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THE
-OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
PART XII
GRENFELL AND HUNT
Ἢ ΝΕ | :
331s
“Ὁ ὃ
ah
EGYPT EXPLORATION FUND
GRAECO-ROMAN BRANCH
THE
OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
PART XII
EDITED WITH TRANSLATIONS AND NOTES
BY
BERNARD P. GRENFELL, D.Lrt.
HONORARY PROFESSOR OF PAPYROLOGY IN THE UNIVERSITY OF OXFORD, AND FELLOW OF QUEEN’S COLLEGE
FELLOW OF THE BRITISH ACADEMY
AND
ARTHUR 5. HUNT, D.Litt.
PROFESSOR OF PAPYROLOGY IN THE UNIVERSITY OF OXFORD, AND FELLOW OF QUEEN’S COLLEGE
FELLOW OF THE BRITISH ACADEMY
WITH TWO PLATES
LONDON
SOLD AT
THE OFFICES OF THE EGYPT EXPLORATION FUND, 37 GREAT RUSSELL STREET, W.C.
AND 527 TREMONT TEMPLE, BosToN, Mass., U.S.A.
BERNARD QUARITCH, 11 GRAFTON STREET, NEw Bonp STREET, W.
ASHER & CO., 14 BEDFORD STREET, COVENT GARDEN, W.C.
HUMPHREY MILFORD, AMEN CorNER, E.C., AND 29-35 WEST 32ND STREET, NEW YORK, U.S.A.
C. F. CLAY, FETTER LANE, E.C., AND 100 PRINCES STREET, EDINBURGH; AND
KEGAN PAUL, TRENCH, TRUBNER & CO., 68-74 CARTER LANE, E.C.
1916
All rights reserved
ΠΝ -pRicHaM reas
Gee in TEL ney :
PRINTED IN ENGLAND
AT THE OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS
PREPAC EH
As we announced in the preface of Part XI, which consisted of
literary papyri, the present volume contains official and private docu-
ments. Most of these, including all those in the two most important
sections(i Zdicts and Circular Letters,and ii The Senate of Oxyrhynchus),
illustrate the period from Septimius Severus to Constantine ; the others
belong to the earlier period of Roman domination in Egypt. With
a few exceptions, the 189 texts were discovered in 1904-6. The
decipherment and translation of them had in the main been effected by
June, 1915: since then Prof. Hunt’s military duties have generally kept
him away from Oxford, and the commentary unfortunately lacks his
accustomed share in its composition; but he has made many suggestions
upon the proofs. These have also been read by Mr. J. G. Milne, to
whom we are indebted for some valuable criticisms on points of numis-
matics. Dr. J. K. Fotheringham kindly undertook on our behalf some
interesting astronomical calculations in connexion with the chronology
of the Emperors from Decius to Diocletian, upon which obscure subject
the new horoscopes throw considerable light ; cf. pp. 229 sqq.
Part XIII, which is in preparation, will contain two sections
(Contracts and Private Accounts) for which there was not space in this
volume, but will consist largely of literary pieces, both theological and
classical. Among these are parts of two lost dithyrambs of Pindar,
and of two new speeches by Lysias and one by Lycurgus, besides
considerable fragments of Pindar’s Olympian Odes and Herodotus,
Book ITI.
BERNARD P. GRENFELL.
Quegn’s CoLiEeGE, Oxrorn,
AuGusT, 1916.
oo
COm bE N T'S
PAGE
PREFACE : 3 Ξ : : P : : : : : : ° - ν
List or PLATES . : ; P 4 : ; : : : ; Α . στ
TaBLE OF PapyRi : : : : : : 3 i
Note on THE METHOD OF Baaticanion AND ies OF eee ee Ξ : ον
TEXTS
I. Eprcts anp Circutar Letters (1405-1411) . : : : : : I
Il. Tue Senate or Oxyruyncuus (1412-1419) . : : : : 4 26
Il]. Orriciat Documents (1420-1431) . : : : : ‘ : γα
IV. Taxation (1482-1448) . : : : ἶ : : ΘΕ Ge
V. DerctaraTions TO OFFICIALS (1449-1464) : - : : ES
VI. Petitions (1465-1470) . : Ἵ : ; : .1ΘῚ
VII. ΝΟΤΙΕΙΟΑΤΙΟΝΒ TO ARCHIDICASTAE (1471-1475) Σ : : : . 206
VIII. Horoscopes anp Cuarms (1476-1478) . ; : : : : sees
IX. Private CorrESPONDENCE (1479-1495) . : ; : : : . 237
X. Minor Documents:
(1) The Senate of Oxyrhynchus (1496-1501) : : ; . 253
(2) Official Documents (1502-1514) . : ς : : GS
(3) Taxation (1515-1546). : ; : : : . 259
(4) Declarations to Officials (1547-1555) : : Στ: 270
(5) Petitions (1556-1559) . Ξ ς : : 3 : - 274
(6) Registration of Contracts (1560-1562) . , : - - 295
(7) Horoscopes and Charms (1568-1666) . : : : : 277
(8) Orders and Demands for Payment (1567-1578) P ’ . 278
(9) Private Correspondence (1579-1593) d : : : : 282
INDICES
I. Kines anp Emperors. : ‘ : A 4 ὶ : ΜΓ ΗΝ,
II. Consuts anp Eras. : 3 ; : : : : : : . 201
11. ΜΟΝΤΗΒ anp Days . : ’ : : Ἶ : ὃ : ; 208
IV. Persona Names. 3 : : : : : ὃ : ; . 292
CONTENTS
GEOGRAPHICAL . τ 4 ; E : 5
RELIGION «
ASTROLOGY
OrriciaL TITLES
Mirirary TERMS
TRADES . : :
Weicuts, Measures, Coins
Taxes ‘ : ; : 3 :
GENERAL INDEX OF GREEK AND Latin Worps.
Supyects DiscussED IN THE INTRODUCTIONS AND ΝΌΤΕΒ
PassacEs DiscussEp
LIST - OF PLATES
1406, 1466, 1487 . . :
1455. - - - - . . Β
Ν } at the end.
1405.
1406.
1407.
1408.
1409.
1410.
1411.
1412.
1418. 4.
1415.
1416.
1417.
1418.
1419.
1420.
1421.
1422.
1428.
1424.
1425.
1426.
1427.
1428.
1429.
1480.
1431.
1482.
1433.
1434.
1435.
TABLE OF PAPYRI
(Ax asterisk denotes texts not printed in full)
Rescript of Severus: Application to a Strategus .
Edict of Caracalla concerning Senators (Plate i) .
Imperial Rescripts
Report of a Trial :
Circulars of a Strategus and Dioecetes
Edict of a Catholicus .
Proclamation of a Strategus
Notice of a Special Meeting of the Senate
Reports of Proceedings of the Senate
Report of Proceedings of the Senate
Memoranda of Proceedings of the Senate
Report of a Trial concerning the Senate
Application to the Senate
Order from a Prytanis to a Tax- alledior
Report ofa Trial. : -
Order from a Strategus to Comarchs
Letter of a Strategus .
Authorization for the Arrest of a ΤΣ
Letter of ἃ Centurio Princeps
Appointment of a Workman at Pelusium
Appointment of a Workman on Trajan’s River
Order to Workmen on Delta Embankments
Letter of a Praeses (?) to an Exactor
Letter of a Lessee of the Alum-monopoly
Payment for Maintenance of a Public Bath .
Preparations for an Official Visit . : : ᾿
Report of a Tax-farmer to a Strategus
Two Reports of Tax-collectors to a Strategus
Report of a Comogrammateus concerning Re-
missions . : : - ;
Taxation-return concerning Pastophori
Circular and Edict of a pee
DATE
3rd cent.
213-17
Late 3rd cent.
About 210-14
248
260
About 284
270-5
Late 3rd cent.
About 299
Early 4th cent.
247
265
About 129
3rd cent.
About 128
4th cent.
About 318
318
332
3rd cent.
4th cent.
300
324
352
214
238
107-8 .
147
Early 4th cent.
TABLE OF (PAPYRE
Account of Village-taxes
Account of Hieratic Taxes .
List of Arrears of Taxation
Customs-receipt
Customs-receipt ; : :
Receipt for Crown-tax
Receipt for Taxes of One Prachi and Two
Drachmae :
Report of Sitologi to ἃ Ὁ κι;
Report of a Decemprimus to a Strategus
Report on Unproductive Land
. List of Cultivators of State Lands
Receipt for Corn-dues
List of Arrears of Clothing .
Return of Temple Property
Estimate of Repairing a Public Pusidiae
Epicrisis of Roman Citizens and Slaves
Two Epicrisis-returns
Declaration of Temple Τὰν ἐπε οι (Plate ἢ
Declaration of Municipal Bakers :
Declaration of an Oil-seller . Ξ :
Declaration concerning ee in Court
Registration of Asses .
Registration of Sheep and Goats:
Return of Unwatered Land
Revision of Lists of Land-owners
Registration of a Shop
Two Notifications of Cessions
Application for Examination of a Slave
Declaration of Pagan Sacrifice
Petition concerning Theft . :
Bilingual Request for a Guardian (Plate i)
Petition for zus ¢rium liberorum
Petition concerning Ownership of Slaves
Petition of Village-representatives
Petition concerning Ownership of Land
Contract of Loan (συγχώρησις)
Application concerning Deposits .
Application concerning a Remarriage .
Application concerning a Loan
DATE
153-6
About 208 .
Late 2nd cent.
75
120
197-200
252
227 (?)
248-9 .
2nd cent.
161-210
ὌΠ Fe
About 318
213-17
249-50
175
127-8 .
30-29 B.C.
116
275
284-6.
4-3 B.C.
216-17
226
219-20
222
83-4
215
250
245
263
About 258
298
336
8I
136
201
216
Ist cent. B.C.
PAGE
IOI
107
109
112
113
114
15
117
119
122
124
130
132
134
145
148
160
166
170
172
174
176
177
179
181
183
185
187
190
ΙΟῚ
193
195
197
200
203
206
209
212
220
1475.
1476.
1477.
1478.
1479.
1480.
1481.
1482.
1483.
1484-7.
1488.
1489.
1490.
1491.
TABLE OF PAPYRI
Application concerning a Sale of Land
Horoscope of Sarapammon
Questions to an Oracle
Gnostic Charm for Victory .
Letter to Thracidas from Alexandria .
Letter of Hermogenes to a Prophet
Letter of a Soldier to his Mother
Letter of Morus to a Friend :
Letter of Reprimand to a Subordinate .
Invitations to Feasts (1487 Plate i)
Letter of Sarapammon to his Sister
Letter of Sattos to his Sister
Letter of Heraclides to an Official
Letter of Alypius to his Brother .
1492-3. Christian Letters
1494.
1495.
1496.
1497.
1498.
1499.
1500.
1501.
1502.
1508.
1504.
1505.
1506.
1507.
1508.
1509.
1510.
1511.
1512.
1513.
1514.
1515.
1516.
1517.
1518.
Christian Letter .
Christian Letter .
List of Payments by Officials
Account against an Ex-gymnasiarch
List of Officials .
Order from a Prytanis to a Banker
Order to a Banker
Return of a Loan from the an
Report of a Trial: Extract from a Lease of Lad
Report of a Trial before a Praefect
Report of a Trial before a Praefect
Order to an Irenarch .
Order from a Praepositus to an Irenarch
Order from Irenarchs to Village-officials
Report concerning a Veteran
Appointment of a ὑπηρέτης.
Receipt of Salary of a Scribe
List of Officers (Latin)
List of δεκανίαι
Account of Military ΠΒΕΝΤΕ ‘
Official Order for Payment p :
Account of Taxation
Account of Poll-tax and Plistix
Account of Taxation .
Account of Trade-tax and Pip-tax
DATE
267
260
Late 3rd or 4th cent.
Late 3rd or 4th cent.
Late 1st cent. B.C.
32 :
Early 2nd cent.
2nd cent.
Late 2nd or 3rd cent.
2nd—4th cent.
2nd cent.
Late 3rd cent. .
Late 3rd cent.
Early 4th cent.
Late 3rd or 4th cent.
Early 4th cent.
4th cent.
274 or 280 .
About 279
Late 3rd cent.
399
229
Late 3rd cent.
About 260-1
288-9
Late 3rd cent.
4th cent.
Early 4th cent.
3rd cent.
2nd cent.
Early 4th cent.
2nd or early 3rd cent. .
Before 247 .
4th cent.
4th cent.
274 or 280 .
Late 3rd cent.
Late 2nd or 3rd cent.
272 or 278 .
2nd cent.
ΧΙ
PAGE
223
229
235
236
237
238
239
240
242
243
245
246
247
248
249
251
252
253
253
254
254
254
254
255
255
256
256
257
257
257
257
258
258
258
258
259
259
259
260
260
ΧΙΙ
1519.
1520.
1521.
*1522.
1523.
1524.
1525.
1526.
1527.
1528.
1529.
1530.
*1531.
*1532.
*1533.
1534.
1535.
1536.
1537.
1538.
1539.
1540.
1541.
1542.
1543.
1544.
1545.
1546.
1547.
1548.
1549.
1550.
1551.
1552.
1553.
1554.
1555.
1556.
1557.
1558.
TABLE OF \PAPVRI
Account of Arrears of Taxation
Receipt for Poll-tax and Pig-tax
Receipt for Poll-tax . ; - :
Receipt for Crown-tax : Acca of Corn .
Receipt for Tax on Purchase of Slaves
Tax-receipt
Report of Sitdlog to toa eee
Report of Sitologi to a Strategus
Account of Produce in Arrear .
List of Payments of Corn by Villages
List of Payments of Corn by Villages
List of Payments of Corn
List of Payments of Corn
List of Payments of Corn
List of Land-holders
List of Land-holders
List of Land-holders : Receipt for ἜΗΝ -expenses
List of Land-holders
List of Land-holders
List of House-owners
Two Certificates of Payments of Cars
Two Certificates of Payments of Corn
Receipt for Corn-dues
Counter-receipt for Corn-dues .
Receipt for Military Supplies
Receipt for Corn
List of Villages supplying Meat
Account of Work on Embankments .
Census-return .
Census-return .
Two Returns of ἜΝΙ Tadad
Notice of Death
Notice of Death
᾿ Registration of Birth
Declaration of a Ship-owner (?)
Declaration of Surety for a Ship-owner
Two Declarations of Surety
Petition concerning Assault .
Petition concerning Robbery
Petition to a Praefect
DATE
247-8 or 257-8
102
113
220--2
3rd cent.
Early 4th cent.
216 -
222—3 .
261-2.
266-7 .
3rd cent.
295-16
Before 258
Late 3rd cent.
Late and or 3rd cent.
Early 3rd cent.
3rd cent.
2nd cent.
Late 2nd or 3rd cent.
Early 3rd cent.
179-80
187-8
192
307
About 299
284-304
4th cent.
. -Late 3rd cent.
11 sess
202-3
240
156
80 1.
214-15
214
251
260-1.
247
255
267
1559.
1560.
1561.
1562.
1563.
1564,
1565.
1566.
1567.
1568.
1569.
1570.
1571.
1572.
1573
1574.
1575
1576.
1577.
*1578.
1581.
1582.
1583.
1584.
1585.
1586.
1587.
1588.
1589.
1590.
1591.
1592.
1593.
TABLE OF PAPYRI
Petition to a Chief of Police
Application to an Archidicastes
Application to an Archidicastes
᾿Εκμαρτύρησις of a Contract of Settlement
Horoscope :
Horoscope of Pichime
Horoscope ὃ
Gnostic Invocation .
Order concerning the Finding of an Animal
Order to a Poultry-dealer .
Order for Payment to a Builder
Order for Payment to Tax-collectors.
Order for Payment to a Decemprimus
Order for Payment to a Baker .
Three Orders for Payment
Order for Payment of Wine
Order for Payment of Barley
Order for Tasting Wine .
Demand of a Steward for Payment
Three Demands of a Steward for Payment
1579-80. Invitations to Marriage-feasts
Letter of Apia
Letter of Abascantus
Letter of Diogenes .
Letter of Theon
Letter of Severus
Letter of Harpocration
Letter of Ammonius
Letter of Dorotheus
Letter from Alexandria (?)
Letter of Demetrianus
Letter of Demetrius
Christian Letter
Letter to Ischyrion .
DATE
341
209
269
276-82
258
283
293
4th cent.
4th cent.
265
3rd cent.
250-280
297
299 ;
Late 3rd cent.
324
339?
3rd cent.
3rd cent.
3rd cent.
3rd cent.
2nd cent.
2nd cent.
2nd cent.
2nd cent. :
Late 2nd or 3rd cent.
Early 3rd cent.
Late 3rd_cent.
Early 4th cent.
Early 4th cent.
4th cent.
4th cent. ;
Late 3rd or .4th cent.
4th cent.
NOTE ON THE METHOD OF PUBLICATION AND
LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS
THE general method followed in this volume is the same as that in
Parts I-XI, except that the minor documents are now in nearly all cases given in
full. The texts, being non-literary, are all given in modern form with accentuation
and punctuation. Abbreviations and symbols are resolved; additions and
corrections are usually incorporated in the text, their occurrence being recorded
in the critical apparatus, where also faults of orthography, &c., are corrected if
they seemed likely to give rise to any difficulty. Where additions or corrections
are distinguished, those by the same hand as the body of the text are in small
thin type;tthose by a different hand in thick type. Iota adscript has been printed
when so written ; otherwise iota subscript is employed. Square brackets [ ] indi-
cate a lacuna, round brackets ( ) the resolution of a symbol or abbreviation,
angular brackets { ) a mistaken omission in the original, braces { } a superfluous
letter or letters, double square brackets [[ ]] a deletion in the original. Dots
placed within brackets represent the approximate number of letters lost or
deleted ; dots outside brackets indicate mutilated or otherwise illegible letters.
Letters with dots underneath them are to be considered doubtful. Heavy Arabic
numerals refer to the texts of the Oxyrhynchus Papyri in this volume and
Parts I-XI, or in the case of Nos. 1626-1655 to the forthcoming Part XIII;
ordinary numerals refer to lines, small Roman numerals to columns. In the
critical apparatus IT indicates the papyrus in question.
The abbreviations used in referring to papyrological publications are
practically those adopted in the Archiv fiir Papyrusforschung, viz. :—
Archiv = Archiv fiir Papyrusforschung.
B. G. U. = Aeg. Urkunden aus den K. Museen zu Berlin, Griechische Urkunden.
C. P. Herm. = Corpus Papyrorum Hermopolitanorum, Vol. I, by C. Wessely.
C. P. R. = Corpus Papyrorum Raineri, Vol. I, by C. Wessely.
Griech. Texte = Griechische Texte aus Aegypten, by P. M. Meyer.
M. Chrest. = L. Mitteis, Chrestomathie.
P. Amh. = The Amherst Papyri, Vols. I-II, by B. P. Grenfell and A. S. Hunt.
P. Brit. Mus. = ‘Greek Papyri in the British Museum, Vols. I-II, by F. G. Kenyon;
Vol. III, by F. G. Kenyon and H. I. Bell; Vol. IV, by H. I. Bell.
P. Cairo = Catalogue des Antiquités égyptiennes du Musée du Caire, Greek
Papyri, by B. P. Grenfell and A. S. Hunt.
P. Cairo Maspero = Catalogue des Antiquités égyptiennes du Musée du Caire,
Papyrus grecs d’époque byzantine, by J. Maspero.
P. Cairo Preisigke = Griechische Urkunden des Aeg. Museums zu Cairo, by
F. Preisigke.
P. Fay. = Fayiim Towns and their Papyri, by B. P. Grenfell, A. 5. Hunt, and
D. G. Hogarth.
xvi LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS
r
Ὁ
Ρ
Ρ
P
P
Ε
P.
P
P
E
P
rE:
P
P
Ρ
Ρ
Ρ
Ρ
Ρ
P
ἐξ
P
af
. Flor. = Papiri Fiorentini, Vols. I and III, by G. Vitelli; Vol. II, by
D. Comparetti.
. Gen. = Les Papyrus de Geneve, Vol. I, by J. Nicole.
. Giessen = Griechische Papyri zu Giessen, Vol. I, by E. Kornemann, O. Eger,
and P. M. Meyer.
. Goodsp. = Greek Papyri from the Cairo Museum, &c., by E. J. Goodspeed.
. Grenf. = Greek Papyri, Series I, by B. P. Grenfell; Series II, by B. P.
Grenfell and A. S. Hunt.
. Halle = Dikaiomata, &c., by the Graeca Halensis.
. Hamburg = Griech. Papyrusurkunden der Hamburgischen Stadtbibliothek,
by P. M. Meyer.
. Hibeh = The Hibeh Papyri, Part I, by B. P. Grenfell and A. S. Hunt.
. land. = Papyri Iandanae, by E. Schaefer and others.
. Klein. Form. = Griech. Papyrusurkunden kleineren Formats, Studien z.
Palaeogr. und Papyruskunde iii, viii, by C. Wessely.
. Leipzig = Griechische Urkunden der Papyrussammlung zu Leipzig, Vol. I,
by L. Mitteis.
. Leyden = Papyri Graeci Musei Antiquarii Publici Lugduni-Batavi, by
C. Leemanns.
Lille = Papyrus grecs de Lille, by P. Jouguet, J. Lesquier, and others.
. Munich = Ver6ffentlichungen aus der Papyrussammlung zu Miinchen, Part I,
by A. Heisenberg and L. Wenger.
. Oxy. = The Oxyrhynchus Papyri, Parts I-VI and X—XI, by B. P. Grenfell and
A. 5. Hunt; Parts VII-IX, by A. 5. Hunt.
. Par. = Les Papyrus grecs du Musée du Louvre, Wotices et Extraits, t. xviii. 2,
by W. Brunet de Presle and E. Egger.
. Petrie = The Flinders Petrie Papyri, Parts I-II, by J. P. Mahaffy ; Part III, by
J. P. Mahaffy and J. G. Smyly.
. Reinach = Papyrus grecs et démotiques, by T. Reinach.
- Rev. Laws = The Revenue Laws of Ptolemy Philadelphus, by B. P. Grenfell,
with an introduction by J. P. Mahaffy.
. Ryl. = Catalogue of the Greek Papyri in the Rylands Library, Vol. I, by
A. 5. Hunt; Vol. II, by J. de M. Johnson, V. Martin, and A. 5. Hunt.
. 5. I. = Papiri della Societa Italiana, Vols. I-III, by G. Vitelli and others.
. Strassb. = Griech. Papyrus der K. Universitatsbibliothek zu Strassburg, Vol. I,
by F. Preisigke.
. Stud. Pal. = Studien zur Palaeographie und Papyruskunde, by C. Wessely.
. Tebt. = The Tebtunis Papyri, Part I, by B. P. Grenfell, A. S. Hunt, and
J.G. Smyly ; Part II, by B. P. Grenfell, A. 5. Hunt, and E. J. Goodspeed ;
Part III, in preparation.
P. Thead.= Papyrus de Théadelphie, by P. Jouguet.
Preisigke, S. &. = Sammelbuch Griechischer Urkunden aus Aegypten, Vol. I, by
F, Preisigke.
W. Chrest. = U. Wilcken, Chrestomathie.
Wilcken, Ost. = Griechische Ostraka, by U. Wilcken.
ΓΤ AND CIRCULAR LETTERS
1405. RESCRIPT OF SEVERUS: APPLICATION TO A STRATEGUS.
13°7X 7-5 cm. Third century.
This papyrus, written in a small cursive hand, is an application to a strategus
by a man who had been appointed to the office of collector of money-taxes
in a village of the Oxyrhynchite nome, and proposed to evade the duty by
giving up his property in accordance with an Imperial rescript, of which a copy
is prefixed, It is closely parallel to B.G.U. 473 (M. Chrest. 375), which con-
tains part of the beginning of what was no-doubt a similar application to
a third-century strategus, preceded by a rescript of Septimius Severus and
Caracalla concerning the cessio bonorum. In B. G. U. 473 the right-hand half of
the lines is missing, and 1405 also is incomplete, having lost the earlier part of the
rescript and the end of the application. The strategus, Aurelius Leonides, who
is mentioned in 890. 5, a third-century letter without a date, held office in
the third year of an unnamed emperor, who on palaeographical grounds
probably belonged to the period from Elagabalus to Valerian, so that the
rescript, which is dated in Pharmouthi of the 8th year of, probably, a joint
reign (cf. 1. 8 ταμεῖον ἡμῶν), would in any case appear to have been issued
by Severus and Caracalla; the fact that its date coincides in respect of the
month and number of the regnal year with the date of the parallel rescript in
B. G. U. 473 leaves little room for doubt as to the reign. 1405 in any case pro-
vides another specimen of the θεῖαι διατάξεις referred to in Ὁ. P.R. 20 (W. Chrest.
402), which supplies the chief evidence concerning the cessio bonorum as a means
of evading liturgies; cf. Mitteis’s commentary, Jouguet, Vze municipale, 412-15,
and 1416. 6 and 1642, which also bear on this subject.
᾿ς While the rescript in B. G. U. 473 appears, so far as it can be reconstructed,
to be mainly a guarantee in general terms to some individual that the renuncia-
tion of his property would exempt him from further claims (cf. Mitteis, Hermes,
; B
2 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
Xxxii. 651), the rescript in 1405 evidently provided some more interesting details,
but is too incomplete to be at all clear. The recipient had been appointed
to a liturgy, the nature of which depends on the restoration of the critical 1. 6:
perhaps it was a municipal office of some kind, as in C. P.R. 20 and 1642; but
the date of the rescript (A. D. 200) is apparently a year or two earlier than the
establishment of senates in Egypt (cf. 1406. int.). He seems to have proposed
to cede his property to the Imperial fiscus instead of performing the duty;
but his proposition was declined by the Emperors, who awarded the property to
his nominator and made this person responsible for the liturgy, at the same time
guaranteeing the recipient of the rescript against loss of status and corporal
punishment.
The application to the strategus which follows throws some new light on
the methods of appointing collectors of money-taxes in villages. In the
second century they were usually chosen by lot by the epistrategus from lists
supplied to the strategus by the comarchs or other village officials nominating
two persons for each vacancy; cf. Martin, Epistratéges, I11 sqq., Wilcken,
Grundz. 347-8. Here, however, the use of the term ἀντωνομάσθαι (l. 17) and the
absence of a title after the name of the nominator indicate that he was himself
a πράκτωρ, so that the procedure was somewhat similar to that exemplified
in 1642 (A.D. 289), where an agoranomus by the command of the praefect nomi-
nates his successor, and P. Flor. 2. vii (W. Chrest. 401; A.D. 265), where
comarchs nominate their successors and the strategus appoints. The writer
denied the justice of the selection, and was prepared to abandon his property to
hisnominator. The papyrus breaks off at the point where he was proceeding to
make a declaration about his πόρος (1. 26, note), probably in order to show that
it was below the required amount. So far as can be judged, both the
renunciation mentioned in the rescript and that referred to in the application con-
cerned the whole property, not merely two-thirds, as supposed by Mitteis. It is
noteworthy that in P. Ryl. 75, which is also concerned with ἐκστάσεις of property,
though not for the purpose of avoiding public burdens, the whole πόρος seems
to have been ceded, and we are less confident than Wilcken or Jouguet that
Mitteis’s explanation of the phrase ἀντὶ rod νενομισμένου τρίτου in C. P. R. 20. i. 18
is correct; but owing to the incompleteness of 1405 it seems impossible to
extract from it a definite solution of the problem ; cf. Il. 6-7, n.
Εν: Ἰρί- - - -| παρεχώρ[η-
[σῶον ΠΣ τὴς 1 εὔδηλόν ἐστιν μὴ τῶ
μῶν τὴν παραχώρησιν
3.
[ταμείῳ
1405. RESCRIPT ΟΕ ΞΒΕΥΕΚΟΣΞ 3
[γενέσ]θαι ἀλλὰ τῷ εἰς τὴν λειτουργίαν
5 .[- - Ἱμένῳ, ὃς ἀναλαβὼν σοῦ τὰ
ὑπάρχοντ]α τὸ λοιϊπὸν τοῦ. .Ἰποῖ. . .]ι-
~ 7 Ν Ν 7 ᾽
τικο[Ὁ] παρέξει καὶ τὴν λειτουργίαν ἀπο-
πληρώσει: τὸ γὰρ ταμεῖον ἡμῶν
τῶν τοιούτων παραχωρήσεων
> 2 ‘4 « Ἂν > ’ 2
το οὐκ ἐφείεται. ἡ δὲ ἐπιτειμία σου ἐ-
κ τούτου οὐδὲν βλαβήσεται, οὐδὲ εἰς τὸ
A 3
σῶμα ὑβρεισθήσει. προετέθη ἐν Ade€ar-
΄, Ν =
δρείᾳ ἡ (ἔτους) Φαρμοῦθι.
Αὐρηλίῳ Λεωνίδῃ στρα(τηγῷ) ᾽Ο ξυρυγχίίτου)
15 παρὰ Αἰμιλίου Στεφάνου Ἁτρῆτος μη-
τρὸς Τασορ[ά]πι[ο»] ἀπὸ κώμης Σιγκέφα.
τῇ ἐνεστώσῃ ἡμέρᾳ ἔμαθον ἀντωνο-
μάσθαι με ὑπὸ Αὐρηλίου ‘Apéitos Πατᾶτος
μητρὸς Δημητροῦτος ἀπὸ τῆς αὐτῆς κἰ[ώ-
20 μης εἰς πρακτορείαν ἀργυρικῶν κωμ[η-
τικῶν λημμάτων τῆς αὐτῆς Σιγκέφα τοῦ
ἐνεστῶτος y (ἔτους) ὡς εὔπορον καὶ ἐπιτή-
δειον. οὐκ ἀνὰ λόγων οὖν οὐδὲ πρὸς [τὸ ὃ
μέρος τῆς λειτουργίας, ἀλλ᾽ ἐξιστανόμενοϊς
25 αὐτῷ κα(τὰ) τὴν προκειμένην θείαν
[διάταξιν] δη[λ]ῶ ἔχειν με πόρου ἐπὶ δι[-
12. er Of mpoereOn Corr. 23. 1. λόγον.
‘,.. you ceded (your property) ..., itis clear that the cession was made not to our
Treasury but to the person who nominated you to the office, who having taken possession
of your property will provide the rest of the ... and fulfil the duties of the office; for
our Treasury does not desire such cessions. Your citizenship, however, will in no way be
injured thereby, nor will you be subjected to corporal punishment. Published at Alexandria
in the 8th year, Pharmouthi.
To Aurelius Leonides, strategus of the Oxyrhynchite nome, from Aemilius Stephanus
son of Hatres and Tasorapis, from the village of Sinkepha. To-day I learnt that I had
been nominated as his successor by Aurelius Amois son of Patas and Demetrous, of the
said village, for the office of collector of the village money-dues of the said Sinkepha for the
present 3rd year, as being a person of means and suitable. This is unreasonable and
B 2
4 THE OXYRHY NCHUS PART
contrary to the just apportionment of the liturgy, so that I resign my property to him in
accordance with the Imperial decree cited above, and declare that 1... .
I. παρεχώρίησας : cf. παραχώρησις in ll. 3and 9. Elsewhere the usual verb is ἐξίστασθαι,
e.g. 1. 24 and 1417. 6. The preceding words may have been τὰ ὑπά]ρ[χοντα ; cf. 1], 5-6.
2. ἐξ ὧν would hardly fill the lacuna before εὔδηλον, and παρεχώρίησας may be in
a dependent clause governed by e. g. ἐπεί,
3. [ταμείῳ ἡμῶν: cf. 1. 8 and int.
. .[. . ἡμένῳ : προβαλομένῳ, the word expected here (cf. C. P. R. 20. i. 6), is too long.
δεδο]μένῳ would not give the right sense, and the vestige of the first letter does not suit 6.
6-7. τὸ λοιπὸν Tod. .|rol. . .|t|reKo[d] παρέξει : the reading is very uncertain ; but, though
τό is preferable to τά, τὸ τρίτον referring to the νενομισμένον τρίτον in C. P. R. 20, which
Mitteis supposes to have been given back to the owner (cf. int.), is inadmissible. τὸ
πρ[οσῆκον is possible, or τὰ προσήκοντα with -τικά in 1. 7, but then map does not fill up the
space before εξει, and no other compound of ἔξει suits the vestiges. πο, if correct, suggests
either an adjective beginning with ὑἾπο- or else πο[λε]ιτικοῦ, but τὸ πολιτικόν does not seem to
occur in papyri, and ἐκ τοῦ] πο[λε]ιτικοῦ, with a supposed reference to τὸ ἐπιβάλλον τῇ πόλει
τρίτον μέρος (C. P. Herm. 92. 12, 93. 10), which has been sometimes connected with the
νενομισμένον τρίτον in C.P. R. 20 (cf. Jouguet, ὦ c.), does not yield a satisfactory sense ; for, if
the πόλις paid 4 of the expenses of liturgies, a regulation would not be expected allowing
a person who, in return for his nominee’s property, himself undertook a liturgy to obtain
‘from the city’s account’ the balance of expenses incurred. The supplement [Ac] is
moreover rather short for the lacuna before « (which is more probable than p), and as the
sense expected is that the nominator would, on receipt of his nominee’s property, have to
provide the rest of the expenses himself, probably the word refers to the nature of the liturgy
in question. y might be read for τ in τικοίυ], for which ἢ xa[é] is a possible, though less
suitable, substitute. | would then be the termination of another verb in the future.
tr. Cf. C.P.R. 20. i. 15-16 ὑπάρχει ἐκ τῶν νόμων καὶ τῶν θείων διατάξεων [.....]7-
[. . - βο]ήθεια τὸ μηδεμίαν βίαν πάσχειν.
τό. Σιγκέφα: a village in the ἄνω τοπαρχία: cf. 1285. 65.
20. κωμ[η τικῶν : there is an implied contrast with μητροπολιτικῶν ; οἵ. 1283. 4 πρακτόρων
dpy. μητροπολ(ιτικῶν) μέσης τοπ(αρχίας) Πεενὼ τόπων, and 1444. int.
26. For [διάταξιν] οἴ, 1. 11, n. πυροῦ ἐπὶ διαφόρῳ (‘at interest’) might equally well be
read ; but πόρου is expected at this point, though what the next words are is obscure. The
amount of the property-qualification in extant papyri concerning πράκτορες ἀργυρικῶν in
villages ranges from 700 drachmae to 3 talents 3,200 dr.; cf. P. Giessen 58. int.
1406. EpicT OF CARACALLA CONCERNING SENATORS.
10-2 X 9-4 cm. A.D. 213-17. Plate 1.
This short edict of Caracalla has lost the ends of lines, but the sense is clear.
Senators who assault or use unseemly language towards the president or other
members of their body are to be deprived of their rank. Senates were first
instituted in the nome-capitals by Septimius Severus about A.D. 202, as at
Alexandria (cf. Wilcken, Grundz. 41), and their meetings, for reports of which see
1413-15, are likely to have been rather turbulent, at any rate in the early days.
1406. EDICT OF CARACALLA CONCERNING SENATORS 5
The date of the edict, which was published at some other town than Alexandria,
perhaps Babylon (cf. 1. το, n.), is defined, not, as usual, by the consuls or regnal
year, but by reference to a local official, who was apparently described as évapyos
ἄρχων and was an inhabitant of Heliopolis; cf. ll. 11-12, ἢ. The occurrence
of Germanicus Maximus among the Emperor’s titles indicates that the edict
-was not issued earlier than the autumn of A.D. 213. This copy may perhaps
be a few years later, but was probably written before the end of the reign. Three
other edicts of Caracalla on papyrus are extant in P. Giessen 40, and a rescript by
him in P. Flor. 382. i. 5-9. 1406 is perhaps incomplete at the top, and another
edict may have preceded.
«Αὐτοκράτωρ Καῖσαρ Μ]άρκος Αὐρήλιος
Σεουῆρος ‘Avrwvivols Παρθικὸς Μέγιστος
Βρεταν(νλικὸϊς Μέγιστος Teppavixis
Μέγιστος Εἰ σ]εβ[ὴς Σεβαστὸς
Ξ λέγει:
ἐὰν βουλευτὴς τὸν [πρύτανιν ἢ βουλευ-
τὴν τύψῃ ἢ μέμψϊ[ητα]ι [. . « ««..«ὐον }
ὁ μὲν βουλ[ε]υτὴς τῆς βουλείας ἀϊπαλλά-
geTat καὶ εἰς ἄτιμον χώραν [καταστή- ?
IO σεται. προετέθη ἐν Β[αβυλῶνι ?
ὑπὸ στίο]α δημοσίᾳ ἐνάρχου ἄρ-
χοντος AvpnX(iov) ᾿Αλεξάνδρου... ..
ἀπὸ ᾿Ηλίου [π͵]όλεως.
6. β of βουλευτης corr. II. ὕπο ΤΙ, the v corr. 13. This line was an afterthought,
as is shown by the deletion of a paragraphus below 1. 12.
‘Proclamation of the Emperor Caesar Marcus Aurelius Severus Antoninus Parthicus
Maximus Britannicus Maximus Germanicus Maximus Pius Augustus.
If a senator strike or censure [in an unseemly manner] the [prytanis] or another
senator, he shall be deprived of his rank and set in a position of dishonour. Published at
B[abylon?]in the public colonnade, the magistrate in office being Aurelius Alexander son
of ..., of Heliopolis.’
1-4. For the restoration of Caracalla’s titles cf. P. Flor. 2. c. (Jan. 216), and e. g. 1278.
31-3 (Dec. 6, 214).
7. An adverb, 6. δ. αἰσχρολόγως, probably followed péuy[nral..
9-1ο. [καταστή]σεται : cf. 1469. 5 ἀναπόστατοι καταστησ]όμεθα. [κατασταθή]τεται is rather
long, and the verb in Il. 8—g is middle.
10. ἐν Β[αβυλῶνι : the supposed β is very doubtful, for the traces suit « better; ε is
the only other letter possible. Imperial edicts in papyri usually give the date of publication
6 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
at Alexandria, but P. Giessen 40. ii. 12-13 states the dates of promulgation first at Rome and
then at Alexandria, and two of the rescripts in 1407 are dated respectively from Ne Japolis
(l. 8) and Rome (1. 16). The mention of Heliopolis in 1. 13 as the place of origin of the
magistrate indicates an Egyptian place-name here, and supports Β[αβυλῶνι, which was in
the Heliopolite nome according to Ptolemy. Of towns beginning with K Κάνωπος was the
most important, but was far from Heliopolis; Kepxécovpa (Strabo, p. 806) or Κερκάσωρος
(Hdt. ii. 15) was in the Letopolite nome opposite Heliopolis, but does not seem a likely
place for the publication of the edict, which may have been issued during Caracalla’s visit
to Egypt in 215, like P. Giessen 40. ii. 16-29. :
II-12. ὑπὸ στοᾷ δημοσίᾳ: for the precise definition of the place of publication cf.
B.G.U. 140. 5-6 ἐν... .. ἐν τῇ] π[α]ρεμβολ(ῇ) ri[s] χειμασίαϊς λεγιῶνο(ς) τρίτης] Ku|p|yvackis krh.,
85 recto. 9-13 (cf. Wilcken, Archiv, i. 130) προετέθη ἐν ᾿Αλεξ]ανδρείᾳ ... ἐκ συνκολλησίϊμων
βιβλιδίων] Αἰδεινίου Ἰουλιανοῦ ἐπάρχου Αἰγύπτου... προτεθέντων τῇ ἐνεστώσῃ ἡμέρᾳ ὑπὸ τῶν ὀφφι]-
κιαλίων αὐτοῦ ἐν τῷ μεγάλῳ ᾿Ισίῳ. For a στοά at Hermopolis cf. C. P. Herm. 119 recto. iii. 16
πρὸς τῇ καμάρᾳ ὑπὸ στοὰν ᾿Αντινοιτικῆς mAarias. In P. Giessen 40. ii. 13 and probably in
35. 13 ὑπό after προετέθη means ‘by’, referring to the official making the publication; but
though δημοσί[ο]υ might perhaps be read, we are unable to reconcile the preceding word
with a proper name. Σοῦλ, a name found in P. Grenf. ii. 76. 13, is unsatisfactory ; more-
over δημοσίου is not very likely as a title by itself, i.e. equivalent to ὀφφικιαλίου (cf. 35), and
δημοσίου érf...... does not suggest any known title.
ἐνάρχου ἄρ]χοντος : évapxos with titles of officials is very frequent. ἄρχοντες in the plural
is common as a general term for municipal magistrates, e.g. gymnasiarchs, cosmetae, or
prytaneis, and ἄρξας frequently occurs as a title ‘ex-magistrate’ (cf. Preisigke, S7ad7.
Beamienwesen, 8, 14, and Wilcken, Archiv, iv. 119); ἄρχων is found in Egypt in the
phrase πρυτανικὸς ἄρχων (592; cf. Wilcken, Grundz. 47; A.D. 122-3), in the acclamations
of the δῆμος in honour of a prytanis (41. 12 τὸν ἄρχοντα τῇ πόλι), P. Thead. 32. 13 Αὐρήλιος
Φίρμος Gpx(wv) ἀποδέκτης κριθῆς, where it corresponds to βουλ(ευτής) and ἀγορ(ανομήσας) in the
titles of the ἐπιμεληταὶ κριθῆς in 1. 1 and means ‘magistrate’, P. Amh. 146. 4 ἠτιάθησαν ἐπὶ
τοῦ ἄρχοντος (fifth century), referring to an unspecified magistrate, a third-century ostracon
from Oxyrhynchus (Preisigke, S. B. 1951) Φιλήας ἄρχων, and 1526. το Διογένης... ἄρχ(ων),
both referring to unspecified magistrates of Oxyrhynchus: it is also applied to the praefect
in fourth-century papyri, P. Leipzig 33. ii. τό, 34. 19, 37. 27. In C. 1. G. 4822 (= Ditten-
berger, Or. Gr. Inscr. 698 ; early second century) ἄρχων Θηβῶν is interpreted by Dittenberger
as ‘equivalent to Θηβάρχης, an official who dates from the Ptolemaic period and seems to have
been the military governor of the town of Thebes. On this analogy ἄρ]χοντος might be
interpreted as the military governor of the town in question (Babylon?; cf. 1. 10, n.), rather
than as equivalent to e.g. πρυτανικὸς ἄρχων or gymnasiarch, especially as a precise official
title is expected in this context ; but the evidence of recent papyri considerably diminishes
the force of Dittenberger’s distinction between ἄρχων and ἄρχοντες in Egypt.
1407. IMPERIAL RESCRIPTS.
Fr.r 16-1 X 16-3 cm. Late third century.
These two fragments of a series of Imperial rescripts (cf. 1020, P. Flor.
382, Giessen 40) are too small to be intelligible, the lines being of great length.
The larger contains the ends of lines of three such rescripts and a few letters
from the beginnings of lines of apparently a fourth, but the document begin-
1407. IMPERIAL RESCRIPTS 7
ning at 1. 33 was different, being perhaps a letter of or to the senate of
Oxyrhynchus. The margin at the bottom is preserved, but not at the top.
On the verso in a different hand of about A.D. 300 are parts of 12 lines of
an official letter of some kind with a margin at the top, a circumstance which
suggests that the papyrus was cut down before the verso was used. The small
fragment (2), from a rescript or edict of Aurelian, has on the verso parts of
two lines of the letter, and the margin above the writing there corresponds to that
on the verso of Fr. 1. The spacing of the lines in Fr. 2, recto, shows that they
do not belong to Fr. 1. i. 1-3; but they may well belong to Fr. 1. ii. 22-4, where
in 1. 22 the enlarged and projecting initial letter suggests Αἰὐτοκράτωρ. Otherwise,
if Fr. 2 is placed e.g. above Fr. 1, it is necessary to disconnect the lines on the
verso of Frs. 1 and 2 and to suppose a blank space between them, which is
not very likely.
Of the three rescripts in Col. i the first (Il. 1-8) is dated Phaophi 17
(Oct. 14) of the 7th year, and evidently the consuls were Nummius Tuscus and
Mummius .. . (1. 7) and more than one Emperor was reigning (cf. |. 6 ἡμεῖς); but
all that survives of the Imperial titles is |ros, probably Σεβασ͵]τός. Nummius
Tuscus and Annius Anullinus, the consuls of 295 (the 11-12th year of
Diocletian which = the 10-11th of Maximian) are clearly unsuitable, and the
consuls of 258 under Valerian and Gallienus, M. Nummius Tuscus and Bassus,
must be meant. The gentile name of that Bassus was not known. A Pomponius
Bassus was consul for the second time in 271 with Aurelian, but he seems to be
identical with the Bassus who was consul with Aemilianus in 259, not with the
colleague of Tuscus, who belongs to the previous year, and, as now appears, was
called Mummius [Bassus]. A chronological question of considerable interest
is raised by a comparison of the consular dating with that by the regnal year ;
for the 7th (Egyptian) year of Valerian and Gallienus is generally considered to
have been 259-60, whereas, if Oct. 14 of it fell within the consulship of Tuscus
and Bassus, the 7th year was 258-9. In 1201. 20, however, Sept. 24 of the
6th year fell in the consulship of Tuscus and Bassus, and it is not necessary
that the consulship in 1407. 7 should synchronize with the regnal year in 1. 8;
for while the former presumably refers to the day on which the rescript was
written, the latter, which is separated from the former by a mention of the
place of writing, may well refer to the day on which the rescript was pub-
lished at Alexandria (cf. e.g. 1405. 12-13); and,as P. Giessen 40. i. 12-15
shows, there could be an interval of seven months between the writing of an
edict and its publication in Egypt. It is true that, if the 4th year is 259-60, the
interval between the writing and the publication of the rescript was, even if it was
written quite at the end of 258, as much as 93 months, and may have been much
8 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
longer, and the earlier date for the 7th year of Valerian and Gallienus would
remove the difficulty caused by the datings in the 7th year of Aurelian. But
the astronomical evidence provided by two horoscopes of the present volume
confirms the generally accepted date for the 7th year of Valerian and Gallienus,
259-60; cf. 1476. int., where the chronology of this period is discussed.
The rescript seems to have been a more or less favourable answer to
a petition (cf. ll. 6-7 σοὶ ἐπικουροῦϊμεν), and to have been written from NeJapolis
(1. 8), but whether this refers to Naples, Cavalla, or Neapolis near Alexandria
is not clear. Valerian is generally thought to have spent a year or more in
the East before his capture by Sapor, which occurred in his 7th or 8th
Egyptian year. The restoration of the Imperial titles in 1]. 1-2 is obscure
owing to the uncertainty regarding the length of the lines ; cf. note ad loc.
The second rescript (ll. 9-16) was issued from Rome by an Emperor
bearing the titles Pius Felix Augustus, who was therefore later than Cara-
calla, and probably not earlier than Gallienus; for the concluding rescript was
issued by Aurelian, and a chronological order may have been observed here,
though not found in P. Flor. 382. That it was a rescript rather than an
edict is not definitely proved, but from its position between two rescripts is
highly probable. Lines 10-11 appear to be concerned with an official appoint-
ment, which, as is shown by the following lines, had some bearing on ναύκληροι
and ἃ πρυτανείας Perhaps the corn-supply was the main subject, but ἐφέσεις,
‘appeals’ (cf. 1185. 6), are mentioned in 1. 15.
The third rescript (ll. 17-21) was in the form of a short letter to the
senate and people of a city, and in some way related to παῖδες, perhaps children
of gymnasiarchs or other municipal officials; cf. 1417. There is no clear con-
nexion between the various documents in 1407, but they may be all concerned
with municipal affairs, especially if ll. 33 sqq. are a letter of the senate of
Oxyrhynchus. The Imperial titles Pius Felix Augustus in 1, 17 come almost
exactly under the same titles in 1. 9, which suggests that the name of the Emperor
was the same; but 1]. 18 contains additional titles, showing that he was either
tribune or imperator for the third time, consul, and pater patriae. These titles
exclude Gallienus, but would suit Claudius II or Aurelian, who are on the whole
most likely to be the author or authors of the second and third rescripts, since
after a gap at the top of Col. ii, in which one or two rescripts may be lost,
the author of the rescript (or edict) in Il. 22-32 was, if Fr. 2 is rightly placed,
Aurelian, apparently without Vaballathus. Claudius was consul in 269 (accord-
ing to some inscriptions for the second time), and his third tribunician year was
apparently Dec. το, 269—Dec. 9, 270 (cf. 1476. int.), while Aurelian was consul in
271, his third tribunician year being apparently Dec. 10, 271—Dec. 9, 272 ; ὕπατος,
1407. IMPERIAL RESCRIPTS 9
however, does not necessarily imply that the Emperor in question was actually
consul rather than that he had been consul. Claudius, who hadfewer titles of the
Germanicus Maximus class than Aurelian, is on the whole the most suitable
Emperor, and, as is shown in the note ad /oc., 11. 17-18 can easily be restored
on the hypothesis of a line of about 63 or 80 letters; but it is difficult to
combine either of these alternatives with the restoration of ll. 1-2. Since 1407
was written in the reign of Aurelian or a little later (certainly before 300),
Tacitus, Probus, and Carinus are possible authors of the second and (except
Tacitus) of the third rescript; but the introduction of one of them or of an
Emperor earlier than Gallienus would violate the chronological sequence of these
rescripts, which has a prima facie probability in spite of P. Flor. 382.
Byte Cal d
ΣΈβασ ?\ros
Val] - {- 1
Jae πρὸς τὸ
1. aorns
5 Je de 'suen ]. δικάσαντος
Ἱντο ταῦτα Kai ἡμεῖς σοὶ ἐπικουροῦ-
μεν 1 Νουμμίῳ Τούσκῳ καὶ Μουμμίῳ
[Βάσσῳ ὑπάτοις ἀπὸ Νέας πόλεως ¢ (ἔτους) Φαῶφι ις.
ΕἸὐσεβὴς Εὐτυχὴς Σεβαστὸς.
10 ]s ἐν μετουσίᾳ καθεστὼς καὶ
Ἰσης παρὰ τοῦτό τε ἡγουμένου τῆς
| πρυτανίαν ὥστε μηδὲν ἐκ τῆς
lu τῶν ναυκλήρων οὐ σὺν μετα-
Ἰκαιον καὶ ἀπὸ τοῦ πρὸς τὴν μετα-
15 νοἹμιζόμενα δὲ ἐπὶ ταῖς ἐφέσεσιν
1 ἀπὸ “Ῥώμης.
ols Εὐσεβὴς Εὐτυχὴς Σεβαστὸς
τὸ] τρίτον ὕπατος πατὴρ πατρίδος
τῇ βο]υλῇ καὶ τῷ δήμῳ χαίρειν.
20 |ro ἀνήκοός εἰμι οὔθ᾽ ὅτι παῖδες
ie
10 THE OXYRHYNCAUS PAPYRI
Fr. 1. Col. ii + Fr. 2.
Alitoxpétwp Καῖσαρ Δούκιος Aopitios ΑὐἹ)ρηλιανὸς [Εὐσεβὴς Εὐτυχὴς
Σεβαστὸς ?
[ 32 letters Jae ἐντὶ
ΕἾ 31 letters Jo apy
25 αἡ 26 εἶ 27 Τί 28 αποτὶ 29--32 lost 33 ᾿Οξυρυγχιτῶν
1-2. The τ of Ἶτος in |, 1 is fairly certain, γ and o being the only alternatives; ΣεβασΊτός
or Méyo}ros therefore seems inevitable. In the 7th year of Valerian and Gallienus, Saloninus
was Caesar or Augustus (cf. 1273. 44 and 1563. 1), and on the analogy of ll. 9, 17, 22
and 889, part of an edict of Diocletian and Maximian in a. Ὁ. 300, Il. 1-2 or 1-3 would be
expected to run Αὐτοκράτωρ Καῖσαρ (so also probably 889. 1, rather than Αὐτοκράτωρ alone)
Πούβλιος Λικίννιος Οὐαλεριανὸς Τερμανικὸς Μέγιστος Εὐσεβὴς Εὐτυχὴς Σεβαστὸς καὶ Αὐτοκράτωρ
Καῖσαρ Πούβλιος Λικίννιος Οὐαλεριανὸς Ταλλιῆνος Γερμανικὸς Μέγιστος Εὐσεβὴς Εὐτυχὴς Σεβαστὸς καὶ
Πούβλιος Λικίννιος Κορνήλιος Σαλωνῖνος Οὐαλεριανὸς 6 ἐπιφανέστατος Καῖσαρ, followed by a name in
the dative with or without χαίρειν. Τερμανικὸς Μέγιστος might however well be omitted in both
cases, as it is in C. P. Herm. 119 verso. iii. 8-16, a rescript of Gallienus alone. If }ros
belongs to Γερμανικὸς Μέγιστος in Valerian’s titles, 1. 1 has 62 letters and Il. 2-3 would have
to be restored Οὐ]α[λ]ε[ρε]ιαϊνός referring to Gallienus ; but this reading seems to be inadmis-
sible, for (1) if a p occurred in the lacuna before ια, the tail of it ought to have been visible,
(2) 1. 2 would be expected to be 1 or 2 letters shorter than 1. 1, whereas with Οὐ]α[λ]ε[ρε]ιαὶ
at the end it would be 5 letters longer, (3) 1. 3 would hardly provide any space for a name
between the conclusion of Gallienus’ titles and Ja: πρὸς τό, to say nothing of the omission of
Saloninus. If τος belongs to Σεβασ]τός in Valerian’s titles, 1. 1 would have 84 letters or,
omitting Τερμανικὸς Μέγιστος, 66, but the titles of Gallienus would still be expected to reach
the end of]. 2, and in order to explain ]o{.].[. . a there as part of the name of the recipient
of the rescript it would be necessary to suppose the omission of not only Saloninus but part
of Gallienus’ titles (e. g. Αὐτοκράτωρ Καῖσαρ, if the plural was employed in 1. 1). These
difficulties can be avoided by supposing the lines to have been much longer than 66 or
84 letters and referring [τος to Gallienus. The restoration Adroxpdropes Kaicapes Πούβ. Auk.
Ovad. Depp. Μέγ. καὶ Πούβ. Ack. Odad. Tadd. Tepp. Μέγιστος | [EvocBeis Εὐτυχεῖς Σεβαστοὶ καὶ
Πούβ. Ark, Kopy. Sad. Οὐαλ. ὁ ἐπιφ. Kaic., corresponding to the ordinary dating formula of these
Emperors, would give 124 letters for |. 1, or, if Αὐτοκρ. Kato. was repeated, 136. With Etc.
Evr. Σεβ. repeated after each Emperor and ΣεβασΊτός referring to Gallienus 1. 1 would have
180 letters if Τερμανικὸς Μέγιστος was inserted, 144 if it was omitted in both cases. Any one
of these restorations would provide room for both the insertion of Saloninus’ name in 1. 2
and a space before Ἰαί.]. [...]ια, but is open to the objections that in]. 17 certainly, and in 1. 9
probably, only one Emperor’s name and titles occupy the whole of a line, and, secondly, that
the additional titles added in]. 18 after Σεβαστός suit a line of about 62 or 80 letters, so that
with a line of over 140 letters there must have been an unusual insertion there. 889. 2
adds νικητής to the titles of Diocletian, but places it between Εὐτυχής and Σεβαστός, a position
which is incompatible with 1.17. Titles like Τερμανικὸς Μέγιστος can follow Σεβαστός, though
it is more usual for them to precede; but they cannot be used for expanding 1. 18 without
producing a deficiency in]. 17. That Γερμανικὸς Μέγιστος, which is a constant title of the
Emperors from Valerian to Probus, except Tacitus, was omitted in ll. 17-18, where the
1407. IMPERIAL RESCRIPTS II
Emperor’s titles are fuller than in ll. x and 9, is unlikely, and on the whole a line of about
80 letters, making τος in 1. 1 Σεβαστός as in Il. 9 and 17, seems most probable ; but we are
unable to solve the difficulty of ll. 1-2 satisfactorily. To suppose that Valerian owing to his
absence in the East was omitted is not in accordance with ἡμεῖς in 1. 6 or with extant laws of
A.D. 288-60 in the Cod. Justin., and the supposition that the rescript belongs to another
reign altogether seems to be incompatible with ll. 7-8. Above ]. 1 is a blank space.
ἡ. Νουμμίῳ Τούσκῳ : the mention of the consuls’ names in the dative is usual in rescripts,
e.g. 889. 11. These were no doubt followed by the day on the Roman calendar, which is
not likely to have corresponded to Phaophi 17; cf. int. The vestige of the first letter of
Νουμμίῳ is insufficient to decide between v and μ, but though sometimes called Memmius
Tuscus (or Memmius Fuscus, as in Vopisc. Vt. Aurelian. 13), his correct name, JZ. Num.
Tusco, occurs in C. I. L. vi. 2388. Nummius Tuscus, consul in 295 and apparently prae-
fectus urbi in 302-3, may have been his son ; cf. Prosop. Imp. Rom. ii, 421.
9. The Emperor is very likely the same as in ]. 17; cf. int.
13. pera- here and in 1]. 14 may well be part of peraywyn ΟΥ μεταφορά (cf. B. G. U.
286. 8), referring to the transport of corn; cf. int.
14. Perhaps δίκαιον, but e. g. Ῥωμαῖον can be read.
17-18. Before τὸ] τρίτον either δημαρχικῆς ἐξουσίας or Αὐτοκράτωρ is to be restored. The
meaning of the numbers following zmperator in late third-century inscriptions and coins is
disputed. Dessau (Zphem. Epigr. vii. 429 sqq.) considers that from the time of Gallienus
onwards they refer to regnal years, not to victories as in previous reigns, and probably, if
Αὐτοκράτωρ τὸ... . occurred here, the figure coincided with that of the tribunician year. The
usual order of these Imperial official titles was (1) pontifex maximus, (2) irtbunicia potestas,
(3) zmperator, (4) consul; but there are numerous exceptions. The restoration ἀρχιερεὺς
μέγιστος, δημαρχικῆς ἐξουσίας τὸ τρίτον Αὐτοκράτωρ τὸ] τρίτον ὕπατος πατ. πατρ. produces 8ο letters
in 1. 18, or without Αὐτοκράτωρ τὸ τρ., which is often omitted after 250, 62. With the lower
figure Avr. Καῖσ. Μάρκος Αὐρήλιος Κλαύδιο]ς Evo. Εὐτ. Σεβ. would make 60 letters for 1. 17, Avr.
Καῖσ. Λούκιος Δομίτιος Αὐρηλιανὸ]ς κτλ. 63 (cf. int.), so that there would be no room for titles like
Τερμανικὸς Μέγιστος, the insertion of which in 1. 17 would yield a line of about 80 letters.
A line much in excess of 80 letters would create a great difficulty with regard to the
restoration of ]. 18; cf. n. on Il. 1-2.
19. Ὀξυρυγχιτῶν τῆς λαμπρᾶς καὶ λαμπροτάτης πόλεως τῇ κρατίστῃ βο]υλῇ (cf. Β. G.U. 1074.
10) would give a line of 72 letters; cf. notes on ll. 1-2, 17-18, and 33. But there is
no particular reason for supposing a mention of Oxyrhynchus at this point.
24. Kailoap, γάρ, and dpy[p are inadmissible.
33. Probably Ὃ ξυρυγχιτῶν τῆς Aap. καὶ λαμπροτ. πόλεως ἡ κρατίστη βουλή (or τῇ Kp. βουλῇ) ;
οὗ 1. 19, n. and int.
1408. REPORT OF A TRIAL: CIRCULAR AND EDICT OF A PRAEFECT.
341 X 25 cm. About a.D. 210-14.
The recto of this papyrus contains a taxing-list concerning State lands
in the Arsinoite nome (1446). On the verso in a large, almost uncial hand
is a nearly complete broad column, containing (1) the conclusion of a report of
a trial concerning a surety before Sopater, an official whose rank is not stated,
(2) a circular of the praefect Juncinus to the strategi of the Heptanomia and
12 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
Arsinoite nome concerning the suppression of robbers, enclosing (3) an edict on
the same subject for publication ; cf. 1100 and B. G. U. 646. This edict was con-
tinued in the next column, which is lost, and at least one column (cf. 1. 1, n.) of
the report of the trial is missing. Juncinus is known from P. Giessen 40. ii. 14 to
have been in office on Mecheir 4 of the 21st year of Caracalla (Jan. 29, 213) after
Subatianus Aquila, who apparently was still praefect on Epeiph 29 of the 18th
year (July 23, 210; cf. P. Flor. 6), and before Septimius Heraclitus, who had
entered office by Phamenoth 20 of the 23rd year (March 16, 215; cf. B.G.U.
362. vii. 8). The circular of Juncinus is dated in 1, 21 Phaophi 28 (Oct. 25), and
the missing number of the regnal year therefore ranged from 19 to 23.
As in B.G.U.15, which bears a formal resemblance to 1408, the trial
(ll.. 2-10) seems to have no connexion with the following edict, and may have
taken place some years earlier. The contending parties were Tryphon, whom the
judge speaks of as ἀξιολογώτατος and who perhaps had occupied some official
position, and on the other hand Asclepiades and apparently his father, who had
become mutual sureties for Tryphon in connexion with the payment of a fine
(πρόστιμον). The exaction of this was imminent, and Asclepiades wished to
go away for a time, probably to present an appeal to the praefect (1. 7, n.); but
to this proceeding Tryphon objected, and the ultimate decision was that Ascle-
piades should return within fifteen days and pay to Tryphon the full amount
of the surety in question. Where the trial took place and whether Sopater was
a local official (e.g. strategus of the Arsinoite nome) or an Alexandrian magi-
strate (e.g. archidicastes) are not clear. He may be identical with Julius Sopater,
ἐπιστρατηγήσας in 226 (1459.7). The beginnings of lines are lost throughout,
and in most cases a few letters at the ends are wanting. The enlarged v
of κατελθεῖν in 1. 8 (cf. the v of χαίρειν in 1. 11) determines the ending point, and
the certain restorations at the beginnings of ll. 4 and 8 fix the size of the initial
lacuna in 11. 2-10, In the circular this seems to have been about three letters
smaller after 1. 11, an initial lacuna of the same size as that in ll. 2-10 being
evidently unsuitable to e. g. Il. 14-15 πάντες. In the edict the probable restora-
tions at the beginnings of ll. 22 and 26 suggest that the lines uniformly began
about three letters to the right of Il. 12-20; but, since the lacunae at the beginnings
of ll. 23-6 are larger than in ll. 11-20 and the restorations more doubtful,
ll. 23-6 may have been uniform with 11. 12-20, 1. 22, which is introductory, being
in that case slightly indented.
The circular of Juncinus (ll. 11-21) concerning the publication of his edict is
couched in a severe tone, the word κίνδυνος occurring thrice. Evidently Egypt.
was in a disturbed condition at this period owing to organized bands of robbers,
as in the time of Marcus Aurelius, when the praefect M. Sempronius Liberalis
1408. REPORT OF A TRIAL: CIRCULAR OF A PRAEFECT 13
dealt with the subject in an edict extant in B.G.U. 372. (= W. Chrest. το).
Juncinus’ edict opened with general reflexions upon the shelter afforded to
criminals (ll. 22-6).
5
10
15
.
[.....] δός, Σώπατρος [εἶπεν] ἀρκέσουσί σοι πεντεκαίδεκα. Τρύφων
εἶπεν: ἐπὶ τού- [
[To μέϊντοι, ἐὰν ἐντὸς τῆς [προθεσ]μίας ἀπαιτηθῶ, ἔχειν pe πρὸς αὐτὸν
τὴν ἀγωγήν. [
[Σώπα]τρος εἶπεν" τοῦτο καὶ χ[ω]ρ[ὶ5] ἐντεύξεως καὶ ὑπομνημάτων πάντως
ἡ πρίοσ-
[φώνησι)ὶς καὶ ἡ τῆς ἐγγύης ἀναδοχὴ καὶ τὸ χειρόγραφον τὸ ὑπὲρ τοῦ
“πατρὸς τὸ πισίτόν ,
[σοι παρ]έχει. ‘AoxAnmiddns elev: κατὰ τὸ ἐπιβάλλον μοι μέρος. Τρύφων
εἶπεν" οἱ ἑ
[.... ἀλλ]ηλέγγυοί εἰσιν: μία γὰρ ἔκκλ[η)τος καὶ ἕν πρόστειμόν ἐστιν.
Σώπατροϊς
[Ἀσκληπι]άδῃ εἶπεν: φρόντισον ἐντὸς τῶν πεντεκαίδεκα ἡμερῶν κατελθεῖν
[καὶ τὸ πρόϊστειμον πᾶν, ἀλληλεγγύη γὰρ ὑμῶν ἐστιν, θεματίσαι, ἵν᾿ ἔχῃ
ὁ ἀξιολ[ογώ-
[τατος Τρ]ύφων τὸ ἀσφαλές.
[Βαίβιος] ᾿Ιουγκῖνος στρατηγοῖς “Ἑπτὰ νομῶν καὶ ᾿ἀρσινοΐτου χαίρειν. [
[ἔχω μὲν ὑμεῖν καὶ δι’ ἑτέρ[ων] μου γραμμάτων προστάξας πεφροντισ-
᾿ς μ[ένίως
[τὴ]ν τῶν λῃστῶν ἀναζήτησιν] ποιήσασθαι, κίνδυνον ὑμεῖν ἐπαρτήσας
εἰ ἀμε-
[λε]ῖτε, καὶ νῦν δὲ διατάγματίι βἸ]εβαιῶσαί μου τὴν γνώμην ἠθέλησα,
ἵνα πάϊν-
[re]s εἰδῶσιν οἱ κατὰ τὴν Αἴγυπτον οὐκ ἐκ παρέργου τιθέμενον τοῦτο
πὸ ι
[xpélos, ἀλλ[ὰ] καὶ τοῖς] συλλημψομένοις ὑμῖν γέρα προτιθέντα, κίνδυ-
νον [δὲ ie al
[τοῖς ἀπει]θεῖν mpoapovpévo[t|s ἐπανατεινόμενον. ὅπερ διάταγμα βού-
ίλομαι
[ἔν τε ταῖς μη]τροπόλεσι καὶ τοῖς ἐπισημοτάτοις τῶν νομῶν (τόποις
προτεθῆναι,
14 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
[ζημίας ὑμῖν ἐπικ]ειμένης μετὰ κινδύνου εἴ τις κακουργὸς λαθὼν β[ιάζε-
20 [σθαι δύναται. ] ἐρρῶσθαι ὑμᾶς βούλομαι.
[ (ἔτους). .1 2 Φαῶφι κη.
[Δούκιος ΒαἸίβι[ος] Αὐρήλιος ᾿Ιουγκῖνος ἔπαρχος Αἰγύπτου λέγει"
[τὸ ἢ τοὺς λῃστὰς καἸθαιρ)εῖν χωρὶς τῶν ὑποδεχομένων μὴ δύνασθαι
πάϊσι
ἰφανερόν, ἀλλὰ] γυμνοὺς τῶν περικειμένων αὐτοῖς ὄντας ταχέως
τίιμω-
25 [ρησόμεθα ? εἰσὶ δὲ ὑποδεχομένων πολλοὶ τρόποι: οἱ μὲν γὰρ
κοινων οὔῦ-
[vres τῶν ἀδικημάτων ὑποδέχονται, οἱ δὲ οὐ μετέχοντες μὲν kal. .
5. ey yuns ΤΙ. 7. “αλλ]ηλεγγυοι 1, First ε of εἰσιν corr. from σ. 9. αλληλεγίγυη ΤΙ.
20. A Of βουλομαι corr. from μ.
‘,.. Asclepiades said, ‘Grant me.. days.” Sopater said, “ Fifteen will suffice for
you.” Tryphon said, “On this condition, however, that if payment is demanded from me
before the end of the period, I shall have the right of arrest against him.” Sopater said,
“That is completely provided for you, even without a petition and a memorandum, by the
declaration, the undertaking of the surety, and the trustworthy note of hand on behalf of the
father.” Asclepiades said, ‘“‘So far as my share is concerned.” Tryphon said, “The
[two?] are mutual sureties, for there is one appeal and one fine.” Sopater said to Ascle-
piades, “Take care that you return within the fifteen days and pay in the whole amount of
the fine, as your surety for it is mutual, in order that the most estimable Tryphon may have
the security.”
Baebius Juncinus to the strategi of the Heptanomia and Arsinoite nome, greeting.
I have already in a previous letter ordered you to search out robbers with every care, warn-
ing you of the peril of neglect, and now I wish to confirm my decision by a decree, in order
that all inhabitants of Egypt may know that I am not treating this duty as an affair
of secondary importance, but offer rewards to those of you who co-operate, and on the other
hand expose to peril those who choose to disobey. The said decree I desire to be made
public in both the capitals and the most important places of the nomes, penalties including
personal risk being laid upon you if in the future evil-doers are enabled to use violence
without being detected. I hope for your health. The.. year, Phaophi 28.
Proclamation of Lucius Baebius Aurelius Juncinus, praefect of Egypt. That it
is impossible to exterminate robbers apart from those who shelter them is evident to all,
but when they are deprived of their helpers we shall quickly punish them (ἢ). There are
many methods of giving them shelter: some do so because they are partners in their
misdeeds, others without sharing in these yet .. .’
1, 18: a figure apparently referring to the number of the column.
2. Probably ἡμέρας τριάϊκοντα] (Or τριάκοντα ἡμέρας]) δός ; cf. 1. 8.
3. ἀγωγήν : for the meaning ‘arrest’ cf. P. Tebt. 39. 22 βουλομένου ἀγωγὴν ποιήσασθαι,
and ἀγώγιμος in 1471. 22. Later the word is used as equivalent to the Latin acto (cf.
Wenger, Stellvertretung 262), a sense which is possible here.
1408. REPORT OF A TRIAL: CIRCULAR OF A PRAEFECT 15
4-5. m™ploc|pernor|s: the p is nearly certain, and the final letter cannot be a (i, ν, or o
are the only alternatives to s). The word, which is used for formal declarations, often
on oath, addressed to officials (cf. Grech. Texte 4 int.), combines suitably with ἐγγύης ἀναδοχή.
5. ὑπὲρ τοῦ πατρός: he was probably the father of Asclepiades and was included in
the ἀλληλέγγυοι in 1. 7 and ὑμῶν in 1. 9. To suppose that Asclepiades was the father of
Tryphon, and that ἀλληλέγγυοι and ὑμῶν refer only to these two persons, does not suit εἰσίν in
]. 7, for ἐσμέν would in that case be expected. Tryphon cannot be the father of Asclepiades,
since the remark of the judge is addressed to Tryphon. That the judge takes official
cognizance of a χειρόγραφον and apparently describes it as πιστόν is noteworthy, for it has
been sometimes supposed that a private χειρόγραφον was inadmissible as evidence in a court
of law unless it had been subjected to δημοσίωσις (so doubtfully Mitteis, Grundz. 83-4) ;
but the present passage does not favour that view, which is also opposed by Jors, Zecfschr.
J. Savignyst. xxxiv. 143 sqq.; cf. 1472. int.
6. There is a slight blank space before exer, such as the writer frequently leaves between
words, but sometimes between letters of the same word. τὸ mo|[rév is too far away from
τοῦτο in |. 4 to be the object of παρἸέχει, unless rovro(v) be read there.
7. The word before ἀλλ]ηλέγγυοι was probably a figure, δύο if Asclepiades and his father
were meant (cf. 1. 5, n.), or e. g. tpis if there were other persons involved in the suit.
ἔκκλητος : 50.. δίκη ; cf. 1117. 3, 1642. 21, Preisigke, S. 2. 5693. 15, P. Amh. 82. 9 as
restored by Wilcken, Grundz. 353', in each case referring to an appeal to the praefect,
which may well be the cause of Asclepiades’ approaching departure (ll. 1 and 8). If
κατελθεῖν in 1. 8 implies that his return journey was down stream, the trial before Sopater must
have taken place north of the town to which he was going, so that the latter cannot have been
Alexandria. Possibly the trial was held at Alexandria and the praefect happened to be
away. If it was held in the Arsinoite nome (cf. int.) or at Oxyrhynchus, κατελθεῖν can hardly
be brought into connexion with a journey for the purpose of appealing to the praefect.
9. ὑμῶν: cf. 1.5, ἢ. For θεματίζειν cf. P. Catt. 1 verso. iv. 28 ἐξαργυρισθέντα τὰ γενήματα
[ἐ]θεματίσθη, and Preisigke, Gzrowesen, 185. For ἀξιολ[ογώτατος cf. 1490. 1.
11. [Βαίβιος] ᾿Ιουγκῖνος : so in P. Giessen 40. ii. 14; in 1. 22 below his full name was
written [Λούκιος BaliS{os] Αὐρήλιος ᾿1., the restoration of the missing praenomen there being
based on his probable identity with the official of that name whose cursus honorum (before
his praefecture) is given in C.I.L. x. 7580, and who was probably a descendant of the
juridicus of the same name under Hadrian (Prosop. Imp. Rom. i. 224). With [Βαίβιος] or
[Δούκιος] in the lacuna it is necessary to suppose that 1. 11 was uniform with ll. 2-10 and
projected about 3 letters beyond 1]. 12-20 (cf. int.). A shorter name, e.g. Γάιος, does not
suit 1, 22 so well, for the ς of Ba|(&{os] stood above α]θ of κα]θαι[ρ]εῖν in 1. 23 and μ of ἀδικη]-
μάτων in |, 26, where the restoration of the initial lacuna is fairly certain and requires
12 letters, mostly rather broad, in the space which would occupy only 11 in 1. 22, if [Γάιος
Balifi[os] be read there.
13-14. dyle|Ae|ire : the supposed ε 15 very insecure and |ere could well be read; but neither
ἀμ[ζελήσ]ετε nor dplelAnolere suits the size of the lacuna in 1. 14, unless λὴ was written
unusually small at the end of the line.
18. ἐπισημοτάτοις τῶν νομῶν (rdémois): cf. 1100. 3 ἐπὶ τ[ῶν μητροπόλεων καὶ ἐν τοῖς τῶν νομῶν
palvepwrdros τόποις, B, G. U. 1086. ii. 4 ἐπισήμοις τ[ῶν νο]μῶν τόποις.
20. ἐρρῶσθαι ὑμᾶς βούλομαι : the usual salutation of ἃ praefect at this period; cf. 1100.
5, n.
22. [Aovkios Ba]i8i[os] : οἵ. 1]. τι, ἢ.
τό THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
1409. CIRCULARS OF A STRATEGUS AND DIOECETES.
21-4 X 28-3 cm. A.D. 278.
This fairly well preserved papyrus consists of a short letter from the
strategus to the δεκάπρωτοι (cf. 1410. int.) of the Oxyrhynchite nome (Il. 1-6
and 23), enclosing for their information a copy of a circular addressed to the
strategi and δεκάπρωτοι of the Heptanomia and Arsinoite nome by the dioecetes,
Ulpius Aurelius, concerning the repairing of the dykes.and canals in view of the
approaching inundation (ll. 7-22). For this purpose a general corvée was
apparently imposed on all cultivators (Il. g—-10, note), and in addition to the con-
trol to be exercised by the strategi and δεκάπρωτοι special supervisors were to be
appointed in accordance with custom (ll. 12-15). The exaction of a money pay-
ment in place of personal service was forbidden in a strongly worded injunction
. (11. 19-22), which is probably the main point of the circular, but the relation of
this injunction to the various imposts in connexion with the repairs of dykes and
canals known from earlier papyri is not very clear; cf. 1. 20, note. The evidence
concerning forced labour on the embankments is summarized by Wilcken,
Grundz. 334-8; the working of the principles laid down in 1409 is well illus-
trated by 1469, a petition written twenty years later by the comarchs of a village
to the acting-praefect, which shows the difficulties arising from the multiplication
of officials.
Except perhaps 58 and 474, where the rank of the high officials Servaeus
Africanus and Plautius Italus is not stated, 1409 is the only extant circular
of a Roman dioecetes. Its style and treatment of the subject recall the more
lengthy exhortations of the Ptolemaic dioecetae to officials in P. Par. 63 and
Tebt. 27. The direction of public works, as well as finance, fell within their
province, as is shown by the Petrie papyri; but by the middle of the third cen-
tury the καθολικός (cf. 1410) seems to have become the chief finance minister, and
the continuance of the office of dioecetes is not attested beyond the time of
Carinus. Ulpius Aurelius, who may have been the immediate predecessor of
Aurelius Proteas (1115. 11 and 1412. int.; six years later), was thus one of the
latest holders of the office. The names of these two, and of two dioecetae under
Aurelian, Andromachus (γενόμενος διοικητής in Phamenoth of the 2nd year;
1264. 9) and Julius Monimus (1633.15; Mesore of the 6th year), besides perhaps
Moenatides (P. Ἀγ]. 84. 1; A.D. 146), and Septimius Apollonius κοσμητεύσας τὴν
διοίκησιν (P. Thead. 14. 18; late third century), are to be added to the list
in Wilcken, Grundz. 156. :
1409. CIRCULARS OF A STRATEGUS AND DIOECETES 17
Io
15
Αὐρήλιος Ἁρποκρατίων στρατηγὸς ’Og(upvyyxéroly δεκαπρώτίοις τοῦ νομοῦ
χαίρειν.
~ 2 3 ~ oh A ¢ oo ta ‘ ’
τῆς γραφείσης ἐπιστολῆς εἰς κοινὸν ἡμῖν στρατηγοῖς καὶ δε]καπρώτοις
τῆς [Enravopias καὶ Apo.voltz[olv
ὑπὸ Οὐλπίου Αὐρηλίου τοῦ κρατίίσ]του διοικητοῦ περὶ τῆς τῶν] χωμάτων
ἀπερ[γασίας καὶ τῆς τῶν διωρύχω]ν ἀνα-
καθάρσεως ἀντίγραφον ἐπιστέλλεται ὑμῖν, φίλτατοι, ἵνα εἴἤδῆτε καὶ τοῖς
γρ[αφεῖσιν ἀκολουθῆτε. ὃς δ᾽ ἂν πρό-
τερος ὑμῶν κομίσηται τόδε τὸ] ἐπίσταλμα τοῖς [λοι]π[οἵς] μεταδότω. ἐρρώϊσθαι
ὑμᾶς εὔχομαι, φίλτ]ατοι.
(ἔτους) γ τοῦ κυρίου ἡμῶν Μάρκου Αὐρηλίου Πρόβου Σεβαστοῦ Φαρμοῦθι |.
Οὔλπιος Αὐρήλιος στρατηγοῖς κ[αὶ] δεκαπρώτοις Ἑπτανομίας καὶ ‘Apat-
voitov [χαίρειν. τοῦ καιροῦ τῆς τῶν
χωμάτων ἀπεργασίας καὶ τῆς] τῶν διωρύχων ἀνακαθάρσεως ἐνεστηκότος
παραγγέλλειν ὑμῖν ἀναγ-
καῖον ἡγησάμην διὰ τῶνδε τῶν γραμμάτων ὡς χρὴ σύμπαντας τοὺς
γεωργοὺς 18 letters
ταῦτα ἀπεργάζεσθαι ἤδη μετὰ πάσης προθυμίας ἐπὶ τὰ διαφέροντα αὐτοῖς
Ν Q ?
T.[-.....] πρὸς τὸ dln[poota τε
> \ 22 tx ὦ 4 ‘ bY 7a ~ ΜΝ, ,
πᾶσιν καὶ ἰδίᾳ ἑκάστῳ συμφέρον: τὴν yap ἀπὸ τῶν ἔργων τούτων γεινο-
μένην ὠφ[ελί]αν πάντας εἰδέναι πέ-
πεισμαι. ὅθεν διὰ φροντίδος ὑμῖν τοῖς στρατηγοῖς καὶ τοῖς δεκαπρώτοις
lA 2 la) ἈΝ [“ > 5
γενέσθω ἐπ]εῖξαι μὲν ἅπαντας ἀντι-
λαβέσθαι τῆς ἀναγκαιοτάτης ταύτης ἐργασίας, αἱρεθῆναι δὲ τοὺς εἰωθότας
ells] τοῦτο χειροτονεῖσθαι ἐπιμελη-
\ 2 3 4 BY bY 2 “ Ἁ Φ ’ ε ’ A ,
τὰς ἐξ ἀρχόντων ἢ Kal ἰδιωτῶν τοὺς ἀναγκάσοντας ἑκάστους τὰ προσή-
κοντα ἔργα αὐτοῖς σώμ[ασιν ἀπο-
“ οἰ Ν ? a 3 lol “ ᾽ 4 ? »
πληρῶσαι κατὰ τὸν δοθέντα ὅρον ἐν τῇ τοῦ ἀποτάκτου συστάσει ἄνευ
τιν[ὃ]ς ἀπεχθείας ἢ χάριτος, ὥστε ἐπε-
“νεχθῆναι εἰς τὸ τεταγμένον ὕψος τε καὶ πλάτος τὰ χώματα καὶ τοὺς ᾿
διακόπους ἀποφραγῆναι πρὸϊς τὸ δύνα-
> 2 na > 2 ᾽ “ ,’ ~ € 4 ,΄ Z
σθαι ἀντέχειν τῇ ἐσομένῃ εὐτυχῶς πλημύρᾳ τοῦ ἱερωτάτου Νείλου, τάς
τε διώρυχας ἀνα[καθαρῆ-
vat μέχρι τῶν καλουμένων γνωμόνων καὶ τοῦ συνήθους διαστήματος,
ἵνα εἸἰὐμαρῶς [τὴν] ἐσομένην τῶν
C
18 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
ὑδάτων εἴσροιαν ὑποδέχοιντο πρὸς ἀρδείαν τῶν ἐδαφῶν, τούτου κοινωφ[ ελ]οῦς
᾽ὔ 7 ἈΝ
τυγχ[ίάνοντος,) μηδένα δὲ
20 ἀντὶ τῶν ἔργων ἀργύριον τὸ παράπαν πράττεσθαι. ἐὰν γὰρ τοιοῦτο
ἐπιχειρ[ῆσ]αι τολμήϊσ]η ἢ τῶν πρίοστετα-
7 3 7 ΕΒ ς z “A 2 ἈΝ cal ’ "4
γμένων ἀμελήσῃ, ἴστω ὅτι ὡς λυμαινόμενος τοῖς ἐπὶ τῇ σωτηρίᾳ συνπάση]ς
τῆς Αἰγύπτου προῃρίημέ-
᾽ rs Ν z 4 > BS Δ Ν Lees. > ~ Ν “κα
νοις οὐ μόνον περὶ χρημάτων ἀλλὰ καὶ περὶ αὑτῆς τῆς ψυχῆς τὸν ἀγῶνα
ἕξει. ἐρρῶσθαι ὑμᾶς εὔχομαι. (ἔτους) y Ϊ. - - - - -
(2nd hand) «ἀὐρήλιοϊς ΣἸιλβανὸς ὑπηρέτης ἐπήνεγκα (ἔτους) y Φαρμοῦθι ς.
3. ὕποπ. νοῖ διωρυχωῚν corr. 4. ὕμιν II. 5. ὕμων Il; 50]. 12 ὕμιν. irr ατοι" I.
ἡ. apowotrov I. 11. ida I. 14. ἕ οἵ εξ corr. iwrev I. 16. ὕψος I.
17. First v of avrexew Corr. ἵερωτατου II. 18. ia I. 19. ὕδατων ... ὕποδεχοίντο I.
20. mpar rec Oa ΤΙ. 21. iorw I. v Of Avpawvopevos corr. from εἰ (). 23. πη of
vinpeTns COIT.
‘ Aurelius Harpocration, strategus of the Oxyrhynchite nome, to the decemprimi of the
nome, greeting. <A copy of the circular letter written to us, the strategi and decemprimi of
the Heptanomia and Arsinoite nome, by his highness the dioecetes, Ulpius Aurelius, con-
cerning the building up of the dykes and the cleansing of the canals is sent to you, dear
friends, in order that you may be informed and follow his instructions. The one of you
who is the first to receive this missive should communicate it to the rest. I pray for your
health, dear friends. The 3rd year of our lord Marcus Aurelius Probus Augustus,
Pharmouthi [.].
Ulpius Aurelius to the strategi and decemprimi of the Heptanomia and Arsinoite
nome, greeting. The season for the building up of the dykes and the cleansing of the
canals having arrived, I thought it necessary to announce to you by this letter that all the
cultivators and .. . ought now to build these up with all zeal on the .. . belonging to them,
with a view to both the public gain of all and their own private advantage. For I am
persuaded that every one is aware of the benefit resulting from these works. Therefore let
it be the care of you, the strategi and decemprimi, both to urge all to devote themselves to
this most necessary labour, and to see that the overseers usually elected for the purpose are
chosen from magistrates or private persons, who will compel every one to perform his
proper work by personal service, according to the rule given in the constitution of the appoint-
ment, with no malice or favour, so that the dykes are raised to the ordained height and
breadth and the breaches are filled up, in order that they may be able to withstand the
flood of the most sacred Nile auspiciously approaching, and that the canals are cleansed up
to the so-called standards and the usual width, in order that they may easily contain the
coming influx of water for the irrigation of the fields, this being for the common weal, and
that absolutely no money is exacted from any one in place of work. If any one dare to
attempt exactions or neglect these orders, let him know that not only his property but his
life will be at stake for injuring measures designed for the safety of the whole of Egypt.
I pray for your health. The 3rd year...
Presented by Aurelius Silvanus, assistant, in the 3rd year, Pharmouthi 6.’
1. δεκαπρώτοις τοῦ νομοῦ : δεκαπρ. τοῦ γ (ἔτους) (cf. P. Tebt. 288. 2 τοῖς πράκτορσι τοῦ
ε (rovs)) is less likely ; οὗ 1410, int.: but δεκαπρ. simply may be read.
1409. CIRCULARS ΟΕ A STRATEGUS AND DIOECETES τὸ
3. For the restorations cf. ll. 7-8. ἐν
6. The day was not later than the 6th, on which the letter was presented by the
ὑπηρέτης (1. 23). In 1119. 5 and 30 there is an interval of six days between the two
corresponding dates.
8. For παραγγέλλειν cf. e.g, 1411. 8.
Q-I0. γε suggests γεζωργούς or γεωργοῦντας rather than yelovxous or γε[ουχοῦντας, since
the circular probably applied primarily to δημόσια rather than to ἰδιωτικὰ χώματα (cf. 1469. 5) ;
but the traces of the supposed « may belong to the γι 1469 and 1546 show that, at this
period at any rate, a village asa whole was made responsible for providing the necessary
labour (cf. Wilcken, Grundz. p. 335, whose argument concerning the mention of the village
in cipyacra-certificates of the second and early third centuries is unconvincing, as remarked
in P. Ryl. 211. 7, n.); and a quite general expression (e. g. γεωργοὺς καὶ κληρούχους ; cf.
P. Tebt. 288. 3) is wanted. The meaning of ταῦτα is doubtful. If dependent on ἀπεργά-
ἕεσθαι, it may refer either to |. 8 or to a word such as χώματα or ναύβια (cf. 1546. 3) lost in the
preceding lacuna, and in that case the word following αὐτοῖς might be me[pcxopuaral, the areas
surrounded by embankments (cf. e.g. P. Cairo Preisigke 39. 10), or some other word in
agreement with διαφέροντα. But e.g. mevOjpyepor|, referring to the five days work on the
embankments, customary in the second or early third century, could be the object of
ἀπεργάζεσθαι (cf. Β. Ὁ. ἴ0. 969. i. 25 πενθήμερον μετρεῖν), which can also be used absolutely,
and ταῦτα (referring to 1. 8) would then be governed by a preceding participle. The z is
fairly certain, but possibly a v intervened between it and the s of αὐτοῖς. in[dpxovral, how-
ever, would produce a tautologous expression. The phrase ἐπὶ τὰ διαφέροντα αὐτοῖς is not
likely to have any connexion with the system indicated in 290 (a.p. 83-4), in which an
ἰδιωτικὸν χῶμα iS ἀγό(μενον) κατ᾽ ἐπιβο(λὴν) ὧν ἕκαστ(ος) ἔχει (ἀρουρῶν), for this method of
apportioning work according to the size of a holding was not employed, so far as is known,
in dealing with δημόσια χώματα.
13-14. empeAn||rds: χωματεπιμεληταί are often mentioned in second-century papyri and
ostraca, e.g. P. Giessen 58-9 and 64; cf. the editors’ commentary. émeix||ras (cf. 1257. 13
ἐπείκτου δημοσίου σίτου, 1418. 25 ἐπ. χρυσοῦ στεφάνου, the χωματεπεῖκται found in early
Byzantine papyri, e.g. P. Brit. Mus. 1247. 2, and 1469. 7 6 τῇ ἐπείξει τῶν χωμάτων ἐπικεί-
μενος) is slightly less probable, since the division mplooreralyyévey is found in ll, 20-1 and
ἐπ]εῖξαι occurred in |. 12.
15. κατὰ τὸν δοθέντα ὅρον ἐν τῇ τοῦ ἀποτάκτου συστάσει COrresponds to κατὰ τὰ κελευσθέντα
ὑπὸ τῶν τὸ ἀπότακτον συστησαμένων in 1187. 12-15 (cf. n. ad ἤος.), and is to be connected
With αἱρεθῆναι, not with ἀποπληρῶσαι. Cf. also πρὸ τῆς Tod ἀποτάκτου συστάσεως in 1562. 11.
τό. διακόπους : cf. 1469. 6, P. Goodsp. 30. vi. 4 ts ἔργα διακόπου, and P. Brit. Mus. 1246. 7,
where 1. διακό[που.
17. ἀνα[καθαρῆ]ναι : cf. 1. 8 ἀνακαθάρσεως. ἀνα ψησθῆἾἶναι is also possible ; cf. Β. G. U. 530.
17 τὸ ὕδρευμα ἀνεψήσθη, P. Ἀγ]. go. 20 and P. Giessen 42. int.
18. The γνώμονες here seem to be poles for measuring the depth of canals, corresponding
to ὕψος in |. 16 as διαστήματος does to πλάτος.
10. εἴσροιαν ὑποδέχοιντο: for the optative cf. 1411. τό εἰ μὴ πειθαρχήσ(ε)γιαν. εἴσροια
(cf. διάρροια) is apparently unattested elsewhere.
20. ἀντὶ τῶν ἔργων ἀργύριον : in the second and early third centuries three kinds of money-
payments connected with dykes are known: (1) the ναύβιον (e. g. 1486. 6), (2) the χωματικόν
(1438. 20, n.), (3) πενθήμερος ὄνων (P. Ryl. 195.5). Of these the ναύβιον has generally been
explained in accordance with Wilcken, Osé. i. 263, as an impost in place of personal service,
and the same explanation is applied by Kenyon to the χωματικόν, but is not accepted by
Wilcken, Grundz. 331; cf. Ost. i. 342. The πενθήμ. ὄνων corresponds to the μετρήματα ὑπὲρ
τῆς πενθημέρου in Β. Ὁ. U. 969. 20-4, and was clearly an adaeratio, but whether the payer in
C2
20 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
ee eee
have been a far-reaching impost. The bulk of the corvée must at all times have fallen upon
cultivators of βασιλικὴ γῆ or landless persons, and if the ναύβιον and χωματικόν imposts sur-
vived unchanged to the reign of Probus, probably they were not affected by this circular,
which seems to be directed mainly against irregular exactions of money in place of personal
service. Payments by individuals of varying amounts for ναύβια occur in the fourth century
(P. Gen. 65), and in P. Flor. 346 (fifth century ὃ) there is mention of ra ἐξ ἔθους διδόμενα ὑπέρ
δε (1. re) μισθῶν καὶ ἀναβολῆς τοῦ δημοσίου χώματος, So that money-payments in connexion with
the repairs of embankments in any case continued to be exacted in Byzantine times.
23. ὑπηρέτης: cf.1.6,n. In 59. 22 ὑπ(ηρέτης) βουλ(ῆς) is more likely than ὑπ(ομνηματο-
ypagos) βουλ(ευτής).
1410. EDICT OF A CATHOLICUS.
13°5X 7-8 cm. Early fourth century.
An order, of which the conclusion is wanting, issued on the authority of the
catholicus, Magnius (?) Rufus, making it illegal to reimpose the office of decem-
primus upon persons who had held that position since a particular year of two
unnamed Emperors. From the handwriting the papyrus appears to belong to the
early part of the fourth century, but there may well have been an interval between
the date mentioned in 1. 5 and the actual date of the papyrus, which was probably
stated in the missing lower portion. Owing partly to the uncertainty with regard
to the reading of the figure in the first of the two regnal years mentioned, partly
to the difficulties of chronology in the period from 305 to 323, it is not quite clear
which Emperors are meant, but probably in |. 5 the 8th year refers to Maximian
and the 1st to Galerius (and Constantius), i.e. A.D. 292-3, and the omission of
Diocletian’s regnal year (which was one in advance of Maximian’s) is to be explained
by the supposition that 1410 was written during 305-13 after his abdication, when
Egypt was governed by Maximinus Daza who belonged to the Herculian faction ;
cf. 1. 5, ἢ. During Diocletian’s and Maximian’s joint reign there are instances of
1410. EDICT OF A CATHOLICUS 21
Maximian’s year being ignored, apparently for the sake of brevity (e.g. 895. 6),
but none of Diocletian’s years being so treated, though cf, 1416. 29, n.
The δεκάπρωτοι, who were introduced into Egypt by Septimius Severus
together with the βουλαί, and were generally, perhaps always, senators, had
arduous duties as collectors of revenue both in corn (e.g. 1444. 3) and money
(e. g. 1442. 5); cf. Wilcken, Ost. i.626 and Grundz. 217-18, Seeck, Kio, i. 147-88,
Brandis in Pauly-Wissowa, Realencycl. s.v., Gelzer, Studien, 42-3, Jouguet,
Vie munic. 366 sqq. It has generally been supposed that the tenure of the
office was one year, but Seeck, mainly on the evidence of two Thyatira inscrip-
tions (C. I.G. 3490 and Δ, C. H. xi. 473), considered that the period lasted 5-15
years, and identified the δεκάπρ. with the guinquennales. 1410 does not state
definitely the length of their tenure, but implies that re-election was customary ;
and the apparent interval of twelve years or more between the date of the papyrus
and the year when the δεκάπρ. in question entered office rather suggests that the
normal tenure was longer thana year. Since 1257, where a person is still called
δεκάπρωτος four years after entering office, supports Seeck’s view, and the objection
to it urged by Wilcken, that the analogy of the tenure of municipal offices favours
an annual period, breaks down in the light of new evidence that municipal offices
were held for a longer period than a year (1418. 17 and 1418. 15), a five-years’
tenure for δεκάπρ. in Egypt is the most probable. Apart from 1410, they are not
mentioned in papyri later than the reign of Diocletian, and Gelzer supposes that
they disappeared when in 307-10 the new division of the nomes into mayo. was
substituted for the toparchies with which the dexdmp. were connected. The
present regulation therefore probably indicates an important, perhaps the
principal, step on the way towards the abolition of the office.
"Eé αὐθεντείας Maylvijolu
‘Potgov τοῦ διασημ(οτάτου) καθολ(ικοῦ)
ἐπαρχείας Αἰγύπτου
καὶ Λιβύης.
5 τοὺς ἀπὸ τίοὉ] ἡ (ἔτους) καὶ a (ἔτους)
δεκαπρώτους μηκέτι
μηδεὶς εἰς δεκαπρωτεί-
᾿ av ὀνομαζέτω. χρὴ γὰρ
αὐτοὺς τετηρῆσθαι τοῦ
10 λοιπίο]ῦ ἵνα μὴ πληρώσϊαν-
τες αὖθις ἀναδοθήΪσον-
ται τοῖς τῆς δεκαίπρω-
22 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
τέΠι]αις λειτουργήμ[ασ]ι. ὅστις
δὲ ἐκ δευτέρου ἀνεδέ(δοτο)
τς [αἸὖθις δεκαπρωτίείᾳ
12. 1. δεκαϊπρωἸτείας : the scribe noticed his original error, but inadvertently crossed
through the first « instead of the second.
‘On the authority of Magnius Rufus, the most illustrious catholicus of the praefecture
of Egypt and Libya.
Decemprimi from the 8th which = the 1st year must not be re-nominated by any one
to the office of decemprimus; for it is necessary that in future they should be protected
from being appointed again to the duties of that office, having once discharged them. Any
person who has been reappointed decemprimus once more. . .’
1. Ἐξ αὐθεντείας : cf. P. Leipzig 33. 7 ἐξ αὖθ. τοῦ δικαστηρίου παραγγ[ελ]εῖς and Mitteis’s
int., p. 92.
aa May{vilov ‘Povpov: a procurator in Spain called P. Magnius Rufus Magonianus is
known from C.I.L. ii. 2029, and a procurator of Neapolis by Alexandria in 247-8 called
Magnius Rufinianus, probably a relative, occurs in B. Ὁ. U. 8. ii. 26. Our catholicus may
well have belonged to the same family. The scribe has apparently used the second half of
the p to represent a,as in 1. 10 he used the a of wa to represent half the following ». The
remains of the letter before the lacuna suggest y rather than e or ., and there is barely room
for Μεϊσσί]οίυ, much less ΜεἰττίἼο[υ.
2-4. The addition of Libya to Egypt in the title of the catholicus is new. He is
generally called ὁ διασημ. καθολ. (in C. I. Ὁ. 4807 of the year 341 λαμπρότατος) with or without
Αἰγύπτου (e.g. 1509. 6); cf. (.1.1,. iii, 17 (tr) plerfectissimus) rat(conalis) Aeg(ypit).
Libya seems to have been united to Egypt by about a.p. 300. The earliest mentions of
the union apart from the present passage are B. C. H. 1. 85 ὁ κράτιστος συνήγορος τοῦ ἱερωτάτου
ταμείου ᾿Αλεξανδρείας καὶ Αἰγύπτου πάσης καὶ Λιβύης Μαρμαρικῆς (late third or fourth century), and
C.LL. iii. 18 o(2r) plerfectissimus) mag ister) privatae) Aeg( ypt’) εἰ Lib(yae) (fourth
century). On the subsequent varying relationship of the two provinces see J. Maspero,
Organisation militaire de ? Eg. 23-5.
5. ἡ (ἔτους) καὶ a (ἔτους) : the traces of the first figure suit 7 better than ca or β, which
are the only alternatives. A joint reign with a difference of 7 between the two figures
indicates Maximian and Galerius, i.e. a.D. 292-3; cf. int. To refer the 8th year to Probus
and the rst to his successors Carus, Carinus, and Numerian, i. e. a.p. 282-3, or the 8th
year to Gallienus and the 1st to the usurpers Macrianus and Quietus, i.e. a.D. 260-1
(cf. 1411. int.), is unsatisfactory, since a (ἔτους) simply would be expected, and both the
handwriting and the mention of Libya suggest a later date than the 2nd or 3rd year of
Carinus or the 2nd of Macrianus and Quietus, which would be the latest years available for
the date of the papyrus itself. With ca (ἔτους) καὶ a (ἔτους) the figures would suit Constantine
and Crispus, i.e. a.p. 316-17 (cf. P. Thead. 6.5). The ignoring of Licinius, who was
in possession of Egypt from 313-23 and is mentioned by himself without Constantine in
P. Thead. 49 (his regnal years are uniformly two behind those of Constantine), could be
explained by the supposition that 1410 was written after 323, when his memory was
obliterated. With β (ἔτους) καὶ a (ἔτους) the Emperors would certainly be Diocletian and
Maximian, and the papyrus could easily be assigned to a later year of their reign; but the
1410. EDICT OF A CATHOLICUS 23
β of Λιβύης in 1. 4 (the only other β that occurs in 1410) is made quite differently. A curious
date in 1818, the 11th year of Galerius Augustus and [.]th of Maximinus Caesar, which
seems to belong to the period 305-10, the first figure being apparently erroneous, affords
a parallel for the omission of the Jovian Augustus (Constantius or Severus) in Egypt
under the rule of the Herculian faction, such as we have supposed to be the case here.
10. μή: the letters are imperfectly preserved, and the scribe seems to have omitted the
the first half of the » owing to confusion with the preceding a; cf. Il. I-2,n. A negative
is essential for the sense.
14-15. dvede(doro): or ἀνεδέ(θη), for which cf. the forms ἀνάδεται (for ἀνάδοτε) in
P. land. 9. 34, didera in P. Brit. Mus. 1349. 17, perddes in P. Tebt. 416. 16. For the
pluperfect cf. the unnecessary perfect τετηρῆσθαι in 1.9. The repetition of [αἸὖθις (cf. 1. 11)
after ἐκ δευτέρου is superfluous, and the reading doubtful. ε can be substituted for v, and
p, €, or ε for 6, but ἀνεδέ[[6]η εἰς Sexampor|ciav and ἀνεδέ(δεν [το εἰς δ. are unsatisfactory. The last
letter of avede is slightly raised and the line unusually short ; for other abbreviations cf. ]. 2.
1411, PROCLAMATION OF A STRATEGUS.
21-6 X 12+5 cm. A.D. 260.
This interesting document is a notice issued by the strategus Ptolemaeus
also called Nemesianus, ordering bankers and all other persons engaged in
commercial transactions to accept the new Imperial coinage. The papyrus
belongs to about the middle of the third century, and a strategus of that name is
known from 1555. 1 to have been in office at Oxyrhynchus under Macrianus and
Quietus, who held Egypt during nearly all the 8th and part of the gth year
of Gallienus (cf. 1476. int.). To their brief reign accordingly 1411 also is
in all probability to be referred (cf. ll. 20-1, n.). The order was called forth
by complaints of the δημόσιοι (1. 2, note) that the proprietors of banks of exchange
(κολλυβιστικαὶ τράπεζαι ; cf. 1. 4, note) were closing their doors in preference to accept-
ing the coin; and the trouble was apparently not new, for the strategus alludes
in 11. 18-20 to a praefectorial edict or edicts previously issued on the. same subject.
There had been a steady deterioration in the coinage of Egypt, in the size of the
coins as well as in the quality of the metal, and it is not surprising that attempts
were made to discriminate, and some disinclination was shown to accept the θεῖον
νόμισμα at its face value. It may be noticed in this connexion that in several
contracts of about this period the money specified is old Ptolemaic silver ; as has
been suggested by Wessely (Mitth. Pap. Rain., iv. 144 sqq.), the disrepute of the
later Imperial issues may well have assisted the survival of the ancient coin. In
the present case the dubious character of the claim of Macrianus and Quietus to
the Imperial titles (they perished in the attempt to obtain Italy) may well have
been an additional cause of the reluctance in Egypt to accept their coinage.
On the verso is a list of utensils (1654) in a different hand.
24 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
Αὐρήλιος Πτολεμαῖος ὁ καὶ Νεμεσιανὸς
στρατηγὸς Οξυρυγχείτουι τῶν δημοσίων εἰς
ἐν συναχθέντων καὶ αἰτιασαμένων
τοὺς τῶν κολλυβιστικῶν τραπεζῶν
4 ς 4 > tA
5 τραπεζείτας ὡς ταύτας ἀποκλεισάν-
a x 4 7
τίω]ν τῷ μὴ βούλεσθαι mpoo{o}ierOa
τὸ θεῖον τῶν Σεβαστῶν νόμισμα, ἀϊνάγ-
kn γεγένηται παραγγέλματι πίαραγ-
γελῆναι πᾶσει τοῖς τὰς τραπέζας κεκτ[ημέ-
10 vials ταύτας ἀνοῖξαι καὶ πᾶϊ[η}}ν {{π]]νόμι-
σίμ]α προσίεσθαι πλὴν μάλιστα
παρατύπου καὶ κιβδήλου καὶ κατακίερμα-
τίξειν, οὐ μόνοις δὲ αὐτοῖς ἀλλὰ [τοῖς
καθ᾽ ὅντινα δὴ τρόπον τὰς συναϊλλα-
15 yas ποιουμένοις, γεινώσκουσιν
¢ 3 Ν / A a
ὡς, ef μὴ πειθαρχήσιαν τῇδε τίῇ παρ-
ad ua uP Ν 4
αγγελίᾳ, πειραθήσονται ὧν τὸ [μέ-
κ΄ « 7 A. |S, »
γεθος τῆς ἡγεμονίας καὶ ἔτι ἄνωζθεν
én’ αὐτοῖς ἧτο με]γεί[ θος ᾿νέσθαι πρῖοσ-
20 ἔταξεν. ἐσημειωσάμην. ἔτους πρώ-
τοῖυ] ‘AOdpl[c]] ὀγδόη κ[} εἰ]]αὲ εἰκάς.
1-2. os Οἵ αὐρηλιος, πτολεμαιος, νεμεσιανος, and στρατήγος above ὠ, which is crossed
through, and o above τω, which is crossed through. 5. 1. ἀποκλείσαντας. 6. Second
σ of προσσιεσθαι above the line. 9. ε Of mace: above the line. 10. a Of πα[[η}ν corr.
from λ. After [7] beginning of another (?). 16. x Of πειθαρχησιαν corr. from x.
17. at of πειραθησονται above ε, which is crossed through. 20. First ε of εσημειωσαμὴην corr.
21. First ο of oydon above ὠ, which is crossed through.
‘From Aurelius Ptolemaeus also called Nemesianus, strategus of the Oxyrhynchite
nome. Since the officials have assembled and accused the bankers of the banks of
exchange of having closed them on account of their unwillingness to accept the divine coin
of the Emperors, it has become necessary that an injunction should be issued to all the
owners of the banks to open them, and to accept and exchange all coin except the abso-
lutely spurious and counterfeit, and not to them only, but to all who engage in business
transactions of any kind whatever, knowing that if they disobey this injunction they will
experience the penalties already ordained for them in the past by his highness the praefect.
Signed by me. The 1st year, Hathur 28.’
2. τῶν δημοσίων : it has been disputed whether the δημόσιοι, who often appear in papyri
of the third-fourth centuries, are simply ‘officials’ in general (Wilcken, Archiv, iv. 223,
1411. PROCLAMATION OF A STRATEGUS 25
Preisigke, Fachwérter, 49), or φύλακες and other minor police-officials (Hohlwein, Musée
Belge, ix. 187-94, accepted by Wilcken, Archiv, v. 441; cf. Gelzer, Studien, 58), or the
πρεσβύτεροι as well as the ἀρχέφοδοι and lower police-officials, but not the comogrammateis
or tax-collectors (Jouguet, Ve munic. 217). In P. Brit. Mus. 1247. 23 (iii, p. 226) οἱ
προκίμευ οι] Snudovor{s} includes the comarchs (cf. 1246. 25; iii, p. 225), who were by no
means limited to police duties, besides other persons whose rank was not stated in 1247. In
P. Goodsp. 14. 9 παραδώσουσιν εἰς τοὺς δημοσίους τῆς Νέας πόλεως Preisigke (Berichizgungen,
173") is probably wrong in explaining δημοσίους as a general term for the corn-revenue
officials rather than δημ. (θησαυρούς, (so Wilcken and Vitelli); but P. ΒΥ]. 232. 8 and still
more the present passage, which refers to officials of the metropolis rather than of the
villages, favour the wide interpretation of δημόσιοι; cf. 1421. 2 and n., 1557. 3.
4. κολλυβιστικῶν τραπεζῶν : cf. B. G.U. 741. 10, 1053. 16, and often in 1118-1156,
P. Hamburg 1. 2, Ὁ. P. R. τ. 13, P. Strassb. 34. 7, Ρ.. 5.1. 204.21. The point of the adjective
is not clear. Preisigke, Gzrow. 27 sqq., considers that κολλ. tp. were not different from zp.
simply, whether privately owned or leased from the State, and in support of this it may be
noted that κολλυβ. is omitted in]. 9 mace τοῖς τὰς τραπέζας κεκτ[ημέ]ν[οι]ς ; but the injunction
there may be intentionally framed so as to include banks other than κολλυβ., if such existed
apart from δημόσιαι rp. with which 1411 is not concerned. Other terms applied to banks
are χρηματιστική (P. Brit. Mus. 1164; Antinoé) and ἐπιτηρουμένη (Mel. Nicole, p. 193. 1-2,
P. Ryl. 176. 2, n.). The former refers, according to Preisigke, to the notarial capacity of
banks, which, as appears from P. Strassb. 34, was shared by the κολλ. τρ. ; the latter must
refer to the supervision exercised by ἐπιτηρηταί over banks which were leased from the
government; cf. 518. 37, 1182. 8-12, nn. The relation of the ἐπιτηρούμεναι to the
ἰδιωτικαί and δημόσιαι rp. is disputed. If Preisigke’s view of the leased banks is correct, and
the Ἡρακλείδου κολλ. tp. Ταμείων at Arsinoé (Ὁ. P. R. 1. 13) was really a leased ‘ Staatsbank’,
not ἰδιωτική, the ἐπιτηρούμεναι rp. do not form any more suitable contrast to the κολλ. rp. than
do the χρηματιστικαί, as he explains that term. The evidence, however, for Preisigke’s theory
of ‘ Staatsbanken ’, which was mainly based on Oxyrhynchus papyri, is weakened by 1639,
which mentions Ἡρακλείδου ἰδιωτικὴ Tp. at the Serapeum of Oxyrhynchus in 22 B.c., and
it is still uncertain whether the ἰδιωτικαὶ rp. were different from the ἐπιτηρούμεναι, and, if
so, to what extent the banks not described as ἰδιωτ. or émirnp. were leased or under private
ownership ; cf. Wilcken, Grundz. 160 and 1639. 3-5, n. The phrase οἱ τὰς τραπέζας κεκτη-
μένοι (1. 9) is new, and comprehensive rather than precise, so that it might apply to any
banks which were not δημόσιαι, whether leased or privately owned. On the whole we are
disposed to think that κολλ. tp., probably like the Ptolemaic ἀμοιβικαὶ τρ., were contrasted
with banks which did not undertake money-changing, perhaps the χρηματιστικαί, and that,
if the ἰδιωτικαὶ rp. were different from the ἐπιτηρούμεναι, the κολλ. tp. belonged to the
former class.
20-1. ἔτους mpa|ro[v|: &|rov is also possible, the reigning Emperors in that case being
Valerian and Gallienus, and the date 258. But since Ptolemaeus also called Nemesianus
is known from 1555 to have been strategus under Macrianus and Quietus (a.p. 260-1),
πρώΪτου is much more likely than é&|rov. rerdp|rov or τρίϊτου would imply an unusually
long period of office for this strategus, three years being apparently the normal duration of
their tenure (cf. Dittenberger, Zuscr. Gr. Or. 699. 35). That the accession of Macrianus
and Quietus took place before Hathur was already known from P. Strassb. 6. 30; cf. 1476.
2 and P. Flor. 273. verso, where Thoth 1 (Aug. 29) of their 1st year occurs as an isolated
date, perhaps written later. On the question whether the year was 260 see 1476. int.
26 “THE OXYRHYNCAUS' PAPYRI
1. THE ‘SEN TESORO Yi See
1412. NOTICE OF A SPECIAL MEETING OF THE SENATE.
22:5 X 21-6 cm. About a.p. 284.
That the meetings of the senate were convened by the prytanis was
a natural supposition made by Jouguet (Vze munic. 379), and direct evidence on
the question is now provided by this notice of a special general meeting summoned
by the prytanis, who bears a long and interesting list of municipal titles (II. 1-3, n.),
in consequence of letters received from the dioecetes (cf. 1409. int.) and another
high official. Urgent business was to be transacted by the appointment of
λειτουργοί in connexion with the transport of corn required by troops, stationed
probably at Babylon (cf. e. g. 1261. 7), the requisite boats having been already
provided by the government (ll. 8-10, n.), The precise character of the liturgies
is not stated ; but from other papyri of the third—fourth century they are known
to have included the supervision of the transport by water, as well as the care of
the transport by land from the θησαυροί to the Nile and the embarkation;
cf. 1. 14, ἢ. It is noticeable that no hour is fixed for the meeting, which was to
be held apparently on the same day (cf. Il. 14-16, n.), and the place of assembly is
also described in general terms (1. 11 εἰς ἐπιμελῆ τόπον). Presumably both time
and place were subject to fixed rules and Oxyrhynchus had a regular βουλευτή-
ριον, though it is still unattested ; the evidence for βουλευτήρια at other metropoleis
is singularly slight ; cf. Jouguet, of. cit. 374. With a view of securing a full
voluntary attendance at the meeting the prytanis, if 1. 16 is rightly restored, had
posted up publicly the letters which he had received, and the concluding
exhortation concerning the necessity for dispatch (ll. 16-20) also bears witness to
the difficulty of making senators perform their onerous duties in connexion with
liturgies. The somewhat dilatory character of their deliberations is well illus-
trated by 1413 and 1415 ; cf. 1418. int.
The date of the papyrus, which is written in a rather large late third-century
cursive hand, is not preserved, but the dioecetes Aurelius Proteas (I. 9) is known
from 1115. 11-12, where 1. [Ip{w|réa for *Ap[uo|réa, to have held office in the second
year of Carinus (A.D. 283-4). The other high official ὁ κράτιστος ᾿Αμμώνιος
(ll. 9-10) is no doubt identical with ᾿Αμμώνιος ὃ κράτ. ἐπείκτης δημοσίου σίτου in
1257. 14, and the unnamed emperor whose years are mentioned in 1257 was
clearly Probus, as already suggested in 1257. int. Aurelius Ammonius 6 κράτιστος
in 1191. 1, 15 (6th year of Probus) was perhaps the same person, though the
.1412. NOTICE OF A SPECIAL MEETING OF THE SENATE 27
context there suggests that he was an epistrategus. The ἐπείκτης δημοσίου σίτου,
who is not mentioned elsewhere, was apparently created in the third century
in addition to the existing ἐπίτροπος Νέας πόλεως, as the catholicus (cf. 1410.
int.) was appointed in addition to the dioecetes. The κράτιστος Αὐρ. ᾿Αμμωνίων in
1544. 3 (probably early in the reign of Diocletian) may also have been an
ἐπείκτης, and was possibly identical with Aur. Ammonius. The prytanis Aurelius
Eudaemon also called Helladius (1.1) was no doubt the same person as the
Βιβλιοφύλαξ of that name in Mitteis, Chrest. 196. 4 (A.D. 307), where he is only
called γυμ(νασιαρχήσας) βουλ(ευτής) ; cf. 1452. 2, n.
Αὐ[ρ]ήϊλι]ος Εἰὐδ]αίμων ὁ καὶ ᾿Ελλάδιος γ[εϊνόμενος εὐθη-
νιάρχης κοσμητὴς ἐξηγητὴς ὑπομνηματογράφος
βουλευτὴς τῆϊΞ] λαμπροτάτης πόλεως τῶν Ade~avdpéwr,
γ[υἹμνασ[Παρχήσας βουλ[ε]υτὴς ἔναρχος πρύτανις τῆς
5 λαμπρᾶς κ[αὶ] λαμπροτάτη[ς ᾿ΟἸξυρυγχιτῶν πόλεως.
