ- ^ σης ΰττό Δίδυμου Ibiov (ϊδ.) τοΰ γζονχου (cf. Ρ. S. Ι. 83. 5 ^^^ 
Part χ, ρ. 236^) ^ Τ7αρα^οθ((ίσΐ]ς) αυτω into τοΰ α(υτον) Δίδυμου 6λκ{ηί) (ταλάντων) 
φ ^ τι{μην) των 'προκ{^ιμίνων) ώί τ{ρυ) (τάλ.) α, ω? δι' €φημ€ρ(ίδος) τον α{υτοΰ) "^ δ 
(hovs) δηλονταί, (δραχμών) 'Γυ, / (τάλ.) «j- (δρ.) 'Δω. ^ και άττο τί{μήή κούφ(ων) 
(cf. Wilcken, Ost. ΐ. 7^^) τ^ο.ρασχ(ίΘί.ντ{ων) αυτ((ύ) υπό ΘεωΐΌ? ^ κβραμ4ω9 ΐίίλα ζξ 
υι:αγορ€νσ(€ωί) τοΰ α(ύΓου) Θΐωνος ^''[ΐο letters] αυτοΰ τον . [. . .]( ) [.]ω 
ενγώρίον . . . 

1498. 27*2 χ Γ2•4 cm. Written on the recto of 1416 in a large cursive hand about 
the reign of Probus (276-82), in any case before 299 ; cf. 1416. int. A list of 
persons of various official ranks, in some cases with a statement that they 
were under or over age. About 8-το letters appear to be lost at the be- 
ginnings of lines. ^ ]v Σαρατιίωνος άττό τίμ[ών] (cf. 1413. 6) τταρηλιξ, ^] Ώατβωτος 
(ττατβ.) άττό τιμών άφηλίξ, ^ ]υ, * ]μούν, ^ ] . ο? Αωρίωνος κοσμη{τζύσας) €ζηγη{τ€ύσα$) 
Άλξ^ανδρείας) ΰ'ηομν{ηματογράφθζ Οι -γραφησας), ^ Αί]οσκόρου νννΐ διαδ€)(ο'(μ6ίΌ9) 
στρα(τηγίαν) Όάσεω? (cf. 1439. int.), '^ Διο]^υσίου τοΰ και Πλουτάρχου, ^ ]τόκου άττο 
τιμών, ^]του Μαλίου (cf. 1036. ΐ) ΘβωΐΌ?, -^^ ] . tjs χρηματίζων, ^^]ης Δίδυμου τοΰ 
καϊ Διοσκουριδο[υ] . [, ^^] Πτολβμαίου, ^'^ ] . Πλουτάρχου, '^ γ€θ]ν\ών ev Ύακόνα, 
^^]. Σαραττίων, ^''']νος Κοττρε'ω?. ^'^ (after a space) ό] καΐ Άττολλώνως βουλ(€υτης) 
Άλβζανδ{ρζίαί), ^^ ]ρς Κλαύδιο? Μουνατιανος ύττ(€ρ)€τής [, ^^ ]ώνιθί '^Άρακλξίδου τοΰ 
και Ν[ (end of the column). 

1499. 8-2 χ 13-5 cm. Α. d. 309. Order, similar to 1500 (cf. also 1419. int.), from 
a prytanis to a banker to pay three attendants of the public bath (cf. 1430. 
13) their monthly wage, amounting in all to i talent. ^ Π(αρά) τοΰ -πρυτάνεων 
ΆτΓολλω^ίω τρα{ττ€ζίτϊ]) χα(ιρ€α'). ^ δο? Άρττάλω και Χωουτι και Ύξλώνΐ] τταρα- ^ χυται? 
δτ;μ(οσίου) βαλαντίου {^{ep) μισθ(ών) των άττο α ^ έ'ω? λ Παχών αργυρίου τάλαντον 
€V, Ι (τάλ.) α. ^ (2nd h.) σ€σημ{άωμαι) τάλαντον eV, ^(τάλ.) α. ^ (ist h.) ι^ (έτους) (sc. 
of Galerius Augustus) και e (ετονς) (sc. of Maximinus Augustus, the Caesars 
Constantine and Licinius being ignored ; cf. 1542. 12 and 1410. int.) Hawi la. 

1500. 8-2 X 8-3 cm. a. d. 229. Order to a banker, similar to 1499 and probably 
from a prytanis, to pay a bath-attendant a month's salary. The hand- 
writing is third century, and the 9th year is probably that of Severus 
Alexander, Macrianus and Quietus being still in occupation of Egypt 
in Thoth of the 9th year of Gallienus ; cf P. Strassb. 6. 37-8 and 1476. int. 
^ Άχιλλα τρα-η{€ζίτνι). ^ δό? 'Έ•ρμαίσκω βαλ{αν(υτΐί) '^ ΐητερ όψίονίου θώθ ^ δραχμά? 
οκτώ, Ι (δρ.) η. ^ (έτους) θ Θώθ ιδ. 

1501. 9*5^ ^ΐ'ΐ ^^• Late third century. Beginning of an acknowledgement by 
a treasurer of the .senate (cf. P. Ryl. 86. 2, n.) for the return of a loan made by 
him to another senator, probably from the city-funds ; cf. C. P. Herm. 23. i. 7 
ε^α[νι\σατο άττό τοΰ ττολιτικου χρήματος, and 1416. 3? Ώ. ^ Αυρήλιος 'Αμμώνιος 


(ζ{ηγητζνσα$) βονλζυτηί -ταμίας βουλ{€ντίκών) χρη{μάτων) τηί Όί^υρυ^χιτώι•) 
7Γθλ(6ω?) Ύίβξρίω ^ Κλαυδιω Αώύμω τω κ{αϊ) Ήρακλ^ίω 'πό\{ιΤ€νομίνω ?) * βουλ{(ντ^) 
\αίρ€ίν. hiiypaxj/ai μοι ττ\ e- ^ ν^στώσΐ] ημέρα α? • • •]( ) «δά- '^[vdaco βου- 
\e[vT .... δραχ^μά^ . . . 

(2) Official Documents. 

1502. 8-2ΧΙΙ-8 cm. About Α. d. 260-1. The upper parts of two columns, 
Col. i belonging to a report of a trial for assault, and mentioning a new 
deputy-epistrategus of the Heptanomia, Metrodorus (1. 4). A report of 
a public physician (1. i ; cf. e. g. 51-2) and a petition to the strategus Aurelius 
Ptolemaeus also called Nemesianus, who is known from 1411 and 1555 to 
have held office in 260, were tendered as evidence. Line 8, if correctly 
restored, indicates a loss of 38 letters at the beginnings of lines. ^ — J/uoios 
δη/Αοσιο? larpbs ττροσεφώνησα. ^ — or ?]e διεΓττε την (τηστρατηγίαν καΐ ^κίλΐν- ^ [σε 
— ]los ρ{ητωρ?) (ρ/) €t7r(ey)• Qah (θαϊ^) Σζρηνου Ιντνγχάν^ι (cf. Ρ. Tebt. 335• 
1-2) καΐ τα Ι^(ϊ7ί?). * — 1ήη]τρόδωρθ'ί δύττων την €ττίστρατηγίαν αυτω ■' [^^{(ν)' 
— ία ?]τρον τΓροσφώνησι$ yeyezTjrai α'γραφος ^ — at δίδομε Ρίναι ττληγαΐ οϋτω βίαιοι 
<as φτ]?, ττίμψον els ^ — τα νττομνηματ ? α ταντα' Ανρηλίω Πτολίμαίω τω και 
Nejue- ^[σιανω στρατηγώ Όξνρυγχίτον τιάρα Qaibos Σ€ρη\νον άττ' ^Οξνρύγχων 
ΤΓολ^ωί δι(ά) του 'πρ€σβυ{τ€ρον) ^ — ]ros τταρα Ήρακλιαι-ω καταστάι>τ€ζ ττρόί ^'^ — ]υ 

iv ah άττολ4\οητ€ν διαθηκαΐί καρτίίαν τω " — ] ηνψ μζτά την (κίίνον 

τ€λ€ντ[ην . . . Col. ϋ (2nd h.) has only the beginnings of 9 lines {^"^τοΰ 
Mi\av[os ?), and may refer to something different. On the verso (3rd h. ; 
after A. D. 260) is a complete extract from a lease of land at Iseum 
Panga (cf. 1488. 28, n.), which had been injured by floods and was 
to be cultivated with grass. This land belonged to a δ(καττρωτία, like 
that in P. S. I. 187, where too νττοστζλλόντων ttj bemTip. (cf/ 11. 3-4) 
occurs in 1. 7, the lessor being a δζκάπρωτο^, as was no doubt the case 
here, τα νττοστίλλοντα refers, we think, not to public land within the 
administrative competence of δ^κά-ηρωτοι, but to land owned by them 
jointly in consideration of the arduous character of their duties (cf. 1410. 
int.). ^rie/Ji to ΊσΓοι^ Uayya L• τον θ^οφί- "^ λον καΐ Ήρακλίίοον κλήρου '' άτΐο 
των νττοστζλλόντων τ?] ^€κα- * ττρωτία tcis Qeoyivovs Αιοννσίου ^ h Ί[ό\πω 
Aeyo/xeVo) ΥΙασόιτοί \{-σοϊτο^) ^ Ιιασθ[αν]οΰ[σ]α^ και νιλοβροχηθ(ί- ' σας (apovpas) 
δ, ώστ6 ζυλαμήσαι χόρτω. 

1503. Height 26 cm. Α. D. 288-9. Three fragments, the largest containing the 
beginnings of the lines, of a report of a trial before the praefect Valerius 
Pompeianus (cf. 1416. 29, n.) apparently concerning the status (11. 4. 7 ττοΚιτ^ία, 
7-8 (ΐη]τιμία or ά]τιμία.) of Dcmetrianus and Philcas, a prytanis and the 


praefect being the chief speakers. The position of Fr. 2 (near the ends of 
11. 9-20) is fixed by the suitable combinations in 11. 11-12, 13-14, and 16-17 ; 
but the position of the small Fr. 3, which is assigned to the middles of 11. 15-19, 
is uncertain. It may belong to 11. 9-13, but hardly to 11. 12-16. The lines 
were of great length. ^"Etous [el κα\ irovs δ των κυρίων ημών Αιο[κλητίανον καΐ 
Μαξψιανου 'Σφαστων — ^ Σαραπίω(ι;οί) e^ ei7[i]7re6oi; ττροσίλθόντων [ — ^ Τνμνά- 
σιο? 'ηρ(ντανΐί) et'7r(ei')• Αημητρίανόζ καΐ Φιλεα? [ — ^ η be ττολιτβία ττολλάκι? και 
μακρό . . α acre . [ — €μ- ^ φανξ^ άμφίσβητημα yiyovev ft[s — ^ Φιλ4αν κοΧ ττάλιν 
€Κ€Ϊνο9 ets avTovs δ . [ — ' τούτον σε τΐροβαίν^ιν δει [τ]?)? 7roAtTe[ta9 — eiri- ? ^ τιμία 
ίμτασονσα hUar^ffiv 7Γθλλ[ — ^ και τυχί] avveTreiyovTas το αυτό [ — | αρχι]δικαστη9 

μξν [ ^° της των βίαιων ΕΙρηναΐοί δ[ — | ] και ef ( ) λίγοντοί y[ 

^^ ην δε το eTieyex^er Φιλεα? e/cei (eK corr. from μ ?) [ — | σα eiyat μνημ[ονίνσαν- 
^^ Tes τώΐ' Ζακαόλ'ωΐ' τώι^ e . [ — | Α](οντωνπολίττ} [καΐ ? Aeov- ^^ των ττόλπ κατά το η 
(ero? ?) κα\ (ζ{ ) λ4γ[οντοί ? — | [Ουαλίρως Πομττηιανοί δ διαση/χοτατο? e7r]a[p]x(os) 
ΑΙγ{ύτττον) €Ϊττ(ίν)' οσα TTp[ds άΚλή- ^^kovs άρηκασι και οσα τοιαύτα γ . [ — | ]vtovs 

και [ ^^ μνημονίυσαντίζ α (α) ον δει 'παρο{ — | και | [30 letters κ]αι Δίδυμο?. 

Υ[νμνάσιο'ί} ^^ 'ηρ{ντανι^) €t'7r(ez')' έτοιμο? λογισμού? 'ηαρζχ€ΐ[ν — | . ez' . ] [20 1. 
Ούαλεριο? Π]ομτη7ΐα2;ό? (7Γ]ομ7ΓΤίϊαΐ'.) [δ δια- ^^ σημότατο^ επαρχ(ο?) Αΐ)/(ΰ'π•Γου) 
€'iTr{€v)' και [ — | γρά]ψαντι \ [19 letters Δημητριαζ-Ό?] και Φιλεα? τουτο[. . . . 
^* τοίνυν τον ττράγματο? άκολιηο[ — j [Γυμι^άσιο?] 7Γρ(υταΐΊ?) etiTlev)' . \ [30 Ι.ΐιαι^ τινας 
€κα[, . . . ^^ σαι» άζιοΰμζν avTovs αφύσθαι λ^ίΐτονργιων ? — | 0]ιιαλ€ρ|[ιο? Πομπ7]ΐαΐ'ό? 
δ διασημότατο? €ττσρ]χο? Aiy(v7rToi;) €ΐπ(εΐ')" [τώι; ? ^^ iv κλημάτων (αν eveKCV 
δεο[ι;ται ? — ] ά]φ6Ϊσ[0αι — 

1504. 13*6 χ 8-2 cm. Late third century. On the verso of 1515, in a large 
cursive hand. Beginnings of lines from the bottom of a column of a report 
of a trial before a praefect ; cf. 1503. ^ . [.]q[. . . .Veo-[ — δ \ ^ bιaσr}μ[ότaτos 
(σημ[οτατο9 above a deletion) Ι]7Γαρ[χο? Αίγύτττον €ΐπ(€ζ;)• — ^ eiri δεκ .... vt€s[ — 
* Σ€/3αστό? ημώ[ν Kvpios — ^ αιτταρχο? (1. Ιτταρ.) Αί>'ΰ•7Γ[του ειττίεζ;)• — ^ οΰτω? 
έχει" [ — ^ και τα e^fjs. μετ' [άλλα ? — ® ει;τολε? (1. -λαΐ?) ^? e7r[ — ^ νττομνηματα [ — 
^" Toiavrrji; ά7Γθ[ — δ bLaσημότaτos €ΐταρχο9 | ^^ Αιγύπτου αντω εΓτ7(εΐ')• [ — ^^ και 
αμα ται (1. τε) ειδο[τ — ^^ -γξΐ-ομίνων αν[ — ^^ ό διαστ^μο'ταίτο? ί-παργοί Αίγύτττον 
€iTT(ev)' — ^^ τηλ' ^είαν δωρε[άΐ' — ^^ μετά άσφαλεί[α — 

1505. ιι•8 χ 2θ•7 cm. Fourth century, written across the fibres. Order from 
Dioscorus, a strategus or praepositus or police-officer, to the irenarch of 
Taampemou (cf. 1421. 3, n.) to send three persons with money which they 
owed. Similar orders are 64-5, 1193, 1506-7, Preisigke, 5. B. 4422, &c. 
On the various classes of police-oflficials in the third and fourth centuries 
see Jouguet, P. Thead. 17. 15, n. ^Π(αμά) Αιοσκόρον ^ (Ιρηνάρχω Ύααμττίμον. 
^Ανονβαν και Αιονύσιον ^ και ^Αμμών[ιο]ν η τούτων τα γίνη [κ]αταγομ€- ^[vovs] 


τα άρ}/[υρ]ια απβρ γβζ(ύστον[σΥ . τ . . α . . . τω ^ [ ].[...]. και 7γ[.] . . ρ iv. 

(and h.) σ€σ(ημζίωμαι). 

1506. 6•ι Χ ι8 cm. Early fourth century, written across the fibres. An 
order, similar to 1505 and 1507, from a praepositus to the irenarch (cf. 
1505. 2) of Senokomis (in the western toparchy) to send a certain individual. 
^ TI[apa) τον πραιττοσίτου ^ [(Ιρηνάργ^ω] κώμης ΣίΐΌκώμεω?. αυθωρόν (cf. 1193. 
2, η., where 1506 is referred to) bζζάμevόi μου ^[τά γράμμ]ατα ττέμψον άμα τω 

άττοσταλ4ντί ΐΐα^λύνην * [ ]α αναγκαίας (αναγ'κ.) χρείας (νίκζν, ^σ^ση- 

(μίίωμαι)'^ (2nd h.) σ€σημ{ίίωμαι). 

1507. y-gxg-^ cm. Third century, written across the fibres. An order, 
similar to 1505-6, from irenarchs {sc, of the whole nome ; cf. 80. 7, 118. 14) 
to the comarchs and €ΐηστάτης (Ιρηνης (cf. 64. 2) of Teruthis (probably 
the Oxyrhynchite village in the eastern toparchy known from 1285. 87, not 
the Cynopolite village, for which cf. P. Hamb. 17. ii. 11 and 1254. 18, where 
1. Ύζρύθίως) to send certain ex-overseers and come themselves. ^ Π[αρα) των 
€ΐρηνάρχων ^ κωμάρχαις και (ΤΤίστάττι ^ ξίρηνης Ύ€ρύθ€ως. (ξαυτψ * άν[αττ]€μψατ€ 
Tovs γ(νομ4- ^ vo[vs] τηρητας [το ?]υ λ . [. . .]ον ^ [και] αυτοί άνίρχίσθζ. (2nd h.) 
σ€σημ((ίωμαι). Below the last word are traces of ink, which seem to be due 
to the folding of the papyrus when wet. 

1508. 8*3 X iO'6 cm. Second century. The bottom of a column containing 
extracts from ττροσφωνησζΐς concerning a veteran, M. Julius Valerianus. Lines 
5-8 begin somewhat to the right of 11. 1-4, which have lost a few letters at 
the beginnings. Lines 2-4 are concerned with the veteran's dismissal from 
the fleet, which was effected by trierarchs (cf. p. 151); 11. 5-8 refer to his 
purchase from the State of unproductive land at Senepta (in the middle 
toparchy; cf. 1285. i2o) as a colonia, on which see Wilcken, Archiv, v. 434, 
Grundz. 403, P. Giessen 60. int., p. 29. ^ [δηλώ] iXvai Μάρκον [\ονλιο]ν 
Ον[αλζρια- ^.[vbv τ(ύ\ν α.τ:[ο]λζλυμίνων άττο στόλ[ον δια των -προ- * [/cei/xe ?]νωι; 
τριήραρχων (1. τριηραρ. ; cf. 43. verso ii. 27 fv τ?] Αιβικτ} [t:v\]t] τpιηbάpχov). ^ δηλώ 
τον Μάρκον ΊονΚιον Οναλ€[ριανον ^ω- ^ νησθαι αϊτό υττολόγον eh κολωνίίαν [ττε- 
■^ ρΧ κώμην Σζν€τττα €κ τον Δ[ό]ρκων[ο]ς (cf. 1533) συ[ν ^ τω Άλζξάν^ρον ττρότ€ρον 
Μίνωνοί κ\[ηρου. The papyrus is valuable as throwing light on the method 
by which veterans in colotiiae obtained their land ; cf. P. Giessen 60. iii. 6, 
where κολωνίας as a heading follows €ωνη{μίνηή and is a subdivision of 
κληρονχικη γη. On the verso is 1536. 

1509. 7-6x9 cm. Early fourth century. A short letter from a ανστάτης 
(cf. 1116, 1551, P. S. I. 164, Wilcken, Grundz. 353), informing Aphunchius 
that by order of the catholicus (cf. 1410. 2-4, n.) he had been appointed 
υττηρίτης of Dioscurides, who is possibly identical with the logistes of 



A. D. 322 (42. I, 900. 3). ^ θέων σνστάτηί ^ ^Αφυγχίω Σαραττάμμωνοί ^ γαίρξίν. 
* avehoer]S (Is νττηρζσίαν ^ AioaKovpibov κατά KeKevatv ^ τον δι,ασημοτάτου καθολίκον. 
"^ δ α{ύτ6ή σ€ση{μξίωμαή. Cf. P. Μ. Meyer, Griech, Texte, 3. 
1510. 8'2X7'2cm. Second or early third century. An incomplete acknow- 
ledgement to the sitologus of an unknown village by his scribe (cf. Wilcken, 
Ost. i. 660) for the receipt of his salary and expenses for forwarding his 
books, probably to the Ικλογιστη^ of the nome at Alexandria (cf. P. Amh. 
69 = W. Chrest. 190). Cf. P. Grenf ii. 6'}^^ an acknowledgement of the 
payment of an όψώνιον to a βοηθ{ο$) σίτολόγων. ^ Αιοσκονρίζη5 Άφνγχωί τον 
^ Σαραττατοί μητρός Άθηναώοί ^ άττ' Όζνρνγχ^ων 7Γθλ€ω$ * Θε'ωι/ι σίτολόγω 'EvTcXey 
^ τότι{ων) χαίραν. €σ\ον τιάρα σον ^ το όψώνιον καΐ την αλλην ' ba^τάvηv τον 
καταχωρισμον ^ των βιβλίων ττασαν rjs ^ [γ]ραμματ€ύω σον σίτ[ο- ^° [Ajoyias τη9 
avTrjs 'EvT[eXev ^^ [άργνρίον] δ[ρ]αχ[μάί . . . 