τὰ τῆς ἀνακ[οἹμιδῆς τῆς εὐθενείας τῶν [γ]ενναιοτάτων
στρα[τ]ιωτῶν οὐδὲ βραχεῖαν ἀνάθεσιν ἐπιδέχεται, καὶ διὰ τοῦτο,
καὶ γραμμάτων ἡμᾶς εἰς τοῦτο κατεπειγόντων τοῦ κρα-
τίστου διοικητοῦ Αὐρηλίου II[plwréa ἔτι [|e κ[α]ὶ το] κρατίστου
το ἐἀμμ[ω]νίου, καὶ τῶν πλοίων ἤδη τῶν ὑπ[ο]δεχομένων
τὰ εἴδη ἐφορμούντων, ἐδέησεν εἰς ἐπιμελῆ τόπον δίη-
μοσίαν συναγαγεῖν πρόσκλητον βουλήν, ἵνα προτεθείσης
σκέψεως περὶ μόνου τούτου τοῦ κεφαλαίο]ν τέλεσιν τὴν
ταχίστην λάβῃ τὰ λειτουργήματα. ἵνία οὖν πάντες ἑκόντες
15 [ὦσι ἢ] βουλευταὶ τοῦτο yvér[re|s ἐν τῇ σήμεροϊν ἥτ]ις ἐστὶν ce,
[τὰ ypd|uplalra δημοσίᾳ πρόκειτ[ α]. καλῶς dé] ἔχειν ἐνόμισα [
[γινώσκει δὴν ὑμᾶς δι[ὰ το]ῦδε τοῦ προ[γ]ράμματος συντετα-
[χέναι ἡμᾶς] ὑμῖν συνε[ιδό]σιν πρὸς τὰ κελευσθέντα ὀξέως
ἰσυναχ]θῆναι, οὐδενὸς ἀϊλλοὴν ἐν τῇ παρούσῃ συνόδῳ μένον-
20 ἴτος, ψ]ηφίσᾳσθαί τε τὰς [τ]ῶν λ[ιτ]ουργῶν χειροϊτ])οἱνΐας.
[(ἔτους) B Py [ Le.
2. ὕπομνημ. I. Io. ὑπίοἼ]δεχ. Il,
‘From Aurelius Eudaemon also called Helladius, formerly eutheniarch, cosmetes,
exegetes, hypomnematographus, senator of the most illustrious city of Alexandria, ex-
gymnasiarch, senator, prytanis in office of the illustrious and most illustrious city of
Oxyrhynchus.
28 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
The question of the transport of provisions for the most noble soldiers does not admit
even a brief delay, and for this reason, and since letters from his excellency the dioecetes.
Aurelius Proteas, as well as from his excellency Ammonius, are urging us on this matter,
and the boats to receive the supplies are already at anchor, it became necessary to summon
a special general meeting of the senate at a suitable place, in order that a discussion may
be held on this single subject, and the obligations performed as quickly as possible.
Accordingly in order that every one, being informed of this, may willingly act as senator (?)
to-day, which is the 15th, the letters are publicly exhibited. I thought it right that you
should know by this proclamation that I have instructed you, being now in possession of
the facts, to assemble swiftly in view of the orders, since no other subject remains for the
present meeting, and to vote upon the elections of those who are to serve.
The 2nd (?) year, (month) 15.’
1-3. Cf. the identical titles of an Alexandrian magistrate in a Pachnemounis inscr.
(Hogarth, 7. HS. 1904, p. 10); in B.G. U. 1074. 10 (from Oxyrhynchus) the same four
titles as those in ll. 1-2 occur (also referring to Alexandria), but εὐθηνιάρχης is placed
between ἐξηγητής and ὑπομνηματογράφος. Jouguet (Vie munic. 292 sqq.), in endeavouring to
reconcile those two instances with the rules laid down by Preisigke, Beamtenwesen, 31 sqq.
for the order of municipal titles in papyri and inscriptions, naturally became involved in
great difficulties, and eventually concluded that exegetae, cosmetae, and eutheniarchs were
all on much the same level, so that, if the chronological order in which these offices were
held was followed, there was a good deal of variation. With regard to the ὑπομνηματογράφος
he did not accept Preisigke’s proposal to relegate him to the lowest grade, but thought that
he was inferior to the gymnasiarch. Our view of Preisigke’s rules is somewhat different.
The order in point of rank which he proposed was (1) gymnasiarch, (2) exegetes,
(3) cosmetes, (4) chief-priest, (5) agoranomus, (6) eutheniarch, (7) hypomnematographus,
and he considered that papyri differ from inscriptions in usually having an ascending instead
of a descending order where several offices are mentioned together. The attempt to
differentiate the practice of papyri from that of inscriptions, which results in interpreting
the Pachnemounis list as a descending one (so Jouguet, of. εἴ. 298), although another
Pachnemounis inscription (Hogarth, /.c. p. 5) has a list which is clearly ascending, seems
to us fallacious. If inscriptions provide somewhat more exceptions than papyri to the
general rule that titles are mentioned together in an ascending scale, that is more likely
to be due to local variations of style than to the nature of the writing-material, and especially
in the light of 1412 we prefer to interpret both the Pachnemounis inscriptions in accordance
with the usual practice in papyri. This results in our regarding the hypomnematographus as
superior to the gymnasiarch, which removes the difficulty (cf. Jouguet, of. cat. 171-3) created
by the great importance of the hypomnematographus at Alexandria (cf. p. 30), as con-
trasted with his supposed low rank in the nome-capitals, and is quite in accordance with the
evidence of second-century papyri concerning the cursus honorum at Alexandria; cf.
P. Tebt. 286. 14-15, where Julius Theon is stated to have been archidicastes before
becoming hypomnematographus, Flor. 68. 5 γενόμ. γυμν. καὶ ὕπομν., and B. G, U. 832. 15 and
888. 5, where (γενόμ.) ὑπομν. follows (i.e. ranks higher than) τῶν γεγυμνασιαρχηκότων and γενομ.
ἀρχιδικαστής respectively. The last three instances, which on Preisigke’s view of the rank
of the ὑὕπομν. were exceptions to his rule about the ascending order of municipal titles in
papyri, thus on our view serve to illustrate it. With regard to the hypomnematographus
fresh evidence is afforded by B. G. U. 1073. 4, where the titles γενομένου κοσμητοῦ ἐξηγητοῦ.
ὑπομνηματογρά(φου) are in the usual ascending order, and 1484. 10 and 1461. 2-3, in both
of which cases he ranks higher than the ἀρχιερεύς, and the two instances which have been
thought to indicate his low rank in the hierarchy do not justify that inference. In Β. G. U. 121.
1412. NOTICE OF A.SPECIAL MEETING OF THE SENATE 29
I (A.D. 194), where Preisigke doubtfully proposes yevo(uévou) [ὑπομνηματογρ(άφου)] ἀγορα(νομή-
σαντος), the restoration is open to the objection that the ὕπομν. is absent from the list of
municipal officials in P. Amh. 124, which is approximately contemporary with B.G. U. 121,
and the creation of local ὑὕπομν. was, as Jouguet points out, most likely connected with the
establishment of senates in 202, so that we prefer to restore [εὐθηνιαρχ(ήσαντος)). In 55. 1-2
(A.D. 283) Αὐρ. ᾿Απολλωνίῳ τῷ καὶ Διονυσίῳ γεν. ὕπομν. κ[αὶ] ὡς χρηματίζει γυμνασιαρχήσαντι
βουλευτῇ ἐνάρχῳ πρυτάνει τῆς λαμ. καὶ λαμ. OE. TOA. διέποντι καὶ τὰ πολιτικά Preisigke, followed
by Jouguet, ignores καὶ ὡς χρηματίζει, which in reality is a periphrasis for βουλευτοῦ τῆς λαμ.
πόλ. τῶν ᾿Αλεξανδρέων, as is clear from 59. 2-3 (A.D. 292) where Αὐρ. ᾿Απόλλωνο οἾ τοῦ καὶ
Διονυσίου γεν. ὕπομν. βουλευτοῦ τῆς λαμ. TOA. τῶν ᾿Αλεξ. γυμν(ασιαρχήσαντος) πρυτ(ανεύσαντος)
βουλευτοῦ ἐνάρ. πρυτ. must be the same person (cf. 1468. 27, n.). Hence γεν. ὕπομν.
in 55 refers to Alexandria, not to Oxyrhynchus, and stands in no close relation to
γυμνασιαρχήσαντι. Corroborative evidence for the high rank of the hypomnematographus is
afforded by 59. 6, 1191. 11, and 1257. 4, where a strategus is called γενόμ. imouy., 59. 7,
where a former ὕπομν. acts as deputy for the strategus, a function performed elsewhere by
ex-gymnasiarchs or ex-exegetae (cf. Preisigke, of. εἴ. 66-7), P. Thead. 18. 1, where
a ὕπομν. is apparently a deputy-strategus, and 1645. 2-3, where two ὕπομν. are responsible
for the appointment of a guardian, a task usually undertaken by exegetae or officials of
the central government (cf. P. Tebt. 397 and 1466. int.).
The normal order of the hierarchy of municipal officials in the nome-capitals was in
our opinion as follows: (1) hypomnematographus, (2) gymnasiarch, (3) exegetes, (4) cos-
metes, (5) chief-priest, (6) eutheniarch, (7) agoranomus. Concerning the eutheniarch (cf.
1454. int.) it is still doubtful whether by himself he should be ranked above or below the
cosmetes or chief-priest ; his office was often combined with the tenure of another, e. g. that
of gymnasiarch in 1417-18, that of exegetes apparently in P. Tebt. 397. 15, that of chief-
priest in P. Amh. 124. 22. There is also some fluctuation in the relative position of the
cosmetes and chief-priest, the former taking precedence in P. Amh. 124 (Hermopolis) and
Flor. 21. 1 (Arsinoé), the latter in 1025. 4-5; in Ὁ. P.R. 20. i. 2 (Hermopolis) the titles
γυμνασιαρχήσαντι καὶ ἀρχιερατεύσαντι are arranged exceptionally in a descending scale, as in
Inscr. 66 of De Ricci, Archiv, ii. 444. In P. Ryl. 149. 1-4 (a.D. 39-40) an unusual
combination of the offices of chief-priest, exegetes, and strategus occurs. In P. Brit. Mus.
1177. ii (iii. 182) the cosmetes seems to rank above the exegetes. Where the ἀγωνοθέτης,
who is rarely mentioned, should be placed is not clear. In Dittenberger, 7557. Gr. Or.
713, his office is combined with that of gymnasiarch, and seems to rank below it; P. Ryl.
117. 18 and 1416. 5 are indecisive.
At Alexandria the conditions were somewhat different. Plaumann (Archzz, vi. 92°),
after examining the evidence, could come to no definite conclusion; but some of the
difficulties which troubled him disappear with the modification of Preisigke’s arrangement
caused by placing the hypomnematographus at the top, and in P. Tebt. 317. 2 yle|vopeva
probably refers only to κοσμητῇ, and ἱερεῖ ἐξηγητῇ are the offices actually held, so that this
instance indicates the customary relation of cosmetes and exegetes, concerning which
Plaumann expressed doubts. On the whole, in spite of the inconsistency of the evidence
regarding the eutheniarch already noted, the rank of the seven officials mentioned above
seems to apply to Alexandria as well as to the nome-capitals, except perhaps in the case
of the chief-priest. ‘The hypomnematographus (1102. 4), archidicastes (e. g. 1471. 2), and
exegetes (P. Tebt. 317. 2) are called ἱερεῖς, as sometimes the exegetae in the nomes (Jouguet,
op. cit. 338°). Concerning the relationship of the archidicastes to the hypomnemato-
graphus the evidence is conflicting, since in B. Ὁ. U. 832. 15.an archidicastes (cf. Koschaker,
lc.) is called τῶν yeyupy. [γ]ενομένῳ ὑπομ[νηματογράφῳ, whereas in P. Tebt. 286. 14-15
and B.G. U. 888. 5 (cf. p. 28) these offices were held in the reverse order. Since the post
30 THE OXYRHYNCHUS-“PAPYRE
of hypomnematographus at Alexandria was one of great importance and that official, who
dated from Ptolemaic times, was chief of the praefect’s chancery (that more than one
ὕπομν. existed at Alexandria, as has been sometimes supposed, seems to us unlikely), we
prefer to place him above the archidicastes, whose deputy is now known from 1472. 12
to have been in one case an exegetes-elect, not a hypomnematographus. The στρατηγὸς τῆς
πόλεως was inferior to the archidicastes (cf. Koschaker, 2. c.), and if he was identical with the
γυκτερινὸς στρατ. of Strabo, he may well have ranked low down in the list; for the νυκτοστράτηγοι
of the nomes (Wilcken, of. ccf. 414) do not seem to have ranked as high as ordinary στρατηγοί,
and from 1560. 10-11 the office of orpar. τῆς πόλ. appears to have been lower than that of ἐπὶ
τῆς ev6n|vias (i. e. eutheniarch), unless the two were held simultaneously. We are accordingly
more disposed than Jouguet (οὔ. cz¢. 193-4) to regard the rank of the orpar. of Alexandria as
quite different from that of the strategiin the nomes, who ranked above gymnasiarchs. 1560
also mentions πρεσβευτής in the list of titles in 1. 11, placing it between ἐπὶ τῆς εὐθηνίας and
ἀρχιδικαστής. To judge by 1242. 3-11, where the πρέσβεις are chiefly gymnasiarchs, the special
office of πρεσβευτής is likely to have ranked very high, so that the order of the Alexandrian
hierarchy which we propose is the following: (1) ὑπομνηματογράφος, (2) ἀρχιδικαστής, (3)
πρεσβευτής, (4) γυμνασίαρχος, (5) ἐξηγητής, (6) κοσμητής, (7) ἀρχιερεὺς Σεβαστῶν, (8) εὐθηνίαρχος,
(9) ἀγορανόμος, (10) στρατηγός (?).
8-10. Cf. int. The πλοῖα in question were no doubt δημόσια ; cf. P. Cairo Preisigke 34
quoted in 1. 14, n., Amh. 138. 5 πλοίου ταμιακοῦ, Brit. Mus. 256 (a). 1 σκάφης δημοσίας.
Private boats were also frequently employed; cf. πλοίου ἰδίου in 1554. 6, P. Flor. 75. 8,
Brit. Mus. 948. 1-2 (iii, p. 220), and Goodsp. 14. 3, and πλοῖον ‘Hpaicxou ναυτικοῦ in
1544, 7-8.
11. ἐπιμελῆ τόπον : cf. int.
12. πρόσκλητος βουλή, an expression adopted from Attic, is illustrated by the proceedings
recorded in 1414, which apparently also refers to a special meeting (1. 29). How often
the ordinary meetings of Egyptian senates were held is not known; very short notice was
given in the present instance ; cf. ll. 14-16, n. The word used in 1412 for ‘ meeting’ is
not συνέδριον (C. P. Herm. 7. ii. 6) but σύνοδος (1. 19). For partial meetings of the senate
cf. 1414. 21, n. ;
14. λειτουργήματα : the duties of senators in connexion with the collection of corn and
the transport from the granaries to the boats are illustrated by P. Brit. Mus. 948 (iii, p. 220),
Flor. 75, ὟΝ. Chrest. 434, and Stud. Pal. i. 34, all acknowledgements by κυβερνῆται to senators
concerning the receipt of corn for dispatch by river. That the vavednpia too tended to
become a liturgy was conjectured by Rostowzew, Archiv, iii. 223 (cf. P. Giessen 11. 11, n.),
and the evidence desiderated by Wilcken, Grundz. 379, was provided by 1261, a declaration
concerning the transport of produce for troops at Babylon, made by a senator acting as an
ἐπιμελητής in terms which correspond to the declarations of a ναύκληρος χειρισμοῦ Νέας πόλεως
in 1259, and of a κυβερνήτης in 1260; cf. P. Cairo Preisigke 34. 3-4 Αὐρήλιος Apyovas...
ap£&(as) τῆς Ἑρμοῦ πόλεως vav |kAnpos πλοίου δημοσίου τῆς Μαξιμιανοῦ πόλεως, where βουλευτής
may well be the word lost before ναύ]κληρος.
14-16. The reconstruction of this sentence is not quite certain. After λειτουργήματα
a blank space was, we think, left, as after πρόκειτζα]ι in ], 16. The supposed s of πῆαντες is
not very satisfactory, but the next word seems to be ἑκόντες, not a participle. βουλευταί
suits the vestiges very well, and there is no room for a verb except at the beginning of ]. 15.
The emphatic date refers to what precedes rather than to what follows; in view of the
pressing nature of the business, and the prevailing custom of giving invitations at very short
notice (αὔριον is usual, e.g. in 1487; σήμερον occurs in 1485-6), the fact that the meeting
was summoned for the very day on which this notice was issued (whether sent to individual.
senators or publicly exposed) is not very surprising. Another doubtful point is the
1412. NOTICE OF A SPECIAL MEETING OF -THE SENATE 31
restoration of the beginning of |. 16, where--we suppose that [τὰ ypd|up[alra refers back to
γραμμάτων in]. 8. The final a is probable in any case, but the traces of the preceding letters
are very slight. ] rald]ra and πρόΪγρα[μἽμα are unsatisfactory.
16-17. ἐνόμισα γινώσκειν or eae εἰδέναι can be read, or ‘the infinitive may be
e. g. [νουθετεῖν.
20. Cf. the debate on liturgies in 1415. 4-31, and 1413. int.
21. [ἔτους β7 : cf.int. It is not certain that the stroke belongs to a numeral, and some
part of the name of the month would be expected to be visible. Perhaps no year was
given and the stroke refers to the-day of the month, or the date was written after a con-
siderable gap and the stroke is accidental. The margin at the bottom is not preserved.
1413. REPORT OF PROCEEDINGS OF THE SENATE.
22:3 Χ 24:8 cm. A.D. 270—5.
The procedure of the local senates in Egypt is very imperfectly known ; for
though several fragments of reports of their debates are extant in 1103 (and per-
haps 1805 ; cf. 41,a report of a meeting of the δῆμος at Oxyrhynchus), B. G. U. 925
(Heracleopolis), C. P. Herm. 7. i (Hermopolis), and De Ricci, C. R. Acad. [nscr.
1895. 160, Wilcken, Archiv, iv. 115 544. (both Antinodpolis), owing to the great
length of lines which is customary in this class of documents the restoration of
lacunae is difficult; cf. Jouguet, Vie munic. 374 sqq., where an attempt is made
to reconstruct the Hermopolite text. 1413-15, which are reports, divided into
sections, of discussions in the senate of Oxyrhynchus, with 1416, a list of resolu-
tions, though also imperfect, are much more extensive, and serve to give a very
fair general idea of the proceedings.
The subjects of discussion illustrated by these four papyri concern either
administration or finance. Under the former head come the appointment of
exegetae and ἐπιτηρηταί (1418. 4-18, and perhaps 1-3), of a δημόσιος τραπεζίτης
(1415. 13-31), of a new prytanis (1414. 24-7), of an ἀγωνοθέτης (1416. 5), of
a temporary cosmetes (?) (1416. 18), the apportionment of the duties of gymnasi-
archs on particular days (1418. 19-24, 1416. 6-9 ; cf. 1417-18), nominations for
special liturgies such as the transport of military and other supplies (1414. 17-23,
1415. 4-12), arrangements for the local festival (1416. 2 and 11-17), or other
duties (1416. 19-26). Financial questions were debated in 1418, 25-33, concern-
ing the completion of a gold crown in honour of Aurelian (cf. 1416. 29, where
some honour to be bestowed on an Emperor and praefect is mentioned), 1413.
34-7, concerning a payment for some public object for which the cosmetae seem
to have been responsible, 1414. 1-3, apparently concerning clothes payable to the
State, 1414. 4-11, concerning the supply and price of yarn for linen required by
a temple, and 1414. 12-16, dealing with an application from the city linen-
weavers for an increase. of their remuneration ; cf. also 1416. 3-4, referring to
22 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
a loan from the municipal funds. An application from the local priests is
alluded to in 1416. 10 (cf. 1414. 4, n.), but the nature of the question discussed is
uncertain, as in 1414. 28-30, 1415. 1-3 and 32-42, 1416. 1 and 27-8.
The debate on each topic was generally opened by the reading of a com-
munication from the strategus or some other external official (e. g. 1414. 17, 19),
or by an explanatory speech from the prytanis (for an exception cf. 1418. 19, n.),
who was no doubt responsible for the drawing up of 1416 and often took a lead-
ing part in the discussion (1418. 1, n.). The senators’ remarks, as reported,
are frequently collective, as in B.G.U. 925, frequently also acclamations like
those in 41; but sometimes one section speaks, e. g. the exegetae in 1413. 5, the
members of the third tribe in 1418. 12-13 (cf. 1415.19), and in 1418 and 1415,
though not in 1414, the names of individual senators are mentioned, besides the
σύνδικος. That official of the senate is prominent in 1413-14, especially in con-
nexion with bringing matters to a decision or collecting information to be used
at a later sitting, and he seems to have been a kind of legal adviser, as well
as an advocate of the senate in courts of law; cf. 1418. 17, n. There are
frequent references to communications to or from officials of the central govern-
ment, an ἐπίτροπος in 1416. 28, an ἐπείκτης χρυσοῦ στεφάνου καὶ νίκης in 1418. 25,
the epistrategus in 1418. 30, 1415. 8—9, the strategus in 1414. 4, 17, 19, 1415. 4, 13,
and magistrates whose titles are uncertain in 1415. 13,17, 1416. 19; but the
officials of the central government do not take part in the debates, and Wilcken
is no doubt right in now (Chrest. 39. int.) referring the συνέδριον in C. P. Herm.
52. ii. g to a trial, not, as formerly, to a meeting of the senate (cf. 1412. 12, n.).
A tendency to postpone business until the next meeting is distinctly marked;
cf. 1418. 11-12, 1414, τό, 18, 1416. το, and 1412. int. Altogether 1413-16 provide
much new information, the details of which are discussed in the commentary.
1418, written in a small cursive hand, consists of the ends of lines of a very
broad column from the official records (ὑπομνηματισμοί ; cf. C. P. Herm. 7. ii. 7
τοῖς ὑπομνημ(ατισθεῖσι) ἐπὶ τῆς κρατ. βουλ.) of five debates in the reign of Aurelian
(ll. 4, 25-6) on a day early in Thoth (see below). 1414, which is approximately
contemporary with 1418 since it mentions the same σύνδικος, has on the verso a docu-
ment written in the fifth year of an Emperor (1496. 25), and whether the reigning
monarch there was Aurelian or Probus (cf.1497. 2-3) is uncertain. 1413-14 therefore
may belong to the latter part of Aurelian’s reign; but the mention of the χρυσοῦς
στέφανος καὶ νίκη in 1418, 25 suggests a year soon after Aurelian had got rid of
either Vaballathus, who was associated with him in his first and second years, or
Firmus, who revolted in his third or fourth year. The second, third, and fourth
sections are fairly intelligible, though from ll. 14 and 17 it appears that more
than 80 letters are lost at the beginnings of lines normally (10 more in 1]. 16-17).
1415. REPORT OF PROCEEDINGS, OF .THE SENATE 53
The first three lines give the conclusion of a discussion about the filling up of
an official post, probably that of exegetes, which is also the subject of the follow-
ing section. Lines 1-2 seem to belong to a speech of the prytanis, acting
as γνωμηεισηγητής (1. I, n.), proposing to assign half the post to some one. This
is followed by some remarks from an exegetes, of which the senate expressed
its approval by a favourite exclamation at this period, ὠκεανέ (1. 3, n.).
In 11. 4-18 the topic is the appointment of municipal magistrates, whose
numbers tended at this period to diminish owing to the lack of willing candidates
(cf. 1252. verso and 1642), and in particular, though perhaps not exclusively
(cf. 1. 5, n.), the nomination of exegetae and their ἐπιτηρηταί, thus providing
an interesting parallel to P. Ryl. 77, which gives an account of the appointment
of a cosmetes in the period before the creation of senates. On the general
character of exegetae see Jouguet, of. cit. 315-18. Oxyrhynchus had at this
period many gymnasiarchs (1418. 19-24, 1416. 6-9) and sometimes many
eutheniarchs, who in 199 numbered 12 (908. int.), but how many exegetae there
were in the κοινόν of that τάγμα (891. 14) is unknown. The prytanis opened the
debate with a reference to honouring the Emperor by the nomination of senators
to magistracies, in order that their payments for the crowns of office (στεπτικά,
1, 4, n.) should be available for the State, and, in answer perhaps to a question
who should make the first nominations, appealed to the exegetae. These
officials suggested that Serenus (Ὁ) should be made exegetes. After a remark by
the prytanis, which is lost, perhaps a request for more nominations, Sabinus, an
ex-prytanis, called attention to the fact that a certain Plution had not yet paid
his στεπτικόν for becoming exegetes; about this the prytanis apparently
appealed to the γραμματεὺς πολιτικῶν (1. 7, n.) for confirmation, and received
an affirmative answer. The subject of Plution’s debt was continued by one of the
exegetae, perhaps with a warning that the precedent was not to be followed
in the case of Serenus, to which the senators replied that the latter was
nominated on the security of his property (1. 8,n.). The syndic then apparently
closed the discussion about Serenus with a remark of which the point is obscure,
but which perhaps implied that Serenus was ineligible owing to his being
gymnasiarch. In any case the prytanis appealed to the exegetae for further
nominations, and they put forward the name of Ion. A proposal was next made
by a chief-priest that Ion should have an ἐπιτηρητής attached to him (1. 10,n.), the
suggestion being accepted by the prytanis, who nominated Phileas and Plotinus
for this post, their names meeting with the approval of the senate. The definitive
appointment was, however, not made, the question being adjourned till the next
meeting, and the prytanis appealed to the occupants of other magistracies
to make nominations. The answer came from the members of the third tribe,
D
34 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
which was at the moment responsible for liturgies (1. 12, n.), but the name of the
person put forward (as exegetes ?) is lost. As in the former case, an ἐπιτηρητής was
nominated by the prytanis, and his name greeted with acclamations by the
senate. After another proposal, which is lost, by the members of the third tribe,
the syndic again intervened, explaining that he had seized the property
of some individual (probably the person who had just been mentioned by
the third tribe), and would report later on its value. A criticism of the two
names presented by the third tribe was then made by a new speaker (possibly
a hypomnematographus; 1. 15, n.), who stated that the nominations had been
made by only two persons, and this led to the selection by the senators collectively
of several persons, chosen apparently from the whole body of the tribe or senate.
The debate concluded with some remarks by the syndic concerning the first year
of office (1. 17, n.), apparently making some concession to the newly nominated
persons in order to induce them to serve.
In ll. 19-24 the topic was the days on which individual gymnasiarchs were
responsible for the provision of oil for gymnasial purposes, which was one of
their chief duties. The opening speaker seems to have been not, as usual, the
prytanis, but a gymnasiarch called Ptolemaeus, who stated that he had recently
provided oil on two days (probably Thoth 1 and 3) in place of two of his
colleagues, and apparently asked to be relieved from duty on the days fixed for
himself. The senators accepted his proposal with acclamations, and appointed
other persons to serve on Thoth 11 and 12, which must have been subsequent to
the date of the meeting. An objection to the alteration of the dates was then
raised by a gymnasiarch whose name is lost, but was apparently overruled by the
senate, which proceeded to appoint persons for the 13th and following days.
Another objection was then raised (1. 23) by a gymnasiarch called Serenus
(perhaps identical with the preceding objector), that the change might affect him
injuriously, and, if the first part of 1. 24 belongs to the same speaker, he seems to
have claimed to have acted, like Ptolemaeus, in place of some one else, his remarks
being greeted with applause from the senate.
A fresh section begins in 1. 25, the prytanis reporting the receipt of a com-
munication from the ἐπείκτης χρυσοῦ στεφάνου καὶ νίκης of Aurelian (of which the
purport was similar to that of the letter of the ἐπείκτης δημοσίου σίτου in 1412. 9),
concerning the completion of a golden crown due from the city (cf. 1441. int.). In
order to expedite matters the prytanis proposed that 12 talents more should
be paid to the artificers, and a discussion arose on the questions how and when
the amount was to be collected. With regard to the first point it was decided to
keep the same collectors as previously ; with regard to the second the remarks of
a certain Euporus, who apparently wished to expedite the completion of the
14183. REPORT OF PROCEEDINGS OF THE SENATE 35
crown in view of the approaching visit of the epistrategus, met with the approval
of the senate. The syndic concluded the discussion, promising to report any
payments made to the artificers in advance. The last section (ll. 34-7) refers to
some duty imposed upon the cosmetae, apparently involving a payment for
a public work of some kind.
I 1. 7 καὶ ψήφισμα αὐτῷ ἐπὶ τούτοις γινέσθω εἰς ἡμιχώριον τί 35
letters. Jud... ..
2 Jas δὲ εἰσηγοῦμαι. Σ᾽ επτίμιος Σερῆνος ὁ καὶ ᾿Ισχυρίων ἐξηγητὴς
ew al. «eh Δ] 5 letters, |... [:1.........] καὶ αἷ....
3 ἐπὶ τούτοις τοῖς ὅροις. οἱ βουλευταὶ εἶπ(ον): ὠκεανέ, ἐξηγητά.
4 [ὁ πρύτανις εἶπίεν)" τὸ μεγαϊλῖον τοῦ κυρίου ἡμῶν Αὐρηλιανοῦ Σεβαστοῦ.
2 2 ὯΙ \ X [ \ 5) 3a ?
ὀνομάσατε οὖν Kal βουλευτὰς iva τὰ στεπτικὰ αὐτῶν εἰσί... ..
᾿ οἱ βουλευταὶ εἶπον" le. ὁ πρύτανις cin(ev) προτρέψασθε οἱ ἐξη-
e 3
7 \ > U4 “ >
yntai τινας. οἱ ἐξηγηταὶ εἶπ(ον) προτραπήτω [ΣἸερῆνος εἰς
2 7 ε » ?
ἐξηγητείαν. ὁ πρύτανις εἶϊπίεν)"
6 ΣαἸβεῖνος καὶ ὡς χρημαίτίζει) πρυτανεύσας εἶπ(εν᾽ ὁ Πλουτίων
στεπτικὸν ἔτι ὀφείλει ἧς ἀνεδέξατο ἀπὸ τιμῶν ἐξηγητείας.
6 πρύτϊ[ανις
7 [εἶπ(εν)" ]---[- -]- [γ]ραμματεὺς πολειτικῶν εἶπ(εν) vai. ᾿Ιουλιανὸς
6 καὶ Διοσκουρίδης ἐξηγητὴς <in(ev): Πλουτίων ὀφείλει στεπτι-
[κόν,] οὔκουν [
8 οἱ βουλευτ]αὶ <im(ov) ὁ ὀνομασθεὶς ἐπὶ τῷ ἰδίῳ. πόρῳ ὠνομάσθη.
΄ Ζ ε ν᾽ x 7, ΄, ε ΐ
Σεπτίμιος Διογένης ὁ καὶ 4γαθὸς Δαίμων γενόμενος ὑπομνηματο-
vA ἈΝ
γρ[άϊφος καὶ.
9 [ὡς χρημαί(τίζει) σύνδικος εἶπίενν" Σερῆνό ἢὴς ἐστιν γυμνασίαρχος.
ς 2 > > A » or i Χο Ν
ὁ πρύτανις εἶπ(εν) ὀνομάσατε ἄλλους, ἵνα κἂν τὸ ἐξηγητικὸν
δι ει δ > U4 aT en
συσταθῇ. οἱ ἐξηγηταὶ εἶπί(ον) προτραττήτω “Iwv υἱὸς
10 eis Thy ἐξηγητεί]αν τοῦ πάππου. Σ᾽ εκοῦνδος Σεκούνδου ἀρχιερεὺς
εἶπ(εν) ἐπιτηρείσθω οὖν ὁ ὀνομασθείς. ὁ πρύτανις εἶπ(εν) ai-
ροῦμαι εἰς ἐπιτήϊ-
1 [ρησιν Φιλέαν καὶ Πλουτεῖνον ἵνα τὴν πίστιν ἀποπληρώσωσιν τῇ
βουλῇ. οἱ βουλευταὶ <im(ov) ἁγνὲ πιστὲ Φιλέα, ἁγνὲ πιστὲ
Πλο[υ]τεῖνε. τούτων |
12 ὑπερτεθέντων εἰς τὴν] ἑξῆς βουλήν, ὁ πρύτανις ein(ev) καὶ αἱ ἄλλαι
D2
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
ἀρχαὶ ὀνομασάτωσαν. ὀνομάσατε δὲ καὶ βουλευτάς. of ἀπὸ
A 7 “ ἫΝ
τῆς τρίτης φυλῆς εἰπίον)"
ὁ πρύτανις εἶπί(εν)" ἐπι]τηρήσει Νεῖλος βουλευτής. οἱ βουλευταὶ
cim(ov): ἁγνὲ πιστὲ Νεῖλε, ἀεὶ καλῶς Νεῖλος, βοήθειαν αὐτῷ.
οἱ ἀπὸ τῆϊς τ]ρίτης φυλῆς
[εἶπ(ον)" Σεπτίμιος Διογένης ὁ καὶ ἀγαθὸς Δαίμων γενόμενος ὕπο-
μνηματογράφος καὶ ὡς χρημαί(τίζει) σύνδικος εἶπί(εν)" Τ κατεί-
ληφα πόρον, τουτέστιν γενήματα ἀποκείμενα ἐν τῷ Movipov,
καὶ ὅταν γνωσθῇ ἡ ποσότης, παρατε[θ]ήσεται ὑμῖν.
Ἰφος καὶ ὡς χρημαί(τίζει) εἶπ(εν) ὅσοι νῦν ὠνομάσθησαν ὑπὸ Φελέου
καὶ Ἡρακλιδίωνος ὠνομάσθησαν. οἱ βουλευτ[α]ὶ εἶπί(ον)" ἀπὸ
ὅλης |
[τῆς φυλῆς ? ἁγνὲ πισ]τὲ ‘Qpiwy γεουχῶν ἐν Νεσμείμι, ἁγνὲ πιστὲ
Aecwvidn γεουχῶν ἐν Δωσιθέου, ἁγνὲ πιστὲ Βηϊσ]αρίων γεουΐ-
[χῶν ἐν Σεπτίμιος Διογένης ὁ καὶ Ayabds Δαίμων γενόμενος ὑπο-
μνηματογράφος καὶ ὡς χ]ρημαί(τίζει) σύνδικος einer) ἵνα προ-
τραπῶσιν καὶ ἄρχωσιν οἱ ὀνομαζόμενοι, τὸ πρωτενίαυτον τῆς
λιτουργησίαϊς
|
[Πτολεμαῖος γυμνασίαρχος ? εἶπ(εν)" el’s τὴϊν τριακάδα τοῦ Mecopi)
χρεῖσαι. τῇ μὲν τριακάδι οὐκ ἔχρεισεν, ἀλλὰ τῇ ἑξῆς νεομηνίᾳ
dv ἐμοῦ ἔϊχρεισεῖν, παραδεχ.-
se |s ὁ τοῦ Φιλοσόφου, y ἐπεστάτει Θεόδωρος vids Πτολεμαίου
\ > Ν᾿ 3 ἌΣ τὰ 2 os 54 Iv >
Kal οὐκ ἔχρεισεν, ἀλλ ἐγὼ EK προχρείας [ἔχρεισ]α. ἐὰν οὖν |
οἱ βουλευταὶ εἶπ(ον)] ὠκεανὲ Πτολεμαῖε, ὠκεανὲ γυμνασίαρχε. a
Διονύσιος ὁ καὶ ᾿Αρτεμίδωρος, ιβ ᾿Αριστίων 6 καὶ ᾿Ανδ[ρόνειϊκος
᾿Δσϊυ]γκρί-
΄ > Δ. Υ Lal ς ΄“
[του. γυμνασίαρχος εἰπίεν)" ] ἡ ἐναλλαγὴ τῶν ἡμερῶν. oO
βουλευταὶ εἶπ(ον)" κύρια τὰ ψηφίσματα. wy Ἐενικὸς καὶ o
μέλλοντες γυμ[νασιαρχεῖν, ... ..
é
€
t
1 Σερῆνος "Appoviov γυμνασίαρχος εἶπ(εν" μὴ βλαπτέτω μου" τὸ
ψήφισμα ἡ ἐναλλαγὴ τῆς ἡϊμ]έέρας 18 letters
εἰ] καὶ μὴ ἔχρεισεν. kn Σεουῆρος καὶ ᾿Επίμαχος οἱ τοῦ Φιλο-
σόφου. οἱ βουλευταὶ εἶπ(ον)" ὠκεανὲ Σ᾽ ερῆνε ἢ, ὠκεανὲ γυμνασί-
αρχε ὃ,
—-s
14138. REPORT OF PROCEEDINGS OF THE SENATE 37
25 [ὁ πρύτανις εἶπί(εν)" ] ὁ ἐπείκτης χρυσοῦ στεφάνου καὶ νείκης τοῦ κυρίου
ἡμῶν Αὐρηλιανοῦ Σ᾿ εβ[αστ]οῦ ᾿Ιουλι 424 letters
26 τοῦ κυρίου ἡμῶν Αὐρηλια]νοῦ Σεβαστοῦ καὶ ὅτι καὶ 6 στέφανος
αὐτοῦ ἤδη ἐγένετο, καὶ εἰ μὴ οἱ τεχνεῖται [....]..[ 27 letters
27 τὰ σκἸεύη ταῦτα κατ᾽ εὐχὴν γείνεται. ἄλλα δώδεκα τάλαντα δοθήτω
τοῖς τεχνείτα[ι]ς. [ 23 letters
28 1. οἱ βουλευταὶ eim(ov): οἱ αὐτοὶ ἀπαιτείτωσαν. Θέων ὁ καὶ Ὠριγένης
ΧΙαιρήμον ?los καὶ ὡς χρ[ημα(τίζει) εἶπ(εν)". 18 letters
29 δύνασθε αὐτοὺς ἀπαιτῆσαι. οἱ βουλευταὶ εἶπ(ον) ἁγνοὶ πιστοὶ ἀπ-
αἰτηταί. Εὔπορ[ος] 6 καὶ ᾿4γα[θὸς Δαίμων καὶ ὡς xpnpua(riger) ?
εἶπ(εν)" ... ἱ
30 War, ἐὰν [μ]ὴ τελειωθῇ τὸ ἔργον. ὁ πρύτανις εἶπ(εν) καὶ ὁ κρά-
τιστίος] ἐπιστράτηγος 6 27 letters
31 Εὔπορος ὁ καὶ Ayabds Δαίμων ἢ κ]αὶ ὡς χρημα(τίζει) εἶπ(εν)" ὅταν
οὖν εὐθέως ἔλθῃ, ἐπειχθήσεται τ[ὸ Elpyov. οἱ βουλε[νταὶ €f[m(ov):
23 letters
32 |re Εὔπορε, εὐδιοίκητε Εὔπορε. Σ᾿ επτίμιος Διογένης ὁ καὶ Ayabds
Ζαίμων γενόμενος ὑπομνηματογράφος
33 [καὶ ὡς χρημαί(τίζει) σύνδικος εἶπίεν)" εἴ τι Tolls τεχνείταις ἐν πίστι
ἀναλίσκεται, -παρατεθήσεται ὑμῖν.
34 [ὁ πρύτανις «in(ev) ἹἸπον ἦν καὶ ἐπεστάλη τότε τὸ κοινὸν τῶν κοσμητ[ῶν
διὰ ΚἸορνηλιανοῦ καὶ ΠἊαυσανίίου 22 letters
qe. Jos δεδηϊλωκέν]αι πρὶν ἂν τὸ πᾶν ἀνάλωμα δοθῇ ...... 1. Μάξιμον
εν. . .1δ[ 22 letters
36 1. .[. λιτουργ ϑ]ησίαν [...]. ἕως τοῦ Παχὼν αἱ 53 letters
37 Jroul......].. ο1.15- alryom.[ 53 letters
8. ὕπομνηματογρ. II. 9. ἴων ὕιος Π. 14. ὕμιν I; 580 [ἴῃ ]. 33. 15. ὕπο Il,
], Φιλέου. 20. ὕιος II.
‘and let a resolution be made for him on these terms, that he (is to serve) half (the
office)... I introduce...’ Septimius Serenus also called Ischyrion, exegetes, said,
“νον ΟἿ these terms.” The senators said, “ Bravo, exegetes.”
(The prytanis said,) “... the majesty of our lord Aurelianus Augustus. Accordingly
nominate also senators, in order that their payments for crowns (may contribute) to the...”
(The senators said)... The prytanis said, “‘Do you exegetae press some one.” The
exegetae said, “ Let Serenus (Ὁ) be pressed to take the office of exegetes.” The prytanis
said, ... Sabinus and however he is styled, ex-prytanis, said, “ Plution still owes the
payment for a crown on account of the office of exegetes which he undertook among
38 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
the magistracies.” The prytanis said, ..., secretary of the city revenues, said, “ Yes.”
Julianus also called Dioscurides, exegetes, said, ‘‘ Plution owes the payment for a crown ;
therefore he is not...” The senators (?) said, ‘‘ The person nominated was nominated on
the security of his own property.” Septimius Diogenes also called Agathodaemon, ex-
hypomnematographus and however he is styled, syndic, said, “... Serenus(?) is
a gymnasiarch.” The prytanis said, “ Nominate others, that the number of exegetae may
be completed.” The exegetae said, “ Let Ion son οἵ... be pressed to take the office of
exegetes held by his grandfather.” Secundus son of Secundus, chief-priest, said, ‘“‘ Then
let the person nominated be subject to overseers.” The prytanis said, “I choose for the
post of overseer... Phileas and Plutinus, that they may discharge this trust for the senate.”
The senators said, “ Upright, faithful Phileas; upright, faithful Plutinus.” This question...
having been postponed until the next meeting of the senate, the prytanis said, “ Let holders
of the other offices also nominate; and nominate senators also.” The members of the
third tribe said, “(We nominate...).” The prytanis said, “ Nilus, senator, shall be
overseer.” The senators said, ‘‘ Upright, faithful Nilus; ever-honourable is Nilus ; success
to him.’”” The members of the third tribe said, ... Septimius Diogenes also called
Agathodaemon, ex-hypomnematographus and however he is styled, syndic, said, “I have
impounded the property of. . ., that is to say produce deposited at the farmstead of
Monimou, and when the amount is known, it shall be laid before you.” ...phus and
however he is styled said, “ Those who were just now nominated were nominated by Phileas
and Heraclidion.” The senators said, “From the whole (tribe ἢ)... Upright, faithful
Horion, land-owner at Nesmimis; upright, faithful Leonides, land-owner at Dositheou ;
upright, faithful Besarion, land-owner at...” Septimius Diogenes also called Agathodaemon,
ex-hypomnematographus and however he is styled, syndic, said, “In order that the persons
nominated may be pressed to serve and may take office, the first year’s duty .. .”
(Ptolemaeus, gymnasiarch, said), “‘. .. promised to provide oil on Mesore 30. On
Mesore 30 he failed to provide oil, but on the first day of the following month he provided
it through me...; on the 2nd oil was provided by ...son of Philosophus; on the 3rd
Theodorus son of Ptolemaeus presided and failed to provide oil, but I provided it by
aloan. If therefore...” The senators said, “ Bravo, Ptolemaeus; bravo, gymnasiarch.
The 11th is the day of Dionysius also called Artemidorus, the 12th of Aristion also called
Andronicus, son of Asyncritus.” Serenus son of Ammonius(?), gymnasiarch, said, “...
the interchange of days.” The senators said, ‘‘ The resolutions are valid. The 13th is the
day of Xenicus and the gymnasiarchs-elect,.. .” Serenus son of Ammonius, gymnasiarch,
said, “Do not let the interchange of days injuriously affect the resolution concerning me.
On the . . . even if he failed to provide oil; on the 28th Severus and Epimachus, sons of
Philosophus.” The senators said, “‘ Bravo, (Serenus ; bravo, gymnasiarch ?).”
The prytanis said, “The collector for the golden crown and victory of our lord
Aurelianus Augustus, Julius (?)...(reported) . . . our lord Aurelianus Augustus, and that his
crown has already been prepared, and unless the artificers...; these objects are votive
offerings. Let 12 talents more be given to the artificers...’ The senators said, “Let
the same persons make the demands.” Theon also called Origenes, son of Chaeremon (?)
and however he is styled, said, “‘. . . you can demand it from them.” The senators said,
“Upright, faithful collectors.” Euporus also called Agathodaemon, and however he is
styled, said, “‘..., if the work is not finished.” The prytanis said, “His excellency the
epistrategus also .. .” Euporus also called Agathodaemon (?), and however,he is styled, said,
“* As soon as he comes, therefore, the work shall be pressedon.” The senators said, “...
Euporus ; obedient Euporus.” Septimius Diogenes also called Agathodaemon, ex-hypomne-
matographus and however he is styled, syndic, said, “. . . if any money is paid in advance
for the artificers, it shall be brought to your notice.”
14183. REPORT OF PROCEEDINGS OF THE SENATE 39
The prytanis said, “. . . and the body of cosmetae through Cornelianus and Pausanias
was then sent .. . reported that before the whole cost was paid. ..”’
4, ἐπὶ τούτοις : cf. 1, 3 ἐπὶ rovjros τοῖς ὅροις, and, for ὅροι of the senate, 1414. 4-9.
The speaker, to whom the first part of ]. 2 also seems to belong, is probably the prytanis,
who in B.G. U. 362. xv. 8 acts as γνωμηεισηγητής and ἐπιψηφιστής, though the suggestion of
Jouguet (of. cz. 381) that he alone had the right of exercising those functions is disposed
of by 1416. 1 and 4, where ordinary senators act as εἰσηγηταί. A change of speaker in the
lacuna after τί, the earlier part of the line being then possibly spoken by the ἐξηγητής (cf.
1. 2), is unlikely ; but, if καὶ d[s xpnua(ri¢e) be restored in |. 2 (cf. e.g. 1. 6), a third speaker
perhaps intervenes, and ἐπὶ τούτοις τοῖς ὅροις might be spoken by him, not by the exegetes.
The name and titles of Septimius Diogenes, the only σύνδικος found in 1418-14 (cf. 1. 17, n.)
cannot be restored in ]. 2.
εἰς ἡμιχώριον : cf. 1. 24, where the two sons of Philosophus have a single day assigned
to them as gymnasiarchs, B. G. U. 579. 5 (= W. Chres?. 279) οἱ δύο γυμ(νασιαρχήσαντες) is
χώραν ἑνός (SC. δεκαπρώτου), 144. 7-9 ἐγ (μέρους) ἀγορανο(μήσας) OF ἐξηγ(ητεύσας), 574. 10 ἐγ
μέρ. ἀγορανομ., P. Amh. 67. 8 ἐγ μέρ. ἦρξεν. The office in question may well be that of
exegetes; cf. int.
2. εἰσηγοῦμαι : cf. 1. 1, ἢ. γνώμας is possible before it, but not γνώμην.
4. ὠκεανέ: cf. ll. 21, 24, 41. 4, 1805, C. P. Herm. 7. i. 9, Wilcken, Archz2, ili. 541.
4. For [ὁ πρύτανις εἶπ(εν), projecting by 2 or 3 letters, at the beginning of a new
section cf. 1415. 32, 41. Something like δεῖ σέβεσθαι may have preceded τὸ peyalNiov (for
which cf. e. g. 1252. 38); cf. 1416. 29.
στεπτικά: cf. στεπτικόν in ll. 6, 7; the term does not occur elsewhere. It clearly refers
to payments for the crown of office; cf. P. Ryl. 77. 34-5 στεφαΪνη)φόρον ἐξηγητείαν, 36-7
ei. . . βούλεται στεφανωθῆναι ἐξηγητείαν, εἰσενεγκάτω τὸ ἰσητήριον ἐντεῦθεν, 1117. 5, n., and
1252. τό στεζφάνον τοῦ] εὐθηνιαρχικοῦ καὶ ἀγορανομικοῦ. The form στεπτικόν supports the
view (which is not the usual one) that the officials called οἱ ἐπὶ τῶν στεμμάτων were connected
with the στέφανοι of magistrates; cf. P. Ἀγ]. 77. 31,n.
5. At the beginning of the line the speakers were probably the βουλευταί or ἐξηγηταί ;
cf. int.
[S|epqvos: this reading, which is very uncertain, was partly suggested by a comparison
of 1. 23 Σερῆνος ᾿Αμμωνίου γυμνασίαρχος with |, 9, where |s ἐστι γυμνασίαρχος probably refers to
the person mentioned in 1. 5. Since the exegetes ranked below the gymnasiarch (1412.
1-3, n.), and the two offices were not, so far as is known, combined, the circumstance
that Serenus was a gymnasiarch seems to have prevented, in the opinion of the σύνδικος,
his being eligible for the post of exegetes. Otherwise this mention of a gymnasiarch
in 1. 9 is very abrupt, for in ll. 9-11 the subject is still the election of exegetae, and though
in 1. 12 the prytanis appeals to other ἀρχαί there is nothing in Il. 12-17 to indicate that any
magistrates other than exegetae or their ἐπιτηρηταί were proposed. That the members of
the third tribe (Il. 12-13) should come next after the κοινόν of exegetae in nominating persons
for that office is quite natural; cf. 1. 12, ἢ.
6. ἀπὸ τιμῶν is used by itself as a title in 1498. 1-2.
ἡ. [ylpaypareds πολιτικῶν : this title is new. πολιτικὰ χρήματα are probably mean t(cf.
55. 14 ταμίας τῶν πολιτικῶν χρημάτων) ; but he might be the secretary of the prytanis (who
is described as διέπων τὰ πολιτικά in 55. 4), though in that case he would be expected to be
mentioned more often. A different official, the oxpi8as, seems to have been the principal
secretary of the senate; cf. 1191. 7, n., 1417. το.
8. Bovdreurlai or ἐξηγητ)αί can be restored. ὁ ὀνομασθείς refers to Serenus (I. 5, n.).
With ἐπὶ τῷ ἰδίῳ πόρῳ cf. 1642. 20, where a man is appointed agoranomus ἐπὶ πόρῳ ἑαυτοῦ
40 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
καὶ τῶν ὑποχειρίων τέκνων, and 1405, where a nominated πράκτωρ ἀργυρικῶν surrenders his
πόρος rather than take office. Line 14 below also refers to the seizure of a πόρος (that of
Plution or some one just mentioned ἢ), apparently owing to the owner’s refusal to become
exegetes or ἐπιτηρητής. For the restoration of the titles of the σύνδικος cf. 1.17 and 1414. 7.
For the rank of the ὑπομνηματογράφος cf. 1412. 1-3, n.
9. The name |s is probably the same as that in |. 5; cf. n. ad loc.
το. e€nynret|av τοῦ πάππου: cf. P. Ryl. 77. 34 στεφέσθω ᾿Αχιλλεὺς κοσμητείαν' μιμοῦ τὸν
πατερα.
pane) i.e. be subject to ἐπιτηρηταί, as ll. 10-13 show. The senators seem to be
more interested in them than in the exegetae, and the post of ἐπιτηρητής appears to have
been as important as that of the magistrate whom he supervised. ἐπιτηρ. of exegetae are
new, but émrnp. of the ἀγορανομεῖον are often found acting in place of agoranomi in
Heracleopolite papyri, and émrnp. of gymnasiarchs occur in an obscure context in 471.
29-36. For ἐπιτηρ. of banks, whose relation to the τραπεζῖται is not yet clear, cf. 1411. 4, n.
The present passage shows clearly the nature of the distinction between magistrates and
their ἐπιτηρηταί, and in the light of the new evidence the common identification of the ἐπιτηρ.
ἀγορανομεΐου with agoranomi (e. g. Jouguet, of. cit. 335) is to be rejected.
11. dyvé moré: cf. ll. 16, 29, 41. 29,1415. 27. ‘The expression was commonly applied
to persons accepting office.
II-12. τούτων... βουλήν: cf. 1414. 18.
12. of ἀπὸ τῆς τρίτης φυλῆϊς : cf. 1080. 2 ἀμφοδογρα(μματεῖ) a φυλῆς, 1552. 3, and 1415.
19 sq. The φυλαί corresponded to the ἄμφοδα at this period (cf. 1116, 20,n.), and that
λειτουργίαι were assigned to them in rotation was known from e.g. 86. 10-11; cf.
Jouguet, of. cz. 410-11, and 1. 5, ἢ.
13. 6 πρύτανις εἶπ(εν)" ἐπι͵τηρήσει : cf. 1. το, n. προτραπήτω OF ὀνομάζομεν followed
by a proper name is probably to be restored at the beginning of both this line and 1. 14;
cf. int.
14. That the σύνδικος is the speaker is clear from παρατε[θ]ήσεται ὑμῖν, which is a favourite
phrase of his; cf. l. 33 and|.17,n. Before κατείληφα the name of the person nominated in
1, 14 (cf. 1. 13, n.) or possibly Πλουτίωνος (cf. Il. 6-8) is to be restored; cf. 1. 8, ἢ. Μονίμου
ἐποίκιον was in the ἄνω τοπαρχία (1285. 62).
15. |pos: if this belongs to a title, not to a proper name, ὑπομνηματογρά]φος is required,
and the remark seems not inappropriate to that magistrate; cf. 1412. 1-3,n. γενόμενος
ὕπομν. can of course be read, but Septimius Diogenes is unsuitable, since σύνδικος comes
after ὕπομν. in his titles and he was the speaker in 1. 14; cf. ἢ. ad loc.
τό. βουλῆς can be substituted for φυλῆς. Nesmimis was in the ἄνω τοπαρχία (1285. 57),
Dositheou in the κάτω ror. (1285. 139; cf. 1425. 4,n.).
17. σύνδικος : apart from 1413-14, where Septimius Diogenes plays an important part
in the debates (cf. int.), and 1417, where another ovvéd. appears on behalf of the senate at
a trial before a strategus, not much is known about syndics in Egypt. An Oxyrhynchus
papyrus at Leipzig (M. Chrest. 196), a προσφώνησις of βιβλιοφύλακες concerning the property
of an accused person, is addressed to the prytanis and two σύνδικοι βουλευταί, who thus
ranked below him. The normal number was at least two, for the plural also occurs in
41. 29 ἁγνοὶ πιστοὶ σύνδικοι (Wilcken’s suggestion in Chres¢. 45. int. that the plural is
rhetorical is without justification), and in C. P. Herm. 23. ii. 5-8, where at a trial before an
ἐπίτροπος a σύνδ. Says ἡμεῖς ἃ ederda[x|6[q|uev ὑπὸ τῆς λαΐμπρ . ..] ταῦτά σοι παρεθέμεθα, to
which the ἐπίτροπος replied ὅσα εἰ[ρ]ήκατε ἀνεΐνεγκ ] καὶ δεήσει καὶ ὑμᾶς ὡς συνδίκους . ..
ἀνενεγκεῖν τῷ λαμπ(ροτάτῳ) ἡγεμόνι περὶ πάντων. Similar references to the παράθεσις of docu-
ments by a syndic occur also in C. P. Herm. 25. ii. 3-4 and 41. 25; cf. 1413. 14, 33,
1414. 16, the verb being also used by the prytanis in 1415.8. C. P. Herm. 53 is probably
1418. REPORT OF PROCEEDINGS OF THE SENATE 41
a letter from the senate to a syndic (so Wilcken, Chrest. 39. int.) concerning an action
brought by the senate against the gymnasiarchs (cf. 1417). In ancient Greek city-states
the σύνδικοι seem to be identical with ἔκδικοι (cf. Liebenam, S/aédéeverwalt. 303 sqq.) ; but
the ἔκδικος τῆς πόλεως (defensor civitaiis), who appears in Egypt early in the fourth century
(cf. 1426. 4, n.), was an official of the central government, whereas the σύνδικοι were
presumably elected by the senate, like the prytanis (1414. 24-7).
τὸ πρωτενίαυτον τῆς Arrovpynotals: this new evidence for the normal tenure of municipal
offices having exceeded one year is confirmed by 1418. 15; cf. 1410 and 1418. intt.
19. The analogy of the beginnings of new sections elsewhere in 1413-15, in which the
prytanis is the first speaker (cf. 1. 4, n.), suggests that he introduced the discussion here also ;
but, if so, his remarks were unusually brief. The first person in 1]. 19-20 appears to refer
to the gymnasiarch who is acclaimed in 1, 21, even though in 1496. 28 the prytanis is found
making payments, which may be for oil, together with other municipal officials, some of
whom were probably gymnasiarchs. Ptolemaeus must have been mentioned before |. 21,
and the sentence beginning ἐὰν οὖν [ was probably a request to let him off his appointed day
or days; cf. ll. 22-3, where the proposed change is further discussed. A word like ὑπέσχετο
followed by a proper name is required before e|is.
ἔχρεισεν : Cf. 800. 12-13 εἰς τὸ γυμνάσιον Odo . . , ἐλεοχρείστηι, and C. P. Herm. 57-62,
which are reports to the βουλή by an ἐλαιοχύτης (who corresponds to the éAaoxpiorns) of the
gymnasium concerning the neglect to provide oil on particular days assigned to different
gymnasiarchs.
τῇ ἑξῆς νεομηνίᾳ : i.e. Thoth 1 (cf. 1. 20), not the 1st intercalary day.
mapadex| : if this word belonged to the preceding sentence it was probably παραδεχζόϊμενος
or παραδεχ[ομένου : cf. 1418. 18 παρ]αδέξομαι τῷ παιδὶ τετραμήνιον γυμνασιαρχίαν, the context being
obscure. But a full stop is perhaps to be placed after ἔϊχρεισε]ν, in which case 6. g. mapa-
8ex\[O7ro μοι is possible, though not satisfactory ; for a request for the remission of Ptolemaeus’
day came in ll. 20-1 (cf. 1. 20, n.), and all the earlier part of his speech seems to be
narrative.
20. |s 6 τοῦ Φιλοσόφου : Seovijpo|s Or ᾿ΕπίμαχοΪς is suggested by 1]. 24, but this may have
been a third brother, acting by himself. Φιλοσόφου is probably a proper name, not a title as
in P. Leipzig 47. 11, 143; cf. 1497. 1 ᾿Επίμαχον (the Ex. mentioned in ]. 24) υἱὸν Φιλοσόφου.
On the days of gymnasiarchs cf. 1. 19, n., 1416. 6-9.
éreotaret: this term is new in connexion with gymnasiarchs. The context shows that
it refers to the one responsible for providing oil. The ἐπιμελητὴς γυμνασίου quoted by
Preisigke (Beamienwesen, 63) and Jouguet (op. cz#. 321) from P. Rainer, Mzttherl. iv. 58 is
non-existent, as appears from the publication of the full text in C. P. Herm. 94, the title
being ἐπιμελητὴς τῆς πλακώσεως στοῶν γυμνασίου.
ἐὰν οὖν |: something like δόξῃ ὑμῖν δότε ἄλλον ἀντ᾽ ἐμοῦ probably followed in 1]. 21.
21--2. ᾿Ασ[υ]γκρίτου : σκρί[[βας (cf. 1417. 10) might be read, but there is hardly room
for a patronymic in front of it.
22. The speaker in the first part of the line may be Ptolemaeus or Serenus (cf. ]. 23),
but is more likely to be another gymnasiarch making a similar objection to that of Serenus.
κύρια τὰ ψηφίσματα: this probably refers to the previous decrees concerning the days of
gymnasiarchs, which were not to be affected ; cf. ]. 23, n.
Ξενικός : Cf, 1496. 22, 34, probably referring to the same person. That gymnasiarchs-
elect were liable for providing oil is noticeable; cf. P. Brit. Mus. 1166, where a μελλογυμνα-
σίαρχος makes a contract regarding the heating of a gymnasium thirteen months before
entering office.
23. Σερῆνος : cf. 1. 5, n. pov τὸ ψήφισμα means a resolution appointing a particular
day for Serenus (cf. ]. 22), not a resolution proposed by him.
42 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
24. Whether <i] καὶ μὴ ἔχρεισεν κτλ. was spoken by Serenus or e.g. by the speaker of
ll. 19-20 is uncertain. « may refer back to Mesore (cf. 1. 19); if it refers to Thoth, there
was an interval of several days for which no arrangements were made. Similar intervals
occur in Ὁ, P. Herm. 57-62. For ’Emipaxos cf. 1. 20,n. For the restorations at the end of
the line cf. 1. 21. : :
25. The prytanis, not ἐπείκτης, was the speaker, as is shown by ἡμῶν; cf. ]. 4,n.
A verb like ἔγραψεν is to be supplied. ἐπ. χρυσοῦ στεφάνου xri. is a new title; cf. 1412. int.,
and 1428. 3 ἐπ. [τῆς] ὀθόνης. The levying of aurum coronartum was not confined to the
Emperor’s accession ; cf. 1441. int. Ἰούλιος or "Io[vAcavds is probably the name of the ἐπ.
rather than that of a new speaker, e.g. Ἰουλιανὸς 6 καὶ Διοσκουρίδης (I. 7).
26-7. For κατ᾽ εὐχήν cf. C. P. Herm. 119 verso, ili. 4 τῆς τοίνυν τύχης... Ταλλιηνοῦ....
πάντα ἡμῖν Kat εὐχὴν ἤνυσται. ‘The great length of the lacuna between εἰ μὴ of τεχνεῖται and
τὰ σκ)εύη makes it improbable that that ra σκ]εύη . . . γίνεται is the apodosis, and the parallel
from C. P. Herm. is against interpreting κατ᾽ εὐχήν in an unfavourable sense, ‘ visionary’.
Something like τελειώσουσι τὸ ἔργον (cf. ]. 30) is expected after reyveira.
29. ἁγνοὶ πιστοί : cf.], 11,n.
Evroplos| ὁ καὶ ᾿Αγα[θὸς Δαίμων: cf. 1496. 26, and B.G, U. 1073. 2, 1074. 10, where
he appears as πρύτανις in the 5th-6th years of Aurelian and his titles are given in full
(cf. p. 28). His proposal met with the approval of the senate (1. 32).
30. Probably é[¢ ἐπιστάλματος or ὑπομνήματος ; cf. 1415. 8-9.
31. For Edvmopos . . . κ]αὶ ὡς χρημ. cf. 1. 29, n. Θέων ὁ καὶ ᾿Ωριγένης Χαιρήμονος κ]αὶ ὡς χρημ.
(cf. 1. 28) is also possible.
32. εὐδιοίκητε: the instances of this word in Stephanus, Zex., refer to easily digested
food. re was probably another compound beginning with εὐ- rather than ἁγνὲ πισῆτέ
(ef 1. 1).
34. ΤῊΣ γ, 7, or τ, followed by ε, can be read for m, but πρόσκλη τον (cf. 1412. 12) and
συνέδ]ριον are inadmissible. For the activity of the κοινά of different magistrates after the
foundation of senates cf. 891, where the prytanis Cornelianus (about twenty years after the
date of 1413) may be identical with the cosmetes of that name here.
35. Μάξιμον : possibly the Μάξιμος of 1496. 36.
36. Arroupy|noiav: cf. 1. 17.
1414. REPORT OF PROCEEDINGS OF THE SENATE.
22:3 Χ τ cm. A.D. 270-5.
This report is similar to 1418 and approximately contemporary with it,
the same syndic being mentioned. It is written in two hands, of which the first
is smaller than the second, and both are different from that of 1418. The lines
were of about the same length as those in 1418 and 1415, and both beginnings and
ends are lost, but ll. 4, 19, and 24, where the restorations are practically certain,
combine to indicate clearly the extent of the initial lacuna (about 16 letters) at
the beginning of a new section; the other lines presumably began a few letters
to the right, as in 1415. ii. At the ends of lines about 50 letters are missing, to
judge by ll. 9-10, where the whole lacuna between them can be filled satisfactorily ;
but cf.1.16,n. Parts of six or seven different sections are preserved (that a new
one began in 1. 12 is not certain), and except the first and last are fairly intelli-
᾿
1414. REPORT OF PROCEEDINGS OF THE SENATE 43
gible. Besides the prytanis and syndic, the only speakers appear to be the
senators collectively, thus affording a contrast to 1418 and 1415 ; cf. 1413. int.
The first three (or two) sections (ll. 1-16) are concerned with different points
connected with the ὀθονιηρά, on which subject in general see Wilcken, Grundz.
245-7, and Reil, Beitr. 2. Kenntnis d. Gewerbes, 5 sqq., and in reference to the
temples Otto, Priester u. Tempel, i. 300, ii. 64. That the Ptolemaic government
controlled the textile industries in a manner somewhat similar to the oil-monopoly
was shown by the fragmentary Cols. lxxxvii-cvii of P. Rev. Laws; but the details
are obscure, and how far the parallelism with the oil-monopoly is to be carried is
doubtful, especially in the Roman period, when Reil in fact supposes that the
weaving monopoly had disappeared. To the scanty evidence for that period
have now to be added P. Ryl. 98 (A.D. 172), an application for the lease of
the ἱστωναρχία of an Arsinoite village, addressed to the ἐπιτηρηταὶ μισθοῦ βαφικῆς,
which favours the continuance of a monopoly; 189, a receipt for χιτῶνες of
some kind (cf. 1414. 1, n.) and παλλίολα delivered in A.D. 128 by the γέρδιοι
of Socnopaei Nesus to παραλῆπται δημοσίο(υ) ἱματισμοῦ κωστωδιῶν ; 214, a list
of μερισμοί including one called ἐνδεήματος ὀθονιηρᾶς; 374 (about A.D: 100),
a taxing-list mentioning a payment of 5,420 dr. 2 ob. for ὀθο(νιηρά) ; Preisigke,
S. B. 5677. 9, a payment of 85 dr. for μερ(ισμοῦ) στόλ(ου) orpa(riwrdv); 1486. 5,
where 66[ov(unpas) occurs in a list of taxes (cf. 1488. int.) ; 1428, a letter to
an exactor about an ἐπείκτης [τῆς] ὀθόνης and the manufacture of the requisite
ὑφάσματα; and 1448, a list of στιχάρια and πάλλια due from various villages.
Most important of all is the present passage, which throws some much needed
light on the relations of traders and manufacturers in the textile industries to the
State and to the senate as tax-collector. Except for instances of payments of
12 drachmae for χειρωνάξιον (cf. 1486. 4) by a Awdidos in Wilcken, Ost.
No. 23, and by a λινοπώλης in Ost. No. 45; little was known of those two
classes of persons in the Roman period. Lines 1-3 belong to the conclusion
ofa discussion about what seems to be a sum payable by the nome as the value
of (most probably) στιχάρια, the prytanis being apparently the speaker.
In spite of P. Ryl. 214. 42-3, n., there was probably a close connexion between
the contributions of clothes for δημόσιος ἱματισμός and the payments of money for
τιμή of clothes in 1414 or ὀθονιηρά : the latter was probably an adaeratio from those
who did not provide actual clothes, and was balanced against the payments from
the local authorities to the city manufacturers (cf. 1. 15, n.) or, as apparently in
11. 1-2, against the total value of clothes due from the’ nome to the central
government. The suggested interpretation of ll. 1-2 serves to explain a difficult
passage in P. Leipzig 57 concerning the proportion of the tax which fell on
μητροπόλεις ; cf. 1. 1, n.
44 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
In 11. 4-11 the topic is the supply of yarn (λίνον στημονικόν) required
for making the vestments (ὀθόνη) of a local temple, and the amount to be paid to
the yarn-merchants (λινέμποροι). Probably a new section began at 1. 12, where
the question of the remuneration of the city cloth-weavers (Awditou) was entered
upon. The opening speech of the prytanis (cf. 1413. 4, n.) explained that
a previous resolution of the senate concerning the budget of a temple required
modification on account of the difficulty of obtaining yarn for manufacturing the
temple vestments. Owing to the refusal or inability of the village flax-spinners.
and their wives to carry out their engagements, it had apparently become
necessary to apply to the city yarn-merchants for the material, as was pointed out
by the syndic, who reported that the price demanded by them was 49 denarii
(196 drachmae), of which 11 denarii had already been advanced from the
ταμιακὸς λόγος (1. 8, n.). This price was considered too high by the senate, and
they reduced it to 30 denarii (120 dr.) in all, a figure accepted by the syndic, who
then undertook to present a sample to the weavers appointed for the manu-
facture of the temple linen. These are also mentioned in the obscure 1. ΤΙ,
which seems to be concerned with the same subject as 1. 10; but the topic
of discussion changes in 1]. 12-16, which are concerned with a petition from
the associated cloth-weavers of Oxyrhynchus, asking for an increase in their
remuneration owing to the rise in both the price of raw materials and the wages
of their assistants. Probably these manufactures were destined for the State,
like those in ll. 1-3, not for the temple, as those in ll. 4-11. The figures relating
to the demand of the cloth-weavers are not preserved ; but some increase in
remuneration was conceded by the senate, which fixed the amount payable
to them at 200 drachmae (for each κρίκος ?; cf. 1. 15, n.).
After a short section (ll. 17-18), perhaps referring to a different sitting
(1. 17, n.), which deals with an appointment to a public office of some kind at the
instance of the strategus, the question being adjourned, ll. 19-23 are concerned
with another and similar communication from the strategus, ordering the
appointment of persons to convey animals and other supplies for the government
down the river, probably to Alexandria or Babylon; cf. 1415. 4-12. The
prytanis stated that in order to expedite matters he had held a partial meeting
of senators and nominated a certain Sarapion. His choice was ratified by
the acclamations of the senate as a whole. This interesting side-light upon the
powers of the prytanis serves to explain a passage in B.G. U. 144 (I. 21, n.).
Another instructive section follows in Il. 24-7, concerning the approaching
resignation of the prytanis. The law, as it now appears, required that a new
prytanis should be nominated six months before entering office. How long the
normal tenure was is uncertain, but C. P. Herm. 57 sqq. show that at Hermo-
1414. REPORT OF PROCEEDINGS OF THE SENATE 45
polis the same prytanis was in office for 14 consecutive months in the 14th and
15th years of Gallienus, and probably he was prytanis in the 13th year also,
so that if the appointment was annual re-election was evidently not unusual ;
cf. Jouguet, Vie munic. 376-8. That the tenure was annual is now much more
doubtful in view of the new evidence concerning the longer length of tenure
(five years ?) of the offices of gymnasiarch and decemprimus (cf. 1410, 1418. intt.) ;
but the question of re-election may well have entered into the present case,
for after the senate had declared their intention of making the necessary choice
by a resolution comes a speech from the prytanis alluding to his bad health, and
that he was declining a proposal to re-elect him (which is probably lost in the
lacuna between 11. 25-6) is fairly evident from the complimentary entreaties
of the senate that he should continue in office, which seem to express the
resolution alluded to in 1.25. A new section apparently began in 1. 28, where an
obligation which probably fell on some members of the senate is mentioned,
but the remains of the last three lines are very slight. If βουϊλήν in 1. 29 is
correct, the sitting in question was specially summoned, like that to which
1412 refers.
On the verso is a list of payments by various officials in the 5th year
of Aurelian or Probus (1496) ; cf. 1413. int.
I [ roletters ὀϊφίλείτα]ε [κ]αὶ rédlara δεκατέσσαρα. ἡ τιμὴ τῶν
» 7 ς XX 7
p o[tt]x[alpioy τάλαντα ἑκατὸν τεσσαρ[άκοντα
2 [ 11]. 1 ἀπέχω τὰ διαφέροντα τῷ νομῷ εἰς τὸ μέρος τῆς
[4 ἃ [4 -“" bs ~ 2 ~ NZ ᾽ ’,
πόλεως ἕξ ἥμισοι. μηνιαῖοι ἀποδοῦναι ἐκ τῆς ἰδίας ἀπαιτείοσ-
θωσαν ἕϊπτὰ ἥμισυ ?
3 [ το]. Ἰχίζεται.
4 [ὁ πρύτανις εἶπ(εν)" τὴ]ν τοῦ ἱεροῦ γραφ[ὴϊν κίατ]εσκέψασθαι καὶ ὅρον
δεδώκατε καὶ ἐπεστάληΐν! τὰ δόξαντα ὑμεῖν τῷ στρατηγῷ,
ἀλλὰ [οἱ ἱερεῖς μὴ ἢ
5 [...... τοὺς τὸ ἔρ]γον τοῦτο μεταχειρισαμένους μηδὲ τὰ[9] γυναῖκας
αὐτῶν δύνασθαι κλώθειν τὸ λείνον προεβάλοντο. [
6 [.....+-.Ja.[. .] ὅπως καὶ περὶ τοῦτο ὅρον δῶτε: ὀλίγε γὰρ Kalpalé
εἰσιν αἱ ἐν τῷ νομῷ ὑμῶν τοῦτο τὸ εἶδος ἔχουσιν. οἱ βουϊλ)ευταὶ
εἶπ(ον)"
7 [ 8 1. wat. Σ᾿ επτίμιος Διογένης ὁ καὶ Ayabds Δαίμων γενόμενος
ὑπομνηματογράφος καὶ ὡς χρημαίτίζει) σύνϊδικος εἶπ(εν) οἱ
λινέμποροι ὃ
46
10
if
12
13
14
16
17
20
21
22
THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
81. Ἰσαι καὶ ἐϊκ] recoapdkovta ἐννέα δηναρίων εἶναι τὸ λείνον
τὸ στημονικόν, ἕνδεκα δὲ δηνάρια αὐτοῖς ἐξωδιάσθη ἀπίὸ τοῦ
ταμιακοῦ λόγου
81. γ]ενέσθαι. [οἱ Bolvrevral εἶπ(ον): [δεϊκαεννέα δηναρίοις
ἀρκείσθωσαν οἱ λεινένποροιΐς} μετὰ τὸ ἐξωδιαζόϊμενον ἀπὸ τοῦ
ταἰμ)]ακοῦ λόγου. Σ᾽ επτίμιος Διογένης ὁ καὶ ᾿4γαθὸς Δαίμων
γενόμενος
[ὑπομνηματογράϊφος καὶ ὡς χρημα(τίζει) σύνδικος εἶπ(εν) εἰ τοῦτο
€ ~ ΕΝ Ἂ A ~ “- ~ ~~ s
bpli [ἔδοξεν ἐπὶ τοῦ στημονικοῦ, πεῖραν προσενεγκοῦμ[ε]ν καὶ
τοῖς μί(χῃά hand)éAAovar[y ὑφαίνειν
τ41. Ἰταξάτωσάν τινα οἱ Auvdvgor οἱ μέλλοντες ὑφαίνειν τὴν
3 7 ~ € ~ 3
ὀθόνην τοῦ ἱεροῦ ἀνα.
[ἀναγνωσθείσης ἀξ]ιώσεως τῶϊν τῆ]ς πόλεως λινούφων περὶ τοῦ μετὰ τὰς
πέρυσιν ἐξοδιασθεῖσαν αὐτοῖς [ὑπὲρ δραχμὰς δοθῆναι
ἄλλας δραχμὰς
wee δηὰ [τὴ]ν πλεοτιμίαν [τῶ]ν εἰδῶν καὶ τὴν πλεομισθίαν τῶν
ὑπουργ[ῶ]ν, μετὰ τὴν ἀνάγνωσιν 6 πἰρύτανις εἶπ(εν)" δοθήτωσαν
τοῖς λινοὔφοις ἄλλαι δραχμαὶ
+++. Κοῖντα εἰς [σ]ϊυνπλήρωσιν δραχμῶν διακοσίων διὰ τὴν πλεο-
τιμίαν τῶν εἰδῶν. τοῦτο ψηφίσασθε ?
.. συντε]τιμημένου τοῦ κρίκου καὶ αὗται προσγενέσθωσαν. οἱ τε-
λοῦντες τὴν τιμὴν τοῦ [λίνου ?
ἘΠῚ ] πία]ρατεθήσεται ὑμῖν τῇ ἑξῆς βουλῇ. οἱ βουλευταὶ
cim(ov): οἵτω.
ἀναγ]νωσθέντος ἐπιστάλματος Τερεντίου ‘Apiov στραί(τηγοῦ)
περὶ τοῦ αἱρεθῆναι exal
[ἔδοξεν ὑπερτεθῆνα]ι [εἸἰς τὴν ἑξῆς βουλήν.
[ἰἀναγνωσθέντος ἐπιστάϊλμᾳτος τίοὉ] στρατηγοῦ περὶ αἱρέσεως ἄλλαϊν
“ 7 >
καταϊπομπῶν ἑῴων, μεϊτὰ τὴν ἀνάγνωσιν ὁ πρύτανις εἶπί(εν)"
734. 1 μάλιστα [δὲ] τῶν κ[ατ]απομπῶν τῶν καταφεῖρο-
μένων ἑῴων τοῖς ἅμα τίο]ῖς καταφ[ερομένοις
15 1. lumov συνάξας τινὰς τοὺς παρ[όὄϊντας ἀπὸ τῆς
βουλῆς ἀϊν)ομάσαμεν ἕνα Yapaniiova ἵνα μὴ
151. ] γίέϊνηται.. of βουλευταὶ εἶπί(ον) ἀτίμητε πρύτανι,
σῴζου ἡμῖν, πρύτανι, καλῶς ἄρχις, καϊλῶς ὁ πρύτανις εἶπ(εν)"
1414. REPORT OF PROCEEDINGS OF THE SENATE 47
»,
23 [ 161. 1. ἐν τῷ λογιστηρίῳ ἐστίν. οἱ βουλευταὶ εἶπ(ον)"
ἐπειεικῶς ὁ πρύτανις.
24. [6 πρύτανις εἶπί(εν)" ὁ νόμ]ος κ[εἸλεύει πρὸ ἑξαμήνου τὸν μελλοπρύτανιν
ὀνομάζεσθαι. ὑπομιμνήσκ[ίω ὑἹμᾶς τί
25 [ 201. of] BlovAev]rai εἶπ(ον) μετὰ σκέψεως ἡ ὀνομασία
γείνζε]ται τί ὁ πρύτανις eim(ev):
26 [ 171. Ἰν γὰρ &v) νόσῳ εἰμὶ καὶ τῆς πλευρᾶς [ῥ]έγχομαι,
ἐπίστασθαι, kat |... .. 2. -.'[
27 [of βουλευταὶ εἶπον"... Ἰδυπε πρύτανι, εὐγενὲς] πρύϊτ]ανι, ἔτι κάμε
ὑπὲρ ἡμῶν, κάμε ἄξια τοῦ ἐπάνω χρόνου.
28 [ὁ πρύτανις εἶπί(εν) 12 letters] . ἐστίν, καὶ οἱ ἥμι[σ]υ τούτου] τοῦ μέρους
[ὀϊφε[ηλ[ον]τες [- .] - εουτιν. « -Sea[ οἱ βουλευταὶ εἶπίον)"
29 [ 211. 6] πρύτανις εἶπ(εν) ἐπειδὴ σήμερον πρόσκλητον
βουϊλὴν
30 [ 241. 7. ιν νυ νον ἐν Jae πἰρόνομαν ποιήσηται ἅπαν
τὸ [
2. 1. ἥμισυ. . 4. ἵερου I. 1. κ[ατ]εσκέψασθε. 6. 1. ὀλίγαι. 10. προσενεγκ. II.
11. ο of x before μέλλοντες corr. from a (?). 12. λινοῦφων ll, 1. ---σθείσας. 13. Ὀπουργίω]ν Π.
τό. ὕμιν I. 1. οὕτω. 21. ο Of Ἰυπον corr. from a. 22. ε Of ατιμητε corr. from a. τα
of mpuram after ἡμῖν corr. from νι. 23. Of λογιστηριω corr. from ὦ. 24. ὕπομιμν. II.
26. [pleyxova I. 1. ἐπίστασθε. 24. ὕπερ II.
1-27. ‘(The prytanis said,) “". .. is owing, and 14 talents. The value of the 100 (?)
garments is 14[0] talents,... I have received the 63 belonging to the nome on account of
the city’sshare. Let them be compelled to pay monthly from their own property 73(?)...”
The prytanis said, ‘‘ You examined the list of the temple and fixed a limit, and your
resolution was submitted to the strategus, but (the priests?) . . . made the excuse that those
who undertook the work in question and their wives were unable to spin the yarn, .. . (see)
that on this point also you fix a limit, for there are only a few villages in your nome which
have this material.” The senators said,... Septimius Diogenes also called Agathodaemon,
ex-hypomnematographus and however he is styled, syndic, said, ‘(The yarn-merchants
report that) . . . and the price of weaving-yarn is 49 denarii, and 11 denarii were paid to
them from the Treasury’s account...” The senators said, ‘ Let the yarn-merchants be
content with 19 denarii besides what was paid to them from the Treasury’s account.”
Septimius Diogenes also called Agathodaemon, ex-hypomnematographus and however he is
styled, syndic, said, “If this is your decision in the case of the weaving-yarn, we will supply
a sample and... to those who areto weave it... Let the cloth-weavers who are to weave
the linen of the temple appoint (?) some one to (test it ?).”
A petition of the city cloth-weavers having been read, to the effect that, besides the...
48 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
drachmae paid to them in the past year (for each .. .),. . more drachmae should be given
to them on account of the rise in the value of the materials and in the wages of their
workmen, after the reading the prytanis said, “Let . . more drachmae be given to the
cloth-weavers, making 200 drachmae in all, on account of the rise in value of the materials.
Decree this... When the bundle (?) has been valued, let these (drachmae) too accrue. Those
who pay the value of the (cloth) . .. it shall be submitted to you at the next meeting of the
senate.” The senators said, ‘‘ So be it.”
Date?) A communication from Terentius Arius, strategus, having been read, con-
cerning the election of . . ., it was decided to postpone the matter until the next meeting.
A communication from the strategus having been read, concerning the election of other
convoyers of animals, after the reading the prytanis said, “. . . especially the convoyers
of the animals transported... I collected some senators who were present and nominated
one, Sarapion...in order that there should not be (any delay)...” The senators said,
“Invaluable prytanis ; save yourself for us, prytanis; excellent is your rule; excellent...”
The prytanis said, “‘... is in the counting-house.” The senators said, “ The prytanis has
done right.”
The prytanis said, “The law commands that the coming prytanis should be nominated
six months beforehand. I remind you...” The senators said, “The nomination is made
with a resolution...” The prytanis said, “... for I have (long) been ill and have a cough
from my lung, as you know,...” The senators said, “ (Illustrious) prytanis, noble prytanis,
still labour for us; labour in a manner worthy of the past.’’’
I. τάλζαϊντα : ra λ[ο]ιπά might be read, but δεκατέσσαρα probably refers to talents in any
case rather than to the word after τῶν, and is perhaps accounted for by the figures in
1 ef: ἢ;
τιμή : cf. ll. 9, 15, nn., and the προστιμήσεις ὀθονίων in P. Tebt. 5. 63.
σ[τι]χζα]ρίων : cf.e.g.1448. 1. The reading of the figure (ρ ὃ, if there was a number
at all) is very doubtful; but a new compound of ioro-, like iorodo . . . . ovs in P. Ryl. 189. 3
(cf. the ἱστωναρχία in P. Ryl. 98, and P. Rev. Laws xciv. 2 |v τὸν ἱστὸν (δραχμ.) xe) is less likely.
That a kind of garment was meant is strongly suggested by the context and a comparison of
l. 2 with P. Leipzig 57. 26 sqq., an undertaking to transport to Alexandria τὸ ἐπιβάλλον τῇ
πόλει Ζ μέρος χιτώνων μὲν ζεύγ(η) put, περικλων (i.e. παλλιόλων ?) ζεύγ(η) [:
2. ἀπέχω... εἰς τὸ μέρος τῆς πόλεως : this indicates that the prytanis was the speaker in
ll. 1-2 ; cf. 1515. 1, where he pays a tax on behalf of the city.
ἕπτὰ ἥμισυ: 74+64 = 14 (talents); cf. 1. τ, n. The use of μηνιαῖοι for persons
making monthly payments, not, as usual, for μηνιαῖοι λόγοι (cf. Wilcken, Archzv, ii. 126) is
remarkable, but without alteration of the text can hardly be avoided.
4. ἱεροῦ γραφήν : this document probably resembled B. G. U. 362, the official budget
of the chief temple at Arsinoé in a.p. 215, and corresponded to the budget usually appended
before 202 to the annual γραφαὶ ἱερέων καὶ χειρισμοῦ (the contents of the temple; cf. 1449),
e.g. B. 6. U. 162, P. Tebt. 298. After the establishment of senates, which assumed the
administration of the temples, the budgets seem to have been drawn up by a special ἐπιμελητής
appointed by the senate (B. G. U. 362. iii. 3), rather than by the priests. It is noticeable
that P. Ryl. 110 (a.p. 259), in most respects resembling an ordinary second-century yp.
ἱερέων καὶ χειρ., has no budget attached to it. The temple in question, which was not
precisely described (cf. 1. 11), was probably one of the two principal shrines at Oxyrhynchus,
the Serapeum and Thoéreum; cf. 1449. int. and 1453.
ὅρον : cf. 1. 6, 1409. 15, n., 1418. 1-3. It seems to have fixed zz/er alia the amount to
be collected by the senate for the yarn required by the priests. Lines 8-9, where an advance
is said to have been made to the yarn-merchants from the ταμιακὸς λόγος, probably do not
1414. REPORT OF PROCEEDINGS OF THE SENATE 49
imply more than that the senate was responsible for obtaining the supply of yarn; for the
actual price of this material presumably fell directly upon οἱ τελοῦντες τὴν τιμὴν τοῦ [λίνου
(cf. 1. 15, n.), or at any rate on the contributors to the temple, who were by no means all
senators, as is shown by the list of persons (many of them women) making payments to the
Arsinoite temple in B. 6. U. 362.
5. Itis not clear whether δύνασθαι is governed by προεβάλοντο, or by a word like φάμενοι
or διὰ τό in the preceding lacuna; in the latter case προεβάλοντο connects with what follows.
Besides a negative, the lacuna may have contained another infinitive with rods , . , μεταχειρισα-
μένους as the subject. τὸ éplyov τοῦτο, which refers to the manufacture of yarn (1. 6), indicates
that some reference to λίνον στημονικόν or γέρδιοι had also just occurred. The subject of
προεβάλοντο is probably either the priests or ἐπιμεληταί appointed by the senate to collect the
yarn (cf. 1. 4, n.), not the Awédiga:, who do not seem to be mentioned before Il, 10 or 11, nor
the λινέμποροι, to whom αὐτοῖς in |. 8 refers,
5-6. A verb like ¢povricare or γενέσθω ἐπιμελές probably occurred in the lacuna before
Je. For ὅρον cf. 1. 4,n.
τοῦτο τὸ εἶδος : cf. 1, 13, where εἰδῶν refers to the yarn. εἶδος here might also mean the
flax. Wilcken (ΟΣ, i. 268) supposed that the cultivation of this was regulated under the
Ptolemies, like that of the oil-producing plants, but the fragments concerning the ὀθονιηρά in
P. Rev. Laws bear no trace of a list corresponding to that in Cols, 1x—Ixxii, and in later
periods at any rate λινοκαλάμη seems to have been cultivated at will, without reference to the
government ; cf. e.g. 1102-8. The point of the remark about the κῶμαι is not that the
villages had failed to produce the statutable amount of yarn, but that this material would
have to be obtained not from the local villages, but from the city λινέμποροι, who presumably
imported it from other nomes, if there was not enough in the city.
ἡ. Ἶναι might be vai (cf. 1418. 7), in which case another speaker intervened in the
preceding lacuna, but is more likely to belong to an infinitive or participle. On the σύνδικος
see 1413. int. and 1. 17,n.
8. ¢[«] τεσσαράκοντα ἐννέα : the supposed p might be « (but not any other letter), and the
vestiges of the preceding five letters are very slight and inconclusive ; ¢{.].. . τριάκοντα might
be read, but there is not room for ἑϊκ]ατὸν τριάκ. [δε]καεννέα seems to be the figure in 1. 9,
where [τεσσαράκοντα ἐν. cannot be read; but there is every reason to expect the figure before
ἀρκείσθωσαν to be considerably smaller than that in |. 8, since the τι denarii which had
already been paid were part of the 49 denarii, whereas in |. 9 they are an addition to the
19 denarii, ‘The senate, as we think, offered 30 denarii instead of the 49 demanded by the
yarn-merchants, who do not appear to have had their prices fixed beforehand by a State
tariff like that found in P. Rev. Laws xciv—viii; cf.1. 13, where the complaint of the cloth-
weavers about the πλεοτιμία τῶν εἰδῶν does not suggest that the price of these was fixed by
the government. How much yarn was supplied for 49 denarii may have been stated in the
lacuna in ll. 7-8 ; cf. J. 12, n.
στημονικόν : this adjective, ‘suitable for warps,’ seem to be new.
αὐτοῖς : 1. 6, the λινέμποροι (cf. 1. 9), even if the priests or ἐπιμεληταί responsible for
obtaining the yarn (cf. 1. 4, n.), and not the λινέμποροι, were the subject of the verb governing
εἶναι (6. g. προσεφώνησαν).
ἀπ[ὸ τοῦ ταμιακοῦ λόγου: i.e. the fiscus; cf. 1. 9, P. Brit. Mus. 985. 6 (iii, 229) τὰ
ὡρισθέντα por δοθῆναι εἰς λόγον τῆς στραϊτ]ίας μου ἀπὸ τοῦ ταμιακοῦ λόγου, and P, Leipzig 64
quoted in 1419. 2, n.
9. [δε]καεννέα : τα ἐνν. might possibly be read, but there is not room for [τριάκονἾτα, and
cf. 1. 8,n. For λινέμποροι, which seems to be a new form, cf. the λινοπῶλαι in Wilcken,
Ost. No. 45, quoted in int. In B. G. U. τ. 3 and P. Rainer af, Wessely, Karanis, p. 74, the
priests of Socnopaei Nesus paid 300 drachmae εἰς τιμὴν ὀθονίων βυσσίνων στολισμῶ(ν), and
E
πῶ Nt THE OXYRHYNCAUS PAPYRI
the nature of the payment has given rise to some discussion in view of other evidence that
the temple in question manufactured ὀθόνια itself; cf. Wilcken, Οὐ. i. 269, Otto, op. εἴ.
i. 301. That the λίνον with which λινέμποροι were concerned was yarn, not manufactured
linen, is clear from the present passage; the occurrence of συντε]τιμημένου and τιμή in 1. 15
with an apparent reference to the finished product suggests that the priests of Socnopaei
Nesus paid λινόνφοι just as the senate or of τελοῦντες τὴν τιμὴν τοῦ [λίνου did, and it is hardly
likely that the weavers at Socnopaei Nesus were really priests, as supposed by Otto, since
in the receipts of the temple there is no trace of profits derived from weaving. The
procedure in- the case of VS a temple was different, since the senate did not
buy the manufactured article, but had separate arrangements with the persons who supplied
the yarn and with the weavers.
10. πεῖραν: cf. 1. 15, n., and the πρὸς δειγματισμὸν διάφορα remitted by Ptolemy Epiphanes
in connexion with the ὀθόνια supplied by the priests (Rosetta Inscr. 17-18).
προσενεγκοῦμ[ε]ν: cf. 1260. 28 κατενεγκῶ, and n. The construction of καὶ τοῖς is uncertain.
pedrovaily ὑφαίνειν : cf. 1. 11. τὴν ὀθόνην τοῦ ἱεροῦ may have followed, as there; but if]. 41
was also spoken by the syndic, there was probably some slight variation.
11. Either 7 ταξάτωσαν or a compound is more likely than π]ραξάτωσαν. What τινά
refers to is not clear. If it is masculine, dva .[ is probably a future participle in agreement,
8. g. ἀναμ[ετρήσοντα τὸ λίνον, meaning that the cloth-weavers were to appoint a representative
to examine the sample. But there may be a reference to the payment which they were to
receive for making the cloth; cf. ]. 15.
λινόνφοι : cf. int., ll. 12-16, 1281. 4, 1808, and Reil, of. εἴ. 97. An ἄμφοδον at
Arsinoé was called Λινυφείων, e.g. P. Tebt. 321. 5 (wrongly assigned to Tebtunis by
S. Niccold, Veretnswesen, i. 102).
12. For ἀναγνωσθείσης at the beginning of a new section cf. 1. 19; the restoration suits
Il. rg and 24. In 1. 17 (though cf. n.) and 1415. 4, 13, 17 the same participle occurs
elsewhere than at the beginning of a line, and ἀναγ[νωσθείσης can be read in |. 11, with καὶ
ἀξ]ιώσεως in 1. 12, but the arrangement of Il. 11-12 as continuous is not satisfactory. In
spite of the mention of λινόδφοι in 1. τι, the λινόῦφοι in]. 12 seem to be distinct, and not
concerned with the temple, while with regard to the supply of yarn their arrangements were
different from those in ll. 4-11; cf. 1. 13, ἢ. Awédigor τῆς πόλεως means the whole guild of
cloth-weavers (cf. 1808 and the similar guilds of other trades in 85), this being the first
mention of them in the Roman period; cf. 5. Niccold, 7.c. They must have been the
persons responsible for making the cloth required from the city; cf. ll. 1-3 and int.
αὐτοῖς was probably followed by [ὑπὲρ ἑκάστου κρίκου (cf. 1. 15, n.) or whatever the
measure of the cloth was; cf. 1. 8,n. 200 drachmae are much too small a sum to
represent the whole amount due to the cloth-weavers.
13. πλεοτιμίαν τῶν εἰδῶν : cf. 1]. 5-6, ἢ. Itis clear that the Awdigor τῆς πόλεως had to find
their own yarn, unlike the λινόϊφοι in 1]. ro—11 ; cf. 1. 12, n.
ὑπουργ[ῶ]ν : cf. e.g. B. Ὁ. U.. 362. viii. 6 παιδία (I. -δίοις) ¢ ὑπουργοῦσι τοῖς αὐτοῖς
οἰκοδόμοις.
ὁ π[ρύτανις : οἱ [βουλευταί might be read, and in 1. 9 the senators fix the prices ; but in
]. 16 they give their assent to some proposal, and though one or more changes of speaker
may have occurred in the lacunae in ll. 13-15, it is more satisfactory to assign the whole
passage following μετὰ τὴν ἀνάγνωσιν as far as βουλῇ in 1]. 16 to the prytanis ; cf. 1. 16, n.
14. ψηφίσασθε: or, if this line was spoken by the βουλευταί (cf. the preceding n.),
ψηφ[ιζόμεθα.
Ὁ" συντε]τιμημένου τοῦ κρίκου : κρίκος, which usually means an iron ring (cf. Reil, op. cz.
66), is found in 147. 2 σχοινᾷίον) ἤτοι κρίκον in the sense of a coil of rope. Here it seems to
refer to a bundle of cloth, perhaps tied by a ring, for αὗται refers to the additional drachmae
1414. REPORT OF PROCEEDINGS OF THE SENATE ει
voted by the senate, and the payment to the cloth-weavers would naturally be made after
the valuation of the cloth following its manufacture. With συντε]τιμημένου cf, Il, 1 and
g-10,nn. That the κρίκος refers to yarn is unlikely (cf. 1. 13, n.) ; but whether it means the
whole amount due, or is a unit of measurement, is not clear. τοῦ [xpixov might be restored
after τὴν τιμήν, where the verb may well have been ἀπαιτείσθωσαν (cf. 1. 2); but [λίνου is there
more likely, though referring to manufactured linen, not to yarn (cf. 1. 13, n.). οἱ τελοῦντες
are Clearly tax-payers, not purchasers, and appear to have been the persons responsible for
paying to the senate for the cloth-weavers the value of the cloth, i.e. probably the persons
who make money-payments for ὀθονιηρά ; cf. int.
16. π[α]ρατεθήσεται ὑμῖν: cf. 1418. 14, 17, nn., 33, which suggest that here too the
speaker was a σύνδικος : but if Σεπτίμιος Διογένης κτλ, (cf. 1. 7) be restored, the length of the
lacunae at the ends of lines was much longer than seems probable in Il. 9-10, and the assent
of the senators suggests that πία]ρατεθ. «rd. is all part of the speech of the prytanis. Cf.
1, 13, n., and 1415. 8, where παραθησόμεθα. . . τῷ κρατίστῳ ἐπιστρατήγῳ is spoken by the
prytanis.
17. Since ll. 19 and 24 are irreconcilable with the supposition that ἀναγ]νωσθέντος
came at the beginning of the line, there was either a blank space before it or more probably
e.g. adate. Terentius Arius is possibly the strategus mentioned in 1455. 1, 34 (a. Ὁ. 275).
εκαΐ : or exe[, A minor official title is expected; cf. 1. 19.
18. [ἔδοξεν ὑπερτεθῆναἾι : cf. 1416. το.
19. ἰἀναγνωσθέντος ἐπιστάΪλματος : cf. |. 17 and 1415.17. For καταϊπομπῶν (masc.) cf.
1415. 6 and P. Leipzig ined. af. Wilcken, Chrest. 43. int. ὑποδέκτης (1. -as) ἤτοι καταπομποὺς
τῶν kehevobevrav....[..]. ov. For μετὰ τὴν ἀνάγνωσιν cf. 1, 13.
20. μάλιστα [δέ]: 1]. πλίσταἰιςἾ or possibly taxioralts| can be read, with ταῖς instead of τοῖς
before ἅμα, but én:|ueAnra[is] is inadmissible.
21. eis ἐπιμελῆ] τόπον (cf. 1412. 11-12) cannot be read. A similar partial meeting of
the senate seems to be meant in B. G. U. 144. ii. 1 (cf. 1416. int.) ἡρέθη ὑπὸ i ἐπὶ τοῦ ἀπὸ
τῆς αὐτῆς βουλῆς, where Jouguet (of. εἴ. 382) proposed rov(rov) for τοῦ, but τόπζου) or τό(πογυ
seems more likely.
22. y|éyra: the subject was probably a phrase like ἐνέδρα (or ἐμποδισμὸς) περὶ τὴν
καταπομπὴν τῆς ἀννώνης τῶν γενναιοτάτων στρατιωτῶν ; cf. 1415. 7.
24. ὁ νόμος : “Apulos (cf. 1. 17) could be read, but there is not room for ὁ στρατηγΪός,
which would rather be expected, if he were mentioned.
25. σκέψεως apparently means a resolution of the senate, as in 1412. 13. In 41 the honour
to be bestowed upon the prytanis has been supposed by Wilamowitz and others to refer to
his re-election, but that is very doubtful since the meeting was of the δῆμος, not of the senate ;
cf. Wilcken, Chres#. 45. 9,n. The appointment of a prytanis seems to have required the
confirmation of the praefect ; cf. 1252. verso ii. 18-19.
26. Probably πολ]ὺ (or ἐκ πολλο] Ὁ) γάρ.
27. κ]λυτέ, a poetical word, is unsatisfactory here, though the doubtful π᾿ might be r and
the ὃ might bed ora. ἀτίμητε (cf. 1. 22) is inadmissible. Whether the scribe wrote the correct
vocative εὐγενές] is also uncertain. The scribe of 41, who is equally careless, especially with
regard to the confusion of a and ε, may have intended εὐτυχη for a vocative, though Wilcken
(Chrest. 45. 3, n.) prefers to regard that form as an imperative, i.e., εὐτύχε. The vocative
Of Λεωνίδης is Λεωνίδη in 1418, 16, but the declension of that word is of course different.
28. The word after [é]pe¢{i]A[o]res may be a verb ending in -ovew, but not [ἀπ]έχουσιν..
29. πρόσκλητον Borldnv: cf. 1412. 12, n. But in 1416. 28 mpéckAnrov is used in
a quite different sense, and the vestiges of βουλήν are very slight.
E 2
52 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
1415. REPORT OF PROCEEDINGS OF THE SENATE.
26-2 X 32 cm. Late third century.
This much damaged papyrus contains the latter part of one column and the
beginnings of a few lines of a second from a report of the senate’s proceedings
similar to 1413-14 but a little later, and probably belonging to the reign of
Diocletian or possibly the period 305-23; cf. 1418. int. The mention of
an epistrategus, an official who is not elsewhere attested later than 280
(P. Ryl. 114. 35, n.), does not favour a fourth-century date. Two sections
(ll. 4-12 and 17-31) are fairly well preserved, and another (Il. 13-16) is partly
intelligible; but the other three are quite fragmentary. Lines 1-3 belong
to the conclusion of a debate, apparently a speech of the prytanis, declaring
his intention of referring the question, which seems to have concerned some kind
of transport, to the epistrategus. In Il. 4-12 the subject is the consideration
of instructions from the strategus to appoint persons to serve in place of two
others, who were responsible for transporting military supplies but had
absconded. The prytanis was anxious for the appointment of substitutes without
delay, but objection was raised by the senate to nominating beforehand a certain
class of persons (or perhaps any one at all), for fear of their flight. The prytanis
was therefore reduced to an appeal to the epistrategus on this point, as well as on
the question of filling up two other vacant posts, of one of which the description
is lost but the holder seems to have absconded, the other being the office of wine-
collector, of which the holder, Aristion, had been released from duty by the
epistrategus. The mention of Aristion’s name was greeted with exclama-
tions of approval by the senate; when, however, the prytanis made another
request for filling up the vacant posts, their reply referred to the seizure of
the sureties of the defaulters and shows no signs of their consenting to do as
they were asked, so that the concluding remark of the prytanis, which is lost, may
well have been a repetition of his former declaration that he would appeal to the
epistrategus.
The next section (Il. 13-16) began like the one preceding with the reading
of an official communication from the strategus, of which the contents are not
preserved; a second communication was from a public banker, apparently
desiring a substitute for one of his colleagues, whose conduct had been unsatis-
factory. A suggestion was then made, probably by the senate collectively, that
a richer person should be appointed, after which the prytanis made a speech,
apparently occupying the rest of the section, except perhaps for a remark of
assent from the senate at the end; but the nature of his observations is obscure
1415. REPORT OF PROCEEDINGS OF THE SENATE 53
In 1, 17 a difficulty arises similar to that in 1414. 12; for, though a fresh series of
communications was read, the name but not the rank of the official being given,
the topic which gave rise to an animated discussion in Il. 18-31 was the appoint-
ment of a public banker, and it is not at all clear that a new section began after
1. τό, especially as li. 15-16 may have been concerned only with the instructions
from the strategus, and the question of the appointment of another public
banker may have arisen out of the communication in 1. 14. The public bankers,
however, formed a collegium at this period (cf. Wilcken, Ost. i. 647), and on the
whole we are disposed to disconnect ll. 17-31 with the preceding section, and to
regard the communications mentioned in 1. 17 as parallel to that in 1. 14,
but referring to a different vacancy. The first speech seems to have come;
as usual, from the prytanis, who pointed out that persons already holding
a public office were eligible for election to a second, and it was on this question
that most of the subsequent discussion turned ; for, after a second speech from
the prytanis urging an immediate election (cf. ll. 4-12), but leaving the choice
of a candidate to the senate, the members of the tribe which by rotation was
responsible for the appointments to liturgies (cf. 1418. 12, n.) proposed the
election of Ptolemaeus, a chief-priest, one of the lesser municipal officials
(cf. 1412. 1-3, n.). The next speech (l. 21) was apparently an objection to
the nomination from Eudaemon (an exegetes who intervenes again later in
support of Ptolemaeus) on the ground that the burden of two offices was beyond
Ptolemaeus’ means, as was also pleaded by the chief-priest himself. The prytanis’
suggestion that more pressure should be brought to bear upon Ptolemaeus,
as being too modest, led to renewed protests from both him and Eudaemon ; but
though perhaps disposed to make some concession with regard to the office
already held by Ptolemaeus, the prytanis would take no refusal on the question
of the bankership, and the senators showed their opinion by the acclamations
customary in these circumstances (l. 27, n.). A final appeal from Ptolemaeus,
supported by a reminder of his past services from his champion, was disregarded,
and his election as banker was proposed by the prytanis and accepted by the
senate, a last good word for Ptolemaeus being spoken by Eudaemon, acquiescing
in the verdict of the majority. This lively and interesting debate presents several
points of similarity to the discussion in C. P. Herm. 7. ii; cf. 1. 25, n.
Col. ii, belonging to two other sections, contains only one or two letters in
most of the lines, but is valuable for its indications of the method of commencing
a new section, the beginnings of lines being nowhere else preserved in 1413-15.
The lines in 1415 were, as is usual in this class of documents, of great breadth,
and in no case can the whole gap between two consecutive lines be filled up
with certainty ; but in 1. 5 not more than about 45 letters need be lost at the
54 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
beginning, and the initial lacuna there is unlikely to exceed 60 letters. Compared
with the beginning of ]. 5, the initial lacuna in ll. 1-3 is longer by about 38 letters
and in 1. 4 by 8; in 1. 6 it is of the same length, and in ll. 7-10 shorter by
5 letters, but longer in 1. 11 by 7, in ll. 12-13 by 11, in ll. 14-15 by 12, in 1. τό
by 8, and in ll. 17-31 by about 25 letters.
Col. i.
I ὁ πρύτανις ein(ev) ὅ]τι ἀγοράζουσιν τὰ αἱαυτῶν, κατα-
φερέτωσαν
2 Jor ἀκούουσιν, ἵνα καὶ περὶ τούτου
IA
αὐτῷ παρα-
3 [θώμεθα. ]
4 [ὁ πρύτανις εἶπ(εν)" καὶ ἀ]ναγεινώσ[κεϊται ὑμῖν. ἀναγν[ωσθέντω]ν ἐϊπ]ι-
σταλμάτων δύο τοῦ στρατηγοῦ, ἑνὸς μὲν
5 ἱπερὶ τοῦ ἀντὶ ‘Axtiaciwvos βουλ(ευτοῦ) ? υἱοῦ καταφέρονἾτος
AY 4 > 7 μ4 “ ~ Ν LS,
καταπομπίο]ὺς οἴνου ἀποδράντος ἕτερον δοθῆναι, τοῦ de ἑτέρου
περὶ τοῦ [ἀντὶ Θέωνος βουλ(ευτοῦ) υἱοῦ
6 καταφέροντος ἐξ] ApaBia[s| τοὺς καταπομποὺς κριθῆς ἀποδράντων
ε ΄ μ = x BY 4 « ΄ τ
ὁμοίως ἕτερον δοθῆναι, μετὰ τὴν] ἀνάγνωσιν ὁ πρύτανις εἶπί(εν)"
4 _ δότε τοὺς λειτου)ργ[ο]ύς, ἵνα μὴ ἐμποδίζητε ἡ KaTa-
A f ~ 3 7 3 “-ς 4 ~ t
πομπὴ 5) τῆς ἀννώνη(ς) τῶν γεννεοτάτων στρατιωτῶν. oO
βουλευταὶ εἶπί(ον)" μὴ προ-
8 ἱτραπήτωσαν ὃ ivja μὴ φεύγωσιν. ὁ πρύτανις cin(ev)- παραθη-
΄ 6 Ν Ν ’ “Ὁ ’ 2 4 ,
σόμεθα Kat περὶ τούτου τῷ κρατίστῳ ἐπιστρατήγῳ, συϊν]εσπόμενοι
δὲ καὶ πε-
9 ἱρὲ καὶ π]ερὶ συνλέκτου οἴνου ἀντὶ ᾿ἀριστίωνος τοῦ ἀπολυθέντος
64-5 “ ΄ 2 ΄ 3. ἐλᾺ ς ΄
ὑπὸ τοῦ κρατίστου ἐπιστρατήγου dt ἄλίλου ὑἸπ[οἹμνήματος.
10 [of βουλευταὶ εἶπ(ον)" Apiotijov ὅταν ἔλθη ὁλοκληρήσει, λειτουργὸς
ἦν ὁλοκληρῶν ᾿ἀριστίων. ὁ πρύτανις (εἶπ(εν))" δότε τοὺς [λειτο]υρ-
γούς, ἵνα
II [μὴ ἐμποδίζηται οἱ βουλευταὶ εἶπ(ον)" ἐγγύη onl]. |] παρὰ
τῷ στρατηγῷ ἦν, ᾿ἀκτιασίωνος καὶ Θέωνος ἐγγύαι παρὰ τῷ στρα-
τηγῷ [ἦ]σαν. ὁ πρύτανις εἶπ(εν)"
12 |
1415. REPORT OF PROCEEDINGS OF THE SENATE 55
13 [ὁ πρύτανις εἶπί(εν)" Je.- [1λ{}ε .. ον καὶ ἀναγεινώσκεται ὑμῖν.
: 3 , 2 / -~ - Ν ~
ἀϊνϊαγνωσθέντος ἐπιστ[άἀ]λμα[το]ῆς τοῦ στρατηγοῦ [m]ept τοῦ
14 kai ἐπιστάλμ]ατος δημοσίων χρημάτων τραπεδίτου περὶ τοῦ ἀντὶ
IIacijwvos 2 «..)s. [-. ἤ KATO. vies να .» καὶ
15 ἕτερον δοθῆναι, μετὰ τὴν ἀνάγνωσιν of βουλευταὶ εἶπ(ον) ὁ πρύτανις ?|
εὐπορώτερον ὀνομαζέσθω. ὁ πρύτανις εἶπί(εν)" δια . . [. . «Jae
.[... ἐϊτείξατε. [.. .].. .«.« 1. Jur... vpo ε.Ϊ
τό 71. +--+ [J]... τηλικαύτην, καὶ ὑμῖς οὖν ψηφιεῖσθε τὸ ε. [.. .] . . α-
= Cae i of βουλευταὶ eim(ov)....
17 [ὁ πρύτανις εἶπ(εν) ὃ ἀναγνωσθέντων ἐπισ]ταλμάτων 11... ρφεσου περὶ
[ro] wp. .ἾἿυ[. .7.[ 25 letters
18 [μετὰ τὴν ἀνάγνωσιν ὁ πρύτανις εἶπίεν)" εἰς λειτο]υργίαν κατε-
τάγησαν καὶ ἤδη ἔχοντες Aei[rolvpyias. οἱ βουλευϊταὶ εἶπίον)"
19 ὁ πρύτανις εἶπ(εν) ἀναπλη)ροῦτε τὸ λειτούργημα, δότε [...... ]
ἐ. «1... .[...., ὀν]ομάσασθε ὃν] βούλεσθαι. οἱ ἀπὸ τῆς
20 φυλῆς εἶπί(ονν Εὐδαίμων ἐξηγητὴς εἶπ(εν) οὐ δύναται ὃ Πητολε-
μαῖος ἐν[μ]ένειν λειτουργεΐᾳ, τοῦτ[ο] ἐπι... .. 1. « «1{......]
(eee ee ee NTOS
21 1 πᾷσαν ἀναλάβεσθε εἰς ἄλλο τι βαρυτάταις ταῖς ¢€.. [.Jasas
λειτουργείαις καὶ
22 Πτολεμαῖος Δαμαρίωἶνος ἀρχιερεὺς ΓΝ δέομαι ὑμῶν, οὐ δύναμαι.
μέτριός εἰμι, παρὰ πατρὶ τρέφομαίι,
23 ὁ πρύτανις elin(ev) ἔτι δέετε τῆς ἀφ’ ὑμῶν προτροπῆς Πτολεμαῖος,
ἔ καὶ αὐτὸς γὰρ ἀπὸ τηλικ[ού-
24 [του λειτουργήματος ἀποφεύγει ? Εὐϊδαίμων ἐξηγητὴς εἶπίεν)"
ayy kai Πτολεμαῖος μέτριός ἐστιν καὶ od δύναται τὸ βάρος
25 [ὑποφέρειν Πτολεμαῖος Aapapijwvos ἀρχιερεὺς εἶπί(εν)" ὑπὲρ
ἐμέ ἐστιν τὸ λιτούργημα. ὁ πρύτανις εἶπ(εν)" εἰ καὶ ἐν ἄλλη [
26 Πτολεμαῖος, οὐ δύναται] ἀντερεῖν ὑμεῖν εἰς τὴν δημοσίαν τραπε-
διτείαν. φανερὸν δέ ἐστιν ὅτι οὐκ ἔξεσί-
27 [re Wel... Jap . ὧν. οἱ βουλευταὶ εἶπ(ον) dyvai
πισταὶ Πτολεμαῖε, ἱκανὰ αὐτῷ Ϊ
23 Πτολεμαῖος Aaluapiovos ἀρχιερεὺς εἶπί(εν)" δέομαι ὑμῶν, οὐ δύναμαι
ὑπὸ ἕνα καιρὸν δύο [A-
50 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
29 [τουργήματα ὑποστῆναι. Evdaipwy ἐξηγητὴς ecin(ev) Πτολεμαῖος
π]εῖραν τῆς προαιρέσεως αὑτοῦ πολλάκις δέδωκεν. ὁ πρύτανις
εἰἶπίεν""
30 προβάλἸλομαι αὐτὸν ὑμῖν. οἱ βουλευταὶ εἶπ(ον)" οὐκ ἀντιλέξει τῇ
φυλῇ Πτολεμαΐϊος . .
31 1 Εὐδαίμων ἐξηγητὴς εἶπ(εν πίστεως ἕνεκεν αὐτὸν
εἴλασθε. 1
Col. ii.
32 6 πρύτανις [ein(ev)
33 κε.
Beginnings of 7 more lines.
41 ὁ πρύτανις εἶπί(εν)"
42 αἱ
.Ψ . . e
1. 1. ἑαυτῶν. 5. viov Π. 6. 1. ἀποδράντος. 7. 1. ἐμποδίζηται. . . γενναιοτάτων.
9. ὕπο Il. II. ak Of ἀκτιασιωνος COrT. ey’yva ΤΙ. 14. 1. τραπεζίτου. 18. β οἵ
βουλευται Corr. 19. 1. βούλεσθε. 23. 1]. δέεται, 1, 6. δεῖται. 26. 1. τραπεζιτείαν.
27. 1. ἁγνὲ moré. ἵκανα 0.
4-31. ‘The prytanis said, “...and it is read to you.” Two communications from
the strategus having been read, one concerning the appointment of a substitute for Actiasion,
senator (?), son of . . ., convoying collectors of wine, who had absconded, the other con-
cerning the appointment likewise of a substitute for Theon, senator, son of. . ., convoying
from Arabia (?) collectors of barley, who had absconded, after the reading the prytanis said,
“νος Appoint persons to do the duty, in order that the carriage of the annona for the most
noble soldiers may not be hindered.” The senators said, “ Let . . . not be (nominated)
beforehand . . ., lest they run away.” The prytanis said, “On this point we will refer to
his excellency the epistrategus, and we will also add a statement concerning . . ., and con-
cerning a collector of wine in place of Aristion, who has been released by his excellency the
epistrategus in another memorandum.” The senators said, “.. . Aristion, when he comes,
will prosper ; a prosperous public servant was Aristion.” The prytanis said, “ Appoint the
persons to office, in order that there may be no delay...” The senators said, “The surety
of . .. was already (ἢ) deposited with the strategus, the sureties of Actiasion and Theon were
deposited with the strategus.” The prytanis said, ...
The prytanis said, “.,. and it is read to you.” A communication from the strategus
having been read concerning ..., and one from the banker of public moneys concerning
the appointment of a substitute for Pasion, who..., after the reading the senators said, “‘ Let
the prytanis nominate a richer person.” The prytanis said, .. .
. .. Communications from .. . esus having been read concerning . . ., after the reading
the prytanis said, “... were appointed to a public office although they already held such
1415. REPORT OF PROCEEDINGS OF THE SENATE 57
offices.” The senators said, .... The prytanis said, “Fill up the office, appoint .. .,
nominate whom you will.” The members of the.. tribe said,... Eudaemon, exegetes,
said (?), ‘‘ Ptolemaeus (cannot?) remain in the public office . . .’ Ptolemaeus son of
Damarion, chief-priest, said, “1 entreat you, I cannot serve. I am aman of moderate means,
I live in my father’s house,...’ The prytanis said, “" Ptolemaeus still requires to be
pressed by you, for he too shrinks from so great an office...” Eudaemon, exegetes, said,
‘¢Ptolemaeus too is a man of moderate means and unable to bear the burden...” Ptolemaeus
son of Damarion, chief-priest, said, “The office is beyond my powers.” The prytanis said,
“Even if Ptolemaeus ... in another office (?), he cannot refuse you with regard to the post of
public banker. It is, however, clear that it is not permitted...” The senators said,
“Upright, faithful Ptolemaeus ...’’ Ptolemaeus son of Damarion, chief-priest, said,
“Tentreat you, I cannot undertake two public offices at one time...” Eudaemon, exegetes,
said, “ Ptolemaeus has often given an example of his loyalty.’ The prytanis said, “‘...
I propose him to you.” The senators said, ‘‘ Ptolemaeus will not refuse his tribe...”
Eudaemon, exegetes, said, ‘‘ You elected him on account of his good faith.” ’
1. Perhaps ἐπειδὴ φανερόν ἐστιν dri; cf. 1. 26. For καταφερέτωσαν cf. Il. 5-6.
2. αὐτῷ is probably the epistrategus; cf. 1. 8. παραθώμεθα indicates the prytanis or
syndic as the speaker; cf. ]. 8 and1413. 17, n.
4. καὶ dlvayewoo|xe|rar ὑμῖν: cf. 1. 13, Β. G. U. 925. 1 -Onv [ἵν᾿ εἰδῇς καὶ ἀναγεινώσκεται.
μετὰ τὴ]ν dvdyvoo|w κτὰ., De Ricci, CR. de Acad. d. Inscr, 1905. 160 (W. Chrest. 27). 9-11
ἀναγνωσθ(ήγτω ἡ διάταξις Ἱπρόκλου. ἀναγνωσθείσ(ης) wth. Something like ἐπιστάλματα ἔλαβον,
followed by the name of the strategus (cf. ]. 17,n.), probably preceded.
5. For the restoration of the name cf. 1.13. For καταφέροντος cf. 1]. 1, 6, 1414. 20 ;
κατάγονἾτος would also be suitable. For καταπομποί cf. 1414. 19, n.
6. ¢£]’ApaBia[s|: this probably refers to the district between the Nile and the Red Sea,
or else Arabia Felix. Most of the caravans bringing Arabian wares from Philotera, Myos
Hormos, Leucos Limen, or Berenice entered the Nile valley at Καινή (Keneh), Coptos, or
further south, but Hadrian constructed a road from Antinoé to the coast. 86 (= W. Chresi.
273) contains part of a tariff relating probably to wares imported from the Red Sea; cf.
Rostowzew,. Archiv, iv. 298 sqq.. The νομὸς ᾿Αραβία (cf. 1485. 8) is certainly not meant,
and though ’Apafia is sometimes used merely in reference to that part of an Upper Egyptian
nome which was on the east bank (e. g. P. Brit. Mus. 401. 10 KéxAakos τῆς ᾿Αραβίας Tov...
Παθυρίτου νομοῦ ; cf. Strabo, p. 806), it is very doubtful whether any part of the Oxyrhynchite
_ nome, even the eastern toparchy, was on the east bank; cf. 1421. 3, n.
4. δότε κτλ. : οἵ, 11. ro-11 and1g. For the annona militarts cf. Wilcken, Grundz. 360.
προ[ϊτραπήτωσαν: cf. |. 23, 1418. 9. προϊονομασθήτωσαν (cf. 1417. 8—g, n.) would also be
suitable.
g. The person referred to in the early part of this line was probably mentioned also
in 1. 11, where, if the restoration is correct, he was in the same position as Actiasion and
Theon with regard to his surety, a circumstance which suggests that he like them had run
away. But δ ἄλ[λου ὑ]π[ομνήματος at the end of the line indicates that a ὑπόμνημα of the
epistrategus occurred earlier, and zel[pi (title) ἀντὶ (name) rod ἀπολυθέντος ὑπὸ τοῦ κρατίστου
ἐπιστρατήγου δι᾿’ ὑπομνήματος καὶ π͵ερί can be restored, in which case the first part of ]. 10 may
have contained some complimentary references to him corresponding to those concerning
Aristion, and the words preceding παρὰ τῷ στρατηγῷ in 1. 11 would have to be restored
differently.
συνλέκτου οἴνου: the first word seems to be the genitive of συλλέκτης, an otherwise
unattested form analogous to ὑποδέκτης, rather than of σύλλεκτος.
10-11. ἵνα | [μὴ ἐμποδίζηται : cf. 1. 7.
58 ΤΗΕ OXYRHYNCHUS ΡΑΡΥΚΙ
tr. ἤ]δη : cf. 1. 18. If ἐγγύη is right, it was preceded by. the name of the person described
in the first part οἵ]. 9; cf.n. The deleted letter may have been s or ».
παρὰ τῷ στρατηγῷ: declarations of sureties for pilots or ναύκληροι in the public service
were usually addressed to the strategus, e.g. 1554; éyyva probably means the documents,
not the actual money. ahi
12. The final remark of the prytanis may well have been παραθησόμεθα καὶ περὶ τούτου τῷ
κρατίστῳ ἐπιστρατήγῳ ; Cf. 1. 8 and int. ¥
13. καὶ ἀναγεινώσκεται : cf. 1, 4, ἢ. The word ending in -ov is probably a proper name,:
στρατηγοῦ being inadmissible. v can be read for ε before . . ov, but the name seems to be
different from that in |. 17,
14, ἀντὶ Πασίωνος xrh.: cf. 1. 5 and 1416. 11-12 ἀντὶ... .| told ὀνομασθζ(έντος) καὶ μὴ
συνλειτ[ο]υργήσαντοῖς. The word before καί does not seem to be λειτουργήσαντος, but all the
readings in this line after rod are very uncertain. ἐπὶ πᾶσι is. possible.
15. ὀνομαζέσθω is apparently middle, as ἴῃ 1. 19; the active occurs in 1418. 4, 9. The
speaker can be the senate collectively or an individual, but not the prytanis, who generally
opens the discussion after the reading of documents. ὀνομάζεσθαι (which would be passive,
depending on περὶ τοῦ in 1]. 14) cannot be read, and an aorist infinitive is expected after
περὶ τοῦ. For the prytanis as nominator cf. 1. 30; but the subject might be e.g. the
λειτουργοῦσα φυλή : cf. 1. 19, n. i
16. τηλικαύτην : cf. ll. 23-4. λειτουργίαν may well have occurred earlier in the line, but
not immediately before τηλικ. At the end of the line οὕτω would be suitable (cf. 1414. 16),
but the reading oi βυ[υλε]υτα[ί is very doubtful, especially as vra was on a separate fragment,
which is not certainly placed here.
17. If a new section began in this line (cf int.), the prytanis probably made an
introductory remark, as in Il. 4and13. The word after ἐπισ]γαλμάτων is apparently a proper
name, not a title, and may well refer to the strategus ; cf. 1414, 17.
18. For the initial restoration cf. 1. 6; that eis λειτο]υργίαν «rd. belongs to the émordApara
is less likely. Instances of persons holding more than one public office are not uncommon:
a βασιλικὸς τραπεζίτης in Β. G. U. 121 (A.D. 194) is also ἔναρχος γυμνασίαρχος, the εὐθηνιαρχία
was often combined with other offices (1412. 1-3, n.), and cf. 1. 25, 1416. 5, nn.
19. δότε [τὸν λε][του]ργόϊν (cf. 1. 10) cannot be read. For ὀν]ομάσασθε cf. 1. 15, n., and
for οἱ ἀπὸ ras | [(number) φυλῆς 1. 30 and 1418. 12, n.
20-1. avadaBeobe may be for ἀναλαβέσθαι. The reference to Bapurdrats λειτουργίαις
suggests that, in 1. 21 at any rate, Eudaemon (cf. int.) was the speaker, rather than the.
prytanis or the tribe, and if 6. g. οὐ δύναται (cf. 1]. 26 and 28) occurred before Π]τολεμαῖος,
that sentence too may belong to Eudaemon. The members of the tribe may have said
προτραπήτω Πτολεμαῖος Aapapiwvos ἀρχιερεύς : Cf. 1418. 9.
23-4. Cf. P. Ryl. 77. 38-9 ἀναδεξάμενος τὴν μείζονα ἀρχὴν οὐκ ὀφείλει τὴν ἐλάττον᾽
ἀποφεύγειν.
25. ἐν ἄλλῃ [: or ἐναλλαί-, i. 6. some part of ἐναλλαγή (cf. 1418. 22, 23) or ἐναλλάσσειν.
In any case there is probably a contrast between Ptolemaeus’ ἀρχιερωσύνη, which might be
got rid of in some way, and the bankership, which he could not refuse; cf. 1. 30, and 1627,
which is concerned with a change of λειτουργίαι, A somewhat similar situation occurs in
C. P. Herm. 7. ii, where Heraclammon, who is pressed to undertake an ἐπιμέλεια, desires to
vacate his position of eutheniarch first (perhaps he was gymnasiarch also, for ἐκ τῶν yupva-
σιαρίχ in 1]. 8-9 apparently refers to Heraclammon, and his name may have occurred in |, 2
as one of the two gymnasiarchs instead of Paniscus’ as restored by Jouguet, of. εξ. 383).
24. For dye moré cf. 1418. 11, n. ἱκανά might mean ‘bail’, and a word like dviepev
can be restored; cf. P. Ryl. 77. 30 ἱκανὸν ἀνεθῆναι. But it may well have its commoner
sense
1415. REPORT OF PROCEEDINGS OF THE SENATE 59
28. ΔαΪμαρίωνος : or, possibly, | ἱὩρίωνος.
29. For ὑποστῆναι cf. e.g. Ο.1. G. 1365 ,γυμνασιαρχίαν inoor. For Eudaemon as
Ptolemaeus’ supporter cf. ll. 24, 31, and 20-I, n. The senate also might be the speaker.
30. προβάλ]λομαι : cf. C. P. R. 20. i. 6-- τοῖς προβαλομένοις τὸν ἡμέτερον υἱὸν . . . εἰς
κοσμητείαν. The letter before o (which is nearly certain) can be y, A, π, σ, or τ΄
31. πίστεως ἕνεκεν : cf. 1418, 11.
1416. MEMORANDA OF PROCEEDINGS OF THE SENATE.
27:2 X 12-4 cm. About a. D. 299.
On the recto of this papyrus is a list of official persons (1498). The verso
contains a valuable list of subjects discussed by the senate of Oxyrhynchus, and
is to some extent parallel to B.G.U. 144, a fragment of what seems to be
official memoranda of a prytanis (cf. Preisigke, Beamtenwesen, 53). Col. i of that
‘papyrus is, however, too imperfect to show its contents, and of Col. ii ll. 1-5
refer to a person appointed to an office by the prytanis after an informal meeting
of senators (cf. 1414. 21, n.), leaving only ll. 6-9, which are part of a list of
individuals apparently appointed to some λειτουργία by the senate. 1416 was
clearly drawn up by or for a prytanis, and that it refers to the acta, not the
agenda, of the senate is indicated by the use of past tenses throughout, especially
in 1.1 εἰσηγήσατο. The different subjects are normally introduced by the phrase
m(ept) τοῦ followed by an infinitive, but in 1. 27 there was apparently some
variation, perhaps owing to the commencement of a separate section. On
the right-hand side there is an almost vertical break, and the ends of lines
are mostly lost. Probably at least twenty letters are missing; cf.l.6,n. -.The
arrangement of Il. 19-26, which are not likely to form one paragraph, is uncertain.
The writing on the recto bears considerable resemblance to 1412, which belongs
to the reign of Probus, and 1416 must be assigned approximately to the close of
the third century on palaeographical grounds. The mention of the praefect
Publius indicates a date about A. Ὁ. 299, though only one emperor is referred to ;
cf. 1. 29, n. On the general question of the subjects debated by the senate
see 1413, int.
cony(aris) [....] εἰσηγήσατο Τείρων ὁ καὶ ᾿ἀπολλώνιος βουλ(ευτής). [
mept) τοῦ ἡρῆ[σἸθ(αι) [εἰῆς τὸ καλέσαι τὸν ἐπιστρά(τηγον) εἰς τὴν πανήγ[υριν.
m(ept) τοῦ ἀπὸ βουλευτικῶν προχρείαν γενέσθαι εἰς τὰς χώρας [ εἰση-
γήσατο
εἰσηγητής) Σ᾿ ἐπτίμιος (Ωρίων ὁ καὶ Διογένης.
5 πίερὴ) τοῦ ἀπὸ τῶν ὀνομασθ(έντων) εἰς ἀρχὰς ἀγωνοθέτην προτραϊπῆναι.
60 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
n(epi) τοῦ προτραπῆναι γυμνασιαρχῆσαι Φαρμοῦθι KO [ τοῦ
καὶ Ἡρακλείδου aL ἡμέρ(αν) καὶ τοὺς κληρονόμΙου: 42, Παχὼν.
υἱὸν Διονυσίου, ἡ ἹἹέρακα ᾿Ἑρμίου, 6 Ηἰ , ε Ἡλιό-Ὁ
δωρον, wa ιβ Δωρίωνα τὸν καὶ Πλούταϊρχον.
10 π(ερὴ τοῦ ἃ ἠξίωσαν οἱ ἱερεῖς εἰς τὴν ἑξ(ῆς) βουλὴν ὑπερτεθῆναι.
[π(ερὴ το]ῦ ἠξιωκέναι Δίδυμον τὸν καὶ Εὐδαίμονα καὶ [ ἀντὶ
τίο]ῦ ὀνομασθ(έντος) καὶ μὴ συνλειτ[ο]υργήσαντοϊς προτραπῆναι
Ἥρα- )
κλέωνα καὶ Yephvoy yeovy(odvras) ἐν Σέσφθα [
[κ]αὶ “Ερμόφιλον καὶ ᾿Οννῶφριν ἐκ δοχῆϊς
A >
15 [ν]Ἱυνεὶ ἱερέα καὶ τοὺς σὺν αὐτῷ dvopach(évras) [ εἰς TO
αὐτοὺς τὴν πανήγυριν καὶ ἡρῆσθ(αι) [ Σερῆνον ?
ἐπὶ τῷ τὸν ἩἩρακλέωνα αὐτὸν παρασϊτῆσαι ?
[π(ερὴ τοῦ] ἡρῆσθ(αι) [ἀν]τὶ Σιλβανοῦ ᾿Ανεικήτου κοσμητ(ὴν) ἐφ᾽ ἡϊμέρας.
[π(ερὴ) τοῦ] ἐποι[. . .1θ(α) ἀπόφασιν Αἰμιλιανοῦ ᾿Ασκληπι[άδου
20 [ Χαιρήμο Pa καὶ ὠνομάσθ(αι) vildjy ‘ABaloxdvrov? ἐπὶ τῷ
[ we eee ee »ν]ομικάριον Χαιρήμονα παραϊστῆσαι ?
[π(ερὴ τοῦ ἢ... τῶν δη]μευθέντων καὶ τῆς πολειτικῆς προσόδου (?)
ΤΉΡΥΤΥ ΤΣ ΕῚ: 1 συσταθῆναι τῇ ἑξῆς βουλῇ Kali
[ weeeeee ἧς, Ἀπόλλωνος τοῦ Kai) Νείλου γυ(μνασιαρχ Ὶ
ἐπι. .] . al
ἘΠ Ae RS erie ΠΊτολεμῖνον ἐξηγίητ )) ἐν ἄλλα[ἧς ἡμέραις
[ 11}
ἱπ(ερὶ) ".. .]γε[.]. καὶ τῆς βουλῆς καὶ διὰ τὸ δημοτελῆ εἶναι tral
[π(ερὴ) ἢ] τοῦ πρόσκλητον λαβεῖν παρὰ τοῦ ἐπιτρόπου.
[m(ept) τοῦ ... 7. ε. αἱ τὸν Σεβαστὸν καὶ Πούπλιον ἡγεμό(να) καὶ εἶ
3. t Of του corr, azo added above the line. 8. ἵερακα Π. 10. ἵερεις Π: so in
], 15 ἵερεα. 23. θ of συσταθηναι corr.
1-18, ‘. .. Proposed by Tiron also called Apollonius, senator.
Concerning the appointment of some one to invite the epistrategus to the festival.
Concerning the making of an advance from the senatorial funds for the posts of. . .
Proposed by Septimius Horion also called Diogenes.
Concerning the urging of one of the nominees to offices to become steward of
the games.
Concerning the urging of ... son of .. . also called Heraclides to be gymnasiarch on
Pharmouthi 29 (—30?) for τῷ days, and the heirs of. . for 2 (Ὁ) day, ...son of Dionysius
1416. MEMORANDA OF PROCEEDINGS OF THE SENATE 61
on Pachon ., Hierax son of Hermias on the 8th,...on the gth, Heliodorus on the roth,
Dorion also called Plutarchus on the 11th and rath.
Concerning the postponement of the petition of the priests until the next meeting.
Concerning the petition of Didymus also called Eudaemon and .. . that in place of ...,
who was nominated and failed to serve as their colleague, Heracleon and Serenus, lJand-
owners at Sesphtha, should be urged to take office . . .and Hermophilus and Onnophris.. .
in succession to .. ., now priest, and those who were nominated with him . . . for (super-
intending) the festival, and the election of Serenus(?)... on condition that Heracleon
should be bail for his appearance.
Concerning the election of a cosmetes(?) in place of Silvanus son of Anicetus
for . . days.’
I. εἰσηγήσατο : cf. int. and 1418. 2, n. εἰσηγ(ητής) added later in the margin here and
against I. 4 serves apparently to emphasize the insertion of the name of the proposer, which
seems to be omitted in the later sections. This Tiron is probably mentioned in 1515. 4.
2. πανήγυριν : cf. ]. τό, 41. 1 Ἰαρίας πανηγύρεως οὔσης, where Wilcken (Chrest. 45. τ, n.)
has suggested ἐξτραορδιν]αρίας, and 705. 34--5 ἔτι καὶ νῦν τὴν τῶν ἐπινεικίων ἡμέραν ἑκάστου ἔτους
πανηγυρίζοντας (sc. the Oxyrhynchites). A tax [..... 7 πανηγύρεω(ς) occurs in P. ΒΥ]. 213.
374. It is possible that a name is lost at the end of this line and I. 5.
3. ἀπὸ βουλευτικῶν mpoxpeiay: Cf. 1418, 20 ἃς ἐκ προχ[ρε]ίας πεποίηκεν γυμνασιαρχίας ἡμεΐρ ...,
and 1501, which is concerned with a loan by ἃ ταμίας βουλ(ευτικῶν) χρη(μάτων). The βου-
λευτικά, which are not mentioned elsewhere, seem to be a private fund of the senate, distinct
from the πολιτικὸς λόγος administered by them, on which see Jouguet, of. c7#. 416.
The name of some office or offices, 6. g. τῆς γυμνασιαρχίας, probably followed χώρας, for
which cf, 1418. 1, n.
5. ἀγωνοθέτην : this official, who is often met with in some of the provinces (Liebenam,
Staidteverwaltung, 542), is rarely mentioned in Egypt; but cf. 1284. 8-9, where the order
κοσμητεύσαντος [kat ἀγωνο]θετήσαντος indicates that he ranked above the cosmetes (cf. 1412.
1-3, n.), Dittenberger, Or. Gr. Juscr. ii. 713, where his office at Alexandria was combined
with that of gymnasiarch (cf. εἰς ἀρχάς here), P. Ryl. 117. 18.
6.. After «6[ at least one more day (i.e. A, followed perhaps by Haya . .) must have
been mentioned, if l. 7 refers to this date ; but that is far from certain. The occurrence of
(Pachon) 8 in 1. 8 would suit the view that the lacuna at the end of ll. 6 and 7 extends to
30 or 40 letters, but at the end of 1. 8 only one name is necessary before ε, and though
a father’s name may have been added and... τὸν καὶ Ἡλιόδωρον is possible, a lacuna of
more than 20 letters is unlikely. Probably several of the early days of Pachon were
omitted; cf. 1413. 24,n. Gymnasiarchs only held office for a few days in the year, so that
a large number of them was required ; cf.1418. 15, n.
8. Ηἰ: κ[ληρονόμους (cf. 1. 7) is improbable.
το. Cf. 1414.18 and 1413. int.
11-12. mporpanjva, for which cf. ll. 5-6, or δοθῆναι (cf. 1415. 5, 14-15) is to be
restored either in ]. 15, in which case the liturgy in question was connected with the
πανήγυρις (1. 2, n.), or in 1. 12, in which case it may have been different and εἰς ro...
πανήγυριν may depend on ὀνομασθ(έντας) in ]. 15. It is curious that so many names were
apparently suggested, for there seems to have been only one defaulter {τῶ]ν cannot be read
in 1. 12), and only one substitute (αὐτόν in ]. 17), with another person as surety. Possibly
the persons mentioned in ll. 14—15 were not coupled with Heracleon and Serenus.
13.. Σέσῴθα (or Σέφθα, as in P. Hibeh 45. 5) was in the lower toparchy (1285. 136),
probably close to the Nile since-a κυβερνήτης in 1554. 6 came from it, anda place of some
size since in 1285 it paid more than any other village in its toparchy. The boundary
62 . THE OXYRHYNCHUS ΡῬΡΑΡΥΜΙ
between the lower toparchy and the Heracleopolite nome was probably somewhere between
Feshn and Fent, and nearly opposite beh, which lies on the east bank. That town,
perhaps identical with Hipponon (cf. P. Hibeh, p. 10), was in the Heracleopolite nome, but
the papyri from its cemetery were mainly written either in the Κωίτης toparchy of the Hera-
cleopolite nome, or in the lower toparchy of the Oxyrhynchite. Ψῦχις and Ταλαή, two
Heracleopolite villages often mentioned in them, and, as P. Hibeh 117. 8 indicates, near
each other, may well correspond to the modern Ads@g and Tala to the north-west of Feshn,
in which case the Κωίτης τόπος was the southern portion of the Heracleopolite nome. This
is on the whole more probable than the view suggested in P. Hibeh, /.c., that it was all on
the east bank, for unless the Nile has shifted its course since Roman times, there was hardly
any cultivation on the east bank between Wasta and Fent. Tala, however, might be the
Oxyrhynchite village of Takada, Shenra, which is near the edge of the desert west of Fenz,
may be the Oxyrhynchite Σιναρύ, often mentioned in the Hibeh papyri, and Za/z, a little
south-west of Za/a might be another, Θῶλθις. The Ptolemaic papyri found in recent years
at Gamhtd, between Shenra and Tait, are likely to throw more light on the question. -
Taxdva, another village in the lower toparchy, is stated by the Iterin. Anton. to have been
twenty-four Roman miles from Oxyrhynchus. Since Sesphtha was in the 10th pagus in
the fourth century (P. Giessen 115), it was probably in the extreme north of the toparchy,
of which other villages belonged to the 8th and gth pagi, i.e. further south in the direction
of Maghdégha; cf. 1425. 4, n., and 1448. int. The boundary of the Oxyrhynchite and
Heracleopolite nomes was perhaps slightly altered in Roman times, for ᾿Ασσύα, which is
found in a taxing-list of Heracleopolite villages in P. Hibeh p. 8, occurs in 1529 along with
villages of the lower toparchy of the Oxyrhynchite nome, unless a different village is meant.
14. ἐκ δοχῆϊς: cf. 1265. 17 ἐκ διαδοχῆς τοῦ... πατρός in a declaration by a priest (cf.
[ν]υνεὶ ἱερέα in |. 15).
15. For εἰς τό followed by an infinitive (ἄγειν ?) cf. ll. 2 and 11-12, n.
16. Perhaps τὸν προκείμενον Σερῆνον should be restored ; cf. |. 13.
17. παρασ[τῆσαι : cf. 1. 21 and e.g. 1554. 8 ὃν καὶ παραστήσω σοι.
18. κοσμητ(ήν) : concerning this office not much is known, and whether it was normally
held for only a few days at a time like that of gymnasiarch (cf. ll. 6-9) is uncertain. κοσμη-
τ(οῦ) Or κοσμητ(εύσαντος) would apparently yield the same sense as κοσμητ(ήν), if ἐφ᾽ ἡϊμέρας.
be retained; cf. 1. 2 for the absence of an expressed subject of the infinitive. ἐφήβων
followed by a title, which would be the subject of ἡρῆσθαι, is less likely.
19. π]εποι[σ]θ(αι) does not seem the right verb if the genitive Αἰμιλιανοῦ is correct, and
there is hardly room for another letter besides (epi) rod in the lacuna. a can be read for o,
and κ or ἡ fort. ἀπόφασις means a sentence of a judge, but what rank Aemilianus Asclepiades
held is uncertain, except that he was not praefect; cf.1. 29, n.
21. [ν]ομικάριον : νομικάριος seems to be a late variant for νομικός, which can mean either
a legal adviser, as in C. P. R. 18. 22-5 (= M. Chrest. 84) Βλαίσιος Μαριανὸς .. . συνλαλήσας
"Apre[ut|5 dpe τ]ῷ νομικῷ περὶ τοῦ πράγματος ὑπηἼγόρευσεν ἀπόφασιν ἣ καὶ ἀν)ε[γ]νώσδη], or a-Zabellio,
as in 84. iii. 3 (cf. Koschaker, Zectschr. f. Savignyst. xxix. 15-19). In Byzantine papyri
νομικάριος OCCUTS in 186. 10, 154. το, P. Iand. 45. 1. The proximity of ἀπόφασιν in 1, 19
suggests the meaning ‘lawyer’ here, but |. 20 refers to an election to some office and
may belong to a new section. The doubtful second a of παραΐ can be o, but |. 21 may well
correspond to ]. 17.
22-5. That these lines were connected with ll. 19-21 seems improbable. They can
be reconstructed [περὶ τοῦ ἐκ (or ἀπὸ) τῶν by\pevdevrav καὶ τῆς πολιτικῆς προσόδου τὰ περιγινό-
μενα (?)| συσταθῆναι τῇ ἑξῆς βουλῇ cali ἡρῆσθαι ἀντὶ (cf. 1. 11) ]ς ᾿Απόλλωνος τοῦ κ(αὶ) Νείλου
γυ(μνασιαρχήσαντος) ἐπι[τ]ηρ[ητὴν. . . Π]τολεμῖνον κτλ. But προσόδου is very doubtful; the
vestiges would suit ν at least as well and can be y . [, and parallels for the phrases in 1. 22
1416. MEMORANDA OF PROCEEDINGS OF THE SENATE 63
are lacking. Line 25 might be [περὶ τοῦ προτρ(απῆναι) Π]τολεμῖνον ἐξηγ(ητεῦσαι) κτλ. ; cf. 1. 6.
{ can be read after ἡμέραις] in place of the supposed p at the end of the line above.
26. Possibly the supposed « (or p) belongs to |. 25, and the space between ll. 25 and
27 was blank. If there was a line there, it may well have been a heading, possibly a date ;
cf. the next note.
24. This section seems to have begun somewhat differently from the rest, for, though
π(ερὶ) rod can be supplied, the word before τῆς is not an infinitive. yu.can be read for ye-] .;
the word shows no sign of having been abbreviated. A substantive to which δημοτελής would
apply is expected.
28. rov is written a little higher than the rest of the line and might be a marginal note
(cf. ll. 1 and 4), but this line is more probably a new section than a continuation of ]. 27.
πρόσκλητον λαβεῖν seems to refer to receiving a judicial summons from the ἐπίτροπος, though
πρόσκλησιν (for which cf. Mitteis, Grundz. 16) would be expected. For trials before an
ἐπίτροπος involving the senate cf. 1413.17, n., 1417. int. It does not seem practicable to
interpret πρόσκλητον here in the same sense as in 1412. 12 πρόσκλητον βουλήν.
29. The word before τόν is presumably an infinitive (Ί]μισαι, Ἰκισαι, Ἰαρθαι, or Ἶειναι is
possible), but can be Ja’xai. It is remarkable that only one Emperor is mentioned, though
two were reigning if 1416 is contemporary with 1204, which mentions the same praefect
(Aelius) Publius (Aug. 19, 299). He came after Flavius Valerius Pompeianus, who
was in office from October 287 (888. 6) to Sept. 15, 289 (1252. recto 28), and Aemilius
Rusticianus, deputy-praefect in 298 (1469. 1), and before Clodius Culcianus, who held office
from Feb. 28, 303 (71. 23) to May 29, 306 (1104. 10). Of the three other praefects
assigned to this period by Cantarelli (Prefett’ dz Egzito, ii. 13-16), Sallustius (P. Amh.
137. 4) was shown by 1191 to belong to the 6th year of Probus (280-1); Aurelius Antinotis
(B. G. U. 13. 3) was not a praefect, but the π(ραι)π(όσιτος), or at any rate a subordinate,
of an unnamed praefect, while Πόσ[τουμ]ος or Ποσίείδιο]ς, the praefect mentioned on Pompey’s
pillar at Alexandria (Dittenberger, Or. Gr. Jnscr. ii. 718. 3), was probably our Πούβλιος,
Salt having in fact read TOYBAIOC and Kéhler TOYBAIOC. On the praefects preceding
, Valerius Pompeianus see 1456. 1, n.
1417. REPORT OF A TRIAL CONCERNING THE SENATE.
21-8 X 26-8 cm. Early fourth century.
The trial reported in this fragment was an action before a strategus, brought
by the senate of Oxyrhynchus through their σύνδικος (cf. 1418. 17, n.) against
Nilus, probably Thonius (1. 33), and perhaps other persons (cf. 1. 28), who had
after election by the senate failed to perform the duties of eutheniarchs. A some-
what similar action before an ἐπίτροπος, brought by the senate of Hermopolis
against gymnasiarchs, is mentioned in C. P. Herm. 53 (W. Chrest. 39) ; fragments
of other trials in which the senate was represented by σύνδικοι are extant in
C. P. Herm. 23, 25-6. The office of eutheniarch, a magistrate responsible for the
grain supply of Oxyrhynchus, was difficult to fill, and, as 1252. verso shows, for
some years before 289 it was in abeyance. In the present case one of the persons
nominated (Nilus ?) threatened to resign his property and appeal to the praefect,
as not infrequently happened in connexion with the nomination to municipal
64. THE OXYRHYNCAUS PAPYRI
offices; cf. 1405, 1642, and Ὁ. P. R. 20. The judge, as might be expected,
exhibited a desire to carry out the resolutions (ψηφίσματα) of the senate (cf. 1]. τό,
23, 28-32); but the lines were of considerable length, though the writing is large,
and are too incomplete to permit a reconstruction of the dialogue, which was
chiefly between Nilus and the strategus. The papyrus probably belongs to the
early part of the fourth century rather than to the end of the third; a date ©
towards the middle of the fourth century, though palaeographically possible, is
hardly compatible with the prominence of the strategus, for that office after the
establishment of the logistes and defensor (cf. 1426. 3, 4, nn.), and pracposztz of
the pagi (1425. 4, n.) rapidly waned in importance ; cf. 1480 and 1470. intt.
Col. i.
. . . . . . . . .
ἀἸδίηκα τὰ πλῖστα
1 ὀφείλομεν συνεδρεῦ-
ἴσαι 1 δίόγγματι ἐν τῷ ψηφίσματι
1 καὶ ἐπίτροποι αὐτὰ τὰ [.] . apap-
Ξ τῶν] ὑπαρχόντων καὶ πάντα μου τὰ ὑπάρ-
[xovTa Bo ?lvan, ἐξίσταμε αὐτοῖς
Ἰειαν. Πλουτίων σύνδικος εἶπί(εν)"
Νεῖλο ὃὴς εἶπ(εν) ὅσα ὑπάρχοντα ὑπόκειται ταχὺ
Ἰω τὴν ἔξοδον ποιοῦμαι ἐπεὶ τὸν] κύριόν
10 [μου ἡγεμόνα ἐὰν ὁ σκρείβας φαίνῃ [τ]ὴν ὑπὲρ νἱ.] . vTov
]re οὐ βούλονται, ἀκολούθως ἡμεῖς προο-
2 es ς - 7 Ν 7
] ἐν τοῖς ὑπομνήμασι τηρήσομεν τὸ δί-
[καιον τῆ]ς εὐθηνιαρχίας. τῶν συνδίκων ηγινο- :
Νεῖλον τὴν εὐθηνιαρ]χίαν αὑτοῦ μὴ κεχορηγηκέναι, Νεῖλος εἶπί(εν)"
15 ὁ στ]ρατηγὸς εἶπί(εν)" τέως οὖν τινα δεήσει ἐκ
1 ὀφείλει αὐτὸς τὴν χορηγίαν ποίη-(σασθαι)
(οὶ. 11.
[-. - 2s - βασἸιλικ[
[ΣΡ Ἰων καὶ mp. [
of. .]. as περιέχει ἡ ἀναδ᾽οχὴ ἢ αὐτοῦ. ὁ στρατηγὸς εἶπίεν)"
20 σαντο οἱ ἀπὸ τῆς βουλῆς μετατεθῆναι τὸ ὑποΪ.]. o
1417. ΚΔΕΡΟΚΤ OF A TRIAL CONCERNING THE SENATE 65
σοῦ τοῦ τῆς εὐθηνιαρχίας λειτουργήματος εἰ. [
Νεῖλος εἶπ(εν μάτην οὖν θέλω διὰ σοῦ τοῦ στρατηγοῦ of
ὁ στρατηγὸς εἶπ(εν) τέως τὸ τῆς βουλῆς ψήφισμα Ϊ Νεῖλος ? εἶπ(εν) πε-
pi γυμνασιαρχίας μόνον διελάλησεν τῇ βουλῇ τί εὐθηνιαρ-
25. χίαν. ὁ στρατηγὸς εἶπί(εν)" οὐ τανῦν περεὶ γυμνασι[αρχίας δια-
γεινώσκειν δύναται, ἢ ὁ κύριός μου [ὁ] διασ[ημότατος ἡγεμὼν
Νεῖλος εἶπ(εν) παρὰ τῶν μελλόντων ἔχειν τὰ δόγμήατα ὁ στρατηγὸς εἶπί(εν)"
ὑμεῖς οἱ ἔνθεσμοι παραδοθέντες εὐθηνίαρχοι τὶ τοῦ κυρίου
μου ἡγεμόνος φανερά σοι πεποιήκαϊ[ μ]εῖν
> ΦΞ“" - vA Ν 2 2 δ΄. {
30 ἐν τῇ ἐξετάσι καὶ ἐπηκτήσεται τῶν λει ὁ-
ρίξεται τῷ τῆς βουλῆϊς] ψηφίσματι. [ τῆς χο-
ρηγίας παρά τινος γειγνομένης . [
Θώνιος εἶπ(εν)" σοὶ .. vef..... ΥΩ:
5. ὕπαρ IL; so in|. 8. 6. εξίσταμε TI. 1]. -μαι. 8. ὕποκειται II. 10. ὕπερ II.
28. tues I. 30. 1. ἐπικτήσεται.
2. ὀφείλομεν συνεδρεῦζσαι may be spoken by the strategus (cf. 1. 16 ὀφείλει αὐτός), or by
the syndic (I. 7).
3. O[dlynarc: cf. 1. 27 and P. Fay. 20. 22, where the word is used by the Emperor
(Julian ?) for an edict, i.e. the papyrus in question. In 1417 it may refer to an edict of the
praefect, who is mentioned just before 1. 27, while ἡγεμόνες] καὶ ἐπίτροποι is not unlikely in
]. 4, as e. g. in 287. vii. 14.
5-6. Cf. 1405. 5-6 and 24-5 ἐξιστανόμενος αὐτῷ, and, for πάντα, 1405. int. αὐτοῖς refers
to the nominators, and φ]υλή may be substituted for βο]υλή (which may of course be dative) ;
cf. 1418. 13.
8—9. It is not clear whether Nilus or the strategus is the speaker ; but if ἐπεί in 1. g is
for ἐπί, as is probable (cf. 1. 25 περεί), 1. g suits Nilus, and ll. 11-13, if there is no change
of speaker in 1. to, can be restored mpoo{vopacOévres .. . ὑπὸ τῆς βουλῆς] ἐν τοῖς ὑπομνήμασι
τηρήσομεν τὸ δίκαιον τῆς γυμνασιαρχίας (cf. 1. 24), ἀπολυθήσομεθα (? ; cf]. 20, n.) δὲ τῆ]ς εὐθηνιαρχίας.
On the other hand, if εὐθηνιαρχίας depends on τὸ δίϊκαιον, ll. 11-13 at any rate are best
assigned to the strategus, and it is he who refers to the praefect in ll. 26 and 29. [ἐπεί is
retained, ἔξοδον might mean ‘issue’, not ‘ voyage’, and the speaker be the strategus, but the
instances of appeals to the praefect for release from liturgies (P. Amh. 82 and 1642. 21)
favour the view that |. 9 refers to a voyage to Alexandria. The line drawn above |. 10 was
perhaps intended to indicate deletion, as e. g. in 843.
10. Perhaps [τὸν διασημότατόν pou ἡγεμόνα ; cf. 1. 26. The σκρίβας was the secretary of
the senate ; cf. 1191, a regulation that appointments of ἐπιμεληταί by the senate should bear
his signature. The letter after ὑπέρ is either v or π, and that before vrov is apparently not a.
11-13. Cf. 11. 8-9, n. After τῶν συνδίκων a participle like προσφωνησάντων is expected,
but ἠτιω[[ μένων (1. 6. ἠτιαμένων) does not suit the vestiges, for the second letter seems to be γ
or σ and the fourth to be », though whether any letter at all followed is very doubtful.
ἡ γινοϊ μένη does not suit the context.
F
66 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
19. ἀναδ[οχή: cf. 1418. 18, ἢ. ἀνάδ᾽ οσις would also be suitable with αὐτο ῦ ; with pol or
σον a longer word (ἀνάδἠειξις ?) is necessary. ἐδεήϊσαντο is more likely than ἐψηφί]σαντο.
20. ὑπόϊμ]νηϊμα is unsuitable. At the end of the line a participle, possibly ἀπολυθέντος
(cf. ll. 8-9, n.), is expected.
22. μάτην : the fourth letter begins more like ε than 7, but pdreov for μάταιον cannot ‘
be read.
24. The subject of διελάλησεν is perhaps the praefect. On the combination of the
offices of gymnasiarch and eutheniarch cf. 1418. 14, n.
26. After δύναται is a blank space. 7 is more likely than 7 (referring to the βουλή), for.
ll. 25-6 may well be restored οὐ τανῦν περὶ γυμνασι[αρχίας διαλήψομαι (cf. 1420.5). περὶ τούτου
c
6 (€. g.) ἐπίτροπος διαγεινώσκειν δύναται, ἢ 6 κύριός μου [ὁ] διασ[ημότατος ἡγεμών. ‘The last three
words are not quite certain, for it is not necessary to suppose that a letter is lost after pov ;
but διαγ[νώσεται is inadmissible, 6 being the only alternative to σ, and the omission of 6 δια-
σημότατος ἡγεμών Would be unsatisfactory.
27. δόγματα: cf. 1. 3, ἢ.
30. Perhaps λει[τουργημάτων (cf. 1. 21); but Aa . [ can be read.
33. This line is lower than 1. 16, which corresponds to |. 32, and perhaps Il. 28-32
contained the concluding judgement of the strategus.
1418. APPLICATION TO THE SENATE.
Fr. 1 30-6 X 13-3 cm. A.D. 244.
On the recto of this papyrus is part of a Latin list of soldiers (1511). On
the verso are the ends of lines of what must have been an interesting application
to the senate through the prytanis from a certain Aurelius Pasion, who had
combined the offices of gymnasiarch and eutheniarch, and apparently wished for
some kind of relief in connexion with the gymnasiarchy of his youthful son; but
the initial lacunae, as is indicated by the certain restorations in 1. 1, probably
exceeded 70 letters in ll. 1-3 and 9-13, and 65 in the rest, so that hardly any
connected sense is obtainable. The first thirteen lines seem to be mainly con-
cerned with an account of the writer’s services and the difficulties of his financial
position, while ll. 14~30 are a complaint against a former prytanis, Asclepiades,
with reference to the days on which the writer and his son had been or
were to be in office. Asclepiades by his failure to fulfil his promises had
apparently caused them to undertake more than had been agreed upon or was
just. The details are for the most part obscure, but 1418 supplies some useful
information about the length of tenure of municipal offices ; cf.1.15,n. It was
written in Thoth (1. 23) of the 5th year (1. 26) of the Philippi, as is shown by the
mention of the praefect Valerius Firmus (I. 4, n.). A small detached fragment
with the beginnings of four lines can belong to a second column. The papyrus
is no doubt a draft or copy of the document actually sent to the senate.
1418. APPLICATION TO THE SENATE 67
Prd τ.
[ Οξυρυγχιτῶν τῆς λαμπρᾶς καὶ λαμπροτάτης πολέως τῇ κρατίστῃ βουλῇ
διὰ ἐνἸάρχου πρυτάνεως παρὰ Αὐρηλίου Πασίωνοϊς......
Ἰν παρ᾽ ὑμῖν τὰ τῆς γενομένης ὀνομασίας τοῖῦ......
παρὰ τὴν ἡμετέραν δύναμιν ὁπωσοῦν διαπέπρακται... ......
τοῦ λαμπροτάτου ἡμ᾽ῷν ἡγεμόνος Οὐαλερίου Φίρμου ἐπὶ ὑπομονΐ. ......
5 Je. [ἰσ]υντηρῆσαι τὸν maida Kai ἑαυτοῖς καὶ rai[s......
|
|
τῆς πληρωἸθείσης ὑπ᾽ ἐμοῦ ναυκληρίας καὶ dv GAdoly.......
ed “ la ς XQ ~ lA > ¢€ 7
ὅρου τοῦ δοθέντος ὑπὸ τοῦ μεγέθους τῆς ἡγ[εμονίας
i Aw. ΝΕ Ὁ > Ἁ
στῆναι καὶ ἔπεισεν παρὰ δύναμιν οὐ κατὰ [.......
ὑπὲρ (Ὁ) τὴν ἡμ]ετέραν περιουσίαν ἐστίν, κἀϊμ]οὶ νῦν ὑπάρχει... ..
10° Jew ἐστιν. ἀπάρκει οὖν [. . π]ρὸς τὰ ὑπάρ[χοντα . .
καἸ]θεστάναι, ὑμέτερον ἔργον ἐστὶν νῦν [......
μίου τὰς δυνάμεις προτρέποντος μὲν τίοῦ....
1. ἐν ὑμῖν πλέον τι καὶ τῶν δυνάμεων plov....
’ Sy od 4 x >
Ἰσας [ἀσκἸληπιάδου πρυτανείας γυμνασιαρχίᾳς. τε καὶ εὐ-
15 [Onviapxias jas κατ᾽ ἔτος γυμνασιαρχῆσαί με ἡμέρας πέντε εὐθη-
[νιαρχῆσαι δὲ ἡμέρας πέντε παρ]ὰ δύναμιν βιασάμενος ἐμαυτόν, εὔχομαί
τε δύνασθαι [
res ἠθελήσατε καὶ τῷ λαμπροτάτῳ ἡμῶν ἡγεμόνι [
ἀν]αδέξομαι τῷ παιδὶ τετραμήνιον γυμνασιαρχίαν καί.
Ἰσετε μὲν τῆς ᾿Ασκληπιάδου πρυτανείας ἃς αὐτὸς AokX(n-
20 [πιάδης Ἰρίῳ ἔφη ἃς ἐκ προχ[ρε]ΐας πεποίηκεν γυμνασιαρχίας ἡμέ-
[ρας Ἰδιῳ ὧν ἤδη τὸ ἀνάλωμα πεπλήρωκα καὶ τῷ ᾿άσκληί-
[πιάδῃ ἡμέρας τρεῖ]ς, in ιθ κ, ἃς αὐτὸς ὁ ᾿Ασκληπιάδης ἐν ὑμεῖν ὑπί. -
Jo τῷ μὲν ὄντι μηνὶ Θὼθ τὸ τρίτον, τὸ δὲ δίμοιροϊν
| ὑπ’ αὐτοῦ τῷ αὐτίῷ)] παιδί μον, ἀπολαμβάνοντος μὲν al. -
25 τὸ τρίτον, τὸ δὲ δίμο)ιρον τῷ τῆς συ[γκ)ομιδῆς καιρῷ, ἐπὶ δὲ τῆς ¢.]... [.
τῷ ἐνεστῶΤτι ε (ἔτει) ᾿Επεὶφ [ἡμέρα]ς δύο, ca 1B, τῷ δὲ εἰσιόντι = (ἔτει)
ἡμέρας πέντε, ἐπίὶ δὲ τῆἸς αὐτοῦ πρυτανείας Θὰϊθ..
ἡμέρας πέντ]ε τῆς γυμνασιαρχίαϊς καὶ ἡμέρ]ας πέντε τ]ῆς εὐθη[νιαρχίας
1 ἀποδιδόναι ἕως ἂν [ 16 letters |) ere a
30 | τὴν γυμ(νασιαρχίαν) τῷ υἱῷ plov 13 letters Jar e7[-... side
Fr:-2,
* ασί, 7 yevol; * gov χί, * reE if
F 2
68 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
2. ὕμιν I; so in ll, 13 and 22. 3. a of |. av corr. from ε. 8. ir. 14. ov of
[ασκ]ληπιαδου corr. from 7. 20. as above the line. 23. διμοιροῖν corr.
2. Perhaps το[ῦ υἱοῦ pou or παιδός. cf. ll. 5, 18, 24, 30. For minors as gymnasiarchs
cf, 1274. 13, n.
3. mapa τὴν ἡμετέ]ραν δύναμιν : cf. Il. 7, 12, 13.
4. Ovarepiov Φίρμου: cf. 1466. 2 (May 21, 245), 1271. 6 (April 26?, 246), P. Amh. 72
(June τό, 246), 720. 1 (Jan. 5, 247), P. Amh. 81. 5 (March 26, 247). The present mention
(Sept. 247; cf. Il. 23-5) is the latest ; cf. 1466. int.
6. ὅρου: cf. 1409. 15, 1414. 4.
7. Possibly οὐ κατὰ [λόγον : cf. 1405. 23 οὐκ ἀνὰ λόγζο)ν.
8. πληρωθείσης ; οἵ. 1. 21. On the ναυκληρία, which became a liturgy, see 1412. 14, n.
9. Cf. 1415. 25 ὑπὲρ ἐμέ ἐστιν τὸ λειτούργημα.
14. For the combination of the offices of gymnasiarch and eutheniarch cf. 908, 1252.
verso li, 32, 1417. 24.
I5. kar’ ἔτος : this indicates that the γυμνασιαρχία was held for a longer period than
a year, though the holder was only ¢vapyos for a few days in each year; cf. 1418. 17, n.,
1410. int., and ll. 25-8 below, where at least two consecutive years of office are implied
(1. 26), and, if the πρυτανεία in 1. 27 refers to a preceding year, three or more.
ἡμέρας πέντε : in 1]. 22-3 there is a question of three days, in ]. 26 of two, and in ll. 27-8
of five again, ]. 28 perhaps referring back tol 15. This evidence (cf. also 1416. 6-9) is in
accordance with that of the contemporary Hermopolis papyri; cf. C. P. Herm. 57-62, and
53. 13 (Ὁ. Chrest. 39) τὰς ἐπιβαλλούσας αὐτ[οῖς τ]ῆς γυμνασιαρχίας ἡμέρας [τρεῖ]ς.
16. For the initial restorations οἵ, ll. 28 and 7.
18. ἀν]αδέξομαι: cf. 1417. 19 dvadjoy7? The meaning seems to be that Pasion would
undertake for four months in a year (i. 6. 4) the responsibilities of gymnasiarch on behalf of
his son ; cf. ll. 23-5, where there is a question of the division of three days between different
months (in 1. 22 they are consecutive), παρ]αδέξομαι ‘remit’ seems less suitable.
19. |oere: or Ἰσετα[ι].
20. Possibly ἐν συνεδ]ρίῳ ; cf. 1. 22 ἐν ὑμῖν. For ἐκ προχ[ρε]ίας cf. 1418. 20 and
1416. 3.
21. Perhaps παι]δίῳ ; cf. 1. 5.
22. Perhaps ὑπίέϊσχετο. Asclepiades seems to have undertaken certain days himself;
cf. 11. 19-20 and 1252. verso ii. 18-21, where a prytanis becomes eutheniarch. ἀνεδεξάμην
(cf. 1. 18, n.) can be restored before ἡμέρας τρεῖ]ς.
24. The line may have begun [τῷ τῆς συγκομιδῆς καιρῷ (cf. 1. 25), and ended αἰὐ]τοῦ..
25. εἰ ]θην[{αρχίας does not suit the vestiges at the end of the line, which may have
concluded with a proper name, followed by πρυτανείας ; cf. 1. 27.
26. ΟἿΣ]. ἀρ, ἢ:
27. αὐτοῦ (or αὑτοῦ) is probably Asclepiades; but Θώ[9 can hardly refer to the 5th year
and be the month in which 1418 was written (cf. 1. 23), for the prytanis in 1. 1 was
a different person.
1419. ORDER FROM A PRYTANIS TO A TAX-COLLECTOR.
16-8 x 12°4 cm. A.D. 265.
An order from a prytanis of the senate to a tax-collector called a πράκτωρ
πολιτικῶν (1. 2, n.), to pay the prytanis 1,500 drachmae credited by the tax-
collector to another revenue official, and 300 drachmae required for military
1419. ORDER FROM A PRYTANIS TO A TAX-COLLECTOR 69
supplies. The document was written bya clerk (across the fibres), and signed by
the prytanis, who also added a line after 1. 5. Since the writing is not earlier
than the middle of the third century, the 12th year in the date presumably refers
to the reign of Gallienus (cf. 1407. int.) ; for though in the last year of Diocletian’s
reign instances occur of Maximian’s year being ignored (895. 6 and P. Leipzig 84.
vii; cf. 1416. 29, n., and 1410. int.), there is no example of the omission of both
Maximian’s and the Caesars’ years in a contemporary document. 1499, written
in 309, is very similar to 1419 ; but that the latter was dated by the Oxyrhynchite
era beginning in 307 (cf. 1481. 5, n.) and belongs to the year 319 is improbable, not
only on palaeographical grounds but also because the sums mentioned are too
small to suit the period of great depreciation of the coinage, and the financial
powers of the prytanis were much circumscribed in the fourth century. The
technical terms present several points of interest, especially as the evidence for
the changes in the revenue administration caused by the establishment of senates
in A.D. 202 is still scanty. _
Παρὰ) τοῦ πρυτάνεως
Θωνίῳ πράκτορι πολιτικ(ῶν) χαί(ρειν).
ἐξοϊδίαισόν μοι ἀφ᾽ ὧν ἀπήτησας
τεϊλω]νικ(ῶν) ἐν τῷ νομῷ ἃς
5 μετεβάλου δι(ὰ) δημοσίας τραπέζ(ης)
᾿Οπεινάτορι ἀπαι(τητῇ) τι(μῆ9) πυροῦ
(δραχμὰς) Ad, ἀλλὰ καὶ ἄλλας εἰς λόγον
ἀννώνης λεγιωναρίων
πεμφθ(έντων) ἀπὸ ᾿Ἡρακ[ζλ]άμ[μ]ωνος μετὰ '
᾿Ισχυρία(νος) διώκ(του) σίτ(ου) (δραχμὰ) τ, y(vovrat) ἐπ(ὶ τὸ αὐτὸ) (δραχμαὶ) ‘Ao.
10 ἐξοδίασον t[d]s δραχμὰς
X'A[t]as ὀκτακοσίας.
(ἔτους) ιβ IIaive 6.
‘From the prytanis to Thonius, collector of city-dues, greeting. Pay me from the
tax-farming contributions which you have exacted in the nome the 1,500 drachmae which
you credited through the public bank to Opinator, exactor of wheat equivalents, and further
on account of the aznona of the legionaries sent from Heraclammonos with Ischyrion,
corn-collector, another 300 drachmae, making 1,800 dr. in all. (Signed) Pay the
1,800 drachmae. The 12th year, Pauni 4.’
: 2.. πράκτορι πολιτικῶν) : cf. 1444 (Α.Ὁ. 249), where πολιτικά are contrasted with κωμητικά,
both being collected in corn by a δεκάπρωτος in a village, and P. Strassb. 45, where the
payments of κτήτορες are divided into those of πολῖται and those of κωμηταί. In Justinian,
‘dict. 13. 13 τά τε πολιτικὰ καὶ σολέμνια τέλη τῆς μεγάλης τῶν ᾿Αλεξανδρέων πόλεως καὶ τὰ ἑκατέρας
70 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
Αἰγύπτου (cf. 13. 14 δαπανήματα ποιῆσαι ἐπί τε τῆς ἐκπυρώσεως τῶν δημοσίων βαλανείων ἐπί τε τοῖς
σολεμνίοις ἅπασι τοῖς πολιτικοῖς) are distinguished from δημόσιοι φόροι (13. 9), and Gelzer,
Archiv, v. 363, followed by Wilcken, Chres¢. 297. int., connects these πολιτικά with the
ἀστικόν and κωμητικόν in P. Cairo Maspero 67060 (W. Chrest. 297), regarding them as
communal taxes, like Maspero. It is, however, very doubtful whether κωμητικόν even in the
Byzantine period ever meant a tax levied for the benefit of a village (i.e. public works).
That is certainly not the meaning of κωμητικά in B. G. U. 802. xi. 23 (a.v. 42), P. Tebt. 340
(a.p. 206) which is parallel to 1444, Ἀγ]. 221. 29 (early 3rd cent.) κωμητικὰ διοικήσεως, and
C. P. Herm. 120. recto iii. 12 (3rd cent.), where κωμητικά are contrasted with μητροπολιτικά
(i. 4). In all those cases κωμητικά is a general expression for ‘ village-dues’; cf. P. Tebt.
340. int. The same meaning will also suit κωμητικόν in Ῥ, Cairo 67060, and it is ποίε-
worthy that δημόσια ἀστικά in P. Cairo 67045-6 (cf. P. Brit. Mus. 1419. 439 ἀστικ(ῶν)
᾿Ανταίου) are in P. Cairo 67047 called δημόσια simply, so that there is no need to refer
ἀστικόν to a communal as distinct from an imperial tax. πολιτικά in 1444 is clearly to be
explained in the light of P. Strassb. 45 and C. P. Herm. 120 as simply equivalent to
μητροπολιτικά, i.e. the ordinary State taxes of the metropolis, which in earlier times were
often collected in villages (e.g. 1283. 4, 1488. 8, 38); and with regard to 1419 the fact
that the πράκτωρ πολιτικῶν Was concerned with τελωνικά (1. 4, n.) and paid them in the first
instance to a δημοσία τράπεζα, just as the earlier πράκτορες μητροπολιτικῶν did, indicates that he
was dealing with State, not with communal, taxes. For the separate existence of the latter
there is in fact no very clear evidence: the results of Jouguet’s investigation in Vie
munic. 432 sqq. are mainly negative, and even in C. P. Herm. ror it is not certain that
the ἑξηκοντάδραχμος μερισμός was paid to the πολιτικὸς λόγος. The metropoleis even before
the third century had property of their own, called οἶκος πόλεως in P. Fay. 87. 5, τῆς πόλεως
λόγος in 54, 15, and after the establishment of senates we hear of land belonging to the
πολιτικὸς λόγος (C. P. R. 39. 8), which is also often mentioned in papyri concerning public
works. This fund was at first administered by the senate through the prytanis, who in 55. 4
(a. Ὁ. 283) is called διέπων καὶ τὰ πολιτικά, and below him by the ταμίας πολιτικῶν χρημάτων (55.
14; οὗ 1601. 2). After the establishment of the logistes at Oxyrhynchus in the reign of
Diocletian or just after (cf. 1426. 3, n.) the πολιτικά were controlled by him and an imperial
ἐπίτροπος, to whom the prytanis had to apply before obtaining a grant for,repairs of the
public baths (1104; a.p. 306). From C. P. Herm. 92-3 (Α. Ὁ. 265-7) it appears that at
Hermopolis the πολιτικὸς λόγος supplied 4 of the expenses of public works. At Oxyrhynchus
in A.D. 316 payment for δημόσια πολιτικὰ ἔργα was made by a δημοσίων χρί[ημάτων (not λη[μ]-
μάτων cf. 1480. ο, n.) τραπ(εζίτης) ᾿᾽Οξ(υρυγχίτου) πολιτικῆς τραπέζης (84. 8), and πολιτικὴ
τράπεζα there is considered by Preisigke and Wilcken (Grundz. 167) to be the communal as
opposed to the State bank (δημοσία τράπεζα), and the outgoings are supposed by them to have
come from the city not the State funds. We think, however, that the contrast drawn by
Wilcken between δημόσιος and πολιτικός is too sharp: certainly in 84, as the employment of
both terms with reference to ἔργα shows, there is no essential incompatibility between them,
and instead of regarding δημόσιος there as used loosely (so Wilcken), we prefer to regard
πολιτικός both in the phrase Ὀξ(υρυγχίτου) πολιτ. τράπεζα and δημόσια πολιτ. ἔργα as simply
meaning ‘ of the city ’, without implying any reference to the commune as distinct from the
State; cf. 892. 11 πολιτικὸν ἔργον. In P. Strassb. 28 (A. D. 305) a πολι(τικὸς) τρα(πεζίτης)
issues a receipt for φόρος προβάτων, which in earlier times was an ordinary State impost
(Wilcken, Ost. i. 286), and it is very unlikely that this tax was ever made over to the
πολιτικὸς λόγος in the sense in which that phrase is used inC, P.R.39. The senate became
largely responsible in the third century for the collection of taxes through ἐπιμεληταί and
δεκάπρωτοι (Jouguet, Vie munic. 387 sqq.), and even in 55 and 1104 πολιτικά may possibly
have the sense found in 1444 and not refer to the city’s own funds ; cf. Jouguet, of. cit. 281
1419. ORDER FROM A PRYTANIS TO A TAX-COLLECTOR 71
and P. Leipzig 64. 21-2 (a.D. 368) τὸν ἀπὸ- τῶν πολιτικῶν χρεωστηθέντα κανόνα προσήκει σῶον
ἀποδοθῆναι τοῖς ταμιακοῖς λόγοις (sc. the imperial fiscus). πολιτικός is, we think, primarily
contrasted with κωμητικός, not with δημόσιος, at any rate in 1419 ; cf. the next note.
4. τεϊλωἹνικ(ῶν) : the traces of the second letter would also suit ε, but τι[ρω]νικ(ῶν) is
unsatisfactory, for the tail of a p, if there had been one, ought to have been visible, and
though the χρυσὸς τιρώνων is often mentioned in fourth-century documents (cf. 1108. int.), the
word τιρωνικά is unattested in papyri. τεζλω]νικ(ῶν), moreover, is confirmed by the mention
of an ἀπαιτητής; cf. an ostracon ap. Wilcken, Ost, 1. 610 ἀπαιτ(ητὴς) μερισ(μῶν) ἐνλ(είμματος)
τελωνικῶν. Here too the ἀπαιτητής may have been collecting arrears, which would account
for his presence in connexion with taxes which were farmed and for his rank being apparently
higher than that of πράκτωρ. During the earlier Roman period in the case of taxes collected
directly ἀπαιτηταί are found interchanging with πράκτορες (Wilcken, Z.c.), and where taxes
were farmed they are only known to come in when it was a question of arrears ; but their
position may have been altered by the middle of the third century; cf. 1413. 29, where the
senate appoints ἀπαιτηταί, and 1461. 13. In Ost. i. 5811 Wilcken in connexion with B. αι, τ
ro expressed a doubt whether τελωνικά necessarily implies the farming of a tax ; but in the
present case there is no reason to suppose that the word is used loosely, for τιμὴ πυροῦ in
Ost, No. 158 was collected by a τελ(ώνης) θησ(αυροῦ) ἱερῶ(ν). What particular tax was meant by
τιμὴ πυροῦ is uncertain, but probably the ordinary land-tax is referred to; cf. the πολιτικά in
1444 and P. Thead. 42. 6, 9 (a.D. 312). In any case a State impost is probably meant ;
ch 1. 4, ἢ,
8. ἀπὸ “Ηρακζλ]άμ[μ]ωνος : κώμης is probably to be supplied, but this is not known as
a place-name, and was probably outside the Oxyrhynchite nome, like the place from which
the soldiers in 1543. 4 came.
11. OFFICIAL DOCUMENTS.
1420. REPORT OF A TRIAL.
16-2 X 20-5 cm. About Α. Ὁ. 129.
The recto of this papyrus contains some traces of obliterated second-century
writing. On the verso is the concluding column of an account of a trial before
the strategus Asclepiades, whose date is known from 1024.1. The contending
parties were Heradion and Agathinus, and the dispute concerned the administra-
tion of some property of which they were, apparently, joint ἐπίτροποι (Il. 9-10, n.).
A final judgement was postponed by the strategus pending an examination of
the accounts to be presented by the two parties.
[οὐδἸέπω κατακεχώρισται. Ἀσκληπιάδης ὁ στρατηγὸς
σκεψάμενος εἶπεν: ἀναγκαῖον εἶναι δοκεῖ πρότερον τοὺς
λόγους καταχωρισθῆναι, ἵνα γνωσθῆ τίνα μέν ἐστιν τὰ
καταλειφθέντα, τίνα δὲ τὰ περιγεγονότα, καὶ τίνα τὰ
5 χρεϊοἰλυτηθέντα. τότε yalp] καὶ περὶ τῶν χορηγιῶν διαλήμ-
72 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
ψομαι καί, εἴ τί ἐστιν ἀκόλουθον, κριθήσεται. “Ἡραδίων
εἶπεν: εὐθέως καταχωριῶ τοὺς λόγους" οὐ παρ᾽ ἐμὴν δὲ αἰτίαν
οὐ κατεχωρίσθησαν. ἀλλ[ὰ] μέντοι καὶ τὸν] Ayabeivoy συν-
[καϊταἸχωίρίσ]αι δεῖ, μέχρι ἱκριτ]ηρίου μήτε λαβέσθαι) τῆς ἐπιτρόπου
10 [χρείας ? μή]τε Ayabeivou συνεχομένους. ὁ στρατηγὸς
[ἐκέλευσεν σ]ύνολα λη[μ]ματισθῆναι. ἀνέγ]νων.
3. ἵνα II. 5. ὦ Of χορηγίιων corr. from a.
‘,,. has not yet been presented. Asclepiades, strategus, after consideration said, “ It
appears to be necessary that the accounts should first be presented, in order that it may
be ascertained what has been left, what there is over, and what debts have been paid.
I will then decide about the allowances, and, if there is anything required, judgement shall be
given. Heradion said, I will present the accounts immediately ; but it is not my fault that
they have not been presented. Agathinus too, however, must join in presenting them, and
until judgement is given I will not undertake the post (?) of guardian myself or in com-
bination with Agathinus. The strategus ordered the whole amount to be accounted for.
Read by me.”’
g—10. The construction is harsh, but there is little doubt about the reading λαβέσθ(αι),
with which ἐμέ is to be supplied. ἐπιτροπουϊ μένης might be read (sc. γῆς or οὐσίας), but the
form ἐπιτροπεῖν for ἐπιτροπεύειν is not certainly attested. συν[δ]εχομένου or συν[Πσχομένου OF
παρασχομένου can be substituted for συνεχομένου; we suppose that a space between v
and ε or o was blank. The doubtful x can be A, and the next letter might be a. ἐπιτρόπου
[χρείας (for which cf. e.g. P. Iand. 33. 12 ἀντιλήψεσθαι χρείας) seems to refer to a private
guardianship rather than an official post, which would be less likely to be concerned with
χρεολυτηθέντα and xopnyia (or xopnyeia) ; cf. P. Ryl. 182. 1 ἀναγραφὴ τῶν ἀφεθέντων... ὑφ᾽ ἡμῶν
τῶν y ἐπιτρόπ(ων).
1421. ORDER FROM A STRATEGUS TO COMARCHS.
11:0 X 9-2 cm, Third century.
On the recto of this papyrus is part of a list of land-holders, written in the
late second or early third century (1533). On the verso, written along the fibres,
is a brief order from a strategus to the officials of two villages, situated in different
toparchies but probably near each other (1. 3, n.), concerning the embarkation
of some acacia-wood belonging to the government (I. 4,n.). P.S. I. 213, an
order to the πεδιοφύλακες of Nesmimis to keep some chaff, is similar; cf. also
the common orders for arrest, e. g. 1505-7.
Παρὰ) τοῦ στρατηγοῦ
κωμάρχαις καὶ δημοσίοις κωμῶν
Τααμπέμου καὶ ΣερύφϊεἸως.
1421. ORDER FROM A STRATEGUS. TO COMARCHS ἢ3
τὸ ξ[ύϊλον τὸ ἀκάνθινον τὸ κε-
5 κομμένον ἐν τῇ Εἰόνθει ἐξαυτῆς
[πέμψατε] εἰς [τὸ .... π]ροθμῖον,
[καὶ ἐμβάλεσθε αὐτὸ] εἰς τὸ ἐνταῦ-
[θα παρασταθὲν δη]μόσιον πλοῖον.
[
|
2. ov Of κωμων corr. from ns.
‘From the strategus to the comarchs and officials of the villages of TTaampemou and
Seruphis. Send at once the acacia-wood which has been cut at Ionthis to the... ferry,
and put it on board the State boat which is stationed there.’
2. δημοσίοις: cf. 1411. 2,n. Here too there is nothing to indicate that police were
specially meant, though the δημόσιοι would probably consist mainly of guards; cf. the
Leipzig papyrus mentioned in 1465. 8, n.
3. Taampemou was in the eastern toparchy (1285. 88); Seruphis was in the western
(1285. 71), and probably a place of considerable size, for it paid 1,940 drachmae, i.e. much
more than any other village in 1285, where only three villages paid over 1,000 dr. Since
Oxyrhynchus itself was in or adjoined the western toparchy (1475. 22, n.) and Taampemou
was further east and probably near both the Nile (cf. 1. 6) and Seruphis (cf. 1545. 3, where
it comes next to Seruphis), the modern village of Ashrdbah four miles east of Oxyrhynchus,
is perhaps to be identified with Seruphis, and Zanbawah, between Ashriébah and Benv-
mazdér, with Taampemou. The area of cultivation on the west bank is exceptionally
broad in this part, and the eastern top. may have run north and south between Ja/az
and Zanbadi (near Maghdghah), which strongly suggests Ταμπετί, also in the eastern top.
(612). On the west would be the western and probably part of the middle top. The
order of the toparchies in 1285 is (1) upper (i.e. southern), (2) western, (3) eastern, (4)
middle, (5) Thmoisepho, (6) lower (i.e. northern), and since the same order from south to
north is traceable in the arrangement of the villages in pagi, which were substituted for
toparchies in the fourth century (cf. 1425. 4, n.), probably the bulk of the middle top. was
north of the western and eastern. That the eastern top. extended to the east bank of the
Nile is improbable ; for behind Shékh Fadl, which is opposite Benz-mazdr, is the cemetery
of Cynopolis (cf. Arch. Rep. 1902-3, p. 4). That town according to Ptolemy was on an
island, but its site is fixed by a Graeco-Coptic-Arabic list of equivalents (Amélineau,
Géogr. 396) at el-Kés, on the west bank about two miles south-east of Zandawa. Ptolemy’s
account of the Cynopolite nome is not satisfactory, for Ké, which he places west of Cynopolis
and calls the metropolis of the nome, is not found in papyti or ostraca mentioning Cynopo-
lite villages, and the Κωίτης τόπος was in the Heracleopolite nome, i.e. much further north
(cf. 1416. 13,n.), while Tenis (Zehnah), which Ptolemy assigns to the Cynopolite nome, was
really in the Hermopolite (cf. P. Ryl. 207 a. 13,n.). But his statement that Cynopolis
was on an island is confirmed by its absence from the Itiner. Anton., indicating that it was
off the main road, and the ‘island’ may well have been the bend of the Nile between
Matai and Abi Girgeh, if the Derwésh canal corresponds to an ancient branch. The ‘ferry’
(1. 6) might then be over this canal, and all the land to the east of it would belong to the
Cynopolite nome, which is likely to have also included the whole of the existing east bank
between the Heracleopolite and Hermopolite nomes. That the ‘ferry’ was over the Bahr
Fusuf is improbable, seeing that a village in the eastern toparchy is mentioned. In
74 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
P.S.I. 80. 21 Ταμπείου is probably a misspelling or misreading of Τααμπέμου ; cf. the
spelling Ταμπέμου in 1491. 13.
4. axdvOwov: cf. 1112, where fallen acacia-trees situated on embankments were sold
by the government for 13 drachmae each and 1188, where in a similar connexion the
price was 4 dr. each. Acacia-wood was used for houses, boats, water-wheels, &c.; cf.
Reil, Beitrdge, 72, P. Brit. Mus. 1177. 191.
5. ἐν τῇ Εἰόνθει : no village of this name is known, unless it is identical with κώμην
Eio . [. .. in P. Giessen 30. τὸ (from Oxyrhynchus, as appears from 1. 7 ἀμφόδου I1\areias).
Possibly ᾿Ιόνθις was a τόπος at a village, especially as it has the article. ᾿Ιονθῶν(οτ) (gen.)
occurs as a personal name in P. Leipzig 99. ii. 6.
6. ἐκεῖ, ἄνω, or κάτω, but not ἐνθάδε, would suit the lacuna.
8. For παρασταθέν cf.1542. 2. παρακείμενον is possible ; ἐφορμοῦν (1412. 11) is too short.
9. The main document probably ended at πλοῖον, but this line may have had
ἐσημειωσάμην (cf. P. 5. 1. 213. 7) or a date.
1422. LETTER OF A STRATEGUS.
16-2 Χ 6-4 cm, About a.bD. 128.
A short letter to Agathodaemon, an Oxyrhynchite strategus mentioned also
in 1452. 1, from the strategus of another nome (I. 3, ἢ.) concerning an individual,
whose arrest was required on the charge of harbouring a fugitive slave. Owing
to the loss of the beginnings of lines a few points remain in doubt, but apparently
the person wanted could not be found in the writer’s nome ; cf. the declaration of
riparii in 897, which probably corresponded to the reports of the local officials
mentioned in ll. 9-11 here. Other papyri concerning fugitive slaves are 1428,
1648, and P. Par. Io.
[ 1 ἐλ(άβομεν) Mey(etp) 16. (2nd hand) 7¢.
3rd hand [.... Δ]ημήτριος στρατηγὸς .
[Tuva Ῥ]κοπολείτου “Ayabo 4Δαίμοιζι
ἰστρατη]γῶι ᾿Οξυρυγχείτου τῶι
5 ] φιλτάτωι χαίρειν.
[. «οὖν ἢ ἀχιλλεὺς ὃν ἐδήλωσας [ἐν-
[κεκλῆσθαι] ὑπὲρ ὑποδοχῆς δούϊ-
ίλου. . . «. ἐδηλώθη καὶ ὑπὸ τῶν [|
κωμογρα]μματέων τοῦ νἱομοῦ
το [καὶ τῶν τῆς μητροπόλεως γραμ-
[ματέων ἀφανὴ ?|\s εἶναι. (4th hand) ἐρρῶσθαί σε
[
EOMOUME eis 3. aldo e Ἰταμιοί ) yp - KC ).
1422. LETTER OF A STRATEGUS 75
3rd hand [(ἔτους) ιβ ? Αὐτοκράτορος Kalio[alpos Τραιανοῦ
[Ἁδριανοῦ Σεβαστοῦ ΤΊβι x.
5th hand? 15 [ ΤΌβι ?] κδ,
1. ¢ of πῷ over an expunction.
‘Received on Mecheir 14. No. 87.
.. . Demetrius, strategus of the Gynaecopolite nome, to his dearest Agathodaemon,
strategus of the Oxyrhynchite nome, greeting. ... Achilleus, who, as you stated, was
accused of harbouring a slave . . ., has been stated by both the village scribes of the nome and
the scribes of the metropolis to be missing. I pray for your health... The 12th year of
the Emperor Caesar Trajanus Hadrianus Augustus, Tubi 20.
Tubi 24 (?).’
I. ἐλ(άβομεν) : cf. P. Tebt. 19. int.
3. The Lycopolite nome was much nearer than the Gynaecopolite (on which see
1380. 21,n.) to the Oxyrhynchite nome, and Λυ]κοπολείτου would make |. 3 correspond to
1. 2, if there the writer wrote a rather large A and the space before it was blank, as is
possible ; but there is not room for ozpa-| at the end of |. 3, so that 1. 4 in any case
corresponded to ll. 6 sqq., where the length of the initial lacuna is fixed by ll. g-10. The
remains of the letter before οπολειτου consist of a long horizontal stroke coming below the
line ; this does not happen to occur elsewhere in 1422, but suits « very well.
6. ἐδήλωσας [év-|kexdjoOa| or ἐδήλωσας | [ἠτιᾶσθαι] can be read.
7. For ὑποδοχῆς cf. 1408. 23. δούλου | (or δούϊλων |, followed by a number) is a possible,
but less likely, division. A name, either that of the slave or his master (σοῦ ἢ), probably
followed δού[λου.
11. ἀφανής: cf. e.g. P. Brit. Mus. 342. 9 ἀφανεῖς ἐγένοντο.
12. yp.«( ): or w.x( ). The last letter is written above the line and the
preceding one is more like o or y than a.
13. The year is restored from 1452. 14; cf. int.
15. The meaning of this addition is obscure. If « is right, the hand is probably
different, and the note, if a date, may be due to a ὑπηρέτης (cf. 1409. 23). The date of the
receipt of the letter is, however, given in 1. 1, being nearly three weeks later. (ἄρουραι) ὃ
could be read and possibly assigned to the third hand, in which case there might be
areference to Achilleus’ property and a word like εὔπορο]ς might be substituted in 1. rx for
ἀφανή]ς. But an addition by the third hand after the date is unlikely.
1423. AUTHORIZATION FOR THE ARREST OF A SLAVE.
27-3 X 11-4 cm. Fourth century.
A formal authorization, addressed by one offcialis on the praefect’s staff to
another, for the arrest of the writer’s slave, who had run away with some of his
property ; cf. 1422 and 1648. The papyrus belongs to the middle or latter part
of the fourth century. P. Gen. 79, a ὑπομνηστικόν of a ducenarius to his
76 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
contubernalis concerning the search for and arrest of a debtor, is somewhat similar ;
P. Brit. Mus. 233 (W. Chrest. 44) is a parallel ἐντολή on a different subject in
A.D. 345.
Φλαούιος] ‘Aupovads ὀφφικιάλιος
τάϊξἸεως ἐπάρχου Αἰγύπτου
Φλαουίῳ Δωροθέῳ ὀφφικιαλίῳ
χαίρειν. ἐντέλλομαί σοι
5 καὶ ἐπιτρέπω δοῦλόν μου
Μάγνον κ[αἸλούμενον δράσαν-
τα καὶ ἐν Ἑ μοῦ πόλι διατρίβοντα
Kat τινά μου εἴδη ἀφελόμενον
δι[α]δήσας δέσμιον ἀγαγεῖν
10 με[τ]ὰ τοῦ ἐπὶ τῆς Σέσφθα.
κυρία ἡ ἐντολὴ καὶ ἐπερωτηθὶς
ὁμολόγησα. Φλαούιος ἄμμω-
νᾶς ὀφφικιάλιος τάξεως
ἐπάρχου Αἰγύπτου πεποίημαι
15 τήνδε τὴϊν ἐν]τολήν.
9. 1. δι[αἸδήσαντι. 12. 1. ὡμολόγησα.
‘Flavius Ammonas, officcalis on the staff of the praefect of Egypt, to Flavius Ποσοίμθυβ,᾿
officialis, greeting. I order and depute you to arrest my slave called Magnus, who has run
away and is staying at Hermopolis and has carried off certain articles belonging to me,
and to bring him as a prisoner together with the head-man of Sesphtha. This order is
valid, and in answer to the formal question I gave my consent. I, Flavius Ammonas,
offictalzs on the staff of the praefect of Egypt, have made this order.’
6. δράσαντα is apparently a novel form of the aorist of διδράσκειν, not from δρᾶν.
_ The only alternative to 8p is @, but φυγόντα cannot be read, and ¢(6)dcavra is unsatisfactory.
9. δι[αἸδήσας : or δι(α)δήσας.
Το. τοῦ ἐπὶ τῆς Σέσφθα : i.e. the comarch. Sesphtha was in the lower toparchy of the
Oxyrhynchite nome; cf. 1416. 13, n.
1424. LETTER OF A CENTURIO PRINCEPS.
25:5 X 14-2 cm. About a. D. 318.
A letter from a centurio princeps (\. 2,n.) to his brother Heras, asking him
to obtain the release of a γεωργός, i. e. tenant, of the writer from the post of tax-
collector to which he had been appointed; cf. P. Grenf. ii. 82. The papyrus
1424. LETTER OF A CENTURIO PRINCEPS 77
was found with 1425 and 1448, and Heras was no doubt the pracpositus of the
8th pagus, Aurelius Heras also called Dionysius, to whom 1425 is addressed.
Κυρίῳ pov ἀδελφῷ Ἣρᾷ
[Ἀμμώνιος (ἑκατόνταρχος) [ 1 χαίρειν.
Dl. .1. [- ὁ ἀἸπ[ο]διδούϊς σοι τὰ] παρ᾽ ἐμ[οῦ
[γ]ράμμα[τ]α γεωργός poly] τυγχάνει.
φησὶν προβεβλῆσθαι εἰς λειτουργίαν
τῆς κώμης Δωσιθέ[ο]ν, τουτέστιν
οι
3 > 7 Vd % -
εἰς ἀπαίτησιν στιχαρίων Kal παλλίων,
μηδέπω δὲ ἐγκεχειρίσθαι τὴν ἀπαί-
tow. σπούδασον τοίνυν, ἀδελφέ,
το τοῦτον ῥύσασθαι τοῦ λειτουργήματος,
4 Ἁ 4 A 7A ΄“-
ἔτι δὲ καὶ δεξιῶς αὐτῷ προσ(σ)χεῖν,
Xx 4 ΓΑ ᾽ VA
τὰ μεγάλα μοι χαριζόμενος ἐν τούτῳ,
ἀλλὰ μὴν καὶ τοῦ λοιποῦ μὴ ἐπι-
τρέπειν τοῖς ἀπὸ τῆς κώμης
1g ἀδικῆσαι αὐτὸν ἐν τοῖς ἄλλοις
᾽ ᾿ ΟΡ ΄
μηδ᾽ εἰς ἑτέρας λειτουργίας προ-
Δ.
βάλλεσθαι, ἀλλ᾽ ἵνα μοι μαρτυρήσῃ
τὰ ὑπὸ τῆς ἀγαθῆς σου προαιρέσεως
4 ge θέ Σ a 6 ΄ >
αὐτῷ ὑπαρχθέντα. ἐρρῶσθαί σε εὐχομαι
20 πολλοῖς χρόνοις,
κύριε ἀδελφέ.
On the verso
κ[υἹρί[ῳ] μου ἀδελφῷ Ἡρᾷ ‘Appdvios πρίγκιψ.
2. xx II. 6. rovr’ II. 17. wa Il, 21. ad of adeAde corr. from μ (i.e. the
beginning of pov).
‘To my lord and brother Heras Ammonius, centurion, greeting. Ph... ., the bearer of
my letter, is my tenant. He states that he has been appointed to a public office at the
village of Dositheou, namely the collectorship of tunics and cloaks, but has not yet been
entrusted with the collection. Accordingly use all your efforts, brother, to rescue him from
the office, and also to give him your favourable consideration, thereby conferring a great
favour upon me, and further not to allow in future the people of the village to injure him in
other respects or appoint him to other offices, but let him testify to the benefits gained by
your good will. I pray for your continued health, my lord and brother. (Addressed) To
my lord and brother Heras from Ammonius, princeps.
78 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
2. (ἑκατόνταρχος) : cf. 1. 22 πρίγκιψ, and Lnscr. Gr. ad res Rom. pert. ii. 894 κεντυρίων 6
καὶ πρίγκιψ σπείρας Θρᾳκῶν ; in C. I. L, ili. 7631 two centuriones principes occur in the same
cohort ; cf. Domaszewski, Rangordnung, 56.
3. The first letter had a long tail, i.e. either «, p, p, or Ψ.
6. Δωσιθέου : cf. 1425. 4, n.
ἡ. στιχαρίων καὶ παλλίων : cf. 1448. int.
1425. APPOINTMENT OF A WORKMAN AT PELUSIUM.
13:8 X 14-1 cm. A.D. 318.
An official return, addressed to the pracpositus of the δίῃ pagus (I. 4, n.),
nominating a person to act as donkey-driver at Pelusium in connexion with the
State transport service. Such returns were generally written by comarchs, e.g.
1254. 14 sqq., 1426, P. Amh. 139, Flor. 2, Ρ. 5. 1. 219 (cf. 162. 21), P. Brit.
Mus. 1246-8 ; the present return is from a éesserarius (I. 5, n.).
Ὑπατίας τῶν δεσποτῶν ἡμῶν Δικ[ι]ννίο[ν
Σεβαστοῦ τὸ ε καὶ Κρίσπου τοῦ ἐπιφανεστάτίου
Καίσαρος τὸ α.
Αὐρηλίῳ “Hp&é τῷ καὶ Διονυσίῳ mpain(ocitw) ἡ πάγ(ου) vop(od)
᾿Οξωρυγχίτοι)
5 παρὰ Αὐρηλίου Ἁτρῆτος “Ιερακίωνος τεσσαλαρίου
κώμης Δωσιθέου τοῦ ὑπὸ σοὶ πάγου. δίδομι τῷ ἐ-
δίῳ μου κινδύνῳ πρὸς ἄμιψιν τοῦ ἐν τῷ IIn-
λουσίῳ ὀνηλάτου ἀντὶ τοῦ ἐκῖ ὄντος τὸν ἑξῆς
ἐνγεγραμμένον [ὄϊντα εὔπορον καὶ ἐπιτή-
10 διον πρὸς τὴν χρείαν: ἔστι δὲ
Αὐρήλιος “Aplols Παθώθου ἀπὸ τῆς
αὐτῆς κώμ[η]ς.
ὑπατίας τῆς [προκιμ]ένης Φαρμοῦθι ιη.
and hand «Αὐρήλιος ‘Arps ἐπι]δέδωκα. Αὐρήλιος
15 Apupovads [ἔγραψα] ὑπί(ὲἐρ) μὴ εἰδότος γράμματα.
I. ὕπατιας TI. 5. tepaxtwvos Π. 1. τεσσαραρίου. 6. 1. δίδωμι. ἴδιω Π. 11.
]. Παθώτου.
‘In the consulship of our lords Licinius Augustus for the fifth time and Crispus the
most illustrious Caesar for the first time. To Aurelius Heras also called Dionysius, prae-
positus of the eighth pagus of the Oxyrhynchite nome, from Aurelius Hatres son of
Hieracion, zesserarzus of the village of Dositheou in the pagus under your charge. I present
1425. APPOINTMENT OF A WORKMAN AT PELUSIUM 79
at my own risk in relief of the donkey-driver at Pelusium in place of the one now there the
person below written, who is a man of means and suitable for the duty, namely Aurelius
Horus son of Pathotes, of the said village. In the consulship aforesaid, Pharmouthi 18.
I, Aurelius Hatres, presented this. I, Aurelius Ammonas, wrote for him as he is
illiterate.’
4. Αὐρηλίῳ Ἡρᾷ : cf. 1424. int.
ἡ πάγ(ου): the arrangement of villages by pagi instead of toparchies (cf. 1285) was
introduced by 310; cf. Gelzer, Studien, 57. Dositheou (1. 6), which was in the lower
toparchy, occurs with Tes, Paomis, Palosis, and Kesmouchis, which were all in the
Thmoisepho top., in a list of villages of the 8th pagus in P. Giessen 115, and the same five
villages are grouped together in 1448 along with Souis, which was in the lower top.,
Tholthis (either that in the lower top. or that inthe Thmoisepho top.), and several apparently
smaller villages, all of which are likely to have been in the 8th pagus. The Giessen papyrus
assigns _Iseum Tryphonos, which was in the lower top., Psobthis (probably that in the
lower top.), and three other villages, of which the names are imperfectly preserved, to the
gth pagus, and Sesphtha (also in the lower top.) to the roth. Nigrou and Sadalou, both in
the upper top., were in the 2nd pagus (1426. 6-7); Lile (67. 5), Sarapionos Chaeremonos
(1190. 19, where no correction of the text is required), Taampemou (901. 4), and Phoboou
(1041, 4), all villages of the eastern top., were in the 5th pagus. Paneui, which was in the
western top., perhaps belonged to the 3rd pagus (1559. 9). There were six toparchies in
the Oxyrhynchite nome, and, as far as the evidence goes, the numbering of the pagi seems to
correspond with the order of the toparchies in 1285, which begin with the upper and end
with the lower (cf. 1421. 3, n.), so that the villages of the western top. may well have
belonged to the 3rd and 4th pagi, and those of the middle top. to the 6th and 7th, while
the 1st pagus was presumably part of the former upper top., like the 2nd. It is probable,
but not certain, that the Oxyrhynchite nome had only ten pagi; the Hermopolite nome,
which was larger, had apparently seventeen (cf. P. Flor. 71. 71 where ιζ πάγου occurs, but the
figures in ll. 69-71 are not in the right order, and P. Cairo Preisigke 46. 14).
5. τεσσα(ργαρίου : for military Zesserarié at Oxyrhynchus cf. 48. ii. 21. In 1480. 4
a desserarius of a village takes precedence of comarchs, but in P. Goodsp. 12. 6 a κουαδράριος,
who seems to be identical with our τεσσαράριος, is mentioned after an ἔφορος and comarchs.
The village /esserarz? bear Egyptian names, and are perhaps different from the military
ones, though the /esserardus was not a very high officer, ranking below the signzfer and
optio; cf. Domaszewski, Rangordnung, 43. Preisigke’s S. 3. 2267 is a similar return by
a λῃ)στοπιαστής.
8. ὀνηλάτου : on the δημόσιοι ὀνηλάται see Wilcken, Grundz. 377.
1426. APPOINTMENT OF A WORKMAN ON TRAJAN’S RIVER.
26-3 x 8-7 cm. Ap. 392:
A return, similar to 1425, addressed by the comarchs (cf. 1425. int.) of two
villages in the 2nd pagus (cf. 1425. 4,n.) to an interesting collocation of officials
(ll. 3-4, nn.) who had taken the place of the strategus and basilicogrammateus.
At the end only the date giving the. month and the signatures are missing ;
cf..1425. 123-15. The workman nominated was required for repairs of Trajan’s
river, which connected Babylon with the Gulf of Suez.
8ο THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
Ὑπατ[ε]ΐ[α]Ἰς Οὐλπίου Ilaxatiavod τοῦ
λαμπί(ροτάτου) ἐπάρχου καὶ Μεκιλίου “Ιλαριανοῦ.
Φλαουίῳ ᾿Ἑρμείᾳ λογιστῇ καὶ Αὐρηλίῳ
Ἀχιλλίωνι ἐκδίκῳ καὶ Πτολεμίῳ γρα(μματεῖ ᾽Ο ξυ(ρυγχίτου)
5 παρὰ Αὐρηλίων Ἣρᾶ ΣΊ. Ἴτρος Kwpdpx(ov)
Σαδάλου καὶ Φιλιστίου 4 ζον]υσίου κωμάρχον
Νίγρου B’ πάγου. δίδομεν τῷ ἰδίῳ ἡμῶν
[κινδύνῳ τὸν ἐπιμερισθέντα ταῖς
[κἸώμαις ἡμῶν ἐργάτην τῶν ἀποσ-
το [τἸελλομένων ἐπὶ τὸν Τραιανὸν ποτα-
[μ]ὸν ἐπὶ τῷ αὐτὸν κατελθίν καὶ
[τ]ὴν χώραν ἀποπληρῶσαι μὴ ἀπο-
[ληνπανόμε[ν]ον ἄχρις ἂν ἀπολυθῇ,
ὃν καὶ ἐγγυώμεθα ἑκουσίᾳ γνώμῃ
15 ἐκτελοῦντα τὴν χρείαν εἰς τὸ ἐν μη-
δενὶ μεμφθῆναι. ἔστι δὲ Αὐρήλιος
‘Arpjs Φαβούλου [
ἀπὸ κώμης Nify]pou |
\ ol Carer
2. 1. Μαικιλίου. 4. τ Of πτολεμιω corr. from 2. 7. tOvw ΤΠ. 10. τραΐανου ΤΙ.
14. εγγυωμεθα I.
‘In the consulship οἵ Ulpius Pacatianus, the most illustrious praefect, and Maecilius
Hilarianus. To Flavius Hermias, logistes, and Aurelius Achillion, defensor, and Ptolemius,
scribe, of the Oxyrhynchite nome, from Aurelius Heras son of S . . ., comarch of Sadalou,
and Aurelius Philistius son of Dionysius, comarch of Nigrou, in the 2nd pagus. We present
at our own risk the workman apportioned to our villages out of those to be sent to Trajan’s
river, on the understanding that he is to make the journey and fill the post without deserting
it before he is discharged, and we are sureties of our own free will for his performance of
the duties to complete satisfaction. His name is Aurelius Hatres son of Fabulus, of the
village of Nigrou, aged about . . years. Ἶ
τ. Οὐλπίου Πακατιανοῦ : the name of this consul (in P. Cairo 10515 Πακατιανός simply) is
given variously by Athanasius as Papinius Pacatianus and Fabius Pacatianus; cf. Liebenam,
Fasti consulares, 35. Οὐινίου is a less satisfactory reading.
3. λογιστῇ : the earliest mention of a logistes (= curator ; cf. P. Leipzig 40. ii. 8) at
Oxyrhynchus is in a.p. 305 (895. 3), the latest in 363 (1116. 3). At Heracleopolis
a logistes occurs in 288, if the lost B.G. U. 928 is tightly assigned to that year; but the
reading and correction of the date there are uncertain. Wilcken (Chresz. 80), following
Mommsen, considers him to be not, as the curator was in earlier centuries, an extraordinary
1426. APPOINTMENT OF A WORKMAN ON TRAJAN’S RIVER 81
magistrate belonging to the central administration, but a permanent municipal officer appointed
by the senate. We do not, however, think that that view suits 1104, where a λογιστής
is requested by a prytanis to ask an ἐπίτροπος to make a payment from the πολιτικά (1419.
2,n.), or the other evidence concerning Egyptian λογισταί ; and that they were officials of the
central government appointed from outside seems more probable for the fourth century.
Later they may have been appointed by the senate; cf. P. Flor. 352. 2 (fifth century) πολι-
τευόμενος καὶ λογιστήῆς. The logistes apparently succeeded to many of the functions of the
strategus; cf. Jouguet, Vze munic. 463. For another instance of a nomination addressed to
him see 1116, written by a cvordrns. In earlier times such nominations were sent to the
strategus, e. g. 1254.
4. ἐκδίκῳ : this is the earliest mention of the ἔκδικος (defensor) in Egypt, the next being
in 336 (901. 3 διοικοῦντι ἐκδικίαν ᾿Οξυρυγχίτου) ; cf. Druffel, Papyrol. Stud. i. 35 sqq-, and
902. 1,n. He here ranks below the logistes (curasor), with whom he is not elsewhere
associated in Egyptian texts.
γρα(μματεῖ) Ὄ ξυ(ρυγχίτου) : ᾿Οξυ(ρυγχίτου) refers to all three titles, not to the last only.
The γρα(μματεύς) of the nome (though the papyrus is damaged, there is little doubt about
the reading) seems to correspond to the βασιλικὸς γραμματεύς of former centuries, but has not
occurred previously in fourth-century papyri.
IO. Tpaavoy ποταμόν : cf. Ptol. iv. 5. The Τραιανὴ διῶρυξ, of which an ἐργάτης and
ἐπιμελητὴς τῆς ἀνακαθάρσεως are mentioned in Ρ. 5.1. 87 (a.p. 423, from Oxyrhynchus), is
likely to be identical, rather than a canal in the Oxyrhynchite nome, as supposed by
the edd.
1427. ORDER TO WORKMEN ON DELTA EMBANKMENTS.
ΒῚ X 6-5 cm. Third century.
The recto of this papyrus, which is incomplete at the bottom, is blank. On
the verso is a short order from a scribe of diggers employed by the government
in repairing canals to work for fifteen days on the river Talu, which according to
Ptolemy diverged from the main western branch at Hermopolis Parva (Damanhir)
and issued at the Bolbitine mouth. Kore (1. 1) is likely to have been a village
in that part of Egypt. The work in question was paid for (Il. 4-5), and is to be
distinguished from the corvde for working at canals, on which see 1409. The
handwriting is small and very cursive with numerous abbreviations, some of
which are obscure. The 3rd year in the date (1. 6) refers to a third-century reign,
probably not later than that of Valerian and Gallienus.
Αὐρήλ(ιος) Τιθοητίων ypa(upareds) π(ο)τ(αμιτῶν ?) Kopi ou
ἐμοῦ Μέλανος φίλου συνγρα(μματεύοντι) Kai πί(ο)τ(αμίταις ?)
χαίρειν. συνεχ(ῶς ?) ναυβί(ίων) μάλιστα τὸ κε(φάλαιον ?)
ἐργάσασθαι ἐν ὕδασι Τάλυ τοῦ συνήθους)
5 φόρου ἡμερῶν δεκάπεντε, / te.
(ἔτους) γ Παῦνι κς.
4. 1. ἐργάσασθε ὕδασι I.
G
82 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
‘ Aurelius Tithoétion, scribe of the river-workmen of Kore, through me, Melas, his
friend, to his colleague and the river-workmen, greeting. By continuous labour dig the
whole amount of naubia in the waters of Talu at the customary rate of payment for fifteen
days, total 15. The 3rd year, Pauni 26.’
1. π(ο)τ(αμιτῶν) : for ποταμῖται οὗ, 1058. 2 andn. The word suits the context, but the
reading here is not certain and m(o)r(apiras) in 1. 2 is even more doubtful. The first letter is
more like πὶ than yp, but the supposed 7 may in both places be a stroke representing
abbreviation.
2. συνγρα(μματεύοντι) : the flourish representing a is written somewhat differently from
that in ypa(upareds) in 1, 1, and the first letter might be a instead of σ ; but no proper name
suggests itself, and the reading adopted gives an appropriate sense. συγγραμματεύειν 15
apparently not found elsewhere.
3-4. Ifvav8(__) is right, the scribe has run the av together, as not infrequently happens
in the cursive writing of this century; cf. 1410. 1-2, το, nn., and 1475. int. The ναύβιον
at this period was a cube of 1 ξύλον or 3 royal cubits (669 and 1058. intt.), and digging
5 ναύβια perhaps constituted an average day’s work (Milne, Zhedan Ost. p. 146), but receipts
for much smaller amounts of ναύβια are also common, Though the supposed « at the end
of the line may be nothing more than a stroke over the «, it is not satisfactory to connect
κ With ναυβί ); for 20 naubia are too small an amount for fifteen days’ work by at least two
persons, and more probably a considerable number (I. 2), and ro would then be left
unaccounted for, rk, i.e. 320, being inadmissible. The construction of ἐργάσασθαι is not
clear. If it is an infinitive, the only place for the main verb would be ovvéx(ere) or -x(eoe),
which does not combine suitably with the following words, whether ἐργάσασθαι depends on it
or on 6. g. κεζκελευσμένον) ; hence we prefer to regard -@a as a misspelling of -θε. μάλιστα is
also not quite certain, the third letter possibly being y or τ. μέγιστα however, which seems
to be the only alternative, does not suit the context, though the ναύβιον varied in size, being
4 smaller in Ptolemaic times than in late Roman (Jouguet, P. Lille τ. int.).
1428. LETTER OF A PRAESES(?) TO AN EXACTOR.
24 X 21-3 cm. Fourth century.
A letter from Nicon, a high official, to the exactor of the Oxyrhynchite
nome, ordering him to help in expediting the manufacture of clothing required
by the State, for which cf. 1414. int. and 1448. On the office of exactor, which
is first mentioned in the fourth century and was sometimes identified with that
of strategus (Archiv, iii. 348 στρατηγῷ [ἤτοι ἐξάκτορι ᾿Ερμοπολίτζου]), see Seeck in
Pauly-Wissowa, Realencycl. vi. 1542 sqq., Gelzer, Studien, 50 sqq., Wilcken,
Grundz. 2.29. In the present text, as often elsewhere, he seems to be concerned
with the collection of arrears; cf. 1.2,n. The fact that Nicon sends an officials
(1.12; cf. P. Leipzig 64. 15), and speaks of a centurion as a subordinate (Il. 7-8)
and of Alexandria as if he were not there himself (ll. 3-4), combined with the
general resemblance to P. Leipzig 64, strongly suggests that he was a praeses of
the province Herculia or, as it was called after 341 (cf. 1559. 8 and Gelzer,
op. cit. 3 sqq.); Augustamnica, the head-quarters of which are likely to have been
1428, LETTER OF A PRAESES(?) TO AN EXACTOR 83
at Memphis or Babylon. The script is a large clear cursive, probably of about
the middle of the fourth century ; the document was apparently a copy made by
a clerk, but signed by Nicon himself.
‘A(vriypagor).
[ἦλθ]εν εἰς ἐμὴν γνῶσιν ὡς Πτολεμ[αίο]υ τοῦ ἐπίκτου
[τῆς] ὀθόνης εἰς τὴν ᾿ἀλεξάνδριαν ἀπαντήσαντοϊς.
€ X ~ 4 Ν 2 ἐδ 2 θῇ Ν Ν.
5 [ὑπ]ὲρ τοῦ τοίνυν μὴ ἐνέδραν ἐπακολουθῆσαι περὶ τὴν
[ἐξυχφὴν τῆς αὐτῆς ὀθόνης, φρόντισον τὴν ἀποτε-
[ταγἹμένην τῷ μέρι βοήθειαν παρασχεῖν Σ᾽αραπίωνι τῷ
[ἑκα]τοντάρχῳ καὶ ‘Avrdviov ὀφφ(ικιάλιον) πρὸς τὸ καταναγ-
a“ δος « 1A Ἂς Σ “ 2
[κασ]θῆναι τοὺς ὑπευθύνους τὴν ἐσθῆτα ἀνεπι-
το [κλή]τοις τοῖς ὑφάσμασιν κατασκευάσαι, ἄχρις ἂν
[ὁ πἸροειρημένος Πτολεμαῖος ἀπαντήσῃ. διὰ
[δὲ] τοῦτο ἀπέστιλα τὸν προειρημένον ὀφφικιά-
[λιοὴν. (and hand) ἐρρῶσθ]αί ole εὔχομαι.
5. Second ν of ἐνεδραν corr. from.s. 09. ὕπευθυνους ΤΠ. 10. ὕφασμασιν II, 12. α οὗ
οφφικια[λιοὴν corr. from o.
‘Copy. ...s Nicon to the exacfor of the Oxyrhynchite nome, greeting. It has come
to my knowledge that Ptolemaeus, the collector of linen, has gone to Alexandria. So to
prevent any deception from occurring in connexion with the completion (?) of the weaving
of the said linen, take care to provide Sarapion the centurion with the assistance
assigned to your division, and with the services of Antonius the offczaiis, in order that the
persons responsible may be compelled to manufacture the clothing in irreproachable (?)
materials, until the aforesaid Ptolemaeus comes. For this reason I have sent the aforesaid
officials. 1 pray for your health.’
1. ἀντίγραφον is abbreviated a/, as here, in 1470. 8; cf. e.g. Β. G. U. 1073. I.
2. ...Js: there is barely room for even Tuols, if this line was uniform with those
following ; but it may have projected by three or four letters.
ἐξάκτορι ᾽Οξυρυγχίτου : there was probably only one exactor for each nome when 1428
was written; cf. P. Leipzig 51. 3 ἐξάκτωρ ‘Yp[ndliz(o)v and Archzz, iti. 348 quoted in int.
Late in the fourth century two or more exac/ores are found acting together ; cf. P. Leipzig 62.
i. 9 and Flor. 95. 60. Gelzer, followed by Wilcken, regards these as a quite different and
much lower grade of officials, on the level of mpdxropes, but the evidence for that is incon-
clusive. If the exacfores came in towards the end of the process of tax-collecting and were
specially concerned with arrears, as Seeck supposed, the smallness of the sums collected by
them as compared with those collected by ὑποδέκται in P, Leipzig 62 would be explained,
and 1428 rather supports Seeck’s view, which Gelzer and Wilcken reject. Concerning
B.G.U. 1027. xxvi. τὸ (late fourth century), where ἐξάκτορες rank above πρόεδροι and seem
to be just as important as in the earlier P. Leipzig 64 or 1428, Wilcken (Grundz. 229°) is
G 2
84 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
disposed to abandon his former explanation (af. Gelzer, of. ci. 50) that ἐξάκτορες of different
years are meant. Griech. Texte 18 is too incomplete to show the character of the ἐξάκ(τωρ).
3. [7λθ7εν εἰς ἐμὴν γνῶσιν : cf. P. Leipzig 64. 29 (W. Chrest. 281) ἦλθεν εἰς γνῶσιν τῆς
ἐμῆς καθοσιώσεως in a letter of the praeses of the Thebaid (cf. int.), who proceeds, more
correctly than Nicon, with ὅτι and the indicative.
ἐπίκτου [τῆς] ὀθόνης : this title is new, but οὗ 1257. 13 τοῦ κρατίστου ἐπείκτου δημοσίου
σίτου, 1418. 25 ἐπ. χρυσοῦ στεφάνου, and 1412. int.
6. [ἐξυϊφήν : a compound of ὑφή is required (cf: 1. το ifdcpaow), and [ἐξυϊφήν, though
not attested, suits the size of the lacuna much better than [λιν]υφήν (also unattested) or
᾿συν)υφήν. : ᾿
9-Τ0. ἀνεπιϊκλήἤ]τοις : ε can be read for a and = or y for τ, while the last letter is more
like o than s; but ἐν ἐπι[τηδ]είοις is inadmissible and Ἰποιοτοις (for Ἰποιητοις ?) suggests no
suitable word. The second ros may be a dittography.
1429. LETTER OF A LESSEE OF THE ALUM-MONOPOLY.
5᾽5 X 6-6 cm. A.D. 300.
A short letter in the reign of Diocletian from a lessee of the alum-monopoly,
probably at Oxyrhynchus, to one of his agents, announcing the dispatch of some
alum and nasturtium-powder. Concerning the alum-monopoly the only evidence
hitherto has been B. G. U. 697 (W. Chrest. 321), an acknowledgement by ἐπι-
τηρηταΐ at Arsinoé of the receipt of alum transported from the Small Oasis, upon
which they paid the octroi duty and carriage. 1429 confirms Wilcken’s inter-
pretation of B. G. U. 697 and throws some light on the nature of the monopoly ;
cf, 11. 1-2, ἢ.
Avpyr(tos) MaxpéBios μισθωτ(ὴς) ἀσχολ(ήματος)
στυπτηρίας δι᾽ ἐμοῦ Καισαρίου
γρα(μματέως) Αὐρηλίῳ ᾿Ισὰκ χι(ριστῇ) χαί(ρειν),͵ ἔπεμ-
ψά σοι στυπτηρίαν μίαν ᾿Ιτ(αλικὴν) δι(ὰ)
5 ᾿Ισιδώρου, καρδάμου o(d)y(kias) β (κεράτια ?) η.
(ἔτους) is καὶ ve καὶ (ἔτους) 7
Τύβι κη.
I. p Of αυρηλιος corr. from υ. 3. ἴσακ II. 5. towepov... Y I.
‘ Aurelius Macrobius, lessee of the administration of alum, through me, Caesarius,
clerk, to Aurelius Isaac, agent, greeting. I have sent you one Italian pound of alum
through Isidorus, and 2 ounces, 8 carats of nasturtium-powder. The 16th, 15th, and 8th
year, Tubi 28.’
1-2. μισθωτ(ὴς) ἀσχολ(ήματος) στυπτηρίας : cf. 977, a receipt of the φόρος of an ἀσχόλημα
which was clearly parallel to, possibly even identical with, that mentioned here, P. Fay. 93.
5-6 (W. Chrest. 317) βούλομαι μισθώσασθαι παρὰ σοῦ τὴν μυροπωλαικὴν καὶ ἀροματικὴν ἐργασίαν,
1429. LETTER OF A LESSEE OF THE ALUM-MONOPOLY 85
and Wilcken, Grundz. 257. The use of the word ἀσχόλ(ημα) is consistent with the
view that Macrobius was engaged in the production as well as the sale of the alum,
which was probably obtained from the Small Oasis (cf. int.). In 44. 6 οἱ τὸ ἐγκύκλιον
ἀσχολούμενοι means the tax-farmers, and in P. Grenf. ii. 46 (cf. Wilcken, Archiv, v. 282) the
ἀσχολούμενος τὸ γραφεῖον (cf. P. Tebt. 524) apparently corresponds to the δημοσιῶναι of the
dyopavopeioy in 44. 8 (cf. also P. Ryl. 95. 15 τ]ῶν ἀσχολουμένων τὴν ὠνὴν rav[rqv); but οἱ
ἀσχολούμενοι τοὺς καταλοχισμούς in 45-6 seem to be government officials (cf. 14638. 22, n.),
and in B. G. U. 1202. 4 a topogrammateus speaks of the λόγος of his ἀσχολία, i.e. office, so
that the word is not confined to the farming of revenues; cf. Wilcken, Os¢. i. 388. On the
use of alum in antiquity see Wiedemann, Herodots zweites Buch, 610; to judge by its
association with κάρδαμον, it was here probably going to be used for medical purposes rather
than dyeing (467. 7).
4. στυπτηρίαν μίαν is for στυπτηρίας λίτραν μίαν, as is shown by the following Ἰτ(αλικήν) :
for λίτραι ᾿Ἰταλικαί cf, 6. g. 48. recto iii. 13, P. Leipzig 84. vii. το. In B. G. U. 697 alum is
measured by talents.
5. The ovyxia is usually divided into 24 γράμματα, but the symbol before ἡ resembles
that for κεράτια in later Byzantine papyri, and is not in the least like the abbreviation of
γράμματα, 6. 5. in 1480.17. The κεράτιον (szzgua) was 3 of a γράμμα.
1480. PAYMENT FOR MAINTENANCE OF A PUBLIC BATH.
24:8 Χ 9:2 cm. A.D. 324.
An acknowledgement, similar in character to 84 (A. Ὁ. 316), addressed to
a strategus by village-officials, of the receipt of 12 talents 4,575 drachmae for
charcoal supplied by them to the public bath of Oxyrhynchus. Payment was
made as the equivalent partly of tow, a common article of commerce in the
Byzantine period (cf. P. Giessen 103. 11,n.), partly of fine gold, of which
104 γράμματα were valued at 7 talents 3,720 drachmae. The solidus of
Constantine and his successors, being , of a pound, weighed 4 γράμματα (cf.
P. Leipzig 62. ii. 31, Flor. 95. 10), and 10% yp. thus = a little over 23 solidi.
In the nearly contemporary papyrus 1653. 22-3 (A.D. 306) 58 yp. are equated to
12 ὁλοκότινα (aurei), but the gold in the case of 1653 may have been impure,
and the aurei of Diocletian, which were 4 or εἶ of a pound, were somewhat
larger than the solidi of Constantine. The ratio between the value of gold and
billon in 1480, in which about 3 talents = 1 solidus, is not nearly so high as in
four Hermopolite papyri of the fourth century (Wessely, Ezz Altersindizium im
Philogelos, 41-2), in which a solidus is valued at 36, 100, 120, and 1833 talents ;
but it is much higher than the ratio fixed by Diocletian in his edict concerning
the maximum tariff (cf. Babelon, 7vaité de monnaies, i. 611), where a denarius is
reckoned as τσΐσο οἵ a Alrpa of gold, so that only about 2,764 drachmae would
be the worth of the metal in a Constantinian solidus. The fall in the value of
the billon tetradrachm or denarius, which ceased to be coined in Egypt after 297
(Wilcken, Grundz. \xvi), was greatly accelerated in the reign of Constantine ;
86
THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
cf. 1481. int. and 1223. 32, where a solidus is valued as high as 2,020 μυριάδες
(13,4662 talents) near the end of the fourth century.
1430 was written during the civil war between Licinius and Constantine,
when the names of the consuls were in doubt (1.1, n.). The waning power of
the strategus is shown by his being addressed like the praepositus of a pagus
(Il. 2,n.). The scribe of the body of the document was rather careless, mistakes,
especially of omission, being frequent.
Τοῖς ἐσομένοις ὑπάτοις τὸ δ΄.
‘Eppela στρατηγῷ ᾿Οξ(υρυγχίτου)
παρὰ ᾿Οννώφισος Πεκύσιος
τεσαλαρίου καὶ Παταήσιος Tay-
ύρ(ιϑ)ος καὶ Παελένου Ἁρ(άγχθου
κ(ωμγλάρχων, τῶν πάντων κ(ώ)μης
Ἡρακλείδου (τοῦ ὑπὸ) σὲ πάγου. ἀπέσχο-
μεν καὶ ἠριθμέμεθα παρὰ
Παύλου δημοσί(ων) χρημάτων τραᾳπεζί[τ(ου)
το [[e]] ἐξ ἐπιστάλματός σου] ἃ τετάγϊ με-
15
20
and hand
θα ἐπισταλῆναι ἐξοδιασθῆναι
ς = « Ν Ν ») ~
ἡμεῖν (ὑ)πὲρ τιμὴν ἄντρακος Xwp(ovYTOS)
᾽ > 7 ’ὔ
εἰς τὸ δημόσιον πανίδιον
σιππίου κεν(τηναρίου) α δεσ(μῶν) γ
(τάλαντα) ε (δραχμὰς) ᾿Γ, ὧν πρ(οαπέσχομεν ?) (δραχμὰς) ᾽'Βρμε, τὰ λοιπὰ
(τάλαντα) ε (δραχμὰς) wve, χρυσοῦ ἐνο(β)ρ(ο)ίζου
γρα(μμάτων) (2 (τάλαντα) ¢ (δραχμὰς) "Ik, / ὁμοῦ {(τάλαντον) a}
(τάλαντα) ιβ (δραχμαὴ "Agoe, πλήρη. κυρία
ἡ ἀποχὴ καὶ [ἐπερ)]ωτηθέντ[ εἸἰς ὡμολ(ογ)ή--
σαμεν.
ὑπατείας τῆς προκ(ειμένης) Μεσορὴ ¢.
᾿Οννῶφρις καὶ Παῆσις καὶ Παεϊλένης
ἠριθμήμεθα ὡς πρόκ(ειται). ᾿Ισίδωρϊος ἔγρα(ψα)
ὑπ(ὲρ) αὐτ(ῶν) μὴ εἰδίότων) γρά(μματα).
On the verso
25
3. 1. ᾽οννώφριος (cf. 1. 22).
ἀπό(δος) “Epy(ia). |. . .]]
4. 1, τεσσαραρίου .. . ἸΤαήσιος (cf. 1. 22).
ἡ. 0 of
1480. PAYMENT FOR MAINTENANCE OF A PUBLIC BATH 87
amecxopev corr. from § (sign of abbreviation). 8. 1. ἠριθμήμεθα. 12. 1. τιμῆς ἄνθρακος.
13. 1. βαλανίδιον. 15. ov ρ᾽ IL. 16. 1. ἐνο(β)ρύζου. 18. v of κυρια corr. from p.
‘Under the consuls to be appointed for the 4th time. To Hermias, strategus of the
Oxyrhynchite nome, from Onnophris son of Pekusis, ‘sserartus, and Paésis son of
Tachuris (?), and Pahelenes son of Harachthes, comarchs, all of the village of Heraclides
in the agus under your jurisdiction. We have received from and been paid by Paulus,
banker of public moneys, by your order the sums concerning which we were notified (?) that
orders should be given for them to be paid to us, on account of the value of charcoal sup-
plied to the public bath, for 1 hundredweight and 3 bundles of tow, 5 talents 3,000 drachmae,
of which we have already received 2,145 dr., remainder 5 tal. 855 dr., for 104 grammes of
fine gold 7 talents 3,720 drachmae, in all 12 tal. 4,575 dr., in full. This receipt is valid,
and in answer to the formal question we have given our consent. In the aforesaid consul-
ship, Mesore 7. We, Onnophris, Paésis, and Pahelenes, have been paid, as aforesaid.
I, Isidorus, wrote on their behalf as they are illiterate. (Addressed) Deliver to Hermias.’
1. The question which year is meant by τοῖς ἐσομένοις ὑπάτοις τὸ 8 is bound up with that
concerning the date of the 6th consulship of Licinius and 2nd of Licinius Caesar, since the
year τοῖς ἀποδειχθησομένοις ὑπ. τὸ y apparently corresponded to the year following that
consulship; cf. 42. 9 (as restored by Seeck [μετὰ τὴν ὑπατίαν] τῶν) and Jouguet’s latest
discussion in P. Thead. p. 212, The evidence of the present volume confirms Jouguet’s
view, based on the Theadelphia papyri, that the consulship in question was 322, not 323 as
proposed by Mommsen and Viereck, and that τοῖς ἐσ. ὑπ. τὸ δ΄ (cf. P. Thead. 34 and go. 28)
means 324, not 325. ‘The ordinary consuls of 325 occur in 1626. 23 (Pauni 1),as in 52.1
(month lost), P. Thead. 7. 26 (month uncertain), 35. 11 (Epeiph 4); Mesore, in which
month 1480 was written (1. 21), is much more likely to be ten months earlier than 1626. 23,
than two months later. Even before the end of 324 the regular consuls of the year were
recognized in Egypt (Preisigke, S. B. 5615. 16 Xoiax xy), and concerning the consuls of
325 no doubts are traceable. The latest extant dating which mentions Licinius’ regnal
years is 1574. 4, Tubi 26 of his 16th year, the 18th of Constantine (Jan. 22, 324), which
shows that Constantine’s conquest of Egypt was not effective before 324. The system of
dating τοῖς ἐσομένοις (or ἀποδειχθησομένοις) ὑπάτοις in a series must have begun in Egypt in 321,
if the 4th year was 324, and was apparently the result of Licinius’ refusal to recognize the
consuls of 321 appointed by Constantine, Crispus II and Constantine Caesar II; cf. Seeck,
Rhein. Mus. \xii. 534. The consuls of 320, Constantine VI and Constantine Caesar, seem
to have been accepted in Egypt without question ; cf. P. Cairo 10567 verso. There is as
yet no evidence from papyri of datings in 321, and whether Licinius appointed opposition
consuls in that year is unknown. In 322, the 6th consulship of Licinius and 2nd of Licinius
Caesar, covering the 1oth—11th indiction in Egypt (Ὁ. P.R. το; cf. Fuhrer, 292), a curious
phrase μέλλουσι ὑπάτοις δευτέρᾳ ἀμοιβῇ Occurs in P. Cairo 10622 after the consuls’ names, and
seems to be equivalent to τοῖς ἐσομένοις ὑπάτοις τὸ β΄, a figure not yet attested. It shows that
for some reason the dating by the consuls in office was insufficient, although these were
known, and indicates either a doubt about the validity of the 6th consulship of Licinius and
2nd of Licinius Caesar (who were of course not recognized by Constantine), or else an
attempt to start dating by an era. That many efforts were made in the early part of the
fourth century to substitute eras for consular datings is now clear from 1431, and the year
321, in which the system of dating by consuls broke down in Egypt probably much more
completely than in any year since the introduction of that system by Diocletian, may
have been chosen as the starting-point of an era τοῖς ἐσομένοις ὑπάτοις, Which survived for
four years, and possibly represents a deliberate attempt on the part of scribes to simplify
the official calendar.