1511. Fr. Ι 30•6 χ 13-3 cm. Before Α. D. 247» 1^18 being on the verso. Two 
fragments of a Latin military account, written in two large cursive hands with 
additions in a smaller 3rd hand (printed in thick type), mentioning praefects 
of the (ist ?) Apamenian cohort (cf. e. g. B. G. U. 729. y), a legion, and 
an ala, besides tabularii. The column is complete at the top and bottom, 
but both beginnings and ends of lines are lost. ^ — pr\aef{ecto) coh{ortis) 
Apame\norum ^ . [ — ^ , [ — * — ] . lano tabu\lario ^ (2nd h.) — ] . ό (cf. for the 
accentuation P. Tebt. 686) Marino praefiecto) legio\nis — ^data emerito 

liii e . . [ — '^ Maxumo^ xvi .... [ — '^ aptus [ — '° — Yrrio Proximo iabular\io — 

■'^ — ]β^ί^ο p[rae]f{ecto) alae [ — ^^ — j . . bacus [ — . Fr. 2 has traces of 2 lines 
in the 3rd hand. 

1512. 15-1 X 10 cm. Fourth century ; written on the verso, the recto being 
blank. A list of δεκαΐΊαι, which are numbered from i to 10, at Tholthis (three 
villages of this name are known ; cf. 1285. int.), i being assigned to one 
individual, 4 to another, and 5 to a third. Ιζ,κανοί occur in various positions, 
generally in connexion with guards or boats ; but a bcKavia ττνρον is found in 
B. G. U. 894. II, and the meaning of the numbered δεκαζ/ίαι is obscure; 
cf. P. Ryl. 196. 6-9, n. Another example of them probably occurs in Milne, 
Theban Ost. 138. i, where Αξ.κ{ανία^) λα έ'ω? Ae may well be restored on 
the analogy of 1512. ^ Θώ[λ]^€ω?• ^ a bcKavCa Σαρμάτη?, ^ β' /cat γ καΐ δ' και ι' 
^€καν{ίαί) ^ Άχιλλ^ω? (1. -Aevs), ^ / και ef κώ. ζ καί η' καΐ θ' beK(aviat) ^ 'Αμμωνιανόί. 

1513. 25-6 Χ 5*8 cm. Fourth century. Account of beer supplied to Dalmatian 
soldiers (apparently not mentioned elsewhere in Egypt), and of meat(?) for 
their officers. The measuring of beer by λίτραί is remarkable ; but cf. the 
λίτρα η τον ekaiov καλονμίνη described by Galen (Hultsch, Metrologie, i3o), 
which was \ a sextarius. τΐο^οκίφαλον (1. 13) is a new word, apparently 


corresponding to &κρον in 108. i. 3 ; cf. -nohoKxiXiov (= -ποίοκοίλιον) in Preisigke, 
vS. B. 3353• 16. ^ Χοιακ λ. 2 Ααλμάται^ rots ^ ΰπό Λουττιαζ/όζ; {νον corr. from α) 
"* -πραιτιόσιτον ^ δι(ά) Δ6σορα οπη'- ^ ωνοί* '^ α', ^υτοΰ λί{τραι) V€, ^ βί , ζντ. λ. ve, ^ γ 
ζντ. λ. νγ, 10 δ, Cut. λ. ν, " e C^r. λ. ν, ^'^ (added later) <r', C^r. λ. μ^. i^ (after 
a space) ττοδοκίφάλωι; i* 6μοί{ωή' ^^ -πρα^ποσίτψ a, ^^ ττρίγκιτη α, ^^ ττρίμικηρω a. 

1514. 7x11-3 cm. A.D. 274 or 280. Order to a ιτραγμα{τ€ντψ) (cf. 1544. i, 
1569. 7) or ττραγμα{τίκόί) (cf. 899. 17, n., P. S. I. 349. int. ; either word would 
mean a subordinate official of some kind) to pay 3 artabae of barley to the 
driver of riding-asses {βα^στηλάτη^ ; cf. P. Tebt. 363, Ryl. 236. 8, n.) of the 
brother of the ονσια /cos {sc. (ττίτροττοί). The 5th year probably refers to 
Aurelian or Probus. ^Ώ{αρα) Ne/xeaa "Ερμωνο^ Μα^ίμω 'ηραγ{ματ€υτϊί) χα{ίρ€ίν). 
^ bos βabίστηλάτr) άbeλφov τον κρα{τίστον) ^ ουσιακον κριθής άρτάβας bvo, 
^ / κριθ{Ύΐή (άρτ.) β. (3nd h.) κρίθ{ψ) άρτ{άβας) bvo (σ{ημΗωσάμην). ^ (ist h.) 
(erovs) e Παίζει t/3. On the verso ^ ■πραγμα{τζντιϊ). 

(3) Taxation. 

1515. 13-5 X 8-3 cm. Late third century. Parts of two columns of a list of pay- 
ments for an unnamed tax by various persons of both sexes, the prytanis 
paying on behalf of Oxyrhynchus (cf. 1413. int. and 1414. 3, n.). Of Col. i 
only the ends of 33 lines survive, the amounts ranging from 8 to 70 drachmae, 
whereas in Col. ii they range from 10 dr. 3 obols to 33[.] dr. Col. ii : ^ 17 Όξνρνγ- 
χ{ιτών) TTOX(ts) bi{a) Θξωνίίνον ^τον κ{αϊ) Σαραττίω{νοί) €νάρχ{ον) ττρν~ ^ τάι/^ω? 
(δρ.) ι φνοβολον5),*Ύ(ίρων δ και 'ATTo\X(u{vios){bp.) ρ,^ Καλιωρις δ και 'Ασχόης ^Σαρα- 
ττίωνοί *Ηρανον{β[ωνος ?) '' καΐ αλ{λα) όνό{ματα) (δρ.) ., ^ Σαραττίων δ καΐ Aiabe .[.- 
^ Tios και Ά7Γθλλωι;[ά- '^'^ ριον (δρ.) μ[., ^^ κλ{ηρονόμοί) Μιας τήζ Αιονν{σίον) δι(ά) 
Άπολλω(νίον) [(δρ.) ., ^^ Κλαυδια Κλζοιτάτ(ρα) η και ^^'HXiobdpa (δρ.) μ, ^^Έρμίαί 
δ κ{α\) Σκνβατοί (δρ.) ., ^^ Δ^Γο? Ζωίλον καΐ τα τίκ{να) (bp.) ., ^^^Hpas δ καΐ Μάξι- 
μος (δρ.) ρ. [ ^"^ κλη(ρονόμοι) Π . [. ( )] Ά7Γθλλ(ωι;ίου) άb€k(φov) (δρ.) ι<7, ^* Πτολε- 
μα):$ η [και] Αώνμη γν[νη (δρ.) ., ^^ Τάισα? Άλλ[. . . .]yg( ) (δρ.) σλ[., with traces 
of 3 more lines. For Τζίρων δ και Ά7Γολλώ(2;ιο5) (1. 4) cf 1416. ι (about 299)• 
There are also traces of an earlier document, apparently an account. On 
the verso is 1504. 

1516. 7-1 X 7-3 cm. Late second or early third century. Fragment from the 
middle of a column of a taxing-list, recording payments by inhabitants of 
Oxyrhynchus, who are classified according to μερισμοί of their aμφoba, for, 
probably, poll-tax (cf. 1436. 8, n., and 1520) and pig-tax (cf. 1436. 9, n.). 
The entries, besides being divided by paragraph!, have a marginal cross 
against them, indicating that payment had been made ; cf 1436. int. 
^ μζρ{ισμον) Αρό(μον) Τν(μνασ[ον) [ — ^ νικ(ήί) δ α(ντδς) και *Ερμο[ — ^ μ€ρ(ισμον) 
ΙΙοιμ€(νικψ) *Ηρακλ[ — ■*(ό) a(vros) και*Έρωίΰ[ικ(^9) ? — ^ νικ(^?) [ό] a(vros) [ — 

S 3 


^ μζρ(ισμον) Δρό(μον) Θοη(ρώο$) Atoyas [ — , with traces of another line. On 
the verso is a fragment of a comedy (1400). 

1517. 13x11-8 cm. A. D. 27a or 278. On the verso of 1555, which was 
written in A. D. 260-1. A list of money-payments on Phamenoth 10 
for Mecheir of the 3rd year of an Emperor, who being later than Gallienus 
(cf. the recto) must be Aurelian or Probus, since Claudius and Carinus are 
unsuitable (cf. 1476. int.). The trades of the payers are usually given, which 
suggests that the impost was the χ^ιρωνάξων (cf. 1518-19 and 1432. int.) ; 
but in 1. 6 the payment seems to be for oil, and the charge may have been of 
the same nature throughout. If so, since the account is clearly official, the 
oil-monopoly must have continued to a later date than has generally been 
supposed. At the bottom, written in the opposite direction, is a note con- 
cerning arrears from two villages Θνρα and Αάχμων (gen.), which are other- 
wise unknown and perhaps were not Oxyrhynchite. ^ Aoyos εισπρά^βω? 
μηνόί ^ Μεχειρ (^tovs) γ Φαμ^νωτ ι. ^ Αωνύσιοί ταττιταξ (cf. 1431. 2, η.) (δ/).) 
ρττδ, ^ ΚαλλΓί'ο? (bp.) ρκ, ^Έivbeμωv (1. Ευδαίμων, as in 1. 9) ήττατίν (Ι.ήττητηί?) (δρ.) 
ρκ, ® Θύων €ρμην€νί (λξον (1. ίλαίον) (δρ.) ζ, ^ ^Αμμωνα^ (δρ.) ξ, ^ Χωσιών όνηλάτηζ 
(δρ•) i) ^ Ευ6ίμων Βίωνο? (δρ.) ζ, ^^ Θώνι? άλΐίυ? (δρ.) νς", ^^ Δίδυ /ixos Kotos 
(1. Κο'του?; cf. 1536. 2 Κόττον) (δρ.) νβ, '^^ μολνβατίί (δρ.) μη, ^^ 'Απολλώνιο? 
Ko'r(ov?) (δρ.) μ, ■'^ Ζωρωροί (1. Ζώπυρο? ?) άρτνματαί (δρ.) μ (in Β. G. U. 1087. 
ίί. 9 the monthly χ^φωνά^ιο ν of άρτυματάτ€5 is 36 dr. ; cf. VJilcken, ArcMvyV. 
274). In the reverse direction ^^[A]o'yos €κθίσ€ωίγ τώνά- ^^-πό Θυρεω? Mexetp 
(δρ.) φκb, ^^ όμνω^ (1. ομοίων) και του Φαμ^νωτ ^^ άττό Δάχ/χων (δρ.) Άχκ. The 

numbering of the €K9eais in 1. 15 is unusual ; cf. 1448. i and 1519. i. 

1518. 22-3 X 6-2 cm. Second century, in the i6th year of an Emperor (Hadrian 
or Antoninus?). Fragment of a taxing-list of persons arranged according 
to their trades, barbers being taxed at the rate of 6 drachmae each (probably 
for a month ; cf. Archiv, v. 274) and κλίώοττοίοί at perhaps the same rate, 
with additions in a smaller hand (printed in thick type) sometimes concerning 
pig-tax (cf. 1436. 9, n.). ^ [Σ]τ4φανο5 Κανβαρον[τοί — ^ λ* [ 3/ 1^. [ * t<r {hovs ?) [— 
^ [κο]νρίων €K (δραχμών) ς-, ^ Αωσίθηζ ^Τίφάνον [ — '^ / μίρι(σμοΰ) νικ(ή5) r [ — ^ Πολυ- 
δήκηί Ae^[t(^€oi; ?) — ^ λξ ^^ 'A/xo'ts 'ΑμόίΤ09 τ[οΰ — ^^ όμ(οίω8) [ — '^^Αύων άb€λ{φ^s) 
λοι{ττ ) [— ^2 όμ(ο[ω5) [ — ^* Α€ων Aefi(0eou) yevo[^evos — ^^ όμζοίωβ) [ — ^^ / [— 
^■^διαττρό fyi( ) wapfyt( ) τ[ — ^^['A]p,o'is Όνι•ώφ{ριοί) ν[ — ^^]«ιτ()λ{ ^^ y α ις- 
(irovs) (δρ.) λ[ — ^^ [κ]λ6ΐδοποιών όμ[οίω5 — ^^ ΏζΤ(μοΰι[ΐί — ^'^ |*€(ρισμοΰ) νικζήβ) τ 
^^ nere/xo[wt? — . On the verso is an account of clothes, to be published 
in Part xiii. 

1519. 10-5 X 8-5 cm. The upper part of a column containing (i) in 11. 1-9 a list 
of arrears of taxation, ranging from 4 to 32 drachmae, due from various 


persons whose trades were generally stated, possibly because the tax was the 
χ€ΐρωνάξιον (cf. 1517-18) ; (3) in 11. 10-14 part of a similar list of arrears of 
rent for buildings owned by the State (cf. 14β1), the figures being omitted. 
κωδαί (1. 4) and πορτάί (1. j) seem from the context to be new titles for 
sellers of fleeces (for κώδια cf. e.g. P. Fay. 107. 4) and calves (?), and 
parallel to e.g. opvidas in 1568. i, not proper names. The title on the verso 
mentions the current 5th year of a joint reign, which was probably that of 
the Philippi (a.D. 247-8) or Valerian and Gallienus (257-8). ^ Aoyos βχβεσεωί• 
2 Ti(apa) Μακρινού Ycpbiov (bp.) η (corr.), ^ 7r(apa) Φανκξίψ (δρ.) η, * 7r(apa) Άβίνονν 
κωδατ{θί ?) (δρ.) κ, ^ ΤΓ{αρά) 'Hparos νίοΰ (vl.) Αημα{τοί) (δρ.) δ. ^ τ:{αρα) Βησάμ- 
μων{ο$) βαφίωί (δρ.) € (ττ^ντω βολον ?) , "^ 'η{αρά) ΠτοΚζμαίον 7ropra(ros) (δρ.) κ, 
* 7r(apa) Ήρακλήον ξνττόρω (1. (μττόρον) (δρ.) η, ^ Tt{apa) Χαρμζίνου οΙνοπώλ{ου) (δρ.) 
λβ. ^" (νοικιών οίκοττίδων' ^^ MeXerepta (second e corr. ; -οϊα) (δρ.) , ^^ KopinjAio(s) 
(δρ.) , ^^ 'AvT(avL{o)s (δρ.) , ^* Θάζ;ΐ5 ττολκητψ (1. Trot/ctXri/s) (δρ.) . On the verso 
^^ λόγος (χθ^σίωί του ivea- ^^ τώτοί e {(tovs) των κι(ρι]ωι;. 

1520. 6 χ 7*4 cm. Α. D. ιθ2. Α receipt for instalments of poll-tax and pig-tax 
(cf. 1436. 8-9, nn., 1516, 1521) paid to tax-collectors of Oxyrhynchus, 
similar to 733, &c. ^ "Etovs ττ^μίτττον Α]υτοκράτορο$ ^ Καίσαρος Nepo[v]a Τραϊανού 
Σξβαστοϋ ^Τίρμανικον [[. .]] Παχών κς-. ζι{4γραψζ) Αιρν{υσίω) * κα(ι) μ(τό{χοΐί) 
ττρά^κτορσι) λαο(γραφία9) e {(τους) Αζκάτης (an αμφο^ον) *Ap€vbώτηs Ώ[το]\{€μαίον) 
^(ττΐ λ(όγον) (δρ.) οκτώ,/ η. (2nd h.) e (hovs) Έιτ€ΐφ e ^ υικ{ήί) e {(tovs) Ae/ca(rjjs) 
*Ap€vbω[τηs) ' ewt [λ{όγου) δ] a(vTOs) (δρ.) /itay {τίτρώβολον}), / a (τίτρωβ.). 
Written across the fibres. In 733 the beginning of 1. 3 is probably to be 
restored μη[τροττ{ολιτικών)] OAareias (an άμφobov known from 1449. 5, &c.) ; 
cf. 1520. 4, 1521. 3-4. 

1521. 8-8 X 6-1 cm. A. D. 113. A receipt, similar to 1520, for an instalment of 
poll-tax (?), with an extra charge. ^l({hovs) Τραϊανού Kaiaapos ^τον κυρίου 
Άθυρ e. bi€ypa{\j/€) ^ Δίω 'ΐτράκ{τορι) άργ{υρικων) μητροττίολιτικών) \qg- ^ γρ{αφία$) 
το{ν) α[υτου) \ιζ\ (erovs) No(rou) Kpη{■π'ibos:) Εύδαίμ(ων) ^ Σαραττίωνο{$) €ττι (Κόγου) 
δυο τρΐώ{βολον), / β (τριώβ.), ^τpo{σ)b{ιaγρaφoμivωv) χ(αλκου?) β. 

1522. 1 2-5 χ 12-2 cm. Α. D. 220-22. Α series of receipts for payments of the 
στέφανοι tax (cf. 1441. int.) by a senator and his grandson, in two columns. 
Of Col. i only the ends of lines are preserved, recording several payments of 
40 drachmae on account in the 4th year of Elagabalus to Aurelius Apion. 
Col. ii deals with the next two years, 200 drachmae in all being paid in the 
5th year. ^ e (Ιτου?) Μάρκου Αυρηλίου ^Αντωνίνου Ευσξβοϋί ^ Εύτ-υχου? καΐ 
Μάρκου Αυρηλίου Ά[λ€ξά]vbpoυ ^ Καίσαροί Σεβαστών Χοία[κ] γ. [διcyρα(\//•αI') 
7Γ]ρά(κτορσι) στ(φα{νικων) * ύπ(6ρ) β €π{ιμ€ρισμου) μ€(σηή τοττ{αρχίας) λη(μμάτων) 
ανω το7Γ(αρχίαί) Ίσίου (ϊσ.) [Iljayya τόιτ{ων) (cf. 1488. 28, η.) ^ Σίτττίμω$ 'Αλί- 


ξανίροί βονλ{ζυτΊ\ί) κα\ 6 vluivbs {κ. ό υ. above the line) στζφα{νικων) eiri λ{όγον) 
^ΣξτττίμίΟί 'A\€iavbpos (aeiTT. αλ. above the line) 8ρα\μ{άή ησσαράκοντα, / (bp.) 
μ. "^ Ανρηλ(ωί) Βησάμ{μων) 6 κ(αϊ) Σαραί σ€σημ(ζίωμαι). ^ καΐ rfj l του e^ijs μη[ν05) 
Ύνβί οΐ α{υτοϊ) άλ{λα$) επι λόγ{ου) ^ bpaχμ{άs) Τξσσαράκοντα, / (bp.) μ. Ανρη\(ιθί) 
Βησάμ{μων) ^° ό και Σαραζ χ{€ΐριστψ) σ€σημ{€ίωμαϊ). Lines ΙΙ-2Ι record similar 
acknowledgements by Besammon for payments of 40 dr. on account on 
Mecheir 11, Phamenoth 11, and Pharmouthi 11 of the same year, and on 
Hathur 10 of the and year of M. Aurelius Severus Alexander Caesar the lord 
and a later month (lost). On the verso is a short account of corn received 
and expended, in a different hand, written after A. D. 2aa. ^ 'Aypos (i. e. ' the 
land produced') (άρτάβα^) vb' χ{οίνίκα$) ς-. ^Z_ { = &v) ds το μνλ{αΐοί;) (αρτ.) 
αΔ, ^ ΎαλΘνβ[<ύ (άρτ.) κη, * ds το μυλαΐ{ο)ν (αρτ.) ιβΔ, ^ Ενκαφα (αρτ.) α. 
1523. Ι5•2 Χ 8 cm. Third century. An interesting tax-receipt of a somewhat 
novel character, but incomplete at the top, where several lines belonging to 
the date formula are lost, and wanting about 5-7 letters at the beginnings of 
lines (cf. 11. 4, 7), while large portions are hopelessly obliterated. The pay- 
ment (164 drachmae ?) was made to ζτητηρηταΐ ίγκυκλίον καΐ κομακτορίαί (a new 
word) των €κ [..... .] κνρουμ4νων by the purchaser of two slaves ; cf. P. 