88 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
2. Ἑρμείᾳ στρατηγῷ: cf. 60. 1, written in Mesore τοῖς ἀποδειχθησομένοις ὑπάτοις τὸ γί,
A strategus is found in the Oxyrhynchite nome as late 85.362 (1057. 2), and no instance
from that nome has occurred in which he is identified with an exacfor (cf. 1428. int.), In
1. 7, if (τοῦ ὑπὸ) σὲ πάγου is more than a phrase taken from the customary address to a prae-
posttus (cf. e.g. 1425. 6), the strategus had become one of the praeposiiz of the 10 pagi of
the nome (cf. 1425. 4, n.); but without corroborative evidence we are rather disposed to
regard ce πάγου as due to a reminiscence, and not really inconsistent with *O£(upvyxtrov).
The strategus is still found exercising judicial powers in 66 (357) and probably 1470 (336).
4. τεσ(σ)α(ρ)αρίου : cf. 1425. 5, n.
5. ᾿Αρ(άγχθου : cf. “Apdy6ns in e. g. a contract of sale to be published in Part xiii.
4. Ἡρακλείδου ἐποίκιον, as this κώμη is generally called, was in the western toparchy
(1285. 72), and probably in the 3rd or 4th pagus (1425. 4, n.). For (rod ὑπὸ) σὲ πάγου cf.
], 2, ἢ. ς΄ πάγου is inadmissible.
9. δημοσί(ων) χρημάτων τραπεζί(του) : these words are very badly written, but the reading
is confirmed by 84, 8-9 δημοσίων χρίημάτων (so Wilcken, Chrest. 197. int. for ληϊμμάτων)
τραπ(εζίτου).
Io. τετάγγμε]θα: cf, 84, τ2. The precise meaning is not clear. An equivalent to
αἰτούμεθα in 55. 6, C. P. Herm. 56. 3-5 would rather be expected.
12. χωρ(οῦντος) : cf. 6. g. 84. 15, 890. 8.
13. πανίδιον is apparently a mistake for βαλανεῖον or βαλανίδιον ; cf. 6. g. 58. 6, 1499. 3.
14. For σίππιον, i.e. στύππιον, see Reil, Bettrége, 123, P. Giessen 111. 3,5. The
relation of a δέσμη to a κεντηνάριον, which is used also for measuring iron in 84. 14 and
charcoal in Ῥ, Amh, 138. 13, is unknown.
15. ὧν πρ(οαπέσχομεν ἢ): the abbreviation (cf. the critical n.) is similar to that used for
ἑκατοσταί (ε, 5. 1286. 6) or προσδιαγραφόμενα (e. g. 1436), but since the sum in question is
deducted from the main sum, not added to it, and the payment was made by, not to, the
government, neither of those words is suitable here. In 1449. 19, 48, 52 it is used for
mp(oc). For προαπέχειν cf. P. Tebt. 399. 14.
τὰ λοιπά: the use of the accusative here indicates that the symbols for talents and
drachmae in ll, 15-17 are in the accusative, and the abbreviations in 1. 14 in the genitive,
not vice versa. The original arrangement was for payment in tow and gold, for which the
government substituted billon.
16. ἐνο(β)ρ(ύγζου : cf. P. Leipzig 62. 7 μετὰ τῆς δρισθείσης ὀΐ μ) βρύζης.
1431. PREPARATIONS FOR AN OFFICIAL VISIT.
8.3 X 25:8 cm. A.D. 352-
An order toan agent (χειριστής ; cf. e.g. 1429. 3) to pay a carpet-manufacturer
the price of a carpet required for the approaching visit of the dwx, who was the
supreme military authority in Egypt in the middle of the fourth century; cf.
P. Brit. Mus. ii, p. 270. That the writer occupied an official position is not
certain, but he must have been a fairly rich man, for the carpet cost 1,500 talents, ©
a considerable sum even though the billon coinage was much depreciated ; cf.
1480. int. The equivalent amount of δηναρίων μυριάδες is stated, and the meaning
of that phrase, which has been misinterpreted (1. 3, n.), becomes clear. Another
interesting point in the papyrus is the three-fold date, which is fortunately
1481. PREPARATIONS FOR AN OFFICIAL VISIT 89
explained by 1632. It refers to three local eras, starting in the years 307, 325,
and 341, and distinct from the two well-known Oxyrhynchite eras beginning in
324 and 355, which soon superseded the rest ; cf. 1. 5, n.
The writing is along the fibres of the verso, the recto being blank.
᾿Αθανάσιος Σ᾽ αραπίωνι χ(ειριστῇ) χαίίρειν).
᾿ δὸς Γενναδίῳ ταπηταρίῳ ὑπὲρ τιμῆς ταπητίου ἐν τῇ ἐπι-
δημίᾳ τοῦ δουκὸς ἀργυρίου δηναρίων μυριάδας διακοσίας
εἴκοσι πέντ[ε,] ἅ ἐστι (τάλαντα) Ad, (2nd hand) ἐρρῶσθαί σε εὔχομαι.
1ϑὶ hand 5 με (ἔτους) K¢ (ἔτους) ta (ἔτους) [ΤΊ]. η.
‘Athanasius to Sarapion, agent, greeting. Give Gennadius the carpet-maker for the
price of a carpet on the occasion of the visit of the dux 2,250,000 denarii, equivalent to
1,500 talents. I pray for your health. The 45th, 27th, and «τῇ year, Tubi 8.’
2. For ταπητάριος cf. B.G.U. 1082.2: in 999 it seems to be used as a proper name, The
form ταπιτᾶς occurs in 1517. 3. The price of a τάπης Αἰγύπτιος in the Ed. Diocl. 19, 21 is
only 1,750 denarii; cf. 1480. int.
ἐπιδημίᾳ : cf. 1261. 7, n., P. Brit. Mus. 1159 (iii. 112), Wilcken, Avchzv, iv. 374.
3. δηναρίων μυριάδας : this phrase first occurred in P. Brit. Mus. 248 (ii. 306), where
items of 675 talents (I. 13), 90 talents (1. 15), 140 (δηναρίων) μυριάδες (1. 19), and perhaps
another (ll. 16-17) make a total of 259 δηναρίων μυριάδες (Il. 21-25; zerp|axdore in 1, 21 is
incorrect ; 1. διακόσιαι). Kenyon regarded 459 μυριάδες as a conversion of only the two items
in talents, ignoring the 140 μυριάδες, which, as he supposed, were accounted for in the mutilated
lines 16-18. Hence he deduced the equivalence of the denarius and drachma, which was
accepted by Wessely, zm Altersind. im Philog. 30. But the conversion in 1481, which
corresponds to the conversion of 300 δην. pup. into 2,000 talents in B, Ὁ. U. 1049. 13 (a. D.
342), indicates that the denarius was reckoned, as would be expected, at the usual rate of
4 drachmae, and the sums mentioned in ll. 16-19 of the British Museum papyrus are clearly
to be included in the total, of which the 675+ 90 = 765 talents (nearly 115 δην. pup.)
formed only a part (in 1. 17 1. καὶ εἰς λόγον ἔργων).
5. Cf. 1632. 9, dated in 353, where the 47th, 29th, and 2nd years correspond to the
12th indiction (i.e. 353-4). The first two of these eras, separated by eighteen years and
dating from 307-8 and 325-6 respectively, are also now to be recognized in 92. 4, where
the third is to be read ὃ (ἔτους), as suggested in the int. That papyrus equates the 31st,
13th, and 4th years, and belongs to the year 337, not to 335, as doubtfully explained by
reference to the years of Constantine and Constantius. A fourth example of a triple dating,
in which the first two eras are probably the same as in the other three instances, is 1575. 4;
but the figures are uncertain. The variation with regard to the third era is striking: in
1481 it dates from 341, in 1682 from 352, in 92 from 334. Since eras at Oxyrhynchus
dating from 324 and 355 (cf. 125. int.) were known previously from numerous examples,
of which the earliest so far is 1056 (37th and 6th year, 360-1), there are now no less than
seven different eras attested between 307 and 355. With regard to the month in which
they began, in 125. int. we supposed that the eras of 324 and 355 began on Thoth τ (Aug.
29) like regnal years, and this view was confirmed by 1116. 11-15 ἐφ᾽ ἐνιαυτὸν ἕνα τῶν an|6
ν]εομηνίας OO ἕως Μεσορὴ enay, πέμπτης . . . TOU ἐνεστῶτος ἔτους μ (ἔτους) 6 (ἔτους). But the years
on the eras of 307, 325, and 352 apparently coincided with the indiction-year (cf, 1632. int.),
go THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
which commenced in one of the summer months Pachon, Pauni, Epeiph, or Mesore (in the
case of 1632 on or before Mesore 1) and varied from year to year, and P. Flor. 325 raises
a difficulty with regard to the eras of 324 and 355. That papyrus is dated on Pachon 25
of the year after the consulship of Longinus, 12th indiction, and speaks of the 165th and
134th year (i.e. 488-9) as ἐνεστός. The year after the consulship of Longinus is 487, and
Vitelli proposed to insert τὸ β' after the consulship (cf. 1180. 3, n., for a parallel instanceof
the omission of τὸ 6’). Pachon 25 can belong either to the beginning or the end of an
indiction; but if the year in question was 488, the 12th indiction had begun and the new
year by the two eras of 324 and 355 had apparently begun with it. If the papyrus belongs
to 489, the indiction was ending, and there would be nothing to show whether the years by
the eras ended with it or at the end of Mesore ; but it is then necessary to insert τὸ γ΄, which
is unsatisfactory. Hence the starting-point of the year on the various eras remains in
doubt, especially as it need not have been the same in each era.
The following table combines the evidence of the years by Oxyrhynchite eras in use up
to 360, after which date only the eras of 324 and 355 are found.
Eras
ἐσέ... ὃ (τ τΡΑῖξς τ ΘΒ νΝΝ
Year Day 307 324 325 334 341 352 355
92 aa. eck rr I 13 4 ᾿
1575 339 Μαγ 26 52: [14] 5?
1431 352 # Jan. 4. 45 27 : II :
1682 3583. July25 47 29 - ΕΞ 2 as
1056 360 |. Oct. το 37 ὡς ᾿ς τε a 6
From 325-360 there seem to have been two contending parties, one dating by the eras
of 307 and 325, and after 334 bya third which varied and was certainly not a cycle like the
indictions, the other dating by the era of 324 and later by that of 355. To suppose that
the eras of 324 and 325 are really the same is incompatible with the evidence of 1682, and
no alteration of the figure of the indiction is there admissible owing to its accordance with
the consular dating. The choice of particular years as starting-points of these eras probably
depended in most, perhaps in all, cases upon purely local considerations. The only eras
which suggest a connexion with events of great importance are those beginning in 324 and
325. With regard to the earlier of these we suggested in 125. int. that it might possibly be
connected with the Council of Nicaea. Hohmann (Chronol. d. Papyrusurk. 46), in objecting
to this, treats Thoth 1 323 and 354 as the ‘ Epochetag’ of the two eras beginning in 324
and 355 by an error due to a curious misapprehension of the nature of ancient eras ; these
begin with a year 1, not with a year o, e.g. that by the Καίσαρος κράτησις, which corresponds
to the regnal years of Augustus, or the Diocletian era, of which the 1st year was 284-5, 1. 6.
his rst regnal year. The Oxyrhynchite era of 324, of which the 1st year was 324-5,
cannot possibly be related, as Hohmann proposes, to events in the year 323-4, during
most of which Licinius was still in possession of Egypt. The change of sovereigns, so far
as Middle Egypt was concerned, is now fairly well fixed in the period between Jan. 22 and
December, 324 (cf. 1480. 1, n.), and the Council of Nicaea, which began in May according
to some authorities and ended in September, 325, can be connected with either the era of
324 or that of 325. Possibly the era of 324 is to be connected with the triumph of
Constantine, and that of 325 with the Council of Nicaea. These two rival eras may have
commended themselves to different religious parties in the city, and the supporters of the era
of 324 in any case proved victorious. But the absence of any specially notable events in
the years 307-8, 334-5, 341-2, 352-3, 355-6 rather indicates that all these fourth-century
eras at Oxyrhynchus were suggested by events of local interest.
1412. REPORT OF A TAX-FARMER TO A STRATEGUS gti
IV. TAXATION.
1432. REPORT OF A TAX-FARMER TO A STRATEGUS.
14:8 X 6-7 cm. A.D. 214.
A monthly return of receipts of taxation, similar to those addressed to the
strategus by πράκτορες ἀργυρικῶν, e.g. 1433, but written by the farmer of a tax
upon sellers of two different kinds of pulse. The impost is no doubt the yepo-
νάξιον, a tax levied at varying rates on different trades, but uniformly upon
members of the same one; cf. Wilcken, Ost. i. 321 sqq., Grundz. 188. The rate
on individuals is not stated in the present case, 80 drachmae in all having been
paid. For other instances of χειρωνάξιον in this volume cf. 1486. 4, 1518 (on
κουρεῖς at 6 drachmae each, κλειδοποιοί, &c.), and possibly 1517 and 1519
(different trades ?).
Αὐρηλίῳ ᾿Ανουβίω(ν) στ(ρατηγῷ)
᾿Οξ(υρυγχίτου)
παρὰ Ἡρακλᾶτος Sapa τίο]ῦ
Axod μητρὸς Νικαίας
am ᾿Οξυρύγχων πόλεως
ὑποσχεσαρίου ὠνῆς
ἀθηροπολῶν καὶ ὀρβιο-
πολῶν. μηνιαῖος λόγος
τοῦ Παῦνι τοῦ ἐνεστῶτος
KB (ἔτους) Μάρκου Αὐρηλίο[υ
Καίσαρος τοῦ κυρίου.
ἔστι δέ: παρὰ ἀθηρο-
πολῶν καὶ ὀρβιοπολῶν
δραχμὰς ὀγδοήκοντα,
15 / (δραχμαὴ π, αἱ καὶ δια-
γράφοντίαι
εἰς τὴν ἐπὶ τόπων
δημοσίαν τράπαιζαν.
(ἔτους) KB Αὐτοκ[ρ]άτορος
Καίσαρος Μάρκου Αὐρηλίου
τὸ Σεουήρου ᾿Αντωνίνοϊυ 20 [Xeounpoly ᾿Ανϊτ]ωνίνου
. . . -
I. αὐρηλιῶ ανουβιῶ TI. 6--". 1. ἀθηροπωλῶν καὶ ὀρβιοπωλῶν : so in Il, 12--13.
13. ορβιοπολῶ IT. 17. τραπαιζὰᾷ Π. 1. τράπεζαν.
‘To Aurelius Anubion, strategus of the Oxyrhynchite nome, from Heraclas son of
Saras son of Akous, his mother being Nicaea (?), of the city of Oxyrhynchus, contractor for
farming the tax on pulse-sellers and vetch-sellers, Monthly account for Pauni of the present
22nd year of Marcus Aurelius Severus Antoninus Caesar the lord, as follows. From the
pulse-sellers and vetch-sellers eighty drachmae, total 80 dr., which were paid into the local
public bank.’ Date.
1. Aurelius Anubion is also mentioned in 1196. 1 (211-12 ; om. Aurelius), 1474. τ
(Jan. 31, 216), 1525. τ (about Sept. 216),
92 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
2. Sapa τί ο]ῦ : ΣερήνοἿυ might be read, or Zapar|ols.
3. Nuxaias: or, perhaps, Nixaros, but that would be expected to be a man’s name.
5. ὑποσχεσάριος is a new form: for a ὑπόσχεσις in connexion with the purchase of land
cf. 1633. The χειρωνάξιον was frequently farmed, e.g. the τέλος γερδίων and the imposts
ἠπητῶν, κοπῆς τριχὸς Kal χειρωναξίου, but instances of its collection by πράκτορες also occur;
cf. 1436. 4 and Wilcken, Ost. 1, 575-82.
6. ἀθηροπ(ω)λῶν καὶ ὀρβιοπ(ω)λῶν:: ἀθήρη οΥ ἀθἄρη, the form used by classical writers, was
according to Pliny, 4. H. xxii. 25. 121 an Egyptian word, olyram arincam diximus vocart.
hac decocta fit medicamentum, quod Aegyptit atheram vocant, infantibus utilissimum, sed et
adultos tnlinunt eo. It is rarely mentioned in papyri (P. Leyden 3.25). ὄροβος is frequently
found in documents concerning traffic between the Fayfim and Memphis, e. g. P. Fay. 69.
The form ὀρβιοπώλης occurs in 1087. 4, ὀρβοπώλης in 1828; cf. P. Brit. Mus. 1445. 7, n.
1433. Two REPORTS OF TAX-COLLECTORS TO A STRATEGUS.
12:3 Χ 7-8 cm. A.D. 238.
These two returns in the same hand, addressed to a strategus by collectors
of money-taxes at a village in the Thmoisepho toparchy (cf. 1436. 35, n.) con-
cerning their receipts in successive months, form nos. 31 and 32 of a long series
of documents, which were joined together and numbered probably in the βιβλιο-
θήκη δημοσίων λόγων. Nos. 33 and 34, two returns of unirrigated land, addressed
more than a year later to a basilicogrammateus and comogrammateus respectively,
are also extant (1549). Since the taxing-returns belong to the troubled year
238, the references to the reigning Emperors have a special interest. The con-
clusions of both documents with the dates are lost ; but Col. i, which gives the
account of Mesore, the last month of ‘the past Ist year’ (1. 15), was clearly
written in Thoth of the and year of Pupienus and Balbinus Augusti and
- Gordianus Caesar, while Col. ii, which gives the account of Thoth in the 2nd
year of Gordianus Augustus, was no doubt written in the next month Phaophi.
Part of the names of Pupienus and Balbinus in Col. i has been deleted, but
whether the news of their death was received before or after the dispatch of the
document is uncertain. 1488 thus harmonizes with the evidence of other papyri,
&c., concerning the short reign of those two Emperors ; cf. Wilcken, Osz. i. 805
(in P. Flor. 98, which was published later, neither the year nor month of the reign
is preserved). At Thebes on Epeiph 27 of the 1st year (July 21) Gordianus
Caesar is ignored in an ostracon; but he is mentioned in the dating on Thoth 11
of the 2nd year (Sept. 8) in a Vienna papyrus from the Arsinoite nome, while
on Thoth 24 (Sept. 21) Gordianus Augustus alone occurs in another Vienna
papyrus ; 1483. i was therefore probably written before Thoth 24.
Similar monthly returns by collectors of money-taxes are common in Fayim
papyri; cf. P. Fay. 41. int. The instances in which the individual payments are
detailed, as here (B. G. U. 42, 392, 639), are less numerous than those in which
1433. REPORTS OF TAX-COLLECTORS TO A STRATEGUS 93
the totals for different taxes are given (B. G. U. 25, 41, 199. recto, 652-3, P. Fay.
41-2, 239; cf. 42 (a)). In the other Oxyrhynchite examples, 1046 and 1283, both
systems are employed. In Col. i only the total is preserved (1. 29); in Col. ii
the payments are all for beer-tax (I. 52, n.).
Probably other πράκτορες also sent
in similar reports, for those extant in the papyri referred to seldom give the
impression of being complete returns for the month ; cf. 1486. int.
Col. i.
Ι λα ]
[Φλαυίῳ Ἁ ρποκρα:]}
[τίωνι στρα(τηγῷ) ᾿Οξυρυγχίίτου)
[παρὰ Αὐρηλίων]
5 ἱΝεχθενίβιος]
[klat [τῶν σὺν αὐτ(ῷ)
[π]ρακ(τόρων) ἀργυρικ(ῶν)
[μ]ητροπ(ολιτικῶν) λημμάϊτ(ων)
[ΘἸμοισεφὼ τοπ(αρχίαΞ)
το [Κ]εσμούχεως τόπί(ων).
[κα]τ᾿ ἄνδρα εἰσπίρά-
[ξεως ἀριθμή-
ἰσεως μηνὸς Me-
[σο]ρὴ τοῦ διελ-
15 [θ]όντος a (ἔτου:)
[4]ὐτοκρατόϊρων
[Κα]ισάρων Μάρκου
[ΚλἸωδίου [{Μ αᾳξ[ίμου
[κ]αὶ Δεκίμ[ο]υ
20 [K]atAiov Καλουίνζου
[[[BleABivov]| Εὐσεβῶϊν
[ΕἸὐτυχῶν Σ᾿ εβαστ[ῶ]ν
καὶ Μάρκου ᾿Αντωνίοϊυ
[Γ]Ἰορδιανοῦ
25 ἰτ]οῦ ἱερωτάτου
[ΚἸαίσαρος. ἔστί[ι] dé
[διϊεγράφη(σαν) ἐπὶ τὴν
[δ]ημοσίαν τρά-
_ Τίωνι στρα(τηγῷ) ᾿Ο ξυρυγχί(ίτου)
35
40
45
50
55
Col. ii.
A[B]
Φλαυίῳ Ἅρποκρα-
[πἸαρὰ Αὐρηλίων Ne-
χθενίβιος καὶ τῶν
σὺν αἸἰὐτῷ πρακ(τόρων) ἀρ-
γυρικ(ῶν) μητροπολ(ιτικῶν)
λημμάτ(ων) Θμοισε-
go τοπ(αρχίας) Κεσμούχε-
ὡς τόπ(ων). κατ᾽ ἄνδρα
εἰσπράξεως ἀρι-
θμήσεως μηνὸς
Θὼθ τοῦ ἐνεστῶτος
β (ἔτους) Μάρκου
᾿ἀντωνίου
Τορδιανοῦ
Εὐσεβοῦς Εὐτυχοῦς
[Σ ε]Ἰβαστοῦ. ἔστι dé
ἰδιϊεγράφη(σαν) ἐπὶ τ(ὴν)
δημοσίαν τρά-
[we{jav ¢uTnpas,
ὧν τὸ κατ᾽ ἀνδ(ρα)"
ἰκλ]ηρονόμοι
[. «]Ἰωνιδος ΠΙαυ-
ἰσιρ]ωνος (δρ.) μ,
Σαραπίων ὁ κ(αὴ
Διονύσιος καὶ
Ἀἀριστόκλεια
94 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
[π]εζαν (Spaxpal) τις, 60 [ἡ] κ(αὴ Apowdn (δρ.) μ,
30 ὧν : : ᾿: : :
[Acolyevis [. .]
20. kadovir[ov TI. 25. tepwrarov II. 35-06. νεχθενίβιος II.
iL. δ ἔτ
Το Εἰαύθις Harpocration, strategus of the Oxyrhynchite nome, from the Aurelii
Necthenibis and his associates, collectors of money-revenues of the metropolis in the
Thmoisepho toparchy, district of Kesmouchis. List of individual receipts paid in the
month of Mesore of the past 1st year of the Emperors Caesars Marcus Clodius [[Maximus]]
and Decimus Caelius Calvinus [[ Balbinus'] Pii Felices Augusti and Marcus Antonius Gordianus
the most sacred Caesar, as follows. Paid to the public bank 316 drachmae, of which the
items were: Diogenis...’
1-5. Cf. ll. 32-6 and, for the restoration of the figures, int.
8. [μ]ητροπ(ολιτικῶν) : cf. 1405. 20, 1419. 2, nn.
18. [Μαξίμου : the traces suit Μαξίμου better than Που[πιήνου, which is also rather
long. Μαξίμου is omitted in P. Rainer, A/7/the7l. ii. 31.
31. There is a blank space at the end of the line, and perhaps nothing was written
after [ Avolyevis.
52. Curnpas: cf. P. Tebt. ii, p. 335, Reil, Beztrdge, 169. In Roman times it was
apparently a tax on beer-manufacturers, being generally called ζυτηρὰ κατ᾽ ἄνδρα (but not
here ; κατ᾽ ἄνδρα in 1. 53 corresponds to x. ἄ. in 1. 41). The two payments preserved, both
of 40 drachmae (Il. 56 and 60), are much higher than the amounts paid by individuals in
previous centuries (4 dr. 4 ob. 2 chal. in P. Tebt. 353, 7 dr. 4 ob. in Amh. 121. 3, 10 dr.
2 ob. in Fay. 47 (a). 5 and 262, 8 dr. in Tebt. Ost. 1, 54 ob. in Tebt. Ost. 2); a payment
of 80 drachmae by tax-collectors occurs in P. ΒΥ]. 196. 11 (a.p. 196). In the third
century the depreciation of the coinage was making itself felt; cf. P. Strassb. 61. 5, where
28 dr. are paid for (urnpa in A.D. 228.
55- Probably [Θε]ώνιδος or [Λε]ώνιδος.
ε
59. This ᾿Αριστόκλεια [ἡ] κ(αὶ) ᾿Αρσινόη is probably mentioned again in 1587. 4.
1484. REPORT OF A COMOGRAMMATEUS CONCERNING REMISSIONS.
28-7 X 21 cm. A.D. 107-8.
The recto of this papyrus contains most of the first column, and beginnings
of a few lines of the second, from the beginning of a report concerning abatements
of taxation (κουφοτέλειαι), drawn up by a lately appointed comogrammateus of
several villages in the upper toparchy (cf. 1425. 4, n.), and probably intended for
the strategus. P. Fay. 40, an ἀπαιτήσιμον τελωνικῆς ἀτελείας (which does not imply
complete exemption from taxation; cf. P. Fay. 82. 14) drawn up by a como-
grammateus, is somewhat similar. The scribe wrote a clear semi-uncial hand
but in a very compressed style, and, owing to the loss of both the ends of lines at
1484. REPORT CONCERNING REMISSIONS 95
the bottom of Col. i and a few letters at the beginnings, the technical details,
which are of a rather interesting character, are not very clear. Lines 9-17 are
concerned with the estate formerly belonging to Gaius Julius son of Gaius Julius
Theon, an Alexandrian official of high rank. This property was originally
acquired from the Emperor Augustus, but underwent several changes of owner-
ship (ll. 9, 15, nn.). After 1.17 there is a blank space of a line ; but 1]. 18 sqq.
seem to be concerned with the same estate, giving details as to its present
condition, not to constitute a new section. With regard to κουφοτέλειαι
little was known apart from a passage in the edict of Tiberius Alexander, which
provides some interesting parallels; cf. ll. 3, 7, 15, nn.
On the verso is the conclusion of an undertaking to provide bread, written
nine years later (1454).
Col. 1.
[Παρὰ] ᾿Αποϊλλ]ωνίου νεωστὶ καθεσταμένου
[κωμο]γρα(μματέως) Μονίμου ἐποικίου καὶ ἄλλων κωμῶν
[τῆς] ἄνω τοπαρχίίας). λόγος [κουφ]οτελειῶν τίοῦ ια (ἔτους)
[4ὐτοἸκράτορος Καίσαρος Νερούα Τραιανοῦ Σεβαστοῦ
5 [Τερμ]ανικοῦ Δακικοῦ.
εἶναι δέ"
[κουφο]τελειῶν [[τ|ὧν τὰ ἀργυρικὰ καὶ σειτικὰ καθ(ήκοντα)
[ἐνθάδε λογίζεται"
[Taijor ᾿Ιουλίῳ υἱῷ Ταίου ᾿Ιουλίον Θέωνος
10 [γεἹνομένου ἀρχ {t} ιερέως καὶ ὑπομνημα-
[το]γρά(φου) ἐν τῷδε τῷ νομῷ ἱερᾶς *Iaidos
[ΤαἸἹποσειριάδος ἐπε αἸῇχώρησεν ᾿ἀκύλᾳς κατὰ
[τ]ὸ ἀναφόριον ἐπιδοθὲν ὑπὸ Ταίου [᾿ ΤουἸλ[ίο]υ
[Θέϊωνος πατρός, καθὰ καὶ αὐτὸς κατὰ διάϊ-
15 [τῇαγμα ἐπεχώ(ρησεν) αὐ(τῷ) Γάιος Τυράννιο(ς) ἀπὸ [|
[Ad]you Καίσαρος ἐφ᾽ ᾧ τελέσι ἐπὶ πόλ(εως) ὑπὲρ τε-
[λῶ]ν καὶ ἑτέρων (τάλαντα) B (dpaxpas) . |.
[. Jus ἐκ τοῦ Anpnr(piov) τοῦ Ποῖ. . . ( ) κλή(ρου) (dpovdpas)..,
[ὧν ἀσπίόρου) καὶ χέ(ρσου) καὶ κατεξυ(σμένης) [(dpovpat) . .,
20 [voludv οὐσίας τοῦ κυρίου S<[Bacrot (ἄρουραι). .»
[ἀ v0 οὗ ἀπὸ ἐλ(αιῶνος) μέχ(ρι) κ (ἔτους) ἐν λόγῳ ἰ. . . ++
[λο]γιζόμεναι) [(ἄρουραι) . .
96 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
[Ψώ]βθ(ιος) ἀνὰ a (ἄρουρα) a (ἀρτάβη) ᾳ, [ἀνὰ .. Sig ἐδ,
PTB) λβέδ, / αδ'ιςξδ, "TSX ) (ABE.
25 ἰ[ἀρ]γυ(ρικῶν ?) ναυ(βίου) ἐκ χαλ(κοῦ) o ἀλ(λαγῆς 9) . [... +e. «ὦν
[ναἸν(βίου ?) φκα, ὧν (δραχμαὶ) ηΪ- - - «- «τ
(οι. 11.
4 lines lost
Sa) ΠΡ τ ἢ ὌΠ aa) 34 ἀργυ(ρικὰ) τί 35 καὶ ἐν
ἐποχίῇ).1 86 οὗ ἀλλαγὴ 871 [+ JM )- «1
10. αρχιΐερεως ΤΠ. II. ἵερας ἴσιδος ΤΙ. 19. ε οἵ χείρσου) corr. from ὦ.
‘From Apollonius, lately appointed comogrammateus of the Monimou farmstead and
other villages in the upper toparchy. Account of abatements of taxation for the 11th year
of the Emperor Caesar Nerva Trajanus Augustus Germanicus Dacicus, as follows. Abate-
ments of which the due amounts in money and corn are reckoned here: to Gaius Julius,
son of Gaius Julius Theon, formerly chief-priest and hypomnematographus, of the land in
this nome sacred to Isis of Taposiris Aquila conceded in accordance with an application
presented by Gaius Julius Theon the father, in accordance with the concession made to
him by Gaius Tyrannius by an edict, from the account of Caesar, on condition that he
should pay at the city for taxes and other charges 2 talents . . . drachmae, at .. . this in
the holding of Demetrius son of Po... ..arurae, of which . . are in the category of land
that is unsown or dry or worn away, . . in the pastures in the estates of the lord
Augustus, in place of which there are planted with olives (?), reckoned up to the 2oth year
in the account of ..., . arurae; at Psobthis taxed at 1 artaba 1 arura, making 1 artaba,
taxed at .. 21 arur., at Idu... 3 arur., total 123 arur., at Idu ... arur.; money-
taxes, for naubion at 200 dr. of copper, for exchange (?) .. ., for naubion(?) 221 (?) dr.,
of which 8(?) dr....’
2. Movivov paid 872 drachmae in 1285. 62, being probably one of the larger villages
in the nome. The ἄλλαι κῶμαι apparently included Psobthis (I. 23) and the villages
mentioned in ll. 18 and 24. In 1285 the villages mentioned next to Movipou (all
probably small) are Zevdpxov, Νέσλα, [Σ]ενῦρις, and ᾿Αρχιβίου.
3. [κουφ]οτελειῶν : cf. 1. 7 and the edict of Tiberius Alexander (Dittenberger, Or. Gr.
Inscr. ii. 669), 26 sqq. ἐνετεύχθην δὲ καὶ περὶ τῶν ἀτελειῶν Kat κουφοτελειῶν ἐν ais ἐστιν καὶ τὰ
προσοδικά, Wilcken, Archiv, i. 148, Dittenberger’s commentary, and Rostowzew, Rém.
Kolonat. 109. On the edict of Hadrian lightening (κουφίζειν) the taxes on γεωργοί see
P. Giessen 4—7. int., and on a remission of taxes in the Mendesian nome B. G. U. 9093. 21.
tla (ἔτους) : since Trajan has the title Dacicus (I. 5), the year cannot be earlier than
the 6th, and the absence of ἄριστος and Παρθικός (cf. 1454. 12) indicates a year earlier than
the 18th. All that remains of the number is the tip of an upward stroke joining the sign
for ἔτους, and this suits «Ja better than s, 6, «ly, or «le.
4. For ἱκουφο᾽ τελειῶν ΠῚ. 2, ἢ. dd iar καθ(ήκοντα) 1]. 29-31 of the edict οἵ Tib.
Alexander ὑπὲρ δὲ τῶν ἐκ τοῦ Καίσαρος λόγου (cf. 1. 15, n.) πρα[χ) θέντων ἐν τῶι μέσωι χρόνωι
περὶ ὧν ἐκφόρια κατεκρίθηι, ὡς Οὐηστεῖνος ἐκέλευσεν τὰ καθήκοντα τελεῖσθαι, καὶ αὐτὸς ἵστημι ἀπο-
λελυκὼς τὰ μηδέπωι εἰσπραχθέντα καὶ πρὸς τὸ μέλλον μένειν αὐτὰ ἐπὶ τοῖς καθήκουσι. ἄδικον γάρ ἐστιν
τοὺς ὠνησαμένους κτήματα καὶ τιμὰς αὐτῶν ἀποδόντας ὡς δημοσίους γεωργοὺς ἐκφόρια ἀπαιτεῖσθαι τῶν
1434. REPORT CONCERNING REMISSIONS © 97
ἰδίων ἐδαφῶν. Wilcken formerly (/.c.) identified τὰ καθήκ. there with the προσοδικά in 1. 26
(cf. 1.3, n.), supposing that the persons in question paid a vectigal, as distinct from an
ἐκφόριον, to the State upon confiscated land bought by them; but in Grundz. 297 he with-
drew the explanation of γῆ προσόδου (cf. 1446. int.) as confiscated land, in deference to
Rostowzew’s criticisms (of. cif. 135 sqq.).
9. Gaius Julius was contemporary with Aquila (1. 12), i.e. G. Julius Aquila, praefect
in A.D. 10-11 (cf. Cantarelli, Prefet#i, i. 20), his father G. Julius Theon with G. Tyrannius
(I. 15), praefect in 7-- B.c. (Cantarelli, of. cz. 19). The property, which belonged to the
Emperor Augustus (I. 15, n.), was ceded by Tyrannius to G. Julius Theon, who apparently
made it over to the temple of Isis of Taposiris (1. 11, n.), his son subsequently recovering
it from Aquila. That it was in Α. Ὁ. 107-8 still in the possession of Gaius Julius’ heirs is
very doubtful. That portion to which 1. 20 refers apparently belonged to an οὐσία of
Trajan, while ll. 18-19 and 23-4 seem to be concerned with βασιλικὴ γῆ. Possibly the
space left below |. 17 indicates that the section was not completed and ll. 18 sqq. belong to
a new section altogether, but in that case it is strange that the land in ll. 18 sqq. was not
further characterized.
10. ἀρχ{ι)ιερέως καὶ ὑπομνημαϊτο]γράζφου) : on the order, which implies the superiority
of the second office, see 1412. 1-3, ἢ. ὑπομνηματογράφοι at this period probably existed
only at Alexandria, and ἀρχιερεύς here probably means the apy. ᾿Αλεξανδρείας καὶ Αἰγύπτου
πάσης, especially as he bears a Roman name. Theon who was ἀρχιδικαστής late in the
first century B.c. (P. Ryl. 257) might be identical with G. Julius Theon here, and another
Theon, ἀρχιδικαστής in a.D. 58 (268. 1), and G. Julius Theon γενόμενος ἀρχιδ. καὶ ὕπομν. in
the reign of Hadrian (P. Tebt. 286. 13) may well have belonged to the same family, as
perhaps Theon dpyid., father of G. Julius Dionysius ἀρχιδ, in 130 (C.1.G. 4734), who might
be identical with the Theon in P. Tebt. 286; cf. also B. G.U. 832. τό (a. D. 113) Θέωνος
τοῦ Θέωνος τῶν γεγυϊμνασιαρχ(ηκότων) referring to a judge at Alexandria.
11. ἱερᾶς Ἴσιδος [Talrocepiddos: cf. ll. 9, 15, nn. Ταποσειριάς may refer either to
Taposiris Magna in the Libyan nome or Tap. Parva near Alexandria; cf. 1880. 67, n.
The number of arurae to which ἱερᾶς refers was not expressed anywhere in ll. 11-17, but
seems to have been accounted for in 1]. 18 sqq. ;
12. ἐπεχώρησεν : cf. 1. 15 and P. Amh. 68. 7 συνκεχωρημένου εἰς πρᾶσιν ὑπολόγου ; a Sale
is meant here also, apparently. For ᾿Ακύλας cf. 1. 9, ἢ.
14. καθὰ καὶ αὐτός : as it stands, αὐτός must refer to Γάιος Τυράννιος, not the πατήρ, but
we think that the sentence began as if ἐπεχωρήθη ὑπὸ Taiov T. was going to follow, and for
this the writer substituted ἐπεχώ(ρησεν) αὐ(τῷ) Γάιος T. There is no point in καὶ αὐτός if
applied to Tyrannius.
15. For Γάιος Τυράννιο(ς) cf. 1. 9, ἢ. At the end of the line [ἰδ(ίου) might be supplied,
but for λόγου Καίσαρος cf. the passage from the edict of Tib. Alexander quoted in 1. 7, ἢ.
Καίσαρος here happens to mean Augustus (cf. |. 9, n.), but it there refers to no particular
Emperor, Augustus being elsewhere in the edict called θεὸς Σεβαστός. Whether Καίσαρος
λόγος = ἴδιος (Or οὐσιακὸς) λόγος, or is a general expression for the fiscus like κυριακὸς λόγος
(edict of Tib. Alex. 1. 18), is left doubtful by Wilcken, Os¢. i. 645. Dittenberger adopts
the latter view, but the present passage on the whole favours the former. Possibly a comma
should be placed after Τυράννιο(ς), and ἀπὸ [Ad]yov connected with ἐπεχώρησεν ᾿Ακύλας. If so,
the land was, although ἱερά, in the Καίσαρος λόγος when Aquila assigned it to Gaius Julius
the younger, and the nature of its tenure before Tyrannius assigned it to Gaius Julius the
elder, who in any case seems to have been responsible for its becoming ἑερά (cf. |. 9, n.),
was not stated in ll. 9-17. From 1. 18 it appears that part of it had once been cleruchic.
For an instance of cleruchic land reverting to the Emperor in the Augustan period cf. 721.
An example of the conversion of ἱερὰ yj by Augustus into βασιλική on a large scale occurs
H
98 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
in P. Tebt. 302 (W. Chrest. 368). But the construction adopted in the text, according to
which ἀπὸ [Aé]yov is connected with Tyrannius, not Aquila, is preferable. The temple lost
the land in either case.
16. πόλ(εως) probably means Oxyrhynchus (cf. 1. 11 τῷδε τῷ νομῷ) rather than
Alexandria.
ὑπὲρ τεϊλῶ]ν καὶ ἑτέρων : this form of paying for Jand acquired from the Emperor or the
State is unusual. Extant papyri concerning the sale of land by the government, whether
from the ὑπόλογον βασιλικῆς (e. g. 721. 4, P. Amh. 68), or ἄπρατα τῆς διοικήσεως (e. g. 518. 7
and 1683. 7), or confiscated land under cultivation (B.G. U. 462), refer to a τιμή with,
occasionally, προσδιαγραφόμενα (518. 14). But the τέλη καὶ ἕτερα may include the τιμή, or
a composition of future taxes may have been substituted for the price, which in the case of
ὑπόλογον was generally low (12 drachmae per arura in 721, 20 dr. per arur. from A.D. 61--
246; cf. P. Amh. 68. 20 and Brit. Mus. 1157. verso).
18. [. .]@s: if [ψώβἼ]θις (for -θιος) be restored (cf. 1, 23, n.), this line projected by one or
two letters, which is quite legitimate, since in any case there is a change of subject. But
a different village is expected in 1]. 23.
20. That an οὐσία of the reigning Emperor should be subject to κουφοτέλεια is natural ;
cf. Preisigke, S.B. 4226 . . . οὐσίας τοῦ κυρίου Αὐτοκράτορος ἀτελῆν καὶ ἀνενγάρευτον.
There is no clear evidence for the taxes paid by οὐσίαι, for in P. Brit. Mus. 195 it is uncertain
in what relation the Emperor Tiberius (I. 2) stood to the κτῆσις in question. For voyai in
the οὐσιακά cf. Wilcken, Grundz. 299. |. .\kov might equally well be read, but suggests no
suitable word. Usually οὐσίαι of the Emperor were called after their first owners simply ;
but cf. P. Ἀγ]. 134. 7 Τιβερίου Καίσ. Σεβ. οὐσία Τερμανικιανή.
21. [ἀνθ᾽ οὗ ἀπὸ ἐλ(αιῶνος): with [ἀνθ᾽ οὗ the line was slightly indented; with [ἀκά]νθου
it would project slightly. For ἀντί in a somewhat similar context cf. e. g. P. Tebt. 343. 23
ὥστε ἀντὶ ἐλαιῶνο(ς) φο(ρίμου). οὗ can be explained by supposing that the number at the end
of 1. 20 was a fraction of an arura. The objection to [ἀκάϊνθου is that this word is not
found applied to land; in P. Tebt. 343. 6, &c., dxav6(os) is to be read on the analogy of
συκάμινος in 1. 86; cf. Wilcken, Archiv, v. 239. Possibly [. «Ἶνθου was a place-name. ἀπὸ
ἐλ(ασσώματος) can be restored in place of ἀπὸ ἐλ(αιῶνος) ; cf. C. P. Herm. 120. recto iii. 11
kai ἀπὸ ἐλασσώμ(ατοςῚ) τῆς (αὐτῆς) δη(μοσίας) ἐσπ(αρμένης). The 20th year presumably refers to
the current reign. At the end of the line [ὑπολόγ(ου) or [ἀτελ(ῶν) is more likely than 6. g.
Καίσαρος (cf. 1. 16) or σιτικῶν. In the case of ὑπόλογον sold by the government three years’
ἀτέλεια Was Sometimes accorded; cf. 721. 15.
23. [ΨψώἼβθ(ιος) : a village of this name in the upper toparchy (cf. 1. 3) is known from
348. Three other villages called Ψῶβθις in different toparchies occur in 1285. One artaba
per arura is a common rate for land-tax upon cleruchic or private land (e. g. in 1459),
including ὑπόλογον bought from the government (P. Amh, 68. 22). As a rent of State land
it would be exceptionally low (cf. e.g. 1446), and ὑπόλογον may well be meant here.
24. [Πδυ( .: the papyrus has δ, with later, and [. .] y νὰ in 1.25; but there is
no certain instance in 1434 of strokes over figures and several cases occur of figures without
strokes, so that the horizontal line apparently represents v, as it does certainly in 1. 19
κατεξυ(σμένης), and probably in 1. 15 αὐ(τῷ) and |. 25 [ἀρ]γυ(ρικῶν) ναυ(βίου), and perhaps 1. 26
[va]u(Biov?). [᾿Πδυ(, 2) or [. Jd) is regarded by us as a new place-name; but the
repetition of Ἰδυίζ 1) is uncertain, and the fractions at the end of |. 23 may have been
5X’8,, in which case 12% arurae in ]. 24 refer to the whole amount, not to the two Psobthis
items only.
25. [ἀρ]γυ(ρικῶν) : cf. Il. 7 and 34. For the naubion-tax cf. 1409. 20, 1486. 6, nn.
200 (copper) drachmae (per arura) is not a rate attested elsewhere. If ἀλ(λαγῆς) is right,
a figure corresponding to the usual κόλλυβος of about 2; would be expected. If the beginning
1434. REPORT CONCERNING REMISSIONS 99
of the next line also refers to the naubion, 21 drachmae remain to be accounted for at the
end of |. 25.
26. Cf. the preceding note. It is not certain that the column ends here. ἴ. .}o(
can be another place-name, or[/] ᾽τσκα 15 possible. With the latter reading ὧν (8p.) η[ might
be a conversion of copper into silver; but the usual rate of exchange of copper drachmae
was 300:1 where the naubion was concerned, so that a rate of about 400 : 1 is not very
suitable, and ai, not ὧν, would rather be expected, if a conversion is meant.
35. ἐν ἐποχ(ῇ): cf. P. Tebt. 337. 2, n.
36. οὗ ἀλλαγή : cf. 1437. int.
: 1435. TAXATION-RETURN CONCERNING PASTOPHORI.
18-3 Χ 29-9 cm. A.D. 147.
The recto of this papyrus contains part of apparently the last two columns
of a very carefully written return addressed by tax-collectors or tax-farmers
(1. 6 nyliv]; cf. 1432-8) to a strategus (Il. 7-8 ἕξεις πράξι [μον] ὑπὸ τοῦ βασιλῴ(ικοῦ)
γραμ.) concerning payments by παστοφόροι, who belonged to the lower ranks of
the priesthood. The two entries which are preserved in Col. i and the entry
immediately preceding, which is included in the total in 1. 5, uniformly recorded
payments of 4 drachmae for the main tax and τῷ obols for προσδιαγραφόμενα, but
owing to the uncertainty attaching to the termination of ὑπὲρ ἱερ[οῦ] in 1. 6, and
the ambiguity of ὑπέρ, it is not clear what the precise title of the impost was, or
even whether it was stated at all. That it was connected with the τέλος ἱεροῦ in
P. Fay. 39. 2 or i{e|pév in P. Fay. 42 (a). ii. 10, or the early Ptolemaic φόρος ἱερῶν
is not unlikely, but other obscure payments, ἱερατ(ι)κ(ῶν) ἐπείἩ ) and δωί )
ἱερευτικῷ(ν) are also known; cf. P. Tebt. 354. 23, n., Otto, Priester und Tempel,
i. 364. In any case the impost was levied upon priests, whether for the benefit
of the temples or not. Of the two παστοφόροι one belonged to a temple of
Apollo (i. e. Horus) at the Oxyrhynchite village of Teis (cf. 1486. int.), the other
to a temple of an unknown deity, Saphthis, at a village which was in the
Arabian nome (Il. 8-10, n.). The sums due are stated first, being followed by
the dates of the payments to a bank ; but the second set of entries seems to have
been written at the same time as the first, the papyrus being a fair copy, not like
P. Ryl. 188, in which the second set of entries was inserted later. Col. ii, of which
only the beginnings of lines are preserved, belongs apparently to a summary,
carrying over arrears to a future account, and below 1. 19 is a considerable blank
space, indicating the end of the document. The reign was that of Antoninus (I. 18),
and the year the roth (1. 4. A different taxing-account on the verso (1436) was
written in the 17th (or 19th) and 2oth years of the same reign.
ἘΡΖ
τοῦ THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
Col. i.
[ ] 9B :
Πλῆνις Φθομώνθου τοῦ Παποντίῶτος] παστο(φόρος) ἱεροῦ ‘AmoAdwvos
θεοῦ μεγίστου κώμης Τήεωϊς (δραχμαὴ 8, προ(σδιαγραφομένων (oBodés)
ἡμιωβέλιον), / (Bp.) ὃ ((68.)] (ἡμιωβ.λ
τραπί(έξζη) τι (ἔτους) Παχὼ(ν) αἱ πί(ροκείμεναι) (δρ.) δ, προ(σδ.) (ὀβ.)
(ἡμιωβ.), 7] [(δρ.}} ὃ (ὀβ.) (ἡμιωβ.). ,
γίνο(ίνται) καὶ τούτων (dp.) ἡ, mpo(ad.) (τριώβολον), / (Sp.) (TpLwB.).
οι
ἄλλου παστοφόρου δηλώσαντος ἡμῖϊν] διαγεγραφέναι ὑπὲρ ἱεροῦ ᾿
αὐτοῦ τὸ ἑξῆς παρακείμενον αὐτῶι κεφάλαιον ὅπερ ἕξεις πράξιϊμον
ὑπὸ τοῦ βασιλ(ικοῦ) γραμ(μ)ατ(έως) ἀνὰ λ(όγον 3) Ἀραβίας ἄνω τόπί(ων):
Πασάφθις Πασάφθιος τοῦ Ψενμώνθου ἱπασ]τοφόρος ἱεροῦ Σάφθιος κ[ώμ]ης
10 [. . ἡἹψάμεως (δρ.) 8, πρίοσδ.) (ὀβ.) (ἡμιωβ.), / (δρ.) ὃ (ὀβ.) (ἡμιωβ.).
τραπ(έζη) ι (ἔτους) ᾿Επεὶφ αἱ πίροκείμεναι) (δρ.) δ, [προ(σδ.) (ὀβ.}}
ἡμιωβ.), / (8p.) ὃ (όβ) (ApoB).
Col. ii.
[ | [
ives mv ells τὸ ει [(Eros) ἢ
[ ] L
15 ἐξ ὧν [
ἱ
λοιπαὶ ἐν ἐχθέσει εἰς [τὸν μῆνα τοῦ ἐνεστῶτος ι ἔτους
3 “
Avtovivov Kaicaplos τοῦ κυρίου
χρόνον = (dp.) 1B . [
10. (ὀβολός) after πρ(οσδ.) corr. from (δυοβολοί).
1. ‘792.
Plenis son of Phthomonthes son of Papontos, pasfophorus of the temple of Apollo, the
most great god, at the village of Teis, 4 drachmae, for extra payments 14 obols, total
4 dr. 14 ob. Paid to the bank in the roth year, Pachon, the aforesaid 4 dr., for extra
payments 13 ob., total 4 dr.14.0b. Total of these also 8 dr., for extra payments 3 ob., total
ὃ dr. 3 ob. Another pastophorus having declared to us that he had paid for his temple the
sum entered below next to his name, which you will hold subject to a corresponding (?) levy
by the basilicogrammateus of the upper district of Arabia, Pasaphthis son of Pasaphthis
son of Psenmonthes, pastophorus of the temple of Saphthis at the village of .. . psamis 4 dr.,
1485. TAXATION-RETURN CONCERNING PASTOPHORI τοι
for extra payments 14 ob., total 4 dr. 14 ob. Paid to the bank in the roth year, Epeiph, the
aforesaid 4 dr., for extra payments 13 ob., total 4 dr. τῷ ob.’
7. πράξιϊμον : cf. Β. G. U. 145. 5 Sqq. κατ᾽ a τῶν ἐλάσσω φανέντων πραξίμου ὑπ᾽ ἐμοῦ
παρὰ τὰ μεταδοθέντα ὑπὸ τοῦ βασιλ(ικοῦ) γρ(αμματέως), Ῥ. Giessen 48. 19 ἐν magi οις] ἡγηθῆναι.
8-1ο. Σάφθις occurs as ἃ Mendesian village in P. Ryl. 215. 2, but is not otherwise
known as the name of a god, while [. . Ἢ ἘΣ is not identifiable with any known
Oxyrhynchite village. This payment seems to have been made in the Oxyrhynchite
nome by an inhabitant of a village in the Arabian nome, the basilicogrammateus being
apparently responsible for adjusting the irregularity. With ἄνω τόπ(ων) cf. 981. 15 στρατηγῶι
Σεβεννύτου ἄνω τόπων ; but while that nome is known to have been subdivided for purposes of
administration in the Roman period into two halves, there is no evidence apart from the
present passage that a corresponding subdivision existed in the Arabian nome, and ἄνω
τόπ(ων) need mean no more than the upper toparchy of a Ben Secneous nome. τοπί(αρχίας)
is equally possible.
1436. ACCOUNT OF VILLAGE-TAXES.
18-5 X 29-9 cm. A.D. 153-6.
The recto of this papyrus contains 1485, written in the Ioth year of
Antoninus. On the verso is most of three columns, with the ends of a few lines
_of a preceding column, from a series of monthly accounts of sums collected by
πράκτορες ἀργυρικῶν for various taxes. The heading in Col. iv, which gives the
account of Thoth in the 20th year of Antoninus, shows that the toparchy con-
cerned was that of Thmoisepho, and probably the village in question was Teis
(I. 35, n.), though it is possible that the accounts concerned the whole toparchy.
Cols. ii-iii, which are in a different hand, refer to two no doubt consecutive
months, of which the second was either Me[cheir] or Me[sore], and with the
latter restoration it is tempting to regard these two months as concluding the
19th year and make Cols. iti-iv continuous. But the mentions of arrears of
was the 17th (cf. the reference to arrears of the arin year in Col. iv), and if ‘here
was an interval of several years between Cols. iii and iv, Me[cheir] is slightly
preferable to Me[sore], as being nearer to the 16th year, though instances of taxes
paid more than a year in arrear are not infrequent in papyri.
- The names of the taxes collected in the three months are preserved almost
entire, but the amounts are in most cases lost. The document was no doubt
drawn up either by a public bank or by the πράκτορες themselves (cf. 1. 34) from
their monthly returns, which are illustrated by 1483. In Cols. ii-iii ll. 4-17 (and
probably 2, 3), 20-4, 26, 29 (and perhaps 30-2 where the margin is missing)
have two short strokes against them in the margin, indicating a revision of some
kind ; cf. 1516 and P. Ryl. 188. int. It is noteworthy that in 1. 28 certainly, and
perhaps in ll. 30-1, the absence of the marginal strokes coincides with the
102 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
omission of the extra charges usually appended to the main sum in the case of
which in both cases has strokes against the entry, but in one has no extra
charges, the coincidence may be accidental.
Since the extant monthly returns of tax-collectors to the strategus cannot
be depended upon as complete statements of the receipts from a village (cf. 1483.
int.), and e.g. in P. Fay. 42 no details are given with regard to the sums paid
direct to the bank, 1486 provides a much more comprehensive idea of village-
taxation in the second century. Teis is mentioned fairly often in Oxyrhynchus
papyri and was probably a large village ; for it had a temple of Apollo (i. e. Horus)
with παστοφόροι (1485. 2), and if the reading of the figures in 1285. 126 is correct,
it was one of six (out of about eighty) villages paying over 1,000 drachmae, while
in 1448 it contributed more στιχάρια than the other villages except Dositheou.
The items for particular taxes in 1486 are rather high in two cases, the poll-tax
(1,000 dr. in 1. 14 and over 2,000 dr. in 1. 27, both items being arrears of the 16th
year; in ll. 8 and 44 the figures are lost) and pig-tax (about 660 dr. in 1. 9 and
481 in]. 25 for the 17th year, 219 dr. inl. 15 and 171 in 1. 28 for arrears ; in 1. 47 the
figure is missing). The poll-tax was only paid by males from fourteen to sixty
years of age, and, to judge by the discovery in numerous Fayim villages of receipts
for poll-tax collected by the πράκτορες of the metropolis and the frequent instances
in the Oxyrhynchite nome of taxes of the metropolis collected in villages (cf.
1405. 20, n.), there were probably many persons resident at Teis who paid poll-
tax to the city-collectors at the lower rate of 12 drachmae, not to the village-
collectors at the rate of, probably, 16 (cf. 1. 8,n.) or 20. Individual payments for
pig-tax rarely exceed 2 drachmae (1. 9, n.), and the whole evidence regarding
Teis suggests that it contained several thousand inhabitants.
Besides the poll-tax and pig-tax there are during the three months fifteen
different heads of taxation, several of them repeated, ranging from 226 to less
than 4 dr.; but even if the accounts of a whole year had been preserved, the
number of taxes is likely to have been smaller than in P. Fay. 42 (a), an incom-
plete list of taxes in arrear at the Arsinoite village of Pharbaetha in the late second
century, containing at least twenty-eight items, apart from the taxes on the verso,
which were παρ᾽ ἐπιτηρηταῖς, and a considerable number lost. Whether P. Ryl. 21 3
(late second century), a long taxing-list of payments by villages in the Mendesian
nome, is to be explained on the analogy of P. Fay. 42 (a) as a list of arrears is
now in the light of 1486 more doubtful; cf. 1.18,n. Of the monthly totals in
1436 only one is preserved (1. 33, 3,640 dr.), about 2 being arrears of poll-tax, for
which no payments on account of the current year are recorded in that month.
The items of arrears in Cols. ii-iii are fewer than the items referring to the current
1486. ACCOUNT OF VILLAGE-TAXES 103
year, but the reverse is the case in Col. iv, and there was obviously much
irregularity in the times of collection, as is also indicated by e.g. the returns to
strategi (1433. int.). Details concerning the taxes, of which those for a vicarius
(Il. 3 (?), 21, 40), the ἐκλογιστής (1. 23), ἴδιος λόγος (1. 24), and an adaeratio of an
uncertain character (1. 50), are new, are discussed in the commentary.
Col. ii.
[ἀριθ(μήσεως) Τῦβι (3) ]
[(τρίτης) Bad(aveiwv)(?) (Spaxpat). ., ]
[β)[κα(ρίου) (δρ.) - .» |
χι(ρωναξίου) [(δρ.) . ., πρ(οσδιαγραφομένων) (δρ.) . .] χίαλκοῖ) B,
5 ὀθ]ον(ιηρᾶς) (δρ.) . ., mp(oad.) (δρ.). .](πεντώβολον) (ἡμιωβέλιον),
ναϊυ(βίου) (δρ.) . ., mp(oad.) (dp.)| ἡ (τριώβολον ?),
συ(μβολικοῦ) [(δρ.) . ., mp(oad.)| (δρ.) a (ὀβολὸς) (ἡμιωβ.),
λαο(γραφίας) [(δρ.) . - .] (τετρώβ. ὃ),
ὑικ(ῆς) (δρ.) [x - - πρίοσδ.) (dp.)| og (τετρώβ..,
το ἐπαροι(ρίου) (δρ.) σ, πρίοσδ.) (δρ.) ιᾧ,
σπονδί(η:) (δρ.) μ, πρίοσδ.) (δρ.) y (δυοβολοὶ (ἡμιωβ.),
μερισμί(οῦ) ἐρημ(οφυλακίας) (δρ.) με (τετρώβ.) (ἡμιωβ.),
οὐσι(ακοῦ) φό(ρου) παραδ(είσων) κ (πεντώβ.) [:
ἐς: (ἔτους) Aao(ypadias) (δρ.) ‘A,
15 ὑικ(ῆς) (δρ.) σιθ [πρ(οσδ.) (dp.). .»
ἐπαρου(ρίου) [(δρ.) - .»
σπί(ονδῆς) Διονύ(σου) [(δρ.) . .,
/ THs) δι(αγραφῆς) [(δρ.) . - - -
Col. iii.
ἀριθ(μήσεως) Μεχείρ ?-
20 (τρίτης) βαλ(ανείων) (δρ.) n [ |;
βικα(ρίου) [(δρ.) . «5
μερισμί(οῦ) ἐρη(μοφυλακίαΞ) [(dp.) . ..]
ὑποκ(ειμένων) ἐγλογι(στείᾳ) [(δρ.) . . 5]
ἰδίου λόγο(υ) δι(ὰ) μ . ν( ) [(δρ.) . .,]
25. ὑδικ(ῆς) (δρ.) uma (τριώβ. ?) χ(αλκοῖ) B, πρίοσδ.) (δρ.) ve
(δυοβ.) (ἡμιωβ.) χ(αλ.) β,
ἐπαρου(ρίου) (δρ.) ρ, ἱπρίοσδ.) (δρ.} ἡ (τριώβ.γ.
104
and hand
35
40
45
THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
is (ἔτους) Aaoy(padias) (dp.) ᾽Β . [ᾧ
ὑικ(ῆς) (δρ.) poa (δυοβ.) χ(αλ.) B,
ναν( βίοι) (ὃρ.) oKs x(ar.) B,
συ(μβολικοῦ) (δρ.) pa (τετρώβ.),
ἐπαρου(ρίου) (δρ.) γ (τετρώβ..),
σπί(ονδῆς) 4ιονύ(σου) (δρ.) ts, πρίοσδ.) a (δυοβ.) χ(αλ.) B,
J THs) δι(αγραφῆ) (δρ.) ᾿᾽Γχμ.
τ Ὁ]: ν-
κεφάλαια δια[γ)ρ[αφῶν διὰ πρακτόρων
Θμοισεφὼ τοπ(αρχίας) T[jews τόπ(ων) τοῦ ἐνεστώῶ(τος)
κ (ἔτους) ᾿ἀντωνείνου [70d κυρίου.
ἔστι δέ'
ἀριθ(μήσεως) Θώθ'
κ (ἔτους) (τρίτης) βαλ(ανείων) (δρ.) ἡ (πεντώβ.) [,
βικαρίου (Opals ὁ.
μερισμίοῦ) ἐρημ(οφυλακίαΞς) [(δρ.) ..,
οὐσια(κοῦ) φό(ρου) παραδ(είσων) [(dp.) . .°
ιθ (ἔτους) pepiop(od) ἐρημ(οφυλακίας) [(δρ.) . .;
λαογρα(φίας) ((epayic. Ὁ:
φό(ρου) ὑπολόγου ἰ(δρ.) . .;
οὐσια(κῶν) ἐδαφῶν [(δρ.). .,
ὑικ(ῆς) [(dp.) « ,
émrapou(piov) (dp.) 1B (dvoB.) [,
σπί(ονδῆς) Διονύ(σου) (dp.) |. .,
50 τιμ(ῆφ) ὑπᾳῖ} ὀ ἀ(δρ)..
10 544. πρ(οσδιαγραφομένων) is abbreviated p) throughout.
28. a of poa corr. 29. v Of vav(Biov) corr.
‘ Reckoning of Tubi.
. ., libation to Dionysus. .; total of the payment...
Reckoning of Mecheir.
dues to the office of eclogistes.., for the idiologus .
20. y Bad. II; so in ]. 39.
Third on baths. ., vzearius . ., taxon trades .., extra payments
. . 2 chalci, linen-tax .., extra payments .. 54 obols, naubion . ., extra payments 8 dr. 3 ob.,
receipts-tax .., extra payments 1 dr. 14 ob., poll-tax
payments 76 dr. 4 ob., acreage-tax 200 dr., extra payments 17 dr., libation 40 dr., extra
payments 3 dr. 24 ob., desert-guards’ rate 45 dr. 44 ob., rent of gardens in the Imperial estates
20 dr. 5 ob.; 16th year poll-tax 1,000 dr., pig-tax 219 dr., extra payments . ., acreage-tax
.- 4 ob. (?), pig-tax 6[. .] dr., extra
Third on baths 8 dr., wicarzus . ., desert-guards’ rate . .
νιν) Pig-tax 481 dr. 3 ob. 2 chal.,
1436. ACCOUNT OF VILLAGE-TAXES 105
extra payments 55 dr. 24 ob, 2 chal., acreage-tax 100 dr., extra payments 8 dr. 3 ob. ;
16th year, poll-tax 2[..]7 dr., pig-tax 171 dr. 2 ob. 2 chal., naubion 226 dr. 2 chal.,
receipts-tax 41 dr. 4 ob., acreage-tax 3 dr. 4 ob., libation to Dionysus 16 dr., extra payments
1 dr. 2 ob. 2 chal. ; total of the payment 3,640 dr.
Totals of sums paid through the collectors of money-taxes for the Thmoisepho toparchy,
Teis district, in the present 20th year of Antoninus the lord, as follows. Reckoning of Thoth.
20th year, third on baths 8 dr. 5 ob., vicarzus . ., desert-guards’ rate . ., rent of gardens in
the Imperial estates. .; 19th year, desert-guards’ rate . ., poll-tax . ., rent of unproductive
land.., land in the Imperial estates . ., pig-tax.., acreage-tax 12 dr. 2 ob., libation to
Dionysus. ., value of...’
1-3. Cf. ll. 19-21, nn. and 38-40.
4. χι(ρωναξίου) : cf. 1432. int. and 5, n.
5. ὀβ]ον(ιηρᾶς) : cf, 1414, int., 1428. 4, 1438. int.
6. valv(Biov): cf. 1409. 20, 1427. 3, 1484. 25, nn., P. Ryl. ii, pp. 243 sqq. It was
generally paid in copper drachmae at the rate of 300 for a silver drachma, with extra
payments of about 5, and a charge for κόλλυβος (‘exchange’) of εἶν bute. g. in P. Fay. 41.
ii, 12 the payments were in silver. In]. 29 there are no extra payments,
ἡ. συ(μβολικοῦ) : for this resolution cf. P. Tebt. 298. 63 συμ) βολ[ιϊκοῦ. συ(μβόλου),
which occurs written out in e. g. P. Brit. Mus. 372. 9, 17 (P. Tebt. ii, p. 340) and P. Ghent
verso (P. Ry]. ii, p. 421), can be substituted where only one receipt is in question, and
συ(μβόλων) might be read here. The plural συμβολικά is not found written out, but very
likely occurred in e.g. Β. G. U. 219. 8. The evidence for this charge for giving a receipt
is collected in P. Tebt. 295. 12, n. Extra payments occur here, but not in 1. 30.
8. Aao(ypadias) : cf. int. The rate of the poll-tax varied considerably in the different
metropoleis, 20 drachmae a year being normally paid at Arsinoé (P. Tebt. 306. int.), where
40 dr. were paid by some classes (Wilcken, Grundz. 189) and 8 by others (P. Tebt. 354. int.),
16 at Tentyra (Milne, Archiv, vi. 127), 12 at Oxyrhynchus (e. g. 1452. 19), 8 at Hermo-
polis (P. Ryl. 193. 3, n.) and Memphis (P. Flor. 12). Concerning the rate of the tax in
villages much less is known. In those of the Arsinoite nome rates of 40 dr., 22 dr. 4 obols,
20, 16, and 12 dr. occur (P. Tebt. 306. int.), but apart from the payment of τό dr. at Nebo
(1488. 18), which is not certainly Oxyrhynchite, there is no evidence yet for λαογραφία in
the villages of that nome. In the Arsinoite receipts 10 obols are usually charged for extra
payments, besides a charge for σύμβολα, but no προσδιαγραφόμενα occur in |. 14 nor,
probably, here.
g. iux(js): for the pig-tax, which is often mentioned in Oxyrhynchus papyri, see
Ῥ, ΒΥ]. 193. 4, n., 1516. 2, 5, 1518. 7, 1520. 6. About 1 drachma 4 obols is so common
a payment that this may well have been the tax on one or two pigs. The sum lost is likely
to have been about 660 dr., to judge by the relation of the extra payments to the main sum
for δική in 1. 25 (nearly 3). Elsewhere ὑική generally occurs without extra payments (but
1 ob. for προσδ. on 1 dr. 44 ob. for δική is found in 574), and in]. 28 they are not recorded ;
but that may be due to inadvertence, the line having no marginal strokes against it; cf. int.
In 1. 15 the occurrence of extra payments is uncertain.
10. érapou(piov): on this land-tax upon vine and garden land in addition to the yeo-
μετρία see 1288. 13, n., and P. ΒΥ]. ii, pp. 243 sqq. In P. Brit. Mus. 195 and 374 the rate
is 6 dr. 4 ob. per arura, equivalent to 2,000 copper dr., which is a common rate in Roman
times elsewhere, though examples of 1,000 copper dr. per arura also occur. The payment
of 3 dr. 4 ob. for ἐπαρ. in 1. 31 therefore probably represents the tax on 3 or 1 arura. The
usual rate of προσδιαγραφόμενα upon ἐπαρ. was 33; (P. Ryl. ii, p. 257); here and in 1. 26 it
was just over =4,, while in 1. 31 no προσδ. are recorded and in |. 16 the details are lost.
τοῦ THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
11. σπονδ(ῆς) : in Il. 17 and 32 on. Διονύ(σου), for which see 12838. 17, n., P. Ryl. ii,
p. 422 and 216, 128,n. It was apparently a tax of 8 dr. per aroura on ἀμπελῶνες, and,
though probably devoted originally to religious purposes, was paid in Roman times to the
department called διοίκησις, like the ἑξαδραχμία Φιλαδέλφου (P. Ἀγ]. 213. 354). προσδιαγραφό-
μενα upon oz. Avov., which here and in 1]. 32 are between τς and +4, are not found elsewhere,
but προσδ. upon the ὀκτάδραχμος occur in P. Ryl. 216.
12. μερισμ(οῦ) ἐρημ(οφυλακίας) : cf. Il. 22, 41, and 43. On this tax for the maintenance
of desert-guards see P. Fay. p. 196, Wilcken, Grundz. 191. Numerous instances show
that it was paid at the πύλαι together with the octroi-duties (cf. 1489-40), but here the use
of the term μερισμός indicates that it was levied as a rate per capita (cf. Wilcken, Osv. i. 256),
not as in the Arsinoite nome. Elsewhere it was generally collected by tax-farmers, not
πράκτορες.
13. οὐσι(ακοῦ) φό(ρου) παραδ(είσων) : cf. 1. 42. The impost οὐσια(κῶν) ἐδαφῶν in |. 46 is
different, being more comprehensive. ἐδάφη in papyri often means land simply (6. g. σιτικὰ
ἐδάφη in 286. 22), but can include land built upon; cf. P. Tebt. i, p. 598. On οὐσιακὴ γῆ,
land belonging to the pafrzmonium of the Emperors, see Wilcken, Grundz. 298 sqq., and
cf. 1434. 20.
17. on(ovdys) Διονύ(σου) : cf. 1. 11, n.
18. δι(αγραφῆς) : cf. 1. 34. διαστολῆς occurs at this point in B. G. U. 652. τό, and
πρακτορίας in P, Ryl. 213, where the receipts are classified under the headings διοίκησις,
ἱερατικά, and εἴδη, as in P, Fay. 42 (a). That distinction is ignored in 1436; for ixxy, which
belongs to the εἴδη category in P. ΒΥ]. 213, occurs along with λαογραφία, which belongs to
the διοίκησις. Local usage no doubt varied as to the observance of this distinction; cf.
1448. 8 διοικήσεως καὶ ἱερα(τικῶν) (Antaeopolite nome) with e. g. 1444. 8 (Oxyrhynchite), which
omits these words. πρακτορίας suggests a monthly collection rather than arrears alone, and
some of the features which led the editors of P. Ryl. 213 to refer that papyrus to arrears are
traceable in 1486. Here too there seems to be no regular principle of assessment from
month to month, and considerable fluctuations occur, while several taxes of which a mention
would be expected, 6. g. χωματικόν and ἀπόμοιρα, are absent. The great variety of taxation
in different nomes is well illustrated by a comparison of the lists in (1) 1486 (17 taxes),
(2) P. Ryl. 213 (about 42, but not more than 20 in the same village), and (3) P. Fay. 42 (a)
(about 28). (1) and (2) have only five in common, (1) and (3) two, (2) and (3) three or
four. That P. Ryl. 213 is to be classed with 1486 rather than with P. Fay. 42 (@) is not
improbable.
19. Me|xeip is preferable to Me[oopy: cf. int.
20. The τρίτη βαλανείων (cf. 1. 39), which was distinct from the ordinary tax called
βαλανικόν or ὑπὲρ βαλανείων for the maintenance of public baths (cf. 1480), was apparently
a charge of 4 on the profits of privately-owned baths, and has occurred in the third century B. c.
(P. Hibeh 116. int.), but in Roman papyri only in P. Ryl. 213. 474.
21. βικα(ρίου) : cf. 1. 40, 735. 6, where an οῤΖϊο in a. Ὁ. 205 gives a receipt to a Καισάρων
οἰκονόμου οὐικάριος for wheat supplied to ἱππεῖς, and B. G. U. 102. 1, where a Καίσαρος oik. οὐικ.
in 161 gives a receipt to the elders of Socnopaei Nesus for 443% drachmae for φόρος
προβάτων paid by them. Probably here too the wzcarzus was engaged in tax-collecting.
23. ὑποκ(ειμένων) ἐγλογι(στείᾳ) : on the evidence for and meaning of ὑποκείμενα (= φιλάν-
θρωπα: cf. 1445. 9) in relation to the offices of epistrategus, basilicogrammateus, and
comogrammateus see Martin, Eprstratéges, 137 sqq. ὑποκείμενα ἐννομίου, kopoypa(ppareias),
τοπ(αρχίας ἢ), and τοπογρα(μματείας) occur in P. Ryl. 213, and ὑποκείμενα simply, in the sense
perhaps of χειρωνάξιον upon bakers, in P. Ryl. 167. 21. This impost for the support of the
ἐκλογιστής (cf. 1480) is new. The eclogistae were Alexandrian officials, one for each nome,
who examined the revenue-accounts ; cf. Wilcken, Grundz. 208, P. ΒΥ]. 83. 18, n. That
1436. ACCOUNT OF VILLAGE-TAXES 107
papyrus shows that they belonged to the department of the ἴδιος λόγος, which is mentioned in
the next line here.
24. ἰδίου λόγο(υ) δι(ὰ) μ΄. υ( ): δι(ὰ) με(ρισμοῦ) or ὃ με(ρισμοῦ) does not suit this abbrevia-
tion, which is very cursively written. The stroke above the line probably represents v, so
that διαμο(νῆς) is also unsatisfactory.
31. Cf. |; το, ἢ.
365. Tris is the only known village in the Thmoisepho toparchy beginning with T and
is mentioned on the recto (1435. 3). That toparchy was probably smaller than the others,
and was apparently situated between Oxyrhynchus and the northern (κάτω) toparchy ; cf.
1285. 122 and 1421. 3,n. τ[οῦ ἐνεστῶτος (with πρα(κτόρωνῚ in 1. 34) is possible, in which case
the sums refer to the whole toparchy ; but this is less likely.
45. φό(ρου) ὑπολόγου : the ὑπόλογον, i. 6. unproductive land (cf. P. Tebt. i, p. 540),
sometimes yielded a reduced rent ; cf. Rostowzew, Rim. Kolonat. 171 sqq. In P. Tebt. 336. 8
πρόσοδοι ὑπ(ολόγου) in corn are mentioned, but ὑπ(αρχόντων) is there possible.
46. Cf. 1. 13, n.
50. ὑπα. Δ : ὑπο. ja] can be read. The title of the impost is in any case new. τιμῆς
χλωρῶν occurs in 1046. 1.
1437. ACCOUNT OF HIERATIC TAXES.
1452 Χ 14:5 cm. About A.D. 208.
A fragment of an account of money-taxes at an unnamed village. One
section (Il. 2-10) is nearly complete, and gives the totals collected for (1) ἀπόμοιρα,
(2) ἱερὰ γῆ, i.e. rent of temple-land, in the 16th year of a reign which can hardly
be any other than that of Septimius Severus and his sons, the reigns of Marcus
Aurelius and Gallienus being unsuitable on palaeographical grounds. The
ἀπόμοιρα, originally an impost of 4 or τσ upon the produce of vine and garden
land for the benefit of the temples, was diverted by Ptolemy Philadelphus to the
cult of Arsinoé (cf. P. Rev. Laws xxiv-xxxvii). In the Roman period it
belonged normally to the ἱερατικά department of taxation (P. Ryl. ii, p. 297; in
the case of γῆ λιμνιτική it was included under διοίκησις), and as it is here coupled
with ἱερὰ yf, the fragment perhaps belongs to a general report by πράκτορες or
a bank upon the taxation of one or more villages, arranged according to the
usual classification of taxes under the headings διοίκησις, ἱερατικά, and εἴδη ; cf.
1436. 18, n. The payments for the two classes of ἀπόμοιρα are subdivided into
those ὧν ἀλλαγή (cf. 1484. 36) and those ἰσονόμου, an unusual survival of Ptolemaic
expressions, on which see P. Tebt. i, p. 599 and, with regard to the ἀπόμοιρα in
particular, P. Hibeh 109. 5-6, n. The figures relating to vine-land are not
preserved ; the rate of the tax upon garden-land was approximately 123 silver
drachmae per arura where an agio was charged, and 114 where copper was
accepted at par. These rates are more than double those found in earlier papyri
for ἀπόμοιρα upon garden-land ; cf. ll. 2-3,n. The difference between the rates
ὧν ἀλλαγή and ἰσονόμου was only 6 per cent.; cf. B. G. U. 915. 2 (about A.D. 100),
τοϑ THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
where 1 dr. 3 ob. are paid for ἀλλαγή upon 123 dr. for ἀπόμ., a charge of just over
8 per cent. Usually the charge for κόλλυβος, when ἀπόμ. was paid in copper dr.,
was about 2 per cent.; cf. P. Ryl. 192. το, ἢ. The rate of exchange naturally
varied. At Oxyrbynchus, e.g. in 242, the copper drachma was reckoned as
zi, of a silver dr.; but 335 was its normal value where this class of tax was .
concerned (cf. P. Ryl. ii, pp. 246-7 and 421), and was probably meant by the
ἰσονόμου rate here. Why in reckoning the προσδιαγραφόμενα a deduction of
about 23 per cent. was made on account of a ‘difference’ is not clear; cf. 1. 8, n.
γίίνονται) [Ϊ
is (ἔτους) [ἀμπελ(ώνων) ὧν ἀλ(λαγὴ) (ἄρουραι) ... (τάλαντα) . (dp.).. +;
προσδ(ίιαγραφομένων) (δρ.) "Ap χί(αλκοῦς) a ?,
ὧϊν σὺν διαφό(ροις) (δρ.) ᾽Τρνθ (δυοβ.) ?,
ἰσονόμου (ἄρουραι) [.........| (TaA.) [. (δρ:) . . .;
5 παραδιείσων) ὧν ἀλ(λαγὴ) (ἄρ.) ἐδιςρκηφιβ (δρ.) ψνα (δυοβολοὶ (ἡμιω-
βέλιον) χί(αλ.) α,
ἰσονόμου (ἄρ.) ιζδ΄ isd (δρ.) σα (ὀβολὸς) χ(αλ.) a.
y(ivovrat) ἀπομί(οίρας) (τάλ.) ἡ (δρ.) σιγ (τετρώβ.) x(ad.) β,
προσδ(ιιαγραφομένων) (δρ.) "Ap x(ad.) a, ὧν σὺν διαφό(ροις) (δρ.) ᾿᾽Γρνθ
(δνοβ.),
iepa(s) yii(s) (δρ.) wie (δυοβ.) χ(αλ.) B, πρ(οσδιαγρ.) (δρ.) ve (ὀβολ.) (ἡμιωβ.)
χίαλ.) γ, / (δρ.) pH (τετρώβ.) χί(αλ.) a.
10 γίίνονταιῦ) ἐϊπ(ὶ τὸ αὐτὸ) (τάλ.) η] (δρ.) "Arty (τετρώβ.) χί(αλ.) γ.
[26 letters (δρ.). .1ιε (δυοβ.) (ἡμιωβ.)
. . .
‘16th year. Vine-land upon which an agio is charged .. . arurae, . talents
... drachmae, for extra payments 4,100 dr. 1 chalcus(?), making with the difference
3,159 dr. 2 obols(?): vine-land at par..ar.,.tal....dr. Garden-land upon which an
agio is charged 602$3 ar., 751 dr. 24 ob. 1 chal.: garden-land at par 1724 ar., 201 dr. 1 ob.
1 chal, Total for afomotra 8 tal. 213 dr. 4 ob. 2 chal., extra payments 4,100 dr. 1 chal.,
making with the difference 3,159 dr. 2 ob. Temple-land 885 dr. 2 ob. 2 chal., extra
payments 55 dr. 14 ob. 3 chal.; total 940 dr. 4 ob. 1 chal. Total of the whole 8 tal.
4,313 dr. 4 ob. 3 chal.’
2-3. ἀμπελῶνες are regularly contrasted with παράδεισοι in connexion with the ἀπόμοιρα.
Since no προσδιαγραφόμενα occur in 1], 4-6 and this entry apparently occupied two lines, the
details given in ], 8 are probably to be restored here, especially as ἀϊμπελ(ώνων) is inad-
missible in 1. 3. ὧ[ν ἀλ(λαγή) or (ἄρουραι) | might be read in place of ὧϊν σὺν διαφό(ροις), and
with either of those readings a reference to ἀπόμοιρα (cf. 1. 7) probably followed ἀμπελ(ώνων)
1487. ACCOUNT OF HIERATIC TAXES 109
in 1. 2; but if]. 3 began ὧν ἀλ(λαγή) it ought to have been uniform with ll. 4 sqq. instead
of being indented. ‘The objection to introducing a reference to προσδιαγραφόμενα here is
that they do not occur in connexion with the parallel παραδ(είσων) ὧν ἀλ(λαγή) in 1. 5, and
may have been mentioned for the first time in 1. 8; but this is less likely ; cf. the calculations
of προσμετρούμενα in 1445. The rate of προσ. in the case of ἀπόμοιρα was usually $ of the
main sum (cf. P. Ryl. ii, p. 245), so that 4,100 dr. for προσδ. implies 20,500 dr. for
ἀπόμοιρα. The customary rate of that tax was in the first and second centuries 10 dr. per
arura upon ἀμπελῶνες, and 5 upon παράδεισοι, but in P. Hamb. 40-1 and 46-51 (A. Ὁ. 213—
19) the rate was apparently 3,750 copper dr. (12% silver) per arura upon both classes (cf.
P. Ryl. ii, p. 250, where 1487 is alluded to in ἢ. 5), and since 123 dr. is the charge upon
παράδεισοι in |. 5 the same rate may be taken for granted in]. 2 upon ἀμπελῶνες. 20,500 dr.
would therefore imply 1640 arurae, and perhaps these figures should be restored inl. 2 ;
but the entries before ]. 2 may have also referred to ἀπόμοιρα, though in a different year (cf.
e. δ. 1486), and in that case the 4,100 dr. in]. 8 are the sum of several items, of which
ll. 2-3 are only one.
5. χ(αλκοῦς) a: it has been sometimes supposed that the lowest denomination of the
coinage at this period was the δίχαλκον (cf. P. ΒΥ]. 192. 10, n.) ; but 1 chalcus also occurs
in 11. 8-9, so that it presumably was represented by a coin, though perhaps an old one.
8. προσδιαγραφόμενα were often connected with an agio on payments in copper (cf.
Wilcken, Archiv, iv. 146), but special payments for κόλλυβος are usually associated with
those for ἀπόμοιρα. The reduction of the 4,100 dr. 1 chal., which are ignored in the total
in 1. 10, to 3,159 dr. 2 ob. is inconsistent with the difference between the rate of the tax
upon land ὧν ἀλλαγή and ἰσονόμου (cf. int.); and the difference here is probably due to other
causes than a loss owing to the exchange. If our restoration of ll. 2-3 is correct, the
διάφορα upon προσδιαγραφύμενα were mentioned there in connexion with land ὧν ἀλλαγή, where
a reference to a difference on exchange would be quite intelligible; but if the διάφορα meant
only that, the absence of any mention of them both in 1], 5 with παραδ(είσων) ὧν ἀλ(λαγή) and
in 1. 7, the total for ἀπόμοιρα, is difficult to explain. It is moreover unsatisfactory to suppose
that by προσὸ. 8p.’Ap x(aX.) a the writer meant not that actual sum in silver but an amount of
copper nominally (i. 6. at the ratio of 300: 1) equivalent to it. If he had meant copper, he
would have been expected to be more explicit. διάφορα is used quite vaguely of losses in
P. Cairo 10371. 8 (= W. Chres¢. 11 8), and the word is not in papyri elsewhere specially
connected with a difference of exchange, though d:adop(as) μέτρ(ων) occurs in P. Cairo
Maspero 67055. i. I.
143s. LisT OF ARREARS OF TAXATION.
17-3 X 11-7 cm. Late second century.
On the recto of this fragment are parts of two columns of a taxing-return,
probably written by a comogrammateus, like 1434. Only the ends of lines of
Col. i survive, and of Col. ii the top is much damaged. The return, so far as
can be judged, was concerned with arrears. Lines 10-13 give a list of three persons
not forthcoming (?), who owed money for the trade-tax on cloth-weavers (1. 12, n.) ;
this is followed by a section in a different hand concerning persons owing sums
for various taxes, who had disappeared. The only individual concerning whom
details are preserved was one of the three persons already mentioned. That
110 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
Νεβώ, a new village mentioned in ]. 16, was in the Oxyrhynchite nome is not
certain; but an identification with Ναβοώι, a village in the ᾿Απολλωνοπολίτης
Ἑπτακωμίας (e.g. P. Giessen 58. i. 29), is unlikely. Of the taxes some are
familiar, such as the Aaoypadia, χωματικόν, and δεσμοφυλακία, others rare, e.g. the
ἐπιστολῴ(ικόν ἢ), Or New (e.g. 1. 19 ἑξαδραχμία ὄνων, 1. 18 λεμλί ), and those in
ll. 21-2). The collective classification of them as ἐπικεφάλια, i.e. taxes levied
per capita (1. 14, n.) is interesting, for that word has hitherto been misunderstood.
ἐπικεφαλί ) also occurs twice in the upper part of Col. ii, of which one line
begins μέρους éy(Adyov?) ὀθονιῃρ[ᾶς (cf. 1448. 13, the μερισμὸς ἐνδεήματος ὀθονιηρᾶς
in P. Ryl. 214. 42--3, and 1414. int.). At the ends of lines the extent of the
lacuna, which is the same in 1]. 11-22, is uncertain, but probably does not exceed
thirteen letters, and may be much less. Lines 11 and 18-21 are compatible
with a loss of only one or two letters, but in 1. 14a participle is required and
abbreviation unlikely. The handwriting indicates a late second-century date.
On the verso are the ends of eleven lines, and beginnings of a few more
in a second column, from a taxing-list of lands with amounts in arurae and
artabae, mentioning κατεξυσμ(ένη), for which cf. 1484. το.
Parts of 9 lines.
10 Σαραπάμμω(ν) Ψόιτο(ς) 'Ivv[pio(s) 14 letters
“Apeto(s) ἀνθ᾽ (οὗ) ‘Apdi(s) ᾿Δμόι(τος) ᾿ἀποϊλλω(νίου) ὃ
λινούψικόν [
/ ὀνόμ(ατα) y ἄση(μα).
and hand καὶ ἀπὸ ἐπικεφαλίων τινῶν [ἀναχωρησάντων
Ι5 εἰς ἀγνοουμένους τόπους" Ϊ
Νεβώ, [
Σαραπάμμων Poros ᾿Ινύριος.. [12 letters
Aaoypa(pias) (δραχμαὶ) 1s, λεμλ( ) (τριώβολον, de[opogpvA(akias). .,
(€€adpay pias) dva(v) (δρ.) € (ὀβολ.), ἐπιστολ(ικοῦ ?) (δρ.) 6 [13 letters?
20 χωμαίτικοῦ) (dp.) ¢ (ἡμιωβ.), μερισί(μοῦ) διπλ(ῶν) [ 13 letters?
“Ηρακλεωτικ(ῶν) ζευγ(ῶν) (δρ.) of 13 letters?
᾿Ηλιοπί(ολιτικῶν) (δρ.) . (τετρώβ. ?).
11. ει Of αμοί( 1) in both cases corr. from ο (ἢ). 12. 1. λινοῦφικόν. 17. ἵνυριος I.
‘,. . Sarapammon son of Psois son of Inuris . .., Arius whose other name is Amois,
son of Amois son of Apollonius, for cloth-weavers’ tax. ‘Total 3 persons not traced (?).
And from personal dues upon certain individuals who have gone away to unknown places:
1438. LIST OF ARREARS OF TAXATION III
at Nebo, Sarapammon son of Psois son of Inuris, for poll-tax 16 drachmae, for. . . 3 ob.,
for prison-guards’ tax (?) .. ., for the six-drachmae tax on asses αὶ dr. 1 ob., for... 4 dr.,...
for embankments-tax 7 dr. $ ob., for the rate for &mda..., for Heracleopolite pairs (of
loaves?) 10 dr. . . ., for Heliopolite . dr. 4(?) ob.’
11. ἀνθ᾽ (od): this expression indicates an alternative name; cf. Wilcken, Archzv, iii.
124, Viereck, Stud. Pal. xiii. 4, and 1145. 8 “Qplos| Πετεχῶντος ἀνθ᾽ ὧν ᾿Αμμόνι(ος) Πετε-
@Y\ TOS ).
“en Ἢ λινού(φ)ικόν : for the χειρωνάξιον on Audio. cf. 1414. int.
13. ἄση(μα) perhaps has its ordinary sense ‘ with no distinguishing mark’.
14. ἐπικεφαλίων is neuter, not masculine; cf. B.G.U. 1. 1 5 ὑπὲρ ἐπικεφαλίου] τῶν
ὑπεραιρόντων ἱερέων, 833. 27 ἐγγυᾶται ἡμ[ἃς] τῶν] ἐπικεφαλίων, Milne, Ζοδα; Ost. 136. I
Aoy(os) ἐξουσίας ἐπικεφαλείων Παήριζο)ς, De Ricci, C. R. Acad. des Inscr. 1905. 160
(= W.. Chresi. 28) καἰὶ old τὰ ἐπικεφάλια τελοῦντα, Cicero, ad Aft. v. 16 audivimus nihil aliud
nist imperata ἐπικεφάλια solvere non posse. The word has generally been regarded as
equivalent to ἐπικεφάλαιον, and, since ἐπικεφάλαιον is used in Egypt for poll-tax (ein
1157. 14), the ostracon in which ἐπικεφαλείων apparently referred to χειρωνάξιον naturally
caused a difficulty ; cf. P. Ἀγ]. 191. 7,n. The present passage indicates that ἐπικεφάλιον
is more general than ἐπικεφάλαιον and applies to taxes other than the poll-tax, but like
it based on capita. The χωματικόν (1. 20) was known to have been a tax of this character,
and there is no difficulty in regarding the δεϊσμοφυλ(ακία) (1. 18), ἐπιστολ(ικόν ?) (1. 19), and
pepta(uos) διπλ(ῦῶν) (1. 20), or most of the new taxes, as levied uniformly, like the poll-tax.
In regard to the ἑξαδραχμία ὄνων (1. 19) the sum paid creates a difficulty in any case (cf. n.),
but this impost was, as its name implies, in origin a tax of 6 drachmae either for each ass
or for a licence.
18. λαογρα(φίας) : this is so far the only example of a payment of this tax in an
Oxyrhynchite village, if Nebo belongs to that nome; cf. int. and 1436. 8, ἢ.
λεμλί ): the word is unknown and perhaps Egyptian in origin.
δε[σμοφυλ(ακίας) : this-tax is often coupled with Aaoypadia and χωματικόν, 6. g. in P, Ryl.
185,191, Tebt.354. It was for the maintenance of prison-guards ; cf. the similar payments
for μαγδωλοφύλακες in 6. g. P. Ryl. ror. 5
19. (éadpaxpias) ὄνω(ν) : οἵ. 1. 14, n., and 1457. int. The abbreviation consists of s with
a stroke over it, followed by the sign for drachmae. The relation of the ἑξαδραχμία to the
other known taxes upon asses is not clear. That the amount owing was less than 6 dr.
can be explained by supposing that part of the tax had been paid; but the λαογραφία and
χωματικόν represent the charges for a whole year, and the difference between 6 dr. and 5 dr.
1 ob. is not likely to be connected with the exchange, for the χωματικόν includes the
προσδιαγραφόμενα ; cf, ]. 20, n.
ἐπιστολ(ικοῦ ὃ) (dp.) δ [ : 20 drachmae for... ¢émorod ) occur in Β, G.U. 653. 13,
a monthly return by zpdkropes, and payments for émorod( ) ranging from % Obol 2 chalci to
4 ob. are found in P. Tebt. 355, 544, 638. a is just possible here in place of ὃ. The
termination of ἐπιστολί ) has not yet occurred written out, and the meaning of the tax is
unknown.
20. χωμα(τικοῦ) : wz was written very cursively, if those letters were indeed intended,
and the a is represented by a flourish: perhaps χω(ματικοῦ) should be read, 6 drachmae
4 obols were the usual amount of this tax, but 7 dr. 3 ob. occur in P. Tebt. 353-4,
Ἀγ]. 194. 3 (where the dp. are pumapai), and higher rates in Theban ostraca. That the
difference was due to the inclusion of προσδιαγραφόμενα, as suggested in P. Tebt. 353- int.,
was confirmed by a Strassburg ostracon (Wilcken, Archiv, iv. 146); cf. P. Ryl. 194. 3, ΤΣ
μερισ(μοῦ) διπλ(ῶν) : cf. Wilcken, Osv. ii. 163-4; P. Ryl. 214. 9. Elsewhere the tax is
112 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
called διπλῶν simply (e.g. in P. Tebt. 355), except in P. Fay. 53. 6 San (dvys) διπλ(ῶν ὃ).
The sums paid for it are small, often less than 1 drachma.- In Ρ, Brit. Mus. 844. 5, 7
(iii, 55) it is coupled with ποτ(αμογφυλ(ακία). διπλᾶ are commonly jars of wine, but the
meaning here is uncertain.
21. Ἡρακλεωτικ(ῶν) ζευγ(ῶν) : Ἡρακλεωτικῶν = Ἣρακλεοπολιτικῶν 5 ΒΟ ΤΣ 934. 4
Ἡρακλε]ωτῶν πόλεως. A Ptolemaic receipt for τὸ καθῆκον τέλος ζευγῶν πεντακόσια (which
Wilcken corrects to πεντακοσίων, but may be for πεντακοσίας, sc. δραχμάς) occurs in Osz. ii.
1028; cf.i. 219. Wilcken doubtfully interprets ζεῦγος as a pair of oxen or a cart, but the
commonest meaning of the word in papyri is for a pair ofloaves. χιτῶνες also are measured
by (εύγη in P. Leipzig 57. In P. Brit. Mus. 1157 (iii. 61) a tax called δραχμ(ῆς) ζευγματικῶν
occurs among various imposts on land (cf. 1442. int.), being perhaps concerned with sluices,
and ¢evy(udrwv) is possible here. But P. Giessen 26. 11 ἄρτωϊν Ἑ ρμο]υπολειτικῶν τ ἡμιχοζνικε]ίων
trongly favours the reference to bread.
22. ζευγ(ῶν) is probably to be supplied with Ἡλιοπ(ολιτικῶν) ; cf. the preceding note.
Possibly the lacuna at the end of |. 21 only contained a sum in obols; cf. int.
1439. CUSTOMS-RECEIPT.
5:3 X 5:3 cm. A.D. 75.
This is the first example from Oxyrhynchus of a class of tax-receipts which
is common in Arsinoite papyri, concerning octroi-dues levied upon traffic across
the western desert; cf. P. Fay. pp. 195 sqq., Wilcken, Osz. i. 354 sqq. and Archiv,
ii. 134, P. Ryl. 197. int. The general character of the formula resembles that of
the other first and early second century instances, in which παρέσχηκε or παρῆξε is
used in place of the later τετελώνηται, e.g. P. Brit. Mus. 1265; but it is noteworthy
that the tax is only ~3,5 and is called διαπυλίο(υ), a word which here appears for
the first time in a papyrus, whereas the Arsinoite receipts mention two taxes, of
τῆν and 3, which are not further specified, διὰ πύλης with the name of a village
occurring immediately after the verb. In the present case produce was being
transported probably from the Small Oasis (where the tax was paid) to
Oxyrhynchus rather than vice versa. The Small Oasis was united to the
Oxyrhynchite nome for some purposes in the later Roman period; cf. 888. 8
(about A. Ὁ. 300) ἐξηγητῇ ᾿Οξυρυγίχίτου κ]αὶ Μικρᾶς ᾿Οάσεως, 485 (A. Ὁ. 178), where
an inhabitant of the Oasis came under the jurisdiction of the Oxyrhynchite stra-
tegus. In other cases the Oasis was more distinct ; cf. 1118. 1 (about A. D. 100),
which mentions the strategus of the Small Oasis, 1498. 6 (before 299) orpa(rnyia)
᾿Οάσεως (sc. Μικρᾶς ?), and 1210. 16 (about A.D. 1), where the [κω]μογραϊμματεῖ]ς
᾿Οάσεως τῆς πρὸς τῶι [Ὁ ξυρυγχίτηι " are distinguished from the xwpoyp. Ὀ ξυρυγχίτου.
The absence of the usual πεντηκοστὴ ἐξαγωγῆς or εἰσαγωγῆς (cf. 1440) may be due
to the circumstance that none was levied upon traffic between the Oasis and the
nome, and in any case a contrast is to be drawn between the ἑκατοστὴ διαπυλίου,
which was levied at πύλαι in the villages bordering on the desert, and the πεντη-
1489. CUSTOMS-RECEIPT 113
κοστή On exports and imports, which was levied on traffic by water as well as land,
and outside the Arsinoite nome was collected separately, so far as is known; cf.
1440. int.
The writing is across the fibres, and, as usual, there is a seal, which is
undecipherable.
Παρέ(σχηκε) Σ᾿ αραπίων (ἑκατοστὴν) διαπυλίο(υ)
᾿Οἀάσ(εως) κριθῆς ὄνον ἕνα καὶ
σκόρδων ὄνον ἕνα. (ἔτους) β
Οὐεσπασιανοῦ τοῦ κυρίου
5 ΜΙεϊχεὶρ ἑβδόμῃ, ¢.
8 I. p Il.
‘Sarapion has paid the tax of τσ for customs-dues of the Oasis upon one ass-load
of barley and one of garlic. The 2nd year of Vespasianus the lord, Mecheir the
seventh, 7.’
1440. CUSTOMS-RECEIPT.
5:4 Χ 8-8 cm. A.D. 120,
A receipt, apparently issued by a tax-farmer, for the payment of the duty of
so levied upon produce exported, probably from the Hermopolite to the
Oxyrhynchite nome (cf. 1. 3, n.), by water or land. Corresponding receipts issued
by τελῶναι πεντηκοστῆς λι(μένος) Σοήνης or ted. πεντ. ‘EpywvO(irov) occur on ostraca
(cf. Wilcken, Os?. i. 276 sqq.); the Arsinoite 7tAn-receipts associate the πεντηκοστή
with a éxaroory, the nature of which is at length cleared up by 1439; cf. int.
IT pooB(éBAnke) πεντηκο(σ)τ(ὴν) τοῦ éveo[T@ros
πέμπτου ἔτους Ἁδριανοῦ [Καίσαρος
τοῦ κυρίου ἐξακοκῆς κώμ(ης) Σ΄ ιν. Πταπὴ . .«.....-
Στεφάνου τῶν ἀπὸ ᾿Ιβιῶνο(ς) Taly ὃ .1ε. [. .. -
5 pews τήλεως ἀρτάβας εἴκοσι πέντε,
“7 THA(Ews) (ἀρτάβαι) κε. ἔσχον τὸ καθῆκον τέλος
διὰ Τοθῆς νομοφύλ(ακος) Φαῶφι κα.
3. Tov κυριου added above the line. 1, ἐξαγωγῆς. 5. 1. dpraBav. 4. 1, Τοθῆτος.
‘Paid the tax of =, for the present sth year of Hadrianus Caesar the lord on — at
the village of Sin. . tape by ... son of Stephanus, inhabitant of Ibion Tan.e.... reds,
I
114 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
upon twenty-five artabae of fenugreek, total fen. 25 art. I received the due amount of the »
tax through Tothes, nomophylax, on Phaophi 21.
1. προσβ(έβληκε) : cf e.g. P. Amh. 122. 1, Ryl. 200, 1, 217. 1. προσβ(ολή), which
Preisigke prefers in P. Cairo 10264 (= his 29), does not so well balance pepér(pyrar), which
is there used as an alternative, but it is possible here, in which case πεντηκο(σ)τ(ῆς) is to be
read. ‘The construction of ll. 1-5 is confused, ἀρτάβας being written as if ἐξάγων, not
ἐξαγωγῆς, had preceded. ἀρτάβας cannot be the object of προσβ(έβληκε), as becomes
clear in ll. 6-7.
. Σωΐ. .Jravq: a Hermopolite village Σιναπή is known from P. Cairo Preisigke 8. 9,
and ἜΝ ἢ Tal. .Je . [. . .Joews is perhaps identical with the Hermopolite Ἰβιὼν Ταν.... (
in P. Amh. 126. 12. Several other villages called after ibis-shrines, and generally dis-
tinguished by particular names, are known in the Hermopolite, Arsinoite, Heracleopolite,
and Apollinopolite (Heptac.) nomes, and in the Oxyrhynchite nome Ἰβιὼν Χύσεως, “18. ΚΙ
(1442. 2,n.), Ἰβ. ᾿Αμμωνίου (492. 3), and perhaps another Ἰβιών (158. 1, 998, 1071. 5).
There is no antecedent probability that the villages in 1440 are Oxyrhynchite, though with
the division Σιν. .Jra Πηΐ. .. the Oxyrhynchite Σενέπτα, which was in the middle toparchy
(1285. 120), might be meant. That name rather suggests the modern Sandafa on the
right bank of the Bahr Fusuf opposite Oxyrhynchus; but if that was the site of Sevémra, the
village would be expected to be more prominent in Oxyrhynchus papyri than it is, and
Oxyrhynchus itself was in or bordered upon the western toparchy (cf. 1475. 22,n.). Πηΐ-
is not at all a common beginning of a personal name in Egypt, and in view of the
resemblances between the place-names in 1440 and known Hermopolite villages and
the use in 1]. 1 of mpooB(é8Anxe), which is common in Hermopolite papyri but rare elsewhere,
that nome is more likely to be meant than e.g. the Cynopolite. uw{a|Aa87, a Hermopolite
village found in Β. G. U. 553 Β. 4, cannot be read.
5. For the cultivation of τῆλις in the Arsinoite nome cf. P. Tebt. i, pp. 562-3. The
fruit was used for unguents (P. Petrie ii. 34 (4). 9), and bread (1572. 3).
ἡ. νομοφύλακος : Whether νομο- refers to νόμος, νομός, or νομή (cf. πεδιοφύλαξ, αἰγιαλοφύλαξ)
is not clear; cf. P. Amh. 108. 8, Ryl. 122. 7,n. This official is not found elsewhere
engaged in tax-collecting, his main duties being those of a policeman (B.G. U. 759. 20
νομοφύλακα καὶ ἀρχέφοδον). The νομοφύλακες at Alexandria in P, Halle 1 were different.
1441. RECEIPT FOR CROWN-TAX.
7:1 X το cm. A.D. 197-200.
The recto, to be published in Part xiii, contains part of a late second-century
account of payments to workmen. On the verso isa receipt for στέφανος, i.e. aurum
coronarium, giving some details concerning the mode of assessment, which in the
present case was based upon land. ἰδιωτικὴ γῆ was taxed at the rate of 8 drachmae
per arura; upon another kind of land, probably βασιλική, the rate is not stated,
the payment being onaccount. The only other instance of this method of levying
the orépavos-tax is Milne, Tzeban Ost. 96, where 4 dr. are paid for στεφ(ανικοθ)
χρήμ(ατος) on ΖΦ arura in probably A.D. 222, a rate which is three times as high
as that in 1441, if the land was in the same category. No. 95 of the same
collection, a bilingual receipt for 3 obols for ored. χρήμ. in the second century,
141. RECEIPT FOR CROWN-TAX 15
mentions palm-trees in the demotic portion; but usually no indication of the
system of assessment is given. Payments for στέφανος occur sporadically in the
first and second centuries; cf. Wilcken, Ost. i. 299 sqq., Milne, Archiv, vi. 131,
P. Tebt. 353. 25, 640, B. G. U. 1123. 5, P. Ryl. 213. 352, 386. In the reign of
Septimius Severus the mentions of it become frequent (1441, P. Brit. Mus. 474.
(ii. 107), Ryl. 341. 4, B. G. U. 62), and still more so in the reign of Elagabalus
(e.g. B. G. U. 452), third-century payments being generally in multiples of
4 drachmae (in 1522 200 dr. are paid in the course of a year by two persons in
instalments of 40 dr.), 1441, being dated by Severus and Caracalla without
Geta, belongs to the 6th-gth years. For later mentions of στέφανος see 1413.
25 sqq. (Aurelian), P. Brit. Mus. 966 (iii. 58; early fourth century), P. Fay. 20
(Julian ?).
[Ε τους). Alovkiov Σ᾽ επτιμίου Yeounpov
[Εὐσε]βοῦς Περτίνακος καὶ Μάρκου
[4ὐρηἸλίου Avrwvivoy Καισάρων τῶν κυρίων.
διέγρα(ψαν) Πλουτίωνι καὶ μ(ετόχοις) πρά(κτορσι) στεφανικῶν
5 κλ(ηρονόμοι) Διονυσίου ᾿Ασκληπιάδου ἰδιω(τικῆς)
(ἀρουρῶν) γεη΄ δραχ(μὰς) εἴκοσι ἐννέα, / (δραχμαὶ κθ,
βασ[ἡλ(ικῆς) ὁμοίως ἐπὶ λόγ(ου) δραχμὰς δεκαόκτω,
[ / (δραχμαὶ on. Sapatiov σεση(μείωμαϊ).
5. Second a of ασκληπιαδου corr. from ὃ. 7. ἐπι λογ(ου) added later.
‘The [.]th year of Lucius Septimius Severus Pius Pertinax and Marcus Aurelius
Antoninus Caesars the lords. The heirs of Dionysius son of Asclepiades have paid to
Plution and partners, collectors of the crown-dues, upon 38 arurae of private land twenty-
nine drachmae, total 29 dr.; likewise upon State land on account eighteen drachmae, total
18 dr. Signed by me, Sarapion.’
1442. RECEIPT FOR TAXES OF ONE DRACHMA AND TWO DRACHMAE.
9:7 X 13°I cm. A.D, 252.
The two taxes mentioned in this receipt, signed by a δεκάπρωτος (cf. 1410.
int.), for a payment of 36 drachmae by a woman are identical with two taxes in
P. Brit. Mus. 1157 (iii. 62; probably A. Ὁ. 226-7 rather than 197-8, since a dexd-
πρῶτος is mentioned), abbreviated 8+ and αὖ. The first also occurs probably in
1217. 3 of the same collection (iii. 61; A.D. 246; cf. Archiv, iv. 534) Βου(νῶν)
Κλε(ογπ(άτρας) 8+ in conjunction with the ναύβιον impost (cf. 1436. 6, n.), which is
also found in 1157 together with τέλεσμα ἀμπέλου and παραδείσων, all those taxes
12
116 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI -
being classed as γνήσια τέλη (cf. P. Amh. 86, το, where γνήσια δημόσια means
ἀρταβιεία and ναύβιον). The tax at is often followed in 1157 by ζευγ(ματικῶν),
which is written out in 1. 28 and sometimes stands by itself, but in place of
at Cevy. in ll. 51 and 67 δραχμί ) Cevyw. occurs. As we have already suggested
(1157. 6, n.), αὐ there probably means 1 drachma, 8* meaning 2 dr., and this
view was confirmed by the evidence of 1185 that ἡ meant an 8 drachmae tax.
It is tempting to connect the at and 8+ with the ἐπαρούριον, which was one of
the regular taxes upon vine and garden land (cf. 1486. το, n.) and is not men-
tioned in 1157, where its presence is expected. That impost is lost sight of after
A.D. 219, and before that date land-taxes called 1 or 2 dr. are not known. It
is noticeable that the rate of the ἐπαρούριον was sometimes 1,000, sometimes
2,000, copper drachmae (equivalent to about 34 or 62 silver dr.) per arura; but
’A+ and ’B* cannot be read in 1442 or P. Brit. Mus. 1157, and in view of the
equivalence of at and δραχμί )) it is best to expand δραχμ(ῆς) and regard this tax
as an impost for ζευγματικά, whatever that may mean. The editors of P. Brit.
Mus. 1157 suggest that it refers to sluices or bridges (cf. 1487. 21, n.). The pt
tax might still be the successor of the ἐπαρούριον ; that it was a tax on land is in
any case probable.
On the chronology of the reign of Gallus and Volusianus, in which 1442 is
dated, and concerning which the evidence of papyri and coins presents some
special difficulties, see 1476. int.
Β (ἔτους) τῶν κυρίων ἡμῶν Γάλλου καὶ Οὐολουσιανοῦ
Καισίά)ρων Σ᾽ εβαστῶν Φαρμοῦθι yn. ᾿Ιβιῶνος Χύσεως
ὑπὲρ β (δραχμῶν) καὶ a (δραχμῆς) τοῦ αὐτοῦ β (ἔτους) Αὐρηλία Μαξίμα
ἄμμω-
νίου [ἀσ]τὴ δραχ(μὰΞ) τριάκοντα ἕξ, γ(ίνονται) (δρ.) Ag. (2nd hand) Δ(ὑὐρήλιος)
Τριάδελ(φος)
5 ὁ k(al) Σαραπίων γυμνασ(ιαρχήσας) K(al) ὡς χρημί(ατίζω) δεκάπρωτ(ος) (δρ.)
τριάκον- : : ᾿ ;
τα ἕξ σεσημ(είωμαι). X Χ
2. ἴβιωνος TI,
‘The 2nd year of our lords Gallus and Volusianus, Caesars Augusti, Pharmouthi 8, at
Ibion Chuseos for the 2 drachmae and 1 drachma taxes of the said 2nd year Aurelia
Maxima daughter of Ammonius, citizen, (paid) 36 drachmae, total 36 dr. 1, Aurelius
Triadelphus also called Sarapion, ex-gymnasiarch, and however I am styled, decaprotus,
have signed for 36 drachmae.’
1442. TAXES OF ONE DRACHMA AND TWO DRACHMAE ττῇ
2. Ἰβιῶνος Χύσεως : this village is new. In P. Giessen 115 Ἰβιὼν K[, which occurs in
a list of villages in the 9th pagus (towards the north of the nome; cf. 1425. 4, n.), is likely
to be different ; for Χύσις was in the ἄνω (i. 6. southern) toparchy (1285. 67), and “IS. Χύσεως
was probably in the vicinity of Χύσις: cf. 1440. 3, n.
1443. REPORT OF SITOLOGI TO A STRATEGUS OF THE ANTAEOPOLITE
NOME.
14:2 Χϑ8 cm. A.D. 22} (?).
This return, addressed to a strategus by sitologi of a village in the Antaeo-
polite nome (cf. P. Giessen 48. int.), concerning their receipts during two
months, has lost the conclusion and about ten letters at the ends of lines; these
can, however, be for the most part restored by a comparison with the similar
returns by sitologi in the Oxyrhynchite nome (1525-6), Arsinoite (B. G. U. 64,
529, 584, 585, 835, P. Fay. 86 (a), 332, Tebt. 339, 538, Strassb. 45, Thead. 28),
Mendesian (P. Tebt. 340), and Apollinopolite Heptacomias (P. Giessen 63, Flor.
330); cf. also 1444. int. The papyrus was written probably in Hathur (cf. ll. 5-6)
of the 7th year of a reign which must be later than that of Caracalla, since
several Aurelii are mentioned, and is likely to be that of Severus Alexander (i.e.
A.D. 227) rather than of Gordian (243) or the Philippi (249); a later date is
unsuitable on palaeographical grounds. The report is divided into three sections
dealing with (1) receipts of corn and other produce, with various extra charges
upon the wheat similar to those in P. Tebt. 339 (Il. 8-12) ; (2) arrears (1]. 13-14) ;
(3) a transference ordered by the basilicogrammateus (ll. 15 sqq.).
Α[ὐρ]ηλίωι Διονυσίωι τῷ καὶ Ay... +... 2+
στρα(τηγῷ) ᾿Ανταιοπολίτου [
παρὰ Αὐρηλίων Aciov καὶ Μέλανος καὶ... ..
καὶ μ(ετόχων) σιτολόγων Ψινομερπί ). λόγϊος ἐν κεφαλ(αίῳ)
5 τῶν μεμετρημένων ἡμῖν εἰς μῆνας Θὼθ καὶ
Φαῶφι τοῦ ἐνεστῶτος ¢ (ἔτους), ἔτι δὲ [rev μεμετρη-
μένων ὑπὲρ adz(od) τοῦ δ᾽ Πελ(θόντος) ς΄ (ἔτους). ἔϊστι δέ'
διοικήσεως καὶ ἱερα(τικῶν) μετ(ρήματος) (ἀρτάβαι) po, δα(νείων) [(ἀρτ.) η,
κριθ(ῆς) (ἀρτ.) « «,
φίαἸκοῦ (ἀρτ.) 0, λαχά(νων) (ἀρτ.) οε, [καὶ ἐπίμε- ὃ
το τρον [[Tas]| τοῦ (πυροῦ) (διαρταβίαΞ) modép(aros) (πυρ.) (ἀρτ.) γε: [((ἑκα-
τοστῆς) α ποδώμ(ατος) (ἀρτ.) κ΄ δ΄,
(ἡμιαρταβίου) ποδώμ(ατοΞ) (ἀρτ.) pn’, / ποδώμ(ατος) καὶ πρ(οσμετρουμένων)
(dpr.) [γεκ'δμη',
118 : THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
σὺν δὲ ταῖς τοῦ μετρήμ(ατος) (πυρ.) (ἀρτάβαις) pon [{{πυρ.) (ἀρτ.) pra
ἐκ δ΄ μη.
καὶ ἐκλόγου τῶν αὐ(τῶν) μη(νῶν) ἐλοιπογρα(φήθησαν) [(πυρ.) (ἀρτ.) . .;
κριθ(ῆς) (ἀρτ.) ν, φακοῦ (ἀρτ.) A, γενήϊμ(ατος) τοῦ >? (Erous).
15 [κα]ὶ μίετ]εβλήθησαν ἐξ ἐπιστάλματος | Αὐρηλίου
ΣΙαἹραπίωνος τοῦ καὶ ᾿Ηρακλείδου βαϊσιλ(ικοῦ) ypa(uparéws) .. .
bs Seay μ]ετρημία ) ᾿Ἀχιλλίζω(νος}] τὰς τί. - - - - wale
Traces of 2 lines.
4. Ψινομερ) Tl. . ὕπερ Π. 8, tepa( rex.) Π. τος 3-ς ποῦ; ΤΙ: Τ ΤΩ => 00. aoe
και p) Π,
‘To Aurelius Dionysius also called Ag.. ., strategus of the Antaeopolite nome, from
the Aurelii, Dius, Melas and... and their associates, sitologi of Psinomerp... Summary
account of payments to us for the months Thoth and Phaophi of the present 7th year, and
further of payments on account of the past 6th year, as follows. For the general revenue
and temple revenue, in payments 170 artabae, loans 8 art., barley . . art., lentils 70 art.,
vegetables 75 art., and for extra payments upon the wheat, for the two-artabae for storage
32 art. of wheat, for 1 per cent. upon the storage-charge οἷς art., for ᾧ art. upon the storage-
charge 2; art., total for storage and percentages 32% art. of wheat, making with the 178 art.
of wheat of the payments 18122 art. of wheat. And for arrears of the said months there
was entered a deficit of . . art. of wheat, 50 art. of barley, 30 art. of lentils, from the produce
of the 6th year. And there were transferred by order of Aurelius Sarapion also called
Heraclides, basilicogrammateus, .. .’
I. ᾽Αγ[: 4, A, or ν can be read in place of y.
4. Ψινομερπί ): or Ywopep(_), if the semicircular sign simply represents abbreviation.
The village is unknown. For ἐν κεφαλ(αίῳ) cf. e.g. P. Tebt. 339. 6.
8. διοικήσεως καὶ ἱερα(τικῶν) : cf. 1487. int., P. Rylands 213. 37-8, &c., 215. 9, 16.
In P. Tebt. 339. 10 διοικήσεως καὶ οὐσιακῶν occurs in a similar context.