Strassb. 79, a contract for the purchase of slaves bia κομακτόρων {=coactores). 
Preisigke, following Premerstein ap. Pauly-Wissowa, Realencycl. iv. ia6, 
regards κομάκτορ(ί as a species of bankers ; but it is clear from 1523 that 
the conduct of a public auction (in P. Strassb. 79. 3 ατταρτ{Ρ)α corresponds 
to the word lost after ex here) was the essential part of their duties. The 
(γκνκλίον was normally 10 per cent, in the Roman period, but a higher rate 
(73 dr. 5^ ob. or 3[.]5 dr. 5I ob.) is found in A. D. 250 ; cf. 1284. int. For 
(τΐίτηρηταί cf. 1413. lO, n. After traces of i line ^ [Σζβαστ]ώι> Φαρμονθι le. 

bι4γpa{ψev) ^[ θ]€ωνοί καΐ τοις συν αύτ(ω) ίττιτηρητίαίί) *[€νκυκ]λίου και 

κομακτορίας των (Κ ^ [ ] κνρονμ4νων 'Αρσινόη Δι- ^ [• . . .] άτ' Όζ{νρυγχιτων) 

λόγ(ον) Α(νρηλίον) Ευδαί/ιοΐΌ? του κ{αϊ) ^ [ ]κατιανοΰ δουλικών σω- ' [μάτω]ν 

bv[o] Σαρατΐο . ., the rest of this line and 1. 9 being obliterated, ^^[ ].v 

όκτω Τζτρωβολον ^^[ ] A.oyoi; bpaχμas knarov ^^[k^KOVT]a τ^σσα]ραί, 

/ bpaχμai ρξ^, . [.] ., followed by traces of 3 lines. 
1524. 13x9-2 cm. Early fourth century. A receipt for payments in gold 
and silver (cf. 1430. int. and P. Thead. 33) for an unspecified tax. ^ Παΰί'ΐ 
(t corr.) λ, Α{υρηλιο$:) Άττάμμων χρν{σου) γρ{άμμα) α, ^ [γί(νίταί)] χρ. γρ. α, άσ77(μου) 
γρ. ι μόνα{ί}. ^[A{vpri\LOs)]KoTTp€ijs σ(σημίω{μαι). ^^ΕττίΙφ κη όμοίω? χρ. γρ. ήμισυ 
^ άση[μου) γρ. tt€vt€, γί(ν€ται) χρ. γρ. Ζ άση{μου) γρ. e. ^ Α(υρήλιοί) Koirpexis σ€- 
σ{ημ€ίωμαι)• ^ (2nd h.) Μζσορη κδ <5 αυτοί ομοίως ^χρ. γρ• η[μ]ισυ &σή(μον) γρ. 
TieWe, ^γί{ν€ταϊ) χρ. γρ. Ζ άση(μου) γρ. e. ^° Ευλόγιος σ€σ(ημdωμaΐ). 


1525. 14x6-7 cm. A.D. 216. Beginning of a report concerning payments of 
corn in Mesore, similar to 1443-4 and 1526, sent to a strategus by the sitologi 
of Nemera, a village in the middle toparchy, probably in Thoth. About 
9 letters are lost at the beginnings of lines. ^ [Αυρτ/λίω ^λ]νονβίωνι (cf. 1432. 
I, n.) στρα{τηγ(ύ) ^Οζ(νρνγχίτον) ^ [τταρα Ανρηλίω]ν Ώασίωνοί καΐ Σαραττίω(νοί) ^ [/cat 
των σν]ν α{ντοΐί) σιτολ{όγων) μίσψ τοτΓ{αρχίας) 'Ν(μίρω{ν) *[τόττ{ων). λόγ{ο$) 
σίτ{ον)] τον καΐ ζκμ(μ€τρη{μξνον) καΐ ^ [δι^σταλ (μενού) (cf. 1444. 4) ^Φ' η]βών 
γ€νημα{τοί) του bi€Xe(ovTOs) κδ ((tovs) ® [Μάρκου Ανρ]ηλίου Σξουηρου ^Αντωνίνον 
' [Καίσαρος τον κ]νρίον. Ιση b4' ^ ] λη{μμάτων) Μίσορί/ (αρτάβαι) σογημη\ ^ κατ* 
&vb(pa) ?] τούτων . [. . .]€ται, followed by ends of 6 lines recording in- 
dividual payments for τ:ολ{ιτικά) or κω{μητίκά), as in 1444. On the verso 
is 1530. 

1526. 13-8 X 23 cm. a. d. 222-3. ^^^'^ of a report, similar to 1525, sent by the 
sitologi of Psobthis in the middle toparchy, but unaddressed (cf. e.g. 1449). 
The payments were usually described as θάματα : cf. 1444. int. ^ σ . . [ (above 
α . . [ crossed through ; perhaps a number) ^ Πάρα Ανρηλίων θίωνος και [. . . .]ϊ 
τον και ^ Αημητρίον σιτολόγων μ€[σηί το]ττ{αρχίας) Φώ/3β(€ω5) τόττ(ων). * κατ avbpa 
χειριστικοΰ (cf. 1444. 3~4> ^•) τΐνρ[ον] γ^νηματοί τον ^ (ν^στώτος β (irovs) Μάρκου 
Αυρηλίου Σζουηρον ^ Άλβ^άι/δρου Καισ[αρο?] του κυρίου. Ιση δΙ* "^ Μάρκοι Ανρη- 
λιοι (cf. 1444. 8) ^ ^Κράκλιος Βανθλάτοί (second α corn) θψα (άρτάβας) νγ, 
^ Πεκυλλοί δ καΐ Θέων γνμ{νασιαρχησας) δι(ά) 'Ηρακλ€ίδ(ου) γ€ω(ργοΰ) (αρτ.) μη, 
^^ Αιογ€ν[ηξ 6] καΐ Έρμαγ^νης άρχ(ωί^) (cf. 1406. ΙΙ-Ι2, η.) δι(ά) τ[ο]ΰ α(ύΓου) 
Θ4μ{α){άρτ.) ία,Σαραττ[ίω]ν^Αλζζάνδρον βουλ(€υτψ) bt{a) τον α{ντον) Θ4μ{α) (αρτ.) ν, 
followed by parts of 5 more lines and beginnings of the first 1 1 lines of 
a second column, the names having opposite to them strokes in the margin 
(indicating revision), as in 1436. 

1527. 13-6 X 5*1 cm. A.D. 261-2. Joined to an obliterated document and another 
papyrus, 1573. i-io being on the verso of 1527 and the obliterated document. 
Beginning of an official account of produce in arrear from the 9th back to the 
6th year of, probably, Gallienus, the reign of Macrianus and Quietus being 
ignored (cf. 1476. int.). In some cases the produce was destined for loans 
to γ€ωργοί, but had not yet been issued ; references are made to a more 
detailed account arranged by b€κa^τpωτίaι. ^ Γζνημα{τος) θ (irovs) (bηλ{ωθη) 
λοί'π{ογραφζΐσθαή [{ττυρον) (άρτάβας) . . ^ κρίθ{ηή (αρτ.) οα, φα[κον (αρτ.) . ., ^ ων τό 
κατά b[€κa^τ{pωτίav) buστά\{η) (cf. 1444. 4)• *[γ(ν]ήμα{τος) η (hovs) (bη^ωθη) 
[λοι{ι:ογρ.) (ττυρ.) (αρτ.) . ., ^ κρίθ{η5) (αρτ.) οα, φακ[ο(ΰ) (αρτ.) . ., ^ ων (Ισιν ai 
λοίτ:(ογραφονμ€ναή cirl [ττροχρζίαί "^ καΐ μηb4'π(ω) kv Ιανί(ίω), [ ^ ων το κατά δεκα- 
ττ(ρωτίαν) bι[ξστάλ(η). ^ γζνημα(τος) ζ (hovs) (bηλ(ώθη) Κοητ(ογρ.) [(ττυρ.) (αρτ.) . . 
κρι,θ{ψ) (αρτ.) . . ^° φακο(ΰ) (αρτ.) le. [ " γ€νημα(τος) ς- (€Του$) 4bη^ώθη) \θίττ(ογρ.) 


{-rrvp.) [{apT.) . . κριθ{ψ) (αρτ.) . . ^^ φακο{ν) (άρτ.) le, &[v elaiv al λοητ{ογρ.) επι 
^^ [ TT/aojxpetas και μφ^ττω h 5[are(t&)), ^* ώ^ το κατά b€κa['π{pωτίav) ^ΐ€στάλ{η) . . . 

1528. 177 Χ 7'i ^"^• ^• ^• 266-7. An account, probably written by a sitologus or 
decaprotus, of payments in corn for the 13th and 14th year of a reign, which was 
more probably that of Gallienus than that of Septimius Severus with his sons, 
from four villages, which are all known to have been in the western toparchy 
(cf. 1285. 70-83). ^ Ιγ {hovs) 'l•ίρaκλζίb{ov) ζτ:{οικίον) {άρτάβαή ριζ, ^ Σ€ρνφ{€ωί) 
(άρτ.) ρκ€, αλ(λαι) ρν[η{αραϊ) (άρτ.) k<j-, ^ Σύρων (άρτ.) κη, Σ€νοκώ{μ€ω5) ^ (άρτ.) 
φΔ/ x{oLVLKis) <Γ, ^/ (ο-ρτ.) σοτί/δ' χ{οίν.) τ, αλ(λαι) ^ ρνττ{αραϊ) (αρτ.) k<j-. ' ώ (ίτονή 
*Η/)ακ(λ€ίδου) ei:(otKLOv) (άρτ.) ρλα (corr. from τ.), ^ Σ€ρνφ{€ωή (άρτ.) σθ, ^ Σύρων 
(άρτ.) κη, ^^ Ι {άρτ) τζη. ^''■/ \όγ{ων) β (άρτ.) χμς- pVTT{apai) (άρτ.) κς: ^^ ν'ΐτοστ{4λ- 
λονται ?) (άρτ.) σκθ (θ corr. from 17) ττρ{οσμζτρουμ4νων) (άρτ.) κζγ\ ^^ και όνό{ματοί) 
Αιοσκ{όρον) άττό (αττο above the line) (άρταβων) ρξς-γ^ ^* (άρτ.) ρια τ:ρ{οσμ(τρον- 
μύνων) (άρτ.) lyy',^^/ (άρτ.) τμ, ττρ^οσμ.) {άρτ) μβ' . In 1. 5 278 should be 282, 
and in 1. 11 646 should be 646I (or, allowing for the mistake in 1. 5, 650I). 
7:ρ{οσμ€τρονμ€νων) is written p) in 11. ia-15 (cf. 1443. ii), but 'ηρ{οσμ) cannot 
be read for ρυττ{αραί) in 11. 2, 6, and 11. In 1. 12 νττοστ{άσξως) is possible ; cf. 
P. Tebt. S3^. 7. 

1529. 17-3 X 12 cm. Third century. The lower portion of a list of payments 
of corn by different villages, all of which except Μουχίνγάλη and Άσσυα 
(Μονχινγ. new,Άσσυα new as regards the Oxyrhynchite nome ; cf 1416. 13, n.), 
are known to have been in the lower toparchy (cf. 1285. 129-41). Two 
columns of numbers are given, the second series, in which the figures are 
about 25 per cent, higher than in the first, probably including -προσμ^τρούμίνα 
(cf. 1445. int.). ^Σίσφθα [{άρτάβα) — , ^ ΘωΚθίωί [{άρτ) — , ^ [Τυ]χίΐ;φά7ωι; 
(cf. 1285. 129, where Ύνχινφάγ{ων) is to be read) {άρτ) [ — , ^Ταλαώ (άρτ) 
φ[ — , ^ Ίσιου Κάτω {άρτ) χκβ {άρτ) [ — , ^ Ίσιου Ύρύφωνο5 {άρτ) τξα /b^ (άρτ) 
ν[—, ^ Κόβα (cf 1285. Ι35> where Κο'^α is probably meant) {άρτ) φνς-^ (άρτ) 
χο . [, ^ Φώ^^€ω? {άρτ) κ€ {άρτ) λ[., ^ Ύακόνα (άρτ) σ {άρτ) σοα[, ^° Μουχινγάλη 
(άρτ) Άσλ {άρτ) Ά'ρ[., ^^ Άσσυα? (άρτ) ν (άρτ) φια. ^^ (and h. after a space) 
[. .?]δΐ9 "Ισιου Ίρνφωνο^ {άρτ) τοζγημτι, ^^ιτλείω {άρτ) le (strictly 14 art. and 
fractions; cf. 1. 6), ^* [14 letters] ττλείω {άρτ) ιδΖ[. . (referring to the second 
total of Iseum Tryphonis or to another village). 

1530. 14 x67 cm. A. D. 215-6. On the verso of 1525. An account of corn 
due to sitologi at Phthochis, a village of the eastern toparchy (cf. 246. 8-9), 
in the 24th year (of Caracalla). * Σιτολογία^ Φ^ώχ(€ωί) κδ {hovs)' ^ κλ{ηρονόμο) 
Ίσώάρα (ϊσιδ., as in 1. 22) η και Άπια (1. Ίσιδώρα? Trjs κ. 'AiriaSy as in 1. 22) 
8 διά Uavaipios καϊ Κοιλατ(θ5) {άρτ) ξβb' χ{οίν) [β], ^ δια θ4μ{ατοή {άρτ) vdb' χ{οίν) 
β, ^ Όννώφριοί {άρτ) lyb' χ{οίν) β, ^ Αώύμον Ί<!€χθ{€νίβω5 ?) {άρτ) lyb' χ{οίν) β, 


"^Z (άρτ.) T!y]Lh' χ{οίν.) «τ- ^ Κορνηλίου (άρτ.) if ^ δι(ά) θίμα{τοί) (άρτ.) ι, ^° Άγά^ωνοί 
(άρτ.) γ χ{οίν.) ς-> "δια θψ{ατοί) (άρτ.) y, ^^ Κορι;7]λ(ίου) "ίΐρου και Κορι;ι/λ(ίου) 
^^ Πατάτας αί δια [Π]αυσίίρΐ09) ^* και Σιλβανον νιτοκ(ξίμ€ναί) (άρτ.) ι^ χ(οίν.) δ, 
^^ δια θ4μ{ατοί) {αρτ.) φ. ^^ Ήρατος φροντ(ίστον) [(αρτ.)] δτ?', ^^ Θί{ματο$) (αρτ.) δ, 
^^ ^ α(ύτη) (άρτ.) κζ χ{οίν.) ς-, ^^ η α(ντη) δι(ά) Άκουσιλ(άου) τον κ(αι) Διοί;(υσιΌυ) 
και τον ^'^ συν α{ντω) σίτολ(όγου) κγ (hous) €νρίκ{ίων) κγ {^τουί) (αρτ.) ιη, ^^/ (αρτ.) 
vab' (1. παδ') χ(οίν.) δ. ^^ κλ(ηρονόμοι) Ίσιδώρα η κ(αι) Άττια (άρτ.) Μ^ χ(οίν.) θ. 
Lines 4, 7»9> ιι> ΐ5> ^7 were inserted later, recording actual payments, which 
were in all cases somewhat less than the amounts due. 

1531. 37-6 X 1 1-6 cm. Before A. D. 258, 1637, which is a contract on the verso, 
having been written during the praefecture of Mussius Aemilianus (cf. 1468. 
1-2, n.). A list of payments in corn by γ^ουχοι and κωμηται at Kerkeura 
(cf. 1285. 1 1 6) and probably another village in the middle toparchy ; cf 1444, 
1530. The amounts are lost in nearly all cases. ^ Τ€ούχ(ων)' Διοσκοι;ρί(δτ)5) 

Αρ'παησ€ω[5 (άρτ.) ., ^ Eυba^μovls Ζωίλου [(άρτ.) ., ^ Διοσκουρίδη? Σαρμάτ[ου (άρτ.) ., 
*/ αί ιτ(ροκ€ίμ€ναί)' ^ κω(μητών)• Φου Πινοιίτιο? [(άρτ.) ., ^ 'Ωαρίων Σαραμούιτος 
(άρτ.) [., followed by 12 other names, ^^/ai τ:(ροκ€ίμ(ναι). ^^Κβρκίύρων λο(ιπαΐ) 
κω(μητων) (άρτ.) ν[., ^^ γ^ούχων (άρτ.) ψν[., with traces of 2 more lines. 

1532. 15-2 X 8-9 cm. Late third century. Ends of 13 lines from the top of 
a column of a list of payments in wheat and barley by (βασιλίκοϊ) γεωργοί, 
some of whom have κοινωνοί. On the verso is 1477. 

1533. 11-9 X 9-2 cm. Late second or early third century. Parts of 18 lines 
of a list of land-holders with the amounts of their holdings. Some of the 
land is described as βασιλική, other entries probably refer to ιδιωτική : cf. 
1534. The personal name Π€ΐωο(ί? ?) and the Αορκάω[νοί κληροί (cf. 1508. 7 
Δ[ο']ρκωι;[ο]?) occur. On the verso is 1421. 

1534. 23-5 XI 8-2 cm. Early third century. Part of a list of holders of 
catoecic, private, and (rarely) Crown land, arranged according to κλήροι, 
probably at a village in the Thmoisepho toparchy (cf the mention of Paomis, 
which was in that toparchy, in 1. 12), and possibly at 'ί<ικοστράτου (ττοίκιον or 
Palosis, if the Πτολβμαίου του Φιλίττ-που κληροί (1. 4) is identical with the Πτολ. καΐ 
Φιλ. κλ. in 1459. 32. The papyrus was probably drawn up by a comogram- 
mateus ; cf. 1445. int. Col. i contains the ends of 14 lines, mostly referring to 
ιδιω(τικη) (σττ(αρμ4νη), but with one reference to βασιλ(ικη) €σττ. Col. ii ^ (κ ttjs 
Τριακοι;τα[ρο]υρ(σ[5] κλήρου pire κ(ατ)οι(κικ7)5) ίδ[ιω(τικ?75) €στΐ(αρμ€νηή (άρουραι) . . ., 
2 €κ του Mηvobώpoυ κλ(ήρον) [κ(ατ)]οι(κ.) ρογ, ιδιωτ(ικη?) 6σπ(σρ.) (αρου.) α[, -^ €κ του 
Ύοκ€ωί κλ(ήρου) [7r]p[oay]i(roi/Tai) όνόμ(ατι) 'Ηλιοδώρου και [. . ., *(κ τον Ώτολίμαίου 
τον Φ[ι]λί7Γπου κλ(ήρου) σια κ(ατ)οι(κικ.) [. . ., ^ (κ του NciKoyopos Θβσσαλοΰ κλ(ήρ.) 
σλ€ κ(ατ)οι(κ.) ιδιω(τ.) [€σπ(αρ.) (αρου.) . ., ^ &λ(λη) ιδιω(τ.) (σιι(αρ.) (αρου.) α. 


αΧ{λη) lbm{T.) €cn:{ap.) (apov.) a/3', αλ{λη ?) ίδιω(τ.) €σπ(αρ.) (άρον.) [a ?, ' e/c του 
Ν€ΐκίου κλ(ηρ.) σνζ κ{ατ)οι{κ.) ιδιω(τ.) €στ:{αρ.) (άρον.) αΔ ί<:^'Κ'β', ^ κατ αγνοι{αν) 
παρ€θ((ΐσαι) em κ(ατ)οι(κίαν) σλβ, 'ώίω{τ.) €(ηι{αρ.) (άρον.) ^[. . . ^τω και Αίοννσίω 
Ζδιωτ(ικ.) €[σ]π{αρ.) (άρον.) ay , ^Αρσινότ) tji [καΐ . . . ^^ ιδιωτ(ικ.) 6σ'7Γ(αρ.) (άρον.) 
λ/ΛλβδΊν. 'ηροσ•γί{νονται) όνό{ματι) Τα[. . . ^^ ηανω ίδιω(Γ.) €σιτ{αρ.) (άρον.) 
Qr{{<^\ α\{λαή όνό{ματι) ^Ερμ^ίον Ae[. . . ^^ άττό Παώ/χεω? (άρον.) β, αλ(λαι) 
όνόμα{τί) Μαρκίωνοί [. . ., αλ(λαι) 6νό{ματι) . . . ^^ Πάλλα^το? (άρον.) [. ., α]λ.(λαι) 
[ο]νο(μαη) Άμνντιανον Αιοννσ[ίον (άρον.) . ., άλ(λη) 6νό(ματί) . . . ^* Νείλου (άρον.) 
α, [άλ(λαι) όνό(ματι)] Έλ.4νηί θυγα(τρόί) 'Π.ανσ€ΐρίω(νοί) [(άρον.) . . . ^^ (άρον.) 
ρλς•/1ι'η\γ(ίνονται) [βττι το α\υτο ιδ[ι]ω(Γ.) ζσ'π(αρ.) (άρον.) ωοβΖ[^^ .ηως €a7T(ap.).[... 
^■^ [α] καΐ αΔ (άρτάβηή (cf. 1459. 24) και x[epaou ? . . . ^^ [Ικ] τ(οΰ) Σεννω (ττρότίρον) 
(or Α(νρηλίον)) Αι . . [. . . ^^ y(tyeTat) οΐ'ο/Λα(τα) .[..., ^° [Ί]σώωραν (άρτάβ.) 
σ[. . . '^^[kv)pr\kios Άχιλλ6ΐ;[? ^^[e]/c toC Μηι;οδώ[ρου κλ(ηρ) ... Α detached 
fragment contains a few letters from the beginnings of 13 lines of another 
column, mentioning ex τ{ου) Κυ[. . . (sc. κλήρου). 