μετ(ρήματος) (ἀρτάβαι) : an abbreviation or symbol of πυροῦ is inadmissible, though wheat
is clearly meant (cf. 1. 10). μετ(ρήματοςῚ) forms a suitable contrast with da(vetwv), 1. 6, returns
of loans of seed-corn (cf. 1527), but in ll. 12 and 17 is abbreviated μετρημί(. Ὁ, and possibly
that should be read here and (ἀρτάβαι) omitted. pod is inadmissible, for δα has a stroke above
it. (dpr.) 7 is restored from ]. 12, on the supposition that 178 art. there is the sum of the
two items in 1. 8. Possibly / (πυρ.) (dpr.) pon followed, in which case there is not room for
a mention of barley ; but cf. 1. 14.
g-11. For ἐπίμετρον, which was suggested by Prof. Smyly, cf. P. Tebt. 92. 11, where
2 artabae per cent. are charged for it, corresponding to the (d:apraBia) ποδώμ(ατος) here. τάς
before τοῦ (πυροῦ) is in any case superfluous, for there is a space after (πυροῦ) which renders
the reading τὰς τοῦ (mup.) β (ἀρτάβας) unsuitable ; and since the a of ras seems to have been
crossed through, the word was probably intended to be omitted. With the (διαρταβία)
ποδώμ(ατος) and the percentages upon it cf. the (wevraprafia), which is distinguished from the
mpooperpoupeva in 1445. 3, and P. Tebt. 339. 17-18, where 33 art. are charged for 2 ἑκατοσταὶ
ὑπὲρ ποδώ(ματος) upon 176 art. of wheat, besides ἧς art. for (ἑκατοστὴ) ποδώ(ματος) and 7, for
[(ἡμιαρτάβιον) ποδ,, similar charges for 2 (ἑκατοσταὶ) 70d, and (ἡμιαρτάβιον) 708. also occurring
1443. REPORT OF SITOLOGI TO A STRATEGUS 119
in P. Tebt. 538; cf. 339. 17, ἢ. πόδωμα is found in the Ptolemaic period in P. Ryl. 71 and
a papyrus to be published in P. Tebt. iii. The word refers to storage of θέματα, for which
cf. 1444, int. In 1. 11 (ἑκατοστῶν) could be read in place of πρ(οσμετρουμένων), the symbol
being ambiguous ; cf. crit. ἢ.
12. poy: the last figure is nearly certain; cf. 1. 8,n. Possibly (dpraBar), not (dpraBas),
should be read before it, and the 178 art. regarded as the sum of the items in ll. 8 and 10-11 ;
but the arrangement adopted in the text is preferable in view of rais.
15. μ[ετ]εβλήθησαν : ἐϊν]εβλήθησαν cannot be read. Cf. P. Giessen 100, 13, ἢ.
1444. REPORT OF A DECEMPRIMUS TO A STRATEGUS.
32: X12 cm. A.D. 248—9.
On the recto of this papyrus isa return similar to 1448, but from a decemprimus
(cf. 1410, int.) instead of sitologi, and giving a list of individual payments of corn
in several months, not a summary ; cf. B.G. U. 552-7, 743-4, and 1443. int. One
column, dealing with receipts at the granary of Tanais, a village in the middle
toparchy, is nearly complete, but was probably succeeded by other columns
which are lost, referring to different villages ; for on the verso is the beginning of
a speech by an Attic orator (1366), which continued in the same direction as the
writing on the recto. The heading of the return is by a practised hand, the list
by an unskilful scribe, whose spelling and grammar are irregular. In the entries
the nominative, dative, and possibly the genitive (l. 35) are employed without
distinction, and the use of 6 αὐτός and ἑαυτοῦ is confused. The numbers of the
days of the month have strokes under them, and as the left-hand margin is not
preserved and the column slopes away to the left, the names of the months may
have been inserted, e.g. in ll. 10 and 15. The payments are under the three
heads of πολιτικά, κωμητικά, and θέμα, the first two referring to rent or taxes, the
third to private deposits of corn in the State granary; cf. 1525-6, 1539-41.
In 1145, part of the day-book of a sitologus, 6( ), which is prefixed to most
of the entries, is more likely to mean θ(έμα) than θ(άνατος) or θ(ησαυρός).
ey τά letters’ Ὁ} στ]ρατ[ηγῷ ᾿Οξυρυγχίτου
[παρὰ ΑἸὐρηλίου ᾿Ηρακλείδου τοῦ κ[αὶ 4Δ]ιονυσίζον βουλ(ευτοῦ) τῆς
[Οξυρ)νγχειτῶν πόλεως δεκαπρά]τ]ου μέσης] tlom(apxias). κατ᾽ ἄνδρα
ἰχειρ]ιστικοῦ πυροῦ μεμετρημένου καὶ διεσταλμένου δι᾽ [ἐμοῦ ἀπὸ
5 [γενή]μίατος) τοῦ ἐνεστ(ῶτος) > (€rovs) Μάρκων ᾿Ιουλίων Φιλίππων
Καιϊσάρων
[τῶν] κυρίων Σ᾿ εβαστῶν.
ἔστι δέ'
and hand θησαυροῦ Τανάεως Μάρκοι Αὐρήλιοι
120 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
1] κληρ(ονόμοι) Τααπολλῶτος τῆς καὶ Μεγίστης [(ἀρτ.).,
10 Ja. 2 δίί( ) Ἡρακλείδῃ τῷ καὶ Σεραπίωνι
Τανάϊεω]ς πολ(ιτικὰ) [(ἀρτάβα!)}]}] (ἀρτάβαι) x,
α τῷ αὐϊτῷ] θέμ(α) (ἀρτ.) κ, γ(ίνονται) αἱ [π(ροκείμεναι),
Πανετβεὺς ἱε]ρεὺς (apr. ?) wif
δ᾽ 2 δι Bas τ τ. Ἰαιου Τανζ(άγεϊως κ]ωμ(ητικὰ) (ἀρτ.) ὃ [{.}] [,
15 a. Αὐρηλ(ίῳ) ᾿Αχί[ιλλεῖ ἥππεῖ “Ῥωμ(αίῳ) θέϊμ(α)}]) (ἀρτ.) ts,
6. Διονυσ[ζοδώγρῳ διὰ Σεραπίωνος -
Ταν(άγεϊως κἸωμ(ητικὰ) (épr.) €
ε. κληρ(ονόμοι) Altovlvciov ᾿Ερμάμμωνος [|
ἡ αὐτὴ κωμητ(ικὰ) (apr.) [.,
20 ς. Τισόιτι κ[α]ὲ Παχνούβι διὰ τοῦ αὐτοῦ [
ο ἡ αὐτ(ὴ) κωμ(ητικὰ) (dpr.) [.,
iB. τοῖς αὐτοῖς Ἴστρου κωμ(ητικὰῤΛή ᾿ (apt.) [.,
α. ἑαυτῷ Πανετβεῖ ἱερεῖ θέμ(α) bap.) Ae
[1 Τύφις Toroéws καὶ ἡ γυνὴ Tav(d)ews
25 κωμ(ητικὰ) (ἀρτ.) [-;
[. . ἡτιλλις ρᾶτος ὀνόματος Ματρέου τοῦ κ[αὶ
[ ‘Eppjaicxov Ταν(άγεως κωμ(ητικὰ) [(ἀρτ.) .,
[. «ριον Διονυσίου τοῦ καὶ Appoviov γυνεῖκα ?
[ Φα)ρβαιτίωνος ἡ αὐτὴ πολ(ιτικὰ) (ἀρτ.) [.,
[- - .Jo( ) ᾿Ισιδώρου τοῦ καὶ Φιλίσκου (ἀρτ.) [.,
[- 1 du ) Σινθώνι θυγατρὶ 4ιογ[ζέ]νους ἀγορα-
νομήσαντος μητρὶ τῶν προγεγραϊμ-
μένων [| Ταν(άγεως πολ(ιτικὰ)}} θέμα [(apr.) .;
[1 ἑαυτοῖς Τεμὴ πολ(ιτικὰ) [(ἀρτ.) .,
35 |. - «Ἰήλιτος 6]έ]μα (ἀρτ.) [.,
[- Av|rdviols ὁ κ]αὶ Ἡρακλᾶς διὰ [Πλ]ουτάρ-
[χου] Tav(d)ews πολ(ιτικὰ) (ἀρτ.) {,
[- . . Παρχος ΠΙα]σίωνος καὶ οἱ ἀδελφοὶ (ἀρτ.) κί,
κἢ]αὶ ἑαυτοῖς Ταϊν](άγεως κωμ(ητικὰ) (ἀρτ.) ιγΖδ΄ χί(οίνικες) [.,
40 ] σνηδ΄ χί(οίνικες) 7.
12. γ᾽ αἰ Π. 13. τ Of πανετβεῖυς corr. from ὃ. 14. 6 at the end corr.
22. ς Of τοις above the line. iorpov II. 23. 1. τῷ αὐτῷ. = raver’ Ber ἵερει I. 27. ερμ]αΐσκου
II. 28. 1. γυνή. 30. ἴσιδωρου I. 34. 1], τοῖς αὐτοῖς (so in ]. 39) Ἰεμή.
1444. REPORT OF A DECEMPRIMUS TO A STRATEGUS τοι
1-15. ‘To..., strategus of the Oxyrhynchite nome, from Aurelius Heraclides also
called Dionysius, senator of Oxyrhynchus, decemprimus of the middle toparchy. Detailed
list of wheat entered on the books as measured and paid through me from the produce of
the present 6th year of the Marci Julii Philippi Caesars the lords Augusti, as follows. Atthe
granary of Tanais the Marci Aurelii, heirs of Taapollos also called Megiste, ..; 1st, paid by
Heraclides also called Serapion for city dues at Tanais 20 artabae ; rst, the same for deposit
20 art. ; total the aforesaid. Panetbeus, priest, ..art.; 4th, paid by Ko...sonof.. . for
village dues at Tanais 4 art.; 1st Aurelius Achilles, Roman knight, for deposit 16 art.’
2. Δ]ιονυσίζου βουλευτοῦ : decemprimi were generally, perhaps always, senators; cf.
Wilcken, Grundz. 217.
3-4. For κατ᾽ ἄνδρα χειρ])ιστικοῦ πυροῦ cf. 1526. 4, and Wilcken, Osv. ii, Nos. 888-90,
where 1. χει(ριστικοῦ) rather than χει(μερινοῦ) before (πυροῦ). χειριστικός is not elsewhere applied
ἴο πυρός. In 1257. 10—11 τοῖς λόγοις τῆς δεκαπρωτείας, το] τ᾽ ἔστιν τῷ χειριστικῷ ὧν [πρ]οσέλαβε καὶ
τῷ κατ᾽ ἄνδρα τῷ ἐν δημοσίῳ καταϊκειμένῳ, τὸ χειριστικόν Seems to mean the current accounts
(similar to e.g. 1145), as opposed to formal documents like 1444; cf.n.adloc. The
division of lines is not quite certain in ll. 3—6, the initial lacuna being of the same size
throughout, and four or five letters being lost in 1. 2.
4. διεσταλμένου δι᾿ [ἐμοῦ : μεμετρημένος refers to wheat actually brought to the θησαυρός,
διεσταλμένος to wheat paid by deducting from an account of a deposit at the θησαυρός ; cf.
Preisigke, Gzrowesen, 88. There were usually two. δεκάπρωτοι for each toparchy; cf.
Wilcken, of. εἴ. 218. The δεκάπρωτος in 1444 was clearly concerned with only a portion
of each month’s receipts.
8. Μάρκοι Αὐρήλιοι : for this heading referring to the following names in general
cf. e.g. 1526. 7. :
10. Z is probably, as Smyly suggests, a degeneration of Z,i.e. μεί ), ἃ common
abbreviation in Ptolemaic times for μέτρον or μεμέτρηται (or μέρος). It recurs in 1. 14, and
possibly in.]. 31, where part of a stroke is visible before 6( ), but since a similar
stroke occurs in 1. 34 before ἑαυτοῖς, in both Il. 31 and 34 it probably refers to the number
of the day. &( ) suggests some part of διαστέλλειν (cf. 1. 4, n.), but μέ(τρημα) δι(εσταλμένον)
is not a very satisfactory combination, though in B, G. U. 652. τό διαστολή hardly seems.
to differ from διαγραφή (cf. 1486. 18, n.). No special stress is to be laid on the dative
Ἡρακλείδῃ, which is equivalent to the nominative (cf. e.g. ll. 13 and 23), unless δι(ὰ)
“Hpakdcid(ov) τ(οῦν καὶ Σεραπίων(οςν be restored.
11. πολιτικά): cf. 1419. 2, ἢ. πολ(ιτῶν) could be read, with κωμητ(ῶν) instead of
kopnt(ixd) in ll. 19, &c., on the analogy of P. Strassb. 45. 20 ; but πολ(ιτικά) balances θέμα
(1. 33) better. ;
12. The abbreviation of y(ivovra:) (cf. critical n.) is unusual, but the reading xy
(201 art.) leaves the following word unexplained, and γίῴίν.) ai πῴροκ.) is very common in
this class of accounts, e. g. P. Strassb. 45. 9.
13. The supposed sign for dprd8a has no trace of the dot under the horizontal line,
and there is a space after it, so that the letter at the end of the line is perhaps not a figure.
’ _ ¥8=21. ἡ αὐτή in ll. 19 and 21 is superfluous unless (dpr.) . be restored at the end of
li..18 and 20, and the same difficulty arises in ll. 28-9, where the‘retention of ἡ αὐτή is parti-
cularly difficult ; cf. ἢ. κληρ(ονόμος) in place of κληρ(ονόμοι) would perhaps render ἡ αὐτή in l. 19
easier, but in 1. 21 ἡ αὐτή would have to refer to Tisois, Pachnubis being ignored, and
- τοῦ αὐτοῦ in 1. 20 is in any case obscure. The writer is somewhat confused; cf.
Il. 28-9, ἢ. .
22. Ἴστρου : another village in the middle toparchy, like Γεμή (i. 6. Ἰεμή) in]. 345 cf
1285. 98, 108.
122 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
23. There is no apparent point in ἑαυτῷ, which here would have to be constructed with
θέμ(α), and in 1. 34 ἑαυτοῖς does not suit πολιτικά), so that probably in both places there is
a confusion with τῷ αὐτῷ or τοῖς αὐτοῖς, Panetbeus was mentioned in l. 13.
28-9. . . Ἰριον must be a woman’s name in the nominative or accusative, but γυνὴ
cannot be read, and, since neither γυνεῖ nor Φα]ρβαιτιωνος suggests a place-name, γυν(ὴ)
[Φα]ρβαιτίωνος is probably to be restored and ἡ αὐτή ignored ; cf, ll. 18-21, n.
51. 1a): Chiao, a:
34. ἑαυτοῖς : cf. 1. 23, n., and for Teun see |. 22, n,
35. - «Ἤλιτος : "Hira occurs in Β. Ὁ. U. 926. 7 and ᾿Ηλείτ(ου) in e.g. P. Ἀγ]. 210. 6;
but the name here is probably longer and in the nominative.
1445. REPORT ON UNPRODUCTIVE LAND.
15 .X 25*3 cm. Second century.
The recto of this papyrus contains the ends of sixteen lines of one column, the
middle part of another, and a few letters from the beginnings of lines of a third,
from a report on land at a village, probably addressed to a strategus by a como-
grammateus, like P. Giessen 60 and Wilcken, Chrest. 341. While those two
papyri, so far as they go, give lists of land available for cultivation at the village
of Naboé in the Apollinopolite nome, the intelligible portion of 1445 is concerned
with the rent and taxes upon land which was out of cultivation for various
reasons ; but 1445 may have belonged to a comprehensive report which included
the information found in the Apollinopolite texts. Similar reports by a como-
grammateus in the Ptolemaic period are extant in P. Tebt. 74-5. The land was
divided into two main classes, δημοσία and ἰδιωτική, these being subdivided into
νῆσοι and ἤπειρος. ii. I is concerned with διάψιλοι νῆσοι in the δημοσία γῆ, the items
being added in Il. 2-4 to various others which had preceded and probably con-
cerned other kinds of νῆσοι, e.g. ποταμοφόρητοι (cf. 1.13). The προσμετρούμενα
are nearly 4, the barley being also subject to a special impost of 5 per cent.
(1. 3,n.). In 1. 5 is an entry concerning a small amount of δημοσία γῆ on the
mainland, which for some unspecified reason was out of cultivation, the totals
for δημοσία γῆ being calculated in ll. 6-7. There follows in 11. 8-9 the account of
ἰδιωτικὴ γῆ, which is taxed approximately at the rate of 1 artaba per arura,
with extra charges, including one for the comogrammateus himself (I. 9, n.).
These items are added in Il. 10-12 to the figures of the δημοσία γῆ. In 1. 13
a new section begins concerning the 18th year, the preceding one referring
probably to the 19th or 17th. The writing clearly indicates the second century,
and the reigning Emperor is more likely to have been Hadrian or Antoninus
than Trajan or Marcus. δημοσία γῆ on νῆσοι ποταμοφόρητοι is the subject of
ll. 13-14, which correspond to 1]. 1-2 ; public land on the ἤπειρος, corresponding to
that in 1. 5, is enumerated in 1. 15, after which the column breaks off. The rents
were chiefly in wheat, with a small amount of barley; references to a trifling
1445, REPORT ΟΝ UNPRODUCTIVE LAND 123
payment in a third kind of produce (I. 1, n.) have been deleted. The average
rate (reckoning barley at 2 the value of wheat; cf. P. Tebt i, p. 560) was from
5 to 6 artabae of wheat per arura, apart from extra charges.
On the verso is the conclusion of a tale in honour of Sarapis (1382).
Col. ii.
[δηαψείλων (ἄρουραι) ηβ΄ (πυροῦ) (ἀρτάβαι) λθδ' κ' δ΄ κριθ(ῆς) (ἀρτ.) κας΄ κ' δ΄,
[Ko ) [Σ])}71}} |
J (dpov.) οβε u's” χ' β' ξΊδΊ (πυρ.) (ἀρτ.) Tu¢Zy’ κριθ(ῆΞ) (ἀρτ.) vBLy (β΄,
προσμ(ετρουμένων) (πυρ.) (ἀρτ.) νβς΄ κ' δ΄ κριθ(ῆς) (ἀρτ.) ιγ΄ (β΄ μη,, (πεν-
ταρταβίας) BLN’,
“7 (apt) ιεκ' δμη, / (mup.) (ἀρτι) υκ' δ΄ κριθ(ῆς) (ἀρτ.) ξγγ΄η μη΄.
5 ἠπείρου δημοσίας (ἀρού.) dn’ (mup.) (ἀρτ.) 4δ' μη, προ(σμετρουμένων) η΄,
: ΠῚ γε δμίη:
yivor(rat) δημοσία(9) γῆ(5) (ἄρου.) οβε[δ'ηἼ ς΄ λ΄ BES (πυρ.) (ἀρτ.) THN
Banik |
προ(σμετρουμένων) (πυρ.) (ἀρτ.) νβγ΄, / (πυρ.) (ἀρτ.) uly (β΄ μη, καὶ ἡ
προκ(ειμένη) κριθ(ή).
ἰδιωτικῆς γῆς ὅλῃ τῇ ἐπιγραφῇ (ἄρου.) δεδ΄ ι('ς΄ λ΄ β'
(πυρ.) (ἀρτ.) δγ΄ μη΄, φιλζ(ανθρώπου) η΄ μη΄, προ(σμετρουμένων) B’, / (πυρ.)
(ἀρτ.) ες΄. '
10 [γίνο]νίτα) (ἄρου.) οξ4δΊ ς΄ ξ' δ΄ (πυρ.) (ἀρτ.) τνγί΄ β'μη΄ κρι(θῆς) (ἀρτ.)
νβεγιβ'
προσμ(ετρουμένων) (πυρ.) (ἀρτ.) vy κριθ(ῆς) (ἀρτ.) (γ᾽ (β΄ μη, (πεν-
ταρταβίας) βεη΄, 4 tLe δ' μη,
J (wup.) (apr) ve (β΄ μίη΄ κρι(θῆς) ξγγη μη. [Kol ) Ly]
καὶ τῶν τῶι tn (ἔτει) νήσων ποταμοφο(ρήτων) (ἄρου.) δ΄
(πυρ.) (ἀρτ.) κεξκ' δ΄, προ(σμετρουμένων) yB'n’, 2, (πυρ.) (ἀρτ.) κθγ΄.
15 ἠπείρου (ἄρου.) [.12η΄ ξ' δ΄ (πυρ.) (ἀρτ.) ves KO un’, προ(σμετρουμένων) βγ΄ κ' δ΄,
Jf wee Bn’.
1. κοί ) 27’, which is added below the line, is bracketed, as in 1. 12. 3. (mevrap-
taBias) is written e ~>-, as in 1, 11.
‘,.. bare (islands) 82 arurae, 395% artabae of wheat, 21,5; art. of barley; total
7229 ar., 3418 art. of wh., 5244 art. of barl., for extra payments 52,%, art. of wh., 743 art.
124 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
of barl., for g-art. percentage 28, total 102% art, Total 4007, art. of wh, 6323 art. of
barley. Public land on the mainland 8 ar. 37 art. of wh., extra payments §, total 33. Total for
public land 728% ar., 3482 art. of wh., for extra payments 524 art. of wh., total 40043 art.
of wh. and the aforesaid barley. Private land for the whole assessment 42% ar., 41:5. art. of
wh., for salary 2%, for extra payments 2, total 54 art. of wheat. Total 7723 ar., 3532 Ὲ art. of
wh., 5211 art. of barl., for extra payments 53 art. of wh., 743 art. of barl., for 5-art. per-
centage 28, total 1022, Total 406%; art. of wheat, 6323 art. of barley. And on islands
carried away by the river in the 18th year 44 ar., 252% art. of wh., for extra payments 35%,
total 294 art. of wheat. On the mainland [162 ar., 1534 art. of wh., for extra pay-
ments 2,9, total 1728.’
1. [δι]αψείλων : sc. νήσων ; cf, 1.13. Land which after the inundation had become too
dry to be cultivated is meant; cf. 707. 23, n., Crénert, Stud. Pal, iv. 95, P. Hawara in
Archiv, v. 397, where in a φοινικών the portion which was διάψιλος is distinguished from th
ψιλός, which was included in the φόριμος.
[xo( )[Z]y']: cf. 1. 12, where from the context κοί ) appears to be the name of some
kind of produce rather than an impost, though the bracketing, i.e. cancelling, of the entry
in both places renders that argument uncertain. A small extra charge for κοσκινευτικόν (in
P. Petrie iii. 129 abbreviated xo) is common in Ptolemaic papyri, but has not yet appeared
in the Roman period, and κο(λοκυνθίνου) (cf. Ῥ, Rev. Laws xxxix. 6) or ko(piov) (cf. Ῥ, Tebt.
314. 17) is more probable.
3. (mevrapraBias): cf. 1. rr and 1448. 10, (d:apraBias) ποδώμ(ατος) there corresponding
to the (ἑκατοσταὶ) β of P. Tebt. 339. This extra charge of 5 artabae per cent. upon barley
can now be recognized in P. Giessen 60 (cf. int. p. 31), where the editor reads e~ or e and
suggests ἐπ(ιγραφῆς) (cf. 1, 8, n.). The amount of the 5 per cent. impost is there calculated
on the Aye of barley + the mpocperpovpeva, but here only on the main sum (I. 2,
5224 art.).
8. ὅλῃ τῇ ἐπιγραφῇ : the point of this phrase is that the ἰδιωτική was not subdivided in
detail like the δημοσία into νῆσοι and ἤπειρος, probably because the amount was small. ἐπιγραφή
in papyri of the Roman period is used in the wide sense of ‘ assessment’ in connexion with
many kinds of taxes upon land; cf. P. Brit. Mus. 195. 3 (P. Ryl. ii, p. 255), and a Hawara
papyrus in Archiv, v. 397; but in Ptolemaic times (cf. Wilcken, Os¢. i. 194 566.»
P, Tebt. 5. 59, n.) it means ‘impost’, either in general or a particular tax upon land,
coupled with διαρταβία in P. Tebt. 99 and ἡμιαρτάβιον in Milne, Zheban Ost. 13-14. Here
the ἐπιγραφή happens to be concerned with land-tax, 42% arurae yielding 41% artabae, so
that some part was assessed at less than the very common rate of 1 artaba per arura (cf.
1459. 11, n.); but, as the other Roman instances show, the word applies primarily to the
arurae, not to the artabae. ,
9. φιλ(ανθρώπου) : sc. κωμογραμματεῖ ; cf. Wilcken, Osz. i. 401, Martin, Epzstratéges, 143.
12. For the cancelled item cf. ]. 1, ἢ.
15. The number of the arurae was probably 2 or 3; cf. int.
1446. LIST OF CULTIVATORS OF STATE LANDS.
341 X 25 cm. A.D. 161-210.
On the recto of this papyrus are parts of the last two columns of a somewhat
novel kind of survey-list. The first section, ll. 1-91, gives a list of former
cultivators of State lands, either βασιλική, προσόδου, or ἱερά, at the neighbouring
1446. LIST OF CULTIVATORS OF STATE LANDS 125
Arsinoite villages of Theadelphia (Hartt), Euhemeria (Kasr el Bandi), and
Polydeucia (perhaps Gebdéla; cf. P. Fay. p. 14), with the amounts of their
holdings, the rents, and the names of the present cultivators. In 1. 92 there
begins a series of different and shorter entries mentioning an ἐπίσκεψις, a strategus,
several other villages in the Θεμίστου μερίς, and ‘the 23rd year of the deified
Aelius Antoninus’. Since the verso contains 1408, part of which is a copy of
a proclamation issued in A.D. 210-14, the document on the recto must fall within
the half century following the death of Antoninus. In Col. i about 2 of each
line is missing at the beginnings, and in Col. ii. 60-93 about the same amount
at the ends; the rest of the second section (Il. 94-103, below which is a ΒΕΝΕ
space) is hopelessly broken.
1446 is concerned with κοινὴ γεωργία (cf. 1. 92), and the first section follows
a regular formula, beginning with the names of one or, more frequently, two of
the associates. In some cases the abbreviation ἀποί ), of which the resolution
is uncertain (cf. 1. 84, n.), follows the first name, but τετελ(ευτηκότες), which
regularly follows καὶ (μέτοχοι), may qualify all the persons previously mentioned
in the entry. The amounts of the holdings were generally between 30 and 60
arurae. A classification of the rents, which are remarkable on account of the
unusual fractions of the artaba, is appended :
»
Rents in Artabae.
Village. (ΟἾαδο;, ee eben Wa ree, SO ee Se Lines.
Wheat. Barley. Lentils.
Theadelphia . .| βασιλ. | 3454535 ΓῈ 1τὴῆσ 4,9, 13, 16, 20, 22,
25, 28, 35> 39; 42,
46, 48, 52,55, 84.
» » 38 150 12 oe 3 ὖξ σοὖσ τύ, 80.
» » 42 τὸ 300 12 58:
τ: ᾽ Ι ἐν ἘΣ
» ᾽ 2:15 35-
3 is I ΣΙ 39.
» προσόδ. 58. τσ τὸσ Ἶ χἷο αὖσ |4:9:13
ee ἱερά 44 aoe ἘΣ 52.
Euhemeria . .] βασιλ. | 5435 τἶο εἶσ, ἢ τὸ ai | - Eo τ ΟΣ αὐ 22. sa
᾿ [53], 66, 70.
Polydeucia . . ᾿ 32 τῷ. τίσ 43, ἃς x | 28, 36, 46, 48, 56,
ὶ 13» 18, 86, 90.
» » τὸ 51 me [29 ],36, 56, 63, 73;
78, 81, 87, [90].
Uncertain. . .] προσόδ.] 64 2, ve
126 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
The artaba is commonly divided in the series Σ 4 % (but no further), and in
the series ᾧ 4 τς dy ---3 $ and το also occur (cf. e.g. P. Fay. 101), but the only
parallels for the irregular fractions in 1446 are in P. Tebt. 341, where the fractions
oe ὧς As (?) de (?; but cf. 1446. 99), a5 and τεῖσο are found, and 986, where the
fractions 2s τς τ do and 7 occur, in both cases in the rents of State lands, as
here. Since the corn is described in P. Tebt. as καθαρός, probably here too
the presence of the curious fractions is due to a deduction for κάθαρσις (cf. P. Tebt.
92. 9, 0.) or κακομετρία (cf. 1447. 6). The position occupied by the fraction τῆς in
the wheat payments for βασιλικὴ γῆ at Theadelphia violates the rule that fractions
are placed ina descending scale. In one place (I. 55) the difficulty can be avoided
by interpreting τ β' as τῇς instead of τὸν yz, but in the other instances, in all of
' which 1A’ follows p’v’, it is necessary to alter 1’f’ to e. g. τί ' β΄, in order to prevent
an exception to the rule. Since there are too many instances to make the
hypothesis of omission probable, we prefer to suppose that the variation in this
group of entries was due to the addition of an extra qs artaba to the rent, like
that mentioned in 1. 35.
With regard to the size of the artaba, many of the small fractions, e.g. 75
2. 45 zt0 ato sda, would suit an artaba of 30 choenices, others, e.g.
2 sip, an artaba of 40, or, in the case of εἶς and εἶτ, one of 25 or even
50 choenices. There is still much uncertainty concerning the normal standards
of measurement in Egypt. Viedebantt (Hermes xlvii. 422 sqq., 562 sqq.) wished
to abandon two points which had been generally regarded as fixed, the sizes
of the chous and choenix; but his scheme of the artaba leaves out of account
some important evidence of the papyri, especially P. Hibeh 85 and Leipzig 97,
and the most recent evidence does not help to make the problems any easier.
P. Ryl. 166 shows that the dpcuos-measure at Euhemeria in A.D. 26 contained
33% choenices, whereas elsewhere that measure appeared to contain 42. An
unpublished Fayim loan of A.D. 87 mentions artabae μέτρωι τετάρτωι Φιλίππωι ᾿
τῶι τοῦ Μάρκου ᾿Αντωνίου (the lender), which disposes of the view that the μέτρον
Φιλίππου in P. Brit. Mus. 265 referred to a private person at Hermopolis called
Φίλιππος. 1640. 4 mentions an artaba μέτρῳ πρὸς ἑκατοστὰς δέκα, but not many
of the fractions in 1446 are ἑκατοσταί.
We omit some of the entries, which contain nothing of special interest
except the following rare or unknown names (all genitive and masculine except
where otherwise stated) : ᾿Αρεῖτος (fem.), Γερθιάνις, Anuoxparovs, Δραύκου, Θιαθιαίθις,
Καλαβώτου, Καλακαίλεως, Néwvos, Πανηοῦτος, Πανοσνεύς (nom.), Πουσίμεως, Σαδάλου
(cf. the Oxyrhynchite village in 1426. 6), ᾿Αρείου ἐπ(ικαλουμένου) Σακίστίου ᾽),
Sepdiros, Σίφωνος, Ταηρακλῆς (nom. fem.), Ταποῦτος (fem.?), Τασηοῦτος (fem.),
Τκαίσιτος (fem.), Φιλοῦτος (fem.), Xapirwvos, Xidcews.
1446. LIST OF CULTIVATORS OF STATE LANDS 127
J Col. Ϊ.
Ends of 3 lines.
4[ 20letters Kal (μέτοχοι) teTeA(evTnKéres) Θεαδελ(φείας) βασἸιλ(ικῆς)
γ(ῆς) ἀ(νὰ) (πυροῦ) (ἀρτάβας) yo'p'v''B’ φακοῦ (ἀρτάβην) αρ΄ κ΄
., (ἄρουρα) νθ2 δ΄, προσόδ(ου) ἀ(νὰ) (πυροῦ) εε΄λ' φ΄ φακοῦ
Β [(ἀρτάβης) ς΄ μ'σ΄ (ἄρουραι). .., Ἐὐη(μερείας) βασιλ(ικῆς) γ(ῆς) ἀϊ(νὰ)
(πυρ.) εγ ἐν χ΄ κ(ριθῆς) (ἀρτάβης} ς΄ κ΄ σ΄ φαϊκο]ῦ (ἀρτάβης) ο΄ ε΄
(ἄρουραι) ¢, νυνὶ γεωργ(ούμεναι) ὑπὸ ‘Adppodeciou
6 [ 31 letters Jews Μυσθαρᾶτος καὶ ᾿Ισχεῖτος ἀδελ(φοῦ) καὶ Ὠρίωνος
Εὐδαίμονος
7 [καὶ 28 letters ] ᾿Ισᾶτος “Ώρου τυφλοῦ καὶ Ἡραΐσκου Axoixews καὶ
IIoceiros Θέωνος
8 [καὶ 28 letters os ἱερέως.
Ends of 4 lines.
ve al 22 letters καὶ (μέτοχοι) τετελ(ευτηκότεΞς) Θεαδ)ελ(φείας) βασιλ(ικῆς)
δε Pk
y(fis) ἀ(νὰ) (πυρ.) (ἀρτ.) yop vB’ φακοῦ (ἀρτ.) αρ΄ κ΄ (ἄρου.) Asn’,
προσόδ(ου) ἀ(νὰ) (πυρ.) εε΄λ' φ΄ φακί(οῦ) (ἀρτ.) ς΄ μ΄ σ΄
τα τῆ [(ἄρου.) . ., νυνὶ γεωργ(ούμεναι) ὑπὸ 17 letters pos κεραμέως καὶ
᾿Αϊωνέως Τρύφωνος καὶ Παβοῦτος Παβοῦτος καὶ
15 [ 31letters 1 Kal τοῦ ἀδελ(φοῦ).
16 [ ar letters καὶ (μέτοχοι) τετελ(ευτηκότες) OcadleA(petas) βασιλ(ικῆς)
γ(ῆς) ἀ(νὰ) (πυρ.) (ἀρτ.) γς΄ ρ'ν (β΄ φακοῦ (ἀρτ.) αρ΄ κ΄ (ἄρου.) ιεδ΄,
ἀ(νὰ) (πυρ.) yop vB’ φακοῦ (ἀρτ.) γ΄ (ε΄ σ΄
17 [(ἄρου.) .., ἀ(νὰ) κ(ριθ.) (ἀρτ.) . . (ἄρου.). ., Εὐη(μερείας) BaowX(ixhs) (As)
d(vd)| (πυρ.) εγ ἐνχ΄ κ(ριθ.) (ἀρτ.) ς΄ κ'σ΄ φακοῦ (ἀρτ.) ο΄ ε΄ (ἄρου.)
yy; νυνὶ γεωργ(ούμεναι) ὑπὸ AovKatos
18 [ 31 letters ] καὶ Aupovaros Πετερμούθεως καὶ Κοπρῆτος ἀπίάτο-
pos) μη(τρὸς) Σαραποῦτος καὶ
19 [22 letters 1
Ends of 5 lines.
25 [ 20 letters καὶ (μέτοχοι) rereA(evTyKéres) Θεαδελ(φείας) βασιλ(ικῆς)
y(fjs) ἀ(νὰ}) (πυρ.) (ἀρτ.) γε΄ ρ'ν (β΄ φακοῦ (dpr.) αρ΄ κ΄ (dpov.) Kd,
Εὐη(μερείας) βασιλ(ικῆς) γ(ῆς) ἀ(νὰ) (πυρ.) εγ΄(νχ' κίριθ.) (ἀρτ.)
CG Pet
a Ke
128
26
27
28 [
29
30
35 [
36
39 [
40
53
54
55 [
THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
[φακοῦ (apr.) Loe’ (ἄρου.) . ., νυνὶ yewpy(ovpevat) ὑπὸ τὸ letters Jos
“Hpwvos καὶ ᾿Αἀκούιϊτ]ος Πεσούρεως καὶ “Qoews Πανούρεως καὶ
[ goletters κ]αὶ “αλᾶτος Ἀκούιτος ἁλιέως.
τὸ letters καὶ (μέτοχοι) τετελζ(ευτηκότες) Θεαδελ(φείας9) βασιλ(ικῆς) γ(ῆς)
ἀ(νὰ) (πυρ.) (ἀρτ.) ye ρ'ν΄(βἼ φακοῦ (ἀρτ.) αρ΄ κ΄ (ἄρου.) knZ, Πολυ-
δ(ευκείας) βασιλ(ικῆς) γ(ῆΞ) [{ἀ(νὰ) (πυρ.) (ἀρτ.}]] ἀ(νὰ) (πυρ.) γεκ' pv’
φακί(οῦ) (ἀρτ.) γ΄ ξ΄ py’
[(ἄρου.) . . ., ἀ(νὰ) κί(ριθ.) (ἀρτ.) εδ΄ (ἄρου.) . . ., νυνὶ γεωρ]γ(ούμεναι) ὑπὸ
Ηρωνείνου Χώνσεως καὶ Κοπρῆτος ἀδελ(φοῦ) καὶ Σ᾽ πατάλου
[ goletters κ]αὶ Axa@ros ᾿Αἀκούιτος.
Ends of 4 lines.
10 letters καὶ (μέτοχοι) τετελ(ευτηκότες) Θεαδελ(φείας) βασιλ(ικῆς) y(7js)
ἀ(νὰ) (πυρ.) (ἀρτ.) yo ρ' ν΄ (β΄ φακο]ῦ (ἀρτ.) αρ΄ κ΄ (ἄρου.) μαξη΄, ἀ(νὰ)
κ(ριθ ) (ἀρτ.) βι΄ β΄, καὶ ἐξ ἐπ(ισκέψεως) ὡρίσθ(η) ἀλ(λο) κατὰ (ἄρουραν)
κ(ριθ.) (ἀρτ.) (β΄,
[(ἄρου.) . ., Πολυδ(ευκείας) βασιλ(ικῆς) γ(ῆς) ἀ(νὰ) (πυρ.) γεκ'ρ'ν΄ φακοῦ
(dpr.) γυξριν' (ἄρου) 1a, ἀνὰ) κίριθ.) (dpr.) εδ' (dpov.) ἡ, νυνὶ
γεωργ(ούμεναι) ὑπὸ Καήτεως Φουώνσεως
Ends of 2 lines.
30 letters καὶ (μέτοχοι) τετελ(ευτηκότες}} Θεαδελ(φείας) βασιλ(ικῆς)
γ(ῆΞ) ἀ(νὰ) (πυρ.) (ἀρτ.) γε΄ ρ'ν (β΄ φακοῦ (ἀρτ.) αρ΄ κ΄ (ἄρου.) νς δ΄ η΄,
ἀ(νὰ) κί(ριθ.) (ἀρτ.) α (ἄρου.) γ,
[νυνὶ γεωργ(ούμεναι) ὑπὸ καὶ Χαιρήμονος AoxAnmiddov
τετελ(ευτηκότος) διὰ ᾿Δουτίου υἱοῦ καὶ
Ends of 11 lines,
12 letters καὶ (μέτοχοι) τετελ(ευτηκότες) Θεαδελ(φείας) βασιλ(ικῆς) γ(ῆς)
ἀ(νὰ) (πυρ.) (ἀρτ.) yo ρ'ν β΄ φακοῦ (ἀρτ.) αρ΄ κ΄ (ἄρου.) A, ἱερᾶϊ(ς)
ἀ(νὰ) (πυρ.) de’ (ἄρου.) ιζξη΄, Εὐη(μερείας) βασιλ(ικῆς) γί(ῆς)
[ἀ(νὰ) (πυρ.) εγ΄ vy’ κ(ριθ.) (ἀρτ.) ς΄ κ'σ΄ φακοῦ (ἀρτ.) 2ο΄ ε΄ (ἄρου.)..,
νυνὶ yewpy(ovpevat) ὑπὸ . .]Ἰαιαπεῖτος Σ᾽ αταβοῦτος καὶ τῶν τέκνων
καὶ Μαρίωνος “Ηρωνος
[ 3oletters μ]υλ(ωνικοῦ) καὶ τοῦ υἱοῦ καὶ Σ᾽ αραπίωνος Μύσθου καὶ
‘Aciros ἀδελφοῦ.
to letters καὶ (μέτοχοι) τετελ(ευτηκότες) Θεαδελ(φείας) βασιλ(ικῆς) γ(ῆς)
56
57
58
59
84
1446. LIST OF CULTIVATORS OF STATE LANDS το
OS δὲ ἃ
ἀ(νὰ) (πυρ.) (ἀρτ.) yo pv’ (βἼ φακοῦ (ἀρτ.) αρ΄ κ΄ (ἄρου.) νεί΄ς’ ξ δ΄,
ἀ(νὰ) (πυρ.) (ἀρτ.) δδ'ν τ΄ [β΄ (ἄρου.) οβξ' δ΄, ἀ(νὰ) (πυρ.) a (ἄρου.) β,
[ἀ(νὰ) κ(ριθ.) (ἀρτ.) .. (ἄρου.) . ., Πολυδ(ευκείας) βασιλ(ικῆς) γ(ῆς) ἀ(νὰ)
(πυρ.) yLk' pv φαϊκοῦ (ἀρτ.) γ᾽ (ξ΄ pv’ (ἄρου.) ιδ, ἀ(νὰ) κ(ριθ.) (ἀρτ.)
«O° (ἄρου.) ς, νυνὶ γεωργ(ούμεναι) ὑπὸ “ Hpwvos
[ 25 letters ἀπάτο]ρος μηί(τρὸς) ᾿Ισεῖτος καὶ “Ηρωνος Σ᾽αμβᾶ καὶ
᾿Ορσύθμεως ᾿Εσκιεσλάκιζ(ο)ς
[kat 27 letters αλου ἀδελ(φοῦ) καὶ ἱΩὩρίωνος Κάστορος στροβιλᾶς
καὶ Σ᾽αρᾶτος Yaparriw(vos)
[ 3oletters |
Col. ii.
Beginnings of 24 lines.
"Hpwv ᾿Ισίωνος amo ) καὶ (μέτοχοι) τετελ(ευτηκότες) Θεαδελ(φείας) βασι-
λ(ικῆς) γ(ῆς) ἀ(νὰ) (πυρ.) (ἀρτ.) γε΄ ρ'ν΄ (β΄ φ[ακοῦ (ἀρτ.) αρ΄ κ΄ (ἄρου.)
.., νυνὶ γεωργ(ούμεναι) ὑπὸ
‘Aariols “Ὥρου ἱερέως καὶ τοῦ ἀδελ(φοῦ) καὶ Κάστορος “Ἡρώδου |
“Ἡρακλείδης Ἡρακλείδου καὶ Παχόις ᾿ Ηρακλείδου καὶ (μέτοχοι) τετελ(ευτη-
κότες) [Πολυδ(ευκείας) βασιλ(ικῆς) γ(ῆΞ) ἀ(νὰ) (πυρ.) (ἀρτ.) γεκ' pv’
φίακο]ῦ (ἀρτ.) γ΄ ( ξ΄ ρ ν' (ἄρου.) (δ΄͵ ἀ(νὰ) κ(ριθ.) εδ΄ (ἄρου.) γ, νυνὶ yewply(ov-
μεναι) ὑπὸ
Πνεφερῶτος καὶ ᾿Εσούρεως υἱοῦ.
Δεῖος ᾿Απολλωνίου ἀποί ) καὶ Φασεῖς Τεσενούφεως καὶ (μέτοχοι) τίετελ(ευ-
τηκότες) Θεαδελ(φείας) βασιλ(ικῆς) γ(ῆς) ἀ(νὰ) (πυρ.) (ἀρτ.) yo ρ'ν (β΄
φακοῦ (ἀρτ.) yea’ (ἄρου.) ιη, Πολυδ(ευκείας) βασιλ(ικῆς) γ(ῆφ) ἀϊνὰ)
(πυρ.) (ἀρτ.) yZx'p'v’ [φακοῦ (ἀρτ.) γ᾽ (ξ΄ ρ'ν΄ (dpov.) . ., ἀ(νὰ) κ(ριθ.)
εδ΄ (dpov.).., νυνὶ γεωργ(ούμεναι) ὑπὸ
Τιμοκράτους καὶ Κρ[ονίωνος υἱοῦ καὶ Πτολεμαίου |
κοινῆς γεωργίας ἐξ ἐπί(ισκέψεως) ὁρ[ιο] δείκτου) ὡρίσθ(ησαν) ἀ(νὰ) (πυρ.) aZ
(ἄρου.) βελ΄β΄ [
καὶ ἐκ τῆς γενο(μένης) τῷ Ky (ἔτει) θεοῦ Αἰλίου ᾿Ανταϊνίνου
94 καὶ ἀπὸ πεδίων κώμης Μαγαΐδος. [
95: καὶ ἀπὸ πεδίων κώμης Apyddos Ϊ
(dpov.) ey’. [
96 Kal ἀπὸ πεδίωϊν κώμης 91 κυάμου (apt.) [ 98 καὶ ἀπὸ
πεδίων κώμης 99 ἀϊνὰ) (πυρ.) ςἐπ΄ δ΄ [ 100 καὶ τῷ
Κ
130 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
τ ΕΠ 9} IOI Kelas [ To2 otpa(Tny ) φαϊκοῦ
το3 ἀνὰ) (πυρ.) (dpr.) εδ΄ [
4. γερνιβ π; so with the other cases of groups of fractions. ἡ. ηραΐσκου II.
8. ἵερεως 1; 50 inl. 85. 14. aiwvews ΤΠ. 18. a) Π. 26. axovi\r|os II; so in Il. 27
and 30. 28. Dots are placed above a(va) (πυρ.) (ἀρτ.). 30. ov Of axoviros corr. from a.
40. viov I; so in ll. 54, 88, 91. 58. 1. στροβιλᾶτος. σαρατος Over an expunction.
86. maxois II. 94. payaidos ΤΙ.
ll. 4-8. ‘... and... and associates, deceased, at Theadelphia 592 arurae of Crown
land rented at 34 τῆν τς artabae of wheat, 145 art. of lentils, . . ar. of confiscated (?) land
at 54 -ν sd, art. of wheat, Σ οἷν στο art. of lentils, at Euhemeria 7 ar. of Crown land at
53 35 ἄς obo art. of wheat, 4 45 σὸν art. of barley, 5 τἧς art. of lentils, now cultivated by
Aphrodisius son of ...,...son of Mustharas and Ischeis his brother, Horion son of
Eudaemon, . . ., Isas son of Horus, blind, Heraiscus son of Akoikis, Poseis son of Theon,
τς PRESS
4-5. For the restorations of the village-names and rents cf. the table in int. For προσόδου
γῆ cf. 1484, 7, τ.
17. The rent collected in barley at Theadelphia was probably either 2,4, art. (cf. 1, 35)
or 1 art. (cf. 1. 39) per arura; cf. 1, 56.
18. dm(dropos): this abbreviation is common in Preisigke, S.B. 5124.
35, On the extra 53, art. of barley added to the rent cf. 1. 92 and int.
53. Jaameiros: possibly κ]αὶ ᾿Απεῖτος ; but there is not room for another name unless
there was some omission in the usual statement of the rents.
54. μ]νλ(ωνικοῦ) : the abbreviation recurs in 1. 68; cf. P. Brit. Mus. 335. 7 (ii. 191)
Παπεῖτος μυλονικοῦ. μυλ(οκόπου) (cf. e. g. 1042, 19), μυλ(ωνάρχου) (cf. P. Cairo Maspero 67142.
i. 3), Or μυλ(ουργοῦ) is also possible.
55. t’B': probably 3454+; cf. int.
56. (1. τὴ, τ.
57. ᾿Ἐσκιεσλάκι(ο)ς : OF ἐπ(ικαλουμένου) Kreoddki(o)s,
58. στροβιλᾶς (‘ distorted ᾽) seems to be a new form.
84. ἀποί ): cf. 1. 89. The abbreviation, which recurs in Il. 60-83, ends with a hori-
zontal stroke above the last letter, which elsewhere in the case of καὶ (μέτοχοι), Εὐη(μερείας)
and Χαιρή(μονος) is really a degeneration of p, but with γεωργ(ούμεναι) and apparently ὁριο-
(δείκτου) (1. 92, n.) merely indicates abbreviation. ἄπο(ρος) or ἀπό(δημος) (cf. 1547. 23) is
possible, if the word is contrasted with τετελ(ευτηκότες).
92. dp|to|(Seixrov) : the end of a horizontal stroke (not δ) above the last letter is visible ;
cf. 1. 84, n. Foran ἀναμέτρησις by this official cf. Wilcken, Chres?. 240.
93. The 23rd year of Antoninus was a census-year, and κατ᾽ οἰκίαν ἀπογραφῆς can be
supplied with τῆς γενο(μένης) ; but 6. g. ἐπισκέψεως (cf. 1. 92) would rather be expected in this
context.
99. For εἷς art. cf. P. Tebt. 341, quoted in int. The second figure may be β here.
1447. RECEIPT FOR CORN-DUES.
13:2 X 21-7 cm. A.D. 44.
This receipt, issued by a sitologus in the reign of Claudius, for corn-dues of
an unspecified character is parallel to 287 and 383-4 (reign of Tiberius), and
differs somewhat from the stereotyped formula of this class of receipts from the
1447, RECEIPT FOR CORN-DUES 131
reign of Domitian onwards (cf. e.g. 1541-2). The payer was a woman, not a tax-
collector as apparently in 287, and the dues were probably not rent of State
lands, but land-tax on other kinds of land; cf. P. Fay. 81. int., Ryl. 202 (a). ὃ, ἢ.
There are three special points of interest, the ἡμέρα Σεβαστή (1. 2, n.), the mention
of the artaba καγκέλλῳ, which has not previously been recognized before the
sixth century (I. 4, n.), and the explanation of the 4 ἑκατοσταί added to the main
payment as due to κακομετρία (1. 6,n.). The writing is along the fibres of the
verso, the recto having only a date ina different hand.
”"Erovs ὃ Τιβερίου Κλαυδίου Καίσαρος [Σ᾽ εβασ]τοῦ
Γερμανικοῦ Αὐτοκράτορος ᾿Επεὶφ κα [Σ᾿ ε]Ἰβα(στῇ). Θέων
ὁ σιτολ(ογῶν) τοὺς περὶ Πέλα τόπί(ουΞ) μεμέτρη(μαι) παρὰ Apj....|s
τῆς
Φάτρεω(ς) ᾿Απο(λλωνίου ?) δι(ὰ) ‘Hpa&ros ᾿Οννώ(φρεως) πυροῦ σί(ύμν-
πα(ντα) μ[έτρῳ] τῷ καν-
5 κέλλῳ ἀρτάβα(ς) ἕνδεκα τέταρτον καὶ τίὰς deo ὑ]ύσας
ἀντὶ τῆς κακομετρίας ἑκατοστῶν [τ]εσσάρων.
On the recto
and hand ὃ (ἔτους) Τιβερίου [Κλαυδίο]υ |Kai|capos.
4. on’ Il, 6. 1. ἑκατοστὰς [7 €ocapas.
‘The 4th year of Tiberius Claudius Caesar Augustus Germ. Imp., Epeiph 21, des
Augustus. I, Theon, sitologus of the district of Pela, have had measured to me by Ar...
daughter of Phatris son of Apollonius through Heras son of Onnophris 114 artabae of
wheat in all, by the cancellus measure, and the 4 hundredths required as compensation for
the faulty measure. (Endorsed) The 4th year of Tiberius Claudius Caesar.’
2. Ἐπεὶφ xa [3e\Ba(orp): on the ἡμέραι Σεβασταί see Blumenthal, Archiv, v. 337 566.
The evidence collected by him is supplemented by four instances in the reign of Gaius in
the Rylands papyri (167. 34 Sebastus 3, 230. 13 Neus Sebastus 6, 144. 5 Pauni 2, 151. 21
Soter 20), and two in the reign of Trajan (P. Ryl. 202 (a). 4 Thoth 21, P. S. I. 40. τό
Mecheir 16), besides the present passage. Some of the days are no doubt rightly explained
as monthly commemorations of the birthday or accession-day of the Emperor or his pre-
decessors. The 21st as Σεβαστή occurs in 288. το (Pauni of the roth year of Tiberius ; but
the reading of the figures is uncertain) and in P. Ἀγ]. 202 (a). 4, where it is the actual
_ anniversary of Trajan’s birthday. This number does not suit the birthdays or accession-
days of Tiberius, Gaius, and Claudius, which are all accounted for in the ἡμέραι Σεβασταί by
other numbers (cf. Blumenthal, /.c., P. Ryl. ii, p. 142); but, especially if the reading in
288. το is correct, the 21st may well be connected with Augustus, who assumed that title
on Jan. 16, corresponding to Tubi 21, and possibly the instance in which Thoth 21 is
Σεβαστή in Trajan’s time is also to be explained as a survival of the same commemoration,
K %
132 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
If the 21st in the Tiberius-Claudius period is not connected with Augustus, it presumably
commemorated some member of the Imperial family; cf. Blumenthal, of. cit. 341.
3. Πέλα: a large village in the western toparchy ; cf. 1285. 81.
4. ᾿Απο(λλωνίου ἢ) δι(ὰ) “Hparos: the o of azo is not much higher than usual, and ἀπὸ
δι(αστολῆς) or δι(αγραφῆς) might be read, but is unsatisfactory in this context, whereas δι(ά) is
expected. Possibly ἀπο(δήμου) is the word, as in 1446. 84; οἴη. ‘Hparos can be either
masculine or feminine.
σ(ὐμ)πα(ντα)ὴ: cf. 287. 6 πυρ(οῦ) [σύ]νπαντα (the final a is written above the line), 384
πυροῦ τριω( ) σύνπ(αντα), 289. 2, 15, &c., where 1. σ(ύμγπα(ντα) before (δραχμάς), and 574.
μίετρῷ] τῷ κανκέλλῳ ἢ corn described as καγκέλλῳ is frequently met with in late Byzantine
papyri, and Becker’s explanation of it (P. Heidelb. iii, p. 32) as derived from the Persian
gangal, not the Latin cancellus, is accepted by Wilcken, Grundz, \xx. But καγκέλλῳ or an
adjective formed from it was probably meant by a mysterious word in P. Brit. Mus. 256 (a).
12 (ii. 99; A.D. 15), which has been read as κανκερλοτῳ, χανκερλοτῳ, χαλκερλοτῳ, and χαλκειλοτῳ
(the preceding words being μέτρῳ δημο]σίῳ, and the succeeding τῷ ἀνενηνεγμένῳ), and supposed
to be an error for χαλκηλάτῳ The scribe of that papyrus is very inaccurate and elsewhere
confuses o and a, so that καγκέλλῳ with the omission of the second τω is the most satisfactory
correction of the passage. In an unpublished Byzantine tax-receipt from Oxyrhynchus 226
artabae σίτου καγκέλλου = 200 art. καθαροῦ.
5. τὰς δεο]ύσας : the reading is far from certain, for ἡ is slightly preferable to v and
after o is a stroke which is not elsewhere employed by the writer in forming a, though it is
hardly long enough for 1, and may represent merely a false start. ἴησιας suggests only
γν]ησίας, for which γνήσια δημόσια in P. Amh. 86.10 (cf. 1409. 20, n.) is not a very close
parallel, ἑκατοστὰς τέσσαρας was not written, but, unless a substantive can be read in I. 5,
seems to have been meant, the error being due to the preceding genitive.
6. For κακομετρία the lexica quote only Eustathius, who uses it for ‘bad metre’; it has
not occurred previously in papyri, though additional ἑκατοσταί are found frequently for
adulteration (708) or unspecified reasons (e.g. 1448. 10). A μέτρον πρὸς ἑκατοστὰς δέκα
occurs in 1640. 5.
1448. LisT OF ARREARS OF CLOTHING.
25°3 X17 cm. About 318.
This list of arrears of clothing owed by a number of villages was found with
1424-5 and is of approximately the same date. It is remarkable for the minute
fractions of the στιχάρια and παλλία, which are divided, like the artaba (cf. 1446.
int.), in the two series 444 and 423, 42 An instance of the division of
χλαμύδες into similar fractions, which had occurred in P. Brit. Mus. 1259. verso
(iii. 239), now loses its singularity. Of the seventeen villages mentioned the first
four, which were formerly in the Thmoisepho toparchy (cf. 1285. 122 sqq.), are
known from P. Giessen 115. ii to have been in the 8th pagus at this period, and
Dositheou (1. 8), which was formerly in the lower toparchy (1285. 139), was in the
same pagus (1425. 6), while Souis (l. 7) occurs next to Dositheou in 1285, and
Tholthis (1. 6) was formerly in either the Thmoisepho or the lower toparchy
(1285. 123, 141). The ten villages from 1, 10 onwards are, with one or two
1448. LIST OF ARREARS OF CLOTHING .- 133
exceptions (II. 10, 12, nn.), new, and probably smaller than the first seven, two of
them being called ἐποίκια and one (1. 15) a χωρίον, a term which after the fourth
century tends to supersede κώμη ; cf. P. Tebt. ii, p. 365. The whole list is likely
to refer to the 8th pagus; cf. 1425. 4, n. Some marginal notes have been
inserted, referring to partial payments of the arrears. On the collection of
clothing for military purposes in the Byzantine period see P. Leipzig 59-60,
Goodspeed, Class. Philol. 10 (Preisigke, S. B. 4421), 1136, 1428, and for the earlier
ὀθονιηρά 1414. int.
Ἔχθεσις στιχαρίων καὶ παλλίων'
ἔχουσι Μέλανος Τήεως στιχ(άρια) OB’ παλ(λίου) Z,
στιχ(άρια) γ. K 2 - , yy ee
εσμούχεωϊς στιϊχίάρ.) ββ΄ παλί(λ.) 4γ΄ κ΄ δ΄,
Παλώσεως στιχ(άρ.) αβ΄ παλί(λίον) ay’,
Avoti(pos) τῶν ἀπὸ Δωσιθέου ᾿ ΄ ΄ ΄,..,
ἔβαλε ὑπὲρ αὐτῶν hae as στιχί(άρ :) γβ παλ(λ.) τὴ Ke
στιχ(άρια) yy’. 6 Θώλθεως παλί(λ.) γ᾽,
Σ]οἸύεως στιχ(άρ.) yy’ παλ(λ.) ββ' κ' δ΄
Δωσιθέου στιχ(άρ.) [[O]] ᾧ. β΄ παλ(λ.) i
ὧν ἀπηνεγκάμην παλί(λίον) a,
1Ιο ἐποικίου Γεροντᾷ παλ(λ.) γ
| Πετροκί ) στιχ(αρίου) ς΄ κ΄ δ΄ manda.) VB’,
εἰς οἶκόν σού ἐστιν. Σ᾿ κυταλίτιδος Adyyov στιχί(άρ.) ακ' δ΄ παλ(λ.) γ΄,
᾿ ἐποικ(ίου) Σ᾿ αραπᾶ στιχί(αρ.) OK’ δ'μη΄ παλ(λ.) 7
Νααιλί( ) παλί(λ.) yt B’,
if χωρίου Sepyvov καὶ Νεμεσίωνος
στιχίαρ.) ς΄ κ' δ΄ παλ(λ.) (β΄,
Πελαίτου στιχ(αρ.) (β΄ μη΄ παλί(λ.) κ΄ δ΄,
Στρούθου στιχί(αρ.) δ΄ κ' δ΄ μη΄ mara.) η΄,
Ψανωρμᾶ στιχίαρ.) (β΄ μη΄ παλί(λ.) κ΄ δ΄,
20 Θαλασσοκάπρου otty(ap.) OK'd μη΄ marr.) ἡ
On the verso
ἔχθεσις στιχαρίων καὶ παλλίων.
14. νααϊλί ) Π. 17. πελαΐτου II.
I. ἔχθεσις : cf. P. Fay. 320 ἐχθ. λοιπ(ογραφουμένων ?) and P. Hamb. i, p. 95.
2. The marginal note ‘They have received 3 στιχάρια of Melas’ refers to the 42 στιχάρια
in this line. Melas is presumably a personal name, not a place-name.
5. The marginal note ‘ Diotimus, inhabitant of Dositheou, has paid for them 34 στιχάρια᾽
134 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
refers to the 32 ory. The final ε of Διότι(μος) is not raised above the line, and ἃ μ or
a stroke above the line ought to have been visible, but διότι Ἴων cannot be read.
10. ἐποικίου Tepovra: Tepovri(ov) occurs as a village-name on a potsherd in Arch.
Rep. 1904-5. 15 (= Preisigke, S. B. 1945), but cannot be read here, the a being nearly
certain ; cf. int.
11. Πετροκ( ): or possibly Πετροβί ).
12. Σκυταλίτιδος Λόγγου : cf. Σκοταλίτιδος in a sixth-century list of Oxyrhynchite ile
in P. Iand. 51. 6, where probably Σκυταλίτιδος is to be read.
14. Νααιλί ): « or wis possible in place of A.
V. DECLARATIONS, TO ΟΕ ΠΟΙΆ
1449. RETURN OF TEMPLE PROPERTY.
Fr.1 20:6x47-6cm. ΕἾ. 4 19°4X10cm. A.D. 213-14.
This elaborate return of dedicated offerings, drawn up by the priests of various
temples at Oxyrhynchus and in the Oxyrhynchite and Cynopolite nomes, is
parallel to parts of B. G. U. 590+ 162(W. Chrest. 91), 338, 387, 488, 590, 1023,
P. Rainer 8 af. Wessely, Karanis 59, Brit. Mus. 353 (ii. 112), all from the Arsinoite
nome, P. Ἀγ]. 110 (Hermopolis), and 521, a list of temple property at an Oxyrhyn-
chite village or possibly the metropolis. B.G. U. 781, which has been sometimes Ὁ
regarded as a similar list, probably refers to a private deposit ; cf. Wilcken, Archiv,
vi. 302. The deities worshipped at the shrines in question were in all Zeus, Hera,
Atargatis Bethennun|is ?], Core, Dionysus, Apollo, and Neotera (ll. 1-2; cf. 1-5,
nn.), other references to these cults at Oxyrhynchus being scarce. Probably all
the six temples at Oxyrhynchus enumerated in Il. 3-6 were much less important
than the two chief ones, the Serapeum and Thoéreum, both of which gave their
names to ἄμφοδα and appear in 1458 and in the list of the city buildings in
43. verso. Another probably minor temple, mentioned incidentally in 1. 5, was
the Demetreum. The return, like B. G. U. 387, was unaddressed, and may have
been intended for the strategus or basilicogrammateus, to one or both of whom
the annual γραφαὶ ἱερέων καὶ χειρισμοῦ, exemplified by P. Tebt. 298 and the Berlin
and Vienna papyri mentioned above, were sent in the first and second centuries.
The address to those officials was often omitted in Oxyrhynchite ἀπογραφαί
(e.g.1109 and1548). The date, however, of 1449 (Hathur of the 22nd—25th year
of Caracalla ; cf. ll. 7, n., and 53) is subsequent to the establishment of senates,
which became largely responsible for the temple administration, and one of the
third-century parallels, P. Ryl. 110 (A.D. 259), was addressed to an ἀρχιπροφήτης
of Alexandria. A contrast also seems to be drawn in |. 16 between 1449 and
ordinary γραφαί, and since 1449 was certainly confined, like P. Ryl. 110, to a list
1449. RETURN OF TEMPLE PROPERTY 135
of the χειρισμός, the question which official was addressed remains uncertain.
The omission is in any case to be connected with the fact that 1449 is a rough
draft or copy, as is clearly shown by the frequent abbreviations and abrupt con-
clusion, without any signatures or date.
The four extant fragments do not join. Frs. 1 and 2, which come from the
beginning, are separated by a gap, of which the size can only be determined with
any approach to certainty in the case of ll. 1 and 7-9. Line 7 requires at least
27 letters between ἀναθημάτ(ων) [and }. A much longer restoration, inserting
Αὐτοκράτορος Καίσαρος or τοῦ κυρίου ἡμῶν Αὐτοκράτορος, as in ll. 40 sqq., before
Μάρκου, would by itself be quite as satisfactory, but does not suit the correspond-
ing lacunae in ll. ὃ (of the same size) and 9 (5 letters longer), where the obvious
restorations yield 24 and 32 letters respectively, and is only compatible with the
corresponding lacuna in 1. 1 (3 letters shorter) on the supposition that both the
priest whose name is lost and his father had double names. The arrangement of
Frs. 1 and 2 adopted in the text is therefore more probable. The ends of lines
are also missing, but the certain restoration at the end of |. 8 serves to fix the
approximate length of the lacunae in the other lines, though there may have been
some irregularities ; cf. 1. 7, ἢ. In1.12 there is a change of hand, the second
being slightly smaller than the first. Fr. 4 consists of the first halves of lines
belonging to the last column of the document, there being a blank space below
1], 65. Whether this column immediately followed the first is uncertain. The
list of temples in Il. 3-7 does not correspond exactly to the later details, so far as
these are preserved. Lines 8—11, and probably ll. 11-31 also (cf. 1. 11, n.), refer
to a temple of Neotera which seems to have been mentioned at the beginning of
1. 5, unless it is the temple of Apollo and Neotera in |. 4; 11. 40-1 apparently
refer to one of the other five Oxyrhynchus temples, and 1]. 42-53 to the
Cynopolite village-temple mentioned in 1]. 6-7 (cf. 1. 42, n.); but ll. 54-65 are
concerned with temples at various villages of the Oxyrhynchite nome which were
not mentioned in 1]. 3-7. There is not room in Col. i, of which the height is
uncertain, but which is not likely to have exceeded 50 lines, for the account of
the four remaining temples of Oxyrhynchus, if the dedications were at all
numerous like those in the temple of Neotera; but there are indications
that the account of the temple to which 1]. 40-1 refer occupied only 2% lines
(1. 40, n:), and if the other four were also dealt with briefly or partly omitted,
there were only two columns in all. Hence we have provisionally assigned Fr. 3,
which contains the ends of 8 lines, to the lower part of Col. i. The few
details preserved in it suggest that it refers to the same temple as 1]. 8-31, for the
objects described previously do not recur in it,and there is no trace of a mention
of a new temple. But since no combination of Fr. 3 with ll. 8-31 is practicable,
136 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
the list of objects at the temple of Neotera, if it continued up to 1. 39 or
beyond, leaves only about 10 lines in Col. i available for the four temples not
accounted for; and if one or more columns intervened between Cols. i and ii,
Fr. 3 may equally well belong to the interval.
The unusually detailed list of offerings, including the donors’ names where
known (cf. 11. 9-12), though much obscured by lacunae, presents a number of
points of interest. The first place in each section referring to a particular temple
is given to an εἰκονίδιον (e.g. Il. 8, 42, 54, 63) of the reigning Emperor with his,
parents: the material of these triads is not stated but is likely to have been stone.
There were also numerous statues or statuettes of gods, a ξόανον of Demeter
partly in Parian marble, partly in wood (Il. 10-11), one of Neotera in bronze
(1. 12), and another affixed to an uncertain object (1. 13), and one of an uncertain
deity, partly in marble (1. 14), figures of Typhon (1. 14) and Harpocrates (I. 24),
a gold statuette of Aphrodite (]. 33 ?), ἀνδριαντάρια of Zeus and Hera (1. 58) and
perhaps of Demeter (1. 49, n.), silver figures of Core (1. 44) and apparently Bubastis
(1. 19) on lamps, and a rudder representing Neotera (1. 14?). The other offerings,
classified according to their materials, comprise (1) go/d, lamps (Il. 15, 48), armlets,
and finger-rings (1. 16 ; cf.1. 12), spoons and pen (1. 17), pendant (στραγγαλίς, 1. 23 ;
cf. 1. 18, n.), 2 κρίκοι (1. 24), crescent (μηνίσκιον, 1. 26; cf. 1. 18, n.) and other
objects (Il. 17, 19 (with a προσκυνητήριον ?), 21, 25) ; (2) selver, pens (1.17), armlets
of different kinds, crescent and pendant (1. 18), mirror (1. 19), lamps (ll. 19, 22; cf.
1. 44), altar (1. 49), besides uncertain objects (Il. 22-3); (3) dronze, mirror (Il. 21-2,
56), spoons (I. 30), lamps (Il. 35-8), altar (1. 47), trencher (μαζονόμος, 11. 58, 60),
uncertain (I. 29) ; (4) s¢ove, Iacchus-shrine (1. 46) and other objects (Il. 14, 20, 24) ;
(5) wood, probably a table (1. 23), couch (1. 41), part of a lamp (1. 44); (6) clothing,
green robe (I. 13), cloaks (παλλίολον, Il. 32, 39), ἱμάτια (1. 51), coverings (περί-
στρωμα, ll. 55, 62) ; (7) mzscellaneous, pearl necklaces, one containing 52 pearls
(l. 25), a pair of κορδίκια (1. 53, n.), and a daily supply of oil (1 65). Many of
these objects are not found in the other lists of temple property; cf. Otto,
Priester und Tempel, i. 327 sqq.
Col. i. Frs. 1 and 2.
1 ITalpa Αὐρ(ηλίων) Ζωίλ(ου) ‘Amoddwviov μητ(ρὸς) Αὐρ(ηλίας) ᾿Αχιλλίδ(ος)
καὶ 14 letters μη]τ(ρὸς) Αὐρ(ηλίας) Τααφύγχί(ιος) ἀμφοτέρων [......-- ]
καὶ τῶν σὺν adz(ois) ἱερέων Δ]ιὸς καὶ “ρας καὶ 'Arapydrid(os)
2 καὶ Κόρης καὶ Διονύσου καὶ ᾿Απόλλωνο]ς [καὶ Newrépas καὶ τῶν συννάων
θεϊῶν καὶ κωμαστῶν προϊτομῶν τοῦ] κυρί[ο]υ Σ᾽ εβαστοῦ καὶ νίκης [αὐτοῦ
προαγούσης καὶ
10
II
12
13
14
1449. RETURN OF TEMPLE PROPERTY 137
᾿Ιουλίας Δόμνας Σ᾿ εβαστῆς καὶ τοῦ θεοῦ πατρὸς αὐτοῦ ἢ Σ᾿ εουήρου........ Ἰνων
αὐτῶν ἱερῶν τῶϊν ὄντων] ἐν TH μητροπόλ(ει) ἐπὶ μὲν τοῦ Διονύσου ἐπ᾽
ἀμφόδι(ου)
Δρόμ(ου) Θοήριδ(ος), τοῦ δὲ ἑτέρου ᾿ἀπόλλωνος [ 211. θεοῦ μεγ]άλου ἀγαθοῦ
δαίμ(ονος) καὶ Newr(épas) [év τοῖς ἀπ]ὸ νότου τῆς πίόϊλεως ἐπ᾿ ἀϊπη]-
λ(ιώτην) [μέρεσιν ew ἀμφόδ(ου).. .. ( ),
καὶ ἐν τοῖς ἀπὸ νότου ἐπὶ λίβα μέρεσι τῆϊς πόλ(εως) ἐπ᾽ ἀμφόδ(ου). ....( )
Newr(épas)?, καὶ ἐπ᾿ ἀμφόδ(ου" Πλατ(είας) ἐκ νότ(ου) τοῦ 4ημητρί(είου)
Διὸς καὶ ΗΙρας κἸαὶ ᾿ἀταργάτ[ιδ)ος Βεθεννύνιδ(ο9) ? καὶ Κόρης, καὶ ἐπ᾽ ἀμ-.
φ[ὀ]δ(ου) Δρόμ(ου) Τυμνα(σίου) Ards καὶ “Hpas καὶ ᾿ἀταργάτ[ιδ(ος) Βεθεννύ-
vid(os) καὶ Κόρης, καὶ ἐπ’ ἀμφόδ(ου) “Πππέων Παρεμβολ(ῆς) Πατεμὶτ
ν
λα[ύρα]ς [4 ὸς καὶ Ἥρας καὶ ᾿Αταργάτιδ(ο9) κ[αὶ Κόρης Pia ILE, em ebahes tails
τοῦ Κυνοπολ(ίτου) Διὸς καὶ Ἥρας. γρα(φὴ) ἀναθημάτ(ων) [τοῦ x. (ἔτους)
Μάρκου Αὐρηλίου Σ:εουήρο]υ ‘Avtwvivov Παρθικοῦ Μεγίστου Βρεταννικοῦ
Μεγίστου Γερμανικοῦ Μεγίστοϊυ Εὐσεβοῦς Σεβαστοῦ.
ἔστι δέ: τῶν μὲν ἐν τῷ τῆς Νεωτί(έρας) ἱερῷ, εἰκονείδιον τοῦ κυρίόυ ἡμῶν
Αὐτοκράτορος Μάρκου Αὐρηλίο]υ Σ᾽ εουήρου Avtwvivoy Εὐτυχοῦς [Εὐ-
σεβοῦς Σεβαστοῦ
καὶ ᾿Ιουλίας Δόμνας τῆς κυρίας Σεβαστῆς [καὶ τοῦ θεοῦ πατρὸς αὐτοῦ
Σεουήρου, ἐπιϊκειμέϊν]ων ἐπί τινων ἀναθημάτ(ων) τὰ ὀνόματ(α) τῶν
dvablévr(wv) το 1]., ἐπὶ
γὰρ ἄλλων μὴ γεινώσκειν ἡμεῖν τοὺς [ἀναθέντας διὰ τὸ τὰ ἀναθήματ(α) ἀπὸ
ἀρχαίων χρόνων ἐν τῷ ἱερῷ εἶναι, ξόανον Δήμητρος θ[εᾶς peylor(ns),
οὗ ἡ προτομί(ὴ)
Παρίνη, τὰ δὲ ἄλλα μέρη τοῦ σώματ(οΞ) ξύλινα, 33 1. Ἰωνιειου.. [. .1. of. .1μ|. -]
ἡμεῖν οὐκ ἐπεδείχθ(η). καὶ ἐπὶ [....-.-- τῶν ἐκ τῆς
ἄνωθεν) συνηθείας) Kar’ εὐχ(ὴν) καὶ εὐσέβ(ειαν) ἀνιερωθέντ(ων), [ 26 1. ἀἹνα-
τεθίε ) ὑπὸ Pola Ῥ]γέν[ο]υς “Ὠ[ρῆωνος, (and hand) ξόζα]νον ΝΝεωτ(έραΞ)
χα(λκοῦν) μεικ(ρόν), δακτύλ(ιοι) ε [ἀνατεθ(έντε) ὑπὸ . . - - - « «-
Διδύμ(ου), στολὴ καλλαΐνη ἀνατεθ(εῖσα) ὑπὸ τ(ῆς) μητί(ρὸς) Ar 261. alva-
τεθίε ) ὑπὸ Κάστορος ᾿Ασκληπίιάδου), [Be ῬἸλένκωτοϊς] μεικ(ρὸ5) ἐφ᾽ οὗ
ξόανον τῆς Newr(épas) ἀποθ. 171. Ἷ
λιθίιν ) εὐτόμου λίθ(ου), πηδάλ(ιον) τῆς [Νεωτ(έρας) ἢ, ἕόανον 20 1., οἱ
ἡ προτομ(ὴ) ΠΙα]ρίνη, τὰ δὲ περίαπτα ἐπί]πλαστία), Τυφών τινων μερῶν
καί 17 1.
138
15
16
18
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
BS ᾽
κατὰ μέ(σον) κεκολίλημεν ) καὶ τὰ ἐν γλωσσ[οκόμῳ τό ]. λύχνοι xp(vaor)
μεικ(ροὴὶ) μ]εστ(οὶ) θεῖ[οἱ] B ἀν[ατεἸθ(έντες) ὑπὸ Σ᾽ αρα[π(ίωνος)] 3 αραπί(ίωνος),
ἄλ(λος) Alvx(vos)] χρ(υσοῦς) [μ]εικ(ρὸς) μεστ(ὸς) θεῖο(ς) dvareO(eis) ὑπὸ
Σαραε(ῦτος) ᾿ἀχζιλλί ), ἄλ(λος) λύχ(νος) χρ(υσοῦς) μεικ(ρὸς) μεστ(ὸς)
θεῖο(ς) ? '
ἀνατεθ(εὶ) ὑπὸ Πτολεμαΐδος γυναιϊκὸς 26 1., ὧν ὁ σταἸθμ(ὸς) δι(ὰ) τῶν
κατὰ χρόνο(ν) ypa(pav) [δηἸ]λοῦτ(αι), πεϊριδέξι]α παιδικ(ὰ) ι καὶ παιδικ(ὸς)
δακτύλ(ιος) a, ἐπὶ [τὸ α(ὐτὸ) χρ(υσοῦ) (τετάρτων) ὃ., 101.
μύστί(ρα) χρί(υσᾶ) B, γρί[αἸφεῖϊο(ν} χρίυσοῦν) μεικ(ρὸν) a, opal 33 1. plex(p )
a, πάντ(α) ἐπὶ τὸ αἰὐτὸ] χρ(υσοῦ) [(rerdprwv) 9 1. |. χρίυσ 1) εὐτοίμο )
ἀργυροπίοιητο ?) a (τετάρτων) β, γραφεῖα apy(upa) [ 171.
ψέλιο(ν) ἀργί(υροῦν) παιδι[κ(όν),. .]..- [34 1. περ)ιδέξ(ια) ἀργ(υρᾶ) β, μηνί-
BAY) [ates ee “Ὁ ἀ]ρίγίυρ ), πάντ(α) ὁλκ(ῆς) (δραχμῶν) ἡ (τριω-
βόλου), στρανγ(αλὶς) apy(vpa) of 17 |.
χίρίυσ ἢ σὺν πρ(οσ)κυνηϊτηρίῳ ? 38 1. |. . [ὁ]λκ(ῆς) (δρ.) ὃ (τριωβ.), ὄσυπτρον
ἀργί(υροῦν) πἰαιδικ(όν), .. ... |] ἀργίυρ ) μεικίρ )) φ, λαμπάδιες) ἀργίυ-
pai) καλᾳὶ BovBgo[r τ6. ὃ
[πάν]τ(α) ἐπὶ τὸ α(ὐτὸ) ὁλ(κῆς) (δραχμῶν ?) [ 40 1. στα]θμὸν [ἔχοντα μεστί(ὰ)
κη 10]. 1... ον χυτ(ὸν) λίθ(ινονῚ ἐν κεκολλημίένον), καὶ ἕτεροῖν 16 1.
[- - - ψ]ελίου κατ[ὰ 441. 1... [{|ς σάκκου χρίυσ ) κί 101. 1. ον don(por)
καὶ ἐπάνω κονχύλ(ον καὶ [ ὃ 1., κάτοπτρον
[x]eAx(odv) νεωτερ[ικ(ὸν) 48 1. 1 β, λαμπ(ὰς) ἀργί(υρᾶ) μεστ(ὴ) [το 1. ]...()
ἀργίυρ ) petk(p ) περικεχρυσωμίεν ) αἱ 17 i
ἀργίυρ ) B, tpdn[ega 411. Ja πάντ(α) μεστ(ὰ) θεῖα μειϊκ(ρὰ) odv......
] - ομῳ, ἄλ(λη) στρανγ(αλὶς) χρ(υσᾶ) κεκολλημ(ένη), opal 17 1.
εὐκολλητί ) χυτί γ [λιθῴιν .ν) 411. 1... [oly κεκο[λ]λημί(ένον) χυτ(ὸν) λίθ(ινον)
[101.7. «ὁ. ς σὺν κρίκ(οις) χρ(υσοῖς) β, ‘Apmoxpd|rns 14 1.
Χρίυσ Ὶ μεικί(ρ ) μεστί 1) Oe 42 1. ] πεινώτ(ιον) [.. .., ἄλ(λο}]} πεινώτ(ιον)
[... πεηνῷν συϊμ]μίκτ(ων) ἀριθμῷ vB ἔχον κατὰ μέσον ἢ 12].
μηνίσκ(ιον) χρ(υσοῦν), τρί 44 1. ] pek(p )al...... Ἰυρα ¢, [ 59 1,
ἕτερᾳ μηνίσ[κ(ια) 57 1.1. uC ) [ 511.
μεικίρ ) ᾳ, ἀλίΐλ ) κει 29 χαί(λκ ) ν ἀριθμῷ 30 μύστ(ρα)
χα(λκᾶ) ὃ μεικ(ρὰ).[ 81 [dlugor(ep ) μίεσίτί ) [
40
41
42
43
44
48
46
47
48
49
50
51
52
53
1449. RETURN OF TEMPLE PROPERTY 139
Br...
] madalior(ov)? μ583 Apo θ]δείτ(η) xpuo(@) κ84 Ἰγμέη 485 λύϊχνος
μεστὸ(ς) 36 Ἰν, Ady(vos) χα(λκοῦς) 37 ἀἸνατεθὲν 38 ] &(Aos)
λύχνος 39 Jov παλλίολ(ον)
Col ti... Fr.4.
τοῦ κυρίου ἡμῶν Αὐτοκράτορος Μάρκου Αὐρηλίου Σεουήρου ᾿Αντωνίνου
Εὐτυχοῦς Εὐσεβοῦς Σεβαστοῦ καὶ τοῦ θεοῦ πατρὸς αὐτοῦ
Σεουήρου καὶ ᾿Ιουλίας Δόμνας τῆς κυρίας Σεβαστῆς, κλείνη ξϊυλίίνη)
57 letters
τοῦ Κυνοπί(ολίτου) ἰκονείδιον τοῦ κυρίου ἡμῶν Αὐτοκράτορος Μάρκου [Αὐρη-
λίου Σεουήρου ᾿Αἀντωνίνου Εὐτυχοῦς Εὐσεβοῦς Σεβαστοῦ καὶ τοῦ θεοῦ -
πατρὸς αὐτοῦ Σεουήρου καὶ ᾿Ιουλίας Δόμνας τῆς κυρίας Σεβαστῆϊς 59 |.,
Aapn(as) σὺν (dim Κόρης ἀργυρῷ ἀσήμί(ῳ) ὁλκ(ῆς) λί(τρας) a ἔσωθζεν)
ξυλ(ίνη), ἔχουϊσα 46 1., ἀνατεθ(εῖσα) ὑπὸ τῆς
μητ(ρὸς) 4Διονυσίας Δείου ἀπ᾽ ᾽Ο ξυ(ρύγχων) πόλ(εως) ἀκολούθ(ως) οἷς συνεχω-
ρήθ(η) ὑπὸ Αὐρ[(ηλίου) 59 1.
θεου, καὶ ᾿Ιαχχάριον μεικ(ρὸν) ἀπὸ ξενικ(οῦ) λίθ(ου) ἀνατεθ(ὲν) ὑπὸ ᾿άνδρο-
μάχί(ου) [ ὅο 1.
βωμὸς χαί(λκοῦς) ἀνατεθ(εἰ) ὑπὸ Ζμαράγδ(ου) ἀπελευθ(έρου) ArrodAda(viov)
Sapan(iwvos) ἀκ[ολούθ(ως) οἷς συνεχωρήθη ὑπὸ 39 |.
καὶ ὁμοί(ως) mp(oojeyéver(o) τῷ a (ἔτει) λαμπ(ὰς) χρ(υσᾶ) ἔχουσα κατὰ μέσον
ΠΕ 061:
[ἀἸνατεθ(εὶς) ὑπὸ “Ηρακλείδου Σ᾽ αραπίωνος, ἄλ(λος) βωμ(ὸς) apy(vpods) λί(τρας)
a ὀγκιῶν eZ [ 601.
[Olas μεγίστης λι(τρῶν) ve ἀνατεθί ) ὑπὸ Αὐρ(ηλίου) ᾿Ιουλίου τῷ α (ἔτει),
καὶ ἐν τῷ ὃ [(ἔτει) 55 1. σεσηίμμεν τι
[ἀϊχρηστίο ὺγ)ὺ) a, τὰ δὲ ἱμάτια πάντ(α) ἀπὸ τίοῦ) χρό(νου) σεση(μμένα)
ο΄ ἄχρηστ(α) μηδὲ ἴχνη [ 601.
καὶ πρί(οσ)εγέν[εἶτο τῷ ς (ἔτει) μη(νὴ Θὼθ ἐν ἱερῷ τῆς Κόρης ξόανοϊν
30 1. ἀνατεθ(ὲν) ὑπὸ 201.
[γυ]μνα(σιαρχήσαντος), καὶ τῷ διελθόντι μη(νὴ Φαῶ(φι) κορδικίων edyos
[ 601.
140 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
54 [κἸωμ(ῶν) τοῦ νομοῦ! ἔστι de Σιναρύ, ἰκονείδιον τοῦ κυρίου ἡμῶν ᾿Αὐτοκρά
τορος Μάρκου Αὐρηλίου Σ'εουήρου ‘Avtwvivov Εὐτυχοῦς Εὐσεβοῦς
55 [Σε]βαστοῦ καὶ τοῦ θεοῦ πατρὸς αὐτοῦ Σεουήρου καὶ ᾿Ιουλίας ΖΔόϊμνας τῆς
κυρίας Σεβαστῆς 29 1. περίστρωμα
56 [φοινείκινον σεση(μμένον) ἄχρηστί(ον), κάτοπί(τρον)Ὶ νεωτερικ(ὸν) χαί(λκοῦνῚ
δίπ(τυχον) a. Tal 101. εἰκονείδιον τοῦ κυρίου ἡμῶν Αὐτοκράτορος
Μάρκου Αὐρηλίου
57 [ΣεἸουήρου ᾿ἀντωνίνου Εὐτυχοῦς Εὐσεβοῦς Σεβαστοῦ καὶ τοῦ [θεοῦ πατρὸς
αὐτοῦ Σ'εουήρου καὶ ᾿Ιουλίας Δόμνας τῆς κυρίας Σεβαστῆς,
58 ἐν ἱερῷ μαζονόμ(ος) χα(λκοῦς) a, ἀνδριαντάρια β Διὸς καὶ “Hpas θεῶϊν
μεγίστων. 31 1. εἰκονείδιον τοῦ κυρίου
59 ἡμῶν Αὐτοκράτορος Μάρκου Αὐρηλίον Σ᾽ εουήρου Avtwviv[ov Εὐτυχοῦς Εὐ-
σεβοῦς Σεβαστοῦ καὶ τοῦ θεοῦ πατρὸς αὐτοῦ Σ᾿ εουήρου καὶ ᾿Ιουλίας
60 Δόμνας τῆς κυρίας Σεβαστῆς, μ[αϊζονόμος χα(λκοῦς) a kali 20 1. εἰκονείδιον
τοῦ κυρίου ἡμῶν Αὐτοκράτορος Μάρκου
61 «Αὐρηλίου Σ᾽ εουήρου ᾿ἀντωνίνου Εὐτυχοῦς Εὐσεβοῦς Σ᾿ εβαστοῦ καὶ τοῦ θεοῦ
πατρὸς αὐτοῦ Σεουήρου καὶ ᾿Ιουλίας Δόμνας τῆς κυρίας Σεβαστῆς,
62 περίστρωμα σεσημ(μένον) ἄχρηστ(ον) a. Κερκεθύρεως καὶ Κερκίε 59 1.
63 ἐν ταῖς αὐταῖς κώμαις εἰκονείδ[ι]α δύο τοῦ κυρίου ἡμῶν [Αὐτοκράτορος Μάρκου
Αὐρηλίου Seovfjpov ᾿Αντωνίνου Εὐτυχοῦς Εὐσεβοῦς
64 Σεβαστοῦ καὶ τοῦ θεοῦ πατρὸς αὐτοῦ Σεουήρου καὶ Ιουλίας Adplvas τῆς
κυρίας Σεβαστῆς, καὶ χορηγεῖται ὑπὸ 241.
65 γυμνασιαρχ(ήσαντοΞς) ἐλαίου ἡμερησίωϊς] κοτύλης ἥμισυ οὗ χωρεῖ eifs 59 |.
I. ἵερεων ΤΙ. 3. Ἰουλίας IL; so in Il. 9, 41, 43, 55, 64. ἵερων Π. 6. πατεμῖτ Π.
8. ἵερίω IL; so in Il. το, 52, 58. 9. 1. τῶν ὀνομάτ(ων). το. 1. ἡμᾶς. 12. ανϊερωθ. II.
13. καλλαΐϊνη Tl. 14. tp. 15. ὕπο Π: 50 ἴπ]]. τό, 50. τό. mrodepaidos Π. 17. δ β
Tl. 19. mp(oc) is written p), as in ll. 48 and 52. 1. ἔσοπτρον. 42. ἵκονειδιον II; 50
in |. 54. 44. pw Of apyvpo corr. 46. taxxaptoy Π. 50. tovAcov II. 51. ἵματια
. ἴχνη I. 60. ον Of μ[αϊζονομος corr.
1-20. ‘From the Aurelii, Zoilus son of Apollonius and Aurelia Achillis, and. . . son
of ... and Aurelia Taaphunchis, both ..., and their associates, priests of Zeus, Hera,
Atargatis, Core, Dionysus, Apollo, Neotera, and the associated gods, and celebrants of
the busts of the lord Augustus and his advancing victory and Julia Domna Augusta and
his. deified father Severus, at their... temples situated in the metropolis, in the case of
Dionysus in the quarter of the Square of Thoéris, in the other case, that of Apollo... the
great god and good genius, and Neotera, in the south-east part of the city in the quarter
of ..., in the south-west part of the city. . . and in the Broad Street quarter to the south of
1449. RETURN OF TEMPLE PROPERTY 141
the shrine of Demeter that of Zeus, Hera, Atargatis Bethennunis, and Core, and in the
Gymnasium Square quarter that of Zeus, Hera, Atargatis Bethennunis, and Core, and in
the Cavalry Camp quarter, Patemit street, that of Zeus, Hera, Atargatis, and Core, and
in .. . of the Cynopolite nome that of Zeus and Hera. List of offerings for the 2[.] year of
Marcus Aurelius Severus Antoninus Parthicus Maximus Britannicus Max. Germanicus
Max. Pius Augustus, as follows. Objects in the temple of Neotera, a representation of our
lord the Emperor M. Aurelius Severus Antoninus Felix Pius Augustus and Julia Domna
the lady Augusta and his deified father Severus, some of the offerings being inscribed with
the names of the dedicators, ... while in other cases we are ignorant of the dedicators,
because the offerings have been in the temple from antiquity ; a statue of Demeter, most
great goddess, of which the bust is of Parian marble and the other parts of the body of
wood, . . . was not disclosed to’us. And with regard to other offerings, which were
dedicated in accordance with ancient custom for vows or pious reasons, . . . dedicated by
Phragenes(?) son of Horion, a small bronze statue of Neotera, 5 rings dedicated by . . .
son of Didymus, a green robe dedicated by the mother of An...,... dedicated by Castor
son of Asclepiades, a small . . ., on which is a statuette of Neotera ..., a stone... of well-
cut stone, a rudder representing Neotera, a statue of..., of which the bust is of Parian
marble and the amulets are of plaster, a statue of Typhon, part of which. . . joined
together in the middle, and the ...ina casket, 2 small gold full sacred lamps dedicated by
Sarapion son of Sarapion, another small gold full sacred lamp dedicated by Saraeus daughter
of Achill . . ., (another lamp) dedicated by Ptolemais wife of ..., of which the weight is
described in the periodical lists, 10 armlets for a child and 1 ring for a child, making in all .
quarters of gold, ...,2 gold spoons, 1 small gold pen, ... 1 small ..., making in all.
quarters of gold, 1 gold . . . well cut and decorated with silver, weighing 2 quarters, . silver
pens, ...a silver bracelet for a child, ... 2 silver armlets, a . . . silver crescent . . ., in all
weighing 8 drachmae 3 obols, a silver pendant .. ., a gold... with a shrine. . ., weighing
4 dr. 3 ob.,a silver mirror for a child, 6 small silver . . ., . fine silver lamps (representing ?)
Bubastis .. ., in all weighing...’
40-65. ‘... (a representation) of our lord the Emperor M. Aurelius Severus Antoninus
Felix Pius Augustus and his deified father Severus, and Julia Domna the lady Augusta,a wooden
couch... In.. of the Cynopolite nome a representation of our lord the Emperor M. Aurel.
Sev. Ant. F. P. Aug. and his deified father Sev. and Jul. Domna the lady Aug.,... ἃ lamp
with a small figure of Core in unstamped silver weighing 1 lb., the interior being of wood,
having .. ., dedicated by the mother of Dionysia daughter of Dius, of Oxyrhynchus, in
accordance with the agreement of Aurelius . . ., and a small shrine of Iacchus of foreign
stone, dedicated by Andromachus . . ., a bronze altar dedicated by Smaragdus, freedman of
Apollonius son of Sarapion, in accordance with the agreement of... Likewise added in
the 1st year, a gold lamp having in the middle . . ., (an altar) .. ., dedicated by Heraclides
son of Sarapion, another altar of silver weighing τ Ib. 54 oz... ., a statue of ... . the most
great goddess weighing 15 lb., dedicated by Aurelius Julius in the rst year, and in the
4th year..., 1... decayed and useless and all the clothing decayed with age and useless,
having no traces of... Added in the 6th year in the month of Thoth at the temple of
Core, a statue . . ., dedicated by . . . ex-gymnasiarch, and in the past month Phaophi a pair
of κορδίκια.. .. In the villages of the nome, as follows: at Sinaru a representation of our lord
the Emperor M. Aurel. Sev. Ant. F. P. Aug. and his deified father Sev. and Jul. Domna the
lady Aug...., a dark red covering decayed and useless, 1 bronze folding mirror in new
style. At Τὰ... - ἃ representation of our lord the Emperor M. Aur. Sev. Ant. F. P. Aug.
and his deified father Sev. and Jul. Domna the lady Aug., in the temple 1 bronze trencher,
2 statuettes of Zeus and Hera, most great gods. At...a representation of our lord the
Emperor M. Aur. Sey. Ant. Ἐς P. Aug. and his deified father Sev. and Jul. Domna the lady
142 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
Aug., 1 bronze trencher and... At... ἃ representation of our lord the Emperor M. Aur.
Sev. Ant. F. P. Aug. and his deified father Sev. and Jul. Domna the lady Aug., 1 covering
decayed and useless. At Kerkethoéris and Kerke... In the said villages two representa-
tions of our lord the Emperor M. Aur. Sev. Ant. F. P. Aug. and his deified father Sev. and
Jul. Domna the lady Aug., and there is provided by .. ., ex-gymnasiarch, daily $ cotyle
of oil, which goes to...’
I. ᾿Αχίλλίδ(ος) : cf. e.g. 1494. 12.
ἀμφοτέρων [,.......|: the lost title was probably προφητῶν (cf. B. G. U. 488. 3) or
στολιστῶν (cf. P. Tebt. 298. 3) or mpeoBur(épar) (cf. Β. G. U. 387. i. 7).
Δίιός κτλ. : cf. 1]. 5-6. Zeus probably = Ammon ; but with whom Hera was identified
is uncertain; cf. 488. 3 ἱερέως Διὸς καὶ Ἥρας xaji..., and 1265. 7-11 quoted in], 2, n.
For Atargatis cf. 1. 5, n.
2. Κόρης : cf. ll. 5, 44, and 52. A temple of Demeter and Core in the Arsinoite
nome is known from P. Petrie 97. 5, and they are mentioned in a stele found at Philadel-
phia in the same nome (Lefebvre, Aznales, xiii. 99). In the Metelite nome Core wasidentified
with Isis (1880. 72).
Διονύσου: cf. 1. 46 ᾿Ιαχχάριον. A Διονυσεῖον at Oxyrhynchus occurs in 908. 8, and
a τόπος Διονύσου τεχνιτῶν in the ἄμφοδον Δρόμου Θοήριδος (cf. 1. 4) in 171. το (ii, p. 208). The
tax called σπονδὴ Διονύσου was not connected only with Oxyrhynchus; cf. 1288. 17, n.
᾿Απόλλωνο]ς : i.e. Horus. Cf. 984 πασ(τοφόρος) ᾿Απολλ. θεοῦ μεγίσ(του) οἰκῶν ἐν παστο-
φορίῳ τοῦ αὐτο(Ὁ) ἱερο(Ὁ). ;
‘kai Newr(épas): cf. 1. 4, where she is apparently mentioned in conjunction with Apollo,
and 1. 8, where a temple of her alone occurs. This was presumably different from the
temple in 1. 4, and the only suitable place for it in ll. 3-6 is in 1. 5 ; for, though τῆς
Newr(épas) might be read in place of τοῦ Διονύσου in 1. 3 with Διον(ύσου) for Newr(<pas) in 1. 5
or Kai Διονύσου after ᾿Απόλλωνος in 1. 4, the order of the temples in ll. 3-6 would then bear
no relation to that of the list of gods in 1]. 1-2. With the restorations adopted in the text
the temples of the first four gods are accounted for in ll. 5-6, those of the last three in
ll. 3-5, but inside each group the order corresponds to that in ll. 1-2. To suppose that
the temple described at the end of |. 4 refers to καὶ Newr(€pas) alone is unsatisfactory, for the
preceding words θεοῦ μεγ]άλου ἀγαθοῦ δαίμονος suit Apollo, not the name of an ἄμφοδον.
A dedication Newrépa θεᾷ μεγίστῃ occurs in a Dendera inscription of Trajan’s reign, C. I. α.
4716 (c). 3-4; cf. ll. 20-1 φροντιστοῦ ἱεροῦ ᾿Αφροδίτης θεᾶς νεωτέρας. Franz supposes that
Plotina, the wife of Trajan, is identified with Aphrodite, but it is not clear that a subordinate
shrine rather than the chief temple of Dendera is indicated. Cleopatra is called θεὰ
νεωτέρα UpON Coins, and Newrépa in 1449 no doubt means Hathor-Aphrodite, though
"Adpo ?\eir(n) occurs in 1. 33 and νέα is a special title of Isis in 1880. 85.
καὶ τῶν συννάων Ge lov κτλ. : οἵ, 1265. 7-11 (A. Ὁ. 336) ἱερέως ἱεροῦ Διὸς καὶ Ἥρας καὶ τῶν συν. θ.
μεγίστων ἱκαὶ κωμαστοῦ θίων προτομῶν καὶ νίκης αὐτῶν προα(γ)ούσης. The θεῖαι προτομαί there
refer to the Emperor and his family, as here, and the temple was one of the three temples
of Zeus and Hera in ll. 5-6. θεῶν μεγίστων can be read for θεῶν, if Newrépas and συννάων
were abbreviated.
3- yay is probably the termination of a participle -μέϊνων. θεοῦ πατρὸς αὐτοῦ Σεουήρου
occurs regularly in Col. ii, where Julia Domna is placed third instead of second and called
κυρία Σεβαστή, as in 1. 9, where she again comes second. The omission of πατρὸς αὐτοῦ is
possible here, but hardly in 1. 9. With @eo[é Σεουήρου the lacuna can be filled by τῶν
ὑπογεγραμμέϊνων. For the association of Caracalla’s parents with him cf. Preisigke, S.B. 4275.
4. "Amd\Novos .[: Kai might be read, but the insertion of another male deity at this
point is not wanted; cf. ]. 2, n.
1449. RETURN OF TEMPLE PROPERTY 143
5. For the supplement Newr(épas) cf. 1. 2, n. Twenty-eight letters are expected in the
lacuna before Πλατ(είας), and the restoration in the text is rather long (32 letters) if
πόλεως Was written out as in 1. 4; but to connect ἐπ᾽ ἀμφόδου] Πλατ. with τῆϊς πόλεως is
unsatisfactory, for there is already one additional piece of topographical information after
Πλατ., so that another before én’ ἀμφόδ(ου)] would be quite superfluous; cf. 1. 2,n. The
missing name of the dudodov either here or at the end of |. 4 may well have been Κρητ(ικοῦ),
which in 43. verso ili. 15 is mentioned next before the vori πύλη.
Δημητρ(είου) : cf. 1485. 3. Several temples of Demeter in the Arsinoite nome are
known (cf. Otto, op. εἴ. ii. 379), her cult being sometimes associated with that of Core ; cf.
ll. 2, 49, nn. and 10--11.
*Arapydr|td|os Βεθεννύνιδ(ος) ἢ καὶ Κόρης : Atargatis was a Semitic deity, a form of Astarte,
worshipped in Syria and sometimes identified with Isis (1880. 100, n.). This is the first
definite mention of her cult in Egypt, but she was presumably meant by θεὰ Συρία in
P. Magd. 2 (cf. Strack, Archiv, ii. 547). Βεθεννύνζιδ(ος) (or -r[ys) appears to be a Semitic
compound of de/h and another word. A village called Βηθενναβρίς near Caesarea occurs in
Joseph, Bell. Jud. iv. 7.4. For Core cf. 1. 2, n.
6. Apép(ov) Τυμνα(σίου) : the context suggests that the Gymnasium was in the south-
western part of the city (I. 5); in 48. verso it occurs in iv. 6, between buildings in the
south (iii. 17 νοτινὴ πύλη and 19 vor. ἐκκλησία) and places on the river-bank, i.e. east (iv. 24
Kai{ca)pos βαλανεῖον, v. I μικρὸν Νειλομέτριον), the northern and western parts of the city
apparently occupying Cols. i-ii.
Tarepir Aalvpals: the lacuna is rather narrow for vpu, but Iareuir as the name of a street
is confirmed by the existence of a Πατεμίτης toparchy in the Hermopolite nome (e.g.
P. Ryl. 123. 12). For the termination cf. P. Amh. 35. 21 ἐπὶ rod Πρεμίτ at Socnopaei
Nesus.
7. The year cannot be earlier than the 22nd owing to the occurrence of the title
Germanicus Maximus; cf. 1406. int. For the omission of Αὐτοκράτορος Καίσαρος cf. int. and
e.g. B. G. U. 534. 19. The omission of Εὐτυχοῦς, which is uniformly found elsewhere in
1449, is common. The insertion of it would make this line project considerably, but in
Col. ii the lacunae at the ends of lines range from 52 letters (I. 40) to 65 (I. 59), though
commencing at the same point.
8. For Newr(épas) cf. 1. 2, n., and for εἰκονίδιον (a new diminutive) int. p. 136. There
would be room after εἰκον. for an abbreviated adjective, e. g. λίθ(ινον), but elsewhere in 1449
εἰκονίδιον is found without an epithet.
g—10. For [καὶ rod θεοῦ κτὰ.: cf. 1, 3,n. The clauses ἐπιϊκειμέϊν]ων . . « ἱερῷ εἶναι Seem
to be awkwardly placed after the enumeration of objects had begun, and the grammar
is defective; cf. the crit. nn. γινώσκειν appears to be governed by δηλοῦμεν understood.
A parallel phrase γενομένων ἀγνώστων ἡμεῖν occurred in B.G. U. 590. 6. τὸ καίτ᾽ (ἄνδρα) or
τοῖς are less probable readings than τούς,
IO-11. Δήμητρος θεᾶς peyior(ns): cf. ll. 49 and 5,14, nn. For οὗ ἡ προτομὴ | Παρίνη cf.
1. 14 and 8.6. U. 387. ii. 3, where a similar phrase is indicated by ai mporopai | following
ἀνδρεαντάρειο]ν (1. ἀνδρεαντάρεια [?).
Τ τ pA CR αν στιν (als : ἄλλων is rather short for the lacuna, and the construction is not
clear. κατὰ τὴν might be substituted for ἐκ τῆς in spite of the following κατ᾽ εὐχ(ήν), and
possibly καὶ ἐπὶ ...is connected with the preceding clause instead of being, as we suppose,
a heading corresponding to ἐπι]κειμέϊν]ων ἐπί τινων ἀναθημάτ(ων) and ἐπὶ] yap ἄλλων in Il. g—10.
The offerings enumerated in 1]. 12-14 in any case seem to belong to the same temple as
those in 11]. 8-11, and that καὶ ἐπὶ... is contrasted with τῶν μὲν ἐν τῷ τῆς Newr(épas) ἱερῷ in
1, 8 is unlikely.
12. Φρ[α]γέι[ο]υς (?): ᾿Ωρ[ι]γένζο]υς cannot be read,
144 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
13. BelAevewro{s]: there is hardly room for [ν] after ro. No word ending - γκωτος seems
to be known, but βελενκώθια καὶ σηστρίδια ὡσὶ εἰς ξυλαμήν occur in P, Fay. 118. 20, where
instruments of some kind appear to be meant.
ἀποθ. ἶ : ἀποθήϊκη, ‘ casket ’ (beginning a new entry), is possible, but the vestige of a letter
after @ rather suggests a or «.
14. τῆς [Newr(épas): cf. ll. 8, 13, and 2,n. Representations of deities are often found
as the παράσημα of boats, i.e. on the prow, but not elsewhere in papyri upon the rudder.
ἐόανον Δήμητρος θεᾶς μεγίστης (cf. Il. ro—11, n.) just fills the space before o|é, which is more
probable than ἧ]ς. [εὔπλαστ(α) (ΕἼ εὐτοίμο )) is possible instead of [ἐπί]πλαστ(α).
Τυφών: i.e. Set, who in ancient times was the chief deity of the Oxyrhynchite
nome.
15. κατὰ μέ(σον) : eft. as:
pleor(ot): cf. Il. 20, 22 (λαμπάς), 23 and 25 (in both cases followed by θεῖος, as here),
31, 35 (λύχνος), P. Hamb. 23. 34 μεστὰ ayyia, and n.
16. κατὰ xpdvo(v) γρα(φῶν) : cf. int. p. 134. R
πε[ριδέξι]α : ΕΡ er. me|piant|a (cf, 1. 14) as less probable. For ἐπὶ [τὸ α(ὐτὸ)
ch Ala.
τὴ μύστ(ρα) : οἴ. 1. 30 and 921. 25. μεστ(ά) (cf. 1. 15, n.) is inadmissible.
οραΐ : cf. Il. 23 and τ8, n. It seems to be a new substantive.
dpyvpor(onro ): or ἀργυρόπ(ους), since the object contained 2 rérapra of gold.
18. mepdeE(ta) . . . μηνίσκ(ιον) : cf. ll. 26-7 and P. Hamb. το. 44-5, nn.
orpavy(aris): cf. 1. 23 and LXX Judges viii. 26. οὗ may well be either a repetition of
ὁδϊλκῆς OF opa... (chk ngs my
ἀγρίγ(υρ γ: x]p[(ve γ) might be read, but the weights in drachmae and obols appear to be
silver, not gold; cf. ll. 19-20.
19. πρ(οσ)κυνηϊτηρίῳ : this word is found elsewhere only in Byzantine writers. Cf.
βωμός in |, 47.
Βουβασίτί ) : this is more likely to refer to the goddess Bubastis than to be an adjective
referring to the town of Bubastus (cf. the lamp σὺν ζῳδίῳ Κόρης ἀργυρῷ in 1. 44); but, since
the preceding letter is not a figure, Βούβαστίις as a distinct item is unsatisfactory. A, μ, Or
a can be read for the κ of καλαί, « for the first 8 and v for o in BouBao\r.
20. σταϊθμόν: cf. 1.16. μύστῴ(ρα) (cf. 1. 17, n.) could be read for μεστά). For χυτ(ὸν)
λίθ(ινον) «rd. cf. 1. 24. Neither that passage nor 1]. 23 favours ἐνκεκολλημ(ένον) for ἕν κεκ. here.
For a number not expressed by a figure cf. |. 63.
21-2. κάτοπτρον χἸαλκ(οῦν) vewreplex(dv): οἵ. 1. 56, and for νεώτερα, ‘new style’,
contrasted with ἀρχαῖα in similar lists Otto, op. εἴ. i, 330. νεωτερικ(ός) may however be
parallel to παιδικός (Il. τό, 19).
24. δυσκόλλητος is known, but not εὐκόλλητος.
25. For @eios following μεστός cf. 1, 15, n. πεινώτιον is not attested, but a pearl necklace
suits the context. For κατ[ὰ μέσον cf. Il. 15, 48.
26. Perhaps τρ[άπεζα ; cf. 1. 23.
28. Possibly xed Bards (cf. 1. 15 τὰ ἐν γλωσσ[οκόμῳ), but xep| can be read.
35. λύΪχνος peord(s): cf. ll. 36, 38, and 15,n. The x is, however, very doubtful, the
traces rather suggesting |. wos.
40. The last word of the preceding column was no doubt εἰκονείδιον, and probably this
was the first entry under a new temple; cf. int.
42. τοῦ Kuvon(odirov): the Cynopolite village mentioned in 1]. 6-7 is expected to be
identical with this one, but had a temple of Zeus and Hera, whereas this village, to which all
ll. 42-53 apparently refer, had a temple of Core (I. 52; cf. the ἐῴδιον Κόρης in 1. 44),
and the Ἰαχχάριον in ]. 46 suggests that Dionysus was also worshipped there; cf. int. On
1449. RETURN OF TEMPLE PROPERTY 145
the combination of the Cynopolite with the Oxyrhynchite nome for administrative purposes
see 1453. 13, n.
46. cov is more probably the termination of the patronymic of the dedicator (e. δ.
Δωσι]θέου) than θεοῦ. . ,
Ἰαχχάριον : the diminutive seems to be new. Cf. Διονύσου in 1. 2.
49. [ἀἸνατεθ(είς) : βωμός probably preceded ; cf. ad(Aos) Bop(ds), which might, however,
refer back to 1. 47. The weight (1 lb. 5% oz. of silver) is slightly less than that of the
silver βωμός in Β. Ο. U. 781. vi. τ (1 Ib. 9 oz. and a fraction). For Ajpnrpos| cf. 1. το,
50. For ceon(upev ) cf. 1, 51 and Il. 56, 62, where it refers to a περίστρωμα, which is
hardly suitable here.
52. ἐν ἱερῷ τῆς Κόρης : cf. 1. 42, n.
53. κορδικίων ζεῦγος : κορδίκιον only occurs elsewhere in P, Brit. Mus. 429. 11 (ii. 314;
about a.p. 350), where one κορδ. is valued at 5 talents. The meaning is unknown.
Wessely (Weener Stud. xxiv. 134) supposed that it was a Latin word Graecized.
54. eee : cf, int. Sinaru was a village in the lower toparchy (1285. 134).
55-6. For περίστρωμα | cf. 1. 62. περιστρώματα were a speciality of Oxyrhynchus,
as appears from B.G.U. 781. 10 περιστρ. ᾿Οξυρυγχιτικ(ὰ) B. φοινίκινος, which generally refers
to palm-oil or wine, is here apparently used of colour.
56. δίπ(τυχον) : cf. B.G. U. 717. 12 κάτοπτρον δίπτυχον.
Ta[: the choice lies between Τακόνα, Ταλαώ (both in the lower toparchy ; 1285. 130-1),
Taydews, Τακολκίλεως (both middle top.; 1285. 99, 11 3), Τααμπέμου, Ταμπέτι, and Ταρουθίνου
(all eastern top. ; 1285. 88, 612, 384).
58. pafordp(os): cf. 1. 60. For ἀνδριαντάρια cf. ll. τοι, ἢ. Before εἰκονείδιον a village-
name probably occurred ; cf. ll. 42, 54 and int.
60. kali: cf.1. 46. No Oxyrhynchite village beginning Ka- is known. For εἰκονείδιον,
preceded by a village-name, cf. 1. 58, n.
62. περίστρωμα: cf. 1]. 55-6, n. Κερκεθῦρις was in the western toparchy (1285. 70).
The village Keps{e .. . here coupled with it was in a different toparchy, if it was Κερκεμοῦνις
(upper top. ; 1285. 66), or Κερκεῦρα or Κερκευρῶσις (both in the middle top. and perhaps
identical ; cf. 1285. 23 and 116). But it is more likely to be an unknown village near
Κερκεθῦρις.
64-5. This entry concerning oil is of a different character from the rest of the list,
which was perhaps left unfinished ; cf. int. εἶς λυχναψίαν is not improbable ; cf. 1458. 4, n.
1450. ESTIMATE OF REPAIRING A. PUBLIC BUILDING.
18 X II-4 cm. A. Ὁ. 249-50.
This detailed estimate of the cost of roofing (1. 8 ἐπιστέγωσις), plastering, and
otherwise repairing a public building, addressed probably to representatives of
the senate by a master-builder or carpenter (I. 27, n.), would, if more complete,
have thrown some valuable light on the building-trade, concerning which not
much is known (cf. Reil, Beitrage, 25 sqq.); but owing to the loss of both the
beginning of the document and more than half of each line, as appears from the
date-formula at the end, little reconstruction of the fragment is practicable in
the absence of a parallel. The only other papyri which are of much assistance
with regard to the technical terms are C. P. Herm. 127. verso, a fragmentary
L
146 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
nearly contemporary account of expenses for public buildings at Hermopolis,
and P. Stud. Pal. x. 259 (6th cent.), a builder’s account; cf. also the Ptolemaic
contracts for public works in P. Petrie iii. 43. The building in 1450 had a room
or court for playing ball (Il. 5, 7 σφαιριστήριον, which has not occurred previously
in papyri) and apparently five furnaces (1. 5, n.), and is therefore likely to have
been a gymnasium or, better, a public bath; cf. 1. 10, n., and 54, an application
to a gymnasiarch and exegetes in A.D. 201 for a payment on account of repairs
at the baths of Hadrian. Lines 1-11 give details of the estimated costs of
various items, which were apparently summed up in 1. 12; ll. 14-24 provide for
possible modifications in the estimate owing to various contingencies connected
with the materials or the workmen, concluding with a reference to the supervision
of the work.
1. ἐμβαδι[κ(ῶν} πηχί(ῶν) omy ἐπὶ [ 18 letters
π ?\piow τῶν δοκῶν καὶ ἐπιί 17 1.
Ἰπας ἢ
αὔξαϊς] οἰκοδόμοις καὶ ἐρ[γάταις .. ...}. as
Ἰωτου τῶν ὀστράκων διὰ πηλοῦ (δραχμὰ) ρ, κονίας εἰς εὐ-
δ τῆς] ἐξέδρας ὅλης καὶ τοῦ σφαιριστηρίου ὅλου καμείνων
ἐκ] (δραχμῶν) πθ (ὀβολοῦ), τῶν ε (δραχμὰΞ) υμε (πεντώ-
Bodov), κονιαταῖς σὺν ἐργατείᾳ
τῆς ἐϊξέδρας καὶ τοῦ σφαιριστηρίου, ἐπὶ τὸ αὐτὸ (τάλαντα)
[ 91. Js
1 καὶ τῶν ἄλλων τῆς ἐπιστεγώσεως [| 10 1. 9]
γραφῶν καὶ στεγώσεων ἐπὶ τὸ πλ(εϊον) ἢ [ἔλατ(τον) (τά-
λαντα) . (δραχμὰΞ) Ὁ] pl. .]1, καὶ
10 1 τοπικῶν εἰδῶν τῆς ἐπισκευῆς τοῦ... .... Ἰυ
ἐϊπὶ τὸ πλεῖον ἢ ἔλαττον (τάλαντα) ς (δραχμὰς) χν,
7
ἔλαττον, ἥτις καὶ ἐπάνω δεδήλωται ἐκ συν-
Se
ἐπὶ τὸ πλεῖϊον
[όψεως ? στεγ ᾿]ώσεων ἐγένετο, τινῶν δὲ πρὸς τὰς νῦν οὔσας
Ja κατ᾽ ἀλλήλους εἶναι ταῖς τειμαῖς καὶ τοῖς μισθοῖς. εἰ δὲ
15 Hlevoy [... εσθαι διά τε ἀσφάλειαν ἢ εὐμορφίαν, ὃ
gi [....], ὃ ἀναγκαίως προσγείνεσθαι ἴωθε,
Jpl-Jae ἐν τί] συνόψει ἢ ὀλίγον ἀντὶ πλείονος συν-
15. εἰ δὲ καὶ τῶν πρ[οἸκειμένων εἰδῶν μὴ ἐνε-
1 ἢ καὶ τῶν ἐνγεγραμμένων ἐν ταῖς συνόψεσι
Js
20 ς ἐκ τοῦ τῆς συνόψεως κεφαλαίου κουφισθήσεται
1450. ESTIMATE OF REPAIRING A PUBLIC BUILDING 147
| εἰ δὲ ποτὲ plév αὔξονται, ποτὲ δὲ μιοῦνται ἤτοι ἐκ mpoTpo-
[πῆς ἢ ἐξ) εὐσχολίας τεχνειτῶν ἢ καὶ ἐκλημπτόρων ἢ
1 ἢ μὴ εὐσχολούντων Kar’ ἀνάγκην πλείονος.
τῶν ἢ προεστώτων ἢ καὶ ἐπιμελουμένων τῶν ἔργων
25 ]
[ἔτους a Αὐτοκράτορος Καίσαρος Γαίου Μεσσίου Kvivrov Τρα)ιανοῦ Δεκίου
ΐ Εὐσεβοῦς Εὐτυχοῦς Σ᾿ εβαστοῦ
and hand ἀρχι ϑ]τέκτων ἐπιδέδωκα.
6. πθ-:- II.
I. ἐμβαδι[κ(ῶν) πηχ(ῶν) : ‘square cubits’; cf. 669. 6.
2. δοκῶν : these cost 4 dr. 5 ob. each in C. P. Herm. 127. verso i. 13.
5: |ras ἢ αὔξαϊς] : οἵ]. 21 αὔξονται ποτὲ δὲ μιοῦνται.
4. ὀστράκων διὰ πηλοῦ: οἷ. πηλοποιία in C. P. Herm. 127. verso ΕἾ. 4. The use of
-potsherds in making mortar was an ancient Egyptian custom; cf. Erman, Life in Ancient
Egypt 419.
- xovias: there was apparently a blank space before this word, as occurs after ἐπιστεγώσεως
(I. 8), ἔλαττον (Il. x1, 12), xv (I. 11), ἐγένετο (1. 13), μισθοῖς (1.14). On the plasterer’s trade
see Reil, of. cit. 34-5. εἰς εὐμορφίαν is possible ; cf. 1. 15.
5. σφαιριστηρίου : cf. int. A comma should perhaps be placed after ὅλου.
καμείνων: in C. P. Herm. 127. verso Fr. 15. 4 two κάμινοι are mentioned, and in the
next line 240 drachmae, which seem to be the price of them, so that 89 dr. 1 obol in 1. 6
here are probably the price of a κάμινος.
6. komarais: cf. 1. 4, ἢ. épyareia is clearly used in a concrete sense, but whether it
means tools or workmen is not clear.
8. ἐπιστεγώσεως : this word seems to be new. The blank space after it (cf. 1. 4, n.)
may have extended to the end of the line; cf. ll. 11-12, n.
9. γραφῶν can mean ‘paintings’. ἐἀω]γραφῶν is not a correct form, but perhaps
ζω]γραφ(ι)ῶν should be read, or ζωϊγράφων dependent on another substantive.
πλ(εῖον) ἢ [ἔλατ(τον) : cf. 1]. 11-12, where, however, there is no abbreviation.
10: το ae jv: βαλανίο]υ should perhaps be restored; cf. int. For γυμνασίου there
is not room.
11-12. After χν is a blank space of about 12 letters up to the end of |. 11; cf.
1. 8n. The next line may well have begun ὥστε εἶναι τὸ πᾶν (or γίνονται) τῆς δαπάνης,
followed by a sum. For ἐκ συν[όψεως cf. C. P. Herm. 127. verso Fr. 12. 5, besides ll. 17,
20 below, and P. Stud. Pal. x. 259. 1 civo is ἀναλωμ(άτων).
13. στεγώσεων: cf. ]. 9.
24. τῶν OF ἡμῶν Or ὑμῶν is probable before m\poeoraror.
26. The year is likely to have been the rst, since Herennius and Hostilianus are not
mentioned. They occur in the extant papyri of the 2nd year, 1284. 1-5 (Choiak 19) and
C. P. R. 37. 15-19 (Phamenoth 8) ; cf. 1476. int.
27. dpxi|rexroy: or τέκτων simply. In the Ptolemaic period ἀρχιτέκτων is the title of an
official (Fitzler, Bergzwerke 57 sqq.), as also usually in the Roman period (of. cz#. 131 sqq-),
whereas this individual was probably a private person. A private ἀρχιτέκτων occurs in
P. Stud. Pal. x. 259. 6 (6th cent.) together with a τέκτων, and in P. Tebt. 277. 12 (3rd cent.)
Ι, 2
148 THE OXYRHYNCAUS PAPYRI
an ἀρχιτέκτων occurs in a list of trades; cf. Reil, of. οἴ]. 31. Some of the details, e.g. the
δοκοί in 1. 2 and ἐπιστέγωσις in 1. 8, suit a simple τέκτων (‘carpenter’; cf. Reil, of. εἴ. 76 sqq.) ;
but the fact that οἰκοδόμοι, ἐργάται (1. 3), and κονιαταί (1. 6) were under his direction suits
‘ master-builder ’ better.
1451. EPICRISIS OF ROMAN CITIZENS AND SLAVES.
16-2 X 9-3 cm. A.D. 175-
Of this valuable text 11. 1-10 contain the conclusion of a declaration
addressed to a magistrate by a Roman woman, Trunnia... This announced
the enclosure of (1) an extract from the official records concerning the examina-
tion (ἐπίκρισις) of her natural son L. Trunnius Lucilianus and daughter Trunnia
Marcella, and three yourig male slaves, by a praefect of the fleet on behalf of the
praefect of Egypt G. Calvisius Statianus, (2) declarations by three witnesses that
Marcella was the sister of Lucilianus, and ended with an oath concerning the
writer’s relationship to her children, and the date. The extract itself follows in
ll. 11-33, and the whole document apparently closed with the autograph signa-
tures of Trunnia .. . and the witnesses (ll. 33-4). The papyrus is incomplete on
all four sides, but at the end not more than three or four lines are likely to be
missing, and at the beginning not more than seven or eight, for neither a column
in excess of fifty lines nor the loss of a previous column is at all probable. The
extent of the total gap between one line and the next is clearly fixed by the date
formula in ll. 8-10 and other certain restorations, derived from parallels, in
Il. 11-12, 13-14, 16-17, 21-22; the approximate starting-point of each line is
determined by the heading in 1. 11.
The extract from the τόμος ἐπικρίσεων of the praefect, which was certified by
a βιβλιοφύλαξ of a record-office, probably at Alexandria (1. 3, n.), adds another
second-century specimen to an important class of documents, of which most are
badly preserved, but several can now be emended ; cf. the commentary. It stands
closest to B. G. U. 1032 and Bull. de la soc. arch. d’ Alex. xiv. 196 sqq. (P. Alex.),
which both record the epicrisis of illegitimate sons of Roman mothers, and to
B. G. U. 1033, which concerns the epicrisis of slaves. Of the other examples,
B. G. U. 113 and 265 (= W. Chrest. 458-9), 780, and P. Hamb. 31 and 31 a refer
to the examination of veterans, while the status of the persons in B. G. U. 847
(= W. Chrest. 460) is disputed, a new interpretation of it (that they were Roman
citizens) being proposed by us in 1. 21, ἢ. P. Flor. 382. 67-91 (= 57 =W. Chrest.
143), which records the epicrisis of an Alexandrian candidate for the status of
ephebus before an exegetes, is also somewhat similar. The principal discussions of
the relation of the extracts which do not concern veterans (all discovered recently)
to the rest and to the epicrisis of of ἐκ τοῦ γυμνασίου, μητροπολῖται δωδεκάδραχμοι, and
1451. EPICRISIS OF ROMAN CITIZENS AND SLAVES _ 149
other privileged classes in the nomes (cf. 1452. int.) are in Wilcken, Grundz.
196 sqq. and 395 sqq., where the earlier literature is reviewed, and Jouguet’s
commentary on P. Alex.’ .
The most striking point in 1451, which admits of an almost complete
restoration, is the association of a Roman girl of 11 (or possibly 1) on equal
terms with her brother, aged probably 23 (ll. 23-4, n.), in the epicrisis conducted
as usual by a military representative of the praefect of Egypt. Wessely
(Epikrisis 8, Sits.-Ber. Wien. Akad. 1900) had already called attention to the
circumstance that the title on the verso of Β. 6. U. 113 appeared to indicate the
epicrisis of the daughter of a veteran with her father, and, in spite of Wilcken’s
rejection of that view in Chrest. 458. 16, n., P. Hamb. 31, in which a veteran is
associated with his son and daughter in an epicrisis, shows that θυγατρὸς αὐτοῦ in
the title is dependent upon ἀντίγρ(αφον) ἐπ[ικρί(σεως) : the preceding words may
well be κ]αί followed by a proper name or τῆς." Slaves were not more eligible
for the army than women, and the epicrisis in a family group of a girl and three
young slaves beside a youth of military age, and of a daughter beside her father,
shows that, even if the current view concerning the military character of the
epicrisis of youthful Roman citizens before the praefect be accepted, these
examinations served other purposes which cannot have been military at all.
Elsewhere the epicrisis of women is only known for certain in the case of
a Jewess, subject to the taxes called “lovdaiwy τέλεσμα and ἀπαρχή in her 61st
year although ἐπικεκριμένη in her 59th (P. Stud. Pal. iv, p. 71- ll. 159, 184
=W. Chrest. 61). In 1. 86 of the same papyrus Θἰερ)μουθαρίου ἐπίικ(εκριμένης)
δ]μοίως ἀδελφῆς, referring to ἃ woman whose parents obtained Alexandrian citizen-
ship, was doubtfully restored by Wessely, but not accepted by Wilcken, and it is
noticeable that in P. Flor. 382 the evidence of status produced by an Alexandrian
woman is not an epicrisis-certificate but a payment (?) of ἀπαρχή, apparently
corresponding to the payment of poll-tax adduced as evidence in εἰσ. 1452. 21.
Poll-tax was not paid by women in Egypt, so that no epicrisis for their admission
to the privileged class of μητροπολῖται δωδεκάδραχμοι was necessary. Hence it has
been generally assumed that they required no epicrisis before assuming the title
of ἀπὸ γυμνασίου ; but this is not quite certain, for in P. Amh. 99. 4 “Epprdvn 7) διὰ
ἐπικρίσεως Mia ἡ καὶ Ἑρμιόνη. occurs, and though this can be explained away, as is
done by Wilcken, following us, διὰ ἐπικρίσεως may refer to an ἐπίκρισις of the
woman herself.. But whatever may have been the case with regard to the
epicrisis of Graeco-Egyptian women in the nomes, it is now clear that Roman
girls—probably in order. to prove their legal status—sometimes or even regularly
underwent the same epicrisis as their brothers or fathers before the praefect of
Egypt or his military deputy.
150 ᾿ THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
Secondly, the ages of the persons subject to epicrisis in 1451 and the
evidence produced in support of their claims lend no support to Jouguet’s view
(op. cit. 213) that Roman and Alexandrian male citizens were subject at the
age of 14 to a‘ financial ’ epicrisis, resembling that of μητροπολῖται δωδεκάδραχμοι,
before a military epicrisis at the age of about 20. If Lucilianus had already
undergone epicrisis nine years before the date of 1451, the circumstance ought to
have been mentioned in 11, 22-6 along with or in place of the μαρτυροποίησις of
his birth. That Marcella and the slaves had never been subject to epicrisis
previously is obvious, and the reason which led Jouguet to infer the existence of
a ‘financial’ epicrisis of Roman citizens at the age of 14, the possibility of
evasions of poll-tax from the age of 14-19 by persons falsely claiming to be
Roman citizens, seems to us insufficient in the absence of any, direct evidence
for his view. Male Roman citizens were not, so far as is known, brought up for
epicrisis before the age of 20 or 23 (1451. 23-4, n.); but women appeared at the
age of 11 (1451. 32) and slaves at the age of 19 (B.G. U. 1033. 17), 11 or 12
(B.G. U. 1033. 18, 33), 9 (1451. 32), and 5 (1451. 33). Since the examination
was apparently held as a rule at Alexandria, so that a journey was in many
cases necessary, it may have been the custom to present the whole family when
the time came for the epicrisis of the father or son.
The occurrence of the epicrisis of girls by a praefect of the fleet on behalf of
the praefect of Egypt opens, however, a wider question concerning the funda-
mental meaning of that term. Owing to the accident that the earliest papyri
which mention epicrisis to be discovered either referred to veterans or introduced
references to soldiers, the term was at first supposed to have a definite military
significance, and though the subsequent evidence adduced by Kenyon (P. Brit.
Mus. ii. 43 sqq.), ourselves (257. int.), and Wessely (of. cz¢. and Stud. Pal. iv.
58 sqq.) established the existence of a financial epicrisis conducted by local
officials in the χώρα, epicrisis at Alexandria before the praefect or military officers
has continued to be regarded as in the main a military proceeding with the
object of enrolling recruits. From this point of view the badly written B. G. U.
143 (= W. Chrest. 454) ἐπεκρίθη Τάιος Πετρώνιος Σερῆνος ὑπ[ὸ] Κρ[ίπου ἐπάρχο(υ)
[kA]do[n]s ᾿Αλεξανδρίνης τῷ (ἔτει) ky ᾿Αντωνίνου Καίσαρος τοῦ κυρίου Φαῶφι 18 ὑπὸ τοῦ
πατρὸς Γάιος Πετρώνιος Μαρκελλῖνος is usually explained as a recruiting-certificate
of a soldier employed in the fleet, and B. G. U. 142 (= W. Chrest. 455) émexp.
"Iotdwpos Teppavod ὑπὸ Πρίκου ἐπάρ. κλάσ. ᾿Αλεξ, xy (ér.) "Avr. Kalo. τοῦ κυρ. Bad. 18
ἐκ σπείρης 8B Οὐλπία imred{s| τύρμης ᾿Αποί[λ]λιναρίου ὑπὸ] Ἰσιδώρου as a certificate of
the transference of a soldier from a cohort to the fleet. Presumably, however,
the epicrisis in those two cases was of the same character as that of Lucilianus,
Marcella, and the slaves by Juvencus Valens in 1451, where there is no indication
1451. EPICRISIS OF ROMAN CITIZENS AND SLAVES 151
that the praefect of the fleet was anything more than the deputy of the praefect
of Egypt. In B. G. U. 1033 the epicrisis was held, partly at any rate, by the
praefect of Egypt himself, and instances of the delegation of the judicial powers
of that official to military praefects occur in C. P. R. 18 and 287. viii. 3. Probably
the epicrisis for the whole country, so far as Romans and Alexandrians were
concerned, was being conducted in 175 by Juvencus Valens, as is indicated (1) by
a comparison of 1451 and its parallels with P. Flor. 382, where it is expressly
stated that the presiding exegetes was concerned with a particular γράμμα, (2) by
the arrangement of the numbering of the σελίδες and the local subdivisions in the
headings of these extracts (1. 17; cf. 1. 3,n.). Marcella and the slaves were not
recruits for the fleet, and that all the youths examined at the same time as
Lucilianus were intended for the fleet is highly improbable, while in the case of
e.g. P. Alex. it is very unlikely that all the youths examined with G. Julius
Diogenes were intended for the cohort of the president. In fact we are prepared
to goa step further, and maintain that, just as the epicrisis of veterans on settling
in the country was quite distinct from their formal discharge (ἀπόλυσις) from the
army (cf. e. g. 1508, where veterans from the fleet are discharged διὰ τριη(ζργαρχῶν),
so the epicrisis of youths of military age was quite distinct from their enrolment
inthe army. B.G. U.143 we regard as a certificate that Marcellinus had under-
gone an epicrisis similar to that described in 1451. His father seems to have
occupied the position of Lucilianus’ mother (1451. 20) and that of the πατίήρὶ, if
that is the right restoration (cf. 1. 21, n.), in B.G.U. 847.11. The word to
be supplied before ὑπὸ τοῦ πατρός is probably either [..... μενος Or γνωστευόμενος,
as in P. Flor. 382. 80. Marcellinus, like Lucilianus and Diogenes, may have
been intending to become a soldier, but not all Roman citizens in Egypt entered
the army. In B.G. U.142 the circumstances were different. Here the examinee
was a soldier, but the supposed transfer from one branch to another rests on
a forced interpretation of ἐκ, which as e.g. P. Grenf. ii. 51. 5 διπλοκάρις ἐξ GAns
[ο]ὐατραν[ῶ]ν indicates, implies that he belonged to a cohort, not that he was
leaving it. The evidence of his name, Isidorus son of Germanus, suggests that
he belonged rather to the ἕτεροι (1451. 13) than to the “Ρωμαῖοι or ᾿Αλεξανδρεῖς.
That the military authorities in Egypt were not very particular as to the citizen-
ship of recruits, at any rate in the auxiliary cohorts, is clear from the occurrence
of non-Roman names in 785 and B. G. U. 696, and we should regard the epicrisis
of Isidorus after he became a soldier (he seems to have been vouched for by
himself; cf. Wilcken, Chrest. 455. int.) as parallel to that of Sempronius Herminus
in B. G. U. 447. 20. This person was a ἱππεὺς εἴλης Μαυριτανῆς ἐπικεκριμένος ὑπὸ
Σεμπρωνίου Λιβεράλιος (praefect in 154-9) and probably was not an Alexandrian,
much less Roman, citizen before he entered the army (cf. Lesquier, Rev. de phil.
152 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
1904. 30), for he is mentioned together with a number of Graeco-Egyptian
inhabitants of an Arsinoite village. The strongest argument for the military
character of epicrisis in certain cases is the apparent correspondence of ἐπικεκρι-
μένος to probatus in the phrase zzvones probate voluntari in B. G. U. 696. i. 28 and
tir. prob. in 1022. 4 (= W. Chrest. 453), which is parallel to Trajan’s phrase (Plin.
Ep. x. 30) dies quo primum probati sunt (sc. tirones ili voluntarit). Probatus is the
nearest equivalent of ἐπικεκριμένος : that this term ever corresponds to ¢vanslatus,
lectus (ἡρημένος ; cf. B. G. U. 435. 4), or missus (ἀπολελυμένος), as supposed by
Lesquier, of. czt. 21, we do not believe. But it is quite impossible to attach the
technical military sense of probare to ἐπικρίνειν when this term is applied to
veterans, girls, and slaves, and the proceedings connected with epicrisis before
the praefect of Egypt or his representative do not in the least resemble a dilectus.
That ἐπικρίνειν approximates to ἐξετάζειν was shown by B. G. U. 562 (cf. Wessely,
op. cit, 25), and that it does not imply selection was proved by 39 (= W. Chrest.
456), a certificate of ἀπόλυσις concerning a weaver of Oxyrhynchus, ἐπεκρίθη ἐν
᾿Αλεξανδρείᾳ being added three times at the end, and probably representing the
signatures of different officials in the original document of which 39 is a copy.
That papyrus has generally been considered to refer to rejection from the army,
but we now prefer to regard it, with Wessely, as referring to a discharge from
a liturgy of some kind; cf. 1415. 9.
To sum up the evidence concerning epicrisis by the praefect of Egypt, the
following different classes can be distinguished: (1) veterans; (2) other Ῥωμαῖοι,
whether of advanced years (P. Stud. Pal. iv. 69. 342, though the reading of the
figures v0 is doubtful and possibly the individual was a veteran) or of military
age; (3) Roman women; (4) Alexandrians; (5) freedmen and (6) slaves of
Romans (or Alexandrians) ; (7) others, i.e. Graeco-Egyptians, whether soldiers
or not (B.G. U. 142 and 39). The examination was generally held by a military
representative of the praefect, but the majority of the persons examined was not
eligible for military service, and probably the object of the procedure was in all
cases the same, i.e. the determination of legal status, corresponding to the
epicrisis of Graeco-Egyptians in the χώρα, which, as is now clear (cf. 1452. int.),
was by no means confined to the question of remission of poll-tax. Whether
epicrisis was universal in the case of Roman citizens in Egypt is uncertain. Out
of the ten extracts or certificates concerning them, five refer to veterans (in one
case with a daughter) and three to illegitimate sons (in one case with his sister) ;
there are only two cases (B. G. U. 143 and 847) in which an apparently legitimate
son is presented by his father. Since these veterans may only have obtained
Roman citizenship by enlisting, and there is no evidence that they had ever gone
through the process of epicrisis as youths, there is a presumption that epicrisis
1451. EPICRISIS OF ROMAN CITIZENS AND SLAVES 153
was not resorted to in the case of Romans until or unless circumstances required
a legal definition of their status. But this question can hardly be settled unless
the use made of these extracts can be determined, and it remains to consider the
declaration to which the extract in 1451 was appended.
Here the loss of the beginning of the document unfortunately renders the
object of the declaration in ll. 1-10 obscure. The date shows that it was not
a κατ᾽ οἰκίαν ἀπογραφή, and the census held a year or two before the declaration is
actually referred to in 1.26. The other extracts from the τόμοι ἐπικρίσεων of
praefects do not help, being all independent documents. In P. Flor. 382 the
ἀντίγραφον ἐπικρίσεως of an Alexandrian citizen (cf. p. 148) is appended to
a petition from him to a praefect many years later; but the declaration on oath
in 1451 is of a different character. P. Hawara 401 (Archiv, v. 395) bears more
resemblance to 1451, and Il. 1-7 may be restored as follows: 1 Ἑυρίήϊμονι ἱερεῖ
ἐξηγητίῇ τοῦ ᾿Αρσινοΐτουν * παρὰ Γαίου Θέωνος ‘Qplwvos οὐϊετρανοῦ τῶν ἐντίμως ἀπο-
λελ(υμένων), ϑὡς δὲ πρὸ τῆς σ[τ]ρατίας κεχρ[η(μάτικε) 81. ἀπὸ τῆς ᾿Αρσινοϊτῶν * πόλεως
ἀναγρα(φομένου) ἐπ᾿ ἀμφόδ(ου) Λυσανίου [τόπων. βουλόμενος το 1. κα-ῦ τατα[γ]ῆναι εἰς
το.]. «ἐντασ. .«ἷ 10]. ἐπενήνοχά σοι τὴν ὅ ἐπίκρισίν μου καὶ τὴν τοῦ πρὸς π[ατρὸς (or
μ[ητρὸς) ἀδελφιδοῦ (name) πρὸς τὸ ἐν -ἴ π᾿ ἐμοῦ τὸ ἀκόλουθον πραχθῆναι. The epicrisis-
return concerning a boy called Dionysius, which follows in ll. 8 sqq., is of the
usual Arsinoite type corresponding to 1452. 1-27, and, unless Διονυσίου is restored
after κεχρ[η(μάτικε) in 1. 3, refers to τὴν τοῦ πρὸς κτλ. Not to ἐπίκρισίν pov, so that
an epicrisis extract (ἐπίκρισίν μου) corresponding to 1451. 11-33 may perhaps
have been added later, the conclusion of the document being lost. That the
general arrangement of the declaration in 1451 was similar is not improbable,
though the end was different, and oo in 1. 3 may well be the exegetes or
strategus,-the document in any case probably being a notification of the epicrisis
to a local official for a special purpose. That it refers to a change of residence
is possible; cf. the phrase βουλόμενος παρεπιδημεῖν πρὸς καιρὸν ἐν τῷ ᾿Αρσινοΐτῃ
regularly found in the extracts concerning the epicrisis of veterans. But a close
parallel for 1451. 1-10 is not at present obtainable.
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Σεβαστοῦ ᾿Αλεξαν-
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τοῦ κυρίου γεγε-
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154 , THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
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1451. EPICRISIS .OF. ROMAN CITIZENS AND SLAVES 155
[τὴν δὲ Μαρκέλλης] ὃ (ἔτει) Αὐρηλίου ᾿Αντωνίνου, δ dv ἡ προγεγραϊμμένη
Tpovyvia...
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tovAcovs II.
‘,..to produce for you the record of the examination held by Calvisius Statianus,
praefect of Egypt, through Juvencus Valens, praefect of the Imperial Alexandrine fleet, on
the .. of Phamenoth of the 15th year of Aurelius Antoninus Caesar the lord, certified by
the record-office at ... through Anubion also called Dionysius, keeper of the records, of
which a copy is appended, with declarations of three witnesses to the effect that Trunnia
Marcella is the sister of Trunnius Lucilianus, and of the examination of my slaves
Euphrosynus, . . . olytus and Plutarchus; and I swear the usual oath made by Romans that
they are my children and I have made no false return, under penalty of being liable to the
consequences of the oath, The 16th year of the Emperor Caesar Marcus Aurelius
Antoninus Augustus Armeniacus Medicus Parthicus Germanicus Sarmaticus Maximus,
in the month Hadrianus.
Copy of an examination-certificate. Extract from the volume of examinations held
‘by Gaius Calvisius Statianus, praefect of Egypt, of which the heading is “ The hereinafter
named veterans, Roman citizens, freedmen, slaves and others were examined by Calvisius
_Statianus, praefect of Egypt, through Juvencus Valens, praefect of the Imperial Alexandrine
156 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
fleet, from Phamenoth of the rgth year of Aurelius Antoninus Caesar the lord until Pauni
of the same year. The claims presented by them to the aforesaid Juvencus Valens are
affixed to each name.” After other details, sheet 74: ‘ Oxyrhynchite nome: Lucius
Trunnius Lucilianus, illegitimate, aged years, Trunnia Marcella, his sister, aged
years ; slaves, Euphrosynus aged years, ... olytus aged years, Plutarchus aged
years. The mother of the aforesaid children and mistress of the slaves, E... ia
Trunnia .. ., acting by the zws iberorum, produced concerning herself a tablet of declaration
under seal dated in the 15th year of the deified Hadrianus, and concerning the children two
tablets of evidence under seal, dated, that of Lucilianus in the 16th year of the deified
Antoninus, and that of Marcella in the 4th year of Aurelius Antoninus, in which the afore-
said Trunnia . .. testified that the persons under examination were her children by unlawful
marriage, and concerning the slaves the certificate that they were born in the house, and
a census-return of the 14th year of Aurelius Antoninus, in which the slaves were registered.
Trunnia also provided as certifiers . . . Hermaiscus and two Julii, Hermippus and. . ., who
declared jointly with her that no fictitious evidence had been used.” And (a copy) of the
description made by the aforesaid Juvencus Valens, in the case of the aforesaid Trunnius
Lucilianus “illegitimate, 23 years, with no distinguishing mark”, in that of Trunnia
Marcella “illegitimate, 11 years, with no distinguishing mark”, and with regard to the
slaves, in the case of Euphrosynus “9 years, with no distinguishing mark”, in that of
... Olytus “[.] years with no distinguishing mark”, and in that of Plutarchus “ 5 years,
with no distinguishing mark”’.
__ Presented by me, Trunnia... I, Gaius Caecilius Clemens also called Bereni-
cianus,...’
1-2, Cf. ll. 14-15, nn. The previous words probably were τὴν Τρουννίου Λουκιλλιανοῦ
kat Τρουννίας Μαρκέλλης ὑπὸ Καλουισίου Στατιανοῦ (γενομένου ὃ : cf. 1. 8, n.), preceded by a verb
governing the infinitive in 1. 3 (e.g. ἀναγκαῖον ἡγησάμην or ἐκελεύσθην) ; cf. p. 153. For
γεγενημένην ἐπίκρισιν cf. 1452. 43-7. γενομένην is hardly long enough.
3. em|pepew: cf. 1. 19. dva|pepew would also be suitable. a
ἐπεσκεμμένην: οἵ, 1587. 3 sqq., and ἐπίσκ(εψις) ὑπομνή(ματος) in 1649, a document
emanating from a βιβλιοθήκη, and Β. G. U. 73. 15.
ἐν [16 letters: if δημοσίας is supplied, there is hardly room for ἐν [᾿Αλεξανδρίᾳ or
[Ogupuyxirn before it, but ἐνθάδε would be possible, especially since the first two letters of
βιβλιοθήκης may have come in ]. 3 and the a of διά may not have been elided. Alexandria
was probably the scene of this epicrisis, conducted by a praefect of the fleet, as it was the
place of epicrisis of Tryphon in 89 and Heron in P. Flor. 382; cf. p.148. The other
parallels mentioned on p. 148 contain no clear indications of the place, but for the most
part suggest Alexandria; cf. P. Hamb. p. 132. Whether, however, the official records of
epicrisis, which were tabulated geographically (1. 17), were kept at Alexandria or forwarded
to the nomes is not certain, where residents in the χώρα were concerned. Wilcken
(Chrest. 143. int.) supposes that the extract quoted in P. Flor. 382 was deposited at
Hermopolis, but we should interpret the difficult ll. 76-7 of that papyrus differently.
εἰκονισθέντων, which he connects apparently with βιβλιδίων understood and interprets «as
‘made in extract’, is probably parallel to the preceding participle εἰσκρινομένων and qualifies
παίδων, meaning ‘described’ and referring to the σημείωσις (cf. 1451. 30 and εἰκονισμός in
B.G.U. 562. 6), while βορινοῦ is likely to refer not to ‘das bekannte Nordquartier von
Hermopolis’, which is not attested and ought in any case to have been more explicitly
indicated, but to a subdivision of the previously mentioned γράμμα at Alexandria; cf. the
πλινθίον ¢ βορρι(νγόν of the 2nd γράμμα at Antinoé in P. Brit. Mus. 1164. (4) 12. Since
the πρὸς τῇ ᾿Αθηνᾷ [ypalpeiov may also be at Alexandria, and Heron’s residence in the
1451. EPICRISIS OF ROMAN CITIZENS AND SLAVES 157
Hermopolite nome may date from a period long after his epicrisis at Alexandria, the
Florence papyrus does not really provide any argument for supposing that the records of
epicriseis held at Alexandria were sent away from that city, and since the position occupied
by the place-name in 1451. 17 and similar extracts suggests that the σελίδες refer to the
whole of Egypt, not the particular nome, [᾿Αλεξανδρείᾳ or some locality within it is on the
whole more probable than [’Ogvpiyxov πόλει in]. 3. Another alternative is ἐνκτήσεων τοῦ
νομοῦ (cf. B. G. U. 73. 13); but τῶν ἐνἰκτήσεων would be expected.
5. μετὰ προσ]φωνήσεωΐϊν : καὶ προσἸφώνηϊσι᾽ν is less likely, especially as τῶν δούλων in |. 6
appears to be dependent upon ἐπίκρισιν, there being no room for another accusative after it.
The name of the first witness probably occurs in 1. 34 ; he was not identical with any of
the three γνωστῆρες in 1. 28.
5-6. For the restoration cf. |. 18.
6-7. Cf. ll. 18-19 and 32-3. For ἔθιμον Ῥωμαίοις ὅρκον cf. Wenger, Zeitschr. f.
Savignyst. XX. 252-3.
4-8. Cf. Il. 25 and 29.
8. ἔτους [ts: «uf is equally possible, for the association of Commodus with Marcus
Aurelius, which took place in the 17th year, is ignored in papyri written in Tubi _
(P. Amh. 170) and Mecheir (P. Brit. Mus. 1265 /) of that year, i.e. later than Hadrianus-
Choiak (I. το). Juvencus Valens is not called γενόμενος ἔπαρχος in 1. 1, but whether Calvisius
Statianus was still in office when the declaration was written is uncertain. He took part in
the revolt of Avidius Cassius and was superseded by Pharmouthi 6 of the 16th year
(April 1, 176; B..G.U. 327. 1).
11. [dvriypa(pov) ἐπικρίσ]εως : cf. P. Hamb. 31 a. 18, Β. G. U. 113. verso 1, P. Flor. 382.
67. If ἀντίγραφον was written out, this line probably projected by about 3 letters; for an
addition of 3 letters to the lacunae at the beginnings of lines would cause a large increase
in the number of words divided between two lines.
Taiov Kadoucio[v Στατιανοῦ : cf. 1. 8, n. and Cantarelli, Prefei/z, i. 57. 1451 agrees with
C.I.L. 12048 concerning his praenomen, which according to Dio Ixxi. 28 was Flavius.
An epicrisis held by him apparently in person, which is mentioned in B.G.U. 847. 13
(cf. 1. 21, n.), was probably different. For οὗ προγρ]αφή (I. 12) cf. e.g. P. Alex. 2.
12-13. Cf. P. Alex. 2-3 Ῥωμαῖοι καὶ ἀπελεύθεροι (kal) δοῦλοι. ᾿Αλεξανδρεῖς, which follows
Ῥωμαῖοι in B.G. U. 1033. 2, can be substituted for ἀπελεύθεροι.
14. ἐπάρχου στόλου Σεβαστοῦ ᾿Αλεξαϊνδρίνου : cf. B.G.U. 142-3 (quoted on p. 150),
1033, where in 1]. 8 στόΪλου ἐπιτρόπῳ Σεβαστοῦ ἑκάζσγτῳ | ὀνόματι παράκειται and in 1. 34
ἐπίάρχου] στόλου are certainly to be restored, and 1032. 16, where ἐπάρχου στίόλου] seems
more likely than ἐπάρχου σπ[είρης]. The classis Augusta Alexandrina occurs in C. 1. L. iii.
43, &c.
14-15. For Φαμενώθ cf. 1. 2, where Θ]ώθ is the only alternative but is excluded by the
mention of Hat here, the period of epicrisis usually occupying three months or less; cf.
B.G. U. 265. 14, where it began and ended a month earlier than in 1451, and P. Hamb.
p. 1324. For the omission of the day cf. B.G.U. 780. 5, 847. 5. There is hardly room
for the insertion of it twice here, even though a day may well have been mentioned in 1. 2.
For ἃ δὲ κτλ. cf. P. Alex. 8, B.G. U. 1033. 7.
17. The figures, of which the reading οὗ is very uncertain, had a stroke over them.
᾿Οξυρυγχείτου confirms Wilcken’s reading ᾿Αρσινο[ είτου in B. G. U. 847. 9 as against jouguet’s
suggestion ’Apow4|[ns, based upon Πηλουσίου in P. Alex., which he referred to the village of
Pelusium near Theadelphia, where the papyrus was found. A nome, however, is usually
mentioned at this point (cf. B. G. U. 1033. 9 ’Apowo?|eirov), and Pelusium in P. Alex. is,
we think, more likely to be the well-known city, which issued separate coins corresponding
to those of the nomes and stood apart from the Sethroite nome; cf. 1880. 74, ἢ.
158 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
17-18. For Σπουρίου vids cf. P. Alex. 11, B.G.U. 1032. 17. The omission of the
numbers referring to the ages is usual at this point, but they were inserted in the σημείωσις ;
cf. ll. 23-4, n. : ;
18-19. For the names of the slaves cf. Il. 32-3. Ἵππόλυτος is too short in both
places, only a brief space being left blank after ἐτῶν here.
19-20. προκειμένων (cf. 1. 30) suits the space better than ἐπικρινομένων, found in P. Alex.
and B.G. U. 847. 11.
20. δούλων δέσποινα: on this analogy B. G. U. 1033. 19, where the editor reads
dixato ual jor δὲ εἶς] τὴ]ν] ἐπί[κ)ρισιν (Αἰμίλιος Μάρκος above the line) εἶ. .|ro |, is probably to be
restored ἐπήνεγκεν ὁ τῶν b0|thov Seon|[d}ry|s| (Aix. Map.) ἐπίϊκ]ρισιν ἕϊαυ]το[9}]. ;
2 Ape ja Τροϊυννία.. ..: o can be read for «, but not τ, so that the first name was
certainly not Tpovwvia. ‘That she had a long third name is rendered probable by Il. 24-5
and 33. The occurrence of three names for a woman is unusual, but seems inevitable.
χωρὶς κυρίου is common in third-century papyri in connexion with χρηματίζουσα τέκνων δικαίῳ
(cf. 1467. int.), but does not occur in the parallel passages of P. Alex. and B. G. U. 1032.
21. δέλτον προφεϊσσιῶνος : cf. B.G. U. 1032. 1-2, For examples of Latin professzones
of birth see the Cairo tablet Inv. 29807 and 894 (= W. Chres?. 212-13). The word is
also to be recognized in B.G. Ὁ. 847. τό (= W. Chrest. 460) where the editors read
].- B[.] . οφεστι. [. . .Jov (for the confusion of oo with or cf. e.g. Archiv, vi. 102
Κλαστικός). The whole passage in B.G.U. 847. 9-17 we should restore on the analogy
of 1451. 17-24 thus: ὃ μεθ᾽ érlepa σελίδων ιζ' "Apowo-'° [εἰτου" 17 letters] Μάξιμος ἐτῶν , Πολυ-
δεύκη(ο) ™ [ἐτῶν ἐπήνεγκεν 6 τῶν ἐπὶ εἰϊκρινομένων πατίὴρ!] 12 [20 letters|& . [. .]. (a proper
name, possibly ending Πολυ]δεύ[κη]ς) ἐπεί[κ]ρισειν ἑαυτοῦ ἐπεὶ [rod +. (ἔτους) Μάρκου Αὐρηλίου
᾿Αντ]ωνίνου γενομένην ὑπὸ Kadov-*(iciov Στατιανοῦ τοῦ ἡγεμο]νεύσαντος καθ᾽ ἣν αὐτὸς 15 [22 1.] ἀπὸ
χαλκῆς τάβληϊς ἐ]πεκρίθη, {Kal τῶν ἐπικρινομένων δέλτο]υς β [π]ροφεσ(σλιά[ν᾽ων ἐπεὶ [σφραγείδων
κεχρονισμένας, τὴ]ν wey Μαξίμου τ] πρὸ ε... Jouguet had inll. ro-11 suggested Πολυδεύκη(ς
1 [δοῦλος ἐτῶν ἐπήνεγκεν ὁ τῶν ἐ᾽π[ειϊκρινομένων πάτρων |, supposing that Maximus was
a freedman ; Ὀαΐ it is unlikely that the two ἐπικρινόμενοι possessed a different status (cf. 1451.
18, where the slaves are distinguished from the Ῥωμαῖοι), and sealed professiones of birth
do not suit freedmen, slaves, or even Alexandrians. Hence we prefer to suppose that both
Maximus and Polydeuces were Romans, and presented for examination by their father.
Polydeuces as a Roman cognomen in Egypt is not more remarkable than e. g. Diogenes
in P. Alex.
22. For the restorations at the beginning cf. ]. 23, and for those at the end P. Alex. 18,
B. G. U. 1032. 3. In P. Alex. the μαρτυροποίησις concerning a twin sister of Diogenes was
also produced, but she was not included in the epicrisis, being perhaps dead.
23-4. The dates of the two μαρτυροποιήσεις are no doubt the years of birth, as is shown
by P. Alex., where the correspondence between the year of Diogenes’ birth and the date of
his mother’s μαρτυροποίησις is not only to be inferred, as is done by Jouguet, from the
circumstance that the μαρτυροποίησις was made in the same year as the mother’s enfranchise-
ment, but was actually stated in the undeciphered last word of the papyrus, which is εἴκοσι,
ἐτῶν being omitted, as in 1451. 31-3. Concerning Lucilianus’ and Marcella’s age all that
is quite certain is that he was aged either 3, 13, or 23 in the rgth year (I. 31), and that the
μαρτυροποίησις Of her birth was made in the 4th or 14th year of Marcus. There is a slight
space between 6 (ἔτει) in ]. 24 and the lacuna, which favours the 4th as against the 14th year,
and though one of the slaves was aged 5 (1. 33), and in P.Tebt. 316 Alexandrian boys became
ephebi at the age of 3 and 4, the epicrisis of a girl under 2 is improbable. Hence the
4th year may be taken with much confidence as the year of Marcella’s birth, especially as
this suits the restoration of the lacuna in Il. 31-2. The circumstance that the 4th year,
which belonged to the joint rule of Marcus and Verus, is ascribed in the 15th year to
1451. EPICRISIS OF ROMAN CITIZENS AND SLAVES 159
Marcus alone is not a serious objection; cf. the references to the rst and 6th years in 1449,
written after the death of Septimius Severus. The age of Lucilianus is more open to
question. There is hardly any presumption that he was older than his sister simply because
he is mentioned first, for a girl would in any case be likely to be mentioned after a boy ;
cf. the arrangement of the sexes in κατ᾽ οἰκίαν ἀπογραφαί, e.g. 1547-8. The age of the
youth in P. Alex., 20 years, suggests 23 as the number in 1. 31, and in 1022 the ages
of frones probati (cf. p. 152) range from 20 to 25. On the other hand Tpov[yiov
Λουκιλλιανοῦ | Σπουρίου υἱοῦ τρ]ειῶν would be sufficient for the lacuna in ll. 30-1, and the
insertion of εἴκοσι not only makes the end of 1. 30 rather long, but requires in Il. 23-4
Λουκιλλιαν[οῦ ts (ἔτει) θεοῦ ᾿Αντωνίνου | τὴν δὲ Μαρκελλης] ὃ (ἔτει), omitting τῷ before the numbers
(cf. 1. 2), although it occurs in ]. 22. With the omission οἵ εἴκοσι in ]. 31, Λουκιλλιανζοῦ τῷ
8 (ἔτει) τὴν | δὲ Μαρκέλλης τῷ] ὃ (ἔτει) is the natural restoration of 1]. 23-4 ; but this is too
short by about 7 letters (which might be supplied by the insertion of a month after ιβ (ἔτει)
or Τρουννίας before Μαρκέλλης), and makes the position of Αὐρηλίου ᾿Αντωνίνου rather unusual,
since it would be expected to follow «8 (ἔτει), and [οὔ 18 (ἔτει) Αὐρηλίου ᾿Αντωνίνου | is too long.
There is a great advantage in having a different reign contrasted with Αὐρηλίου ᾿Αντωνίνου in
1. 24, and in view of the parallel in P. Alex. we have no hesitation in preferring the insertion
of εἴκοσι before τρ]ειῶν in |. 31 either to that of δέκα (which is practically as long as εἴκοσι
and requires τῷ β (ἔτει) in 1]. 23, not evading the difficulty there) or to the omission of
any number before τρ]ειῶν. ἐτῶν εἴκοσι in place of Σπουρίου υἱοῦ in ll. 30-1 would remove the
difficulty caused by the length of the supplement, but would not be in accordance with
P. Alex. or Β. G. U. 1032 or the probable restoration of ll. 31-2. If, however, the ages of
Lucilianus and Marcella were not 23 and 11 but 13 (or 3) and 1, that only serves to
strengthen the argument on p. 150, against the military character of epicrisis. A higher
age for Lucilianus than 23 is excluded by the term παίδων in 1. 22.
25-6. υἱούς: P. Alex. 21 in referring to a son and daughter uses τέκνα. For τοὺς
ἐπικρ[εινομένους κτλ. cf. B. G. U. 1032. το, P. Alex. 18, 23.
26. Cf. B.G.U. 1033. 22 sqq., where a κατ᾽ οἰκίαν ἀπογραφή and two οἰκογένειαι are
produced as evidence at the epicrisis of slaves. The census of the 14th year of Marcus is
the only one that could have included slaves of which the eldest was 9 (I. 32).
24-8. Three was the regular number of the γνωστῆρες (certifiers to identity) in this
context ; cf. P. Alex. 24-5, where καί in the lacuna before the third name is to be omitted,
B. G. U. 1032. 11-13, and 1033. 28 sqq., where a|kev καὶ γνωστῆρ! ας] Αἰμιλλίους | [δύο, .. .
kai...].... Ἰοῦστον, τοὺς τρεῖς | [συγχειρογραφοῦντας αὐτῷ μηδέ τοι (or μ]ηδενὶ) ἀλλοτ[ρίῳ] μηδὲ
ὁμωνυμίᾳ ἡ (cf. 1266. 35) κεχρῆσθαι is to be restored. [μηδέ τοι ἀλλοτρίῳ was also written in
P. Alex. 26, the lacuna at the beginning of the line requiring 3 not 5 letters, and though
B. G. U. 1032. 14 suggests that it is there an error of the copyist for μηδενί, μηδέ τοι seems
possible in Β. G. U. 1033. Probably τῶν γ᾽ Ἐπιμάχου in P. Flor. 79. 16 refers to γνωστῆρες,
as suggested by Wilcken, Chres¢. 145. 13, ἢ. For other kinds of γνωστῆρες cf. 1490. 2, n.,
and P. Hamb. p. 137.
30. σημ]ειώσεως : cf. P, Alex. 27 and |. 3,n. The genitive is dependent on ἀντίγραφον
understood.
31-2. On the ages of Lucilianus and Marcella see ll. 23-4,n.
33-4. Τρο[υννία is written thicker than the preceding and following lines, but is not
certainly in a different hand from one of the other two: 1. 34 is distinctly not by the first
hand, and presumably contains the signature of one of the three witnesses mentioned in 1. 5,
not a writer on behalf of Trunnia, who is unlikely to have been illiterate. ἐπιδέδωκα καὶ
ὀμώμοκα τὸν ὅρκον is expected after Τροζυννία on the analogy of e. g. 1266. 41; but, unless
the following name (cf. ll. 20-1 and 24-5) was omitted here, as in]. 27, there is not room
for more than ἐπιδέδωκα. Κλήμζε]νς καὶ Βερει[ικιανός is possible, but less satisfactory.
160 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
1452. Two EPICRISIS-RETURNS.
18-8 x 8-8 cm. A.D. 127-8.
These two epicrisis-returns concerning a Graeco-Egyptian boy of thirteen
called Sarapion, both sent simultaneously by his uncle to the strategus, basilico-
grammateus, and other officials (1. 2, n.), are parallel to several published papyri
from Oxyrhynchus. The first, which is a claim for the admission of Sarapion to
the class of inhabitants of the metropolis paying 12 drachmae for poll-tax (less
than the normal amount; cf. 14386. 8, n.), closely resembles 258, 478, 714, 1028,
1109, 1806, αηά Wilcken, Chrest. 217 ; the second, a somewhat different claim for
his admission to the privileged class of οἱ ἐκ τοῦ γυμνασίου, corresponds to 257
(=W. Chrest. 147; A.D. 94-5) and 1266 (A.D. 98). Both returns break off just
before the point at which the parallel documents give the ancestry on the
mother’s side ; but since Sarapion’s father and mother were full brother and sister
(Il. 10-12, 36-9), no separate statement of his ancestry on the mother’s side is
required, and it is probable that practically nothing is lost in either return except
the customary oath, signature, and date.
The occurrence of these two distinct returns side by side serves to throw
light on several disputed points in connexion with the much discussed subject of
epicrisis (cf. 1451. int.). The view of Schubart (Avchzv, ii. 157) and Lesquier
(op. cit. 26), that these two classes of Oxyrhynchite claims were not really
different from each other, but alternatives, and that of ἐκ rod γυμνασίου were
equivalent to μητροπολῖται δωδεκάδραχμοι, which was controverted by Wilcken
(Grundz. 199) and Jouguet (Vze munic. 79-80), is shown to be incorrect. The
references in the second return in 1452 to οἱ ἐκ τοῦ γυμνασίου also tend to confirm
Wilcken’s and Jouguet’s wide interpretation of that expression, i.e. ‘ belonging to
the gymnasium ’, not ‘descended from a gymnasiarch’, as suggested in 257. int.
Though some points remain in doubt (cf. 1]. 34-5, 53, 54, nn.), the second return,
like 257 and 1266, traces the ancestry back through the epicrisis of A. D. 72-3
(cf. 11. 44-6, τ.) to the γραφή of A.D. 4-5; but it does not describe the individual
entered in the γραφή as either the grandson of a gymnasiarch (257. 20), or a guard
of the palaestra (1266. 8). Probably, however, descent from a member of that
γραφή, rather than actual membership of a gymnasium, was the main qualification
for admission into the class of οἱ ἐκ rod (or ἀπὸ) γυμνασίου, or, as it is called in
1202. 18, the τάγμα τοῦ παρ᾽ ἡμῖν γυμνασίου : for in P. Amh. 75 and Ryl. 102, two
Hermopolite returns which correspond with some variations to the second return
in 1452 and trace descent back to the reign of Nero, women are called ἀπὸ
γυμνασίου, and a child aged 1 is entered on the list of ἀφήλικες of that category
(P. Kyl. 102,44),
1452. TWO EPICRISIS-RETURNS 161
The Arsinoite epicrisis-returns, B. G. U. 109, 324, 971, P. Gen. 18, 19, Grenf.
ii. 49, Fay. 27, 209, 319, Tebt. 320, Hawara 401. 8 sqq. (cf. 1461. int.), Ryl. 103-4,
all belong to the same class as the first of the two in 1452. The formula
naturally differs to some extent from that of the Oxyrhynchite examples, but
Wilcken, Grundz. 199-200, somewhat exaggerates the amount of the variation.
The Arsinoite examples do not insert the phrase εἰ ἐξ ἀμφοτέρων γονέων μητρο-
πολιτῶν δωδεκαδράχμων εἰσίν (1452. 7-8), and the evidence in them is mainly that
of census-lists, which are seldom, if ever, adduced as evidence in the Oxyrhynchite
returns (cf. 1. 27, n.), these referring to payments of poll-tax (e. g. 1. 21) or ἐπικρίσεις
(e. g. 478. 31) ; but the evidence adduced in the Arsinoite examples, where it is
not stated that κάτοικοι are concerned and εἰκοσίδραχμοι are probably meant,
proves that the boy was ἐξ ἀμφοτ. γον. μητροτπ., the ἄμφοδα being carefully noted.
Nor can we agree with Wilcken’s view that the Arsinoite expression ὑπετάξαμεν
ra δίκαια refers, not to the details immediately following (census-lists, sometimes
supplemented by ἐπικρίσεις of members of the family), but to quotations which
were written on a separate papyrus, originally enclosed but not preserved. ὑπο-
τάσσειν is commonly used with reference to something included in the same
document (e.g. 1470. 6), and μὲν οὖν, which follows in e.g. P. Tebt., 320. Lily
indicates that the δίκαια were given in the next sentence. συμπαρεθέμην, which
Wilcken regards as parallel to ὑπέταξα, seems rather to be contrasted with it.
Concerning Hermopolis fresh information is afforded by the unpublished P. Brit.
Mus. 1600 (Bell, Archiv, vi. 107-9), a series of applications for epicrisis, one of
them written by a ἙἭ ρμοπολίτης ἀπὸ γυμνασίου ὀκτάδραχμος. The evidence of that
papyrus, and still more that of 1452, serves to settle the question discussed by
Jouguet (Vie munic. 83-5) about the relation of the returns concerning οἱ ἐκ
τοῦ γυμνασίου to those referring to μητροπολῖται δωδεκάδραχμοι. It is now clear
that these terms are not mutually exclusive, and that the epicrisis in the case of
οἱ ἐκ τοῦ γυμνασίου had a different object from that attained by the other class of
returns, which were concerned with the remission of poll-tax. Probably the local
officials were chosen from of ἐκ τοῦ γυμνασίου, who must have been less numerous
than the μητροπολῖται dwdexddpaxpor or ὀκτάδραχμοι. Admission by epicrisis into
of ἐκ τοῦ γυμν. was also a necessary preliminary for attaining to the ἐφηβεία ;
cf. 1202, P. Flor. 382, Jouguet, of. cit. 150 sqq., Wilcken, Grundz. 140-3. Before
becoming an ephebus, however, an εἴσκρισις was necessary, and applications con-
cerning admission to the ἐφηβεία were addressed in the first instance to the
exegetes of Alexandria in the case of Alexandrian citizens resident in the χώρα
(477 and P. Flor. 382), or to the exegetes of the nome in the case of ordinary
Graeco-Egyptian youths (P: Flor. 79, Ryl. 101), not to the strategus, basilico-
grammateus, &c., as is the case with 1452 and no doubt 257 and 1266 (which
M
162 THE. OXYRHYNCHUS. PAPYRI
have lost the address, if it was ever written). Hence the latter class of returns
stands apart from those referring to ephebi, and nearer to the epicrisis-returns
concerning μητροπολῖται, though the epicrisis of οἱ ἐκ τοῦ γυμνασίου was of
a municipal rather than financial character.
The following list of the successive generations in Sarapion’s ancestry com-
bines the evidence of both returns; cf. ll. 27, 44-6, and 57-8, nn. (1) Pkaés (?),
(2) Ammonius, (3) Ptolemaeus, included in the γραφή of A.D. 4-5 (Il. 53-4),
(4) Diodorus, ὑπερετής in 72-3 (ll. 4, 26, 51), (5) Plution, ἐπικριθείς in 72-3, regis-
tered in the census (?) of 89-90, and dead before 127-8 (Il. 3,25, 49), (6) Sarapion,
ἐπικριθείς in 93-100, married to his full sister Tnephersois, registered in a poll-tax
list of 123-4, and dead before 127-8 (Il. 11, 20, 37, 56), (7) Sarapion, born in
113-14, ἐπικριθείς in 127-8 (Il. 13-14, 39-40).
Above each column is a cross like a large x, as in 1028 and 1547,
(οι. 1.
᾿Αγαθῷ Δαίμονι στρα(τηγῷ) καὶ
‘Tépaxt βασιλ(ικῷ) γρα(μματεῖ) καὶ οἷς ἄλ(λοις) καθήκί(ει)
παρὰ Διοδώρου Πλουτίω(νοΞς)
τοῦ Διοδώρου μητρὸ(9) Τατρείφιο(ς)
5 Apotos ἀπ᾽ ᾿Οξυρύγχων πόλεως.
κατὰ τὰ κελευσθ(έντα) περὶ ἐϊπι]κρίίσεως) τῶν
προσβ(εβηκότωνῚ) εἰς (τρισκαιδεκαετεῖς) εἰ ἐξ ἀμφοτ(έρων)
γονέων μητροπί(ολιτῶν) (δωδεκαδράχμων) εἰσίν,
ἐτάγη ἐπ᾽ ἀμφόδ(ου) Κρητικοῦ
10 ὁ τῶν ὁμοπατρίων μου ἀδελ(φῶν)
Σαραπίω(νος) καὶ Τνεφερσόιτος
μίητρδ(Ξ}} “ωγύμεως υἱὸς
Sapatriov προσβ(εβηκὼς) εἰς (τρισκαιδεκαετεῖς) τῷ
διελθ(όντι) ta (ἔτει) Τραιανοῦ
15 Ἁδριανοῦ Καίσαρος τοῦ κυρίου"
ὅθεν παραγενόμε(νος) πρὸς τὴν
τούτου ἐπίκρι(σιν) δηλῶ [εἸΐναῖε
αὐτὸν (δωδεκάδραχμον), καὶ τὸν τίο]ύτου
πατέρα ἐμοῦ δὲ ὁμοπά-
20 τριον ἀδελ(φὸν) Σ᾽ αραπίωνα τετελ(ευτη κέναι)
τὸ πί(ρὶν) ὄντα (δωδεκάδραχμον) dt’ ὁμολόγ(ου) λα[ζο]γρα(φίας)
25
33
35
40
45
50
55
1452. TWO EPICRISIS-RETURNS
n (ἔτους) Ἁδριανοῦ [ἀμ)φόδ(ου) [Παμμέ(νους)
Παϊρ]αδείσου, καὶ τὸν πίατ(έρα) τῶν ὁμο-
πατρίων μου ἀδελφῶν τοῦ
δὲ ἀφήλ(ικοΞ) πάππο(ν) Πλουτίω(να)
Διοδά(ρου) τετελ(ευτηκέναι) τὸ π(ρὶν) ὄντα (δωδεκάδραχμον),
[Ov καὶ θ (ἔτει) Δ[ομιτιανο]ῦ
Col. ii.
11. 28-32 = 1-5.
κατὰ τὰ κελευσθίέντα) περὶ ἐπικρί(σεως) τ[ῶν
προσβ(εβηκότων) εἰς τοὺς ἐκ τοῦ γυμνα(σίου) ἡ ἐκ [
τοῦ γένους τούτου (εἰσίν), ἐτάγη
ἐπ᾿ ἀμφόδ(ου) Κρητικοῦ ὁ τῶν ὁ-
μοπατρίων μου ἀδελ(φῶν) Σ᾽ ἀραπίω(νος)
καὶ Τνεφερσόιτος ἀμφο(τέρων) μητίρὸ(ς)
4[ωγύἸμ(εως ?) υἱὸς Σ᾿αραπίων πρί[οσβ(εβηκὼς)
εἰς (τρισκαιδεκαετεῖς) τῷ διελθ(όντι) ια (ἔτει) Τραιανοῦ
Ἁδριανοῦ Καίσαρος τοῦ κυρίου"
ὅθεν παραγενόμε(νος) πρὸς τὴν τούτου
ἐπίκρι(σιν) δηλῶ κατὰ τὴν γενομέ(νην).
τῷ ε (ἔτει) θεοῦ Οὐεσπί(ασιανοῦ) ὑπὸ Σ᾿ ουτωρίζου
163
Σωσιβ(ίου) στρα(τηγήσαντος) καὶ Νικάνδ(ρου) γενομέ(νου) βα[σιλ(ικοῦ)
γρα(μματέως) καὶ ὧν ἄλ(λων) καθήκ(ει) τῶν ἐκ τοῦ
γυμνα(σίου) ἐπίκρι(σιν) ἐπικεκρίσθ(αι) τὸν
πατέρα ἡμῶν τοῦ
δὲ ἀφήλ(ικος) πάππον Πλουτίω(να)
[ἐπ᾿ ἀἸμφόδ(ου) Δρόμου Τυμνα(σίου) [ἀκολ(ούθως)
οἷς ὁ πατ(ὴρ) αὐτοῦ ἐν ὑπί(ερχετέσιν) ἐπήνεγ[κ(εν)
ἀποδείξε(σιν) ὡς καὶ ὁ αὑτοῦ πατ(ὴρ)
Πτολεμαῖο(ς) Appo(viov) Πκαῆτ(ός ?) ἐστιν
ἐν τῇ τοῦ Ad (ἔτους) θεοῦ Καίσαρος γρα(φῇ) α. [.(.)
[τετ]ελζευτηκέναι) τὸ πίρίν), k[a]i [τὸν τ]οῦ ἀφήλ(ικος) πίατ(έρα)
[ἐμοῦ] δὲ ὁμοπάτριο(ν) ἀδελ(φὸν) Σ᾿ αραπ[ίω(να)
[Spot ω(9) [ἐπι]κεκρί[σἸθ(αι) τῷ γ (ἔτει) θ[εοῦ
M 2
164 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
[Τραιανοῦ ὑπὸ 4]ιον(υσίου) στρα(τηγήσαντος) καὶ ὧϊν ἄλ(λων)
[καθήκ(ει) ἐπ] τοῦ προκειμένου [
60 [ἀμφόδ(ου" Δρόμου [Γυμνα(σίου),
21. ro) Π; soin ll. 26, 55. 34. |. ei for 7. 61) pipe
‘To Agathodaemon, strategus, and Hierax, basilicogrammateus, and the other proper
officials, from Diodorus son of Plution son of Diodorus, his mother being Tatriphis daughter
of Amois, of Oxyrhynchus. In accordance with the orders concerning the examination of
boys who have reached the age of thirteen years, if both their parents are inhabitants of the
metropolis rated at 12 drachmae, Sarapion the son of my brother and sister on the father’s
side Sarapion and Tnephersois, whose mother is Dogumis(?), was put in the list at the
Cretan quarter as having reached the age of 13 in the past 11th year of Trajanus
Hadrianus Caesar the lord. Wherefore coming forward for his examination I declare that he
is rated at 12 drachmae, and that his father, my brother on the father’s side Sarapion, died
some time ago being rated at 12 drachmae in an undisputed (?) poll-tax list of the 8th year
of Hadrianus in the quarter of Pammenes’ Garden, and the father of my brother and sister
on the father’s side and grandfather of the minor, Plution son of Diodorus, died some time
ago, being rated at 12 drachmae, who was also registered (Ὁ) in the oth year of
Domitian ...
To Agathodaemon, &c. In accordance with the orders concerning the examination
of those who have reached the class of persons belonging to the gymnasium, if they are of
this descent, Sarapion, son of my brother and sister on the father’s side Sarapion and
Tnephersois, whose mother is in both cases Dogumis(?), was put in the list at the Cretan
quarter as having reached the age of 13 in the past 11th year of Trajanus Hadrianus
Caesar the lord. Wherefore coming forward for his examination I declare that at the
examination of those belonging to the gymnasium held in the 5th year of the deified
Vespasian by Sutorius Sosibius, then strategus, and Nicander, then basilicogrammateus,
and the other proper officials our father, the grandfather of the minor, Plution, was
examined as resident in the Gymnasium Square quarter in accordance with the proofs
adduced by his father, who was over age, that his father also, Ptolemaeus son of Ammonius
son of Pkaés(?), was in the list of ...of the 34th year of the deified Caesar, which
Plution died some time ago, and that the father of the minor, my brother on the father’s
side, Sarapion, was likewise examined in the 3rd year of the deified Trajan by Dionysius (?),
then strategus, and the other proper officials, as resident in the aforesaid Gymnasium
Square quarter...’
I. ᾿Αγαθῷ Δαίμονι: cf. 1422. 3 (year lost). He was succeeded by Asclepiades before
Hathur 17 of the 14th year (1024. 1).
2. ἹἹέρακι : he was still in office in the 14th year with Asclepiades as strategus (1024. 7),
for whom he became deputy (1024. 43, undated). The Hierax of 579, who was con-
temporary with Apollinarius, strategus in the 2zoth-z2nd years (1472, 1, 484. 2), was
probably a different person.
ois ἄλλοις καθήκει: by these are meant the two βιβλιοφύλακες καὶ ἐπικρίται and the
γραμματεὺς πόλεως (714. 5 sqq.; cf. 1028. 3, where γ(υμνασιαρχήσαντες) probably implies
βιβλιοφύλακες, as remarked by Wilcken, Grundz. 201", and there are two ypap. πολ.). In
niga Oxyrhynchite parallels mentioned on p. 160 the address is omitted, as in
» Ryl. 104.
1452. TWO EPICRISIS-RETURNS 165
12. Δωγύμεως (?): the name seems to be abbreviated in 1. 39. Avovvatas or Διδύμης
cannot be read. .
21. ὁμολόγ(ου) : the latest discussion of this obscure term is in P. Ryl. 209. 10, n.,
where it is sought to show that it means ‘undisputed’ in all cases.
27. θ (ἔτει) Δ[ ομιτιανο]ῦ : this was a census-year, and the verb may have been dmoye-
γράφθαι ; cf. the Arsinoite parallels discussed on p. 161. [ὸ]ν καὶ «rAd. in any case probably
supplied the evidence for Plution being a δωδεκάδραχμος, and corresponded to δι᾽ ὁμολόγ(ου)
λαογρα(φίας) in 1. 21. There is hardly any doubt about the reading, ε being much less
suitable than 6, and neither θεοῦ Tirolv or Τραιανο]ῦ nor Οἰ[ὐεσπασιανο]ῦ being admissible,
Plution underwent epicrisis in the 5th year of Vespasian, so that ἐπικεκρίσθαι cannot be
restored here; but his age at the time of that event is not clear; οἵ, ll. 44-6, n.
34-5. 7) ἐκ τοῦ γένους τούτου (εἰσίνν : if η is ἤ, these words can be construed as they stand;
but the correction of 7 to εἰ is suggested not only by the parallel passage in I. 7 and by the
use of 7 for εἰ at the corresponding point in Wilcken, Chrest. 217. 7, but also by the
Strassburg papyrus from Hermopolis quoted by Wilcken, Grundz. 200, in which some
persons undergo epicrisis εἰ ἐξ ἀμφοτέρων γονέων τὸ μητροπο]λιτικὸν γένος σώζουσι, οἱ δ᾽ ἐκ τοῦ
γυμ[νασίου εἴ ἀπ᾽ αὐτοῦ τοῦ τάἀγματός εἶσι (cf. Ῥ. 160). η εἰσι or n ent might be read, but is
unsatisfactory. With 7 there would be a contrast between persons who were actually
members of the gymnasium and those who were descended from such persons, but this
does not suit the usage of ἐκ τοῦ γυμνασίου, since ἀπὸ γυμνασίου is applied to women and
children (cf. p. 160) and designates aclass. That the ancestry was an essential point of the
evidence is indicated both by the details found in all epicrisis-returns concerning οἱ ἐκ τοῦ
yupv. and by 1202. 20 ἐπικριθέντα κατ᾽ ἀκολουθίαν τῶν ἐτῶν καὶ τοῦ γένους. The age at which
young Graeco-Egyptians frequented the gymnasia is not directly attested, but has generally
been assumed to be 14, that being the age of epicrisis and normally of ἐφηβεία. But at
Athens the period of ἐφηβεία (from 18-20) followed after that of education at a gymnasium,
and since Egyptian youths became ephebi younger than Athenians, they may have also
frequented the gymnasia at an earlier age.
44-6. Cf. 257. 12-15 and 1266. 25-9: in the latter case the praefect is mentioned
as well as the local officials. ‘This circumstance, coupled with the fact that the same
epicrisis of 72-3 is referred to in all three papyri, suggests that the epicrisis at Oxyrhynchus
in that year, which coincides with the date of the returns made by Heraclides for Arsinoé in
P. Stud. Pal. iv. 62 sqq., was not an ordinary epicrisis such as was held at Arsinoé every
year after 54-5 for κάτοικοι. At Oxyrhynchus the earliest mention of an epicrisis is in 60-1
(257. 33), and P. M. Meyer (Heerwesen, 230) supposed that epicrisis of οἱ ἐκ τοῦ γυμνασίου
was not introduced before that year. By 94-5, the date of 257, it had evidently become
annual. The origin of epicrisis is still obscure (cf. Wilcken, Grundzg. 199-200), and that
Plution was aged exactly 14 in 72-3 is very doubtful, since his father was then over 60
(I. 51) and the ages of the κάτοικοι at Arsinoé ἐπικεκριμένοι in 54-5 range from 18 (not 8, as
stated by P. M. Meyer, of. εἶδ. 116) to 62; cf. 257.-12,n. Plution’s son, Sarapion (cf.
the list on p. 162), was, however, born probably in 85-6, since he was apparently aged 14
in 99-100 (Il. 57-8, n.), and a date approximating to a. D. 58-9 is the most suitable for
Plution’s birth.
51. 6 mar(mp) is Diodorus; cf. 1. 4. For ἐν ὑπ(ερετέσιν) cf. Wilcken, Grundz. 197.
53. Πκαῆτ(ός) ἐστιν : the name is remarkable, and the omission of τοῦ before it is not in
accordance with 1. 4 and the usual practice. 257 and 1266 do not give a third name at
this point, but have tos (]. ὑιδοῦς) γυμνασιάρχου ἐστίν (257. 20), Ke... .] (257. 36), or
simply ἐστίν (1266. 10). 8 can be read in place of κ and A instead of a, but there is nothing
after m to indicate that the writer meant π(ροσ)κλητ(ός) or π(ροσ)βλητ(ός), which would have
to mean ‘added ’, and neither of those words is satisfactory in that sense.
166 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
54. γρα(φῇ) α. [..,( ): 1266. τι has yp. τῶν ἐκ τοῦ γυμνασίου mapa... . pevoy, 257. 21
p. τῶν ἐκ τ. yup. ἐπὶ ἀναμφοδάρχωζι)ν, 257. 37 [γρ. ἐπ᾿ ἀμφόδου τοῦ αὐτοῦ. A particle or ὃν
καί (cf. 1. 27), to connect [τετ]ελζευτηκέναι) with ἐπικεκρίσθ(αι), is expected; but there is no
room available in 1. 55, and since ἀλ[λ]ά cannot be read in 1. 54, an asyndeton seems likely.
ἐφ[η)βίων) is also inadmissible.
57-8. θ[εοῦ | Τραιανοῦ ὑπὸ Δ]ιον(υσίου) : the name of the strategus is very uncertain, the
lacuna having barely room for A, if Tpaavod is right. This can hardly be doubted, for
Δ[ομι[τιανοῦ cannot be read, and θεοῦ | Τίτου would make the date of Sarapion’s epicrisis,
presumably at the age of 14, 80-1, which does not combine suitably with the dates of the
epicrisis of his father Plution (72-3) and his son (127-8, certainly at the age of 14). On
the other hand gg—100 is just midway between 72-3 and 127-8, as is quite natural if
Plution was not much over 14 in 72-3; cf. ll. 44-6, ἡ.
1453. DECLARATION OF TEMPLE LAMPLIGHTERS.
32:5 X 13°5 cm. 30-29 B.c. Plate II.
This declaration on oath, addressed by four lamplighters (λυχνάπται), two
from each of the two principal temples of Oxyrhynchus (cf. 1449. int.), to the
officials called οἱ ἐπὶ τῶν ἱερῶν (1. 13, n.), is especially noteworthy as being the
earliest extant papyrus of the Roman period. The date in ll. 29-30 is for
the most part lost, but the lamplighters undertook to provide oil ‘ from Thoth 1
to Mesore 5 of the present 1st year of Caesar’, as they had provided it up to the
preceding 22nd and 7th year (of Cleopatra and probably Antony ; cf. 1. 22, n.),
which, according to Porphyry (af. Euseb. i. 168), was the last year of her reign.
Alexandria was captured on Aug. 1, 30 B.C. (C.I.L. i. 327), and since the 23rd
year of Cleopatra is not attested (Svoronos is certainly wrong in assigning a series
of Cypriote coins ranging from the Ist to 23rd years without double dates
to Cleopatra, instead of Ptolemy Auletes, to whom they are assigned by Poole
and Regling), and the custom of starting a 2nd regnal year on Thoth 1 following
an accession prevailed in Egypt after the third century B.c. (cf. P. Hibeh,
App. i), it was not clear whether the 2nd year of Augustus was reckoned from
Aug. 31, 30 B.C.,or from Aug. 30, 29 B.c. In the case of Hadrian, whose
accession took place on Aug. 11, 117 according to the Vita Hadr. 4, his and year
began on Aug. 29 of the same year, whereas the 2nd year of Tiberius, who
‘acceded on Aug. 19, 14, began on Aug. 30, 15 (P, Brit. Mus. 276. 17, n.), the
news of Augustus’ death having evidently reached Egypt after Aug. 29, 14.
1453 is clearly inconsistent with the view that Augustus’ 1st year in Egypt con-
sisted only of Aug. 1-30, and demonstrates that his 2nd year began in 29 B.C.,
as maintained. by Wilcken (Qsz. i. 786-7); but a difficulty arises from the
apparent inference to be drawn from |. 20 that Mesore 5 (July 30, 29 B. C.) was
the last day of the 1st year. Probably there is an error of omission, for the
1453. DECLARATION OF TEMPLE LAMPLIGHTERS 167
insertion of ἐπαγομένων after Meoopy renders the passage normal and parallel
to e.g. 1116.12. Thechoice of Mesore 5 could, however, be explained without any
alteration of the text by connecting it with the statement of Dio li. 19, that
in 30 B.C. the senate decreed τήν τε ἡμέραν ἐν ἣ ἡ ᾿Αλεξάνδρεια ἑάλω (i. e. Mesore 6)
ἀγαθήν τε εἶναι καὶ és τὰ ἔπειτα ἔτη ἀρχὴν τῆς ἀπαριθμήσεως αὐτῶν νομίζεσθαι.
Wilcken (Hermes, xxx. 151 sqq., Ost. 4. 5.) connected this with the era of the
κράτησις Καίσαρος found occasionally in papyri of Augustus’ reign after his
goth year, and perhaps indicated by the mentions of his 46th year, which occur
at least twice on coins, and are difficult on any other view to reconcile with the
evidence pointing to the 43rd year as the date of his death (Hohmann, Chronol.
51, in discussing 721 overlooks the fact that the 44th year of Augustus in that
papyrus is εἰσιόν). Owing to the agreement between the years of the κράτησις
Καίσαρος and ordinary regnal years, especially in B.G.U. 174, written on
Mesore 29 of the 36th year according to both systems, Wilcken concluded that
the reckoning in both cases began on Thoth 1, 30 B.C., and if the reading [A]>, not
[λ]ε or [A]G in B. G. U. 174. 5 is certain, it seems impossible to make any distinc-
tion between them. Since we are unwilling to suppose that the ordinary regnal
years of Augustus ended on any other day than Mesore Epagomenon 5, we prefer
the insertion of ἐπαγομένων in 1. 20, though the chronology of the beginning
of Augustus’ reign is not yet quite clear. Cleopatra is thought by Wilcken
and Bouché-Leclercq to have outlived the beginning of her 23rd year (Aug. 31,
30 B.C.), and the introduction of the 6th intercalary day appears to date from
22 B.C.; cf. Hohmann, of. cit..48 sqq. In favour of the correction of 1. 20
is the circumstance that the scribe of 1453 was in any case not very accurate,
small omissions and other slips being frequent. Palaeographically the papyrus
is valuable as a dated specimen of first-century B.C. uncial writing, resembling
that of 659 (Part iv, Plate iii, Pindar’s Παρθένεια) and Schubart, Pap. Graecae,
Plate xia (Menander).
ΠΕ ΤῊ ὅρκου. Θάζν]γις ὃς καὶ
ITaz[oligi{o}s [Θ]ώνι(ζο)ης καὶ ᾿Ηρακλείδης
Τοτ[ή ?Jov, ἀμφότεροι λυχνάπτοι
ἱεροῦ Σ᾿ αράπι]δος θεοῦ μεγίστ[ο]νυ καὶ Ϊ
τοῦ αὐϊτόθηι ᾿Ησίου, (καὶ Παᾷπις ὁ Θοώνιος [
καὶ Πετ[όσι]ρίις 6] Πατοίφι(οης τοῦ mplolye-
γραμμένϊου, ἀμφότεροι λυχνάπτοι
σι
τοῦ ἐν ᾽Οξυρύ(γγ) χων πόλει [ἢεροῦ Oovp.dols
10 θεᾶς pelyilorns, οἱ τέσσαρες, oplvWo-
168 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
μεν Καίσαρος θεὸν ἐκ θεοῦ ᾿Ηλιοδώραϊι
Ἡλιοδώρου καὶ ἩΗἩλιοδώρωι Πτολεμαίου
τοῖς ἐπὶ τῶν ἱερῶν τοῦ ᾽Ο ξυρυ(γ)χίτου x{ai
Κυνοπολείτου εἶ μὴν προστατήσϊειν
15 τοῦ λύχνου τῶν προδεδηλωμένων
ἱερῶν καθὼς πρόκειται, καὶ χορηϊγ]ή-
σειν τὸ καθῆκον ἔλαιον εἰς τοὺς καθ᾽ ἧ-
μέραν λύχνους καομένους ἐν τοῖς
σημαινομένοις ἱεροῖς ἀπὸ Θωὺθ a
20 ἕως Μεσορὴ (ἐπαγομένων ὃ) ε τοῦ ἐνεστῶτος a (ἔτους)
Καίσαρος ἀνΐ. .. jp. ....] ἀκολού-
θως τοῖς ἕως τοῦ KB τοῦ καὶ ¢ (érous)
κεχωρηγημένοις, ὄντων ἡμῶν
ἀλληλενγύων τῶν προγεγραμμέ-
25 vov, τῶν ὑπαρχόντων ἡμεῖν πάν-
των ὄντων ἐπὶ τοῦ ποιή-
{n}oew κα{ι)τὰ τἀπιγεγραμμένα. εὐ-
[ορ]κ[οῦντι μέν] μοι εὖ εἴη, ἐφιορ[κοῦν-
[τι δὲ τὰ ἐναν]τία. (ἔτους) [a] Καίσαρος [...
59. |. ccs aerate avriypia(pov).| Παᾶπις Θώνι(οὺ)ς
[ὀμώμοκα)] καὶ ποίησω καθότ[ι] πρό-
ίκειται. Θῶνις “ ρπα]ήσι(ο)ης γέγρα-
[pa ὑπὲρ] αὐτοῦ ἀξιωθεὶς τιὰ τὸ
[μὴ εἰδἸέναι αὐτὸν γράμμαϊτ]α.
35 ἱ Ἡρακλείδης ὀμώμοκα καὶ πο[ι]ή-
[ow καθό]τι πρόκειται.
[Πετόσιρι)ς ὀμώμοκα καὶ ποιήσω
[καθότι πρόϊκειται. ὯΩρος Toroedz[os
[ἔγραψα ὑπὲρ αἸὐτοῦ ἀξιωθεὶς διὰ τὸ
40 [μὴ εἰδέναι αὐτὸν γράμματα. ΘΙ[ῶνι]ς
[ὀμώμοκα)] ὁμοίως καθότίι πρό-
ἰκειται. |
4. 1. λυχνάπται : so in |. 8. 6.1. Ἰσείου. 11. |. Καίσαρα. 17. ν Of ἐλαιον corr.
from v. 23. 1. κεχορηγ. 27. ta Of ταπιγεγρ. added above the line. 33. lL. διά,
40. τα Of γραμματα corr. 41. θοτ of καθοτῖι corr.
145. DECLARATION OF TEMPLE LAMPLIGHTERS τόο
\* Copy of an oath. We, Thonis also called Patoiphis son of Thonis and Heraclides
son of, Totoés, both lamplighters of the temple of Sarapis, the most great god, and of the
Isis-shrine there, and Paapis son of Thonis and Petosiris son of the aforesaid Patoiphis,
both lamplighters of the temple of Thoéris, the most great goddess, at Oxyrhynchus, all
four swear by Caesar, god and son of a god, to Heliodorus son of Heliodorus and Helio-
dorus son of Ptolemaeus, overseers of the temples in the Oxyrhynchite and Cynopolite
nomes, that we will superintend the lamps of the above mentioned temples, as aforesaid,
and will supply the proper oil for the daily lamps burning in the temples signified from
Thoth 1 to Mesore (intercalary day ?) 5 of the present 1st year of Caesar .. . in accordance
with what was supplied up to the 22nd which was the 7th year; and we the aforesaid are
mutually sureties and all our property is security for the performance of the duties herein
written. If I observe the oath may it be well with me, but if I swear falsely, the reverse.
The 1st year of Caesar...’ Copies of the signatures of the parties, those of Paapis and
Petosiris being written by proxies.
1. ].a: this is perhaps a number (κα ἢ), or possibly ἐἸγδ(όσιμον) (cf. 1548. 1), and may
have been written in a different hand from that of the main text.
4. Τοτίή ?Jov : cf. 1. 38 Toroedrlos. Toros (gen. Toronovs or Torojros) is the usual
nominative of this name; cf. e.g. P. Grenf. ii. 18.
λυχνάπτοι : λυχνάπται, the correct form, known only from Hesychius, cannot be read
either here or in 1. 8. Oil for λυχναψία was one of the chief items of expenditure in the
accounts of the temple of Jupiter Capitolinus at Arsinoé (B.G.U. 362 = W. Cihrest. 96).
In the Roman period it was often provided by gymnasiarchs (cf. P. Amh. 70. 10 (=W.
Chrest. 149) and 1449. 64-5, n.), who were also responsible for oil for λυχναψία (1413.
19, N.).
2 (σίου: this subordinate shrine in or by the Serapeum of Oxyrhynchus is men-
tioned next after the Serapeum in 43. verso ii. 14.
11. Kaicap(a) θεὸν ἐκ θεοῦ: cf. B.G.U. 543. 2-3, an oath written in the 3rd year of
Augustus, Καίσαρα Αὐτοκράτορα θεοῦ υἱόν, as in P. Tebt. 382. 21 (year uncertain) with Αὐτο-
κράτορα last.
13. τοῖς ἐπὶ τῶν ἱερῶν : this title is found in the Ptolemaic period (cf. P. Tebt. 313
1--2, n.) apparently as a variant for ἐπιστάτης τῶν ἱερῶν. In P. Tebt. 313 (A.D. 210-1) an
ἀρχιπροφήτης of the reigning Emperors was ἐπὶ τῶν ἐν “Ἡλίου πόλει καὶ ᾿Αφροδίτης [ερῶν, and
since the Oxyrhynchite nome is here coupled for purposes of religious administration with the
Cynopolite, as in 1449, where priests of temples situated in both nomes occur, the Aphro-
ditopolis there may well have been the capital of the Aphroditopolite nome, which probably
adjoined the south of the Heliopolite nome. The Oxyrhynchite and Cynopolite nomes
were administered by one strategus in the second century B. c., as appears from a papyrus to
be published in P. Tebt. iii.
19. Θωὺθ a: ὃ or A could be read instead of a, the bottom of the letter being lost ; but
Thoth 1, being new year’s day, is so common in this connexion that there is hardly any
doubt about the reading in spite of the difficulties discussed in int.; for even if people at
Oxyrhynchus began dating by Augustus before Thoth 1 (Aug. 31), 30 B.c., which is improb-
able, it is very unlikely that 1453 was written before that day. The analogy of leases,.
which generally cover regnal years, and were usually written in Thoth, Phaophi, or Hathur
(cf. Gentilli, Stud. ttal. di Filol. xiii. 289), suggests one of those three months as the most
probable supplement of the lacuna in ll. 29-30, which is of quite uncertain length, since the
blank space before ἀντέγρ[α(φον}] may have extended to the beginning of |. 30.
20. Μεσορὴ ε: cf. int. Μεσορὴι] « could be read, but there was probably a short blank
space between Meoopy and the number, as in 1. 19 between Θωύθ and the number. The
170 THE OXYRHYNCAUS PAPYRI
reading Μεσορὴ [ι]ε is in any case most improbable, the line above the figure being no longer
than that above the single figure in 1. 19, and Mesore 15 being inexplicable as the last day
of the year. Of the e only the top survives, coming above the line like e.g. the first ε of
κεχωρηγημένοις in |. 23, a circumstance which renders y or s, the only possible alternatives,
much less satisfactory readings.
21. The word following Καίσαρος was probably an adverb (ἀν[υπε]ρ[θέτως] ὃ), not
Aifrox|p[dropos], which is not very often used in mentioning Augustus and never occurs in
date formulae of his reign (cf. e.g. ll. 29-30, where there is no room for it). Moreover,
the vestige of the second letter suits ν but not v, the tail of the p of pos ought to have
been visible, and [aropos] is rather too long for the lacuna.
22. κβ τοῦ καὶ ζ (ἔτους) : cf. int.and P. Ryl. 69 (18th and 3rd year). The nature of
the second reckoning is disputed, Bouché-Leclercq and Svoronos referring it to Antony,
Mommeen to a second reckoning of Cleopatra, Strack to Caesarion. The recent discovery
by Lefebvre of an inscription (A/élanges Holleaux) dated in the 11th year of the joint reign
of Cleopatra and Caesarion confirms Porphyry’s statement that from the 8th to the 15th
year only one reckoning was employed, but from the 16th to the 22nd two, thus disposing
of Dittenberger’s restoration ἔτους « τοῦ καὶ β in Or. Gr. Znscr. i. 194, and rendering the
reading ‘12’ much more probable than ‘16’ (either number can be read according to
Spiegelberg) in the figures of the regnal year of Cleopatra and Caesarion in P. Cairo dem.
31232. Strack’s view fails to account for the introduction of a new system in the 16th year,
and the numismatic evidence strongly favours the reference to Antony.
23-7. ὄντων ἡμῶν κτλ. : the construction is difficult, and would be improved either by the
insertion of ἐκ before τῶν in]. 25 and the omission of ὄντων in |. 26, or, preferably, by
the insertion of something like κατοχίμων or ἐν κατοχῇ after ὄντων, and alteration of τοῦ to
τῷ in]. 26. Probably the space left in 1. 26 after ὄντων indicates something in the original
which the copyist could not read.
29-30. There need not be any letters lost in 1. 29 after Καίσαρος, but there is room for
e.g. [608 | or Φαῶίφι. Part of |. 30 may have been blank; cf. 1. 19, n.
38. Toroedr[os: cf. 1. 4, n.
1454. DECLARATION OF MUNICIPAL BAKERS.
28-7 X 21 cm. A.D. 116.
On the recto of this papyrus is 1484, The verso contains the conclud-
ing column of an undertaking (or of the signatures to an undertaking) by
bakers, addressed to officials of some kind, concerning the manufacture and
sale of bread, partly from wheat supplied to them by an agoranomus (I. 8).
Arrangements were made for the quality and weight of the loaves, the trans-
fer of the price, and the commission to be received by the bakers for their
trouble. Concerning the municipal supply of bread in the Roman period in
Egypt very little was known; cf. Jouguet, Vie munic. 324-7, Wilcken, Grundz.
365-6. The only other papyrus which throws much light on the subject is
808, a contract between eutheniarchs in 199 for the grinding of wheat
for bread. There is no evidence at present of the existence of distinct
officials of this name so early as the reign of Trajan, to which 1454 belongs ;
1404. DECLARATION OF MUNICIPAL BAKERS 171
' but after A.D. 150 the title ὁ ἐπὶ τῆς εὐθηνίας occurs at Alexandria either
alone (Dittenberger, Or. Gr. Zuscr. 705) or combined with that of agoranomus
(B. G. U. 578. 9), and in the nome-capitals combined with the office of exegetes
(P. Tebt. 397. 18) or cosmetes (P. Flor. 57. 75); cf. 1412. 1-3, mn. Hence
1454 is more likely to have been addressed to a board of officials, perhaps
including, besides local ἄρχοντες, the strategus, who in second-century papyri
(cf. 1455. int.) is found managing dyopai, than to agoranomi or eutheniarchs
alone. It is presumably a copy or draft of the original, being written in a
large, somewhat irregular hand with a thick pen.
pa
᾿Ἰξυϑήσομεν εἰς πρᾶσι]ν Bereta Me ρους πρατῶν ἤτοι ἐνθάδε
[ἢ ὅπου ἐὰν κελευσθῶμεν ?,] καὶ τὴν τί[εμὴν ἀποκαταστήσομεν ὑμεῖν,
[καὶ ἄρτους παραστ]ήσ[οἸμεν ὑμ[εϊ]ν ὀπτοὺς ἠρτυμένους ἀρεστοὺς
ὅ [.- +--+. Καθ ἕϊκαστ Pov ἄρτον[.]] σταθμοῦ λείτρας δύο, λογιζομένων
[ὑπὲρ ἑκάστ]ης (ἀρτάβης) ἀϊρτΊω(ν) A, λημψόμεθα δὲ ὑπὲρ πρατικοῦ καὶ
Komrrou(py ?\ias
[καὶ δαπάν]ης πάσης ἑκάστης (ἀρτάβης) ὀβο(λοὺς) 1, ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ ἃς
παρειλήφαμεν
[wapa... .Jos ἐνάρχ(ου) ἀγορανόμ(ου) ἐν ᾿Οξυρύγχ(ων) πόλει ἐν τρισὶ δόσεσι
μέτρῳ δημοσίῳ
[- «0.0.0. (ἀρτάβας) ὡνς ἀλευροποιήσομεν καὶ ἀρτοποιήσομεν ὁπότε ἐὰν
10 tes 6a)uer κα] προθήσομεν εἰς πρᾶσιν μετὰ τῶν ἐὲ ἔθους πρατῶν ὡς πρό-
[κειται, καὶ εὐδοκοῦμ]εν πᾶσι τοῖς προδεδηλωμένοις. (ἔτους) κ Αὐτοκράτορος
[Καίσαρος Νερούα Τρα)ιαν[ο Σεβαστοῦ Γερμανικοῦ Δακικοῦ Παρθικοῦ
Φαῶφι λ
5. ov Of aproy corr. 8. εν τρισι above ev deleted.
‘,.. we will expose it for sale with the customary sellers either here or wherever we
are ordered to expose it (?), and will restore you the price and provide for you loaves which
are baked, prepared, acceptable, ..., each weighing 2 pounds, 30 loaves being reckoned to
each artaba, and we are to receive for selling and making the flour and all expenses 10 obols
for each artaba; likewise also with regard to the 856 artabae by the public . . . measure
which we have received from... , agoranomus in office, at Oxyrhynchus in three instal-
ments, we will make them into flour and manufacture loaves whenever we are ordered to do
so, and expose them for sale with the customary sellers, as aforesaid ; and we consent to
all the above-mentioned stipulations. The zoth year of the Emperor Caesar Nerva Trajanus
. Augustus Germanicus Dacicus Parthicus, Phaophi 30.’
1. Apparently not dvriypa( or).
2. τῶν ἐξ ἔθους πρατῶν : for the restoration of Il. 2-3 cf. ll. g-10. πρατῶν might come
172 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
from mparés, but mpdrns is much the commoner word (cf. 1455. 5, P. Ryl. 226. 5, and the
ἀρτοπράται in Β. Ὁ. U. 304), and suits pera better ; cf. also the πρατικόν in |. 6.
4-5. ἄρτους is probably to be supplied in the initial lacuna of one of these two lines ;
but κατὰ μῆνα or an adverb may have occurred at the beginning οὗ]. 4, and the construction
of ]. 5, where there has been a correction, is obscure. The alteration of λείτρας to λιτρῶν
is attractive ; for with ἔχοντας in ]. 5 σταθμὸν λιτρῶν would be expected; cf. 1449. 20. The
description of the loaves seems to refer to the bread in general, not to a present for the
officials, though e.g. ἑκατόν might be read in |. 5. But if καθ᾽] €[xaor]ov is right, the pre-
ceding word is likely to have been another adjective, or a participle in the nominative.
For ὀπτούς cf. Hdt. ii, g2 ἄρτους ὀπτοὺς πυρί: tpliv] κοπτούς (cf. |. 6, n.) is unsuitable.
ἠρτυμένους probably refers to the leavening; cf. P. Tebt. 375. 27 ζύμης ἠρτυμένης.
6. ἄϊρτ]ω(ν) ἃ (μ is a less satisfactory reading) is expected at this point, 30 pairs (ζεύγη)
of loaves being reckoned as 2 artabae (i. e. 30 loaves to 1 art., as here) in P. Brit. Mus, 18.
22 (i.22); cf. Wilcken, Ost.i. 755. ¢[ev}]y(av) and χζοιϊνζίκων) are much less suitable readings,
and, though an artaba of 30 choenices is known from P. Rev. Laws xxxix. 2, the particular
kind of artaba meant here had probably been already indicated; cf. ll. 8—g where a fresh
number of artabae is stated to be μέτρῳ δημοσίῳ...
πρατικοῦ: οἵ. Preisigke, S.B. 4425. v. 13 τῶν [ἠ]γορασμένων χωρὶς πρατικῶν : it stands in
the same relation to mpdrns (cf. 1. 2, n.) as μισθωτικόν in P. Amh. 88. 26 to μισθωτής ;
cf. Wilcken, Archiv, v. 253.
xontou(py?)ias: this word is new, but seems appropriate to the context; cf.
ἀλευροποιήσομεν in ]. 9 and κοπτάρια meaning cakes of some kind in P. Goodsp. 30. xiii. 5.
κοπτοπ(οιδίας does not suit the traces of the sixth letter so well, and to read dmrov(py)ias or
énron(otyias (cf. ὀπτούς in 1. 4), and suppose that the initial o was corrected from a, is also
unsatisfactory, xo here being written small, as in Δακικοῦ in ]. 12.
8. Jos: Jos or }(o)s might be read. rolis ἐνάρχ(οις) ἀγορανόμ(οις) is unlikely.
9. Before (dprafas) an abbreviation of ἡμιαρταβίῳ is not unlikely ; cf.1472.19. The
word in any case probably agreed with μέτρῳ. πυροῦ, if mentioned again (it must have
occurred in connexion with the artabae to which ll. 2-7 refer), ought to have preceded μέτρῳ.
1455. DECLARATION OF AN OIL-SELLER.
21:8 Xg-I cm. A.D. 275-
A declaration on oath, addressed probably to a strategus, by an oil-seller
of Oxyrhynchus, who undertook to sell fine oil (1. το, n.) in the public market
and to provide a surety. 88, a similar declaration to a logistes fifty-two
years later by an egg-seller, differs by containing no mention of a surety and
a more precise prohibition of any secret sale; B.G.U. 92, 649, and 730 are
parallel declarations to the strategus of the Pharbaethite nome in the second
century by owners of pigs, and several bonds of sureties for the performance
of duties by dealers in supplies are extant in P. Brit. Mus. 974 (iii. 1153 xap-
πώνης at Hermopolis, A.D. 305-6) and Strassb. 46-51 (butchers of various
kinds at Antinodpolis, A.D. 566) ; cf. also 1454. int. and the monthly reports of
various guilds to the logistes in 85 and P.S.I. 202. The date of the papyrus,
Phaophi 21 (Oct. 19 in 275) of the 7th year of Aurelian, is very important for the
1455. DECLARATION OF AN OIL-SELLER
Ἐ25
chronology of that reign, being inconsistent with the scheme proposed by
Preisigke, which allowed Aurelian only part of a 6th year as his last; cf.
1476, int.
σι
[ο
18
20
28
and hand
39
Αὐϊρηλίῳ τῷ letters orpa-
τηϊγῷ ᾿Οξυρυγχίτου Αὐρήλιος Θε-
[ὁδωρ]ος ᾿Ὠρ[ίωνος τοῦ ΘἸώνεως
[un(rpos)...].[.]. [- ἀπὸ τῆ]ς λαμ(πρᾶς) καὶ
Aap(mpordrns) ᾿᾽Οξ(υρυγχιτῶν) πόλεως πράτης ἐλαίου
χρηστοῦ. ὀμνύω τὴν τοῦ κυρίου
ἡμῶν Αὐρηλιανοῦ Σεβαστοῦ
τύχην παρέξειν ἡμερισείως
ἐν ᾧ ἔχω ἐργαστηρίῳ ἐπὶ τῆς
[ἀἸγορᾶς αἴλαιον χρηϊσ]τὸν πρὸς
διάπρασιν καὶ ὑπηρεσίαν τῆς
[πόλεως εἰς τὸ μηδεμί[α]ν ἐνέ-
δρ[αν] ἐπακολ[ουθε]ν, ἣ ἔνο-
[xos] εἴην τῷ ὅρκῳ. παρέσχον
[δὲ ἐμαυτοῦ ἐνγυητὴν Αὐρή-
λιον Σ αραπάμμωνα Σ᾽ απρί-
wvos μη(τρὸς) Θαήσιος ἀπὸ τῆς
αὐτῆς πόλεως παρόν-
τα καὶ εὐδοκοῦντα.
(ἔτους) ᾧ Αὐτοκράτορος Καίσαρος
“ουκίου Δομιττίου Αὐρηλιανοῦ
Γερμανικοῦ Μεγίστου Περσικοῦ
Μεγίστου Τ᾽οθθικοῦ M{elyiorov
Καρπικοῦ Μεγίστου Εὐσεβοῦς
Εὐτυχοῦς Σεβαστοῦ
Φαῶφι κα.
Αὐρήλ(ιος) Θεόδωρος ‘Qpiwvos ὥμοσα
τὸν ὅρκον καὶ ἕκαστα ποιήσω ὡς
πρόκειται. Αὐρήλιος Σαραπάμ-
pov Σ᾽ απρίωνος ἐνγυῶμαι τὸν
Θεόδωρον ὡς πρόκειται. «Αὐϊρήλ(ιος)
174 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
Σιλβανὸς Appoviov ἔγραϊψα ὑπὲρ
αὐτῶν μὴ εἰδότων γράμματα.
grd hand Adp7[Aols ΤΊ 13 letters
35 [σεἸσημ[είωμαι ὃ
6. ν οἵ ομνυω corr. 8.]. ἡμερησίως. το. ]. ἔλαιον. 11. ὕπηρεσιαν TI. 21, δομιτ᾽τιου Π,
29. αυρήλιος corr. from σαραπαμ.
‘To Aurelius . . ., strategus of the Oxyrhynchite nome, from Aurelius Theodorus son
of Horion son of Thonis, his mother being. . ., of the illustrious and most illustrious city
of Oxyrhynchus, seller of fine oil. I swear by the fortune of our lord Aurelianus Augustus
that I will provide daily in the factory which I possess in the market-place fine oil for sale
and service of the city, so that no fraud may ensue, under penalty of being liable to the
consequences of the oath ; and I have provided as my surety Aurelius Sarapammon son of
Saprion and Thaésis, of the said city, who is present and gives his consent. The 7th year
of the Emperor Caesar Lucius Domitius Aurelianus Germanicus Maximus Persicus Maximus
Gothicus Maximus Carpicus Maximus Pius Felix Augustus, Phaophi 21.’ Signatures of
Theodorus and his surety, written by Aurelius Silvanus, and of another Aurelius.
1. Perhaps Αὐϊρηλίῳ Τερεντίῳ ’Ap(e)io: cf. Il. 34-5, ἢ
10. (ὄλαιον χρηΐ στόν: olive or sesame oil is probably meant ; cf. P. Gen. 63. ili, where
ἔλ. xp. is opposed to ἔλ. ῥαφάνινον, and Reil, Bettrage, 137-8.
34-5. If [ce]onp{etopa (or σε]σημ.) is right, these lines presumably contained the
signature of the strategus (cf. int.). ‘The only known strategus of this reign at Oxyrhynchus
is Τερέντιος “Apes (1414. 17), and Αὐρήλιο]ς Ἰ[ερέντιος ” Ἄρειος is possible here; cf. 1, 1, ἢ,
[ἐἸπήνζεγκα (cf. 1409. 23) or [ἐἸπηκ[ολούθηκα might be read, but neither word is expected in
this context.
1456. DECLARATION CONCERNING APPEARANCE IN COURT.
9-7 X 8-6 cm. A.D, 284-6.
A declaration on oath, addressed to a strategus by a citizen of Oxyrhynchus,
undertaking to appear at the session of the praefect’s court about to be held at
the city or in the nome (cf. 1. 9, n.). The grounds of the action, which was
directed against certain comarchs, were being stated when the papyrus breaks off.
The date of 1456 is fixed within the period Oct. 284—March 286 by the
mentions of Diocletian without Maximian, and of the strategus, who is known
from other papyri (1. 1, n.). The praefect, M. Aurelius Diogenes, who was
probably identical with Diogenes, a high official mentioned in P. Cairo 10531
(3rd-4th cent.), seems to have held office between Pomponius Januarianus
and Flavius Valerius Pompeianus (ll. 1, 8, nn.). Similar declarations are 260
(M. Chrest. 74), 1195, 1258, B.G.U. 891. recto, P. Leipzig 52-3, Hamb. 4;
cf. Wenger, Rechtshist. ΠΝ 61 566.
1456. DECLARATION CONCERNING APPEARANCE IN COURT 175
[Avlonrio Φιλιάρχῳ τῷ καὶ 'Ὡρίωνι στρα(τηγῷ) ᾽Ο ξ(υρυγχίτου)
[4Ἰὐρήλιος Zoihds Θεογένους μητ(ρὸς) Ταύριος
[ἀπὸ τῆς λαμπρᾶς καὶ λαμπροτάτης ᾿᾽Οξυρυν-
[χ]ειτῶν πόλεως. ὀμνύω τὴν τοῦ κυρίου
5 [ἡμ]ῶν Γαίου Οὐαλερίου Διοκλητιανοῦ
[Καΐσαρος Σεβαστοῦ τύχην ἐμφανῆ ἐμαυ-
[τὸν καταστήσασθαι τῷ διασημοτάτῳ
[ἡμῶν ἡγεμόνι Μάρκῳ Αὐρηλίῳ [Fad]
Διογένει ἐνθάδε εὐτυχῶς ἐπιδημήσαν-
10 [Tl ἢ καὶ ἐν τῷ ἀστυγείτονει νομῷ, καὶ δικά-
[σασθαι ἐπὶ αὐτοῦ πρὸς τοὺς ἀπὸ τοῦ νομοῦ
[]..4 ὧδε γενομένους κωμάρχας ἐπισ-
ae
°
ον νον ἧς ἕνεκεν ἧς οὐ δίεόντως ὃ
2. ζοῖλας IT. 10. First ε of αστυγειτονει corr. from «.
‘To Aurelius Philiarchus also called Horion, strategus of the Oxyrhynchite nome,
from Aurelius Zoilas son of Theogenes and Tauris, of the illustrious and most illustrious
city of Oxyrhynchus. I swear by the fortune of our lord Gaius Valerius Diocletianus Caesar
Augustus that I will present myself before our most eminent praefect, Marcus Aurelius
Diogenes, when he auspiciously visits this place or the neighbouring nome, and will bring
an action in his court against the comarchs from the nome now(?) present... on account
of the ... which they wrongly ...’
1. This strategus also occurs in 1260. 1 (where 1]. Φιλιάρχῳ for Φιλίππῳ: Pauni 18 of
the 2nd year of Diocletian and 1st of Maximian, i.e. June 12, 286), P. S. I. 162. 1 (2nd and
1st year, month lost), and 1115. 1 (Pachon 26, i.e. May 21, of the 2nd year of an unnamed
Emperor). In the last mentioned papyrus the praefect in office was Pomponius Januarianus,
who is also to be recognized in P. Thead. 18. 3, where 1. Πομπ[ω]νίῳ [᾿Πανοιζαριαν]ῷ, the year
being the 2nd of a reign (1. 19), and the months Hathur and perhaps Mecheir occurring
(the date in 1. 22 is mainly undeciphered). A different praefect is found in 1458. 8, and in
the 2nd year of Diocletian (a.p. 285-6) the elevation of Maximian to the rank of Augustus
was known in Middle Egypt on Pharmouthi 5 (= March 31 ; B. G. U. 1090. 36) and Pachon
29 (=May 24; B.G.U. 922. 2), so that it must have taken place somewhat earlier than
April 1, the date assigned to it by Idatius. Hence both 1115, which on other grounds
appeared to belong to the reign following that of Probus (cf. int.), and P. Thead. 18 are to
be assigned to the 2nd year of Carinus and Numerianus (i.e. 283-4) rather than to the
2nd of Diocletian (285-6), and Aurelius Philiarchus’ tenure of office lasted from May 21,
284, to June 12, 286. On Sept. 19, 287, the strategus was Apollonius, as is shown by
a papyrus to be published in Part xiii, The accession of Diocletian took place in the
autumn of 284, Carinus and Numerianus having entered on their third year in Egypt,
as is shown by coins; cf.1476. int. The date of 1456, which ignores Maximian in
ll, 4 sqq., is thus limited to the period between Oct, 284 and March 286, and M. Aurelius
176 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
Diogenes (1. 8) was probably the immediate successor of Pomponius Januarianus and
predecessor of Flavius Valerius Pompeianus (cf. 1416. 29, n.).
8. The deleted Sad looks like a mistaken reference to ᾿Αδριάνιος Σαλλούστιος, praefect in
280 (1191. 4), who was apparently succeeded by Pomponius Januarianus (οἴ, 1. τ, η.).
9. ἐνθάδε : i.e. at Oxyrhynchus. In the Roman period the conventus of the praefect for
cases concerning the Heptanomia and Thebaid was usually held at Memphis (705. 6-7 ;
cf. Wilcken, Archiv, iv. 366 sqq.); but he probably held courts at various points of Middle
and Upper Egypt more frequently than is allowed by Wilcken ; cf. P. Ἀγ]. 74. int.
10. ἀστυγείτων νομός (i.e. the Oxyrhynchite nome) is a novel expression in papyri.
12. Perhaps [ν]υνὶ ὧδε γενομένους ; but the second word is very doubtful. It cannot be
read as an accusative ending in s, and [ἐ]νθάδε (cf. 1. 9) is also inadmissible.
κωμάρχας : OF κωμάρχ[ο]υς. There might be another letter or two at the end of the
line, and e.g. ἐπιτηϊρήσεως is possible. ἐνκεκλημένου)ς (or éyx.) is unsatisfactory, though
a participle is not unlikely.
1457. REGISTRATION OF ASSES.
16 x 8-4 cm. 4-3 B.C.
A return addressed to the farmers of the six-drachmae tax upon asses
by a citizen of Oxyrhynchus, who registers two asses for the current year.
This impost has previously occurred only in 1488. 19, but is clearly identical
with the εἶδ(ος) ὄνων in an unpublished Strassburg papyrus of A.D. 119-20
mentioned by Wilcken, Grundz. 205, which is also an ἀπογραφή to tax-
farmers. It is remarkable that 1457 and that papyrus are the only ἀπογραφαί
of asses which are known, although returns of camels, sheep, and goats are
numerous (cf. Wilcken, /.c., and 1458), being addressed, unlike 1457, to the
strategus and basilicogrammateus. For a return of a different character
addressed to a tax-farmer cf. 262, a notification of death sent to an ἐκλήπτωρ
yepdiaxod. The known imposts connected with asses are (1) a licence called
the δίπλωμα ὄνων, which appears in B.G.U. 213 (A.D. 112), and for which
8 drachmae were paid annually on one ass, as in the case of the δίπλωμα ἵππων
8 dr. 8 obols annually on each horse (cf. P. Hamb. 9. int.); (2) a tax of
4 drachmae per ass levied on purchasers (P. Hamb. 33, A.D. 150-200; cf.
P. Brit. Mus. 305, which mentions in Il. 2-3 émurn(pn)r(ais) ék.. ( ) καὶ
δεκ(άτης ἢ) ἀγορᾶς ᾿Αλεξάνδρου, sc. Νήσου, and in 1. 4 τέλος ὄνου . . . οὗ ἠγό(ρασε),
A.D. 144); (3) τέλος ὀνηλ(ατῶν ?), for which 2 dr. 1 obol. are paid in one case,
but much larger sums (75 dr. and 150 dr.) when ὀνηλ(ατῶν) is coupled with
ἁμαξ(ῶν) ; cf. Wilcken, Ost. i. 272); (4) πενθήμερος ὄνων, for which 8 dr. were
paid in P. Ἀγ]. 195. 5 (cf. 1409. 20, n.). All four seem to be distinct from each
other, and though the ἑξαδραχμία is possibly identical with the δίπλωμα, the sum
found in 1488, 19 (5 dr. 1 ob.) does not accord with that in B, G. U. 213.
1457. REGISTRATION OF ASSES 177
Ἀρίστωνι καὶ Πτολ[εμαίῳ ἐν τῇ ὑπαρχούσῃ plot οἡ ἰ-
τοῖς ἐξειληφόσι τὴν ἑξαδρα- 10 kia ἐπὶ τοῦ πρὸς ᾽Οξυρύγ-
χμήαν τῶν ὄνων χων πόλει Σαραπιήου ἀπὸ
παρὰ Θοώνι(ο)ς τοῦ Odnos. | νότου τοῦ δρόμου ἐργαζο-
5 ἀπογράφομαι εἰς τὸ ἐνε- μένας μου τὰ ἴδια ἔργα.
στηκὸς κί (ἔτος) Καίσαρος Ὑ ΝΩ͂Ν εὐτυχεῖτε..
τὰ ὑπάρχοντά μοι ὄϊνους end hand σεσημείωται. [-
θηλήας δύο λε[υκόχροας τ΄ (ἔτους) xt Καίσαρος] Τῦϊβι...
2. τ Of την corr. 4. ς τ Of θοωνις του corr. from os. 4. 1. τὰς ὑπαρχούσας.
“ΤῸ Ariston and Ptolemaeus, farmers of the six-drachmae tax upon asses, from
ThoGnis son of Thonis. I register for the present 27th year of Caesar the two light-
coloured female asses which belong to me at the house belonging to me at the Serapeum
at Oxyrhynchus on the south of the Square, and are employed upon my own work.
Farewell. Signed. The 27th year of Caesar, Tubi..’
8. λεζυκόχροας : cf. P. Brit. Mus. 333. 22 (ii. 199). There is not room for λεζυκοχρώμους,
which occurs in a sale of an ass to be published in Part xiii.
11--12. ἀπὸ νότου τοῦ δρόμου : the ἄμφοδον Νότου Δρόμου (839, 786, &c.) refers to the
Serapeum ; cf. 1105. 7.
12-13. ἐργαζομένας pov τὰ ἴδια ἔργα : the Strassburg papyrus mentioned in int. is more
explicit, having μὴ ἐργαζομένο(υς) μισθοῦ add’ εἰς ἰδίαν χρείαν.
1458. REGISTRATION OF SHEEP AND GOATS.
14:9 X 13-I cm. A.D. 216-17.
The chief interest of this return of sheep and goats addressed to a
basilicogrammateus lies in the fact that the papyrus was written in the
Athribite nome (in the south of the Delta), like 500. The formula differs a
little from those of the second-century Oxyrhynchite (74), Hermopolite (P.
Amh. 73), and Arsinoite (B. G. U. 133) parallels, and the third-century Hera-
cleopolite one (Hartel, Gr. Pap. Erz. Rain. 74), which is also addressed to
a basilicogrammatéus, the others, as well as 245-6 (first century), having been
sent to a strategus (καὶ οἷς καθήκει in 74). The papyrus is joined to a similar
but fragmentary return by a woman Aurelia Ammonia (?) also called Heraclea,
the ends of both documents being lost. They had been glued together as
part of a series, and apparently brought to Oxyrhynchus, before the verso was
used for writing a list of abstracts of contracts concerning land. The proper
names ᾿Αρθῶνις, Anunrpods, and Κεφαλοῦς, and Ὀξυρύϊγχί(ων) πόλ( ) ἐκ τοῦ
Ν
178 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
Νεικάνζορος (or [8pov) κλήρ]ου occur ; but the lines, of which parts of ten survive,
were very broad, and no connected sense is obtainable.
Αὐρηλίωι "Al... ἦνι βασιλ(ικῷ) γρα(μματεῖ) ᾿Αθριβ(ίτου)
Αὐρήλιος Αἰλ[ου]ρίων ἔναρ-
χος κ[οσ]μητὴς βουλ(ευτὴς) τῆς
ἈΑθριβιτῶν πόλεως, πρὶν de
5 τυχῖν τῆς “Ρωμαίων πολιτί-
ας Aidovpiov Ζωίλου Νεῖο-
κόσμιος] 6 καὶ ᾿Αλθαιεύς. ἀπῖίε-
γρα(ψάμην) τῷ διεληλυθότι Kd (ἔτει) ἐπὶ
τῆς μητροπόλεως πρ[όβ(ατα) ἕ,
το [ἄρρ(ενα) ¢, θηλ(υκὰ) λί.,
[ailya a, ὑποτίθ(ια) κί.,
κα (ἔτει) πρόβ(ατα) ιθ, αἶγα α,
“7 πρόβ(ατα) ἑβδομήκοντία
ἐννέα, αἶγες δύο,
15 ὧν πρόβ(ατα) ἄρρ(ενα) is, θηλ(υκὰ) gy,
αἶγες β. ἐξ ὧν
διεφθάρη πρόβ(ατα) aplp\eva) [.,
[θηἸ]λ(υκὰ) sa, [το letters
‘To Aurelius .. ., basilicogrammateus of the Athribite nome, from Aurelius Aelurion,
cosmetes in office and senator of Athribis, before he received Roman citizenship called
Aelurion son of Zoilus, of the Neocosmian tribe and Althaean deme. I registered in the
past 24th year at the metropolis 60 sheep, 7 male, 3[.] female, 1 goat, 2[.] lambs, in the
21st year 19 sheep, 1 goat, total 79 sheep, 2 goats, of which 16 are male, 63 female,
2 goats. Out of these there have perished . . male, 11 female...
4-5. πρὶν δὲ κτλ. : cf. e.g. B.G. U. 1071. 5.
6-7. Νε[οἸκόσμι[ος] ὁ καὶ ᾿Αλθαιεύς : the Neocosmian tribe at Alexandria is known from
P, Flor. 92. 1, Hamb. 32. 4, but the combination with the well-known Althaean deme is new.
II. ὑποτίθ(ια) : this spelling also occurs in the other return (cf. int.) and Β. α. U. 629.
14, &c.
12. κα (ἔτει) : κε Or ky cannot be read. There is no corresponding entry in the parallel
returns from other nomes. As the reports were, so far as is known, sent in annually, the
interval of three years between the dates in ll. 8 and 12 is somewhat remarkable.
1459. RETURN OF UNWATERED LAND 179
1459. RETURN OF UNWATERED LAND.
35°5 X I1-2 cm. A.D. 226.
This return sent to a basilicogrammateus by a veteran concerning his land,
which had not been reached by the inundation and was dry (4fpoxos) or arti-
ficially irrigated (ἐπηντλημένη), is similar to 1113, 1549, and an Apollinopolite
and several Arsinoite papyri (P. Hamb. 11. int.). Part of the land was βασι-
λική (ll. 12, 36); the rest, which was taxed at the usual rates of 1 or 13
artabae per arura (cf. 1. 11, n.), was apparently κληρουχική which had passed
into private ownership, and may have been a grant to the veteran from the
State (cf. P. Giessen 60. int.) The names of the lessees (or in the case of
βασιλικὴ γῆ the sub-lessees) form a lengthy list, the property being situated
mainly near Palosis, but partly near two other villages in the Thmoisepho
toparchy. These returns were probably made not annually, but when there
was a low Nile (cf. Eger, Grundbuchwesen, 188, Lewald, Grundbuchrecht, 79,
1113. i. 14, n.); the orders in the present case are attributed to unnamed
praefects and an ex-epistrategus, whereas in the other instances they were issued
by a praefect or procurator usiacus.
AlipyA\io Nepecion τῷ xK(al) Adop[voto| βασιλ(ικῷ)
[ ] γραμματεῖ ᾿Οξυρυγχείτου
παρὰ ᾿Ιουλίου ‘Qpiwvos οὐετρανοῦ τῶν
ἐντείμως ἀπολελυμένων. ἀπογρά(φομαι)
πρὸς τὸ ἐνεστ(ὸς) ε (ἔτος) Μάρκου ΔΑὐρηλίου Σ᾿ εουήρου
Ou
Ἀλεξάνδρου Καίσαρος τοῦ κυρίου κ[α]τὰ τὰ κε-
Aeva (Evra) ὑπό τε ἡγεμόνων καὶ ᾿Ιουλίου Σω-
πάτρου ἐπιστρατηγήσαντος ἣν ἔχω ἄβρο-
χίον] καὶ ἐπηντλ(ημένην) περὶ κώμην Παλῶ-
10 σιν ἐκ τ(οῦ) "Avdpwvos σὺν τῷ Μενεσθί(ξως) κλ(ήρῳ)
εἰς Πέτσειριν ἩΗἩρακλήου a (ἀρτάβης) ἀβρόχί(ου) (ἀρούρας) Bo’,
καὶ [ἐκ τ(οῦ) αἸζὑτοῦ) εἰς ΗἩράκληοὴν Πετσείρι[οἸς βασι[λ(ικῆ:ς)
ἀβρ[όχ(ου) (ἀρού.). ., καὶ ἔϊκ [7(ov) 13 letters 1. [..