1535. 22-5 χ 6•^ cm. Third century. Parts of 24 lines of a list of land- 
holders with descriptions of their tenure ; cf. 1534, 1537. The proper 
names 'lepairape^vos (L 4) and Άριτ€βηκΐ9 (1. 6) occur. * ] . ( ) Ισηχθη{σαν) kv 
Ψ'Ήν) TV (^^• 1445. I, η.) (άρουραι) y5' . [ ^].t^s avTrjs τον Αιον(νσίον) Διο- 
γ(4νονί) άσ7Γ[ο'ρου ? ^^ τ]ον δ (hovs) Ύΰβί ττρό? το €ΐΐίσταλ(ζν) Tolls ^^ (in red 
ink) Τίβι i2]os Τ<!Ηκηφόρον a (άρτάβηή (cf. 1459. II, η.) (άρον.) δη [ ^^] καΐ 
Σαραττίων α (άρτ.) [ ^*] βασίλ(ικηί) kv ah 11ΐ(ύ(τικη$) (άρον.) [. On the verso is 
the conclusion of a receipt for 260 drachmae in all for the burial of the 
writer's father and of Isidora and for other expenses, written in the 6th year of 

an unnamed Emperor. '^^ια[ ^ hpay^jxas ^ κα\ ζ^υγο^ [ - * ων τταχι^ωι/ 

(1. Ήαγίων) eis κη- ^ hiav ^Ισώώραν (1. -ρα?) ^ και eis Ki]biav τον ' ττατρόί ημών 
* ζίνγοί άμίκτω- ^ ρίον (an unknown word) ΐΐσχνον κα\ ττα- ^° χηου (1. τταχ^οί) 
C^vyos, ^^ Φυλάρχ7/[[?]] bρaχμάs ^^ €κατόν. ^^ (after a long space) άργνρίου ^* (bpa- 
χμαΐ) σξ. ^^ (eTOVs) ς- Μεχειρ i<j". ^® Αυρτ^λιο? 'Ισίδωρο? (ϊσιδ.) ^' σ^σημίωμαί. 

1536. 8-3 χ ιο•6 cm. Second century. On the verso of 1508. Beginning of 
a list of land-holders, apparently persons who had purchased land from the 
State (cf. κ€κνρω(μ4νων) in 1. I with e. g. 513. 4). The beginnings of the lines 
are lost, but only a few letters seem to be missing ; cf. 1. 3. ^ ....].[..].... ω 
κα (erei) κ(κνρω(μίνων)' ^Ίσ?]αί Α[ι]ογζνον9 τον κ(αΙ) Κόττον ^τον?] Ίσα(το5 ?) 
μητ(ρός) Σαρατ:οντ(ος) άττ' ^Οξ(νρνγχων) ττόλ(€ως) * . . .] . . . . ωνοί του Θεαδτ^Γου 

^ ...]..[..]. . [.]τον β σφpa(γΐbos) (άρονραι) cZtj'iV'^'^' ® • • •] υττό 'Άλιτ(θί) 

Ά7Γθλλοφάΐ'θ(υ5) ^12 letters] (άρον.) €r/'tV'f'^', ω[ι;] συτο(φόρον) (άρον.) aLr( ie^'^h' , 
with traces of 3 more lines. 

1537. 20-8 X 13-2 cm. Late second or early third century. Part of a list of 


landowners at Ήρσκλβίδου ίττοίκων (cf. 1528. i), arranged according to σφρα- 
ylbcs (cf. 918), followed by an unusually elaborate statement of the adjacent 
areas of the group of holdings described. ^ f7r(i το αυτό) ai ^{ροκίίμίναι), ων 
^ Ai[o]vvaias Trjs καΐ Σίνθίντοί (άρον.) κ . [, ^ Σαραττίωνος του καΐ Αι[ο]ννσίον κ[αΙ 
* 'Αριστοκλή t)7s ttjs καΐ Άρσίνό[ηί (άρον.) . ., ^ * Αρτταησως "Ωρον άττο Ηρακλ[€ΐδου 
^ (ΤΓΟίκίον (άρον.) bib', "^ Ονιβίου (ονϊβ,) Πονπλίον καΙ ώ? χρη{ματίζ€ί) (άρον.) Ιη, 
^'Ηράκλεια? Aioyevouy δι(α) *H/)aKA[e]i[a]? ^ τη9 και Διοι;υσί[α]? (άρον.) ώ', ^^ Γαί[ο]υ 
(γα1[ο]ν) Αώυιχ[ου] Ύίρωνος (άρον.) /2ίλ'β\ ^^ το δέ tt/s βασιλ{ικη^) δια των ττρο- 
γ€γρα(μμ4νων). ^^ (after a space) ττβδιασίμου• (a rare form, not found elsewhere 
m papyri) ^^ yiToves των ττροκ^ίμένων ^* (άρουρων) ληΖ.η\'ς•' νότου €κ μ^ν του άτΐό 
άττη\(.<ύ(τον) γνηί, (κ δ^ τον άττο λίβο5 ^® Αουκίον Αυρηλίου ΘεωΐΌ? ιδιωτικτ;, 
βορρά ύτΐόλογοί, άττηλιω^του) ck μ^ν τον άττο ^^ βορρά μίρου$ ιδιω(τικη) 6biυoμ€vη, 
€Κ be του ^^ άττο νότου η ΐττάνω σφρα[γ[]ί, λιβόί ^° €Κ μ^ν του άττο βορρά μέρους 
ν(ρίμ[€]τρα (cf. Ρ. Tebt. 60. 38) ^^ ^HpaKXeCbov εττοικίου, e/< δ€ τ[ο]υ από io'tov 
ίδιω(τικη) ^^ όbζVoμ4vη. For Άριστο'κλίΐα ^ και 'Αρσινόη (1. 4) cf. 1433. 59 

(Α. 0.238). 

1538. ι8•8 χ 6-5 cm. Early third century. Fragment of a list of owners of 
house-property, from the bottom of a column. ^ — ]os Πβτερ,ίννώφριο? Π^τβ- 
^ — ]κι( ) νυνί oiK€ibio{v) νυνί των ^ — ] * — ]( ) τόποι νυνί οικ(ίδιοϊ;), ^ — λ]ι/3ικ(οί5) 
μίρου^ Κάλαθου καΐ ^ — ] . . και των άνίφιων Τ1(γω- "^ [οΰτος — ]( ) Διονυσίου και των 
άb€λ{φώv) . . ^ — α]υλ(η) ev ^ οιΚ€ίδιο(ι>) . . . και δμρ- ^ — ]( ) τον υ'ηοχρίο{ν) 
Διοννσίον ^" — ] h fj . μθ{ ) h ίδι(ωτικω) (ϊδ.) €ΐδ(€ΐ), ^^ — Δφνυσίου Πεχωουτο? 
Θζ{ ) λ€ . ( ) 12 — ] 7•ό €Ττ{ιβοιλλον) γ' μ4ροί, ^^ — ] neTe[.]ios τον Αουκίον .... 
^* — ] 15 _ ] newpios (ζτων) κ, ^^ — ] Φόιτο5 κδ, " — ] ιζ, "— ] τ:ρ{ακτορ ) μητρο- 
ττ{ολιτικων) Α{νρηλίον) Ίονστου (ϊουσ.) το[ί5. On the verso is a complete 
account of receipts and expenses, to be published in Part xiii. 

1539. 137 X 7'4 cm. a.d. 179-80. Two certificates issued by an assistant of 
the sitologi, crediting payments of wheat from one private person's account 
to that of another ; cf. 518, 613-14, Preisigke, Girowesen, 143-4• ^ Διβστά- 
λ{ησαν) (ττυροΰ) [γ]€νημ{ατοή τον buX{eovTOs) ^ ίθ (hovs) Ανρηλίων Άντωνίνον ^ και 
Κομμόδου Καισάρων *των κνρίων δι(ά) σι(τολ07ων) μίσηί ^ τοττ{αρχίαή Πέτνη 
τόττ(ων) άττο θ€μα{το5) ^ Θίωνο^ Αώυμίωνος &γο{ραστίκω) δικαιω (δικ. added below 
the line) ^ Πτολφαίω τω και Πτολ- ^ λίω(ι;ι) θ€μα{το5) άρτάβ{αί) -nev- ^ ΤΊ]κοντα, 
/ (άρτ.) ν. κόλ{λημα) Κβ• " Θ^'ων 6 κ(αι) "Ερμίαί βοη{θ6ί) σζση{μ€ίωμαι). 
" καΐ δι(ά) σι{το\όγων) κάτω Τ07Γ(αρχία?) Ίσιου (ϊσ.) "Ανω ^^ τό'η{ων) άττο θ4μα{τοί) 
Φίρψφιοί 1^ (τηκα\{ουμ4νον) Ίσχνρίωνοί ι* Πτολβμαίω τω κ{αΙ) Αονκίω ^^ Γίρμανοΰ 
Θψα{τοή αρτά/3(αι) i^Tpeis τέταρτον oyboov, " / (άρτ.) yb^- κόλ(λημο) θ. 
1^ Θ4ων 6 κ{αι) Έρμίας βοη{θ6ή σ€ση{μ€ίωμαι). 

1540. ι8.8χ7•9 cm. a.d. 187-8. Two similar certificates issued by a site- 


logus of Pakerke or his assistant, crediting payments of wheat, in the first 
case from the private account of a gymnasiarch or ex-gymnasiarch to the 
metropoh's as represented by himself (cf 88), in the second from an individual 
to the sitologi of Pakerke. ^ ^ΐζστάλ{Ί]σαν) (τινρου) γ€νήμ{ατο$) τον δΐ€λθ{όντο5) 
^ κζ(€Τουί) Μάρκου Αυρηλίου Κο/χμοδου ^ Άντωνίνου Καίσαροί τοϋ κυρίου ^ δι(ά) σι(το- 
λόγων) μίσψ τοπ{αρχία9) ΤΙακ^ρκη τόπ(ων) αϊτό θίμ{ατοί) ^ΠασίωΐΌ? Άχιλλίωυοί 
γνμ{νασίάρχον) ^ rfj iroket δι(ά) αυτόν θ4μα(το9) αρτ{άβαι) €κα- '' τον heKaTpU ήμισυ, 
/ (ττνρ.) (άρτ.) piyL. ^Άμμώνι{ο)5 σζση(μ€ίωμαι). Lines 9-11 = 1-3• ■^^δι(ά) 
σι(τολόγων) μ^σης το7Γ(αρχια?) Πακίρκη τόττ(ων) από ^^ θζμα{το$) Ιδίου Θοώνι{ο)ί 
Πανάρουί ^* ^(troAoyots) ΐΙακ€ρκη μύσηί άρτ(άβη) μία ^^ γρί{νικζ9) οκτώ, / (αρτ.) α 
χ{οίν.) η. \Αμμ(ύ{νιοί) σ€ση{μζί(ύμαι). The writing is across the fibres. 

1541. ioxii-7cm. A. D. 193. Receipt, similar to P. Tebt. 369, issued by 
a sitologus for payments by two persons, one a Roman citizen, amounting 
to 125 artabae of πυρό? συναγοραστικό^ (corn bought for military and perhaps 
other purposes ; cf. Wilcken, Grundz. 359). -^ Μ.ζμΙτ{ρηνται) els το δημό{σων) 
τιυροϋ συναγο{ραστίκον) γ€νη{ματο5) ^ τον δΐζλθ(όντο5) λβ (hovs) Αουκίου Αυρηλίου 
Κομμόδον ^ Καίσαρος τοϋ κυρίου δια σίτολ(όγων) Θμοι{σ€φθι)) τοττ(αρχίαί) Παω(μ€ω?) 
τότι(ων) * Αιονυσία ή καϊ Άσκλατάριον 0ejua(ros) άρτάβ{ας) ^ ^βδομηκοντα irivTe καί 
K-vivTos (κυίν.) MapeXvos ^Κλαυ[δια]ί^[ό]5 Θ4μα{τοή [άρτάβ{αί)] 7Τζντη[κο]ντα, 

γίν{ονταή αρτάβ{αι) ζκατόν είκοσι τιίντζ. Α€ωνίΙ{ης) * <5 κ{α\) Σξρη{νοί) σιτολ- 
(όγοή σ€ση{μξίωμαί) (τιυρ.) (αρτ.) ρκ€. The writing is across the fibres. 

1542. 14 X 13-7 cm. a.d. 307. A counter-receipt (made out by the payer in 
the first person ; cf. P. Gen. ^6, B. G. U. 927, 974, Wilcken, Archiv, 
ii. 386, iii. 395) for various payments of corn to sitologi of Seruphis 
(cf. 1421. 3, n.) from γεωργοί on behalf of, probably, owners of ιδιωτική γη. 

Α[ντ]άττοχ{ον). ^ τταρην^γκον {-ην€γ'κ.) καΐ (μίτρηθησαν ds τα τταρα- ^σταβέντα 
ττλοΐα δια σ^ιτολόγων κώμης * Σβρΰφεω? ονόματος Αημητριανον ^ ΥΙλουτίωνος καΐ 
η γν[νη] ΤατΓοσιρίί ^η καΐ 'Αμαζόνων (first α of αμαζόνων corr. and ι corr. 
from ο ; 1. της γυναικός Ύαττοσίρως της κ, Αμαζονίου) δι(ά) Π[€]τοσίρως μη{τρός) 
''Ύαύρως γ^ωργον κριθής ρνπαρον (1. -ρας, as in 1. Ιΐ) ^ δώδίκα ήμισυ τέταρτον 
χύνικας (1. χοίν.) δυο, ^γ{ίνονται) (άρτ.) ιβΔδ' χ{οίν.) β, κα\ hia €Τ€ρου (first e corr. 
from 7γ) ΐίξτοσίρι- ^'^ ος {e)K μητρός Θ[αη]σιος γίωργοΰ κριθής ^^ ρυτταροΰ άρτάβας 
δώδεκα τέταρτον ^^χ[ύ]νικας δυο, y(iVoz;rai) (άρτ.) ι/3δ' χ(οίν) β. (Ιτους) le (h.) 
(sc. of Galerius Augustus) γ (h.) (of Severus Aug. and Maximinus Caesar) 
α (er.) (of Constantine Caesar) ^^ Παίζει (παϋνι) β. Πλούταρχος καϊ Όννώ- 

[φρι]ς καΐ των κοινωνών σ^ιτολόγων (σ corr. from e : 1. οί κοιι^ωι^οι σιτολο'7θΐ) 
^^ [δι'] (μου Παμοννι{ο)ς [γ]ραμ(ματ€ως) σ€σημ{ζΐώμΐθα). For the date cf P. Thead. 
10. 16 ; in P. Grenf ii. 78. 29 (er.) a, not β, is to be restored before τ\ών κυρίων. 

1543. 8•5 χ 9*3 cm. About Α. d. 299. Beginning of a receipt for chaff supplied 


to soldiers on the march through Oxyrhynchus from an unknown place ; 
cf. Wilcken, Ost. i. 162-4, Milne, Theban Ost. 103-12. ^Έλίτρισεί; (a new 
word meaning ' measure by Χίτραι ' : cf. λιτρισμό?) (ττΐ τψ -ηόΚίως ^ irpos biaboaiv 
TOis bLob€VOV- '^OLV yevvtoTaTOLS (1. yevvaioT.) στρατιώται? * άττό του (1. τη??) Νί?σου 
'Α . . νωνο^ ' δι(α) Ήρακληου άb([λφo]ϋ Άμόιτos « άχυρου le (Ιτου?) ώ {(του^) 
[ζ (erous) XClTpas ^ τ6σσαράκο[ι;τα . . . Written across the fibres, but apparently 
on the recto. 
1544. 20-1x8.9 cm. A.D. 284-304. Receipt in a large cursive hand from 
a ττραγματ^ντήί (cf. 1514. i) of Aurelius Ammonion, who is called κράτιστοί 
like Άμμ(ί>vωs ^π^ίκτψ bημoσίoυ σίτου in 1412. 9 and might even be the same 
person (cf. 1412. int.), to another ττραγματ^υτψ, acknowledging 100 artabae 
of wheat, which the writer had put on board a ship at Pelusium. The 
dating by consuls (whose names are omitted) indicates a reign not earlier 
than Diocletian's, and the handwriting does not favour a later Emperor. 
1 Αίρ{ηλιοή Φιλόμουσο? ττραγμα- ^ τ^ντψ του κρατίστου ^ Μρ{ηλίου) Άμμωνίωνοζ 
4 Αύρηλίω Μαξίμψ τ:ραγματ{€υττι) (ττραγ. above the line) χαίρ^ίν. ^ ίσχον τταρά σου 
asKal «ί^^αλλο'μτ,ι; h τωΠη- "^ λουσίω ds ττλοΐον Ήρα- « ίσκου (τ,ραϊσ.) ναυτικού 
τυροΰ ' άρτάβα^ kKaTOv, '' / άρτά[βαΙ ρ. ^^ ίττΐ ί7τ[ά]των (ύπ.) Φαώφι κγ. 
1545 Ι7•9 Χ ^•ι cm. Fourth century. List of places ordered to supply meat, 
probably for military purposes (cf. 1513), Oxyrhynchus providing for 10 days' 
supplies (1. 11) and various villages for lesser periods, the length of which is 
probably a rough criterion of their comparative sizes. The papyrus belongs 
to the period after the division of the nome into pagi in place of toparchies 
(cf 1425. 4, n.) ; but there is no indication that the villages belonged to any 
one pagus.' Taampemou was in the eastern toparchy, Seruphis (which is 
mentioned next ; cf. 1421. 3, n.) in the western, like Senokomis, which is here 
coupled with Παρόρων (cf. 1475. 22, n.). Tefs was in the Thmoisepho top., 
Petne in the middle top. ; Milon [os ?] and Severias were previously unknown. 
1 AoV(os) ύΐ7[η]ρ^σία^ κρ,ων ^ Παχώ:; i^- ' Ύααμτ^4μου ΰπ^ρ ημ€ρ{ών) <r, ' Σφφ^ω, 
inep ^μ€ρων ζ, ' Σevoκύμeωs καΐ Πάρο- ' ρίου ί)μ^ρα^ δ, ' Ττ^^ω? ^μίρα, β, ' ηέτ{τ}νη 
(-η.τ\νη) ημ^ρα9 δ, « Μίλω.[ο? ?] Vp4p{as) γ, '' Σeυηpcάbo, [.ίΗρ(α?) δ, " καΐ οί άττό 
\τ]ψ ττόλ€ωί ^^ i-nep ημ€ρων ι. , j u 

1546 16 χ 1 1-2 cm. Late third century. An incomplete account rendered by 
ν'ωαατ^τΓΐμ^ληταί or χωματ^ττ.ϊκται (cf. 1409. 13-14, ".) to a superior (the 
strategus?) concerning work done on the repairs of dykes by different 
villages, giving the number of ναύβια dug and the number still due ; cf. 1409 
and 1469. The μβρί? in 1. 3 would be expected to refer to a toparchy rather 
than to a pagus (cf. 1425. 4, n.) ; but Seruphis (1. 5) was in the western 
toparchy Teis (1. 10) in that of Thmoisepho (cf. however 1545, where those 


two villages occur in the same list), and Phoboou (1. ii ?) in the eastern. 
^ Παρά Αυρηλίων Σ[ίλ]βανων (1. -avov) καΐ τον ^ συν αυτω χωμα{τ€τημ€λητον) τ[^]? 
νοτινψ ^ μβρίδοί. λόγ{ο$) άττ€ργασίαί του κατά κώ- * μην ds κς- Φαρμονθι. (and h.) 
Ιση 6e• ^ (ist h.) Σίρυψ^ωί άττό μ^ν Ύφβ ^ [άττ]ζργ{ασία$) να{ύβια) 'Βξη, λο{ίττά) 
Άνλβ. "^ Τ . [. .]\ei από σκ ρξ, λο{υτιά) ξ. » Τ[. . .] . (possibly U[e\]q) [αττό σ]μ ρν, 

λο{η:α) ^. ^ [ ατίο τ]δ ρν, [λ]ο(ιπά) pvl•. ^° Ττ^βω? [ ] να{νβία) μ8. 