να Π|........1... [1.1 ἀβρόχί(ου) (ἄρου.) a, καὶ ἐκ τοῦ
18. αὐτοῦ [εἰς .. 1... Πανεχώτου az ἀβρόχ(ου)
(ἀρού.) [. ., καὶ ἐκ τοῦ λοιποῦ Μενεσθ(έως) κλ(ήρου) εἰς
ΠΙ 14 letters 1. [1 ἀβρόχί(ου) (dpov.) εξΊδ΄,
κ[α]ὶ [ἐκ τί(οῦ) α(ὐτοῦ) εἰς ..... AdrelEdvdpov a (ἀρτ.) ἀβρό-
Ν 2
18ο THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
xou (ἀρού.) [.., καὶὶ ek τ(οῦ) .. . . ets] Θατρῆν Παυσείρι-
20 [ols a (ἀρτ.) ἀβρόχί(ου) (ἀρού.) [. ., καὶ ἔκ τ(οῦ) α(ὐτοῦ) εἰς Yapamid-
δην ᾿Δμμων[ίου a? (ἀρτ.ὴ ἀβρόχί(ου) (ἀρού.) y, καὶ ἐκ τί(οῦ)
λοιποῦ Μενεσθέως εἰς Θατρῆν ‘Apic-
τάνδρου a (ἀρτ.) ἀβρόχί(ου) (ἀρού.) Σ, καὶ ἐκ τοῦ α(ὐτοῦ) εἰς
Σ᾿αραπιάδην Appoviov aL καὶ a (ἀρτ.) ἀβρό-
25 χου (ἀρού.) ey’, καὶ ἐκ τοῦ α(ὐτοῦ) εἰς Πέ[τσε]ιριν
Πανεχώτου aL ἀβρόχί(ου) (ἀρού.) δ΄ η΄ (ς΄, καὶ ἐκ τί(οῦ) αἰ(ὐτοῦ)
εἰς Πέτσειριν Παυσείριος a [(apr.)| ἀβρόχ(ου) (ἀρού.) δ΄ η΄,
καὶ ἐκ 7(00) α(ὐτοῦ) εἰς Θερμούθιον ᾿ἀριστάνδρου aL
ἀβρόχ(ου) (ἄρου.) αβ΄, καὶ ἐκ τ(οῦ) λοιποῦ Μενεσθ(έως) κλ(ήρου)
30 εἰς Μάρκον Πετρώνιον Πρείσκον α (ἀρτ.) ἀβρό-
χου (ἀρού.) BL, καὶ περὶ τὸ Νεικοστρά(του) ἐπ(οίκιον) ἐκ τί(οῦ)
Πτολεμαίου καὶ Φιλίππου κλ(ήρου) εἰς Πέτσειριν
Ἡρακλήου a (ἀρτ.) ἀβρόχ(ου) (dpov.) aZ, καὶ ἐκ τ(οῦ) α(ὐτοῦ) εἰς ’Ov-
νῶφριν Πετσείριος a (ἀρτ.) ἀβρόχί(ου) (ἄρου.) a, καὶ περὶ Σ΄ ε-
35 φὼ ἐκ 7(00) Παρμενίωνος κλ(ήρου) εἰς Πέτσειριν μητί(ρὸς)
Θαήσιος βασιλ(ικῆς) ἐπηντλ(ημένη:) (ἄρου.) a. (ἔτους) ε Αὐτοκράτοροϊς
Καίσαρος Μάρκου Αὐρηλίου Σ᾽ εουνήρου ᾿Αλεξάνδρου
Εὐσεβοῦς Εὐτυχοῦς Σεβαστ[ο]ῦ Φαμενὼθ ι.
and hand ᾿Ιούλι(ζο)ης ἱΩρίων ἐπιδέδωκα.
On the verso traces of an address (?).
‘To Aurelius Nemesion also called Dionysius, basilicogrammateus of the Oxyrhynchite
nome, from Julius Horion, an honourably discharged veteran. I register for the present
5th year of Marcus Aurelius Severus Alexander Caesar the lord in accordance with the
commands both of praefects and of Julius Sopater, ex-epistrategus, the unwatered and
irrigated land which I own: in the area of the village of Palosis in the holding of Andron
' with that of Menestheus, entered to Petsiris son of Heracleiis, rated at 1 artaba, unwatered,
2% arurae; and in the same holding, entered to Heracletis son of Petsiris, Crown-land
unw., .. aru.; and in the holding of .. ., entered to..., unw., I aru.; and in the same
holding, entered to... son of Panechotes, rated at 14 artabae, unw.,..aru.; and in the
remainder of Menestheus’ holding, entered to . . ., unw., 33. aru.; and in the same holding,
entered to...son of Alexander, rated at 1 art., unw.,.. aru. ; and in the holding of ...,
entered to Thatres daughter of Pausiris, rated at 1 art., unw.,..aru.; and in the same
holding, entered to Sarapiades son of Ammonius, rated at 1(?) art., unw., 3 aru.; and in the
remainder of Menestheus’ holding, entered to Thatres daughter of Aristander, rated at 1 art.,
unw., Φ aru.; and in the same holding, entered to Sarapiades son of Ammonius, rated at
1% and 1 art., unw., 54 aru.; and in the same holding, entered to Petsiris son of Panechotes,
rated at τὰ art., unw., τς aru. ; and in the same holding, entered to Petsiris son of Pausiris,
1459. RETURN OF UNWATERED LAND 181
rated at 1 art., unw., 3 aru.; and in the same holding, entered to Thermouthion daughter
of Aristander, rated at 14 art., unw., 12 aru.; and in the remainder of Menestheus’ holding,
entered to Μ. Petronius Priscus, rated at 1 art., unw., 24 aru.; and in the area of Nicostratou
farmstead in the holding of Ptolemaeus and Philippus, entered to Petsiris son of Heracleiis,
rated at I art., unw., 13 aru.; and in the same holding, entered to Onnophris son of Petsiris,
rated at 1 art., unw., 1 aru.; and in the area of Sepho in the holding of Parmenion, entered
to Petsiris whose mother is Thaésis, Crown-land, irrigated, 1 aru.’ Date and signature.
I. τῷ K(ai) Δι[ο]νυσίῳ: cf. P. Hamb. 19. 1, where the same basilicogrammateus is
mentioned, also probably in the 5th year.
7. ‘IovAiov Σωπάτρου : this new epistrategus is to be inserted between Aurelius, Severus,
deputy-epistrategus (1202. 1, P. Flor. 382. 50; a.p. 222-3), and Di... Balbinus (B.G. U.
659. 7; A.D. 228-9) in Martin’s list, Epzs/ratéges, 185. He may be identical with the judge
Σώπατρος in 1408. 1-10.
9. For the association of ἐπηντλημένη γῆ with ἄβροχος cf. P. Giessen 4-7, Ryl. 96. 16.
In the case of the former half of the charges was let off, in that of the latter the whole.
10. “Avdpavos σὺν τῷ Μενεσθ(έως) κλ(ήρῳ) : cf. 1044.10, 23. That papyrus clearly refers
to the village of Palosis, which also occurs as a personal name in ll. 6 and 19. Πέτσειρις
Ἡρακλήου in 1. 19 might even be identical with the person of that name in 1459. 11, 32.
11. eis Πέτσειριν : cf. the preceding ἢ. σωματιζομένας is to be supplied; cf. 1118. 17
1460. 11, nn.
a (ἀρτάβης) : this was the normal rate of land-tax upon an arura of catoecic, cleruchic,
or ordinary private land; cf. P. Ryl. 202. 3, n. and 1484. 23, 1445. 8. n., 1549. τό.
The 14 artabae rate found in ll. 15 and 24 sqq. also occurs in 1044. ii (i. 7, n.) and
Β. 6. U. 139. 13 in connexion with private land.
16. λοιποῦ Μενεσθ(έως): οἵ. 1. 29, 1044. 24.
31. Νεικοστρά(του) ἐπ(οίκιον) : cf. 598, where the Πτολ. καὶ Φιλ. κλῆρος is also mentioned
(1. Φιλίππου for Φιλίσκου), and 1584. int. A Νεικοστρά(του) κλῆρος at Palosis occurs in 1044. 11
(cf. 1. το, n.). The ἐποίκιον was no doubt in the Thmoisepho toparchy, like Palosis and
Sepho (Il. 9 and 34).
1460. REVISION OF LISTS OF LAND-OWNERS.
9:8 X 9:2 cm. A.D. 219-20.
This return of landed property, addressed to a strategus, is of an unusual
character, being intended for a revision of the government survey-lists, in which
the names of the cultivators had ceased to correspond to the facts ; cf. the list of
deceased cultivators of Crown-lands and their successors in 1446. The reign is
fixed by the name of the strategus, Aurelius Harpocration, who is known from
1283. 1 to have been in office in the 2nd year of Elagabalus (A.D. 218-19) ;
the year was apparently indicated ina marginal note at the top (3rd?). Another
strategus of the same name in A. Ὁ. 278 is known from 1409. 1, but the hand-
writing decisively indicates the earlier date. 6-8 letters are lost at the ends of
lines, and the papyrus breaks off before reaching the main sentence, describing
the writer’s own land, but not without providing some interesting information
about the nature of the revision. On the left it was joined to another document,
182 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
of which the ends of 14 lines survive, mentioning | 7 κρατίστη | [βουλή and | τῷ
ἐπιστραΐϊτήγῳ. .
[ 7.0 (ἔτους ἢ
[ 1.011 19. f
Αὐρηλίωι Ἁρποκραϊτ]ίωνι στρα(τηγῷ) ᾿ΟἸξυρυγχίίτου)
παρὰ Φλαυίας Μ]α]ρκέλλης χρημα[τιζούσης
5 Χωρὶς κυρίου κατὰ τὰ “Ῥωμαίων ἔθη [τέκνων
δικαίῳ. ἐπειδὴ ἡ ἀπαίτησι[ς] τῶν [σιτικῶν
ἐγείνετο ἀπὸ ἀρχαίων ὀνομάτων [τῶν πλεί-
στων γενομένων ἐπιπλάστωϊν καὶ ἀπαί- ἢ
τησιν ἐποιοῦϊν)το ἐξ ἧς πολλοὶ ἠϊδικοῦντο,
10 ἐκελεύσθη ἀνανεωθῆναι εἰς τὰ νἷ. . . .«....
καὶ Kat ἔτος σωματισθῆναι καὶ καϊἰταχωρισθῆ- ὃ
ναι τύπῳ τῷδε: τί ἑκάστῳ ὑπίά]ρίχει ἐφ᾽ ἑκά-
στης κώμης καὶ ἐκ τοῦ ποίου idjous, τί
ἰδιωτικῆς γῆς, τί δὲ δημοσίας, ποῖαι
15 [δ]ὲ κα[ρ]πεῖα[(] ἐπ᾿ ἀρουρηδῷ καθ᾽ ἕϊκ]αστοῖν ὄνομα
ἰσὺν το]ῖς ὀφειλομένοις γένεσἾι [ 10 letters
4. φλαυΐας I, 12. ὕπ[α]ρ. Π. 13. ἴδίους ΠΙ. 14. ἰδιωτικης I.
‘To Aurelius Harpocration, strategus of the Oxyrhynchite nome, from Flavia Marcella,
acting without a guardian in accordance with Roman custom by the zus iberorum. Since
the collection of corn-dues was being based upon old lists of names, most of which were
fictitious, and collections were being made which involved injustice to many, orders were
given that the dues should be revised ..., and should be entered on the lists annually
and registered upon the following plan, namely with a statement how much is owned by
each individual at each village and to what class it belongs, how much is private land and
how much public, and what kind of crops are grown in each case on the particular arurae,
together with the classes (of produce) due. . .’
2. That this line was written by the writer of 1. 1 is not certain, but a reference to
a month is possible,
6. [σιτικῶν : δημοσίων is rather long.
8-9. ἀπαίτησιν : cf. 1. 6. A synonym would be improvement in view of the shortness
of the interval, but there seems to be no other suitable word.
10. Probably »[éa or νῦν. The subject of the infinitives is apparently σιτικά, not
ἀπαίτησιν.
II. σωματισθῆναι : the latest discussion of this verb and σωματισμός is in Preisigke,
Fachworter, 167-8, where references to the earlier literature are given. Preisigke wishes
to translate σωματίζειν ‘verk6rpern’, i.e. put in the body of a document, and to connect it
with the Byzantine use in e.g. P. Cairo Masp. 67133. 6 Ἰερημίας νομικὸς μαμτυρῶ ὃ καὶ
1460. REVISION OF LISTS OF LAND-OWNERS 183
σωματίσας ἔγραψα, which is generally regarded as different from the use in e.g. 1044. 26 ὧν
(ἀρουρῶν) ἐσωματίσθησαν ᾿Αρσινόῳ ἄρουραι ε. An unpublished Byzantine ἐπίσταλμα σωματισμοῦ
from Oxyrhynchus, similar to 126, has kovgucov .. . τελέσματα .. . ἐκ τοῦ ὀνόματος ᾿Ιουλιανοῦ
νων καὶ ἔνεγκον καὶ σωμάτισον εἰς τὴν ἐμὴν προσηγορίαν, σωμάτισον there corresponding to θελήσῃ .. +
βαρέσαι in 126. 8. The word seems, in spite of Preisigke, often to have a special reference to
responsibility for taxes.
καϊταχωρισθῆ ναι: this word gives a suitable sense, but is rather long for the lacuna,
which does not elsewhere seem to exceed 8 letters. καϊταγραφῆἠναι (in the sense of ‘ described ’)
is the right length, but καταγράφειν in connexion with land usually refers to transference of
ownership.
16. γε[νήμ[ασι is possible in place of yévec|: |.
1461. REGISTRATION OF A SHOP.
17:5 Χ 7:1 cm. A.D. 222.
This registration (ἀπογραφή) of a vegetable-shop in the reign of Severus
Alexander presents some novel features, being addressed apparently to a former
ὑπομνηματογράφος and a former chief-priest. The papyrus is broken at the top,
but the writing on the verso, which was subsequently used for an account of
payments for rents (beginnings of 12 lines), has a margin above it, and probably
nothing is lost before 1. 1 of the recto, though it is possible that two former
ὑπομνηματογράφοι were mentioned, not one. Property-returns, other than κατ᾽
οἰκίαν ἀπογραφαί (with which 1461, as is shown by the date, has nothing to do)
and returns of unwatered land (e. δ. 1459), were usually sent to two βιβλιοφύλακες,
and this may have been the actual rank of the two ex-magistrates in 1461; cf.
the omission of the title βιβλιοφύλακες with the γ(υμνασιαρχήσαντες) in 1028. 3
(1452. 2,n.). Asa rule ex-gymnasiarchs are found as βιβλιοφύλακες, but several
instances of other ex-magistrates in that position occur (cf. Preisigke, Beamten-
wesen, 34-9). Of the two in question here one had held a higher, the other
a lower, office than that of gymnasiarch ; cf. 1412. 1-3, 0. The shop was owned
by the Imperial fiscws, and the writer of the papyrus, who was apparently the
lessee, was liable for the repairs, appending a receipt for payments which he had
made to an ἀπαιτητής (cf. 1419. 4, n.). General ἀπογραφαί of property according
to the rules laid down by Mettius Rufus in 287. viii are not known to have taken
place in the third century, and are not certainly attested after A. Ὁ. 131: 1461
seems to belong to the same class as P. Brit. Mus. 940-5 (iii. 117-21), but to have
been sent in unduly late. Sellers of vegetables were apparently subject to a tax
called dum(Adparos) λαχα(νοπώλου) ; cf. P. Tebt. 360.
[4ὐρηλ(ίῳ) . - - - -- Ὁ ].-[ Ἐπ letters 15 (ἔτους) B Adroxpéro(po)s Καίσαρος
Pheu sri Jo γενομίένῳ) ὑπομνημᾷ- Μάρκου Αὐρηλῖον
Tloypa(pe) Σεουήρου ᾿Αλεξάνδρου
184 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
[κα]ὶ Αὐρη[λ(ίῳ) ᾿ἱὩρίωνι γενομ(ένῳ) Εὐσεβοῦς Εὐτυχοῦς
ἀρχιείρ]εῖ Σεβαστοῦ ‘Advp x.
παρὰ Αὐρηλίου ‘Eppaickov. 20 ἔστι δὲ τῆς ἀποχί(ῆς) τὸ ἀντί-
5 ἀπογράφομαι ἔχειν ἐργασ- γρα(φον)"
τήριον λαχανοπωλ(ικὸν) ἐνερ- λαχανοπωλείο[υ] ‘Epya-
y(ov) ἀπὸ Παχὼν γ (ἔτους) μέχρι ἴσκου ἔσχον διὰ AtooKdpou
σήμερον, ὃν ἐπὶ Tob) avt(od) y (Erous) els κατασκευὴν ἀ{ ι) λ(λαΞ) (dp.) κ,
πρὸς τῷ Ψοῦ ἐν κτήσει ᾿ 25. (ἔτους) ὃ ἐπὶ λόγου (δρ.) κ,
10 κυριακῇ πρὸς τῇ Παλατεζ- Ka(i) ὁμοί(ως) (δρ.) κ,
ᾳ, καὶ διαγεγραφέναι pe eis καὶ ὁμοίως) (δρ.) κ,
κατασκευὴν &d(Aas) (δραχμὰΞ) κ δι(ὰ) καὶ ὁμοίως] (δρ.) κ,
Διοσ- καὶ ὁμοίως) αἱ λοιπί(αὴ (δρ.) Kd,
κόρου ἀπαιτητοῦ, ὡς ἡ 30 γί(ίνονται) (δρ.) ρκδ.
ἀποχὴ περιέχει.
6. ενεργ (?) Π. 8. y corr. from a (?); cf. exegetical ἢ.
‘To Aurelius . . ., ex-hypomnematographus, and Aurelius Horion, ex-chief-priest, from
Aurelius Hermaiscus. I register the fact that I have a vegetable-seller’s shop in working
order from Pachon of the 3rd year up to the present day, situated in the said 3rd year at
Psou in Imperial ownership in Broad street, and have paid for repairs 20 drachmae more
through Dioscorus, collector, as stated in the receipt. The 2nd year of the Emperor Caesar
Marcus Aurelius Severus Alexander Pius Felix Augustus, Hathur 20. The copy of the
receipt is as follows: For the vegetable-seller’s shop of Hermaiscus I have received through
Dioscorus for repairs 20 drachmae more; the 4th year on account 20 dr.; item 20 dr.;
item 20 dr.; item 20 dr.; item the remaining 24 dr.; total 124 dr.’
; 6-7. evepy(dv): or ἐνεργ[ο]ῦ (with AaxavorwA(eiov) preceding; cf. 1. 22) or evepyfoli(r) ;
cf. crit. n.
7. γ (ἔτους): sc. of Elagabalus, the mention of whose name is avoided, as in ]. 25.
8. το(ῦ) αὐτ(οῦ) y (ἔτους) : the number was apparently a, at any rate originally, but this
is inconsistent with ro(3) air(od), and, as β (cf. ]. 15) cannot be read, it is best to suppose that
some superfluous ink above the end of the a represents the cross-bar of a y, the loop of the
a being left uncorrected.
9. πρὸς τῷ Ψοῦ: an island called Ψώ near Syene is known from Dittenberger, Gr. Or. Inser.
i, 168. 42 (cf. ii. 547), and -ψώ with the prefix Teprov- (found in several Hermopolite villages)
occurs in P. Ryl. 108. 12. od seems to have been a building or τόπος, but the last letter is
doubtful, being perhaps η. Ψόῳ cannot be read, if évis right; and, as the vestige before ν suits
ε better than ὦ, Ψόῳ (é)v or Ψόων (v) is unsatisfactory.
10, The Πλατεῖα gave its name to an ἄμφοδον at Oxyrhynchus ; cf. e.g. 248. 17.
12. GA(Aas) (δραχμὰς) «: cf. 1. 24, to which this payment refers, having been made
apparently in the 3rd year of Elagabalus. « suits the vestiges better than any other number,
1461. REGISTRATION OF A SHOP 185
κὃ or pd (cf. ll. 29-30) being inadmissible. It is not possible to read αἱ λ(οιπαί) here (cf.
]. 29) and regard it as a mistake for ras λ(οιπάς), though in 1. 24 the writer seems to have
confused ἄλ(λας) with ai λ(οιπαί).
22. λαχανοπωλείο[υ] : or possibly λαχανοπωλίου, but not -πώλου or πωλικο[Ὁ].
23. ἔσχον : who issued the receipt is not stated.
24. a{e}A(Aas): cf. 1. 12, n.
1462. Two NOTIFICATIONS OF CESSIONS.
I5 X 11-7 cm. A.D. 83-4.
These two documents, addressed to the official in supreme charge of the
administration of catoecic land (καταλοχισμοί), were joined together and numbered
probably in the office of the local agent of the department (Il. 2-3, n.). They
were written by persons to whom landed property had been ceded (at any rate
in the second case by purchase ; cf. ll. 29-30, n.), but owing to the loss of the
conclusions the precise purpose of the notifications is obscure. Probably, how-
ever, they exemplify the process of μετεπιγραφή, i.e. transference of ownership in
the official register of catoecic land, referred to in 278. 18 sqq. (=M. Chrest.
221) καϊτοιϊκικῆς γῆς ἀρούρας πέντε ἃς καὶ ἐξέσϊ ται] τῇ Talia... ἀπὸ τῆσδε [ris ὁμο!-
λογίας δι’ ἑαυτῆς μετεπιγράφεσθαι ἰδιὰ τῶν κ]αταλοχισμῶν. The communications .
addressed by the office of καταλοχισμοί to subordinates (P. Flor. 92) or to
agoranomi (e.g. 45-6) are likely to have been the direct consequence of similar
notifications. On the general evidence concerning the transfer of catoecic land
see 45. int., Preisigke, Gzrowesen, 497 sqq., where the process as explained is
probably much too elaborate, Mitteis, Grundz. 111-12. Both documents in 1462
mention contracts made through village γραφεῖα, i.e. parallel to those drawn up
in the ἀγορανομεῖον or μνημονεῖον of the metropolis, which are probably indicated
by the ὁμολογία in 45. 7 (cf. Mitteis, Chrest. 422. int.). In the second case there
was an interval of at least three months between the date of the contract (Pauni
of the 2nd year, 1. 35) and the notification (in the 3rd year), which is accounted
for by the fact that the contract was made ina distant part of Egypt ; in the
first case the interval is likely to have been less, especially if Max]¢v (the gth
month of the year) in 1. 14 is right. But in any case the procedure seems to
have been slower than that exemplified by 45, where the officials of the xara-
Aoyopol-office are found communicating with the agoranomi on the day on which
the sale was drawn up. With regard to the nature of the contracts we share
Mitteis’s objections to Preisigke’s hypothesis that two different ones were
necessary, and regard 278 as on a level with C. P. R. 1 (M. Chres¢. 220) and an
example of the kind of agreements indicated in 1462.
186 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
Col. i. Col. ii.
be: |
[Ταρουτιλλίῳ ? τῷ πρὸς τοῖς KlaTa-
λ(οχισμοῖξς) β
[διὰ Πλουτάρχί(ου) ἢ χειρισΊ]τοῦ and hand Ταρουτιλλίῳ τῷ πρὸς Toi(s)
[rape .-.-- .. οἷυ Διοσ- κ(αταλοϊ)χ(ισμοῖς)
5 [κόρου τοῦ ᾿Ἡραϊκλείδου διὰ Πλουτάρχί(ου) χειριστοῦ
[ a1letters ίον τοῦ 25 παρὰ 4ημηϊτρ]ου τοῦ Καλ-
[καὶ Sica 1 παρακε- λίου τῶν ἀπὸ κώμης Σιναρὺ
ἰχώρηται δι ἐμοῦ ἡ ἀφῆ- τῆς κάτω τοπαρχίας. πα-
[λίξ μου θυγάτηρ Ἡραΐσ- ρακεχώρημαι σὺν ἑτέ-
το ἰ[κηῦ κατὰ ὁμολογίαν τὴν ροις ὑπάρχουσι ὑποπείπτο(υσιν)
[Τελιωθῖσαν] διὰ τοῦ 30 ἐνκυκλίῳ καθ᾽ ὁμολο-
τῆς κώμης Σ᾿ ἡναρὺ τῆς γίαν τὴν τελειωθεῖσαν
[κάτω τοἸπ[αρ]χίας γραφίο(υ) _ διὰ τοῦ τῆς Νώεως καὶ
ἰτῷ ΠαχἸ]ὼν μηνὶ τοῦ ἄλλων κωμῶν [τῆ]ς
15. [ἐνεσ]τῷ[το]ς γ (ἔτους) ᾿Αλεξανδρέων χώρας
[Adrox|pdropos Καίσαρος] 35 γραφίου τῷ Παῦνι μηνὶ
[Δομητιανοῦ Σεβαστοῦ τοῦ διελθόντος δευτέ-
[Γερμ]ανικοῦ παρὰ τοῦ ρου ἔτους Αὐτοκράτοϊρος
[....+..Jeofov μου ἀϊδ)ελ- Kaiolalpos Δομιτιανοῦ e-
20 ἰ[φοῦ... ἤχου Tnpaf.|o- β[α(στοῦ) ᾿
ae letters Ἰαλ- [Γερμ]ανικοῦ παρὰ Εὐτυχ(Ὶ
. AO? ln oie ata τ]οῦ [.... -Javou[s ?
aan ds
To Tarutillius, superintendent of the distribution of lands, through his agent Plutarchus,
from Demetrius son of Callias, inhabitant of the village of Sinaru in the lower toparchy.
I have had ceded to me together with other property subject to the éyxixdvov-tax, by a contract
executed through the record-office of Nois and other villages in the territory of the Alexan-
drians in the month of Pauni of the past second year of the Emperor Caesar Domitianus
Augustus Germanicus, from Eutych...son of... son of...’
2-3 (=23-4). These lines must have projected if the restoration is correct, for only
14 and 13 letters would be expected in the two lacunae. Possibly a whole line is lost at
the top, but Col. i is already higher than Col. ii. For πρὸς τοῖς κ]αταλ(οχισμοῖς) cf. P. Grenf.
li. 42. I Πύρρος 6 πρὸς τοῖς καταλοχζισμοῖς) τῶν κατοίκ(ων) τῆς Aliyinrov in a.D. 88. Tarutillius
was already in office in a.p. 81 (165). «Ἡρακλείδης Ταρουτιλλίου ὁ ἀσχολ(ούμενος) τοὺς κατα-
λοχισμοὺς τοῦ “Epporodirov in A.D. 84 (P. Flor. 92. 1) may have been his son. For Πλούταρχος
1462. TWO NOTIFICATIONS OF CESSIONS 187
cf. 174, where he is called ὁ καθεσταμένος ἐπιτηρητὴς καὶ χειριστὴς καταλοχισμῶν ᾿Οξυρυγχίτου
(a.D. 88), and 846. .
6--7. For the Alexandrian tribe-name there are several possibilities, but of the known
deme-names Ζήνειος is the only one short enough for |. 7. It occurs in combination with the
tribe-names Προπαπποσεβάστειος and Σωσικόσμιος, which are both unsuitable here ; cf. the list
9-10. Ἡραϊσίκη κατά: Ἡραΐς is a very common feminine name, but it is not easy to fill
Ἰ. 4), although apparently a proper name. [υἱοθ]εσίου ‘adopted’ is not an attested form
(though cf. ἀφέσιος) and is too short.
23-4. Cf. ll. 2-3, n.
29-30. ὑποπείπτο(υσιν) ἐνκυκλίῳ : the tax on sales was ro per cent. of the price at this
period ; cf, 242. int. The τέλος καταλοχισμῶν paid by incoming catoeci (P. Tebt. 357,
Wilcken, Grundz. 305) was different ; cf. 1472. 25.
32. Νώεως : this village was unknown. For the ᾿Αλεξανδρέων χώρα see 1273. 8, n.
1463. APPLICATION FOR EXAMINATION OF A SLAVE.
27°2X15 cm. A.D. 215.
An application for the examination (ἀνάκρισις) of a female slave, sent to the
nomarch of Antinodpolis (I. 1, n.) through his deputy by the intending purchaser,
with her signature and that of the seller. All this part of the papyrus is very well
preserved, but the last few lines (26-35), which contain a letter from the deputy-
nomarch, either issuing the required certificate of ἀνάκρισις or authorizing it to be
made, are in the essential portion too much damaged to be intelligible. The
application was written afew years after the constitutio Antoniniana, and naturally
all the persons referred to are Aurelii. The mention in two cases (those of
the guardian of the purchaser and his proxy; Il. 5 and 20) of Alexandrian tribe-
and deme-names is not surprising (cf. e.g. 1458. 6); but, since the buyer was
resident at Oxyrhynchus and the seller in the Heracleopolite nome, it is remark-
able that the question of ἀνάκρισις should be referred to an Antinoite official.
Apart from the present document, all that is known about that process is that it
was preliminary to the sale of a slave and was conducted by various officials ;
cf. P. Brit. Mus. 251. 6-8 (ii. 317 ; = M. Chrest. 270) ἀναδέδωκαν δὲ οἱ ἀποδόμενοι
τῇ ἐωνημένῃ ἣν πεπόηνται ἐπὶ ἰτῆς δι]καιο[δ]οσίας [τ]ῶν οἰκετῶν ἀνάκρισιν οὖσαν τῇ
ἐνεστ[ώ]σῃ, P. Leipzig 4. i. 15-17 (= M. Chrest. 171) ἥνπερ ἀσφάλειαν μετὰ καὶ τῆς
ἀϊπογρα]φ[ῆ]ς καὶ ἀνακρείσεως ἧς πεπ[οίηται two proper names τῷ καὶ ἹἹππίᾳ τοῖς
ἀξι[οἸλ[ο]γω[τά]τοις [ἐ νάϊρχοις ὑπομνημ(ατογράφοις) μετὰ καὶ ris -. .} προκτητικῆς
ἀσφαλείας... ἀνέδωκεν 6 ἀϊποδόμενος!, 1209. 19-21 ἀναϊκριθίση)ς τῆς Τερεῦτος ὡς διὰ
τοῦ προτέρου χρηματισμοῦ ἰδηλοῦται!,. Mitteis (Grund. 192) explains ἀνάκρισις as
188 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
a permit for the sale, Preisigke (Fachworter, s.v.) as a certificate containing an
official description of the slave. The fact that a precise description of the slave
is given in the application (1463. 10-11), and that γνωρίζων occurs in the letter of
the deputy-nomarch (1. 30; cf. the γνωστῆρες who appear in connexion with the
ἐπίκρισις of slaves and others in 1451. 27), indicates that the ‘examination’ was
intended to establish the identity of the slave, and somewhat resembled the
process of ἐπίκρισις ; cf. 1451. int. The intervention of the Antinoite nomarch
may have been due to the circumstance that the birth-certificate of the slave was
deposited at Antinodpolis during a former period of residence of her mistress at
that city. The beginnings of ll. 30-1 are on a separate fragment, of which the
exact position is uncertain; it can be assigned to the beginnings of ll. 28-9
or 29-30.
Αὐρηλίωι Appoviot νομάρχῃ ‘Avtivéov πόλεως
διὰ Αὐρηλίου ᾿Απόλλωνος τίο]ῦ καὶ Σερήνο[υ] διαδόχου
παρὰ Αὐρηλίας Κλαυδίας Σ᾽ αραπίωνος ἀπ᾽ ᾽Οξυρύγχων
πόλεως μετὰ κυρίου τοῦ ἑαυτῆς ἀνδρὸς Μάρκου Αὐρη-
5 λίου Ἀμμωνίου Διονυσίου τοῦ ᾿Αμερίμνου Σωσι-
κοσμείου τοῦ καὶ ᾿Αλθαιέως. βουλομένη ὠνήσασ(θαιδ παρὰ.
Αὐρηλίας Aprepetros Apéitos μητρὸς Ταφαμόι-
τος ἀπὸ Χοινώθεως τοῦ ᾿Ηρακλεοπολείτου νομοῦ
χωρὶς κυρίου χρημαί(τιζούσης) δικαίων τέκνων δούλην
10 ὀνόματι Τυραννίδαν γένει ᾿Ασιαγενὴν λευκόχρουν
ὡς (ἐτῶν) κὃ εἰ καί Tum) ἑτέρῳ ὀνόματι καλεῖται,
ἀξιῶ τὴν ταύτης ἀνάκρισιν γενέσθαι κατὰ τὰ κε-
λευσθέντα. διευτύχει. (ἔτους) κὃ Αὐτοκράτορος
Καίσαρος Μάρκου Αὐρηλίου Σ᾽ εουήρου ᾿Αντωνίνου
15 Παρθικοῦ Μεγίστου Βρεττανικοῦ Meyiorolv ΤΓΊερμανικοῦ
Μεγίστου Εὐσεβοῦς Σεβαστοῦ Θὼθ ιη. (2nd hand) Adpy-
λία Κλ[α)υδία ἐπιδέδωκ[α.} (3rd hand) “Δὐρήλ(ιος)
Appdvios ἐπιγέγραμμαι τῆς γυϊνα)ικός
μου κύριος. Σ᾿ ερῆνος Σ᾿ αραπίων[ος το]ῦ “Χαιρή-
20 μονος Φυλαξιθαλάσσιος ὁ καὶ ᾿Αλ[θαιεὺϊς
ἔγραψα ὑπὲρ αὐτοῦ μὴ εἰδότος γράμ]ματα.
ἱμὴ εἰδότ[ 5} (4th hand) Adpyd(fa) ᾿ἀρτεμεῖς εὐδοκῶ: Αὐρήλ(ιος)
Καλλίνικος ὁ καὶ Κοπρέας Ἡρακλείδου μητ(ρὸς)
1463. APPLICATION FOR EXAMINATION OF A SLAVE 189
᾿Ισεῖτος ἀφ᾽ “Hpaxdéovs πόλεως ἔγραψα ὑ-
25 ἱπὲρ] τῆς τοῦ ἀδελφοῦ γυναικὸς γράμματα
[μὴ εἰδυίας. (5th hand) «ἀὐρήλ(ιος) ᾿ΑἹμμώνιος νομάρχης Αντι-
ἱνόου πόλ(εως) διὰ Adpndr(fov)| Aroddwviov τοῦ καὶ ΣἸεἸρήνου διαδόχου
Ἵ 15 letters 1 ἀντὶ ἀποδί 20 1,
[ 14 letters Ἱείοις τῷ ὑπὶί 29 1.
A 2.050. ὁςῳ0.... ] γνωρίζων [ 191.
emiTeAgiu.....-. rov κεινδυΐν 17 1.
ὡς of τι]. θη. ἐσημιωϊσάμην. (ἔτους) κὃ
Αὐτοκ[ράτορος] Καίσαρος Μίάρκου Αὐρηλίου Σ' εουήρου ᾿Αντωνίνου
Παρτικ[οῦ Μεγ)ίστου Βρετανίνικοῦ Μεγίστου Τερμανικοῦ
35 Μεγίστοϊν Εὐ]τυχοῦς Σ᾿ εβ[αστοῦ
4. ταφαμοῖτος II, 9. 1. δικαίῳ. II. ep Of erepw corr. from ὦ (9). 15. βρετ᾽τα-
vixov II, 17. ὦ of emdedoxa corr. 21. ὕπερ IT; so in 1]. 24. 24. toe:tos II, 34.
]. Παρθικ[οῦ.
“Τὸ Aurelius Ammonius, nomarch of Antinodpolis, through Aurelius Apollo also called
Serenus, his deputy, from Aurelia Claudia daughter of Sarapion, of Oxyrhynchus, with her
guardian, who is her husband, Marcus Aurelius Ammonius son of Dionysius son of
Amerimnus, of the Sosicosmian tribe and Althaean deme. As I wish to buy from Aurelia
Artemeis daughter of Amois and Taphamois, from Choinothis in the Heracleopolite nome,
acting without a guardian by the zus /iberorum, a female slave called Tyrannis, of Asiatic
descent, white-skinned, aged about 24 years, or by whatever other name she is called, I request
that her examination may be held in accordance with the orders on the subject. Farewell.’
Date, signatures of Aurelia Claudia and her guardian, the latter written by Serenus, and of
Aurelia Artemeis, written by the brother of her husband, and part of a letter from the
nomarch, through his deputy.
I. νομάρχῃ ᾿Αντινόου πόλεως : the nomarch at Antinodpolis seems to have taken the place
of the strategus at other nome-capitals; cf. Kuhn, Antnodpolrs, 143 sqq.
8. The early Ptolemaic form of Χοινῶθις was Χοιβνῶτμις, found in P. Hibeh 112. 26 and
68. 3, which also indicates that it was in the Kwirys toparchy (cf. 1416. 13, n.). Χοινῶθμις
occurs in P, Stud. Pal. x. 8. 2 (4th cent.).
11. εἰ καί τιζνι) ἑτέρῳ ὀνόματι: this is the regular phrase; cf. B.G.U. 316. 12,
P. Strassb. 79. 2.
22. The fact that Aurelia Artemeis, though acting without a κύριος (1. g), was unable to
write is noticeable in view of the importance elsewhere attached to a knowledge of writing
as a condition for dispensing with a κύριος ; cf. 1467. int.
27. ᾿Απολλωνίου : in]. 2 ᾿Απόλλωνος,
28. Perhaps ἀντὶ ἀποδόσεως, sc. of the charge for ἀνάκρισις,
29. τῷ in{: possibly τῷ ἰσιζόντι, with ἔτει in the next line; but the bottom of ε, if that
letter followed ετεΐ, would be expected to be visible, and the position of the fragment con-
taining the beginnings of Il. 30-1 is uncertain; cf. int.
31. émreho[u... Seems to be a participle, but ἐπιτέλεζε is possible.
190 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
1464, DECLARATION OF PAGAN SACRIFICE.
17-2 X9-8cm. A.D. 250.
On the recto of this papyrus is a /zbellus of the period of the Decian
persecution, containing a declaration of conformity to pagan worship, like 658.
Examples of these “be/i from the Arsinoite nome are now numerous; cf. P. M.
Meyer, Abhand. d. Berl. Akad. 1910 and Griech. Texte, 15-17, and P. Ἀγ].
12,112. The present specimen differs slightly from the normal type, mentioning
a θεία κρίσις (i. e. Imperial decree) in 1. 6, and indicating that part, if not all, of the
writer’s family associated with him was represented by himself (1. το, n.). The
official signatures appended to most of the Arsinoite bell are here absent.
658 is incomplete at the end, but in the light of 1464 the signature in the
last extant line of that papyrus is almost certainly that of the writer of the
document.
The verso contains parts of ten lines of an account of names (e.g. Βησᾶς,
Pevapodvis) and drachmae, written soon after 250.
[Τοῖς] ἐπὶ τῶν θυσιῶν αἱρεθεῖσι τῆς
[᾿ΟἸξυρυγχειτῶν πόλεως
[παρ]ὰ ΔΑὐρηλίου Γαιῶνος Apupoviov
Ν ~ aN X »» ‘\
[un|rpos Ταεῦτος. ἀεὶ μὲν θύειν καὶ
5 ἱσπέϊνδειν καὶ σέβειν θεοῖς εἰθισμένος
[κατ]ὰ τὰ κελευσθέντα ὑπὸ τῆς θείας κρίσεως
Ν ~ 3 7 € a“ ἊΝ Ἂς »
[kai] νῦν ἐνώπιον ὑμῶν θύων καὶ σπέν-
[δω]ν καὶ γευϊσ]άμενος τῶν ἱερείων ἅμα
ne! Ν , 2? ’ A,
[Τὰ Pore γυναικὶ [κ]αὶ Apupovio καὶ Aupo-
(τ Car ἊΝ 2 Ν ) 2 ~ Ἂς
10 [νᾳνῶ υἱοῖς καὶ Θέκλᾳ θυγατρὶ δι᾿ ἐμοῦ κ[α]ὶ
) ΄“ «ς 7 7 +
[ἀξιϊῷ ὑποσημιώσασθαΐ μοι. (ἔτους) a
[4ὐ]τοκράτορος Κα)ϊσαρο]ς Γαίου Μεσσίου
[Κυίντου Τ|ρ]αιανοῦ Δεκίου Εὐσεβοῦς
Εὐ)τυχοῦς Σεβαστοῦ ᾿Επεὶφ γ. «ΔΑὐρήϊλιος
15 [Γαι ὼν ἐπιδέδωκα. ΑΑὐρήλ(ιος) Σ᾽ αραπίων
3. γαΐωνος II; so in]. 15 yai lov. 7. ὕμων II, 8. ieperoy II, 12. yatov Il,
‘To the commissioners of sacrifices at Oxyrhynchus from Aurelius Gaion son of
Ammonius and Taeus. It has ever been my habit to make sacrifices and libations and pay
1464. DECLARATION OF PAGAN SACRIFICE ΙΟΙ
reverence to the gods in accordance with the orders of the divine decree, and now I have
in your presence sacrificed and made libations and tasted the offerings with Taos my wife,
Ammonius and Ammonianus my sons, and Thecla my daughter, acting through me, and
I request you to certify my statement. The rst year of the Emperor Caesar Gaius Messius
Quintus Trajanus Decius Pius Felix Augustus, Epeiph 3. I, Aurelius Gaion, have presented
this application. I, Aurelius Sarapion also called Chaeremon, wrote on his behalf, as he is
illiterate.’
τ. [Τοῖς] ἐπὶ τῶν θυσιῶν αἱρεθεῖσι : this, with the perfect in place of the aorist, is the usual
title of the commissioners ; in 658. 1 they are called τοῖς ἐπὶ. τῶν ἱερ(είγων [καὶ] θυσιῶν.
5. σέβειν : in the Arsinoite {δε εὐσεβεῖν is used, more correctly.
9. [Τα]ῶτι : cf. e.g. 256. 4, B.G.U. 26. 18, and Ταεῦτος in ]. 4.
10. Θέκλᾳ : cf. 6. g. 1059. 2(5thcent.). Whether δι᾽ ἐμοῦ refers to her alone, or to the
wife and sons also, is notclear; cf. int. In 658 a son and daughter are mentioned; but
the Arsinoite /de// generally mention one person only, even when ὑμᾶς occurs in the
attestation of the officials.
sali: this is superfluous, as the writer has participles instead of indicatives in ll. 6-7 ;
cf. 658. 11-12.
Viel PEPIEIONS
1465. PETITION CONCERNING THEFT.
14:3 X 10-5 cm. First century B.c.
A petition to an official, complaining of a theft of corn and asking for the
arrest of the suspected thieves. The script is practically uncial, resembling that
of 1453 (30-29 B.C.), and the phraseology of the concluding section (Il. 9-16) is
in the Ptolemaic style, so that the papyrus is as likely to have been written in the
reign of Cleopatra (or possibly Ptolemy Auletes) as in the early part of the reign
of Augustus. Owing to the loss of the beginning it is uncertain which magistrate
is addressed, but the phrase καταστῆσαι ἐπὶ σέ (1. 12) suggests the strategus
or ἐπιστάτης φυλακιτῶν : cf. e.g. P. Ryl. 136. 14, 149. 23. Pauses are indicated
by short blank spaces after κοιταζοϊμέϊνους (1. 9), πίροσ]αγγέλλων (1. 10), and
κομίσωμαι (1. 13).
[ἀνελθεῖν ἀπὸ ἧς ἔχω ἅλω
περὶ τὸ Πεκύσιος ᾿Ισιεῖον ἀπ[η]νέγ-
[kalvro λῃστρικῶι τρόπωι εἰς (πυροῦ) (ἀρτάβαΞ) ὃ,
ὁμοίως καὶ ἀφ᾽ als ἔχω περὶ τίὸ] αὐτὸ
192 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
5 ᾿Ισιεῖον ἄλ[λ]ης ἅλω ἧς yewpyar
βασιλικῆς [γ]ῆς εἰς ἄλλας (πυροῦ) [(ἀρτάβας}) δ. ᾿
καθυπονοῶν οὖν εἰς Σαραπίωνα
ἁλωνοφύλαίκ]α καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους τοὺς ἐκεῖ
κοιταζοϊμέϊνους, ὧν χάριν ἠνομη-
10 μ[έϊνος πίροσ]αγγέλλων, ἀξιῶ συν-
τίάγξαι ἐϊκἸζητήσαντας τοὺς αἰίτίο]υς
καταστῆσαι ἐπὶ σέ, ὅπως ἐγὼ μὲν
τὰ εἰλημμένα κομίσωμαι, οἱ δὲ φανη-
σόμενοι αἴτιοι τύχωϊσ]ι ὧν προσήκει
15 πρὸς ἐπίστασιν ἄλλων, iv’ ὦ ἀντει-
λημμένος.
εὐτύχει.
8. φυλαζκΊα of αλωνοφυλ. above the line.
‘. .. before I returned, thievishly carried off from the threshing-floor, which I own near
Iseum Pekusios, as much as 4 artabae of wheat, and likewise from another threshing-floor,
which I own near the same Iseum for the Crown-land cultivated by me, as much as 4 more
artabae of wheat. I have suspicions against Sarapion, guard of the threshing-floors, and the
others who sleep there. Wherefore having been wronged I appeal to you, and request you
to give orders (to your subordinates) to search out the guilty persons and bring them before
you, in order that I may recover the stolen property, and the persons who shall be proved
guilty may receive due punishment, so as to prevent others, and that I may obtain relief.
Farewell.’ Ἷ
1. [dedOe{iv]: πρίν we may have preceded. m can be read in place of ν, and the
following ἀπό is very uncertain, but [e/]oeAOd[vr|es ἀφ᾽ ἧς is inadmissible. The lacuna at the
end of the line has room for 2 or 3 more letters, and ἔχομεν is possible, in spite of ἔχ]ω ἴῃ 1. 4.
2. Πεκύσιος Ἰσιεῖον : several villages called after shrines of Isis are known in the
Oxyrhynchite nome (cf. 1488. 28, n.) ; but this one is new.
ἡ. καθυπονοῶν οὖν : the sentence begins as if ἀξιῶ was to be the main verb, but the
writer makes a fresh start in 1. 9 with dv χάριν, adding two more participles. εἰς Σαραπίωνα
is an unusual construction: the accusative simply after καθυπονοεῖν occurs in P. Ἀγ], 146. 19,
the genitive in Ῥ. 5. I. 168. 26.
8. ἁλωνοφύλαζκ]α : cf. the 6 ἁλωνοφύλακες mentioned together with an ἀρχέφοδος and
ἀρχιπεδιοφύλαξ in a list of δημόσιοι. of Seruphis, an Oxyrhynchite village, ina Leipzig papyrus
cited by Wilcken, Grundz. 415. In P. Ryl. go. 2, &c., ἁλωνοφυλ(ακίαν) is probably to be read
in place of the unusual ἀγωνοφυλᾷακίαν).
10. π[ροσ]αγγέλλων : a participle has superseded the indicative as in 1]. 7, the writer
making a pause after -λων (cf. int.). This werd is common in Ptolemaic petitions ; cf.
P. Hibeh 36. 1, 53:2. Ryl. 68. 17, -P..S. ΤΉ 2: ἢ.
15. πρὸς ἐπίστασιν ἄλλων : this phrase can now be recognized in the very cursively
written P. Amh. 35. 48, where 1. πρὸς ἐπίστα(σιν) ἄλλων.
1466. BILINGUAL REQUEST FOR A GUARDIAN 193
1466. BILINGUAL REQUEST FOR A GUARDIAN.
11-3 X15°7 cm. A.D. 248. Plate I.
. A request for the appointment of a guardian, addressed to the praefect
Valerius Firmus by a woman, in both Latin and Greek. The writing is across
the fibres, and the right-hand half of the document is lost, but can be restored by
the aid of 720 (= M. Chrest. 324), a similar request in Latin to the same praefect
two years later, and 1201, a bilingual application for agnttio bonorum possesstonis
in A.D. 258. The Latin cursive writing is much smaller and more rapidly
penned than that of those papyri and 1114 (A. Ὁ. 237) and 1271 (A. D. 246). 720
was the original petition, containing the actual signatures of the applicant and her
proposed guardian (both in Greek), with the answer made in the office of the
praefect and a remark of assent, probably in the praefect’s own handwriting.
1466 also has at the bottom the answer to the petition, but in Greek, not Latin,
and since the sigriatures appended to the Greek text are not autographs, the
document is clearly a copy made in the praefect’s office, the Greek docket
appended to the Latin text giving the number of the original petition, which had
been entered in the praefect’s books. The Latin version is probably only a par-
tial copy of the original, the Latin date and answer being omitted in 1. 2, but
translated in 11. 6-7 and 10; cf. 1201. 21-2, where the Latin answer of the prae-
fect is translated. Lines 1-3, which are close to the upper margin, may even
have been written after ll. 4-10: The lower part of the papyrus contains traces
of an earlier document which has been expunged, and on the verso are three
widely separated lines, apparently of an account, in a different hand, besides
traces of other writing at right angles, all of which seem to have been inten-
tionally obliterated. The text of the account is 1A..a.nov εἰς of( ) .ἷ, 7 Avpn-
λ(ίου) ᾿Αχιλλ(έως) vi(od) φ, ° Αὐρηλ(ίου) ᾿Αμμωνίου Κεφαλί ) .[:
The juristic aspects of 720 in relation to the other evidence concerning the
appointment of guardians are discussed by Mitteis, Zeitschr. f. d. Savignyst. xxix.
390 sqq., Grundz. 248 566. Local magistrates were also competent to appoint
them before and after the constitutio Antoniniana (cf.1478. 20, n.), and whether the
guardian appointed by the praefect was permanent or πρὸς μόνην ταύτην τὴν
οἰκονομίαν (5θ. 16) is not clear. Incidentally 1466 provides the earliest date for the
praefecture of Valerius Firmus, which is carried back to Pachon 26 (May 21), 245.
In P. Flor. 4. 5, written in the same month without mention of the day, a different
praefect is found, Aurelius Basileus. The latter is also mentioned in 1277. recto
as holding office on Mesore 25 (Aug. 18) of the 5th year of an unspecified reign,
which is more likely to have been Gordian’s (i.e. A.D. 242) than that of the
O
194 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
Philippi (248), which was suggested in 1277. int. In 241 the praefect seems to
have been Annianus (P. Strassb. 41. 17), and C. Julius Priscus was vice-praefect
about this period (C.I. L. vi. 1638).
1 Valerio Firmo praef (ecto) Aeg(ypti) ab Aurelia Arsinoe. rogo,
domine, \des mthi auctorem e lege Iulia et Titia Aurel(tum)
2 Erminum. (€rovs) B Παχὼν xs. κόλ(λημα) 98 τ(όμος) εἷς,
3 ἑρμηνεία τῶν “Ραϊμαϊκῶν"
andhand 4 Οὐαλερίῳ Φίρμῳ ἐπάρχῳ «Αἰγύπτου παρὰ Adpndrias ᾿Αρσινόης.
ἐρωτῶ, κύριε, δοῦναί μοι .
5 κύριον ἐπιγραφόμενον κατὰ νόμον ᾿Ιούλιον καὶ Τίτιον Αὐρήλιον
“Ερμεῖνον. ἐδόθη ?
6 πρὸ ιβ καλανδῶν ᾿Ιουνίων Αὐτοκράϊτορι Φιλίππῳ Σεβαστῷ καὶ
Τιτιανῷ
ὑπάτοις. Αὐρηλία ᾿ἀρσινόη Σ᾽ αραπίωνος ἐϊπιδέδωκα αἰτουμένη τὸν
«1
Αὐρήλιον “Ἑρμεῖ-
8 νον κύριόν μου ἐπιγραφῆναι. Αὐρήλιος Tipalyévys 11 letters
ἔγραψα ὑπὲρ αὐτῆς
9 μὴ εἰδυίης γράμματα. Αὐρήλιος ‘Eppeivos Διονυϊσίου εὐδοκῶ τῇ
δεήσει. (ἔτους) B Παχὼν κς. ἢ
grd hand τὸ εἰ μὴ ἔχεις ἑτέρου κυρίου δίκαιον ὃν αἰἰτεῖ κύριον ὃ δίδωμι.
26 τὴ Il.
‘To Valerius Firmus, praefect of Egypt, from Aurelia Arsinoé. I ask you, my lord,
to give me as guardian according to the Julian and Titian law Aurelius Herminus. The
2nd year, Pachon 26. Sheet 94, vol. 1.
Translation of the Latin:
To Valerius Firmus &c. Presented on the 12th day before the calends of June in the
consulship of the Emperor Philippus Augustus and Titianus. I, Aurelia Arsinoé daughter
of Sarapion, have presented the petition, requesting that Aurelius Herminus should be
appointed my guardian. I, Aurelius Timagenes(?) son of . .., wrote for her as she is
illiterate. I, Aurelius Herminus son of Dionysius, consent to the petition. The 2nd year,
Pachon 26.
Unless you have the right to another guardian; I grant you the guardian for whom
you ask.’
1. The restoration is derived from 720. 3-4, where e/ is omitted before Za, whereas
in ], 14 it was inserted, as probably here, since καί in 1. 5 is practically certain, T[irov being
inadmissible. rogo, domine, des mihi also occurs in 1201. 3. Line 1 seems to have been in
any case longer than ll. 4-8, and probably no word corresponding to ἐπιγραφόμενον in 1. 5
(tnscribendum ?) occurred in it. ‘
1466. BILINGUAL REQUEST FOR A GUARDIAN 195
2. The Egyptian date, which perhaps occurred also in |. 9, here belongs to the docket,
the original Latin date corresponding to that in 1. 6 being omitted; cf. int. The τ of τ(όμος)
(cf. crit. n.) was written like a v, as in 1201. 11 τ(όμος) εἷς.
3. τῶν “Pool paixar : cf. 1201. 12.
4. ἐρωτῶ... por: Cf. 1201. 15.
5. ἐπιγραφόμενον was probably not represented in the Latin; cf. 1. 1, ἢ. For Ἰούλιον
κ[αἱ Τίτιον cf. 1. 1, n., and for ἐδόθη 1201. 19.
7. For ἐϊπιδέδωκα cf. 1201. 5 (in 720. 8 there is a lacuna), and for αἰτουμένη 1201. 6.
8, Τιμα[γένης : the reading is very uncertain. The first letter might be E or 6, but
‘Eppelivos (cf. |. 9) is unsuitable.
9. εὐδοκῶ τῇ δεήσει: οἵ. 720. 9-το. The insertion of the date is suggested by 1201. 21,
but the space may have been blank.
το. 720. 12-15 has guo ne ab [iusto tutore tutela) (so Wilcken, comparing Lex
Salpensana 1. 43) abeat, Pi{utammonem| e lege Lul: et | Tit. auctotem| do, which means the
same. The point of the reservation is illustrated by P. Tebt. 397. 25-6 ἐνποδίζομαι μὴ
ἔχουσα τὸν ἐπιγραφησόμενόν μου κύριον τῷ τὸν συνόντα μοι ἄνδρα... . ἐπὶ ξένης ἐἶναι καὶ μὴ περιεῖναί
μοι πατέρα μηδὲ τοῦ πατρὸς πατέρα μηδὲ ἔχιν με ἀδελφὸν ἢ υἱόν. That papyrus dates from before
the constitutto Antoninzana, but Graeco-Egyptian law did not differ appreciably from Roman
on this point.
1467. PETITION FOR JUS TRIUM LIBERORUM.
25-8 x 8-1 cm. A.D, 263.
This interesting document is a petition to a praefect from a woman,
Aurelia Thaisous also called Lolliane; claiming the right to act without a guar-
dian in virtue of her possession of three children and ability to write, and asking
for official sanction of her application. This was duly granted by the response
added at the end, which is if the same hand as the petition, showing that the
document is a copy, not the original. The beginning is lost, but evidently only
a few lines containing the address are missing before 1.1. The date (lI. 29) is
the 10th year of an unnamed Empefor, who is almost certainly Gallienus both
on palaeographical grounds and because the same woman, with her alternative
names generally reversed; recurs in 1475 acting without a guardian in the
14th year of that Emperor. The only other possible reign here is that of Severus
Alexander; but the handwriting and the use of the epithet διασημότατος applied to
the praefect strongly favour the later date: The praefect therefore is likely to
have been Aurelius Theodotus, who is known from P. Strassb. 5. 6-7, 18 to have
been in office on Mesore 21 of the gth year and in an unknown month of the Ioth
year. On or before Pharmouthi 2 of the 13th year the praefect was Κουσσώνιος
I... (P. Ryl. 165. 9), and perhaps another praefect who held office shortly before
the 14th year was Claudius Theodorus (C. P. Herm. 119. recto iv. 25).
There are frequent references in papyri, especially after the constitutio
Antoniniana, to Roman women acting χωρὶς κυρίου τέκνων δικαίῳ κατὰ τὰ Ρωμαίων
02
196 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
ἔθη; cf. 1463. 9, Kiibler, Zeitschr. f. Savignyst. xxx. 156 sqq. ; but this is the first
papyrus to illustrate the process by which the right was secured. The fact that
so high an official as the praefect was addressed on the subject indicates that the
privilege was by no means a‘ reichsrechtliche Floskel ’, as suggested by Partsch
in reviewing Kiibler (Archiv, v. 472). The only extant parallel for 1467 is 1264,
an application from an Oxyrhynchite citizen to the local magistrates for recogni-
tion of the right to ἀπὸ τῶν νόμων dovdia, which was based (the correction
εὐπαιδείας for εὐναιδείας in 1, 18 is confirmed by 1467. 11) upon the 225 Liberorum
established by the Lex Julia et Papia Poppaea; cf. 1264. int. The mention
in 11. 4-5 of the number of children (by Roman law three in the case of a Roman
woman, four in that of a freedwoman; cf. Kiibler, /.c.) conveys the impression
that they were all living, but it is not certain that the survival of the children was.
necessary for the granting of the zus trium liberorum. That a knowledge of.
writing was also generally required, though not an absolutely necessary condition
(11. 8-10, 13-15 ; cf. 1463. 22, n.), is new and interesting. Neither Roman nor
Graeco-Egyptian law was known to have laid stress on this condition in con-
nexion with the independence of women, though in the light of 1467 the point
of ἐπισταμένη γράμματα in 56. 12 is now Clear; cf. 1478. 21.
fea ἀξ ν-..}-.- -{ἰ- τ fe “usage ἀσφαλείας διὰ τούτων μου
μότατε ἡγεμών, οἵτινες τῶν] βιβλειδίων προσφω(νῶ)
ἐξουσίαν διδόασιν ταῖς γυναι- τῷ σῷ μεγέθι πρὸς τὸ δύνα-
ξὶν ταῖς τῶν τριῶν τέκνων σθαι ἀνεμποδίστως ἃς ἐν-
5 δικαίῳ κεκοσμημένας ἑαυ- zo Τεῦθεν ποιοῦμαι οἰκ[ον]ομίας
τῶν κυριεύειν καὶ χωρὶς] κυ- διαπράσσεσθαι. ἀξιῶ ἔχειν
ρίου χρηματίζειν ἐν αἷς ποι- αὐτὰ ἀπροκρίτως τοῖς δι-
οὔν[τ]αι οἰκονομίαις, ποϊλλ]ῷ Καίοις μ[οὴν ἐν τῇ σῇ τοῦ [δια-
δὲ πλέον ταῖς γράϊμ]ματα σημοτάτου τίάϊξι, iv ὦ BleBo-
10 ἐπισταμέναις, καὶ αὐτὴ Tol 25 ηθ[ημένη κ[α]ὶ εἰσαεὶ ὁμοίας ὃ
γυν τῷ μὲν κόσμῳ τῆς εὐ- χάριτας ὁμολογήσω. διευτίύ]χζει.
παιδείας εὐτυχήσασα, Aupnria Θαϊσ[ο]ῦς ἡ καὶ Δολλίι-
ἐνγράμματος δὲ Kali ἐΐς τὰ ανὴ διεπεμψάμην πρὸς ἐ-
μάλιστα γράφειν εὐκόπως πίδοσιν. ἔτους t ᾿Επεὶφ κα.
15 δυναμένη, ὑπὸ περισσῆς 30 ἔσται σο[] τὰ βιβλία ἐν τῆ [τάξι.
14. κ Of εὐκοπως above β deleted, and om possibly corr. 15. ὕπο Π. 24. ἵν Π.
27. Oaic[olus Π.
1467. PETITION FOR 705 TRIUM LIBERORUM 197
‘,.. (Laws have been made), most eminent praefect, which enable women who are
honoured with the right of three children to be independent and act without a guardian in
all business which they transact, especially those women who know how to write.
Accordingly I too, fortunately possessing the honour of being blessed with children, and
a writer who am able to write with the greatest ease, in the fullness of my security appeal
to your highness by this my application with the object of being enabled to carry out without
hindrance all the business which I henceforth transact, and beg you to keep it without pre-
judice to my rights in your eminence’s office, in order that I may obtain your assistance
and acknowledge my unfailing gratitude. Farewell. I, Aurelia Thaisous also called
Lolliane, sent this for presentation, The roth year, Epeiph 21.
Your application shall be kept in the office.’
1. Something like νόμοι γεγένηνται is expected, and νόμοι | [πάλαι γε]γέ[ν]ηντζαι] is possible ;
but the vestiges are too slight to afford a real clue, and the verb may have been [. .]rafe.
κατὰ τοὺς νόμους takes the place of κατὰ τὰ Ρωμαίων ἔθη in P. Strassb. 29. 29.
13. καἰὶ é|s τὰ μάλιστα : οὖσα [καὶ] τά cannot be read,
17. mporpw(rv@): of the supposed ¢ only the tail survives, and the top of the σ is lost.
mpoo|é|x and mpoo[d}yo are both unsatisfactory.
22. dmpoxpiros: cf. P. Leipzig 64. 17, where it seems to mean ‘provisionally’, and
P. Flor. 68. 13 χωρὶς προκρίμίμ]ατος.
24. τάξι: cf. 1, 30, Β. Ὁ. U. 981. i. 10 τὰ τῆς τάξεως βιβλία, and the τάξις ἐπάρχου in e. δ.
1422. 2. The meaning ‘list’ (cf. e.g. 1551. 16) is inapplicable here.
25. εἰϊσ]αεὶ d[uoias: the supplement is rather long.
1468. PETITION CONCERNING OWNERSHIP OF SLAVES.
25 X 14-9 cm. About a. ἢ. 258.
A petition to the deputy-praefect, L. Mussius Aemilianus (Il. 1-2, n.),
concerning the rightful ownership of some slaves. After a prelude in general
terms (Il. 4-10; cf. 1469. 3-5), the writer accuses Syrus, his great-uncle, of
having made a false claim to the ownership of two slaves born to a female
slave belonging to his mother. This attempted fraud had been accidentally
detected, and the writer’s mother had taken steps (by petitioning a praefect? ;
cf, 1. 28, n.) to vindicate her rights, which remained undisputed during her lifetime.
Shortly before the date of the petition she had died, and complications had
evidently arisen in connexion with the bequeathal of the slaves; but after
1. 32 the papyrus, which becomes seriously damaged after 1. 25, ceases to be
intelligible, and soon afterwards breaks off, apparently at the point where the
writer, having finished his narrative, was asking for assistance. Blank spaces,
indicating a pause, occur after διήγησιν (1. 11), [ἑαυτήν (1. 17), -θεν (1. 20),
ἰδίο[υ]ς (1. 26).
On the verso are traces of an expunged document.
10
15
20
25
30
THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
Acukio Μουσσίῳ Αἰμιλιανῷ τῷ διασημοτάτῳ
t t « ‘
4 ‘ ς ’
διέποντι τὴν ἡγεμονίαν
παρὰ Αὐρηλίου Θεωνείνου τοῦ καὶ ᾿Αφύνχιος Διοσκόρου μητρὸς Ta-
αφύνχιος ἀπ᾽ ᾿Οξυρύγχων πόλεως. τοῖς κακουργεῖν προχεί-
pws ἔχουσιν τέχνῃ οὐ δικαίας ἐπινοίας πρὸς τῷ μηδὲν
x Wy Ν Ἂν “ ᾽ “ Τὰ € 4
ὄφελος ἔχειν ἔτι Kal τοῖς EK τῶν νόμων ὡρισμένοις
> 4 t - ς AQ sf Ἂς 4 - 9 ᾽
ἐπιτειμίοις ὑποβάλλει ἡ σὴ εὔτονος καὶ περὶ πάντα ἀκοίμη-
Tos πρόνοια. τοιούτου οὖν κατ᾽ ἐμοῦ ἐπιχειρουμένου ἐπὶ
τὴν σὴν ἀνδρείαν καταφεύγω θαρρῶν τεύξεσθαι τῶν προσ-
όντων μοι δικαίων, ἡγεμὼν κύριε. τὰ δὲ τοῦ πράγματος
τοιαύτην ἔχει τὴν διήγησιν. γέγονεν τῇ ἡμετέρᾳ μη-
» UA 3 Q ’ a Q IA «--
τρὶ Τααφύνχει ἀπὸ κληρονομίας τῆς μητρὸς αὐτῆς Θατρῆ-
tos Ἀπολλωνίου θεράπαινα Θαῆσις ἐξ οἰκογενοῦς δούλης
Τααφύνχιος. ταύτην τὴν δούλην ἀπογραψαμένη τῇ
πρὸς τὸ θ (ἔτος) τῆς θεοῦ ᾿Αλεξάνδρου βασιλείας κατ᾽ οἰκίαν
a ‘ X , \ LY ἈΝ >
γραφῇ Kali τ]ὴν δεσποτείαν καὶ τὴν νομὴν εἶχεν
αὐτῆς [ὑφ᾽ [ἑα]υτήν. (ήϊτ]ησιν δέ ποτε ποιουμένη περὶ
3 ἐδ, Ὁ ΕΥ̓ ᾽ “ Σ ΄“ 3 +. 4
οἰϊκοἸπέδων ?| Kal avepalulyooa ἐν τοῖς ἐπὶ τόπων
δημο[σίοις ἀρχἸείοιις τὰ] ἔνγραφα εὗρέν τι κακουργη-
θέν. τὸν γὰρ πρὸϊς μητ])ρὸ9] αὐτῆς θεῖον Σύρον ‘Amod-
[λωἸνίου Kall τὴν γυναΐκί[α ἀπογραψαμένους μὲν εἷ-
[δεῖν xk. ν[.. τοὺς ἐκ Θα]ήσιος γεγονότας παῖδας ᾿4πολ-
[λώἹνιον [at Ἁρσεῖτα, τὰς] δὲ δεσποτείας καὶ κυρίας ἀλλο-
[τριὠἸσανταϊς, ὃ od. .1δ.τον οὐδὲ προσῆκον ἦν, μᾶλλον
[δὲ οὐκ ἀνί...... Ἰραν ἀπαγαγεῖν τοὺς ἀλλοτρίους
[ὡς 9] ἰδίο[υ]ς. wl... .Jar τῶϊν τε λαογράφων τὸ ἀληθὲς
Ds A aera 1. τίῆ]ς klalkoupyias ταύτης μὴ σιωπη-
[σά]σῃ μῖ. . .... Ἰτ[.Ἰετίο ?] παρὰ Τιτιανὼ Κλωδιανῷ
τσ τ εἰς , καὶ ἕως μὲν ἐκείνη περ[ι]ὦν ἀναμφι-
σβήτητοι ἐγένοντ]ο ἡ thls] Ἁρσε[[]τοῖς] καὶ τοῦ ᾿Απολλωνίου
κυρία καὶ οἱ τούτων] καρποί, τἰου]τέστιν μὴ ἐπιγεινωσ-
Κ.ν ν κε νκ εν κι νιν μεταἸλἰλ]αξάσης τῆς μητρός μου πρὸ μη-
νῶν τό letters 1... of κληρονόμοι τῶν προει-
ρημένων οὐ. τῳ νὼ Ἰρ[.1α veaplals περὶ τῶν ἀνδραπό-
= τοξτ τρϑοὶ
.
= —
δων ἀποδείξεις ὃ... m?\émoTe τοὺς κληρονομηθέντας
ἀπο-
1468. PETITION CONCERNING OWNERSHIP OF SLAVES 199
i a Rs .0ἢὅ εἶν ὑπῆρχίε! . [- -
omar 5 Ka\ragevym αὐτί.
4-5 ω of προχειρως COIT. 7. ὕποβαλλει Π. 17. []Φ Π. 27. Above τ of
τίη]ς is an interlinear letter, and others may have been lost. 29. v Of exewn corr.
32. peral\ [A]agaons Π. 36. ὕπηρχ[ε] Π.
“Τὸ Lucius Mussius Aemilianus, the most eminent deputy-praefect, from Aurelius
Theoninus also called Aphunchis, son of Dioscorus and Taaphunchis, of Oxyrhynchus.
The wicked designs of those who are ready to commit crimes by artifice are not only made
to be no avail, but are subjected to the decreed penalties of the laws by your active and
in all cases unresting vigilance. Accordingly I, being the victim of such designs, appeal to
your nobility with the full confidence that I shall obtain the rights due to me, my lord
praefect. ‘The statement of my case is as follows. My mother Taaphunchis obtained by
inheritance from her mother, Thatres daughter of Apollonius, a serving-maid Thaésis,
daughter of a slave born in the house, called Taaphunchis. This slave she registered in the
house to house census in the gth year of the reign of the deified Alexander, and held the
ownership and possession of her for herself. On one occasion, when conducting an inquiry
concerning building-land and examining the documents in the local public archives, she dis-
covered that a fraud had been committed. She saw that her maternal uncle Syrus son of
Apollonius and his wife registered . . . the children born to Thaésis, Apollonius and Harseis,
and alienated the rights of lordship and ownership, which was ... and wrong, nay more it
was (intolerable ?) that they should take away slaves which did not belong to them as if they
were theirown. ...(my mother) did not maintain silence about this fraud, (but presented
a petition?) to Titianus Clodianus; and during her lifetime the ownership of Harseis and
Apollonius and usufruct of them were undisputed, that is to say... After my mother’s
death . months ago, .. . the heirs of the aforesaid . . . (made) new (declarations) concerning
the slaves...’
1-2. Mussius Aemilianus is also called διέπων τὴν ἡγεμονίαν in Euseb. Hist. Eccl. vii. 11.
9, and in 1201. 14 on Thoth 27 of the 6th year of Valerian and Gallienus (Sept. 24, 258).
In 1201. 1 (the same day) he is styled pracf(ectus) Aeg(ypt), as in P. Ἀγ]. 110. 7 ὁ δια-
σημότατος ἡγεμών ON an unnamed day of Phaophi of the 7th year (Sept. 28—Oct. 27, 259).
The holders of the praefecture during the reigns of Gallus and Aemilianus, and the first
five years of Valerian and Gallienus are unknown; in Decius’ reign Aurelius Appius
Sabinus was praefect on July 17, 250 (Ὁ. P. R. 20. ii. 1), and for the praefects from the
gth to the 14th year of Gallienus cf. 1467. int. A coin with the inscription A(iroxp). K(aic).
MI Αἰμιλιανός, ascribed by Poole to this Aemilianus (cf. 1201. int.), is, as Mr. Milne informs
us, a tooled coin of Philippus I, and therefore not really inconsistent with the names Lucius
Mussius, of which the praenomen occurs only in 1468.
18. οἰϊκο]π[έδων : οἴϊκο]γεζνῶν (cf. 1. 13) is inadmissible.
24. ..|6[.Jrov: or [β[.Ἶγον, ἀν]εκ]τόν cannot be read here, but ἀνίεκτόν is possible
in 1. 25.
Pr Ἰραν: it is not quite certain whether the supposed tail of a p (or possibly ¢) before
av belongs to this line or to the line below. ὑπαγαγεῖν is possible in place of ἀπαγαγεῖν.
26. λαογράφων : λαογραφ[ι]ῶν might be read; but the λαογράφοι received census-returns
(e.g. P. Flor. 4. 1; cf. 1468. 14-15), and the two slaves, being described as παῖδες in |. 22,
may have been under the age (14) for paying poll-tax. For the stop after @diolu's cf. int.
The first word of ]. 27 may be a participle [. .] . σαμζένων.
200 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
27-8. ovonn|od|on : σιωπή[σασἾα ἡ is inadmissible, but the dative is difficult, and perhaps
σιωπή[σα]σζαν ἡ μίήτηρ should be read οἵ σιωπῇ. There was ἃ correction in |. 27 (cf. crit. n.),
and the construction of ll. 26--9 is very obscure.
28. Titianus Clodianus may well have been a praefect. The application to him was
made after a. Ὁ. 230 (I. 15) and some little time (cf. 1. 29) before the date of 1468.
33. 7... οἱ κληρονόμοι : OF possibly ἡμᾶς [o]é κληρ. ; but the termination of the word before
νεαρ[άἸς in 1. 34 does not suit émomoap|c[6]a.
35. Perhaps μηδεπ]ώποτε.
1469. PETITION OF VILLAGE-REPRESENTATIVES.
10-5 X 24:3 cm. A.D. 298.
A well preserved petition to Aemilius Rusticianus, an otherwise unknown
deputy-praefect (I. 1, n.), from two comarchs on behalf of the village of Paimis
which was situated in the western toparchy near the metropolis (1475. 22, n.).
Their complaint was concerned with the repair of an embankment, and illustrates
the difficulties experienced in carrying out the regulations which had been laid
down a few years previously by the dioecetes in 1409. For this state of affairs
the multiplication of officials was largely responsible. The embankment in
question having broken down was first inspected by the δημόσιος γεωμέτρης, who
estimated that 400 ναύβια (about 600 cubic metres) were required to repair it.
The duty of supplying these was imposed upon the village by the χωματεπείκτης,
and 250 ναύβια had already been dug, With these two officials the villagers seem
to have been quite satisfied ; their complaint was directed against a subordinate
of the strategus, who intervened at this point, being apparently responsible for
the ultimate disposition of the earth among different embankments. This
individual from corrupt motives, as the villagers hint, credited them with only
100 of the 250 ναύβια which they had dug, the remaining 150 being apparently
transferred to another village, and the praefect was accordingly requested to
set matters right. P. Thead. 17 (A. D. 332) is another petition toa praefect from
a village, represented by three persons of whom at least one, Sakaon, was
probably a comarch, though evapxe δεσποται in 1. 4 represents, as is remarked by
Wilcken, Archiv, vi. 300, ἔπαρχε δέσποτα, not ἐν ἀρχῇ δεσπόται. The writing
of 1469 is across the fibres of the recto and is continued on the verso, which
is unusual. Evidently it was a draft or copy, the month being omitted in
the date in 1. 25, and the signature in ll. 23-4 being in the same hand as the rest
of the document. The Greek is of poor quality ; cf. Il. 8-1o, nn., and Il. 16-17.
’ we a “ τ
Αἰμιλίῳ Ῥουστικιανῷ τῷ διασημ(οτάτῳ) διαδεχο(μένῳ) τὰ μέρη τῶν ἐξοχωτάτων
; a
ἐπάρχων παρὰ τῶν ἀπὸ κώμης
10
15
1469. PETITION OF VILLAGE-REPRESENTATIVES — 201
Παείμεως ris} πρὸς λίβα τοπί(αρχίας) τοῦ ᾿Οξυρυγχίτου νομοῦ δι᾿ ἡμῶν
τῶν τοῦ ἐνεστῶτος ἔτους κωμάρχων Αὐρη(λίων) Πιβήμιος
καὶ [Νεμ]εσιαϊν]οῦ. μόλις μὲν ἄν, κύριε, τοῦ δικαίου ἐν toils] καθ᾽ ἡμᾶς
ἐπιτάγμασιν ὑπαρχθέντος ἡμῖν δυνηθείημεν
ὁλ[οκλ]ηροῦντες παντελῶς διανύειν τὰ προσήκοντα, ἐπείπερ ἐὰν πλεονεξία
τις προχωρήσῃ καθ᾽ [ἡμῶν
ἌΣ 4 2 ᾽ , “ - 2 va
δι’ ἀδυναμείαν ἀναπόστατοι καταστηϊσ)]όμεθα. χῶμα οὖν ἐστιν δημόσιον
ἐκ νότου τῆς ἡμετέρας κώμης
e ~ ΕΝ
ἐφ᾽ ᾧ διάκοπος καὶ τόποι ἐκνεν[μμένοι ἀϊν]αβολῆ 9] εἰκότως δεόμενοι. τοῦτο
ὑπὸ τοῦ δημοσίου γεωμέ-
τρου συϊν)ωψίσθη δεῖσθαι viav\Biov υ, καὶ ὁ τῇ ἐπίξει τῶν χωμάτων
᾽ ’ ’ ες “-
ἐπικείμενος καθείζων ἡμᾶς
τοὺϊς οἹἰκίζοντας τοῖς τόποϊἡς ἠνάγκασεν ἀϊνἸαβαλεῖν ναύβια ov. οὐ ταῦτα
μὲν οὖν μόνα ἤριστο
τίῇ κώμῃ ἡμῶν ἐξ οὗ καὶ τὰ ὅλα τοῦ χώματος ναύβια υ ἐπέκειτο ἡμῖν
ε pees, | ~ 2 ᾽ σι
ὁ ἐπὶ τῶν χωμάτων ἀναβαλεῖν,
ἀλλ[ὰ κ]αὶ ἐπειδὴ τῆς διαταγῆς τῶν αὐτῶν χωμάτων ὑπὸ τοῦ βοηθοῦ τοῦ
[σ]τρατηγοῦ
φθάσαντος γινομένης ἴσίως αἸίσχροκερ δίας ἕνεκα, ἀεὶ γὰρ ὁ δημόσιος
; γεωμέτρης
ἐπιστήμων ὧν τῶν τόπωϊν | αὐτῶν ποιούμενος τὴν ἑκάστου χώματοϊ 5]
ἀπεργασίαν
τοῖς πλησίον οἰκοῦσι. ἀκ[ολουθ]εῖ τῷ ἑκάστ(ηΞς) κώμης σχοινισμῷ,
On the verso.
ὁ δὲ ὡς ἔφην διὰ λῆμμα εἰς τὸ προκείμενον χῶμα διέταξεν ἡμᾶς ἐπὶ
ναυβίοις p,
ἤδη σν ἀναβαλόντων ἡμῶν, δηλονότι τὰ λοιπὰ ρν ναύβια ἑτέροις
παρασχεῖν
ἐθέλων. τοῦ οὖν πεπιστευμένου τὰ χώματα ὑπὸ τῆς ἡγεμονίας, καὶ οὗτος
ἄλλου τινὸς μάρτυρος ἀμείνονος, τὴν γενο(μένην) ὑφ ἡμῶν ἀπεργασίαν
ἐπισταμένο]υ,
καὶ τῆς τοῦ βοηθοῦ τοῦ στρατηγοῦ κακουργίας καταφανοῦς οὔσης, τὴν
πρόσοδον ἐπὶ σὲ
202 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI ..
ποιούμεθα διὰ τῆσδε τῆς δεήσεως δεόμενοι κελε[ῦσ]αί σε du’ ἱερᾶς σου ὑπο-
γραφῆς
20 ᾧ ἐὰν τὸ μέγεθός σου δοκιμάσῃ ἢ τῷ χωματεπείκτῃ ἀναμετρῆσαι. καὶ
προσδϊεἸ]ξ[α]σθαι ἡμῖν +
τὰ πάλαι ὑφ ἡμῶν ἀναβληθέντα εἰς τὰ αὐτὸ χῶμα vavBia{y}, ἡμῶν
ἑτοίμως] ἐχόντων
ὅσαπερ ἄλλα ἡμῖν αἱρεῖ ἀπεργάσασθαι ἐν οἷς ἐτάχθημεν τόποις. .
Αὐρήλιοι Πιβῆμις καὶ Νεμεσιανὸς διεπεμψάμεθα πρὸς ἐπίδοσιν. «Αὐρή(λιος)
Πλουτίων éypalya] ῖ |
ὑπὲρ αὐτῶν ἀξιωθεὶς ὑπ᾽ αὐτῶν φαμένων μὴ εἰδέναι γράμματα. ὑπατείας
‘Avikilolv
25 [Παυλίνου τὸ βῚ καὶ Οὐιρίου Γάλλου.
3. ὕπαρχέεντος II, 6. ὕπο Π; so in Il. ro, 16. 9. 1. ἐπέθετο for ἐπέκειτο, τι.
Ἰσίως Π, 12. υ of avrwy corr. (Ὁ), 16. 1]. καὶ τούτου, 19. ἵερας I. 21, Second
a of ναυβιαΐν) corr. from. εχοντῶ Π, 25. oviptov II,
‘To Aemilius Rusticianus, the most illustrious deputy in the most eminent office of
praefect, from the inhabitants of the village of Paimis in the western toparchy of the
Oxyrhynchite nome, through us, the comarchs of the present year, the Aurelii Pibemis and
Nemesianus. It is with difficulty, my lord, that even when justice is shown to us in com-
mands concerning us we could accomplish in full our duties, since, if any advantage of us is
taken, our weakness will leave us no escape. ‘There is a public dyke to the south of our
village, in which there is a gap and places washed away, naturally requiring embankment.
This dyke was estimated by the public land-surveyor to require 400 naubia, and the overseer
of labour on dykes set us, the local inhabitants, to work, and made us bank up 250
naubia. Nor was this all that was imposed upon our village, since it resulted in the overseer
of dykes making us responsible for the whole 400 naubia; but when the distribution of
earth for the said dykes was made by the assistant of the strategus, who came first, probably
for the sake of base profit—for it is the practice of the public land-surveyor, being cognizant
of the localities themselves, to assign the repairs of each dyke to the neighbouring population
in accordance with the size of each village—he for gain, as I said, credited us with 100
naubia, although we had already banked up 250, clearly proposing to assign the remaining
150 naubia to others. Since the official entrusted with the dykes by the praefecture than
whom there is no better witness, knows of the work done by us, and the unfairness of
the assistant of the strategus is evident, we appeal to you by this petition, entreating you to
order by your sacred signature whomsoever your highness may approve of, or the overseer
of dykes, to measure the embankment again, and to credit us with the naubia which we
have previously banked up on the said dyke, we being ready to perform any other work
which you may choose for us in the locality to which we were ordered.
We, the Aurelii Pibemis and Nemesianus, sent the petition to be presented. 1,
Aurelius Plution, wrote it on their behalf at their request, as they stated that they were
illiterate. In the consulship of Anicius Paulinus for the second time and Virius Gallus.’
I. διαδεχο(μένῳ) τὰ μέρη τῶν ἐξοχωτάτων ἐπάρχων: cf. P. Flor. 89. 1-2 (corr. by Wilcken,
Archiv, iv. 453) διέϊπων τὰ μέρη τῆς διοικήσεως tals... ἐξοχώτατος (eminentissimus) occurs
1469. PETITION OF VILLAGE-REPRESENTATIVES 203
frequently in inscriptions, especially those referring to praefects of the Praetorian guard or of
Syria (cf. Magie, De Roman. vocab. sollemn. 103-4), but in Egypt is very rare. The only
instance seems to be P. Cairo Masp. 67009. 1-2 τὴν ἐξοχ[ω]τάτηϊν ὑμετέραν] φιλανθρωπίαν,
referring to a dux of the Thebaid. The division of Egypt into three provinces, Jovia,
Herculia, and Thebais, is generally assigned to a.p. 297, i.e. the year before that in which
1469 was written, so that Aemilius Rusticianus might be a praeses Herculiae; but petitions
to the praefect of Egypt from inhabitants of Herculia in the reign of Diocletian or shortly
after are common, 6. g. 1470 (cf. Gelzer, Studien, 5), and that official is more likely to be
meant here. The ordinary epithet of both the praefect of Egypt and the praesides of
Herculia and Thebais was διασημότατος ( perfectissimus) at this period. On Aug. 19, 299, the
praefect of Egypt was Aelius Publius (1416. 29, n.).
τῶν ἀπὸ κώμης : in P. Thead. 17. 2 τοῦ κοινοῦ τῶν ἀπὸ κώμης : cf. int.
6. διάκοπος : οἵ. 1409. 16, n.
7. νἱαυ]βίων υ : cf. int. and 1409. 20, 1427. 3, nn.
ὁ τῇ ἐπίξει τῶν χωμάτων ἐπικείμενος : Cf. 1. 20 χωματεπείκτῃ and 1409. 13-14, n.
8. olixigovras τοῖς τόποις = οἰκοῦντας τοὺς τόπους.
9. ναύβια υ ἐπέκειτο ἡμῖν ὁ ἐπὶ τῶν χωμάτων: for the confusion of construction cf. 1484,
14, ἢ. ἐπικείμενος had occurred in ]. 7.
10. ἐπειδή : this sentence is incomplete, the writer starting on a parenthesis in |. rr, and
having forgotten the construction when I. 14 is reached.
11. alicxpoxep dias: perhaps αἸϊἰσχροκερ[ δείας ἰ]δίας, but from ]. 13, where there was almost
certainly a blank in the corresponding space, it appears that a piece of the upper layer had
flaked off before the papyrus was written upon. In both ll. 12 and 13 the space below kep
is also blank, though the upper layer is preserved.
12. αὐτῶν is not very satisfactory, especially as the τ is very doubtful and there would
be room for another letter in the lacuna after τόπων. ν]αύβ[ιἾον (but not ν]αυβ[ {}ων) could be
read ; but even if the space before ποιούμενος was not blank and contained a word of five letters,
it is difficult to find any construction for another substantive. An adjective making
a complement of ποιούμενος and governing τοῖς πλησίον οἰκού[σ]. would be suitable, or
possibly τ]αύτην (sc. τὴν διαταγήν) [σκοπεῖ ?], with ἀκ[ολο]ύθως τῷ] ἑκάστ(ης) in |. 13, should be
read. But ἀϊκολουθ]εῖ τῷ suits the vestiges there better, and part of the ε of ἑκάστ(ης) is written
on the lower layer, there being probably a blank before it; cf. 1. 11, n.
21. vavBia{v} : ναύβια (σὺν (cf. 1, 15)is improbable ; for there is no sign of ν here being
intended for a figure, and the preceding a is corrected ; cf. crit. n.
1470. PETITION CONCERNING OWNERSHIP OF LAND,
20°8 Χ 24:8 cm. re ke Th 236:
The chronological order of the three documents on this papyrus is the
reverse of their actual order, the second and third being enclosures ; cf. 66-7
and P. Thead. 18. The earliest (ll. 9-18) is a petition to the praefect Flavius
Philagrius (1. 4, n.) from a woman called Theodora, whose father, a veteran, had
shortly before his death purchased a piece of land inher name. Although the
price had been paid to the seller, possession of the Jand had somehow passed
to the seller’s brother, Demetrianus, and since he refused to give it up Theodora
appealed for assistance. This was granted her by a letter (Il. 6-8) from the
204 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
praefect to an official of the Oxyrhynchite nome, forwarding the petition and
giving instructions for the settlement of the dispute. A copy of this letter was
forwarded by Theodora to the official, with an explanatory note (Il. 1-5), the
document having been drawn up probably inhis bureau. The loss of 25-30 letters
(in ll. 1 and 9, where the restorations are certain, 28 and 27 letters) at the
beginnings of lines, though these are often capable of restoration, leaves some
points obscure, especially the nature of Demetrianus’ claim to the land, and the
rank of the nome-official addressed in the first two documents. In A.D. 336 the
logistes or the defensor rather than the strategus would be expected to be found
in such a context; cf. 1426. 3-4, nn. But the name of the logistes on the
3oth of the month in which 1470 was written is known from 1265. 5 to have been
Αὐρήλιος Παράνιος 6 καὶ Μακρόβιος, for whose full name there is not room in 1. 3
(in 1. 6 probably only the title was given); and two months later than 1470
Φλαούιος ᾿Ιουλιανὸς διοικῶν ἐκδικίαν Ὃ ξυρυγχίτου occurs in 901. 3, so that it is almost
equally difficult to suppose that the defensor was addressed, especially since
the Nilus (?) who is mentioned in 1. τό may be identical with the official addressed
in ll. 3 and 6. Hence there are strong grounds for supposing that the official in
question was the strategus, who in 357 is coupled with the logistes in 66, an
application corresponding to 1470 with the addition of the answer of the
officials addressed. 67, which is arranged on a similar plan, is addressed to
a προπολιτευόμενος, but this is too long a title for 1. 6.
1 [Mera τὴν ὑπατείαν ᾿Ιουλίου Kovotalytiov mazipi|xiov ἀδελφοῦ τοῦ δεσπό-
του ἡμῶν Κωνσταντίνου ᾿Αγούΐ γου) στου καὶ “Ρ[ο]υφίου AdBivov τοῖς
ἀποδιχθησομζένοις
2[| ] ὑπάτοις Φαμενώθ.
3 [ 18 letters στρατηγῷ ? ᾿ΟἸξ[υρυ]γχίτου παρὰ Αὐρηλίας Θεοδώρας θυ(γατρὸς)
[[.]] Εὐδαίμονος γενομένου οὐετρανοῦ ἀπὸ τῆς αὐϊτ]ῆς πόλεζως.
4 [ob ἐπέδωκα λιβέλλου προ]σφ[εύγοϊυσα ἐπὶ τὴν ἀρετὴν τοῦ κυρίου μου
Φιλαγρίου τοῦ λαμπροτάτου ἐπάρχου τῆς Αἰγύπτου καὶ οὗ ἔτυχον
5 [wap αὐτοῦ χρηματισμοῦ ἐν]τεταχότος ἐπὶ πέρας ἀχθῆναι τὰ κεκελευσμένα
ἐστὶν ἀντίγραφον. :
6 [Φλαούιος Φιλάγριος στρατηγῷ ?)’Okupvyxirov. «ΑΑὐρηλίία ΘἸεοδώρα λίβελλον
ἐπιδοῦσα οὗ τὸ ἀντίτυπον ὑποτέτακται e..[.].[...] ἑαυτῆς τῇ δια-
7[ 4271. 7... «ται. φἰρόντγ)ᾷε .. .Jev[.Ju ὁμολογούντων αὐτῶν ταῦτα αὐτῇ
ἀποδοῦναι,
8 291 J oo
ἡ εἰἢ ἀντιλέγουσιν
ἢ [κ]αὶ δοθῆναι. ἔρρωσο. ἀ(ντίγραφον) λιβέλλου"
1470. PETITION CONCERNING OWNERSHIP OF LAND — 205
9 [PrAaovio Φιλαγρίῳ τῷ λαμπροτάτῳ] ἐπάρχῳ Αἰγύπτου παρὰ Αὐρηλίας
Θεοδώρας θυγατρὸς Εἰὐδαίμονος τοῦ kal. . [.Ἰἰιδίον γενομένου
10 [οὐετρανοῦ ἀπὸ τῆς ᾿Οξ(υρυγχιτῶν) πόλ(εως). ὁ πατήρ μου πἸεριὼν ἐώνηται
παρὰ Πασιπεντώου Μέλανος ἀπὸ τῆς αὐτῆς πόλεως περὶ κώμην Σ᾿ εντὼ
11 [τοῦ ᾿Οξυρυγχίτου νομοῦ ἐκ τοῦ ᾿Απ]ολλοφάνους κλήρου ἐπὶ κυτῶν ἑκατὼν
ἐννήα ἀπὸ ὀνόματος Σ εἶ Ἰωνίον Πάσιτος kali) ᾿Ιναρωοῦτος
12 15]. γῆς ἄρουραν pilav τέταρτον, (ἄρου.) ad’, ἐκ πλήρους τούτῳ μετα-
βαλ{ε)όμενος τὴν συμφωνηϊθεῖσαν τιμὴν
13 [......... ἀκολούθως τῇ γεγεν]ημένῃ πράσι τῇ καὶ ἐπὰ ὀνόματός μου
συντακτείσῃ. οὐκ οἶδ᾽ ὅπως ὑπο. [Ἰυων 4Δημητρι-
14 [avis 20]. J]... vov 4ημητριανοῦ τοῦ ἀδελφοῦ τοῦ τῷ πατρί μου
ἀποδομένου [ἐλ]πίσας τὴν
15 [γῆν ταύτην ἀλλοτριῶσαι ἡ τῆς δὲ ἡμετέρας ὀρφανίας καταφρονῶν. διὸ
δέομαι τῆς σῆς κηδαιμονίας, λαμπρότατε ἔπαρχε,
16 [καὶ ἀξιῶ κελεῦσαί σε διὰ ὃ. ..... «| Νείλου, ἐὰν ἐπικρίνῃς, ἐπαναγκασθῆναι
τὸν αὐτὸν Anpnrpiavoy [..........] παρὰ
17[ 161. τὴν γῆν ἀποδοῦναι πρὸς τὸ δύνασθαί μαι ταύτην ἀπολαβοῦσαν
Mess bis s [ 141. |]. μασιν
8 [ 241. AdpnrAlla Θεοδώρα ἐπιδέδωκα.
I. ous Of τοις corr. from av (?), i.e. the scribe began to write τῶν λαμπ(ροτάτων) ; cf. 1265.
4. 8. o of eppwoo corr. from ὦ. τὸ. o of πασιπεντωου and ὦ of σεντω corr. II.
], κοιτῶν ἑκατὸν ἐννέα. 13. 1. ἐπὶ... συνταχθείσῃ. οιδ᾽, ,. ὕπο Π. 15. 1. κηδεμονίας.
τό. ἡ οἵ επικρινης corr. 17. 1. με.
‘ The year after the consulship of Julius Constantius, patrician, brother of our master
Constantinus Augustus, and Rufius Albinus, under the consuls to be appointed, Phamenoth.
To ..., strategus(?) of the Oxyrhynchite nome, from Aurelia Theodora daughter of
Eudaemon, formerly a veteran; of the said city. A copy of the petition which I pre-
sented, appealing to the nobility of my lord Philagrius, the most illustrious praefect of Egypt,
and of the communication which I received from him ordering that his commands should be
carried out, is as follows:
“Flavius Philagrius to the strategus(?) of the Oxyrhynchite nome. Aurelia Theodora
having presented a petition of which the copy is appended . . ., See that. . . if they
acknowledge her claim it is restored to her, or if they object.... Farewell.” Copy
of the petition.
“To Flavius Philagrius, the most illustrious praefect of Egypt, from Aurelia Theodora
daughter of Eudaemon also called . . ., formerly a veteran, of Oxyrhynchus. My father in
his lifetime bought from Pasipentotis son of Melas, of the said city, in the area of the
village of Sento of the Oxyrhynchite nome in the holding of Apollophanes, plot 109,
registered in the name of Se. onius Pasis and Inaroous ..., one and a quarter arurae, 14
206 THE OXYRHYNCAHUS PAPYRI
aru.; of ...land, and paid him in full the price agreed upon . .. in accordance with the sale
which had been effected and had been arranged in my name. Somehow Demetrianus...
Demetrianus, the brother of the man who sold the land to my father, hoping to alienate this
land.and despising my orphan condition. Wherefore I need your protection, most illus-
trious praefect, and beg you to give orders through . . . Nilus(?), if you so decide, that the
said Demetrianus should be compelled to restore the land to me .. ., in order that I may by
recovering it be enabled to... Presented by me, Aurelia Theodora ”.’
1. Cf. 1265. 1-4. This line apparently projected to the left. On Pachon 6 (May 1)
the consuls of the year were known (901. 1). ?
3. Νείλῳ should perhaps be restored; cf. ]. 16, n., and int.
γενομένου overpavoi : γενόμενος implies that he was dead; cf.ll.g-10. In P. Gen. ro. 2
[yevo]uévov overpavov is to be restored. ;
4. Φιλαγρίου : this praefect is known from references in St. Athanasius to have held
office from 334-6 and again from 338-40 (cf. Cantarelli, Pree/sz, ii. 25-6); but he has not
previously occurred on a papyrus.
5. For χρηματισμοῦ cf. 1472. 3. 66. 20 has ἀποφάσεως at this point.
ἐν]τεταχότος : Cf. 67. 5 ἐντάξας,
6. ἀντίτυπον : the use of this word as equivalent to ἀντίγραφον seems to be new.
ἡ. φίρόντ]ιζε: cf. 67. 10 φρόντισον at the corresponding point.
10. Σεντώ : a village in the middle toparchy ; cf: 1285. 109.
11. κ(οι)τῶν éxar(d)v évr(é)a: κοίτη as a parcel of land is used in Hermopolite papyri where
Arsinoite papyri have σφραγίς. For the numbering of σφραγῖδες and κοῖται in the wider
sense of subdivisions of village-lands cf. 918 and Preisigke, S. B. 4296, 4325.
12. The initial lacuna no doubt contained a patronymic, followed by an adjective such
aS σιτικης.
13. Δημητρι[ανός: or possibly Δημήτριζος, since Δημήτριον is admissible in 1. 16 and
Δημητριανοῦ in |. 14 might be a different person. .
τ; OG wos . se «| Νείλου : cf. int. and 1. 3, ἢ, Φλαουίου] or Αὐρηλίου] is possible. Ἰνοιλου
or Ἰνοιδου could be read, but suggests no suitable name; |vox δ(ιδ᾽ οὗ (cf. e. g. 1469. 20) is
unlikely, though a name without a title is not very satisfactory.
VII. NOTIFICATIONS TO ARCHIDICASTAE
1471, CONTRACT OF LOAN.
22:5 XQ-4 cm. A.D. 81.
A contract for the loan of 38 drachmae for four months at the usual 12 per
cent. rate of interest, in the form of a συγχώρησις addressed to the otherwise
unknown archidicastes Pallas, who may have been related to the well-known
freedman of that name in the reign of Nero. This class of public contracts,
as distinguished from private χειρόγραφα, is illustrated by numerous Alexandrian
papyrt of the reign of Augustus in B.G. U. iv; cf. Koschaker, Zeitschr. f.
Savignyst. xxviii. 270 sqq., Schubart, Archiv, v. 47 sqq., Lewald, Rom.-adgyft.
1471. CONTRACT OF LOAN 207
Grundbuchrecht, 87-91, Mitteis, Grundz. 65-7. As is the case with most of the
later συγχωρήσεις, one of the parties was a Roman citizen; cf. 727. int. 1471, of
which the formula closely resembles that of B.G.U. 1056 and 1147. 1—22,is interest-
ing on account of the occurrence of the ἀγώγιμος clause (Il. 22-3), found only in the
Alexandrian ovyxwpycets. The distinction between the right of personal execu-
tion conferred by it and by the ordinary clause τῆς πράξεως οὔσης ἔκ τε αὐτοῦ...
καθάπερ ἐκ δίκης (cf. 11. 29-32) is discussed at length by Lewald, Zur Personal-
exekution im Recht d. Pap. 27 sqq., but without attaining to a very definite
conclusion. Apparently some kind of immediate obligation to personal service
was meant ; cf. Mitteis, Granudz. 46. In the Alexandrian συγχωρήσεις containing
this clause, with one exception (B. G. U. 1156), the debtor who was ἀγώγιμος was
a Persian of the Epigone, and it has been generally supposed that there was
a special connexion between that class and this mode of execution. 1471 is
incompletely preserved at this point (I. 7); but the reading Me[poivys is preferable
there to τοῦ [....., and is confirmed by 1639 (22 B.C.), where the debtors who
are ἀγώγιμοι are again Persians of the Epigone. The document has been crossed
through, showing that the loan had been repaid.
ὀφ(είλημα). κόλ(λημα) [.]y.
Πάλλαντι ἱερεῖ κ[αὶ ἀρ]χιδικαστῇ καὶ πρὸς τῇ
ἐπιμελείᾳ τῶν χρη[ϊμα]τιστῶν καὶ τῶν ἄλίλων
κριτηρίων
8 παρὰ Μάρκου Aoyyeivov Κ[αστρ]ησίου
ἀπολελυμένων ἐ(ν)τείμίως καὶ π]αρὰ Tere-
ἀ[ρ)ιζοὺὴς τῆς ΠΙ... ος Πεϊρσίνης μετὰ
κυρίου τίο]ῦ υἱοῦ... ....... Bok at sacite
ἀϊμ]φοτξέρων [τῶν ἀπὸ τῆς μητροπό-
10 Aews τοῦ ᾿Ο ξυρ[υ]γ[χίτου.) συγ[χω)ρίεῖ ἡ
Τετεῶρις ἔχειν παρὰ τοῦ Μάρκου Aoy-
yelvou Καστρησίου δάνειον διὰ χειρὸς
ἀργυρίου Σεβαστοῦ νομίσματος δρα-
χμὰς τριάκοϊντα)] ὀκτὼ τόκων δρα-
15 χμιαίων ἑκάϊστη)ς μνᾶς κατὰ μῆνα,
ὃν καὶ εὐτακτήσειν [τ]αύτην τῷ
Μάρκῳ Aoyyeive Καστρησίῳ, τὸ δὲ
κεφάλαιον ἐπάναγκον ἀποδώσειν.
ἐν μησὶν τέσσαρσιν ἀπὸ Τῦβι τοῦ
208 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
20 ἐνεστῶτος πρώτου ἔτους Αὐτοκράτοροϊς
Καίσαρος Δομιτιανοῦ Σεβαστοῦ
ἀνυπερθέτως, ἢ εἶναι αὐτὴν ἀγωγί-
. μὴν καὶ συνέχεσθαι μέχρι τοῦ ἐκτεῖ-
σαι τῷ Μάρκῳ Aoyycivw Καστρησίῳ
25 παραχρῆμα τὸ [μ]ὲν δάνειον τὰς τοῦ
ἀργυρίου δραχμὰς τριάκοντ]α ὀκτὼ
σὺν ἡμιολίᾳ, τοὺς] δὲ τόκους
καὶ τοῦ ὑπερπεσόντος χρόνου τοὺς [i-
σους, τῆς πράξεως οὔσης τῷ Μάρκῳ
30 [Δ4οἸ]γγείνῳ Καστρησίῳ παρά τε τῆς Τετεώρι[ος
[καὶ ἐκ τῶν [ὑπαρ]χόντων αὐτῇ πάν-
[των αὐτῇ [πάντ]ων) καθάπερ ἐγ δίκης.
[(ἔτους) a «ΑὐἸτοκράϊτορος ΚἸαίσαρος Δομιτι[ανο]ῦ
[ΣεβἸ]ασϊτοῦ ΤΌβι] ε.
35 2nd hand? | 21 letters 1: [τὸοῦ
6. up| οἵ ετειμΐως corr. 16. 1. οὖς for ov;
‘Debt: sheet [.]3.
To Pallas, priest, archidicastes, and superintendent of the chrematistae and the other
courts, from M. Longinus Castresius, an honourably discharged veteran, and from Teteoris
daughter of P .. ., Persian, with her guardian, her son . . ., both inhabitants of the metro-
polis of the Oxyrhynchite nome, Teteoris acknowledges that she has received from
M. Longinus Castresius from hand to hand a loan of 38 drachmae of Imperial silver coin
at the interest of 1 drachma per mina each month, which she is to pay regularly to
M. Longinus Castresius, and is bound to return the capital in four months from Tubi of the
present 1st year of the Emperor Caesar Domitianus Augustus without any delay ; otherwise
she is liable to arrest and detention until she pays in full to M. Longinus Castresius
forthwith the loan of 38 drachmae of silver increased by one half, and the interest, and the
interest for overtime at the same rate, M. Longinus Castresius having the right of execution
upon both Teteoris and all her property, as if by a legal decision’ Date and signature of
an official (?).
1, The numbering of συγχωρήσεις by κολλήματα is common in the Alexandrian examples,
5. Ε[αστρ]ησίου : cf. ll. 12, 17, 24, which show that it is part of M. Longinus’ name,
though in origin probably a title meaning ‘born in the camp’; cf. καστρῆσις in P. Hamb.
31.44:
7. Πε[ρσίνης : οἵ, int.
16. εὐτακτήσειν corresponds to διδοῦσα... εὐτάκτως in B,G.U. 1147. 12. In e.g.
B, G.U. 1107. 11 the word is used in the middle, edraxroupémy . . . τροφείοις.
1471. CONTRACT OF LOAN 209
25. παραχρῆμα: in the Alexandrian συγχωρήσεις concerning loans this word precedes
ἀγώγιμον (cf, 1. 22), where it is more suitably placed.
32. Συγχωρήσεις usually have ἀξιοῦμεν at the end before the date, but ἀξιοῦμεν is also
omitted in B.G. U. 741. ᾿
34. [Τῦβι] ε (οἵ. 1. 19) = Dec. 31. The accession of Domitian, which took place on
Sept. 13, was known in Egypt before Dec. 6 (P. Brit. Mus. 283).
35. This line, below which probably nothing is lost, presumably contained the signature
of an official in the office of the archidicastes, At this point 268 has a name followed by
κατακε[χ]ώρισται, 727 a name and an abbreviated word, B.G. U. 729 an undeciphered Latin
subscription,
1472. APPLICATION CONCERNING DEPOSITS.
15 X 12-8 cm. A.D. 136.
An application, similar to 1270, to a strategus from a man who had lent
some corn on deposit and wished to recover it from the heir of his debtor,
enclosing an authorization from the deputy-archidicastes (ll. 8-13, n.) to the
strategus for the serving of notice (μετάδοσις) upon the heir (Il. 4-7), this being an
answer to an application from the creditor (ll. 8 sqq.). The conclusions of the
two applications, corresponding to 1270. 50-61, are lost.
This class of papyri concerning the archidicastes and arranged on the same
plan falls into four main groups: (1) B.G. U. 239, 614, 832, 1038, P. Flor. 55-6,
Giessen 34,in which the applicant cites in his favour the ὑπογραφή of a praefect to
a petition or the result of legal proceedings before the archidicastes ; (2) 286,
485, B.G. U. 888, P. Flor. 68, 86, in which the contract violated was a δημόσιος
χρηματισμός (i.e. either a notarial agreement, or a συγχώρησις like 1471, or
a διαγραφή of a bank; cf. Mitteis, Grwndz. 58-72), and the substance of it was
quoted ; (3) 719, 1478-4, 1560, B.G.U. 578, P. Flor. 40 (?), Griech. Texte, 6,
Preisigke, S.B. 5692 (?), in which the contract in question was a private χειρό-
γραφον, so that the application was for registration at Alexandria (δημοσίωσις) as
well as μετάδοσις, the contract {in Griech. Texte, 6 an ἐπίσταλμα to a banker)
being quoted in full; (4) 1200, 1475, 1561, B.G. U. 455, 717, P. Leipzig το,
P.S.I. 74, in which the application was for δημοσίωσις only, with a view to the
information of the βιβλιοφύλακες τῶν ἐγκτήσεων, the contract being, as in (3),
quoted in full. With regard to 1270, 1472, and P. Brit. Mus. go8 (iii. 1 32) the
difficulty arises that while only the substance of the contracts is given, as
in (2), these are described in terms which do not necessarily imply that they
were δημόσιοι χρηματισμοί (ὁμολογία in 1270. 21, ἔγγραπτοι ἀσφάλειαι in 1472.
16, ἐνεχυρασία coupled with ἕτερα χειρόγραφα in Ῥ. Brit. Mus. g08. 34; cf. δ. g.
the ἀσφάλειαι in 1473. 26, 1474. το, which required δημοσίωσις). Possibly, as
suggested in 1270. int. with reference to the ὁμολογία in question, the contract
Β
210 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
was really notarial in all three cases, and these do not really differ from the
examples in class (2); but private χειρόγραφα seem to have been accepted as
evidence in actions at law, at any rate in the second century (cf. 1408. 5,n.),
and the practice of δημοσίωσις clearly became much more general in the third
century, when a clause concerning it was regularly inserted at the end of certain
classes of contracts (e.g. 1478. 17-18). A comparison of the dates of these
three papyri and those in class (2) with the dates of those in classes (3)
and (4) rather suggests that before the reign of Marcus Aurelius (P. Flor.
40) or Commodus (B. G. U. 578) applications to the archidicastes for μετάδοσις
were made without much respect to the question whether the contract in
question was δημόσιος.
On the archidicastes see 1412. 1-3, n., Koschaker, Zeitschr. f. Savignyst.
XXVili. 254 sqq., xxix. I sqq., on the process of μετάδοσις Mitteis, Grundz.
124 sqq.,and on δημοσίωσις Mitteis, of. cit. 84-7, Jors, Zettschr. f. Savignyst.
XXXiv. 107 sqq. (especially in its relation to the process of ἐκμαρτύρησις, illustrated
by 1562), 1266. 17-19, n.
᾿Ἀπολιναρίωι στρα(τηγῷ)
παρὰ Ἡρακλᾶτος τοῦ καὶ ᾿Ηρακλείδου ΗἩρακλᾶτος ἀπ᾽ ᾽Ο ξυρ[ύγχ]ων πόλεως.
οὗ ἐπόρισα ἐκ τοῦ καταλογείου χρηματισμοῦ ἀντίγρ[αφ)ον ὑπόκειτ(αι).
«
Δημήτριος ὁ καὶ Δομίτιος ὁ διέπων τὰ] κατὰ τὴν ἀρ[χιδικαστίαν
δι
τῷ τοῦ ᾿Οξυρυγχείτου στρα(τηγῷ) χαίρειν. τοῦ δεδομέν[ο]υ ὑπομνή-
ματος ἀντίγρα(φον) σύνταξον μεταδοθῆναι ὡς ὑπόκει[τ(αι).] ἔρρω(σο). (ἔτους) κ
Αὐτοκράτορος Καίσαρος Τραιανοῦ Ἁδριανοῦ Σ᾿ εβαστοῦ ᾿Επεὶφ ε.
Αἰλιανῷ Εὐφράνορος γενομένου ἐξηγητοῦ υἱῷ νεωκόρῳ
τοῦ μεγάλου Σαράπιδος γενομένῳ ἐπίάϊρχῳ σπείρης δευτ(έρας)
10 Κομμαγηνῶν ἱππικῆς ἱερεῖ ἀρχιδικαστῇ καὶ πρὸς τῇ ἐ-
πιμελείᾳ τῶν χρ[ηἹματιστῶν καὶ τῶν ἄλλων κριτηρί[ω]ν,
διὰ Δημητρίου rod Kali Δομιτίου ἀποδεδειγμένου ἐξηγητοῦ
διέποντος τὰ κατὰ [τ]ὴν ἀρχιδικασί τ]είαν,
παρὰ Ἡρακλᾶ τοῦ κα[ὶ ᾿ ΗἹρακλείδον ‘Hpaxdaros ἀπ᾽ ᾿Οξυρύγχωϊν
15 πόλεως. ὀφειλομ[έν]ων μοι ὑπὸ Διογένους Ἡρακλείδοϊν
τοῦ Μιγκίωνος ἀπὸ] τῆς αὐτῆς πόλεως κ[α]τ᾿ ἐνγράπτο[υς] ἀσ-
φαϊλ]είας δύο γεγονυίας τῷ δωδε[κ]άτω ἔτει] Ἁδριαϊνο]ῦ Καί[σ]αρίος
τοῦ κυρίου, μίαν μὲν Θὼθ παραθήκηϊΞ] κριθῆ[ς] μέτρῳ δη-
μοσίῳ ἡμιαρταβίῳ ἀρταβῶν εἴκοσι τεσσάρων ἡμίσ[ο]υς χοι-
20 νείκων ἐννέα, κατὰ δὲ τὴν δευτέραν τῷ Φαμενὼθ το[ῦ] αὐ-
4
1472. APPLICATION CONCERNING DEPOSITS 211
τοῦ δωδεκάτου ἔτους ὡσαύτως παραθήκης πυ[ρ]οῦ μέτρῳ
δημοσίῳ ἡμιαρταβίῳ ἀρταβῶν εἴκοσι τεσσάρων χοιν[εί]κα(ν)
[τ]ριῶν, ὧν πάντων τὴν ἀπόδοσιν ὡμολόγησεν ποιή-
ἰσα]σθέ μοι ὁπηνίκα ἐὰν αἱρῶμαι, ἔτι] δὲ [κ]αὶ [τἸελῶν ἐνκυ-
25 κλίου καὶ καταλ[οἸἰχισμῶν, ὧν χρ[όν]ων καὶ [διεῖλθόν-
τῶν καὶ μηδεμιᾶς ἀποδόσεως] γί εἸγ[ον]νί[α]ς, μετηλ-
ἰλ]αχότ[οἸς τε τοῦ [Δ)ιογένους ἐπὶ κλη[ζρονόϊμω υἱῷ) Hypf...
[-]-, [ἀἸξιῶ συντάϊξαι γράψαι τῷ τοῦ ᾿Ο ξυρ[υγχίτου στ ρα(τηγῷ) ἐπι-
δο[δ]να[] τούτου [ἀντί ]γρα(φονὴ τῷ ΗΙμ το letters Ἰποί..
ΠΕ 2k) γυ7.2]. { 181. 5. ba ig ee eae 32 [34]. 1. vrov di.
33 [ 351). biJa» 34 [ 491. 1.
Fyrz; Ετ. 2.
Ἰ- of Ἰρ.1
Jar[ Ἰ. nf
legn| lu. [
1.1 Ἰξαὶ
5 lef
15. ὕπο Π. 17. yeyovvias II, 23. 1. ποιή[σαϊσθαι. 27. υἷω] I.
‘To Apollinarius, strategus, from Heraclas also called Heraclides son of Heraclas, of
Oxyrhynchus. A copy of the communication which I received from the record-office is
appended.
Demetrius also called Domitius, deputy-archidicastes, to the strategus of the Oxyrhyn-
chite nome, greeting. Give instructions that a copy of the memorandum which has been
presented be served, as follows. Good-bye. The 2oth year of the Emperor Caesar Trajanus
Hadrianus Augustus, Epeiph 5.
To Aelianus son of the former exegetes Euphranor, meocoros of the great Sarapis,
formerly praefect of the second cavalry cohort of the Commagenes, priest, archidicastes,
and superintendent of the chrematistae and other courts, through Demetrius also called
Domitius, exegetes-elect and deputy-archidicastes, from Heraclas also called Heraclides,
son of Heraclas, of Oxyrhynchus. Whereas I am owed by Diogenes son of Heraclides son
of Mincion, of the said city, in accordance with two written deeds of security made in the
rath year of Hadrianus Caesar the lord, the first in Thoth, for deposit, 24} artabae
9. choenices of barley by the public 3-artaba measure, and the second in Phamenoth of
the said 12th year, likewise for deposit, 24 art. 3 choen. of wheat by the public }-artaba
measure, all of which he agreed to repay me whenever I choose, in addition to taxes on sale
and assignment of land, and whereas the periods have elapsed and no repayment has been
made and Diogenes has died leaving as his heir his son . . ., I beg you to give instructions
for a letter to be written to the strategus of the Oxyrhynchite nome, stating that he is to
serve a copy of this memorandum upon, ..”’
PZ
212 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
I. ᾿Απολιναρίωι: he was still strategus on Mecheir 3 of the 22nd year (484. 2; cf.
579, which is undated).
7. The signature of a subordinate of the archidicastes and that of the clerk who wrote
the οἰκονομία (cf. 1474. 6-7, nn.) are customary after the date at this point.
8-13. Neither Aelianus nor his deputy Demetrius also called Domitius was known
previously. A year before the date of 1472 Claudius Philoxenus was archidicastes
(B.G.U. 73. 3-5, 136. 23-4), and two years after it Nicolaus was deputy (P. Brit.
Mus. 1222. 3 = iii. 126). For the association of the office with that of νεωκόρος of
Sarapis cf. Koschaker, op. οἱ]. 261. The occurrence of an ex-soldier as archidicastes is
somewhat unusual; cf. Koschaker, of. cif. 260. The cohors 11: Flavia Commagenorum
eqguitata is only known to have been stationed in Dacia (cf. Pauly-Wissowa, Realencycl. iv.
274), and seems to have been different from the σπεῖρα deur(épa) Κομμαγηνῶν ἱππική : but
a προσκύνημα οἵ soldiers belonging to an εἴλη Κομμαγηνῶν occurs in C. I. G. 5057, an inscrip-
tion at Talmis; cf. Preisigke, S. 8. 4575. The mention of the rank of Aelianus’ deputy
(exegetes-elect) is interesting, since the other references to deputy-archidicastae give no
information on this point. The office of archidicastes was sometimes combined with that of
gymnasiarch (B.G.U. 614. το ᾿Απολλωνίζῳ τῷ πρὸς τῷ μέρει τοῦ τῆς πόλεως γυμνασίου ἱερεῖ
ἀρχιδικαστῇ), but, as the order in B.G.U. 614 indicates, was superior to it, the exegetes
ranking next below the gymnasiarch at Alexandria, as in the nomes; cf. 1412. 1-3, n.
15. Cf. P. Brit. Mus. 908. 22 sqq. (iii. 133 ; = M. Chres/, 229), where in the restoration
of 1. 23 xa ἥν is to be omitted, and in 1. 26 [᾿ΑφροδίσιοςἾ to be supplied.
19. ἡμιαρταβίῳ is new in connexion with μέτρῳ, but is perhaps to be restored in 1454. 9.
μέτρον ἑξαχοίνικον and μ. τετραχοίνικον are Common.