" Φρ^ω[ου να{ύβ.) . .] 

(4) Declarations to Officials. 

1547. 23-9 Χ ΤΙ cm. Α. D. 119. Census-return of an inhabitant of Oxyrhynchus, 
similar to 171 (ii, p. 208), 1548, P. Flor. 4, P. S. I. ^'3^. The middle and 
lower portions are much damaged. At the top is a cross, as in 1452. 
^ Αημητρίωι στρα{τηγω) καΐ oh άλλοίί καθ{ήκ€ί) (cf. 1452. 2, η.) ^ (and h.) [ττ]αρα 
ΙΙίτοσίρωί Αιοννσίου τον Πίτοσίριοί μητ{ρόή ^ Μίφτοί'Ώ.ρου των άττό Όξυρ{ύγχων) 
ττόλεωί. κατά τα κζ- * (ist h. ιταρ€{τζθη) in the margin ; cf. 1475. i, 1552. i) 
λ€νσθ{ίντα) υτΐό ^Ραμμίου Μαρτιάλιοί του κρα{τίστον) ηγ€μό{νυί) ^ ά[ι:ο]γρά{φομαί) 
irpos την τον bLeλθ{όvτos) β (hovs) ^Abpiavov Καίσαρος ^ του κυρίου κατ οΙκία{ν) 
άττογρα{φην) τό υττάρχον (ϋττ.) μοι L•' άμφ[ό{bov) ' Βρ{ρρά) Αρόμ{ου) Ζ ^epo(s) 
oiKia(s) καΐ τψ γυ[ν]αικΙ Ύ€Τθζΰτ{ϊ) ^ Θ[οω]νάτο9 (ττρότζρον) τον ■ηατ{ροή α{υτηζ) 
τον λοητ{οΰ) L το /, και ^[ό]//[ο]ίω5 ν'πάρχ{ίή τηι αυτψ (ιτρότίρον) Πετοσφιο? 
άδβλφοΰ ^'^ αυτής γ' μ4ροί το{ϋ) α{υτου) Ζ μ€ρο{υή, τταρ' fi (στί καΐ τό λοίτι{όν) 
*iy'|u,epo(s) ds τιληρωσι^ν) του Δ μ4ρο{υς), 6ν Παττοντω- ^^[το]ί €τ4ρου άb€λ(φoΰ) 
α{υτηί) h άσφαλίία ζκτ:ροθ4σμ{<ύ) γ€νομ{ένΎ)) ^'^ άντΙ του ('ηιβάλλοντ{οί) των κατ[ά 
bavdoυ συγγραφην?^^6φ[€ίλο'^€νων τηι TeToeiJn υττό τοϋ ΠαττοντώΙτοί ^^ effaced ^^15 
effaced 1. λαζός ου{λη) ττοδι άρισ{τ(ρω) (ξτων) οδ. " Tt 20 effaced 1. μτιτ{ρό$) Tc- 
τοζ{ϋτο$) Θοωνά{τθ5) λαζός ^^ ουλή ττοδι δί^ιω (h&v) μ€. ^^ Άττολλωνιδη? Π€Τοσί(/3ΐθί) 
του Θοώνως μητρο{ς) Ύαφ[ό{ιτοί) ? '^^ Παύλου λαξόί άσημος (h&v) κα, ^^ καταγι• 
(νόμβνος) (V μίρα α οικία(?) ew' άμφό{boυ) το{ν) α{ντον). ^^ Παττοντω? Θοωνά{τος) 
το{ν) Π€τοσί{ρίθί) μη{τρόί) Θαισο{ΰτος) Παττο(ι;τώΓθί) λαζός ^^ νυνίΐ ων ά^τόbημos 
{(τών) νζ. ^^ / σώ(ματα) δ. ^^ .[.].[... .] Θοωνατ(οϊ) του Π€Γοσι (pios) μητ{ρός) Θαι- 
σοντ{θ5) . . ^^ ΐ6 effaced 1. άση(μος) ως {(των) λ[. ^"^ Θαησις Θο . . ( ) bovλ{η) α{υτης ?) 
άγορα{στη) 6.σημ{ος) ως {(τών) λ. ^^ / σώ{ματα) β. ^^ και 6μο{ίως) υττάρχ{€ΐ) μοι (Τΐ' 
άμφόb{oυ) τ[ου\ α{υτοϋ) μίρη (Tepa ο[Ικ{ιων) ^° κοινών καΐ ττρός Ιΐ€τόσι(ριν) θο[ωνά- 
(τος)] ev ols ovb^ls κα[ταγ(ίν€ται), ^^ cttI δε της (μης οΙκία(ς) άττογρά{φομαι). ^^ 0eW 
μητρός θ€ρμο[υ]θ[ίου Ne])(0€Vt/3(tos) f. δ( ) [• • ^^ ' ((τονς) θζον Ου€σ[ττασ]ια[νοΰ κατ 
θΙ]κ{ίαν) [ά7Γθγρα{φ ) ^* [....]. s α[. . .] αττ[ 2θ 1. ^^ οι μ^χρι τ[ο]ΰ €ν€στ[ωτος Ι^\. 

^^ άτ:ογρά(φομαι) be καΐ biKaioy [ 12 1. ^^ καΐ ΥΙίτοσί(ριος ?) Θοωνά{τος) μ€ρω(ν) 

οικία{ς) . [ 12 1. After parts of 4 lines ^^[όμν]ύω Αυτοκρ[άτορα Καίσαρα Ύραιανόν 


'Ahpiavdv Σζβαστον (ζ ν- *^ [γίον]ς καΐ €ττ' άληθ[€ίαί €^τώ€bωκ4va^ . . . (cf. Ρ. S. Ι. 53• 
ί. 19). On the verso ^Ύνβί κη. 

1548. 3Ι-ΙΧ9 cm. Α. D. 203-3• Census-return of an inhabitant of Oxy- 
rhynchus, similar to 1547 and breaking off at about the same point. The 
officials addressed are, as often in returns to the strategus (cf. e. g. 1111), not 
stated, though the document in a marginal note at the top is called an 
(γ^όσιμον, I e. an official copy ; cf. 494. 25, n., Mitteis, Grundz. 6^. ^ «γδ(6σιμον) 
^Παρά Πλουτίω^ο? Πλουη'ωι;ο5 ^του Πλουτίω2;ο9 μητ{ρο5) Ύαψόίτοί ^άπ' Όξ{υρνγχων) 
7Γολ(6ω?). κατά τα κ€λ€υσθ{€ντα) νττο Μαικίου ^ Ααίτον (cf. 1111. i. 3» "•) ^ό" 
λαμτιροτάτον ηγζμ{όνο9) ^ ά'πογρά{φομαι) irpos την του 6i[e]A(6oi'ros) ι {(tovs) 
"^Καισάρων των κυρίων Σζονηρου ^ καΐ Άντωνίνου [[και Γετα Καίσαρο?]] ^ κατ' οΐκίαν 
άττογρα{φην) τό (ο corr. from η) νιτάρχ{ον) (ϋπ.) μοι (τιΐ άμ- ^°φόδ(ου) Βορρά Κρη- 
Tiilhos) δ' μίρο^ οΙκ{ίας) καΐ αΙΘ{ρίου) ^^ και των ταύτη? χρηστ{ηρίων), eis h άττογρά- 
(φομαι)• ''^^avTos (γω [δ] Πλουτίων &τ{€χνθί) άση{μοί) {(τών) μη, ^^ Αωσκο[ρος] 
δονλ{όή μ[ο]υ άτ{€χνοή άση(μο?) (er.) [.]η. " ^(ιψαϊκβί) (cf. Ρ. S. Ι. S3• ί"*.) 
Ύαψόΐί η κ{αϊ) Εύ8αιμ{ονΙή θυγά{τηρ) μου ^^ σννοίκοΰσα τω avb{pi) Άτιολλω- ^^ νίω 
&τ{ζχ.) αση{μ.) ώί (er.) κ, ^Ταιανη (γαϊα.) όμογνησία αντ{η?) άb€λ{φη) άτ€χ{ν.) 
18 άσημο? ώί (er.) te, ^^ Άφρο8ζίτη €Τΐΐκ€κλημ{ίνη) Ίσώώρα ^ο άγο{ραστη) δουλ(τί) 
τη? θυγα{τρό?) μου Ύαψόιτο? ^^ τη? καΐ Ευ^αιμονί5ο{?) yivii Όασύτ{ι?) ^^ συνοΰσα 
Trj hcaTtioivrj) άτ{€χ.) άση{μ.) ω? (er.) ly, ^^ Ίαίρω? Ιονλη μου και των άδ€λ(φών) 
24 μου καΐ άλλων άτ(€χ.) άση{μ.) ω? (er.) Ae, ^^Ύα€ττίμαχο? hepa boύλ(η) μου ^^ και 
των άbeλ{φωv) καΐ άλλων U ^ούλη? ^7 Ύαίρωτο? άτ{ξχ.) άση(μ.) ώ? (er.) θ. 2» καΐ 
ομνύω την Αουκίου ^9 Σζτττιμίου Σζονηρου Ευσ^βοΰ? Ώίρτίνακο? ^ο ^αΐ Μάρκου 
Αυρηλίου Άντωνίνου ^^ Ευσ€βον[? Σζβαστώ]ν κα\1] Πουβλίου . . . 

1549. Ι2•3Χ13'9 ^"^• ^•^' ^4θ. Two returns of unwatered land at Peenno 
(a village near Nemera ; cf. 1. 23 and 1112. 7) from Aurelius Theogenes, 
similar to 1459 and numbered 33 and 34 in a series of documents glued 
together, of which nos. 31 and 32 form 1433. The first is addressed to the 
basilicogrammateus, like 1459. Uy 2 Ανρηλίω Πτολ€μαίω βασιλ{ικω) ^ γρα{μματΛ) 
Ό^vpυyy[d]τoυ ^ τταρά Αυρηλίου Θ^ογίνου? ^ του και Άτιολλωνίου Αιογί- ^ νου? του 
καΐ Άσκλη'nιάboυ ^ άττ' Ό^υρυ'χχωι; ττολεω?. ^ άττογράφομαι ττρο? το €V€- ^ στο? 
γ (ho?) Μάρκου 'Αντωνίου ^"Γορδιαι^οΰ Καίσαρο? "του κυρίου τα? ντταρχού- 
' "σαϊ μοι irepl Ueevv(o ^^ U τη? Θρασνμάχου ^^ τ:αρίΐ[μΥνη? (cf. 713. 26, and for 
•ηαρ^ιμένη P. Hibeh 53. 5 and 1534. 8) [φ Άπολ- i^Aoirtoi; Άπολλωι;ίου 
^^του Ώαυ[σΥιρίωνο? α (άρτάβη?) ^'' άβρόχου (άρούρα?) δ. ^^hov?) γ Αυτο- 
κράτορα? 19 Καίσαρο? Μάρκου 20 Άϊ;τωι;ωυ Γορδιανοΰ ^ι Ενσ[€]βον? Ευτυχου?, the 
end being lost. The second return, addressed to a comogrammateus (cf. 
1113) begins 22 λδ. ^^ Κωμογρα{μματ(ΐ) Ν^μίρων καΐ ^* άλλων κωμών [τ]η? μέση? 
^^τοΊίαρχΐα? ^^ τταρά κτλ., as in 11. 4-21, except for the insertion of κλτίρου after 


τταρζΐμίνηί in 1. ^5, and concludes Σζβαστον *^ Φαμ^νωθ. ^^ [Avprjkios ©eoyeinj]? 
6 ^^[καΐ ΆτΓολλωΐ'ΐο? ... 

1550. i6 X 47 cm. A. D. 156. Notice of the death of two relatives, sent to the 
scribes of the city by a Ι^ροτίκτων (cf. 579, Milne, Greek Inscriptions of the 
Cairo Museum, 9313) of Thoeris, Isis, Sarapis and the associated gods (cf. 46. 
8), similar to 79, 262, 1030, 1198, but incomplete at the end. ^ [Ά]πολλωι^ι[ω 
κ]α[1] Διδίίμω ^ \y\pa^^arivci 7:ολ(6ω9) ^ \τϊ\αρα. Θέωνος του Άρθό- * [vt.]os (1. Άρθοώ- 
VLOS or Άρθωνιοί) του Θίωνο5 μητροί ^ [Ταψ ?]otro? τήί ΓΤαώτο? ^ [τώι/] απ' 'O^upvy- 
χωι; ττό- "^[λβω]? iepoT€/cTo:/os (tVp., as in 1. 14 ; second corn) ^ [Θθ77ρ]ιδο[?] κα(ι) 
"Ίσιδο[?] και ^ [Σαρά]πιδθ5 κσ[ι] τών ^^ [σνν]νάων θ€ώ[ν] μ^γίσ- ^^ [τω]ν, 6 ττατηρ μο[υ 
*Α]ρθό- ^^ [v]ls θ4ωνοί το[ΰ] ^Αρθόν- ^^ [tos μ]ητρ65 &€ρμουθίου ^* [ttjs] Παυσιριοί ίξρω- 
τίκ- ^^ \των\ τών αίτων ^^ [και 6] κατά μητ€ρά μου ^^[-jrairTrjos Παω? FleTevptos ^^[μητρό]ζ 
Ύααφννχιοί ^^ [τηί\ Σαρα.τ[ο]<; [τ4]κτ(ϋν ^° [*'Τσ]ιδο? τών [αν]τών ^^ [θ€ώ]ν άμφότ([ρ]οι άττό 
^^[ttjs] avTrjS ττόλ([ω]ζ, 6 μ\€]ν ''^^[ηα]τ•ηρ άναγραφόμ[ζνο]ί ^^[eir' ά]μφόboυ Αρόμου 
"^ [Θοηρ]ιδο?, ο δε κατά μί- ^^ [repa] (1. μήτ.) ττάτττΓΟ? ττνρ^τηΐί ? (e corr. from ι : 
1. (Παώ?) rierevptos ?) ^' [άναγ]ραφόμζνοί εττ' άμ- ^^ [φοδο]υ Αρόμου Τυμ]ΐ'α- ^^ [σίο]υ 
(Τίλί[ντησ€ν h> ^ [τω 1\ΐίλθόν\τι μηνΐ ^^ [Φα]ώφί του ([ν^στώτοί ^^ [€ΐκ]οστοΰ ([τουί 
Άν- ^^ [τωνί\νου Καίσα[ρο9 ^ [το]ΰ κυρίου, διώ (1. διό) [ζττώί- ^^ [δ]ωμι το νΐΓΟ[μνη- 
^^ [μα και] ά^ιώ άI;α[ypαφ^I;αι ^^ [του]του το [όνομα ^^ [h τ]^ τών [τξΤίλξυ- ^^ [τηκότωζ; 
τά£€ΐ . . . 

1551. 14*1 Χ 8'^ ^^' ^' ^• 3°4• Notice of the death of the writer's son, 
addressed to a συστάτη? (cf. 1509). This is the latest extant example of 
this class of documents upon papyrus, and at the end the formula has a 
clause which is absent from the earlier notices, e. g. 1030. ^ Έπι ύτιάτων (ϋπ.) 
τών κυρίων ημών ^ Αυτοκρατόρων Δΐϋκλ7}[τιαι;]οί) ^ το ίνατον κα\ Μα^[ι]μιαΐΌυ τό η 

\Φαμϊ^ζνωΘ [. * Αυρηλίω 'Ω,ρίωνι Θ[ ] . ο? ^ συστάττ] τη^ λαμιτρ[α5 κ]αι λαμ- 

^ ττροτάτηί Όξυρυγχ(ί[τών] 'πόλ([ω$ ^ τταρα Αυρηλίου Τίρμανου [Αιο]γ4νουί ^ άττό τήί 
αυτήί ττόλίωί. ο [ye]i;[e]i [v]ew- ^ [TJepos υιό? Γερμανοί €Κ μητροί ^^ MypiXcas άναγρα- 
φόμ^νοζ €77' άμ- ^^ φοδου '^Ιπττίων ΐΙαρ€μβολης ^^ τω οντι μηνΧ Φαμ€ΐ•ωθ [.] ^^ τον βίον 
μ[ίτ]ηλλαξα•. διό e7r[ei- ^'^χθην 6πι[[διΤ]δονΐ'αι τάδ^ε τα βιβλ{ίbιa) ^° άζίών ταγηναι. 

[αν\τον ([ν ΤΊ] τών ^^ Τ€τ[Ε^ζ[υτηκότ]ων τά^€[ι ^"^ φισκ . . . . [ ^^ τήί καταβρ- 

[ληί ?, with traces of another line. 

1552. ia'3X9-7cm. a. d. 214-5. Registration (amypa^Tj) of a recently-born 
boy, addressed to an άμφοζογραμματίύξ and closely resembling 1267 ; cf. also 
P. S. I. 164, a similar return sent to a συστάτη^. Part of the date and the 
signature are missing at the end. The age of the boy in 1. 15 is not quite 
certain, but α is supported by 1267. 18 (3 years and 5 months), and the editors 
of P.S.I. 164 do not seem justified in restoring [ιδ] in the corresponding 
passage. ' -;Γαρ€(τίθη) (cf. 1475. I, n.) ^Βίίθαρίωνι τω καΐ Δ7/μ77τρια[ΐ']ω ^άμφ[ο]- 


Ιογρα{μματύ) y φνλ{ηή β ττεριοδου (cf. 1030. int.) ^ τταρά Άντίόχον ΤΙτολλίωνοί 
μ[η- ^ Tpos Tkovltos (τκονϊτ.) κα\ Αίοννσίου Ή/3[α- ^ kXcltos του Θώνί[ο]ί του καΐ 
Θ4ω[νθ5 "^ μ[ητρο\ί Θαησιο? άμφοτ4ρων 6.\-η' Ό- ^[ξυρύγχων] ττόλζως. βονλόμ€θ[α 
ττρω- ^ τ[ω]ί άναγραφηναί επί του ντιάρχ[ον- ^° tos τω Άντιόχω μίρου^ οΙκίας ([π άμ- 

^^ φόδου Αυκίων ΐΙα[ρξμβοληί τον του ^^ [Αιονυσί]ου νΐον Π[ μητροί 

^^ [ ]?? TTjs [ ]ι[.] . [. . . 1* {bωb€κά[bpaχμov) άπ]ό γυμνασίου οντά 

TTpos το e[v€- ^^ στο? κγ (eros) (Irous) α. {ζτουή [κ]γ Αυτοκρά[τοροζ ^^ [Καίσα]ρο9 
Μάρκου [Αυρηλίου ^'^[Σζου^Ίρου ^Αντω[νίνου Παρθικού ^^[Μ€γίστο]υ 'Βρίταν{ν)ί[κοΰ 
Μξγίστου , . . 

1553. 13*7 Χ 7'^ cm. Α. D. 314. Conclusion of a declaration on oath concern- 
ing a voyage to Alexandria (?) and surety in connexion with an official 
position of some kind, probably that of κυβ^ρνήτψ ; cf. 1554-5, which are 
addressed to strategi, as 1553 may well have been, and 1197, where 11. 17-18 
are to be restored on the analogy of 1553. 7-9 [τταρί]σχον δ' (μαυτοΰ (ν[γυη]τη[ν] 
Σαραττίωνα. ^.[ — - τι[ — ^Αλζξαν- ^ bpias [ — ^ cTiLTpoTtfi Αυρ[η]λι[οί Ευ- ^ φράνωρ 
ilb&v, η €v[o- ® χο5 ίσομαι τω ορκω. ^ τταρ4σχον be (μαυ- ^ του τούτου γάριν kv- ^ γυητην 
Άνουβαν ^° Atoyeyous μητρόί Ήρα- ^^'tbos άττό Trjs αυτψ TroX{€Ms) ^^ παρόντα καΐ 
elboKOUv- ^^ τα. (έ'του?) κβ Αυτοκρ. ^* Καίσ. Μάρκου ^^ Αυρηλ. Σζουηρ. ^^ Άντων. 
Παρθ. 1^ Mey. Βρετανικού ^^ Mey. Γξρμαν. ^^ Mey. Ευσίβ. ^ο Σφασ. Μζχζϊρ ιδ. 
^^ (and h.) ^Ω,ρίων ^Αττολλωνίου όμοσ[α (1. ώμ.) ^^ τον ορκον καΐ έκαστα tio\i- ^^ ησοί 
as πρόκειται. ^* (3rd h.) Άνο\}?βαί Αιογένουί ^^ ζνγυώμαι τον *Ω.[ρίων- ^^ α ώί 

1554. 13*7 ^ 8*3 ^"^• ^• ^• ^5ΐ• Conclusion of a declaration on oath for surety 
of a boat-owner, addressed to a strategus (cf. 1. 8 with 1555. 14), similar to 
1555; cf. also 1553. ^[Ά]φίνί[ου Γάλλου OυeKboυμvLavoϋ ^ Ουολου[σιανοΰ Ευ- 
σεβών Ευτυχών ^ Σεβαστών τυ[χτ}ν €κουσίωί καΐ αυθαι- ^ ρ4τω$ (γγυασθαί {(γ^γ•) 
Αυρήλ[ι.ον Πίτο'σι- ? ^ ρι,ν ^Οννωφρω$ μητροί ΤισοΊτο? άτ:ό ^ κώμηί Σίσφθα (cf. 1423. 
ΙΟ, η.) κυβίρνητην ττλοί- ''ου ιδίου σκαφοττάκτωνος (a new word; for ττάκτων 
cf. Reil, Beitrdge^ 88) (μφανη 6ντα, ov καΐ παραστήσω σοι οττόταν ^ ^ττιζητηθη, η 
€γω avTos υφίζομαι (ϋφ^ζ.) ^^ τον ύπ€ρ αυτοΰ λόγον, η €vo\os ζΐην ^^ τω ορκω. (€Του8) 
β Αυτοκρατόρων ^^ Καισάρων Ταίου Ουιβίου Ύρξβ[ωνίανοΰ ^^ Γάλλου και Γαίου 
Ουιβίου Άφ[ινίον ^* Γάλλου OυζλboυμvLavoϋ Ουολ[ουσιανου ^^ Ευσ€βων Ευτυχών 
Σίβαστων [μηνοί ^^ Χ[ο]ίακ ζ. ^^ [Αυ]|θ^λιο? Κάσσιο5 Ά7Γθλλ[ωί'ίου, followed by 
traces of 2 lines. 

1555. 13 X 1 1-8 cm. a.d. 260-1. The upper part of two declarations on oath 
to a strategus concerning surety, probably for appearance at an inquiry, 
though no definite indication is given ; cf. P. Grenf. ϋ. 62, 79. Col. i : 
^ Αυρηλίω Τίτολίμαίω τω ^ και Νξμίσιανω στρα(τηγω) Ό^(υpυyχίτoυ) ^ Αύρτ^λιο? 
Φιλαντίνοοί "* 6 και Μώρο? Βησαρίωνοί ^ και ώ? χρηματίζω. ® ομνύω την των κυρίων 



''ημών Μακριανοΰ καΧ Κυτ^Γου ^Σεβαστών τύχην kKOV- ^ σιω? και αυθαφίτω^ 
^° (νγυασθαι Ανρηλων ^^ Σβρηνον Κάστορος ^^ μητρός Θξρμουθίον α- ^^ π' Ό^υρυγχων 
τιόλξως, ^^ δι; καΧ [παραστήσω σοι . . . Col. ϋ (and h.) has the same formula, 
Aurelius Asclepiades also called Sarapion, son of Pausirion, becoming surety 
for Aurelius Aphunchis son of Thonis. On the verso is 1517. 

(5) Petitions. 

1556. 9•3χ6•ι cm. a. D. 247. Conclusion of a petition concerning an assault, 
no doubt addressed to a strategus (cf. 1. i with P. Tebt. 303. 13-14). ^ [. . •] eta 
των 776/31 σ\ νττη^ ^[ρζτ]ων (φώξϊν μ€ αμα δη- ^ μοσίω ιατρω (ίατ.) {ίφώίΐν ^ μ(} 
καΐ ττροσφωνησαί σοι ^ την TTcpl e/ne bιάθ€σιv, ^ exety 8e τα βιβλ^ί^ια iv ^ κατα- 
χωρισμω άχρι της ^ πάρα τω μ^ίζονι (cf. e. g. 1121. 22) εκδι- ^ κιας. {ίτους) δ Αντο- 
κρατόρω[ν ^^ Καισάρων Μάρκων ^^ΊονΚίων (ίονλ.) Φιλίπττων ^^ Ευσεβών Ευτυχών 
^^[Σξβασ]τών Ύνβι η, with traces of another line. On the verso is a fragment 
of a document dated (Ιτου?) e 11αχώ[ν . ., i. e. a year later than the recto. 

1557. 10*5x8 cm. A. D. 255. Conclusion of a petition (to a strategus?) con- 
cerning a robbery of cattle. ^ . [ — ^ δοπ/?[. . . .]ι[.]ϋ/3α . . [ ^ yei'o[M€]t[os] 

ττρός Tovs bημoσίoυs (cf.l4ll. 2, n.) ^ (μήνυσα αυτό τοΰτο, otTives ^ άμ €μοΙ eiii την 
αύτοφίαν ^ (λθόντ^ς iireibov το άτόττημα, '^ οθζν (ττώώους τα βιβλίδια ^ ασφαλίζομαι 
(third α corr. from η) καΐ άζιω (ξαντης ^ τταντί σθίν^ι άναζητηθ4ντα ^^ τα κτήνη 
άττοκατασταθηναί ^^ μοι μζτρίω οντι καΐ e£ αυτών ^^ το ζην τΐοριζομίνω^ (ζτους) β 

^ Αυτοκρατόρων Καισάρων ^* Τίουτΐλίον Αικιννίον Ουαλξριανοΰ ^^ και ΪΙουττλίου 
Αικιννίου Ουαλ^ριανον ^^ Γαλλιηνού Εύσζβων Ευτυχών [Σ]€βαστων ^^ Παχ[ων . . 
^^(2nd h.) Αυ[ρ^λιο?] Ξ[ " [€7Γ6δ€'δωκα. 

1558. 9 ^ ιο•3 cm. Α. D. 267. Fragment from the end of a petition by a woman, 
with two ύττογραφαί of officials, of which the first (11. 6-8) was apparently 
translated from Latin and may well have been that of a praefect. The ' laws 
of the Egyptians ' are contrasted with the ' Roman constitution ' (11. 3-4). 
The 14th year in the date (1. 5) probably refers to Gallienus. The length 
of the lines is uncertain. 1 — ] . π . [. . .]ai . [. . . ^ — ■πρ]ο€ΐληφόσιν καΙ οτι 
καθολικώς κ€- ^ [λ^υ — ττροσίτ ?]αξα χρησασθαι Τοις των Αιγυπτίων * [νόμοις — τ]η των 
'Ρωμαίων πολιτξία — ^ — ] Αιοννσία€πώ4^ωκα. (^τους) ib Ύΰβι η. ^ (andh.) — €ντ€νξ]ίν 

σου τοϊς βιβλιοφύλαξι φανξράν ' — προς τ]ό μηbev eif ι πβριγραφΐϊ του ΐζρωτάτου 
(iep.) ^ [ταμζίου γ^νίσθαι. — τα '?ωμ]αϊκά {]αϊκα). κόλ{λημα) β. (3rd h.) Αυρηλ(ιος) 
Σζρηνος δ καΐ Σαραπίων (πtb{ζbωκa). ^ (4th h. ?) — τ]ω bi εναντίας μέρζΐ bικάζovτί 
μοι ζντυχ(. Αυρ. Σςρηνος 6 καΐ Σαραπίων may be identical with the individual of 
that name in 1209. 8 (a. D. 251-3) and 1276. 3 (a. d. 249). 

1559. 9-5x15 cm. A. D. 341. Beginning of a petition to the ύποπτης (Ιρηνης, 
the chief of the police of the nome in the fourth century (cf. 991 and Jouguet, 


P. Thead. 17. 15, n.) from a senator, complaining of his treatment by 
Besammon. A new praefect of Augustamnica (cf. 1428. int.), Fl. Julius 
Ammonius, occurs in 1. 8. ^ 'Tirareias ^Αντωνίου Μαρκίλλίνου καΙ 11(τρωνίο[υ] 
Ώροβί[νο]υ ^τών λαμπρότατων *Αθυρ ιζ. " Ανρηλίω Αιοσκόρω βποττττ/ (Ιρήνηί 
Όζνρνγγ^ίτον * -παρά Αυρηλίου Άρίστίωνοί ΐΐτολίμαίου άρζαντος βου- ^ λζυτοΰ τηί 
αυτηί πόλίω?. ουκ (οϋκ') άζια τ^τόλμη- ^ κζν ουτ€ τ^9 ^υνομίαζ των €υτ[υ]χ^(- 
στάτων του- ^ των καιρών ούδε του φόβου τον κυρίου μου ζιασημοτάτου ^ ηγ(μόνοί 
Αυγουσταμνίίκηί Φλαοϋίου Ιουλίου (ϊουλ.) ^Αμμωνίου ^ Βησόμμων ris Άττολλώτο9 
άττό κώμηί Παν^υά γ' (sc. -πάγου?; cf. 1425. 4, η. and Ρ. Flor. Ji. 324, where 

τΐάγου is omitted after <j•') ^^ TTapa[. .]κα[.]μ€ . . oi{ ]φήσζται κατά την 

των ^^ [25 letters]ov yfibia τιάρα Ταμοι- ^^ [tos ? 3° 1•]ϊ[• • • 

(6) kegistration of Co7t tracts. 

1560. 10 χ 9 ctn. Α. D. ^09; Fragment from the beginning of an application 
to a strategus (11. 2-5), enclosing a letter (11. 5-8) of the archidicastes 
Eudaemon also called Asclepiades, who was previously unknown, authorizing 
the μ€τάδοθ-ΐ5 of a υττόμνημα, of which a copy is appended (11. 8-12), together 
with a Copy of the contract in question (11. 13 sqq.). The whole document is 
similat• to 1474 ; cf. 1472. int. The applicant, Aurelius Horion, who is also 
knowii from 705, bears an interesting list of Alexandrian titles ; cf. 1412. 
1-3, n; While the total length of the lacuna between the lines is clear from 
the certain restorations in 11. 4-9, the point of division is not quite certain ; 
but probably the fragment belongs to a point near the ends of lines. ^ (in 

the tipper margin) — ]ωι. (probably not στρατηγ]ώι). ^[ στρατηγώ bi 

Άμ]μωνίου διάδοχου ^[τΓαρά υρι . ου (cf. 1. 13) Αυρηλίου Ώρίίωνοί 

καΐ ωί χρηματίζ[ζΐ] γ^νομίνου στρατη•γο[υ *[t^s 7Γθ'λ€ω5 καΐ άρχώικαστοΰ δια 
Φίλορωμ[α]ίου οίκονόμον. ου εττο'ρισα ex του καΓαλ[ο- ^ [γ^ίου χρηματισμού Ιστιν 
ίίΐτΓί•γ]ραφον. Έ,υΙαίμων [6] και Άσκλητ:ιά^η[ί\ ο Uptvs κα\ άρχώικασ- ^ [ttjs στρατ- 
ηγώ Όξνρυγχίτου χαί]ραν. του δεδομει/ου υττομνηματοί άντίγραφον [μ(- "^ ταζοθήτω 
0)5 ντόκαται. (ρρωσο.] {^τουή ιζ Α[ου]κίου 1ίΤΓτ[ι\μίον Σζονήρου καΐ Μάρκου Ανρη[- 
^[λίον Άντωνίίνου Σεβαστών Φα]μ€νωθ ιβ. Tipas δια Διονυσί[ου σ](:σημ((ίωμαι). 
Τε,υ^αίμονι [τ]ω [και ^ [Άσκλτ)(πιάδτ?) iepei άρχώικαστ?] και Trpojs τγ (ττιμίλίία των 
χρηματιστών καΐ των αλλ[ων ^"^ [κριτηρίων τταρά ; . . . υρι . ου Αυρ]ηλίου Ώρίίωνοί 
καϊ ως χρηματίζει γενομένου σ[τρα- " [τηγοΰ της τιόλζως και i-nl ttjs (ύθη]νίαί και 

ττρ€σβ€ντοΰ και αρχιδικαστου. του Trpoefi- ^^ [μ4νου μοι χορογράφου κ]αΙ τήί 

υ•π' αυτό υτΐογραφης άντίγραφον ύτϊόκίΐται. . [. ^^ [25 1.]υρι . ω Αυρηλίω 'Ω.ρ€ίωνι και 
ώ? χρηματιΧ[€ΐ ^^[γ€νομ4νω στραττ^γίύ τη$ λαμττροτάτη]ί 'πόλ[ί]ω9 των Άλ(ξαν^ρ(ων 

διό UoybevTos φ[ί- ^^[λου χαίρειν. ομολογώ υρ>([. ου Ανρηλίο]υ \^ηρίω]νο9 

κατέΧΪ . .] ΐ}[ού]0€ντι [, with traces of 4 more lines. 

Τ 2 


1561. 16-9 X 17-3 cm. A. D. 268. Conclusion of a series of documents concern- 
ing the ^ημοσίωσίί of a loan on mortgage of house-property, closely resembling 
1200 and 1475, but having the very cursive signature of an official in the 
office of the archidicastes at the end ; cf. 1475. int. Lines 3-6 correspond to 
1475. 35-5 ωμολόγησα, followed by hovs β Κλαυδίου Σίβαστοΰ Θωθ. '^ Ανρηλΐ({ί 
ΣαρΙαηίων δ καΐ Άτΐολλώνωί «σχ[οζ'] τταρά Σαραττίωνοί ras του baviov ^ δραχμ[α]9 
ττ€ντακίσχ€ΐ\ίαί διακοίτίαί 7r[ei']ri7 (1. ■7r[ez^]re) [κα]ι ικοσι [τό]κωι; δραχμιαίων και 
άτΓΟ- ^ δώσω ώί ττρόκίΐται, καΐ νιτ^θίμην Τ7]ν ττροκαμένην μου οΐκίαν kirX ττασι Tois 
^^ TipoKiipivois, και (νδοκώ τι] (σο[μ4ντι] Ιημοσιώσ^ι, καΧ (ττβρωτηθζΐζ ωμοΚόγησα. 
^^ [βο]υλ[ό]μ€ν[ο$] δε άττό τ[ψ] τρίσσ[ης άσφα]Κ(Ι[α]ί μοναχην €V δημοσίω γενέσθαι 
κτλ., as in 1475. 4^1-6. ^^ (2nd h.) <5 7r[pos] rjj δίαλ{ογβ) Tfj[s 7Γο]λ(€ω?)• bU- 
γρ{αψ€ν) Αυρ{ηλίον) ' A\€$aybpgv χρ7}(ματίζοντος). ^' (hovs) β Κλαυδίου Σ[€]βαστοΰ 
'Θ[ωθ] α. 

1562. 22-7 χ 8-8 cm. Α. D. 27<5-82. Beginnings of lines of a contract by Deme- 
trianus for the Ικμαρτνρησι^ of a διάλυσι? (1. 25) by Ammonius (? his brother ; 
cf. 11. 3-4). The reign was that of Probus (cf. 1. 7 with 1. 27), and in spite 
of the great length of the lines (i 10-120 letters are lost at the ends ; cf. 11. i 
and 26) much of the (κμαρτύρησι^ (11. i-5 and 29) can be restored from the 
nearly contemporary and completely preserved parallel, 1208. On the 
nature and purpose of (κμαρτνρησίί see 1208. int., Jors, Zeitschr.f. Savignyst. 
xxxiv. 107 sqq. The contract of διάλυσι? (11. 5-28) concerned house-property 
which was to have been conveyed (καταγράφίσθαί) to Demetrianus by 
Ammonius (1. 12) ; but before payment was made the agreement was 
interfered with by the claims of a third party (apparently the Eudaemon 
mentioned in 11. 9 and 18), who demanded from Ammonius the repayment 
of a debt concerning the Treasury (11. 14-16), The matter was brought 
before a deputy-epistrategus (1. 17), an extract from the proceedings being 
quoted in 11. 18-19, which are indented, with the result that the original 
contract of καταγραφή deposited in the archives was annulled (11. 19-21) and 
Ammonius undertook to waive any claims against the original purchaser. 
^ [*ΈΓο]υ? [. Αυτοκράτοροί] KaLaap[os Μάρκου Αυρηλίου Ώρόβου Περσικού Μζγίστου 
Γονικού Μεγίστου ΤΙαρθίκου Μεγίστου Γζρμανικοΰ Μεγίστου (?) Εύσξβοΰ^ Εύτυχου? 
Σζβαστοΰ (month and day) ^[e]i; tjj λαμττ[ρα καΐ λαμπρο]τάττ} Ό[ζυρνγχιτών ττο'λει 
em ασχολουμένου ώνην άγορανομίου καΐ μνημονίου. ^ [ο^ολογ^ΐ Αυ[ρηλιο$ Αημη]- 
Tpiavbs Πλ[ουτ μητρο$ βουλ^υτηί (or άττο) τψ λαμττράί καΐ λαμπρότατης 
Όξυρυγχίτων ττο'λεω? βκμαρτυρίϊσθαι kv αγυιά τω εαυτού τιμή μάτι ην ττροίθίτο αυτω 
6 άbeλφbs? αυ- ■* [το]ΰ Άμμύύν[ιοί βουλ€υ]τηί Trjs αυτ[η5 πόλεω? ^ιόγραφον διάλυσιι; 
γ^νομίνην τώ . Irei μηνϊ , rjs μοναχον? αυθ^ντικον ζττην^γκζν ^ δ δμολογώντωττρός 
τω μνημ[ονίω συγκαταχωρισθησόμ^νον eis το Ιττι τότιων βιβλιοφυλάκιον, ηί ίστιν αντί- 


γραφον. Ανρηλιοζ Άμμώνιοί — ^ βονλζντηί rrjs λαμιτρα^ καΐ λαμττρο[τάτηί Όζνρνγ- 
χιτώΐ' ττόλ^ωί Ανρηλίω Αημητριανω Πλουτ άττό rfjs αντη^ ττολ^ω? χαίραν. (ττά — 
Ιτ€ΐ TTJs ^ Ανρηλιανον βασίλία$ Φαρμονθι ιΘ [ — το ντιάργον μοί ^ €π άμφό{bov) Νότου 
Δρόμου καΐ Μυ/3θ^αλ[άζ;ου τρίτον ? μερο? — ■ συν τοΐί χρη- ^ στηρίοί9 ττασι καΙ (ττΐ του 
αύτοΰ σμ[ψο'(δου) — EυbaίμovL ? ^^ τω και Αιονυσίω άπολ6λυμ€ΐ•[ω — ^^ ττρο Trjs τον 
άττοτάκτου συστάσίω? (cf. 1409. 15, η.) ο[ — ^^ τον τω Αημητριανω καταγραφ[ίντα — 
^^ αΰτοΰ μ^ν άb€λφov του 6e ά7Γθδομ[6^ου — ^^ ττροάγα το baviov Trjs άπολύσεωί 
τώ[ι; — ^^ CTTi τΐζρι•γραφΐ\ τον ταμάον καΐ το[ — ^^ μέχρι t^s των οφβιλομεζ/ωι; 
[άτΓοδο'σεω? — ^^ διαδεχόμενα) την ε7Γΐστραττ7)/ί[αΐ' — ^^ κε'λευσον κληθηναι Εύδαί- 
μοΐ'[α — διαδεχο'μενο? ^^ την ζττιστρατηγίαν εΓ7Γ(εΐ') μετ' αλ[λα? — ακυρονί ίΐναι 
^® την ουσαν (V τοΐί άρχείοι? κατα)/ρ[αφτ}ΐ; — δια το ? ^^ μη δια δίκη? χωρϊν, και 
εδο^εν ώ[5 — , ομολογώ ^^ μηb€μίav eφobov η επε'λευσιν εχ[ειΐ' ττ pbs τον Δημητριανόν 
— μηδέ ε)/καλίι; μηδέ ^^ ενκαλε'σιυ μηδέ εττελεΰσεσ^αι μη[δέ — μηδέ '^^ ττροσχρησα- 
σθαι τον ^Αμμωνιον [ — δια το ακνρον είναι την ττρα- ^^ σιν. κύρια τα τη? διαλυσεω? 
γράμματα [ — γραφίντα, ηνττερ οττόταν aipfj άνοίσει? δια δημοσίου ου ττροσδεο'μενο? 
kTepas μου ευδοκησεω? δια το εντεύθεν ευ- ^^ boK^LV τον Άμμώνιον ττ} €σομ4νρ [δημο- 
σίώσι, ιτερι δε του ταΰτα ορθώ? καλώ? ττξττραχθαι εττ ερωτηθεί? ύττό σοί5 ωμολόγησα. 
{ζτου$) . Αντοκράτορο^ Kaiaapos Μάρκου Αυρηλίου Πρόβον ^^ Περσικού Με>'ίστου 
Γοθθικου Mεytστo[υ Παρθικοί) Μεγίστου Γερμανικοί; Με7ίστου Εύσε^οί;? Ευτυχοί;? 
Σφαστοΰ — Αυρήλιος 'Αμμώνιος eiboKoi ? ^^ ττερι του προκειμε'νου τρίτου μίρους [οικία? 
και -^ιλου τό-ηου ? — ^^ έ'ω? τούτου το άντίγρα{φον). κυρία [η όμολ{ογία), ττερι δέ του 
ταίϊτα ορθώ? καλώς πεπραχθαι ε7Γερ(ωτηθ€ΐ?) ό δμολ{ογών) ώμολ{όγησ€ν) εν ά>α;ια τ^ 

(7) Horoscopes and Prayers. 

1563. ιι•ι Χ I9'3 ^"^• ■'^•^• ^5^• Horoscope of a person born on Thoth 27 
(Sept. 24) of the 6th year of Valerian, Gallienus, and Saloninus, who is here 
called Augustus, as on coins (cf 1273. 44, where he is called Caesar, apparently 
in the 7th year). The positions of the heavenly bodies are defined by degrees 
and minutes, as in 1476. On the importance of this astronomical date for 
the chronology of Gallienus see 1476. int. ^ ?" {Ιτους) τών κυρίων ημών Οϋαλερια- 
νοΰ κ[αι Γαλλιηνό]?) και Κορνηλίου Σαλον(ίνον (first ocorr. from ω) ^ Σεβαστών Θώθ 
κζ[ωρα] . ημίρας. ^Κρόνος Ειχθυ'σι μοι(ρων) /3, ""Αρη? Ζεύ? Καρκίνω μοι(ρ.)[.]κ . [. .]ροι 
([έ]κ£ί[τε]ροι ?), δ Άφpob(ίτη AiovTi μοι(ρ.) ιθ, ^ 7jA[io]? Ζυ7ω μοι(ρ.) γ, "^ Έρμης Zv[y<j5] 
μοι(ρ.) γ, ^σε[λ]ηνη [Α^νό]κερω (cf. ρ. 232) μοι(ρ.) κ[. λεπτών) μγ, »ώροσκόττ[θ9 
Αιγόκερω [μοι(ρ.) .] ^^ Ευνοφα . [. .] (a proper name ; cf. 1476. 13). 

1564. 9-3 χ 13-8 cm. Α. D.283. Horoscope of a person born on Phamenoth 
27 (March 23) of the ist year of Carinus ; cf. 1476. int. ^ Γ^νεσι? Πιχιμέ « α 
{^ους) Καρίνου Φαμενώθ ^ κζ ώρ{α) α ημέρας. * ώρα (cf. 1565. 4 and p. 229) ηλιοί 


Κριώ, ^"Αρψ Ύαύρω, ^ σίλτινη Zevs Καρκίνω, "^ Kpovos Αιγόκερω, ® Έρμψ Άφρο6{ίτη) 
Ίχθύσι (ϊχθ.). 9 bievTvxi. 

1565. 9-2 χ 8-9 cm. Α. D. 293• Horoscope of a person born on the last day of 
the 9th year of Diocletian (Aug. a8) ; cf. 1476. int. ^ Θ (eVous) καΐ η (hovs) 
καΐ a {hovs) ττληρονμΐ^- ^ νου (τταγομ^νων e ωρα a ^ ημίρα{ι]ς. * ωρα (cf. 1564. 4) 
ijXLOs Παρθζνω, ^'Αφροδίτη Ζνγω, ^"Αρης Σκορττίω, "^ σ(λήι{η] Ύοξόττ] •7Γθλλά{ι;}, 
^Kpovos Αι\Ρ]ύμοίί άρχάί (cf. Ρ. Brit. Miis. no. 4 = 1• 131)' ^Zei/y Δίδυμοι?, 
^'^Έρμψ δι' δλρυ του ξ[ο]ό.ι>ον (an unprecedented use of this word for a sign of 
the Zodiac) Mo[v- " [το]ί. Written across the fibres. 

1566. 23-5X I4'3 cm. Fourth century. A badly-spelled Gnostic invocation of 
the Deity under various names, several of which are non-Greek words, with 
an address on the verso ; cf. B. G. U. 1036. xxiii. There are traces of an 
earlier document which has been washed out. ^ Χαΐραι (1. χαίρε, as elsewhere) 
Ήλιαι (1. "HXie), ^ χαΐραι Σαττ^ιφνητί, ^ χαΐραι σωτηρ, * χαΐραι Ά/3ράσα{κ}^, ^ χαΐραι 
Πζτκηΐ€ρχ€ν€ΐν- (ττίτκηϊίρ.) ^ καμτηρον (καμ'τ.), χαΐραι ^Ηλοναί, '^χαΐραι Έλουείν, 
χαΐραι Πεται- ^ ττινακσνβυίΐ . ζα . ^T€T€Vτaζτκηpκ€l€ιχιι'bovaιpoυβι {-τα^τκηρ- : -κηρκΐΐ 
— ονβι Ίη the margin), ^'Oniavos Όπιαι;όί βασιΙκγσκοί,^^Ύι^τί^αρκαμικίΐντζν, 
άνομασία (1. όνομ. ; cf. 1478. 5 ο-νοματοΐ). On the verso ^^ άττ (ο'δο?) els την 

(8) Orders and Demands for Payment. 

1567. 3-7 X 107 cm. Fourth century. A short order connected with the 
finding of an animal. ^ Ei ©aeis evpev τοντο το ^ τβτ-ράποδωΐ' (1. -hov), ζν^ργητω 
(1. (ν^ργζίτω). ^τοντό μοι έ'^ω (or (ν^ργήτω τοντό μοι Ι^ω). The writing is across 
the fibres. 

1568. 3-9 X 9'8 cm. A. D. 26^. Order to a poultry-dealer (όρνιθαί, an apparently 
new word) to supply two hens (TOKabes ; cf. ορνίθων τζλξίων τoκάbωv in 1207. 9) 
and twenty eggs for a birthday-festival. The 13th year in the date probably 
refers to Gallienus. ^ θωνίω όρνιθα. 'n{apa) Σαραττίωνοΐ. ^ δό? els yeveaia Πανά- 
povs TOKabes bvo, / β, ^ ωά είκοσι, / ωά κ. (eTovs) ιγ Φαωφι α. * (2nd h.) 
σ€σημ{€ίωμαι). On the verso parts of 3 lines of an account. 

1569. 8-6 X 7-9 cm. Third century. On the verso of the ends of 8 lines of 
a letter mentioning οικοδόμοι and a λοχισττίριον, which was written in about the 
middle of the third century across the fibres. Order to an agent (ττραγμα- 
TevTrjs : cf. 1514. i) from a woman to pay a builder six jars of wine, dated on 
Choiak 21 (Dec. 17) of the ist year of an unnamed reign, which was probably 
that of Macrianus and Quietus, Claudius, Aurelian, or Tacitus ; cf. 1476. int. 
^ Π(αρά) Ανρηλία^ Aioyevibos. ^ bos Αιοννσίω olκobόμω ^ air' (π : ττ corr.) otas 
βονλξται ληνοΰ * οϊνον κεράμια [e]£, ^ γ{ίν€ται) οΐνον κ€ρ(άμ.) ς-. ^ (erovs) α Χοίακ κα. 


"^ (and h.) ^Κμμων[ί\ύ irpay^a(T€urfj). ^ Α(ύρηλιο?) ^Ι^ρακίων ^ ζσημ{ζΐωσάμψ). The 
writing is along the fibres. 

1570. 6-8 X 9-a cm. After 250. On the verso of part of a lease written in the 
4th year of an unspecified reign, which was probably that of Valerian and 
Gallienus or Aurelian or Probus, to be published in Part xiii. Order for 
the payment of 480 drachmae to α-ηαιτηταΐ ταύρων (or Ύανρων as a place- 
name ; for οτταιτηταί cf. 1419. 4, n.), written in the 4th year of probably the 
same reign as that mentioned on the recto. ^ Π(αρά) Aioyivihos Σάρα- ^ ττάμμωνι 
χαίρίΐν. ^bos Ίσιδώρω (ϊσιδ.) καΙ Ήρακλί- ^ ωνι άτΐίτηταϊί (1. άτταιτ.) ταύρων 
^ apyvpdov ^>ρα\μα^ re- ^τρακοσία? 6γΙοηκ(^ν)τα, '' γ{ίνονται) (δρ.) υπ, λαβών ^ τιαρ' 
αντων τα σν{μ)βολα. ^ (eTOVs) δ Χοίακ κγ. ^'^ ίρρωσο. 

1571. M'S Χ ιο•4 cm. Α. D. 297- Order to a yfωpyόs to pay 23 artabae of wheat 
to a δβκάττρωτοί (cf. 1410. int.). ^ Άπολλώπο? Όρπα7?σι[[9]] "^ γ€ωρ[γω\ χαίρΐίν. 
2 'ί:αραμ[ί\τρησον Αημη- * τρι[α]νω δ^καττρώτου (1. -τω) ^ ντιΐρ του ιγ {ίτονή κα\ ιβ 
(er.) β και e (Ιτ.) τχνρον αρτά- "^ /3α? «ικοσι τρΪ9,/ (άρτ.) κγ. « (er.) ly (er.) και φ (Ιτ.) 
και 6 (er.) ^ Μ^σορη ις". ^^ Άττολλώι/ιο? [σ]ζσημί- ^^ ωμαι ^^ (and h.) 'Απολλώνιο? 

1572. 8-2 Χ 12-6 cm. A.D. 299• Order to supply a baker with 50 out of 100 
artabae of r^Ats ('fenugreek'; here employed for food, not unguents), 
countermanding a previous order for the employment of the artabae for 
military purposes. ^ Π(αρά) Σαραττίωνοί Αημητριανω ζ€(ητ{όττ]?) χαίρίΐν. ^bos 
ΈττσφροδιτωάρτοκοτΓω από των άτίολυθ{Ησών) ^ αυτω άρταβών (κατόν τηλίω^ αρτάβαί 
■πίντη- ^ κοντά, / (αρτ.) ν, ακύρον ovtos του ττροτίρου eiri- ^στάΚματοί του ci's άρτο- 
Ttouiav των γζνν€θτάτων (1. γζνναωτ.) στρατιωτ{ών) (tis — στρ. above the line) 
boO^vTos σοι (σ corr. from π ?) των άρταβών kKaTov. « {^τουή le και (Ir.) ιδ και ζ 
(h.) Παχω!/ ιτ;. ' (2nd h.) Σαραττίων σ€ση{μ€ίωμαι). 

1573. Ι2•4ΧΙ5•6 cm. Late third century. Three orders for payment 
addressed to the same person, the first two, which are in the same hand, 
being written on the verso of 1527 and another document joined to it, of 
which the writing is obliterated, while the third was written across the 
fibres on the recto of a piece of papyrus which was originally distinct. The 
first order (11. 1-5) is from a υττηρ^τψ and concerns the payment of 92 drachmae 
for τιμτ) οϊνον, apparently a tax of some kind, which was defined in an obscure 
marginal note. The second order (11. 6-10), written on the same day, con- 
cerns a payment of 112 drachmae for τψη otrov provided on account of the 
annona of the epistrategus Demetrius, who is not otherwise known. The 
third order (11. 11-16), which is from a gymnasiarch or ex-gymnasiarch and 
has lost a few letters at the beginnings of lines, concerns the payment of 
a number of items, of which the total was 768 drachmae, on account of a 


monthly instalment of a tax ; but the nature of it is not made clear. ^ 'Epjutas 
νττ{ηρ€τη5) Σαραττίωνίί χαίραν. ^ δό? κλη{ρο)νόμοΐί ΣαρατΓθ8ώρον ^νττ^ρ τιμηζ 
οίνου bpaχμάs ^ Ιρ^νηκοντα (1. hivri,) δύο (in the right-hand margin ds Ιιαγρα{φ7]ν) 
'jiapah{ ) ΤΙ^ματαίον). ^ k-TSi . ey . . σον. ^Αθυρ La. ^ \^Ερμ(\α$ ^^{ηρζτηί) Σαραττίωνζΐ 
yaipeiv. ' [δό? Πο]λυδ€υκΐί {η corr. from ου) viiip τιμής οϊνον ου τταρίσχί ^ [h λ]ο'γοι; 
αννωνης τον κρατίστον (ττιστρατηγον (η corr. from ι) ^ [Αη]μητρίον δραχμάί (κατόν 
δώδ€κα, ^^γ{ίνονταί) (δρ.) ριβ. Άθνρ ια, δι(ά) χ€ΐρ{ιστον). " (2nd h.) [Π(α/)ά) 
2e ?]ονηρου γνμνα(σιαρχήσαντο$) Σαραττίωνι τω φιλτάτω χαίρίΐν. ^^ [δ05 . .]ου ντίζρ 

hiaypai^rjs) μηνιαίου του ovtos μη{νο$) Ώαχων νττζρ μ^ν [. .]. ^^[ ] . δι(ά) 

'Ισιδώρου (ϊσιδ.) βοηθ{ον) (δρ.) τλ/3, μ€ρ{ισμον) Ζωίλον (ζωϊλ.) δι(ά) *Ω.ρίωνο9 
^^[(δρ.) . ., δι(ά) Νι?]ννάρου (δρ.) τ, ά7ΓΤ]λ(ιώτου) τοττ{αρχίαί) δι(ά) Λουκιου (δρ.) μ, 
μ€σ{ης) το'η{αρχίαή δ[ι(ά)] ... του (δρ.) ., ^^ [δι(ά) . . .]κΐ09 (δρ.) t;3, / το T:{av) της 
Ιιαγρα{φψ) (bp.) ψξη. ^^[Σίονηρο]? σ€ση{μ€ίωμαι). 

1574. 7*4 Χ ^3'^ cm. Α. D. 324• On the verso of the last four lines of an early 
fourth-century letter. Order to give a jar of wine to the writer's brothers, 
dated in the i8th year (of Constantine) which = the i6th (of Licinius) and 
the 8th (of the Caesars Crispus, Constantine, and Licinius), Tubi 26, i. e. Jan. 
32, 324, a year later than 1139. recto; cf. 1430. i, n. ^''Αμμώνιος Καστόρι 
άδελφώ χα{ίρΐΐν). ^ δόϊ τοΓ? ά6€λφοΐί οϊνον Kvib(iov) er. ^ ίρρωσθαί σβ εύχομαι. 
* (hovs) ιη (h.) t<r (It.) η (It.) TC/St κς: P. S.I. 205. 5 (hovs) la (h.) καϊ ivarov 
καΐ a (It.), which the editors assign to 294-5, supposing two errors in the 
figures, is dated like 1574, and refers to 316-17 ; cf. 1410. 5, n. 

1575. 5-9 X 14 cm. A. D. 339 ?. On the verso of 1589. Order to the writer's 
sister to give their brother i artaba of barley, dated by three different eras 
of Oxyrhynchus, the first being probably that of A. D. 307, the second being 
lost, the third apparently that of 334 (a might be read for e in the third 
figure) ; cf. 1431. 5, n. ^ Π(αρά) Σαραττίωνος Σapa^nάbι άδβλφτ; χα{ίρξΐν). ^ bos 
Αιονυσίω άbeλφω αφ* ων Ιχ^ι? ^ κριθής άρτάβην μίαν, γ{ίν€ται) (άρτ.) α. (and h.) 
€ση{μ(ίωσάμην). ■* (ist h.) (erovs) λ/3 κ[αΙ lb?] και e ΤΙαννι a. 

1576. 5*8 Χ ιο•6 cm. Third century, probably before A. D. 250, written across 
the fibres in the 4th year of an unnamed Emperor. Order to allow the 
bearer to taste some wine. ^ 'ίίριων Διω χαίρων. ^ τώι avabibovTi σοι ταΰτά ^ μου 
τά γράμματα ττοί- ^ ησον αυτόν γζύσασθαι ^ τον οίνου. (ξτους) δ Θώ^ ιβ. 

1577. 17-3 χ 9"! cm. Third century. Demand addressed to Heraclides, over- 
seer of an estate, by the φροντιστής of Stephanitis (a village ; cf. 1578. 2 and 
998 Στζφανίωνος), to send money in order to pay for repairs of dykes, price 
of reeds, and the writer's salary, making 880 drachmae in all, from which were 
to be deducted (άντιλημμάτισον : cf. 1578. it άντ^λλόγησον) i8 drachmae, the 
price of two jars of wine sold by the φροντιστής. Written in the 2nd year 


of an unnamed Emperor, the reign being very likely the same as that in 
1578 (4th year), which was found in the same mound and may refer to the 
same estates. ^ Αυρη(λίω) Ήρακλβίδτ; €ττίτρόττ{ω) ^ 7r(a/aa) ΑνρηΚ{ίου) ^Αρθωνίου 
φροντισ'τ{ον) Στίφα' ^ νβιηδοί. αΐτονμαι (ττισταληναι * eis χωφόριον κτηματ(οζ) 
Στ€φαν€ίτώ(ο$) ^ τον καθηκ{οντο9) α (erous) μ^ρονί (bρaχμas) ν, ^ καΐ els τίμην καλά- 
μου τοντ[ο]υ (του) μ4ρου5 ό(μοίω5) ^ ctti λόγ{ου) (δρ.) τ, κάμοί ν[ΐΐ(\ρ ^ όψωνίων των 
άττό Χοίσκ €ωί ® Μεχβί/ο μηνών γ (δρ.) ρττ. ^^ γ{ίνονται) της αΙτη(Γ€ως (δρ.) ωττ. ^^ ίζ 
ων αντιλημμάτισον ^^ύττβρ τιμη^ οίνου κ€ραμ(ίων) β €κά[στ(ου) ^^ (δρ.) Θ (όβολον) 
(δρ.) ιτ/ {8υοβολούί). ^* (erous) /3 Μεχ^ιρ e. ^^ (and h.) Ανρήλωί^Αρθώνΐί f^τώ4bωκa. 
^^ (3rd h.) ΑύρηΚ(ιθί) ^l•ίpaκλ€ίbηs €σημ[ιω- ^^ σάμην. 
1578. Ι7•6χ ι8•3 cm. Third century. Three demands, which were originally 
separate, similar to 1577, addressed in successive months to Sarapammon, 
overseer of the estates of the heirs of Claudia Isidora, by a φρονησττ)? of 
Tholthis in the Thmoisepho toparchy. Col. i has only a few letters from 
the ends of lines. In Cols, ii-iii money was required for the writer's salary, 
grass-seed, seed-corn, expenses, and unspecified epya. A deduction for wine 
sold at the same rate as that in 1577. 11 occurs in 1. 11. All three columns 
contain the signature of Sarapammon authorizing the payment (cf. 1577. 16), 
and in Col. iii a different person has added a note ordering the payment of 
an instalment of a sum due to Didymianus for an (τηθηκη (note of credit ; 
cf. 1055. 6, B. G. U. 1064. 11). Written in the 4th year of an unnamed 
Emperor ; cf. 1577. Col. ii : ^ Ανρ{ηΚίω) Σαραττάμμωνί (τητρόττω κλ{ηρονόμων) 
Κλ(ανδία5) Ίσιδώ[ρα5 (ϊσιδ.) ^τταρά Αυρ{ηλίου) 'Apeiov φροντιστον Θώλθ{€ωί) 
[Θμοίσ{(φώ). ^ αΙτ[ο]υμαί (τησταλήναι Is μ\ν 6\Ι/[ώνια ^τον ovtos μηνο$ Άθνρ (δρ.) 
ρ[κ<5-, ^ και IS (ts) συνωνην χορτοσπίρμον ^ καϊ κατασττοράν σ€ΐτικ{ών) (^αφων και 
"^ κλζίσμοΰ οϊνον κνριακοΰ (δρ.) τμα, ^ καϊ τάί άναλωθίίσαί υπ (ϋττ) βμοΰ (V imep- 
^ δαπανηματι δια των λόγων του Φαωφι (δρ.) νγ. ^°/ ai τψ αΐτήσ^ω^ (δρ.) φκ. [[. .]] 
" και άντ(λλόγησον (ον above at) ύττ^ρ (ϋπ.) τζΐμ{ηή κ€ρα{μίων) γ ^^ κτημ{ατοί) 
Α{υρηλίαί) Άθηνα'ώος (αθηναϊδ.) γ€νημ{ατοή β {(τονς) ^^ &)s του α (δρ.) θ (όβολοΰ) 
(δρ.) κζ (τριωβ.). i*(erous) δ Άθυρ κζ. (and h.) Avp(7jAtos) 'Apeto? (ττώ^δωκα. 
^^ (3rd h.) Αύρ{ηλιος) Σαραττάμμων 6 και Αιονύσιος €σημι- ^^ ωσάμην Tas της αΐτη- 
σ€ω9 δραχμας ^'^ (δρ.) φκ, kv ah αντιλημματιζό- ^^ μ^ναι (δρ.) κζ (τρΐώ/3.), TTCpi ων 
(τΐίστξίλα Ά- ^νκληπιάδτ/ χ^ιριστί). Col. iii. Ίο-'^Ί correspond to ii. 1-19, 
ia8 dr. being demanded for όψώνια of Choiak, and 40 dr. eis τα Ιτι^ρχομ^να 
ipya. The date is Choiak 30 of the 4th year. ^^ (4th h.) (ζοδ{ίασον) Διδυ- 
μιανω τω και Φιλαν- ^^ τινόω ds ην τταρ€κομ[σ{ατο} ^ (ττιθηκην άργυ{ρίου) (ταλάντων) 
β μζθ' h 36 Ισχεν (τάλ.) α άλ(λα$) κατά μ(ίρο$) «πι λόγου (δρ.) 'Β. On the verso 
is an account, to be published in Part xiii. 


(9) Private Correspondence. 

1579. 2-8 X 5-4 cm. Third century. Invitation to a marriage-feast, similar to 
1680, &C. ; cf. 1484-7. int. ^ KaXet σε ©ep/xoC^is 6[ei- ^ -ηνησαι eiy γάμονί τ[ης 
^ θυγατρός avTtjs iv [rfj ol- * κία αντης avpiov [ήτΐί ^ €στιν ιη από u>p{as) [. Written 
across the fibres. 

1580. 2-6 X 6-4 cm. Third century. Another invitation to a marriage-feast ; 
cf. 1484-7. int. * Καλ« σαι (1. σε) Θεωι; cis [y]a|uous ^της άb(λφηs αυτόν avpiov 
" ατΓο wp(asj η. 

1581. ΐ3•4Χΐο•6 cm. Second century. A letter, not quite complete at the 
end, from a woman to her ' brother ' (the use of such terms is often con- 
ventional ; cf 129β. 15, η.), urging him to make Sarapion (a son or younger 
brother?) work (cf. 1493. 11-14), and promising to send some bread, besides 
other messages. ^ 'A[7rta Ζωίλωι τ]ώι ^ άδελφώι yaipuv. ^ προ ττάντων (ύχ^ομαί σε 
νγι- ■* aiviiv. ερωττ/βει?,\<pi, ^ Σαραττίωνα μη άφ^5 apyeiv ^ και ρίμβ^σθαι, 
άλλα (Ιί (ρ-γασί- (corr. from το . . .) ''αν αντόν βάλζ. (γω μ€ν ^ τονς apTOVs 
(ττόησα. ττ€μψω δε ^ σοι δια Υ]το\ζμ[αίον οτα]ν avTos δ ^° ΠΓολεμαΓο? λά/3[τ/. ασ- 
πασα]ι Μο- ^^ δεσταν και τον νιόν. [παρ]αδώσει? ^^ δε και τω Μοδεστα [αφ'] ων 
(άν ^^ κ[ο]μισθΐι σοι. δια ^[αζ/τ]?? εχε ^^ τ[ό]ΐ' Σαραττίωνα €7ΐ[ιμ]€λω$. ^^α[σπ]ασαι 
και Έρμιρ[νί;ΐ'] και ^ϋρα- '^ κ[λείδ]τ7ΐ; και τον [νίο]ν αντον. ^^ ά[σ7Γά]^εταί σε και Σ[αρα]- 

ττίωνα '* [ ]is και ό [ττατ^ρ μον . . . On the verso ^^ •7Γ(αρά) 'Awias Ζωίλωι 

[άδελφωι ? 

1582. ΐ4•5 ^ 12-7 cm. Second century. Conclusion of a letter from a man to 
his ' brother ', written across the fibres, expressing joy at the recovery of 
a friend from fever, &c. ^ αμα τω Σ(ρηνον τον χρνσοχονν ^ τον φίλον ηκ^ιν 
Tipos ημas άκου- ^ [aas ...]... α τα ττερι σε . . [. .]ιδια *[.... η](χ,4ρα των γνμνασιάρ- 
^ χων €τοιμοί ημην (λθ(ΐν ^ ττροί σε και ύπηρετειν σ[οι. ' θζων δε διδόντων καλώς 
* ε^ειϊ. λίγ€ΐ γαρ Σξρηνος 6 φείλοί ® οτι άττυρετό? εσην. τούτο δε ^^ ττροσ^οκία αγαθή, 
άσττάζ^ταί ^^ σε Σαραττίων 6 νιόί μον και ή μητηρ ^"^ αντον. τα τταώία σον ΐρρωται. 
^^ (ρρωσθαί σε ευχο(μαι), άδελ(φε'). ^* Έττειφ β. On the verso ^^ Σαραττίωνι 
άδελ(φω) άττό Ά/3ασκ(άιτου). 

1583. 9*4 Χ ιι•8 cm. Second century. A letter to a friend, asking for various 
articles of clothing to be sent ; cf 1684. ^ Αιογίνης Αιοσκοράτ[ι] τω τιμιωτάτω 
'^ χαίρ€ΐν. ^ ττρο μεν ττάντων (νχομαί σε ν{γ)ιαιν€ΐν (νϊαιν.) ^ και το ΐΓρο[σκ]υνημά 
σ[ο]ν ποιώ τταρα τω ^ κνρίω Σ[α]ρο[7Γΐ]δι. yfvov τιάρα Ίσίδωρον ^ χάριν τον [φαι]νόλου 
και ToC (τιικαρσίον (cf. Θ21. 14, η., Β. G. U. 8ΐ6. 19) '^ και ά7Γε'ν[ε7]κον τταρά 
Καλνκην, καΐ ^ 7Γε'[μ]φατε ημζΐν α? αιάν (1. εάν) 17? ειληφώ? ^ τταρα Φαριτων την 
δερ[μα]τικτ;ν (1. δαλματικών) και αν- ^"τό ττίμψον και τον κύαθον. γράψον '^ μοι 


•TTept των όντων {όντων] καΧ τα yeyo- ^^ μίνα. ασττασζ (1. -σαι) Ενπλία[ΐ'.] (ρ{ρ)ώσθαί 
σ {υμάί} ^'^ (ύχομαί. Oil the verso '* άττόόοί Αιοσκ[ο]βατι. 

1584. 30.8 Χ 7*8 cm. Second century. A letter from Theon to his two 
'sisters' (cf. θνγάτηρ υμών in 1. 31), announcing the dispatch of various 
articles of clothing, &c. 2-7 letters are lost at the ends of lines. ^ Θ^ων 
Αιογζνί6ί lh[Lais ^ άδίλψαι? χαίρ[€ίν. ^ ων (v τί) Σ^ναω (in the western toparchy ; 
cf. 1285. J 8) ττρό 'π[άντων * γράφω άστταζόμζνοί [τα ^ τίκνα νμων. ττ\ Έτ[ίθ- ? 
® κΧζία ^ν€ταλάμτί]\ν ^ τΐ^ρΧ των φαινολίων [καΐ δια * ίττιστολτ)? (ντ€\Κομ[αί ^ €ΐ 
(Ι. η) ίμοί €1 (1. η) Πάννω. 7rept[- ^^ γνωτ€ be μοι μτ] γρ[ά]- ^^ ψαντι νμ(ΐν, τα 
γαρ [. . . ά- ^^ γνοξΐτζ. Ae'yei ττίμίψαί ^^ σοι κίστην (V fj κι[θων} δια ^* Πισατοί 
άb€λφov Γα[. . . . ^^ και δια Π6Γ€χώι;Γο[ί σφυ- ^® pibav Ιχον (1. αχούσαν) [. ?]Kpovb[Lov ? 
^^ και δια U€T€x^o)VTo[s ^^ τταλλίον ζμύρνιν[ον, φαίνο• ^^ λίων ζ({νγη) β. γνναίκ[ΐρ€ I- 
^° bωκa (δραχμαί) e. eκoμισ[άjuτ}I; ^^ και δια τοΰ αντοΰ σφv[pίbav, ^^ ev κυ^ρα μίτρον, 
κο\1 ^^ κρομύων φοίνικας [., δια ^^ Ξίνου (δρ.) η. άσττασαι Aio[yei;i- *^ δα και του? 
σου? τΐάνταί κα[τ όνομα. ^^ ουκ €bήλω[σ]άs μοι 7f[p^ ... ^^ ου «λαίου < [ί l]\a/3cs [δια 
^^ Μυσβσρατο5, eiret €ίσ[δο7-€ ? ^^ owy στατηρα ωστ€ μ[οι και ^"^ δηλυται (1. δηλοί5τ€') 
μοι. ά(σ)πά^€7-αι [ύμας ^^ (in the left-hand margin) η θ[υ]γάτηρ 'Ακ ... τ; 
θνγάτηρ υμών. [€ρρ]ωσθ€. θωθ ιδ. ασττασσι Κίφαλίωνα. On the verso ^- (2nd h. ?) 
ατΓΟ Ώάννον (cf. 1. 9) 'EreoKAeia (cf. 1. 5) τί} άb€λ.φfj. 

1585. ιο•3 χ 5 cm. End of the second or early third century. On the verso 
of a fragment of a taxing-list, containing parts of 10 lines and apparently 
mentioning the 30th year (sc. of Commodus, i.e. A.D. 189-90). An in- 
complete letter from Severus to Euplous, inquiring about the vintage 
and proposing to send a boat for the wine. ^ [Π(αρά)] Σβονηρου Ενπλο'ω. 
2μί[y]άλωs . αμίΐν (the first letter corrected or deleted) (ΐχατ€ ττίμψαι μοι φάσιν 
^ ττ€ρϊ τον κτr|μaτos, ττότβρον €τρνγησατ€ η ου, ^ ϊνα (ίνα, as in 1. 6) αντάρκίί ττΚοιον 
τ[ΰ)ν] όλων τταραλαβων ^ ττίμψω. ei ουν (τρ{νγ)ήσατ€, άνίλθί φίρων μοι " την 
φάσιν, 'ίνα e^avTrjs και το 'π:[λο]ΐον e^e'A- "^ [θη'] evpov γαρ. υττ\ρ (ϋπ.) τον ουν 

μ[ηbaμώ]i άργηθη- ^[ναι] αυτό (υθίω^ άν(\θ€ δ[ II letters ^[ ] . ω τταρα- 

μ€ίι[αι . . . 

1586. 1 2*5 χ 9*5 ^^' Early third century. A letter from a man to his ' sister ', 
consisting of the conventional good wishes and salutations. A midwife 
(Ιατρίνη) is mentioned in 1. 12. ^Άρττοκρατίων Ήραΐδι τηι "^ άbeλφηι χαίρων. 
^ ττρό των όλων (νχομαί * σζ νγιαίν^ιν μ(τά των τί- ^ κνων σον και των σων τταν- 
^ των. γράφω be σοι και (γω "^ €ρρωμ4νοί και (νχόμίνόί ^ σοι τα κάλλιστα, άσττασαι 
Ά- ^ττολλώνιον καΐ Διοί^υσιον και ^° Πλουτογ4ν(ΐαν και Ευτυχίαν ^^ και του? υίου? 
αυτής και την Θν- ^^ γατίρα. η Ιατρίνη (ίατρ.) σ€ άσπάζί- '^ ται και ΔιΟΓυσιοί και 
"Ηρών ^* και οι (μοΙ ττάντίς σζ προσαγο- ^^ ρ(ύονσιν. (ρρώσθ{αι) €υχομ(αι) [π]αι;οικ€ί. 
On the verso ^^ Αυρηλία [Ήραΐδι] ?(αρα) nb(λ(φov) Άρποκρατίωνοί. 


1587. 20-8 X 8*7 cm. Late third century. A letter chiefly concerning various 
documents. A few lines at the end and probably 15-19 letters at the 
beginning of each line (cf. 11. 5 and 19) are missing. ^ Xatpois (or Xaipe), 
KvpU μου (?)] Σαραττίων. Άμμώνως (Τζ ^ [ττροσαγορίύω (cf. 14Θ2, 3? η.).] ^ — ]αντ(ον 
άκρβφως κατέχω (or καΓ€)(ώ|[ρισα) ^[τό βίβλί^ιον (ττ\ί.σκίμμ\έ\νον (cf. 1451. 3) ^1^ 
τη9 βιβλίο- ° \θηκη<! των ξγκτησϊ\(ύν (or bημoσίωv λόγ]ων). *Ηρακ[λ6ί]δη9 eireareiXc 
μοί ^ — €]δωκα τω Ιττιστολαφόρω ras ^ — ] 77ρλ.λώι; ϊνα (ίνα) apr]s ovs ττρθ€\ρη- ^ [σω ? — 
μ(τ]ά\ημ\Ιην δοίη$. ττίρι των^ — το]ΰ υπολόγου (ϋττ.) μέχρι σήμερον ^^ — οΰτω?] γαρ 
τάχα δυνηθώμ€ν aipe- ^^ — ] €^τιbίbωμι ο €8ωκ€ μοι βιβλί- ^^[biov — ] αυτω τ\ην 
b]ιaγpaφr|v. το be ^^ — ]τ]θησ€ται CTrei θορυβονμ^θα ^^ — το\ΰ Κτησιδτ^μου άκρζίβώ^ 
τταρα ^^ — ] eav be μάθηται (1. -rjre) αυτόν καταλίί- ^^[ψαντα — ζττι]στ€ίλατέ μοι ΐν' 
(iV) ίΐδώ. οϋτω ^^ — ] . οσω? Τΐ€ρ1 τον κατά σέ οτι δι- *^ — (]< ttjs €π(σκ€μμ4νη9 
€Κ ^^ [της βιβλιοθήκης ]ον θαρρ^ίτω οτι ουκ άμ^λω ^^ — ]οι συστατικών γραμμάτων 
^^ — Ώ]οσώώνιος άντιλαμβάνί- ^^ [ται — ]φοβθ5 δ ηγούμενος αυτοΰ ^^ — 7r]pos τον 
ΤΙοσώώνιον και ^^ — άσ^ττασαι τον κνριόν μου Κυ- . . . 

1588. I3"7 χ 1 1*3 cm. Early fourth century. A letter, incomplete at the end, 
from Dorotheus to his father about demands for money which were being 
made by creditors, assisted by a soldier in attendance upon the epistrategus, 
this being one of the latest mentions of that official. The reign is not earlier 
than that of Diocletian, as is indicated both by the handwriting and the 
mention of a talent in 1. 11. ^ Αωρόθβος Άφυγχίω ^τω ττατρί χαίρ^ιν. ^η φιλική 
σχίσΐί ψβθγ σ6 και τον υιόν * σου eX7rtXe[t] μ€γάλη[ν] ίχθραν (ν of both words 
above the line) ye- (over an erasure) ^ νύσθαι. έ'ω? γαρ κάγ[ω] ουκ (ουκ\ as in 
1. 10) ηνωχλού- (ω above ο deleted) ^ μην νφ' ων €ΐληφας δι' (μου τα αργύρια, 
"^ Tiepi ων -πολλάκις σοι άτταντησας ^ ωμίίλισα (1. ωμίλησα), r\ . . . . ττόμην σον (σον'), 
νυν be ^ οχλη^ει? ύιτ' αυτών μ€τά και στρατιώ- ^'^ του τον Ιτίΐστρατηγον ουκ e^ev- 
ρίσκω ^^ τι άλλο iroieiv irepl τον λοιττοΰ, λ4γω τα- ^^ λάντου evos, (ταλ.) α, η bavei- 
σασθαι ^^ ...[..]. τ; . [.]oi;tos TOTe μηbe στατηρα ■'*[ΐ5 letters]σ/xoυ eiri τούτο 
rJKeiv {ηκeΐ) ^^[20 1.]ι . beυs χάρις αυτω ^^[20 \.]νον . . . 

1589. 5*9 Χ 14 cm. Early fourth century, 1575, which was apparently written 
in A.D. 339, being on the verso. A letter in two short columns, of which the 
first has only a few letters from the ends of lines. In Col. ii the writer is 
concerned with an ά-ηογραφη and speaks of coming ' to Egypt ', but concludes 
with directions for sending some wine, so that probably he was at Alexandria, 
which is distinguished from Egypt in e. g. the praefect's titles. An unknown 
word μοσθίον, a diminutive of μούστος, meaning apparently a jar or some 
other measure of wine, occurs in 1. 16. Col. i: ^x]aipeiv. ^ €γραψ]ά σοι ως 
Col. ii. ^^ lypa\/^a[s] μοι. γίνωσκί be οτι e^ €μον ^^ η άττογραφη σου lyeveTO, 
7ΐροτρ€ψας αυ• ^^ τον ούτως άττογράψασθαι ϊν{α) κάγω bυ- ^^ νηθω τά ίσα (ίσα) 


άττογράψασθαι, άλλα και ^* το 7r[pos ?] μ4ρο9 χωρίον σον kv αυτίύ τω ^^ Αι/ύτττω. 
Ίΐάν Τίοίησον ctti €ρχομ€ (1. -μαί) ^^ ets Αΐγντττον, καν μοσθίον οϊνον μοι φο- ^^ λίτρισον 
{φορίτ.), καΐ γράψον μοι τι δώ αυτω ^^ φόλίτρον (1. φορ.). άλλα μτ\ άμίληστίί, 
€ρρω- ^^ σο juoi, Kvpie. The writing is across the fibres. 

1590. 11-6 X 13-5 cm. Fourth century. Conclusion of a letter of Demetrianus, 
with two postscripts, one complaining that a certain Syrus had broken faith 
with him about the payment of a debt, which Demetrianus wished to be 
collected, the second asking that pressure should be brought to bear upon 
two ΰδρο-ττάροχοι (cf. 729. 16, Wilcken, Archiv, iv. 120) to lease the right of 
working the vineyard which they watered. ^ του ayopwTov (νΘ4ω9. (ρρωσθαι 
ιιμα$ ^ ίΰχομαι. ^ Συροί [b]e 9 πράτης ovb€μLav be^Lav ^ €χι. €t7ra[r]e αύτω ττ€ρΙ ων 
οφίΐλει. bότω ^ ονν ώ? άλλοτε έγραψα μ^τά σννπίριφοραί (' indulgence '). "^ Φαώφι ς-. 
"^ eav 1[σ]χνσητ€ (ϊ["^]χ.) ττύσαι Άφΰγχιν καΐ τον ^ κοινωνον αντοΰ tovs ibpoirapox[ovs] 
(ϋδρ.) του ^ 'ί1κ€ανοΰ καΐ των άμττζλονργι.κ[ω]ν μι- ^" σ[θω]τα^ γ^νίσθαι ώ? «πι τών 
vbpo-napo- (vbp.) 1^ χισμών ττοωνσι, (ρχόμίνοι €ίπα[Γ]€, ^^ ί[ττά άν]άγκη μ\ν νμίν (ϋμ.) 
αργυρίου, καΐ θζλή- ^^ σ[ατ€] μη[. . . In the left-hand margin ^^]. , ου σον ωστζ 
μζταβληθήναί Νίίλω τω [ On the verso ^^ ] Αημητρίανό^. 

1591. 9*7 Χ ^'^ cm. Fourth century. Beginning of a letter from a father to his 
son, telling him not to make cakes {ψωμία : cf. 1489. 5). ^ Κυρίω μου υίω 
(νϊω) Άν^ίκητψ 2 Αημητρωί χαίρ^ιν. ^ τιαν ττοίησον βοήθ{ησ)ον * μη ττοίηστις τα 
ψωμία. ^ e7i(e)t γαρ ζυρηκαμ^ν ^ ώδ€ τι^ττοιημένα "^ ψωμία, τοίννν * ονν μη άμ€ληστ}ί 
^ καϊ Έοιηστίί αντά. ^° βοηθησον ονν τνννν (1. τοίννν) 4$ηλΘ€ (1. (ξίλθί) irpos ημαί, 
with traces of another line. On the verso is an account in 4 lines. 

1592. 5x10-3 cm. Late third or early fourth century. Fragment of an early 
Christian letter from a woman to her ' father ', written in small uncials 
with contractions of KvpLos and ττατηρ (different in 11. 3 and 5) ; cf. 1493. 
int. The phraseology in 1. 4 recalls the Psalms. ^ χαί]ρ€ΐν. αιδί- (1. (b(-) 
^ξά[μ]ην σον τα γράμμα- ^ τα, κ{νρι)έ μον 'π{