24--5. ὁπηνίκα ἐὰν αἱρῶμαι was the usual stipulation with regard to the return of παρα-
θῆκαι, e.g. P. Tebt. 387. 9. For [τ]ελῶν ἐνκυκλίου καὶ καταλ[οἸχισμῶν see 1462. 29-30, n.
25-7. ν και, ve Of γ[ε]γ[ον]υ[α]ς and ule] were on a separate fragment, which is not
certainly placed here, especially as καί [15 not very satisfactory and καὶ x might be read.
yeyovutas is however the regular word at this point; cf. e.g. 1474. 23.
27. The word after vi[é] is presumably a proper name; cf. Grzech. Texte, 6. 22-3.
Jro[ in 1. 29 suggests ὑἸπόϊχρεῳ (cf. e.g. P. Flor. 56. 14), but ἡμετέρῳ ὁ] does not fill the
lacuna.
28-9. For ém|8o[d}vale cf. 485. 29; but the vestiges do not suit very well, and it is
doubtful whether there is room for ém-. For the restoration of the end of |. 29 cf. 1. 27, ἢ.
33. 7υ[.1αν might belong to μένο]υ[ σαν [[κυρίαν : cf 1270. 52-3.
r, I. 2. 7αν does not belong to ΠΣ in 1. 29.
3. Ἰαφηΐ suggests ἐὰν δὲ καὶ] ἀφή[λικες ὦσι (cf. 6, g. 485. 30); but that phrase would be
expected in |, 31, and the slight traces of ll. 30--2 do not fit into the formula of 485 or 1270.
1473. APPLICATION CONCERNING A REMARRIAGE.
26+2 X 25:4 cm. A. De 201.
An application to a strategus from Horion, enclosing an authorization from
the archidicastes for the serving of notice (μετάδοσις) upon Horion’s wife Apollo- ©
narion, following upon the registration at Alexandria (δημοσίωσις) of the contract
for their remarriage; cf. 1472. int. The earlier part of the papyrus, which
is lost, but must have corresponded in arrangement to e.g. 1474, contained
1473. APPLICATION CONCERNING A REMARRIAGE 213
(2) the beginning of the application to the strategus, (6) the authorization of the
archidicastes, and the beginnings of (¢) Horion’s application to the archidicastes
and (4) the contract. Lines 1-36 give the rest of (d), including in ll. 19-33 (e)
an application from Apollonarion to the deputy-strategus for the appointment of
a guardian ad hoc, and his authorization. This is followed by the conclusion of
(c) (ll. 37-42) with copies of the signatures of a scribe of the archidicastes
(ll. 42-3 ὡς καθήκει... ᾿Αθὺρ y), and the archidicastes himself (1. 43 ἐϊσ]ημιωσάμην),
and the conclusion of (a) (Il. 43--5). The documents are. arranged, as usual, in
the reverse of their chronological order.
The contract for remarriage is of an uncommon type; cf. B.G. U. 1101
(13 B.C.). The date of the original marriage does not appear, but it must have
taken place before 194, since the offspring of it was aged 5 in 198-9 (I. το).
Apollonarion, who owned property (1. 13) besides her dowry (I. 5), became
indebted both to the State in connexion with some vine-land (1. 3, n.) and
to other creditors (Il. 4, 7-8, 15), and these debts may well have been connected
with the separation. In Thoth (Aug. 29—Sept. 27) 197 the claims of the
original contract were disposed of by a document of the nature of a divorce,
apparently drawn up by a bank (1. 6, n,). By this the wife’s dowry was repaid by
Horion to Apollonarion, who made it over to her creditors (1. 5), and the legiti-
macy of the offspring was recognized (1.9). Horion did not, however, break
off relations with his former wife, for in the course of the same year 197-8
he lent her money to pay her dues to the State (ll. 26-7), and before Phar-
mouthi 1 (March 27) had arranged to remarry her (1. 32). The actual con-
tract, which was between the husband and wife like the Alexandrian συγχωρήσεις
concerning marriage in B.G.U. iv, and not, as in most other marriage-
contracts, between the husband and the parents of the wife, was drawn up
on Pharmouthi 13 (April 8). There was probably no fresh dowry, such as
is found in B.G.U. 1101, for there is no reference to a repayment of it in
the provisions concerning divorce (ll. 11-16; cf. 1273. 25 sqq.); but Horion
lent Apollonarion 23 talents (ll. 34-5), and received security for the repay-
ment of her debts both to himself and other creditors, being empowered to
receive the revenues of her property until all claims had been satisfied (Il. 1-
8, 12-16). The legitimacy of the offspring was the subject of a renewed
declaration (ll. 8-10).
The application for a guardian and the response (ll. 19-33) are parallel
to P. Tebt. 397, Brit. Mus. 1164. (4) (iii. 156; cf. Wilcken, Archiv, iv. 550), and
56 (application only). The concluding sections (Il. 37-45) follow the formula of
719, so far as that papyrus goes, and show the correct restoration of a rather
important lacuna in it (ll. 37-8, n.). The brief request to the strategus for
214 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
μετάδοσις (Il. 43-4; cf. 1270. 57-8) does not indicate any breach of the contract,
and seems to be merely a precautionary measure, the δημοσίωσις of contracts
becoming frequent in the third century ; cf, ll. 17-18, n. and 1472. int. The
strategus himself is likely to have been Dioph(anes), who was in office at the
end of the 8th year (199-200) ; cf. 899. int.
[ 73 letters ]...[.-]..[ 18 1.
[531]... ]-- of 121. a ὑποστειλία 14 L
[- . 2+ Jeool 271. ]....[ 131. 1ην ἀμπέλου mpocodjov ?...+Ajoyou ὀκτα-
δρίάχμου το]. ]
[1{.- Jor καὶ ἄλλίων .. 1. .1 171. δραχμῶν [. « - Ἰακσχ]ειλίων τί ὀἸκ[οἦν
Spaypliaiov ἑκάστης μνᾶς κατὰ μῆνα ἕκαστον 4
5 χωρὶς ὧν διέγραψεν ἡ ᾿Απ[ολλωνάρον ἀρ[γυ]ρίου ταλάντων τριῶν καὶ πρός,
ἐν οἷς καὶ ἡ προσενεχθεῖσα ὑπὸ τῶν γονέω]ν [αἰὐτῆς
τῷ 'Ὡρείων[ἢ προὶξ ἅμα τῇ τοῦ γάμϊο]ν αὐτῶν προσελεύσει, ἥτις συνγραφὴ
ἐλύθη τῷ διελθόντι ς (ret) μηνὶ Θὼθ διὰ τῆς ἐπὶ τοῦ πρὸς ᾽Ο ξυρύγ-
χων πόλει Σ᾿ αἱραπ(είου) τραπέζης. εἰς δὲ τὰ ἄλλ[α ὀφειλόμενα ὑπ᾽ αὐτῆς
ἐπεὶ τόκοις ἐπακολουθήσει ἡ ᾿ἀπολλωνάριον [γ]ράμματα ἐκδιδομένη τῆς
ἐπακολουθήσεως τῷ “Ὡρείωνι Elws ἂὴν τἄλλα ὑπὲρ αὐτῆς ὀφειλόμενα πληρο-
φορηθῇ. ἀμφότεροι δὲ ἥ τε ᾿ἀπολλωνάριον καὶ
ὁ ἱὩρείων ἐξομολογοῦνται τὸν καὶ διὰ τῆς περιλύσεως ἐξομολογηθέντα γεγο-
νότα aiavrois ἐξ ἀλλήλων υἱὸν Χαιρήμονα τὸν καὶ
10 Φαῦστον ὄντα πρὸς τὸ ἐνεστὸς ¢ (ἔτος) ἐτῶν ε. συμβιούτωσαν οὖν ἀλλήλοις
οἱ γαμοῦντες ἀμέμπτως καθὰ καὶ πρότερον συνεβίουν
φυλάσσοντες τὰ τοῦ γάμου δίκαια, ὁ δὲ [γ]αμῶν καὶ ἐπιχορηγείτω τῇ
γυναικὶ τὰ δέοντα κατὰ δύναμιν. ἐὰν δέ, ὃ μὴ εἴη, ἐκ διαφορᾶς
ἀπαλλαγῶσι ἀλλήλων, ἐὰν μὲν πρὶν ἢ πληρωθῆναι τὸν ἱὨρείωνα τοῖς προ-
κειμένοις αὐτοῦ ταλάντοις δυσὶ καὶ Spaxpalils τρισ-
χειλίαις καὶ τοῖς συναχθησομένο)ις τόκοις, ἀντιλήμψεται ὁ ‘Qpelwv τῶν
προσόδων (τῶν) τῆς ᾿ἀπολλωναρίου ὑπαρχόντων ἕως οὗ (a)v
πληρωθῇ, τελῶν τὰ ὑπὲρ αὐτῶν δημόσια καὶ χωρηγῶν τῇ ᾿ἀπολλωναρίῳ εἰς
διατροφὴν κατ᾽ ἔτος πυροῦ ἀρτάβας πεντήκοντα μέτρῳ
15 τῷ προκειμένῳ καὶ οἴνου κεράμια πεντήκοντα πέντε, Kal τοῖϊς ἀλΊλοις εἴστοτε
φανησομένοις αὐτῆς δανεισταῖς ἀποδώσει. ἀφ᾽ οὗ δ᾽ ἂν
20
25
30
14738. APPLICATION CONCERNING A REMARRIAGE 215
ἡ πάντων ἀπόδοσις γένηται, ἔκτοτε ἡ ᾿ἀπολλωνάριον ἀντιλήμψετα[ι] τῶν
ὑπαρχόντων αὐτῆς, ἐπὶ δὲ πάντων καθότι πρὸς ἀλλήλους
συνεχώρησαν. κυρία ἡ συνγραφὴ ἥνπερ ὁπηνίκᾳ ἐὰν αἱρῶνται οἱ γαμοῦντες
ἢ καί τις αὐτῶν καὶ διὰ δημοσίου ἀνοίσουσιν, τῶν τε-
λῶν καὶ γραμματικῶν ὄντων πρὸς ἀμφοτέρους. (ἔτους) ¢ Αὐτοκρατόρων
Καισάρων Λουκίου Σ᾽ επτιμίου Σεουήρου Εὐσεβοῦς Περτίνακος
ApaBixod ᾿Αδιαβηνικοῦ Παρθικοῦ Μεγίστου καὶ Μάρκου Αὐρηλίου [᾿ ΑντΊ]ω-
νίνου Σεβαστῶν Φαρμοῦθι ty. ἔστι δὲ τῆς αἰτήσεως τοῦ κυρίου
[ἀἸντίγραφον: ᾿Αμμωνια(νὸὴ)ς βασιλικὸς γραμματέως ᾽Ο ξ[υ]ρυγχείτου [διἸαδεχό-
μενος τὴν στρατηγίαν' εἰ μηδὲν ἀντιπείπτει, μηδενὸς δη-
μοσίου ἤτοι ἰδιωτικοῦ καταβλαπτομένου, δύνασαι ὡς ἀξιοῖς ἐπισταμένη
γράμματα κυρίῳ χρήσασθαι τῷ Εὐδαίμονι
πρὸς μόνην [ταὐτ]ην τὴν οἰκονομίαν. ἐσημιωσάμην. (érovs) ¢ Δουκίου
Σεπτιμίου Σ᾽ εουήρου Εὐσεβοῦς Περτίνακος καὶ Μάρκου Αὐρηλίου
Ἀντωνίνου [Σ εβαστῶν Φαρμοῦθι. 7 ᾿ἀμμωνιανῷ βασιλικῷ γραμί(ματεῖ) δια-
δεχομένῳΐν} καὶ τὰ κατὰ τὴν στρατηγίαν παρὰ ᾿Απολλωναρίου
Χαιρήμζο]νος [..... ]--[.- ἀπ’ ᾿Οξυρ]ύγχων πόλεως μητ(ρὸς) Καρπο-
κρία .... «. ἥτιος. ἐπισταμένη γράμματα καὶ ποιωμένη πρὸς τὸν
προσυϊν)όντία μοι] ἄνδρα “Ὠρείωϊνα ‘Iépaxos ἐξηγητεύσαντος τῆ] 5] ᾽Ο ξυρυγ-
χειτῶν πόλ[εϊως [κατὰ συν γαμικὴ(ν) συνγραφὴν
dv ἧς ἀϊσ]φάλ[ι]α [δίδοται τῷ “Ὠρείων). ὧν ηΐ οὐ ὐχρήστησέν μοι καὶ διέ-
γραψε τῷ διελθόντι ς (Erer) ἐπὶ τὴν δημοσίαν τράπεζαν εἰς λόγον
ἧς ἀπῃτήθην [.... ἀμπέλου πρ]οσόδου, ἔτι τε καὶ ἐξομολογουμένη σὺν αὐτῷ
τὸν γεγονότα ἡμεῖν ἐξ ἀλλήλων υἱὸν Χαιρήμονα
τὸν καὶ Φαῦσίτον, ἅμα καὶ ταῖς] διὰ τῆς συνγ[ρ)]αφῆς ἐνγραφησομένα)ις ἐξ
συμφώνου περὶ τῆς συμβιώσεως ἡμῶν διαστολαῖς͵
αἰτοῦμ[αι] διὰ [σοῦ πρὸς μόνην] ταύτην τὴν ο[[κονομίαν ἐπιγραφῆναί μου
κύριον Εὐδαίμονα ᾿Αγήνορος τοῦ καὶ Θεοξένου ᾿Απολλωνίζου)
μητρὸς ΤαεῦίτοἸ]ς τίῆ]ς καὶ [4ηἹμ[ητρ]οῦτος ἀπὸ τῆς αὐτῆς πόλεως παρόντα
καὶ εὐδοκοῦντα. διέγραφα δὲ τὸ ὡρισμένον τῆς αἰτήσεως
τέλος. (ἔτους) ¢ Αὐτοκρατόρων Καισϊάρηων Aovkiov Σ᾿ επτιμίου Σεουήρ[ο]υ
Εὐσεβοῦς Περτίνακος ApaBixod ᾿Αδιαβηνικοῦ Παρθικοῦ Μεγίστ[ο]ν
καὶ Μάρκ[ο]ν Αὐρηλίου ᾿Αντωνίνου ΣΙ ε]Ἰβαστῶν Φαρμοῦθι a. ᾿Αποϊλλω)ν[ά]ριον
Χαιρήμονος ἐπιδέδωκα. Εὐδαίμων ᾿Αγήνορος εὐ-
216 THE OXYRAYNCEUS (RAPIER
δοκῶ. ᾿ἀπολλώναριον Χαι[ρ]ήμον ο5] cuvAdAGlo τῷ πρωώντ]ι ἀνδ[ρ]ὺ 'Ὠρείωνι
πρὸς γάμου κοινωνία(ν), καὶ ἔσχον τὰ τοῦ ἀργυρίου
τάλαντα β] ἥϊμ]ισυ, γείνον[τ]αι d[plax[plat μύριαι ἑπτακισχείλιαι, Kali] ev-
δοκῶ πᾶσι τοῖς προκειμένοις. Εἰὐδαίμων ᾿Αγήνορος αἰτηθεὶς
35 ἐπιγέγίραμμαι τῆς ᾿ἀπολλωναρίου [κύρ]ιος. “Qpeiwy “Ἱέρακος συν] λ]θοῖν
τ] ἀπολλωναρίῳ πρὸς γάμου [κ]οινωνία(ν) ἐπὶ πᾶσι τοῖς προκειμέ-
νοις, καὶ συνεθέμην τῇ ᾿ἀπολλωναρίῳ ἐπίά]ν, ὃ μὴ εἴη, ἀπαλλ[αγῶμεν δοῦναι
ἐνοίκησιν τὴν πατρῴαν [οἸἰκίαν ἐπ’ ἀμφόδου 4Δεκάτης.
τοῦτο δὲ βουλόμενος ἐν δημοσίῳ [γ]ενέσ[θ]αι δίδωμι τῇ πόλι διὰ τὸ μοναχὸν
αὐτὸ εἶναι καὶ μὴ περιέχειν τὰς [π]ερὶ τῆς διαθέσεως
BM ᾽
διαστολὰς [τ]ὰς ὁρισθείσας (δραχμὰς) ιβ, ἀξιῶ [ἀ]ναλ[αβόἸ]ντα[ς] αὐτὸ παρ
ἐμ[ο]ῦ [ὑἸποκεχειρογραφημένον ὑπ᾽ ἐμοῦ περὶ τοῦ εἶναι τὰς ὑπὸ αὐτὸ
[ὑἸπογραφ[ὰ]ς ἔδιογ)ράφους, τὴν πρίώτην τῆς ᾿Δἀπολ[λ]ωναρίου καὶ τὴν ἑξῆς
τοῦ κυρίου αὐτῆς συνγραψαμένου καὶ τὴν τελευταίαν
40 [ἐμοῦ τοῦ ‘Qpletw|vos, συϊνκαταχωρ)ίσαι αὐτί] τῷδε τῷ ὑπομνήματι] τὸ μὲν
αὐθεντικὸν εἰς τὴν Ἁδριανὴν βιβλειοθήκην, τούτου
[δὲ] τὸ] ἴσον εἰς [τὴν τ]οῦ Nalvaiov, καὶ σ]υντάξαι γραφῆναι τῷ τοῦ [ΟἸξυ-
ρυγχί[είτου νομοῦ στρατηγῷ μεταδοῦναι τῇ ᾿ἀπολλωναρίῳ τούτου ἀν-
[τίγρ)α(φον), ἵνα [εἰδῇ αὐτ]ὴ ἀπὸ [τοῦ νῦν μέν)οντά μοι [τὰ] ἀπὸ αὐτῆς δίκαια
als ἀϊπὸ δημοσίου χρηματι[σμ]οῦ. ὡς καθήκει. (ἔτους) 6 Δουκίου
Σεπτιμί-
[ov Σ᾽ εουϊήρον ἘΕὐσεβοῦ)ς Περτίϊνακος καὶ Μάρκο]ν Αὐρηλίου ᾿ἀντωνίνου Ἐῤ-
σεϊβο]ῦς Σεβαστῶν ‘Abip γ. ἐϊσἸημιωσάμην. τούτου ὄντος ἀξιῶ τὴν μετίά-
[Soo] γεϊνέσθα)ι [τῇ] ᾿Απολλων[α]ρίω [ὡς καθ]ήκει. (ἔτους) θ Αὐτοκρ[αἸτόϊρ]ων
Κα[ισάρ]ων Δουκίου Σ᾽ επτιμίου X{elounpov Εὐσεβοῦς Περτίνακος ‘Apa-
βικοῦ
45. [4δια]βηνϊῆκοῦ Παρθικοῦ Μεγίστου [καὶ Μάρκου] Αὐρηλίου ᾿Αν]τωνίνου
Εὐϊσ)εβοῦς Σεβαστίῶην [[καὶ Πουπλίου Σ᾽ επτιμίον Γέτα]] Καίσαρος
Σεβαστοῦ Παῦνι «.
Prd Kr. 2:
Ἰαυνι . | 7 Ἰκᾳ
2. ὕποστειλί Π. 5. ὕπο I; so ἴῃ Il. 7, 38 (twice). rig σα[ραπ(είου)] inserted above
the line. rox of τόκοις corr, ἢ απολλ. I. 8. ὕπερ II; 50 ἴῃ]. 14. 9. 1. ἑαυτοῖς, ὕϊον I;
1478. APPLICATION CONCERNING A REMARRIAGE 217
so in 1,27. 10, συνεβιοῦ I. 11. s Of διαφορας corr. from ε. 12. a Of πληρωθηναι
corr. from ε. 13. ὕπαρχοντων II; so in |. τό. 14. 1, χορηγῶν. 20. 1]. γραμματεύς.
24. 1. ποιουμένη. 25. ἵερακος IT; so in ]. 35. Dotsare placed over κατα συν. 29. μ οἵ
εὐδαιμονα rewritten. 30. 1. διέγραψα. 33. 1. mpodr[r|.. 34. 1. πεντακισχίλιαι, 3.
Third o of βουλομενος corr. from 7. 40. ὕπομ[νηματι) Ππ. First 8 of βιβλειοθηκην corr.
| 41. ἴσον II, Second o of νομου corr. from ὦ. 42. wall, 45. vv of mavm corr. from χω.
‘,.. drachmae at the interest of 1 drachma per mina each month, apart from the
three talents and more paid by Apollonarion, including the dowry provided by her parents
to Horion at the time of their marriage, which contract was discharged in the past 6th year in
the month of Thoth through the bank of the Serapeum at Oxyrhynchus. With regard to her
other debts at interest Apollonarion shall be responsible for them, delivering to Horion the
documents of settlement until the rest of her debts are paid off. Both Apollonarion and
Horion acknowledge the son born to them, who was also acknowledged in the deed of divorce,
Chaeremon also called Faustus, aged 5 in the present 7th year. Let the parties to the
marriage therefore live together blamelessly, as they did formerly, observing the marriage-
rights, and let the husband provide the wife with necessaries according to his means; but if,
which heaven forbid, they part from each other owing to a dispute, if this takes place before
Horion recovers the aforesaid 2 talents 3,000 drachmae and the accrued interest, Horion
shall take the revenues of Apollonarion’s property until he recovers the debt, paying the
taxes upon them, and for subsistence providing Apollonarion annually with 50 artabae of
wheat by the aforesaid measure and 55 jars of wine, and shall repay the other creditors who
may appear up to that time. But from the date on which all the debts are paid off, thence-
forth Apollonarion shall take her own property, all the provisions of the contract being
observed. This contract is valid, and whenever the parties to the marriage or one of them
choose they shall effect the publication of it, both parties being responsible for the taxes and
scribes’ charges. The 7th year of the Emperors Caesars L. Septimius Severus Pius Pertinax
’ Arabicus Adiabenicus Parthicus Maximus and M. Aurelius Antoninus Augusti, Pharmouthi
13. Thecopy of the request for a guardian is as follows: Ammonianus basilicogrammateus
of the Oxyrhynchite nome, deputy-strategus. If there is no objection, no public or private
interests being injured, you are at liberty, as you request, since you know how to write, to
employ Eudaemon as your guardian for this transaction only. Signed. The 7th year of L.
Septimius, &c., Pharmouthi.. ‘To Ammonianus, basilicogrammateus and deputy-strategus,
from Apollonarion daughter of Chaeremon .. ., of Oxyrhynchus, her mother being
Carpocra ... As I know how to write, and am making a marriage-contract with my
former husband Horion son of Hierax, ex-exegetes of Oxyrhynchus, by the terms of which
Horion obtains security for the sums which he lent me and paid in the past 6th year into the
public bank on account of the revenue of vine-land . . . demanded from me, and further am
acknowledging with him the son born to us jointly, Chaeremon also called Faustus, together
with the other provisions concerning our cohabitation to be inserted in the contract by joint
agreement, I request that you may appoint as my guardian for this transaction only
Eudaemon son of Agenor also called Theoxenus, son of Apollonius, his mother being
Taeus also called Demetrous, of the said city, who is present and gives his consent. I have
paid the prescribed tax for my request. The 7th year &c., Pharmouthi τ. I, Apollonarion
daughter of Chaeremon, have presented the application. 1, Eudaemon son of Agenor,
consent to it. I, Apollonarion daughter of Chaeremon, have been united to my former
husband Horion in marriage, and have received the 23 talents, total 15,000 drachmae, of
silver, and consent to all the aforesaid terms. I, Eudaemon son of Agenor, at her request
have been appointed guardian of Apollonarion. 1, Horion son of Hierax, have been united
to Apollonarion in marriage upon all the aforesaid terms, and have agreed, whenever, which
218 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
heaven forbid, we are divorced, to give Apollonarion the right of inhabiting her paternal house
in the quarter of the Tenth.
And whereas I desire this contract to be publicly registered, I give to the city, because
it is single and does not contain the provisions concerning the disposition (?), the prescribed
12 drachmae, and request you on receiving it from me with my attestation that the signa-
tures appended to it are autographs, the first of Apollonarion, the second of her guardian
and co-signatory, the last of myself, Horion, to register it together with this application,
the original at the Library of Hadrian and a copy of it at the Library of the Nanaeum, and
to give instructions for a letter to be written to the strategus of the Oxyrhynchite nome,
stating that he is to serve a copy of this application upon Apollonarion, in order that sh
may herself know that henceforth the rights in virtue of it are assured to me, as by a public
deed.
Let the proper steps be taken. The oth year &c., Hathur 3. Signed.
This being so, I request that it be served upon Apollonarion in the proper way. The
goth year &c., Pauni το.
3. ἀμπέλου πρόσοδἼον : cf. 1. 27, which shows that it was a tax, not one of Apollonarion’s
own πρόσοδοι (]. 13), and int. The impost προσόδ(ων) or -8(ov) ἀμπελ(ώνων) Or -A(ov) Occurs
in the nearly contemporary 1046. 3, and is parallel to the impost προσόδων φοινίκ(ων) or
-κ(ώνων) in Wilcken, Os¢. no. 276; but the relation of it to the other known taxes upon
vine-land is uncertain. 1486. 13, where οὐσιακοῦ φόρου παραδείσων occurs ina list of taxes,
suggests that ἀμπέλου πρόσοδος might be equivalent to ἀμπ. φόρος, i.e. rent of vine-land
belonging to the State; but πρόσοδος might refer to προσόδου γῆ (cf. 1446. 4, &c.). The
present passage, especially if ὑπέρ is restored before λ]όγου, seems to connect the πρόσοδος
with the 8-drachmae tax, which is known to have been levied upon vine-land, and was
generally called σπονδή in the Oxyrhynchite nome ; cf. 1436. 11, and P. Ryl. 216. 128, nn.
For λ]όγου ὀκταδρίάχμου cf. P. Ryl. 186. 3 λόγου (ὀκταδρ.) νομ(οῦ) [, the preceding entry
recording a payment for ἀΪμπέλ(ουλ.
4. [x|{A‘Jov is unsatisfactory, for that word is spelled χειλίων later in the line, and if the
letter before wy was 1, the tail of it should have been visible. After δ]ραχμῶν either [rerp]axt-
[σχ]ειλίων or ἱπεντ]ακισχ.ἢ can be read.
6. ἐλύθη : for λύειν in reference to payment of debts cf. P. Hamb. 1. 14, n., P. Ryl. 176.
3- The mention of the bank (cf. P. Ryl. 176) also indicates that the repayment of
Apollonarion’s dowry by Horion is meant; cf. int. and 1]. 9, ἢ.
9. περιλύσεως: Cf. 129. 12 mepidicews ῥεπούδιον, and P. Giessen 30. 15 τὰ τῆς περιλ.
γράμματα, both referring to divorce. Probably this document was identical with that con-
cerning λύσις implied in 1]. 6; cf. int.
10-12. συμβιούτωσαν.... ἀλλήλων : the usual formula; cf. e.g. 1278. 22--5.
17-18. ἥνπερ ὁπηνίκα κτλ. : this is the earliest example of the stipulation at the end of
contracts concerning marriage, sale, &c., which became stereotyped during the next thirty
years in a slightly different form (e. g. 1278. 37-40, 1475. 33-4), omitting the references to
taxes. The τέλη consisted of (1) the usual 12 drachmae for Alexandria (1. 38; cf.1475. 41),
(2) the obscure τοῦ τιμήματος τέλη (1200. 45, P. Leipzig το. ii. 21), which correspond to ro
ὑπὲρ ths δημοσιώσεως ὡρισμένον in 1475. 42 (cf. n.), and to which the payment for δημοσίω-
(σις) in P. S. I. 109. 2 and the sums sometimes acknowledged by the first signatory to the
authorization of the archidicastes (cf. 1474. 6, n.) apparently refer. The γραμματικά, i.e.
payments to the scribe of the καταλογεῖον who drew up the οἰκονομία (1474. 7, n.), are not
mentioned elsewhere, but probably correspond to the σπονδαί in P. S. I. 109. ἢ. The
sharing of the expenses is not in accordance with the evidence (e.g. in 11. 37-8) that the
person who made the application for δημοσίωσις was actually responsible for the charges.
1473. APPLICATION CONCERNING A REMARRIAGE 219
20. ᾿Αμμωνια(νό)ς : cf. 899. 34, where he was deputy-strategus on Pachon 27 (May 22) of
the 7th year, the reading of the figure there being confirmed by the dates in 1]. 22-3 and 31
here. On the competence of the exegetes, as well as the strategus, to appoint guardians see
P Tebt. 397. 4, ἢ. ὑπομνηματογράφοι (cf, 1412. 1-3, n.) were also competent, as is shown by
1645 ; but sometimes the praefect was petitioned on the subject (1466).
20-1, εἰ μηδὲν ἀντιπείπτει : SO in an unpublished Oxyrhynchus papyrus cited by Wilcken,
Archiv, iv. 550-1, which proceeds pyre (1. μηδὲ) δημόσιον ἢ ἰδιωτικὸν καταβλάπτεται, and omits
ἐπισταμένη γράμματα, for which cf. 56. 12 and 1467. int. In P. ΒΥ]. 120. 25 ef μηδέ]ν is
more probable than εἰ δέ τῆι before ἀντιπείπτει.
22. πρὸς μόνην [ταὐτῆην τὴν οἰκονομίαν : οἵ, 1. 29, 56.17, P. Tebt. 397. 4, n., Brit. Mus.
1164. (7) 6-7, Ryl. 120. 26.
23, It is improbable that Fr. 1, which might be ΠΊαῦνι. [, is to be placed after [Σεβαστῶν,
for Pauni is not a suitable month for the response, the application having been made on
Pharmouthi 1 (1. 32), and the contract dated on Pharmouthi 13 (J. 19). In P. Tebt. 397
the response is dated, but not the application; in P. Ryl. 120 the date of the application
corresponds to that of the response, but is a later insertion.
27. ἀμπέλου πρ)οσόδου : cf, 1. 3, n., and int.
30-1. déypa(ya... τέλος : cf. 56. 22. Ῥ. Ryl. 120. 17-18 alone indicates the amount,
having τοὺς δὲ ὑπὲρ τῆς αἰτήσεως κελευσθέντας δίδοσθαι εἰς το .. [24 letters| πόλεως [ὀἸβολοὺς
ἐννέα ἥμι[συ] διέγραψα ἐπὶ τὴν ἐν Ἕ;ρμοῦ πόλει δημο[σίαν τράπεζαν.
33. πρωώντ]ι: προσυνό]τ]ι (cf. ]. 25) cannot be read, but may have been meant, if the
scribe wrote πρωυν[οἼτῆι, as is possible. For πρζ(οόνντι cf. e.g. P. Ryl. 154. 4, referring to
a previous period of ἄγραφος γάμος.
34. τάλαντα βῚ ἥϊμ)ισυ : cf. 1. 12.
37-8. δίδωμι... ιβ: cf. 719. 30-1, where ]. διδοὺς τὰς] ὁρισθείσας (8p.) ιβ ἕνεκα τοῦ μὴ
περιέχειν pe(?) τὰς περὶ [τῆς διαθέσεως διαστολὰς καὶ μοναχὸν δημοσιοῦσθαι. With the wrong
restoration [δημοσιώ]σεως that passage was very obscure, and the technical meaning of
διάθεσις here is far from clear; but 1478 shows that the subject of περιέχειν is the contract
and in 719 με is probably to be corrected to pov, if μου cannot be read. In both papyri the
contract in question was single, whereas where the clause ἕνεκα rod (or διὰ τὸ) κτὰ. is omitted
it was τρισσή (1561. 11, P. Leipzig το. ii. 19) or δισσή (1200. 44, 1475. 41, B.G. U. 578.
14, 717. 23); and διάθεσις perhaps refers to the division of the copies of a contract among
the parties, e.g. in 1278.37. διά, though uncertain, suits the traces better than πρός, and
ἕνεκα is more likely to have a causal than a final sense.
38. [ὑ]ποκεχειρογραφημένον : cf. Grrech. Texte, 6. 25.
40. On the two Alexandrian libraries see 34.
42. ἵνα [εἰδῇ αὐτ]ὴ ἀπὸ [rod νῦν μέν]οντα : 1200. 50, 1475. 45, and P, Leipzig 10. ii. 26
have πρὸς τὸ μένειν, 485. 32 ἵν᾿ εἰδῶσι καὶ ποιήσωνται. . . ἣ εἰδῶσι χρησόμενον (ὅπως ποιήσωνται... -
ἢ εἰδῶσι is more usual; cf. e.g. B.G. U. 578. 20), 1270. 52 has ἵνα εἰδῶσι μένουσαν | κυρίαν
τὴν ὁμολογίζαν ... ἵνα [αὕτη εἰδ]} is less likely.
ὡς καθήκει : cf, 1270. 54, 1475. 50, nn. In the corresponding passage Griech. Texte,
6. 35 P. M. Meyer reads γ(ινέσθω) ὡς καθ. ; but the y is not certain and in any case is omitted
in the Oxyrhynchite examples. This endorsement was written for the archidicastes by
a γραμματεύς, the signature of the archidicastes himself being ἐϊσ]γμιωσάμην in |. 43 5 cf.
Griech. Texte, 6. 38. j
45. Geta occurs in the date-formulae in Egypt in the 9th year of Severus on Tubi 13
(P. Brit. Mus. 347. 4 = ii. 71); cf. 1. 43 where he is not mentioned on Hathur 3. B.G.U.
156. 11-12 (=W. Chrest. 175) of the gth year is said to have "En(«i)p after Εὐσεβοῦς, omitting
Σεβαστῶν and Geta; but we suspect a misreading of Σεβα(στῶν) Φα(ῶφι).
Brow. Cf. 1. ag, ἢ;
220 THE OXYRHYNCAUS PAPYRI
1474. APPLICATION CONCERNING A LOAN.
13:6 X 18-3 cm. A. D. 216.
An application, similar to 1478, to a strategus from a woman with reference
to the return of a loan, enclosing copies of (1) an authorization from the archi-
dicastes for μετάδοσις (Il. 3-8), (2) her application to him for δημοσίωσις and
μετάδοσις of the contract (Il. 8-11, 23), and (3) the contract itself (Il. 11-22);
cf. 1472. int. The conclusion, corresponding to 1473. 37-45, is missing. The
reference to a payment of 14 drachmae by the applicant at the office of the
archidicastes (1. 6, n.) explains the corresponding passage in B. G. U. 578, which
has hitherto been misunderstood. The terms of the loan, which was without
interest, but subject to an increase of one-half if not repaid at the proper time, are
somewhat unusual ; cf. 1.18, n. A few corrections have been made in a different
hand.
Αὐρηλίῳ ᾿Ανουβίωνι στρα(τηγῷ) ξυρυγχίίτου)
παρὰ Αὐρηλίας Δ]ιδ)ύμης τῆς καὶ Διονυσίας καὶ ὡς χρηματίζει διὰ Αὐρηλίου
Νείλου γραμμα-
τέως. οὗ ἐπόρίισα ἀπὸ διαλογῆς χρηματισμοῦ ἐστιν ἀντίγραφον: «Αὐρήλιος
Κάσιος ὁ ἱερεὺς καὶ ἀρ-
χιδικαστὴϊς] στίρατ]ηγῷ ᾿Οξυρυγχείτου χαίρειν. τῆς τετηλιομένης δημο-
σιώσεως ἀντίγρα- ἔ ᾿
5 pov μεταδοθϊήτω] ὡς ὑπόκιται. ἔρρωσο. (ἔτους) κὃ Αὐρηλίου Σεουήρου
Avrwvivov Καίσαρος
τοῦ κυρίου Μεϊχεὴρ ε. Μάρκος Αὐρήλιος Ἁρπογρατίων σεσημίωμαι (δραχμὰς)
16. Μάρκος Αὐρήλιος Νε-
μεσιανὸς ὁ καὶ Εἰρηναῖος καὶ ὡς χρηματίξω γραμματέως καταλογίου τὴν
οἰκονομίαν ἔγρα-
yo. Δουκίῳ Σεπτιμίῳ Αὐρηλίῳ Κασίῳ ἱερῖ ἀρχιδικαστῇ καὶ πρὸς τῇ ἐπι-
μελείᾳ τῶν χρημα-
τιστῶν καὶ τῶν ἄλλων κριτηρίων παρὰ Αὐρηλίας Διδύμης τῆς καὶ Διονυσίας
καὶ ὡς χρημα-
10 τίζει. τῆς προιμένης μοι δισσῆς ἀσφαλείας καὶ τῆς ὑπὸ αὐτὴν ὑπογραφῆς
ἀντίγραφον ὑπό- ;
ἰκῆται. Πεκῦσις Παυσιρίωνος μητρὸς Τεθεῦτος dm ᾿Οξυρύγχων πόλεως
Αὐρηλίᾳ Διδύμῃ τῇ kal
1474. APPLICATION CONCERNING A LOAN 221
Διονυσίᾳ καὶ ὡς χρηματίξει διὰ Σουχάμμωνος ἀπελευθέρου τοῦ πάππου σου
«Αὐρηλίου 4ι-
ογένους χαίρειν. ὁμολογῶ ὀφίλειν σοι ἃς ἐσχήκειν παρὰ σοῦ ἐν χρήσι πυροῦ
ἀρτάβας τεσσερά-
κοντα πέντε, καὶ ταύτας ἀποδώσιν σοι χωρὶς διαφόρου τῷ ᾿Επεὶφ μηνὶ τοῦ
ἐνεστῶτος ΚΎ (ἔτους)
15 πυροῦ vatov καθαροῦ ἀδώλου ἀβώλου ἀκρίθου καικοσκινευμένου καὶ εἰς δη-
μόσιον με-
τρουμένου ἐνθάδε ἐν τῷ ᾿Οξυρυγχείτῃ μέτρῳ παραλημπτικῷ σου κώμης Σύρων
τῶν σῶν
μετρούντων, πάντα δὲ χωρὶς ὑπερθέσεως, εἰ δὲ μή, ἐκτείσω σοι τοῦ ὑπερ-
πεσόντος χρόνου
διάφορον ἐξ ἡμισείας, τῆς πράξεώς σου οὔσης ἔκ τε ἐμοῦ καὶ ἐκ τῶν ὑπαρ-
χόντων μοι παντοί-
ov πάντων. κυρία (4) χεὶρ τισσὴ γραφεῖσα πανταχῆ ἐπιφερομένη καὶ παντὶ
τῷ ὑπὲρ σοῦ ἐπ-
20 φέροντι. (ἔτους) Ky «Αὐτοκράτορος Καίσαρος Μάρκου Αὐρηλίου Σεουήρου
Ἀντωνίνου Παρθικοῦ
[Με]γ[σἸ]τ[οἱν Bpe[rav|cx{o}é [Μεγίστοϊν Γερ[μαἹνικοῦ Μεγίστου Εὐσεβοῦς
Σεβαστοῦ Χοίακ x. Πεκῦ-
[σις Παυσιρίωνος ἔσχον τὰς προκιμένας ἀἸρτάβας τεσσα €} ράκοντα πέντε καὶ
ἀποδώσω ὡς mpd(KElTal).
[ὧν χρόνων καὶ διελθόντων καὶ τῆς ἀϊποδώσεως μὴ γεγονυίας [βο]ύλομαι ἀπὸ
τῆς τισσῆϊς ΐ
3. ἵερευς ΤΠ; so in ]. 8 ἵερι. 4. 1. τετελειωμένης. 5. av Of avpyAvov corr. from μα.
6. 1. ‘Apmoxpariov: apm corr. from capa. 7. 1. γραμματεύς. 9. « Of κριτηριων corr. from τ,
10. mpoiuerns I. ι Of μοι corr. by a second hand from v, and ὃ of δισσης from τ. 11. 6
of reBevros corr. from τ. 12. First π᾿ of παππου corr. from ro, 13. ε of οφιλειν inserted
above the line by a second hand. 15. 1. νέου... ἀδόλου... κεκοσκινευμένου. 16, τη.
of oéupvyxerrn corr. ow Π. 18, 1. σοι. 19. 1]. δισσή. 20. os of καισαρος corr. from
ων (?). 23. 1, ἀἸποδόσεως .. . δισσῆϊς.
‘To Aurelius Anubion, strategus of the Oxyrhynchite nome, from Aurelia Didyme also
called Dionysia, and however she is styled, through Aurelius Nilus, scribe. A copy of the
communication which I have received from the bureau is as follows.
Aurelius Casius, priest and archidicastes, to the strategus of the Oxyrhynchite nome,
greeting, Let a copy of the publication which has been effected be served, as follows,
222 THE OXYRHYNCAHUS PAPYRI
Good-bye. The 24th year of Aurelius Severus Antoninus Caesar the lord, Mecheir 5.
I, Marcus Aurelius Harpocration, have signed for 14 drachmae. I, Marcus Aurelius
Nemesianus also called Irenaeus, and however I am styled, scribe of the bureau, wrote the
document.
To Lucius Septimius Aurelius Casius, priest, archidicastes, and superintendent of the
chrematistae and other courts, from Aurelia Didyme also called Dionysia, and however she
is styled. Appended is a copy of the bond issued to me in duplicate and of the signature
beneath it. ‘Pekusis son of Peusirion and Tetheus, of Oxyrhynchus, to Aur. Didyme
also called Dionysia, and however she is styled, through Suchammon, freedman of your
grandfather Aurelius Diogenes, greeting. I acknowledge that lowe you the 45 artabae of
wheat which I received from you on loan, and will repay these to you without interest in the
month of Epeiph of the present 23rd year in wheat that is new, pure, unadulterated, un-
mixed with earth or barley, sifted, and measured into the public granary here in the
Oxyrhynchite nome by your receiving-measure of the village of Syron, the measurement
being performed by your agents, all without any delay, or, if I fail, I will forfeit to you
interest for the overtime at the rate of half the capital, you having the right of execution upon
both my person and all my property of every kind. This bond, written in duplicate, is
valid wheresoever it is produced and whosoever produces it on your behalf. The 23rd year
&c., Choiak 20. I, Pekusis son of Pausirion, have received the aforesaid 45 artabae,
and will repay them as aforesaid.” The period of the loan having expired and no repay-
ment having been made, I desire that of this duplicate bond [a single copy should be sent
to the Library of Hadrian &c.’
I. Αὐρηλίῳ ᾿Ανουβίωνι : cf. 1482. 1, n.
4. τετ(ε)λι(ω)μένης δημοσιώσεως : SO 1200. 7, 1475. 5 in the secondary application to
the archidicastes, to which there is nothing corresponding in the earlier examples such as
1474. The archidicastes himself in the letter corresponding to 1474. 3-6 there uses
τετελ(ζειωμένης) προσφω(νήσεως) (1200. 2, 1475. 1). The usual phrase at this point is δεδομένου
ὑπομνήματος, e.g. 485. 5; but B.G. U. 578. 4 has δημοσιώσεως χρ[η]μα[τισμοῦ where 1474. 3
has χρηματισμοῦ.
6. σεσημίωμαι (δραχμὰς) 8: cf. B.G.U. 578.8, where the words after σεση(μείωμαι),
which Mitteis (Chres/. 227. 8, n.) did not understand, are (δραχμὰς) «. This entry apparently
corresponds to that in P. Leipzig το. ii. 32-3, to which 1200. 4 and 1475. 3 (cf. n.)
are parallel, and the first of the two signatories usually found at this point (6. 5. 485. 7-8)
was probably ὁ πρὸς τῇ διαλογῇ τῆς πόλεως, the second being regularly, as here, a scribe of the
καταλογεῖον (in Β. G, U. 888. 4 called νομογράφος ἀγορᾶς), who wrote the document (οἰκονομία :
cf. 1. 7, n.). The 14 drachmae here may include the 12 drachmae regularly paid to
Alexandria (e. g. 1478. 38), but part of the sum presumably belongs to the τοῦ τιμήματος τέλη
(1473. 17-18, 1475. 42, nn.), like the 5 drachmae in B. G.U. 578, and the whole 14 drachmae
may well be exclusive of the 12 drachmae for Alexandria. Perhaps they include γραμματικά
(cf. 1478. 17-18, n.). The payments of 16 drachmae 14 obols and 12 dr. [.] ob, in P.S.1.
109. 9, 23 seem to be for the δημοσίω(σις) of contracts, including σπονδαί, and to be of the
same nature as the payment of 14 drachmae here.
7. οἰκονομίαν : Mitteis (Chres/. 239, int.) refers this only to the ὑπογραφή of the archi-
dicastes, but the whole document is probably meant, especially if οἰκονομίαν [π]ᾶσαν is right in
B. G. U. 578. 9.
8. This archidicastes was previously unknown.
14. διαφόρου practically = τόκου : cf. 1. 18, n., and 1040. int.
16. μέτρῳ παραλημπτικῷ : cf. 101. 41, where it is τετραχοίνικον χαλκόστομον. This measure
was formerly explained by Wilcken (Os¢, i, 772) as that used by officials called παραλῆμπται,
1474. APPLICATION CONCERNING A LOAN 223
but he abandoned that explanation (Archzv, i. 131") in favour of the view that it was equivalent
to ᾧ καὶ mapeiAnge. ‘This is, we think, unlikely, for in 1040. 17-19 μέζτρῳ) παραλ. σοῦ ᾧ καὶ
παραϊμεμετρήμεθα occurs. In favour of Wilcken’s earlier explanation can be urged the
parallelism of μέτρον σιτολογικόν (740. 17); but a ‘receiving-measure’ may be a technical
expression like the δοχικόν or παραδοχικόν measure, which was contrasted with the ἀνηλωτικόν
measure (P. Hibeh 87).
Σύρων : a village in the western toparchy (1285. 75).
18. διάφορον ἐξ ἡμισείας : 1. 6. if the debtor failed to repay the 45 artabae in Epeiph, he
had to pay 674, i.e. the ἡμιολία. It is more usual for a διάφορον of 4 to be charged in place
of interest, apart from penalties for delay ; cf. 1040 and the ἡμιόλιοι τόκοι in P. Reinach 15,
&c. In 1640. 7 διάφορον ἐκ τρίτου occurs in a similar context, and in P. Strassb, 71. 8-9
]. ἐκ [τρίτου for the unsatisfactory μο[υ | τρίτου. That passage means that the borrower had to
repay 4 artabae in place of the 3 which he received, not, as Preisigke supposes, that he
actually received only 2 out of 3 artabae nominally lent to him.
23. Twenty-seven letters are expected in the first lacuna, and the first καί may be
omitted; cf. 1472. 25-7, n. τῆς δὲ προθεσμίας διελθούσης (485. 27) is rather too long.
1475. APPLICATION CONCERNING A SALE OF LAND.
35 X 19-6 cm. A.D. 267.
This long and well-preserved papyrus is closely parallel to 1200, and is
mentioned in 1200. int. It was written a year later than that series of docu-
ments, and, like it, contains (4) an application to an archidicastes (1. 1, ἢ.)
concerning the δημοσίωσις of a sale (Il. 6-9, 41-7), (2) a copy of the sale (Il. 10-40),
(c) a further application to the archidicastes for the communication of the
δημοσίωσις to the βιβλιοφύλακες τῶν ἐγκτήσεων (I1. 4-5, 48-9), with (4) an endorse-
ment on his behalf (1. 50), and (e) the required letter to the βιβλιοφύλακες inserted
inthe upper margin (ll. 1-3). (d) and (e) are in the same hand as 1200. 1-4
(and 56?) and 1561, 20-1 (A.D. 269), where the line corresponding to 1200. 4
and 1475. 3 occurs at the end of the document, as in P. Leipzig το. The body
of the document was written in the three cases by different scribes, that of
1475 employing a more cursive hand than the other two, and in his ligatures
sometimes approximating to the style of the letter of the archidicastes (cf.
Part ix, Plate vi). The decipherment of the difficult line 1200. 4 in the
Alexandrian chancery script can now be carried a stage further, though one
word is still uncertain; cf. 1. 3, n. The maker of the application, Aurelia
Thaisous also called Lolliane (1. 5, n.), is known from 1467, where she claimed
the right to act without a guardian. 1475 does not contain at the end a sub-
sequent endorsement by her corresponding to that in 1200. 57-61, where in
1, 58 the date is to be read (ἔτους) a καὶ (ἔτους) ὃ, i.e. the ordinary reckoning
of Aurelian and Vaballathus, not (ér.) y καὶ (ér.) a. As in 1200, there are
a few marginal notes in a third hand (different in the two papyri), these having
been made in the βιβλιοθήκη τῶν ἐγκτήσεων (1, I, n.),
224 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
παρετ(έθη). «ἀὐρή(λιος) Γάιος ὁ καὶ Ἁρπίοκ]ρατίων ἱερ(εὺς) καὶ ἀρχιδικ(αστὴς) βιβλιο-
(φύλαξιν) ᾽Ο ξυρυ(γχίτου) χαί(ρειν). τῆς τετελ(ειωμένης)
προσφω(νήσεως) ἀντίγρα(φον) ὑπόκ(ειται.. ἔρρω(σθε). (ἔτους) ιὃ Γαλλιη-
νοῦ Σεβαστοῦ Φαρμοῦθι ιη.
ὁ πρὸς τῇ δια(λογῇ) τῆ(5) πόλ(εω9)" διέγρα(ψεν ?) Αὐρ(ηλίου)
᾿Δλεξάνδρου χρη(ματίζοντοΞ).
and hand AdpnAlo Taio τῷ kai Ἁρποκρατίωνι ἱερεῖ] ἀρχιδικαστῇ [κ]αὶ m[pos] τῇ ἐπι-
μελείᾳ τῶν χρηματιστῶν καὶ τῶν ἄλλων κριτηρίων
5 παρὰ Αὐρηλίας Θαϊσοῦτος τῆς Kali] “Δολλιανῆς. τῆς τε[τ]ελιωμένης
δημοσιώσεως ἀντίγραφον ὑπόκειται.
Αὐρηλίῳ Ταίῳ τῷ καὶ Ἁρποκρατίωνι ἱερ[ε] ἀρχιδικαστῇ καὶ m[plos τῇ ἐπι-
μελίᾳ τῶν χρηματιστῶν καὶ τῶν ἄλλων κριτηρίων
παρὰ Αὐρηλίας Θαϊσοῦτος τῆς καὶ Δολλιανῆς θυγατρὸς Σαραπίωνος τοῦ
καὶ Ἀγαθοῦ Aaipovos ἀγορανομή-
σαντος τῆς ᾿Οξυρυγχιτῶν πόλεως. τῆς προειμένϊηἸς μοι δισσῆς ἀσφαλίας
σὺν τῇ μετὰ τὸν χρόνον ὑπογραφῇ av(ri)-
γραφον ὑπόκειται.
10 Αὐρήλιος ᾿Αγαβ]εϊνος 6 καὶ ᾿Ωριγένης Οὐαριανοῦ τοῦ [κ]αὶ Κλάρου μητρὸς
᾿Ωριγενίης τῆς καὶ Ταύριος ἀπὸ ᾿Οἑξυρύγ-
χων πόλεζω]ς Αὐρηλίᾳ Θαϊσοῦτι τῇ καὶ Δολλιανῇ θυγατρὶ Σ᾿ αραπίωνος
τοῦ καὶ ‘Ayabod Δαίμονος ἀγορανομήσαν-
τος τῆς αὐτῆς πόλεως μητρὸς Διονυσίας τῆς καὶ Διαίνης ἀπὸ τῆς αὐτῆς
πόλεως χωρὶς κυρίου χρηματιζούσῃ
τέκνων δικαίῳ χαίρειν. ὁμολογῶ πεπρακέναι καὶ παρακεχωρηκέναι σοι
ἀπὸ τοῦ νῦν ἰς τὸν ἀεὶ χρόνον
τὰ ὑπογεγραμμένα ὑπάρχοντά μοι ἀγοραστιϊκἸῷ δικαίῳ πρότερον σοῦ τῆς
ὠνουμένης περὶ κώμην
15 Παεῖμιν [τ]Ἰῆς πρὸς λίβα τοπαρχίας tod. αὐτοῦ ᾿Οξυρυγχίτου νομοῦ ἐκ
τοῦ Νείκωνος ἀνθ᾽ οὗ Νεικομήδους
κλήρου σιτικὰς κ[α]ὶ ἑτέρας ἀρούρας ἕνδεκα, ἐν αἷς λάκκος συνερευκὼς καὶ
ὁ τροχὸς ὁμοίως συν-
προσφ(ὠώνησι) ερευκὼς ἐκ pépou{a}s σὺν τῇ ἐπικειμένῃ μηχανῇ, ὧν ὅλων γ|ε]ζ τ]ο[ νες]
ΒΥ τὴν) ϑη(μοσνώσεωε). νότου καὶ λιβὸς διῶρυξ καὶ ἄλλα, βορρᾶ πρό-
τερον ᾿Ιουλίου Θέωνος, ἀπηλιώτ᾽ο]υ τὰ ἑξῆς οἰκόπεδα καὶ ψιλοὶ τόποι καὶ
ιν ὧδ 4 Aid a > A ?
τὸ Ov πωμάριον, καὶ ἐν τῇ αὐτῇ κώ-
1475. APPLICATION CONCERNING A SALE OF LAND 225
᾽ A ΡΝ ΝΣ ~
μῃ ἐν τοῖς ἀπὸ βορρᾶ καὶ λιβὸς μέρεσι τῆς αὐτῆς κώμης οἰκίας δύο Kal
τὰ τούτων χρηστήρια καὶ ἀνήκοντα
20 πάντα Kali] τοὺς ἐκ βορρᾶ καὶ λιβὸς τούτων wetdo[d]s τόπους] καὶ τὸ
μετοξὺ πωμάριον νυνὶ ἐν χέρσῳ ἀρούρης
ἡμίσους [τετάρ]του ἑϊκκ]αιδεκάτου ἐπὶ τὸ πλέον [ἢ] ἔλαττον καὶ τὸ ὃν ἐν
αὐτῷ φρέαρ, ὧν οἰκοπέδων καὶ ψιλῶν
, 7 4 Υ « Ν 7 Υ̓͂ 7 7 7 ~
τύπων [kal π]ωμαρίου ὄντων ὑπὸ μίαν ὄψιν [γ)είτονες νότου παρόρια τῆς
πόλεως, βορρᾶ περίμετρα τῆς
κώμηϊς,] ἀπηλιώτου ἱεράκιον, λιβὸς τὰ προκείμενα σιτικὰ ἐδάφη, ἐπὶ δὲ
7 > -
πάντων ἀκολούθως
τῇ δικαίᾳ πράσι καὶ παραχωρήσι. τὰς δὲ συμ[πεϊφωνημένας πρὸς
> ? « ~ ~ ‘ ~
ἀλλήλους ὑπερ τ]ειμῆς Kal παραχωρητικοῦ
25 τῶν προκ[ε]ιμένων πάντων apylvp\iov Σεβαστοῦ [voulicparos δραχμὰς
ἐνν(ε)ακ[ισχιλί]ας ἑπτακοσίας, αἵ εἰσι
ἀργυρίου τάλα]ντίοἱν ἕν καὶ δρ[αχμ]αὶ τρισχίλιαι ἑπτ]ακόσιαι, αὐτόθι
ἀπέσχον παρὰ σοῦ διὰ χειρὸς ἐκ πλή-
[plovs. dled κρατεῖν σε καὶ κυριεύειν σὺν ἐκγόνοις Kal] τοῖς παρὰ σοῦ
μεταλημψομένοις τῶν παραχωρου-
2 ee ee) ~ ¢ 2 \ 2 M4 ΒΩ Ν a Ν >
μένων [ὑπ᾽ ἐϊμοῦ ὡς πρόκειται καὶ ἐξουσίαν [ἔχειν καὶ χρᾶσθαι καὶ οἰκο-
νομεῖν περὶ αὐτῶν ὡς ἐὰν αἱρῇ,
ἅπερ καὶ ἐϊπάν]αγκον παρέξο[μ]αί [col βέβαια [κ]αὶ καθαρὰ ἀπὸ μόνου
τοῦ ἡμετέρου ὀνόματος καὶ παν-
Ν -ΦΣ a ? 2 7 > 2 ~ We
30 τὸς τοῦ ἐξ ὀνόματός μου ἐπελευσομένου σοι, ἀρκουμένης σου τῇ is με
3 4 4 ~ Ὶ Ψ “ 7 ~
ἀπὸ σοῦ βεβαιώσι τῶν ἕως τοῦ
διελθίόν]τος καὶ αὐτοῦ τοῦ διελθόντος vy (ἔτους) διὰ τὸ τὰ ἀπὸ τοῦ
2 ~ Ψ 4 7 2
ἐνεστῶτος ιὃ (ἔτους) τούτων πρόσφορα εἶναι
σοῦ τῆς ἀϊν)ουμένης, πρὸς ἣν καὶ εἶναι τὰ ἀπὸ τοῦ αὐτοῦ ιδ (ἔτους) ἀπὸ
~ (a , PD « “
καλανδῶν τελέσματα. κυρία ἡ πρᾶσις
καὶ παραχώρησις δισσὴ γραφεῖσα, ἥνπερ ὁπηνίκα ἂν αἱρῇ δημοσιώσεις
διὰ τοῦ καταλογίου οὐ προσδεό-
μενος érépals μου εὐδοκήσεως διὰ τὸ ἐντεῦθεν εὐδοκῖν με τῇ ἐσομένῃ
ὑπὸ σοῦ δημοσιώσι. περὶ
38 δὲ τοῦ ταῦὔϊτ]α ὀρθῶς καλῶς γενέσθαι ἐπερωτηθεὶς ὑπὸ σοῦ ὡμολόγησα.
(ἔτους) «8 Αὐτοκράτορος Καίσαρος
Q
226 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
Πουπλίου Aifkirvijoly Ταλλιηνοῦ Τερμανικοῦ Meyilorjov Παρθικοῦ Με:
γίστου Ἐὐσεβοῦς Εὐτυχοῦς Σεβαστοῦ
‘Abdp xy. Alup\jruos ᾿4γαθεῖνος ὁ καὶ ᾿ΩριγέϊνηΞ] πέπρακα καὶ παρε-
χώρησα τῇ Δολλιανῇ τῇ καὶ Oai-
σοῦτι τὰ πρί[οἸκίμενα ὑπάρ[χ]οντα καὶ τὰ συνεϊσκευϊασμ[έν]α αὐτοῖς πάντα
κ[α ἀπέσχον τὰς [τῆ])ς τιμῆς
ἀργυρίου τάλαντον ἕν [κα]ὶ δραχμὰς τρισχιλ[ίας] ἑπτακοϊσί]ας κ[ αἱ] βε-
βαιώσω ἀπὸ μόνου τοῦ ἡμετέρου
40 ὀνόματος Kai εἰὐϊδοκῶ τῇ] ἐσοϊμένῃ] δημοσιώσ[ ἢ καὶ émepwrnOleli[s] ὧμο-
λόγησα.
βουλόμενοὶς δὲ [ἀπὸ THis δισσῆς ἀϊσἸφ[αἸλίας μοναχὴν [ἐν δ]ημοσίῳ γενέσθαι
δίδωμι τῇ πόλι τὰς ὁρισθείσας (δραχμὰς) ιβ καὶ
τὸ ὑπὲρ τῆς δηϊμο]ϊσιώσεως ὡρισμένοϊν. ἀξιῷ [ἀναλα]βόντας αὐτὴν παρὰ
τοῦ διαπεσταλμένου ὑπ᾽ ἐμοῦ Αὐρηλίου Νείλου
ὑπογεγραμμένην ὑπὸ αὐτοῦ περὶ τοῦ ἷναι τὴν μετὰ τὸν xpd{o} νον ὑπο-
γραφὴν ἰδιόγραφον τοῦ Αὐρηλίου ᾿4γαθίνου
τοῦ καὶ ᾿Ωριγέν[ο]υς συνκαταχωρίσαι σὺν τῷδε τῷ] ὑπομνή(ματι) τὴν
αὐθεντικὴν εἰς τὴν Ἁδριανὴν βιβλιοθή-
45 κην ταύτης δὲ τὸ [ἴσ]ον σὺν ὑπομνή(ματι) is τὴν τοῦ Navaiov, moos]
τὸ] μένιν μοι τὰ ἀπὸ αὐτῆς δίκαια ὡς ἀπὸ δημοσίου χρηματισμοῦ
ἕνεκα τοῦ εὐϊδοϊκηκέναι τὸν Αὐρήλιον [4γαἸθεῖνον τὸν καὶ ᾿Ὠριγένην τῇ
τῆς ἀσφαλίου δημοσιώσι. (ἔτους) 1d
Ταλλιηνοῦ Σεἰβα]στοῦ Φαμενὼθ ko,
ταύτην δὲ β[ουλ]όμενος προσφαϊν]ηθῆναι τίο]ς [τῶν ἐϊνκτήσεων τοῦ ᾽Ο ξυρυγ-
χίτου νομοῦ βιβλιοφύλαξι ἀξιῶ
ἐπιλαβοῦσι τὴν δηλουμένην δημοσίωσιν ὑπίογεγραμμ]ένην ὡς καθήκει
συντάξαι γράψαι αὐτοῖς ἵν᾿ ἰδῶσι.
5ο Isthand ὡς κα[θή]κ(ει). (ἔτους) ιδ Γαλλιηνοῦ Σ᾿ εβαστοῦ Φαμί(ενὼθ) κί.
I. γαῖος II, 16. o corr. from του and s of τροχος from v. 21. ελατ᾽τον II,
23. ι of ἱερακιὺν corr. from τ, 32. π᾿ Of first amo corr. 41. 1. βουλομζέν]η : so in 1, 48.
44. nv of rnvcorr. 46. 1. ἀσφαλείας. 49. 1]. ἐπιλαβόντας.
‘Aurelius Gaius also called Harpocration, priest and archidicastes, to the keepers of the
property-registers of the Oxyrhynchite nome, greeting. A copy of the communication which
has been executed follows. Good-bye. The 14th year of Gallienus Augustus, Pharmouthi
18. The examiner-in-chief of the city: she has paid (?), Aurelius Alexander acting.
To Aurelius Gaius also called Harpocration, priest, archidicastes, and superintendent of
1475. APPLICATION CONCERNING A SALE OF LAND 5227
the chrematistae and other courts, from Aurelia Thaisous also called Lolliane. A copy of
the publication which has been executed follows.
To Aurelius Gaius, &c., from Aurelia Thaisous also called Lolliane, daughter of
Sarapion also called Agathodaemon, ex-agoranomus of Oxyrhynchus. A copy ofthe bond
issued to me in duplicate with the signature succeeding the date follows.
“Aurelius Agathinus also called Origenes, son of Varianus also called Clarus and
Origenia also called Tauris, of Oxyrhynchus, to Aurelia Thaisous also called Lolliane,
daughter of Sarapion also called Agathodaemon, ex-agoranomus of the said city, and of
Dionysia also called Diaena, of the said city, acting without a guardian by the zus hberorum,
greeting. I acknowledge that I have sold and ceded to you from the present time for ever
the property below written, which is mine by right of purchase and formerly belonged to
you the buyer, in the area of the village of Paimis in the western toparchy of the said
Oxyrhynchite nome in the holding of Nicon also called Nicomedes, consisting of 11 arurae
of corn-bearing and other land, in which is a tank in disrepair and the water-wheel likewise
partly in disrepair with the apparatus belonging to it, the adjacent areas of the whole being
on the south and west a canal, &c., on the north land formerly belonging to Julius Theon,
on the east the buildings, open spaces, and existing orchard mentioned below, and in the
said village in the northern and western parts of it two houses with all their fittings and
appurtenances and the open spaces to the north and west of these with the intervening
orchard which is now dry, of the extent of +3 arura more or less, and the existing well, the
adjacent areas of these buildings, open spaces, and orchard, when they are surveyed in one
piece, being on the south the parts of the metropolis along the desert, on the north the
circumference of the village, on the east a hawk-shrine, on the west the aforesaid corn-land,
in all respects according to just sale and cession. And I have herewith received from you
from hand to hand in full the sum jointly agreed upon for the price and cession-money of
all the aforesaid property, 9,700 drachmae of Imperial silver coin, making 1 talent 3,700
drachmae of silver. Wherefore you and your descendants and heirs are masters and owners
of the propetty ceded by me as aforesaid, and have power to use and administer it as you
choose, and I am bound to deliver it to you guaranteed and free from claims in my name
only or by any one else in my name, you being satisfied with the guarantee from yourself to
me concerning all charges up to and including the past 13th year, because the products of
the property from the present 14th year henceforth belong to you the buyer, who are also
responsible for the taxes beginning with the calends of the said 14th year. This sale and
cession, written in duplicate, is valid, and whenever you choose you may publish it through
the record-office without requiring further concurrence on my part, because I hereby
concur in the publication to be made by you; and having been asked by you the formal
question whether this is done rightly and fairly [have given my consent. The r4th year of
P. Licinius Gallienus, &c., Hathur 23. I, Aurelius Agathinus also called Origenes, have
sold and ceded to Lolliane also called Thaisous the aforesaid property and all the con-
structions appertaining to it, and have received the 1 talent 3,700 drachmae of silver for
the price; and will guarantee the property from claims in my name only, and I consent
to the publication to be made by you, and in answer to the formal question have given
my consent.”
Wishing that one copy of this duplicate bond should be made public, I pay to the city
the prescribed 12 drachmae and the sum prescribed for the publication, and request that,
on receipt of the bond from the person whom I have dispatched, Aurelius Nilus, with his
attestation that the signature after the date is the autograph of Aurelius Agathinus also
called Origenes, you will register the original with this application in the Library of Hadrian,
and a copy of it with the application in the Library of the Nanaeum, in order that the rights
derived from it may be assured to me, as from a public deed, because Aurelius Agathinus
Q2
228 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
also called Origenes has consented to the publication of the bond. The r4th year of
Gallienus Augustus, Phamenoth 24.
And whereas I desire that this should be communicated to the keepers of the property-
registers of the Oxyrhynchite nome, I request that, on receipt of the aforesaid publication duly
signed, you will give instructions for a letter to be written to them for their information.
Let due steps be taken. The 14th year of Gallienus Augustus, Phamenoth 27.’
1. The marginal note παρετ(έθη) is absent in 1200. It means that the document was
entered in the διαστρώματα of the βιβλιοθήκη ἐγκτήσεων : cf. 1547. 1, 1552. τ, Mitteis, Grundz.
103 sqq., Lewald, Rémisch-Aegypt. Grundbuchrecht, 38 sqq. The marginal note in the
same hand against |. 17 corresponds to that against 1200. 18 (in a different hand), showing
that the annotations in 1200 were also made at the βιβλιοθήκη.
Τάιος 6 καὶ “Αρπ[οκ]ρατίων : this archidicastes was previously unknown. In Pauniofthe
13th year (1200. 3, 56) Didymus also called Sarapion was in office, as in P, Giessen 34,
where in ll. 4-5 there is some mistake in the dates. —The number of the year is read doubt-
fully as cy in Il. 4 and 9, the day being in the latter case Pachon 28, which is in accordance
with 1200. In. 5 Φαῶΐφι 18 is restored, but this date must be later than Pachon 28 since
ll. 5-9 are an enclosure in II, 1-5, and either "Ee:|pi or (more probably) Μεσο]ρή must be
read in 1. 5, unless (ἔτους) ἐδ can be read in 1. 4.
τετελ(ειωμένης) : SO in 1200. 2, where Wilcken (Archiv, vi. 291) wished to read yeye(vy-
μένης) ; but here rered is quite clear.
3. Cf. P. Leipzig ro. ii. 32-3 (=M. Chrest. 189) οἱ πρὸς τῇ διαλογῇ τῆς πόλεως- διέγρα(ψεν)
Αὐρηλ(ίου) Σαραπάμμωνος χρημ(ατίζοντος). Concerning the name Αὐρ(ηλίου) ᾿Αλεξάνδρου here, as
in 1200. 4, 1561. 20 (cf. int.), there is little doubt, and if διέγρα(ψεν) is certain in the
Leipzig papyrus that is probably the preceding word in the Oxyrhynchus examples also.
The abbreviation is more like διέγρα(ψεν) in 1475 than in 1200 and 1561, and ἀπέχει ᾿Αλεξ.
Or ἀπέζ(χει) Αὐρ(ηλ.) ᾿Αλεξ. (cf. 1200. 1-4, n., Wilcken, ὦ. 4.) is most improbable, διέγρα(ψεν)
refers to the payment of the τέλη ; cf. 1474. 6, ἢ. χρη(ματίζοντος) was supposed by Mitteis
and Wilcken to mean ‘ performing his office’ in connexion with the payment, but it might
refer to the scribe who wrote the οἰκονομία; cf. 1474. 7,n. In P. Leipzig το. ii. 32 there is
stated to be no change of hand corresponding to that in 1561. 20.
5. Θαϊσοῦτος τῆς κα[ὶ] Λολλιανῆς : the order of the names is the reverse in 1. 37, as in
1467.
10. Aurelius Agathinus also called Origenes is probably identical with the agoranomus
. ah that name in 1208. 16 (a.D. 291). 1642 is concerned with his appointment to that
office.
15. ἀνθ᾽ οὗ: cf. 1438. 11, n.
17. For the marginal note cf. ]. 1 and 1200. 18, nn.
22, νότου παρόρια τῆς πόλεως : from this it appears that Paimis (1. 23) was on the edge of
the desert near Oxyrhynchus on the north, so that the western toparchy (1. 15) was in that
region; cf. 1421. 3,n. For παρόρια cf. 1118. 17 and P. Flor. 50. 9, 86 (ἡ mapdpios). A
village called Μέγα Παρόρ(ιον) is known from 154. 12 and P. Iand. 51. 8, and Παρόριον
is coupled with Senokomis (cf. 1506. 2) in 1545. 5.
24. δικαίᾳ : δι᾽ ἐμοῦ might be read, but is less likely.
30. ἀπὸ σοῦ βεβαιώσι : the present buyer had owned the property previously, and sold it
to the present seller; cf. J. 14 and 1635. 23 (A.D. 249) ἀρκουμένου cov) τῇ εἴς pe ἀπὸ zoo]
προτεταγμένου μου προκτήτορος. . . βεβαιώσει.
33-4. Cf. 1478. 17-18, n.
Γ 41. βουλόμενος for βουλομένη, as here and in ]. 48, occurs in the corresponding passages
of 1200.
1475. APPLICATION CONCERNING A SALE OF LAND 229
42. τὸ ὑπὲρ τῆς δημο]σιώσεως ὡρισμένον Corresponds to τὸ τοῦ τιμήματος τέλος in 1200. 45;
cf. τὰ τοῦ τιμ. τέλη in P. Leipzig ro. ii. 21. In the latter instance τίμημα has been explained
as a penalty for delay (Gradenwitz, Koschaker) or as an ad valorem tax (Mitteis). 1200, where
there is no question of delay, does not at all favour Gradenwitz’s view, but neither the new
evidence concerning the amounts apparently paid for the τίμημα, 14 drachmae in the case of
a deposit of 45 artabae of wheat (worth about 500 drachmae), 5 dr. in the case of a loan of
1,200 dr. (cf. 1474. 6, n.), nor the present passage provides any definite support for
Mitteis’s view, though not incompatible with it, if the 14 drachmae in 1474 include the usual
12 dr. for Alexandria. The technical sense of τίμημα in the phrase ἰδίῳ τιμήματι (85. 7), and
ἑαυτοῦ τιμήματι (1208. 4; cf.1562. 3), is also obscure, and whether the meaning ‘valuation’ is
implied in τιμήματος τέλη is very doubtful.
48. προσφαἰν]ηθῆναι: so in 1200. 53 and probably in B.G.U. 825. 13, where in
a similar context Schubart (af. Preisigke, Berichtigungen, 70) reads mpol.|..... θῆναι.
50. ὡς κα[θη]κ(ει) : cf. 1478. 42, n. In 1200. 56 (which was perhaps written in
the same hand as 1200. 1-4) there is an interval of only two days between the dates
in I]. 3 and 56, whereas here the corresponding interval is twenty-one days; cf. l. 2.
In Griech. Tex/e 6 the day is the same in ll. 6 and 37.
VIII. HOROSCOPES AND CHARMS
1476. HOROSCOPE OF SARAPAMMON.
9:8 Χ 7-7 cm. A. D. 260,
This horoscope of a person born on Phaophi 2 of the 1st year of Macrianus
and Quietus (the earliest certain date by those Emperors), which year corre-
sponded to the 8th of Gallienus (cf. P. Strassb. 6. int.), was found with 1563,
another, but less well preserved, horoscope of a person born two years earlier, in
the 6th year of Valerian and Gallienus, Thoth 27. In both papyri the positions
in the signs of the zodiac occupied by the sun, moon, five chief planets, and
ὡροσκόπος (point on the horizon which was rising ; in 1564-5 called ὥρα) were
indicated by degrees and minutes, as in P. S. I. 23 and the much more elaborate
horoscopes P. Brit. Mus. 98, 110, 130 (i. 126-39); the other horoscopes of the
first four centuries (235, 307, 585, 596, 804, 1564-5, Class. Rev. viii. 70, P. 5. I.
22, 24-5) give the signs only, with occasional descriptions (e. g. in 1565) of the
relation of the body in question to the sign, such as are also found in 1476.
1476 and 1563-4 are the only horoscopes which belong to the period of uncer-
tainty concerning the chronology of the Roman Emperors in Egypt from Decius to
Diocletian (a.p. 250-284; 1565 belongs to 293). Decius died in the spring or summer
230 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
of 251; his 2nd year in Egypt, which began Aug. 29, 250, is not attested later than
March 4, 251 (C.P.R. 37), and there are no Alexandrian coins of a 3rd year. The
argument from the silence of coins is by no means conclusive, for there are no Alexan-
drian coins of the rst year of Decius’ successors, Gallus and Volusianus, and only one—
and that not absolutely certain—of their 2nd year, though papyri of their 2nd year are
numerous (e.g. 1442); but there is no reason to suppose that Decius’ reign extended
into the year beginning Aug. 30, 251, which was the and of Gallus and Volusianus. Their
3rd year, as appears from 1119. 5, 14, 40, was reckoned at Oxyrhynchus as still current
on Aug. 16 and 22, 253. This circumstance is less surprising than is implied in 1119. 5, n.
(where 1119 is wrongly referred to the year 254); for coins of their 3rd year are very common,
while those of Aemilianus, their successor, all belong to his 2nd year, and it is probable that
Aemilianus’ 1st year consisted of only a few days. The only extant dating by that emperor
is 1286. 10 (2nd year Ph{aophil, i. 6. Sept. 28-Oct. 27, 253). Valerian and Gallienus are
known from C. I. L. viii. 2482 to have been recognized in Numidia before Oct. 22, 253, but
apart from coins 1187. 21 (June 20) is the only record of their rst year in Egypt, which is
generally supposed to have been 253-4, not 252-3. A census-return for the 5th year of an
unnamed third-century reign (P. Stud. Pal. ii. 32), which is apparently that of Valerian and
Gallienus, strongly supports the usual view, since these returns were made at intervals of 14
years and 2547-8 is the right year for a census. After the revolt of Macrianus and Quietus
(about Sept. 260—-Noy. 261) and the restoration of Gallienus the chronological difficulties
increase. The accession of Claudius was in 1906 placed by Preisigke (P. Strassb. 6. int. ;
cf. Hohmann, Chronol. d. Papyrusurk. 54-7) in the autumn of 268 (between Aug. 29 and
Oct. 16, so far as Egypt was concerned) on the apparently conclusive evidence of P. Strassb.
7 and ro-11 (subsequently confirmed by P. Tebt. 581) that the 15th year of Gallienus was
followed by the rst of Claudius. Earlier writers had usually accepted the statement of the
Vita Claud. iv. 2 that his accession took place in March (268), or, like the editors of the
Prosopogr. Imp. Rom., placed that event between Jan. 1 and July 1, 268, in order to make
the 15th year of Gallienus coincide with the 1st of Claudius. Claudius is generally thought
to have died in his 3rd year (270-1 according to Preisigke, 269—70 according to most earlier
writers). The few weeks’ reign of Quintillus is attested in Egypt by coins only, and the
accession of Aurelian (who in Egypt at first had to admit the association of Vaballathus) was
placed by Preisigke between Aug. 29 and Dec. 31, 270 (he was consul in 271), while most
other writers, including Homo, Lssaz sur Pempereur Aurélien, 340, assigned it to the spring
of 270. The accession of Tacitus, which was preceded by an interregnum of uncertain
length, is universally assigned to Sept. 275, so that it occurred in the 6th year of Aurelian
according to Preisigke, who ignored the Alexandrian coins of the 7th year, in the 7th year
according to others. Tacitus, who was consul in 276, did not live until Aug. 29 of that
year, the latest date by his reign being on June 8 (P. Strassb. 8. 17), and the accession of
Probus is assigned to the spring or summer of 276. The coins credit him with 8 years
(Homo, of. εἴ}. 337-8 by misstating the figure as 7 vitiates his chronology of Probus and
Carinus), and, though papyri do not reach later than Sept. 29 of his 7th year (P. Brit. Mus.
1243; cf. Archiv, iv. 553), the accession of Carus with Carinus and Numerianus is generally
assigned to the autumn (Oct.?) of the year beginning Aug. 29, 282. 55, dated April 7 of
their 1st year, is the only Egyptian record of their reign apart from coins of the 1st and and
years of Carus and rst—3rd years of Carinus and Numerianus, and 1564 (March 23 of the
st year of Carinus alone, the papyrus having probably been written soon after the death of
Carus). With the accession of Diocletian firmer ground is reached, especially as datings
by consuls began to supplement, before they supplanted, those by regnal years, and there is
no reason to doubt that his rst year in Egypt began soon after Aug. 29, 284, from which the
era of Diocletian dated.
1476. HOROSCOPE OF SARAPAMMON 231
The new evidence already adduced in the present volume, besides suggesting doubts as
to the correctness of the received chronology of Valerian and Gallienus (1407. int.), has
confirmed the evidence of Alexandrian coins with regard to the existence of a 7th year of
Aurelian (1455. 20), and a reconsideration of the chronology of the whole period from
250-284 is necessary. Under these circumstances the opportunity afforded by the horoscopes
of verifying on astronomical grounds dates by the regnal years of Valerian and Gallienus,
Macrianus and Quietus, and Carinus is particularly welcome, since it enables us to decide
whether the evidence of 1455 can be reconciled with that of the Strassburg papyri and
P. Tebt. 581 either by pushing back the accession of Valerian and Gallienus from Sept.—Oct.
253 to a month before Aug. 29 and not later than June of that year (on account of 1187,
which would have to belong to June 20, 253, instead of June 20, 254), or by making the acces-
sions of Tacitus, Probus, and Carus with his sons take place a year later than on the received
chronology. One of those two alternatives seems at first sight to be the only method of
accounting for a 16th year of Gallienus as well as a 3rd of Claudius and 7th of Aurelian ;
but either of them would lead to difficulties, the second by upsetting the received dates of
the consuls in 276-284, the first by necessitating the elimination of Aemilianus (on the
hypothesis that Valerian ignored him and dated from the death of Gallus), or the deduction
of a year from the reign of Gallus and Volusianus, and in either case making 1187 earlier
than 1119 (cf. p. 230).
Dr. J. K. Fotheringham, whose authority on matters relating to Graeco-Roman chrono-
logy is well known, has kindly computed from Neugebauer’s Zaféln zur astronomischen
Chronologze, ii (1914), the correct position of the heavenly bodies indicated in the four
horoscopes of this volume, and we present his results in tabular form. In the case of 1563,
where the figure of the hour is obliterated, it is assumed that the middle of the sign Capricorn
(in which was the ὡροσκόπος) was on the horizon, i.e. 1.45 p.m. Egyptian time (which=
11.45 a.m. Greenwich time). In 1476 the ‘ roth hour completed, 2 minutes’ is regarded
as 3.48 p.m., and the ‘1st hour’ in 1564 as 6.59 a.m., but in 1565 as 6.35 a.m., the
hour in all three cases being reckoned as 4, of the interval between sunrise and sunset
at Oxyrhynchus. In the case of 1563 and 1476 computations have been made both for the
years according to the generally received chronology of Gallienus (a.p. 258 and 260 re-
spectively) and for the years preceding (which in 1476 involves a difference of 1 in the Julian
equivalents of the days owing to intercalation). A.D. 257 and 259 would of course only be
applicable if the accession of Valerian and Gallienus took place before instead of after Aug,
29, 253. In the case of 1564-5, where details of the astronomical positions were not given,
the computations for the generally received dates are sufficient ; for in any two consecutive
years the signs occupied by at any rate Mars and the moon would inevitably be quite
different, so that the agreement between the statements of the horoscopes and the facts with
regard to those bodies in the years 283 and 293 is adequate proof of their disagreement in
the years 284 and 294.
1563 Sept. 24, 258 ᾿ Sept. 24, 257
Saturn Pisces 2° Pisces 7° 21’ Aquarius 23° 41°
Mars Cancer/[. .° Cancer 21° 20’ Libra 19° 42’
Jupiter Cancer } | Cancer τοῦ 52’ Gemini 10° 4’
Venus Leo 19°? -Leo 19° 44’ Virgo 22° 38’
Sun Libra 3° Libra 0° 43’ Libra 0° 58’
Mercury Libra 3° Libra 12° 45’ Libra 25° 22°
Moon Capric. 2[. 43’ Capric. 29° 26’ Virgo 19° 46’
Horoscopos Capric. [. .°| Capric. 15° Capric. 15°
232 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
1476 Sept. 29, 260 Sept. 30, 259
Horoscopos Aquarius 28° Aquarius 26° 32’ Aquarius 26° 50’
Saturn Aries 11° 32’ Aries 5° 46’ Pisces 21° 6’
in opposition (0° 33’ from opp.) (15° 26’ from opp.)
Mars Beginning of Leo Leo o° 8’ Scorpio 7° 59’
Jupiter Virgo 3° ¢ Y Virgo 3° 35’ Leo 8° 46’
Venus Virgo 8° 16’ Virgo 11° 1’ Scorpio 6° 45/
Mercury Virgo 23° 44’ Virgo 27° 23’ Virgo 18° 14’
Sun Libra 8° Libra 6° 19’ Libra 65 4:2’
Moon (Capric.) 8° 32’ Capric. 9° 58’ Leo 18° 40’
1564 March 23, 283 1565 Aug. 28, 293
Horosc. Aries Aries 21° 53’ Virgo Virgo 17° 20’
Sun Aries Aries 1° 51’ Virgo Virgo 4° 16’
Mars Taurus Taurus 15° 6’ Scorpio Scorpio 3° 49’
Moon Cancer Cancer 0° 25’ | Far in Sagitt. Sagitt. 27° 53’
Jupiter Cancer Cancer 12° 7’ . Gemini Gemini 21° 13°
Saturn Capric. Capric. 17° 3’ | Beginning of Gem. Gemini 0° 3’
Mercury Pisces _ Pisces 4° 26’ End? of Lea “ Leo 29° 54’
Venus Pisces Pisces 13° 109’ Libra Libra 18° 56’
Dr. Fotheringham writes ‘It is clear that the data given on the horoscopes are obtained
by computation, not by observation ; for all the horoscopes are cast for some time during the
day, when the stars were invisible, and even the moon was above the horizon on only one of the
four occasions (1476). The agreements for the years 258, 260, 283, 293 are so closeas to
remove all possible doubt of the dates for which the horoscopes were cast. In comparing
the signs given on the horoscopes with those found by computation, it should be observed
that the horoscopes always name them in order, either beginning or ending with the Horo-
scopos. The bodies falling within six signs after the Horoscopos would normally be below
the horizon, and those within six signs before the Horoscopos would normally be above the
horizon.’ The order of the signs to which he alludes is also observed in most other horo-
scopes, but not in 585, P.S.I. 22. 29-38, 23. 1-12, 24. 11-19, and 25: it is sometimes
a useful help in supplying gaps; cf. 1476. 12, n., 15638. 8.
The valuable results of the astronomical evidence are thus to confirm the generally
accepted dates of the accessions of Valerian and Gallienus (between Aug. 29 and Oct. 22,
253) and Carinus (about Oct. 282), and there is no longer any doubt about the Julian years
corresponding to their regnal years, or any reason to question the accuracy of the consul-lists
between 251 and 284. The period of uncertainty in the datings by regnal years is now
limited to 268-75. Here there must be some errors in the evidence concerning the duration
of reigns, and if the limits securely fixed by the horoscopes are observed, either the last year
of Gallienus was really his 15th, not 16th, or that of Claudius his 2nd, not 3rd, or that of
Aurelian his 6th, not 7th. The papyri which give the fullest information on this period are
P. Strassb. 6-8, a series of receipts for payments of 2,000 drachmae a year, generally in two
instalments, by the same persons on account of sheep-tax ; these begin in the 2nd year of
Valerian and Gallienus, and proceed regularly through the reign of Macrianus and Quietus
up to the 15th year of Gallienus, when 1,000 dr. were paid on Sept. 14, 267, and March 20,
268. The next entries are 1,000 dr. on Nov. 5 and March 26 of the tst year of Claudius, on
Sept. 21 and July 17 of his 2nd, and Sept. 20 of his 3rd, [καὶ y (érovs)] being a certain
1476. HOROSCOPE OF SARAPAMMON 233
restoration in the last line of P. Strassb. 7. Ρ. Strassb. 8 records the usual payments on
March 31st of Aurelian’s rst year (the earliest extant reference to him) and on Nov. 17 and
April 13 of his 2nd year, after which there was no further payment until Nov. 5 of the 5th
year (the reading of the month and the figure of the year is somewhat doubtful), when
4,000 dr. were paid on account, followed by a payment of 3,000 dr. on account on June 8
of the 1st year of Tacitus (i.e. 276). P. Strassb. 10. 25 has the earliest reference to Claudius
(Oct. 16 of his rst year), and P. Strassb. 11. 9-15, written on March 10 of his rst year,
mentions the ‘past 15th year’, sc. of Gallienus. This evidence in favour of Claudius’
accession between Aug. 29 and Oct. τό, 268, fits in very well with P. Tebt. 581. 1-3 ἔτους
ις΄ τοῦ κυρίου ἡμῶν Ταλλιηνοῦ Σεβαστοῦ Φαῶφι a’ (there is no real doubt about any of the readings,
ιε΄ being much less suitable than ts’), which is the only direct reference to the 16th year
indirectly implied by the Strassburg texts. The 3rd year of Claudius is also mentioned in
1646 αἴτους (]. ἔτ.) τρίτου Κλαυδίου Σεβαστοῦ Φαῷφήι τρίτῃ [καὶ εἰϊκάς, i. 6. Oct. 20, by which date
(the latest extant reference to him) he may have been dead. The brief reign of his brother
Quintillus, lasting a few weeks probably, was recognized in Egypt by the issue of coins in
his name, but is not attested by papyri. Since Aurelian became consul on Jan. 1, 271, the
Strassburg papyri seemed to limit definitely the date of Aurelian’s accession to the period
between the end of Sept. and the end of Dec. 270; but against them must be set (1) the
statement of 1208. 11 that the 2nd year of Claudius became the 1st of Aurelian, which has
generally been regarded as a mere error (8 for y), (2) the date in 1455. 20, Oct. 18 of
Aurelian’s 7th year, (3) a date in 1688. 38, Aug, 23 of his 6th year. All of these require the
accession of Aurelian to have taken place before Aug, 29, 270, and, when taken in combina-
tion with the dates of Aurelian’s 1st year (P. Strassb. 8. 1 March 31; 1200. 58 May 25;
cf. 1475. int.), some time before the end of March 279.
From this impasse there seems to be only one method of escape, since the astronomical
evidence bars the two simplest ways out of the difficulty. A year has to be eliminated, and
the choice is in the last resort best left to the coins. These support the 3rd year of Claudius
and 7th of Aurelian, but not the 16th ef Gallienus, Sallet (Dze Daten der alex. Kaitser-
miinzen, 73), after rejecting three supposed examples of that year, was disposed to accept the
statement of Cohen that he had seen one, but neither the British Museum nor the Dattari
collection contains any coins of the 16th year, and Mr. Milne has not met with one,
although he has examined four large hoards covering this period, which contained altogether
889 coins of the 15th year of Gallienus and 864 of the rst year of Claudius. There is thus
a very high degree of probability that, if there had been any coins of the 16th year of Gallienus,
they would have occurred in these hoards, and it is almost certain that Cohen was mistaken.
The accession of Claudius must in any case have taken place near the beginning of the
Egyptian year, since it was known at Hermopolis by Oct. 16 (P. Strassb. το. 25). If
he really came to the throne in July 268 shortly before the close of Gallienus’ 15th
year, it is quite possible that coins of the 1st year were minted at Alexandria, but that
the news of his accession did -not penetrate into the upper country until Sept.—Oct.,
thus giving rise to a second system of dating, according to which Gallienus entered
upon his 16th year and Claudius’ rst and 2nd years corresponded to his 2nd and 3rd
by the official reckoning. It is true that in the case of other emperors who came to the
throne shortly before Aug. 29, e.g. Tiberius and Hadrian, no trace of a double system of
reckoning their regnal years is found (cf. 1453. int.); but 1208. 11 is,so far as we are
aware, the only example of a clear divergence from the official mode of reckoning an emperor’s
reign, and may well be more than a mere slip. P. Strassburg 10 and 11 can easily be
explained as examples of the Upper Egyptian reckoning parallel to 1208, while P. Tebt.
581, dated by Gallienus probably two months or more after his death, is not more remark-
able than e. g. 104, which is dated by Domitian more than two months after his death, or
234 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
B. G. U. 515, which is dated by Commodus five months after his death; cf. Wilcken, Os¢. i.
802, Hohmann, of. εἶδ. 51 sqq. The only really serious objection to the hypothesis that
the dates in the early part of the 1st year of Claudius refer to a different system from that
implied by the coins and papyri which extend to the 3rd year, is P. Strassb. 7, which has
two entries in his rst year, two in his 2nd, and one in his 3rd. In order to reconcile that
papyrus with the chronology of Claudius which we prefer (July 268—Jan. 270), it is neces-
sary to suppose that the scribe has confused the two systems, and has put down two entries
too many. This is not very satisfactory, but is preferable to supposing that coinage was
issued in Aurelian’s name for a year which did not come into existence, and that 1455 was
written a whole year after Aurelian’s death, in the 2nd year of Probus.
A (ἔτους) Μακρίιν ιανοῦ καὶ Κυιήτου
Σεβαστῶν Φαῶφι β ἡμέρας
ὥρ(ᾳ) & πεπληρωμένῃ μοι(ρῶν) β.
ὡροσκόπος Ὑ δρηχόῳ μοι(ρῶν) Kn,
5 Κρόνον Κρειῷ ta λεπίτῶν) AB ἀκρώνυ-
κτος ἀφαιρετι[κό]ς,
“Apns Μέοντι av. [ἽἹτερος,
Ζεὺς Παρθένῳ γ λεπτῶν ( δ,
᾿Αφροδείτη Παρθένῳ 7 ις,
10 ἙἭ ρμῆς Παρθένῳ xy μδ,
ἥλιος Ζυγῷ η,
σελήνη] (Αἰγόκερῳ) μοι(ρῶν) ἡ λεπίτῶν) AB.
Σ᾿ αραπ[άμμωνος.
5. 1. Κρόνος.
5-6. ἀκρώνυκτος : with this spelling cf. ἀκρώνυχος for ἀκρόνυχος in P. Hibeh 27. ἀκρώνυκτος
is the word used by Ptolemy for an opposition, as Dr. Fotheringham informs us. Cf.]. r1,
where the position of the sun is nearly exactly six signs distant from that of Saturn, and int.
ἀφαιρετι[κό]ς : Dr. Fotheringham writes ‘A planet is said to be ἀφαιρετικός when the
inequality in its longitude resulting from its anomaly or epicyclic motion is, if positive,
diminishing, or, if negative, increasing. Substituting the heliocentric for the epicyclic theory
of the motion of the planets, this would in the case of one of the outer planets, such as
Saturn, mean that the planet would be ἀφαιρετικός when the excess of its geocentric over its
heliocentric longitude was diminishing, or the excess of its heliocentric over its geocentric
longitude increasing. Putting ὦ for heliocentric longitude, A for geocentric longitude, and Ζ
for time, the condition is that sa is positive. This condition is fulfilled by Saturn at
both the dates for which the computation has been made.’
7. αὐ. [.]repos: can be read in place of τ, bute is almost certain. The actual position
of Mars at the beginning of Leo (cf. p. 232) suggests that the adjective corresponds to ἀρχάς in
1565. 8, and in that case it would be expected to begin αὐτο- or αὐθ-. av6|n|sepos is un-
satisfactory. Or it might begin with αὐξι- and be contrasted with ἀφαιρετικός in |. 6; but the
1476. HOROSCOPE OF SARAPAMMON 235
usual opposite of that term is προσθετικός. Dr. Fotheringham remarks ‘ Mars is προσθετικός
at both dates. But in the absence of any numeral to express the position in Leo it
is practically certain that the mutilated word means “at the very beginning ”, and has
nothing to do with anomalistic motion.’
12. (Αἰγόκερῳ) was supplied by Dr. Fotheringham from the astronomical calculations, and
is in accordance with the position of this entry at the end after that dealing with Libra (1. 11) ;
for the starting-point of the entries was Aquarius (1. 4), and between Libra and Aquarius
there are only Scorpio, Sagittarius, and Capricorn. A regular order was usually observed ;
οὗ, Ρ. 232.
1477. QUESTIONS TO AN ORACLE.
15:2 Χ 8:9 cm. __ Late third or early fourth century.
The recto of this papyrus contains part of a list of payments by γεωργοί
(1532), written late in the third century. On the verso, probably written in or
shortly before the reign of Diocletian, is part of a curious list of questions to
a deity, which are similar to those found in P. Fay. 137-8, B. G. U. 229-30,
Wessely, Script. Gr. Spec. 26, P. Brit. Mus. 1267 d (Archiv, iv. 559), 923, 1148-9,
and 1213. Each question was numbered consecutively: those preserved are
nos. 72—92 with slight traces of a preceding column, and there is likely to have
been at least one later column, unless the papyrus was much reduced in breadth
before the verso was used. There seems to be no particular plan in the arrange-
ment of the questions, which are of a general character, suitable for persons of
various ranks, not one particular individual, and apparently intended to cover
the principal subjects on which people were accustomed to appeal to the gods
for information. The numbering suggests a possible reference to a spell of some
kind as the mode to be employed in obtaining answers, but the purpose of
the document as a whole is quite obscure. A high stop is employed after the
figures.
οβ, εἶ λήμψομαι τὸ ὀψώνιον;
oy, εἶ μενῶ ὅπου ὑπάγω;
06, εἶ πωλοῦμαι;
οε, εἶ ἔχω ὠφέλιαν ἀπὸ τοῦ φίλου;
5 ος, εἶ δέδοταί μοι ἑτέρῳ συναλλάξαι;
of, εἶ καταλλάσσομαι εἰς τὸν γόνον; [
on, εἶ λαμβάνω κομίατον;
οθ, εἶ λήμψομαι τὸ ἀργύριον;
π, εἶ ᾧῇ ὁ ἀπόδημος;
10 πα, εἶ κερδαίνω ἀπὸ τοῦ πράγματϊος;
πβ, εἶ προγράφεται τὰ ἐμά;
236 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
Ty, εἶ εὑρήσω πωλῆσαι;
πὸδ, εἶ δύναμαι ὃ ἐνθυμοῦμαι ἄραίι;
πε, εἶ γίνομαι βιόπρατος;
15 75, εἶ φυγαδεύσομαι;
m{, εἶ πρεσβεύσω;
πη, εἶ γίνομαι βουλευτής;
πθ, εἶ λύεταί μου 6 Spacpés;
ψ, εἶ ἀπαλλάσσομαι τῆς γυναικός;
20 ga, εἶ πεφαρμάκωμαι;
φβ, εἶ λαμβάνω [τ]ὸ ico;
1 564. |. for εἰ. ἡ. First a of λαμβανω corr. from 7. 21. ἵδ[ιο]ν Π (ἢ).
‘42, shall I receive the present? 73, shall I remain where Iam going? 74, am I
tobesold up? 75, amIto obtain benefit from myfriend? 76, has it been granted to me
to make a contract with another person? 77, am{I to be reconciled (?) with my offspring (?)?
78, am 1 to get furlough(?)? 79, shalll get the money? 80, is the person abroad alive?
81, am I to profit by the transaction? 82, 15 my property to besold by auction? 83, shall
I find a means of selling? 84, am I able to carry off what I am thinking of? 85,am
I to become a beggar(?)? 86,shall I take to flight? 87, shall I become an ambassador (?)?
88, am I to become a senator? 80, is my flight to be stopped? 90, am I to be divorced
from my wife? 91, have I been poisoned? 92, amIto get my own?...’
1. «is probably for 4 rather than εἰ; cf. 1148. 2, ἢ.
2. Cf. P. Fay. 137. 2 χρημάτισόν μοι ἦ μείνωι ἐν Βακχιάδι ; ἦ (or 7) μέλ(λ)ω ἐντυνχάνιν ;
5. δέδοται : οἴ. 1218, 4 and n.
6. γόνον is not very satisfactory, especially as the first letter is more like o than y. But
the ‘third, if not ν, must be « or μ, and there is no room for σόν followed by a word
beginning with o, unless the latter was abbreviated.
7. κομίατον apparently = commeatum, and might mean ‘ provisions ’.
14. βιόπρατος Or βιόπρωτος can be read, but neither word is known. βροντητός is inad-
missible.
16. Whether πρεσβεύσω refers to rank or age or an embassy is not clear. A βουλευτὴς
πρεσβύτατος occurs in P. Giessen 34. 2; cf. the next line here.
1478. GNOSTIC CHARM FOR VICTORY.
5:4 X 11-9 cm. Late third or early fourth century.
A short Gnostic charm, containing a prayer for the success of a certain
Sarapammon ina race. The efficacy of the amulet depended on ten or eleven
magical symbols and the invocation of a mysterious deity, whose name is written
in larger letters. P. Brit. Mus. 121. 390-3 (i. 97), entitled νικητικὸν δρομέως, is
similar. The writing is across the fibres. |
1478. GNOSTIC CHARM FOR VICTORY 237
Νεικητικὸν Σαραπάμμωνει υἱῷ Arrod-
λωνείου. magical BESS αν,
δὸς νείκην ὁλοκληρίαν σ(τ)αδίου καὶ
ὄχλου τῷ προκειμένῳ Σ᾽ αραπάμμωνι
5 ἐξ ἀνόματος ΣΥΛΙΚΥΣΗΣΟΥ͂.
5. |. ὀνόματος. Cf. ἀνομασια in 1566. το.
‘Charm for victory for Sarapammon son of Apollonius... Grant victory and safety
in the race-course and the crowd to the aforesaid Sarapammon i in the name of Sulicusesus.
3. o(r)adiov; cf. P. Brit. Mus. 121. 392 δός por... χάριν ἐν τῷ σταδίῳ.
5. The beginning of the name recalls that of Συλιήλ, an angel at the end of the list in
P. Brit. Mus. 124. 36 sqq. (i. 123).
IX. PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE
1479. LETTER TO THRACIDAS FROM ALEXANDRIA.
12:5 X 15-2 cm. Late first century B.c.
The cofcluding part of a letter to Thracidas from a person who had
apparently gone to Alexandria in connexion with a law-suit, Thiracidas, who had
been with the writer, having left him shortly before (cf. 1. 7). It is joined
on the right to another letter from a different person to the same Thracidas, of
which the beginnings of eight lines survive. The handwriting in the two cases
leaves no doubt that the reign mentioried in 1. 14, where the riumber of the year
is lost, was that of Augustus. The first letter is a palimpsest, but the earlier
writing was completely obliterated.
eee do- [1.1 de++ me. ark 1 γνωσ]τήρ.
ἐκομισάμην (0) ἐπιστόλ[ι]ον Θρασυβούλ(ου)
ἐγ Κανώπωι: διὸ τὰ βυβλία οὔπω εἴληφί(α),
ἀλλὰ κεῖται ἀντιβεβλημένα. “Ams
5 δὲ ὁ συνήγορος οὔπω ἐπελήλυθεν
τὰ βυβλία, ἀλλὰ καθ᾽ ἡμέραν διυπερ-
τέθειται. ἀφ᾽ οὗ κεχώρισαι τῇ ις
[κἸεχρημάτικεν Σ᾽ αβεῖνος. Φιλομούσω
238 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
[εἰρήκαμεν ἵνα ἐξέλθηι πρὸς σέ.
το [ἀπ]όστειλον ἐν τῷ γόμῳ κραμβεϊζοὺ)ν
[Πτ]ολλᾶτι. ἀσπάξεταί σε “Ὅμηρος καὶ
[Τὰ ϑΠερμᾶν καὶ Φιλέρωτα kali] τὴν γυναίκα).
[καὶ σεατοῦ ἐπιμέλου ἵν᾿ ὑγιέ(νῃς). ἔρρα(σο).
(ἔτους) [. . μ]ηϊν]ὸς Τύῦβι .1.
On the verso
ie Θρᾳκίδᾳ.
3. γ of ey inserted above the line (?). a Of ovre corr. from X. 8. ὦ of φιλομουσω
above the line. 13. 1]: ὑγιαί(νῃς). ;
‘, . . 1 received the letter of Thrasybulus at Canopus; accordingly I have not yet
obtained the documents, but they are lying collated. Apis the advocate has not yet
examined the documents, but has delayed from day to day. Since you went away on the
16th, Sabinus has been acting in the business. I told Philomusus to come to you. Send
a decoction of cabbage for Ptollas in the load. Homerus salutes you and Tahermas and
Phileros and his wife: Take care of yourself, so that you keep in good health. Good-
bye.’ Date. (Addressed) ‘To Thracidas.’
Ita γνω[σ]τήρ : οἵ, 1490. 2, n.
4. ἀντιβεβλημένα : cf. B.G. U. 970. 3=4 ἐμαρτυροποιήδατο ἐκγεγράϊ φθαι] καὶ προσαντιβεβλη-
κέναι ἐκ τεύχους PiBretdiov .. . ἐπἰάρχου] Αἰγύπτου, and 85. 9--10 ἐκγεγραμμέϊνον καὶ προσαντιβε]-
βλημένον ἐγένετο ἐκ συνκολλησίϊμων βιβλιδίων,.. ἐπ, Aly.
7. There is a short space before ἀφ᾽ οὗ.
8. Φιλομούσῳ : the last letter might be o, but the dative was clearly meant.
10. κραμβειν is more likely to be for κραμβεῖον, a word found in medical writers, than for
κράμβην.
13. This, the usual late Ptolemaic formula, is still found in Α. ἢ. 57; cf. B.G.U,
1095. 22.
1480. LETTER OF HERMOGENES TO A PROPHET.
30 X 5-8 cm. : ) Α. ἢ. 32.
An incorrectly spelled letter, written in the reign of Tiberius to a prophet by
a friend, with reference to a delay (?) in making some payinent, in which a como-
grammateus and eclogistes (auditor of accounts of the nome; cf. 1436, 23, n.)
were concerned.
“Ἑρμογένης Apuarn 15 τοῦ τοῦ ἐκλογισίτοῦ
τῷ προφήτῃ καὶ φιλ- ὡς Ἑρμογένει, ἵνα
τάτῳ πλῖστα χαί(ρειν) μὴ OXF. THe.) «δ
1480. LETTER OF HERMOGENES TO A PROPHET 239
καὶ διὰ παντὸς ὑγιέ(νειν). παρακαλῷ ἴσε με-
5 οὐκ ἠμέλησα περὶ γάλως πίέμψαι
οὗ μοι ἐπιτέταχας" 20 τῷ υἱῷ plov φά-
ἐπορεύθην πρὸς σιν: μον Ale gin, ene
‘Eppoyévny τὸν Ko- περὶ αὐϊτοῦ...,.
μογρ[α]μματέαν, καὶ καὶ γράψ[ον μοι περὶ
το ὁμολόγησέ μοι ποῆσε ὧν ial δύνϊω-
τὴν ἀναβολήν' πεπόη- 25 με Kali] ἡδή[ως
τε εἰς τὸν ἐκλογιστήν. ποήσω. ἔρραϊσο.
λυπὸν ἠὰν δύνῃ ἐϊπΊισ- (ἔτους) tn Τιβερίου Καίσαρος
τολὴν λαβῖν παρ᾽ αὐ- Σεβαστοῦ Mey(eip) ιθ.
On the verso
[ἀπόδ(ος) ‘Alpvarn προφήτῃ παρὰ ‘Eppoy(évovs) ‘Hpax(d_ ).
4. 1. ὑγιαί(νειν). 10. 1. ὡμολόγησε... ποῆσαι. 11. 1. πεπόηται. 13. 1. λοιπὸν ἐάν
13-14. τ Of ἐἰπ]ιστολην corr. from κ. 24-5. 1. ἐϊὰ]ν divfwjua... ἡδέως. 27. Secondcof
τιβεριου Corr. from o. 29. Second a of mapa above the line.
‘Hermogenes to Haruotes the prophet, my dear friend, greeting and best wishes for
your continual health. I did not neglect your instructions: I went to Hermogenes the
‘ comogrammateus, and he consented to make the delay. He has made it as far as the
eclogistes is concerned (?). For the rest, ifyou can get a letter from the eclogistes himself for
Hermogenes, in order that he may not keep the . . ., I urge you strongly to send my son
a message for me...; and write to me concerning what I can do, and I will gladly do it.
Good-bye. The 18th year of Tiberius Caesar Augustus, Mecheir 19. (Addressed) Deliver
to Haruotes the prophet from Hermogenes son of Heracl(_ ).’
11. ἀναβολήν : this word is generally used in papyri in a literal sense (e.g. with
vavBiov in B.G. U. 593. 3), and the meaning here is uncertain.
18. παρακαλῶ, instead of being the apodosis of (¢)av δύνῃ, may start a fresh sentence.
21-2. Possibly λ[έγουσαν | περὶ αὐΪ τοῦ | or αὐτοῦ rovr(ov).
23. γράψον : or γράψαι or γράφϊειν.
1481. LETTER OF A SOLDIER TO HIS MOTHER.
9°3 X 12+5 cm. Early second century.
The first part of an early second-century letter of more than usual
interest, written by a soldier in camp to-his mother, reassuring her about his
health, acknowledging the receipt of various presents (Il. 7-9 θαλλία and θαλλόϑ9),
and expressing his general satisfaction. B.G.U. 423 (=W. Chrest. 480), the well-
known letter from Italy of a soldier serving in the fleet to his father, which is
240 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
a little later in date, was written in a still more cheerful tone; cf. also Grzech.
Texte 20. The writing is across the fibres.
Θεωνᾶς Τεθεῦτι τῆι μητρὶ καὶ κυρίᾳ πλεῖστα yxai(petr).
γεινώσκειν σε θέλω ὅτι διὰ τοσούτου χρόνου οὐκ ἀ-
πέσταλκά σοι ἐπιστόλιον διότι ἐν παρεμβολῇ ἦμι καὶ
οὐ δ ἀσθένεζαν, ὥστε μὴ λοιποῦ. λείαν δ᾽ ἐλοιπήθην
5 ἀκούσας ὅτι ἤκουσας: οὐ γὰρ δεινῶς ἠσθένησα. μέμ-
φομαι δὲ τὸν εἴπαντα σοι. μὴ ὀχλοῦ δὲ πέμπειν τι ἧ-
piv. ἐκομισάμεθα δὲ τὰ θαλλία παρὰ τοῦ {Tod} ᾿Ἡρακλεί-
δον. Διονυτᾶς δὲ ὁ ἀδελφός μου ἤνεγκέ μοι τὸν θαλ-
λὸν Kall τὴν] ἐπιστολήν [σου] ἐϊκο]μισάμ]ην. εὐχαριστῶ
το [τοῖς θεοῖς 13 letters 1 πάντοτε, ἐἔπικ. ε.. Ta
[ 22 letters ἧνται δηλῷ οὐυπ΄.... av-
In the left-hand margin at right angles
μὴ ἐπιβαροῦ πέμπειν τι ἡμῖν ταὶ
On the verso
ἀπὸ Θεωνᾶτος [Τεθεῦτι....
3. 1. εἰμι. 4. 1. λυποῦ... ἐλυπήθην.
‘Theonas to Tetheus his lady mother, many greetings. I would have you know
that the reason why I have been such a long time without sending you a letter is that I am
in camp, and not that I am ill; so do not grieve about me. I was much grieved to hear
that you had heard about me, for I was not seriously ill; and I blame the person who told
you. Do not trouble to send me anything. I received the presents from Heraclides.
Dionytas my brother brought me the present, and I received your letter. I give thanks to
(the gods) .. . continually, ... (Postscript) Do not burden yourself to send me anything... .
(Addressed) From Theonas to Tetheus.. .’
ἡ. Oaddia: in Ῥ. Brit. Mus. 335. 20 (ii. 192) θαλ(λ)εία corresponds to θαλλοῦ in |. 17;
cf. θαλλόν in 1. 8 here and Wilcken, Archiv, ii. 131. The instances of θαλλός are collected
in P. Ryl. 166. 18, n.
το. [τοῖς θεοῖς : or [τῷ κυρίῳ Σαράπιδι : cf. Βιαυῦ. 423. 6.
1482. LETTER ΟΕ MORUS TO A FRIEND.
21:4 X 12-2 cm. Second century.
On the recto of this papyrus are the beginnings of the first seventeen lines of a
letter from Epimachus to Panares written about A.D. 120-60. The only passage
that is intelligible is ll. 4-5 πέμπειν οὖν μοι ὀφ[είλεις τὰς ἢ πρὸς τὸν | ἀρχιδικαστὴν ἐπι-
1482. LETTER OF MORUS TO A FRIEND 241
στολάς. On the verso is a letter to the same Epimachus from a friend called Morus,
who together with Panares had been winnowing some barley under difficulties
caused by the weather. Storms such as that described in 1]. 6-9 are not uncommon
in January at Oxyrhynchus. The script is the rude uncial of an illiterate writer,
who makes numerous mistakes of spelling in spite of several corrections.
“ ᾽ - Υ “ ’
Μῶρος Ἐπιμάχῳ τῶι κυρίωι μου
χαίρειν.
γράφω σοι ἵν’ ἰδῇς ὅτι λελικμήκαμεν
Ν aS ~ Ε} 7 “ Ν >
τὴν κριθὴν τοῦ Avacirov τῇ ἡ, Kal οὐ
5 οὕτως αὐτὴν λελικμήκαμεν μετὰ
κόπου. ὁ Ζεὺς γὰρ ἔβρεχε καὶ ἀμάχητος
qv ὁ ἄνεμος, καὶ Πα(νάνγρες οἷδε ὅσα πεπο(ήγκα-
μεν ἵνα εἰσχύσωμεν ὅλως μετενέγκαι τὰ ἄλλα
σὺν θεοῖς. ἐξέβησαν δὲ τοῦ ὅλου ἀρτάβαι λη χύνικε(ς) δ'
10 τ(ογύτων κατέφθακα ἀρτάβας BL χύνικα(ς) η.
ἐξήτασα δὲ περὶ τῆς θειμῆς τοῦ χόρτου
τοῦ ἐφετινοῦ, ἐπράθη δὲ ἐν τῇ κώμῃ ἐξ
ἑπτὰ δραχμῶν τὸ ἀγώγιν' καὶ Ia(vd)pes δὲ
οἷδε. πολλὰ δὲ ἐ{κ) ξετάσας εὗρον ξηρὰ
15 καὶ οὐκ εὐθύχαλκα, ἀλλὰ μετὰ τετρά-
μηνον. δοκιμάσις δὲ [lod] πῶς σὲ βαστά-
( καὶ ἂν σὺ δοκῇ γράψις μοι περὶ τούτων,
\ VA , 7 ~ 7
καὶ πόστον μέρος καταφθάνω τοῦ μεγάλου
κλήρου(ς), καὶ ἠ θέλις μεῖξαι [ αυ]τὰ τοῦ Αὐασί-
᾿ δ A > 2 Aa Ν 7 “
20 Tov μετὰ τῶν ἄλλων. ἐν τῷ δὲ τόπῳ τοῦ πα-
, > 4 x 7
τρός σου ἀποτέθεικα τὴν μερίδαν pov.
τὸ προσκοίνημά σ(οὴν ποιῶ καὶ τῶν τέκνων
σου πίάϊντων [καὶ] τῶν ἀδελφῶν) gov [πάντων
W[GE ἐπ wile) alas ]
25 | ἐρρῶ)στέ σ᾽ εὔϊχομαι,
[ ] κύριέ pov.
3. ἵν I. 7. 1. Πα(νάγρης (cf. the recto); so in 1. 13. 8. i of iva above «, and ὦ of
εἰσχυσωμεν above ο. odes above the line. 9. του odov above the line. 1. xoivtxe(s). 10,
], xoivixa(s). 11. |, τιμῆς. 12. ε of δε above the line. 13. ε Of mapes Cort. from a.
14. 0 Of πολλα rewritten. exferacas Corr. from εκζητησας. τό. 1. σὺ Baorag(e)(s)? 17. 1, σοί.
18. s of pepos above ν, which is crossed through. 19. s Of κληρους above the line. 1. εἰ
R
242 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
for n. ε οἴμειξαι Corr. 21. v of την above the line. 22. 1. προσκύνημα. κ Of και Corr.
25. 1. ἐρρῶἸσθαι.
‘Morus to my lord Epimachus, greeting. I write to inform you that we have winnowed
the barley of the man from the Oasis on the 8th, and we never had so much trouble in
winnowing it ; for it rained and the wind was irresistible, and Panares knows how we worked
to succeed in transferring all the rest with the help of the gods. The total result was 38 artabae
4 choenices; of these I have disposed beforehand of 12} art. 8 choen. I made inquiries
about the price of annual grass: it was sold in the village at 7 drachmae the load, as Panares
too knows. After many inquiries I found some that was dry, and not to be paid for in
ready money, but after four months. You will examine the question how you are to trans-
port it, and, if you please, write to me about this, and say what proportion I am to dispose
of beforehand from the large holding, and whether you want me to mix what belongs to the
man from the Oasis with the rest. I have stored my share in the room belonging to your
father. I supplicate on behalf of you and all your children and all your brothers and...
I pray for your health, my lord.’
ἡ. πεπο(ήγκαμεν : OF πεπο(νήγκαμεν, πεπ(ώγκαμεν is less likely.
12. ἐφετινοῦ : ἐφέτειος occurs in MSS. as a variant of ἐπέτειος and aspiration before ἔτος is
common in papyri, but ἐφετινός is apparently a new form.
15. εὐθύχαλκα : a rare adjective, for which Ducange cites Basilic. 9. 3.
16. The object of Bacragi(s) (cf. crit. n.) is probably the barley (cf. 1. 19), not the grass.
24. [ai was followed by a name, or «{ar’ ὄνομα] can be read.
25. eppaloré σ᾽ : the last two letters could be σε, but the first two cannot be read as
ἐρρῶσθαι ΟΥ ἐρρῶσΊτε.
1483. LETTER OF REPRIMAND TO A SUBORDINATE.
158 x 8 cm. Late second or early third century.
A sharply worded letter from Dius to Zoilus, who, though called the writer’s
friend in one of the two addresses on the verso, is blamed for his absence and for
having presented an unsatisfactory account of payments in connexion witha vine-
yard or garden-land. At the end Dius threatens to take measures against Zoilus’
surety, and throughout writes in the tone of an official superior. Not improbably
he was an ἐπιτηρητής and Zoilus a χειριστής, the land belonging to an οὐσία, or
being at any rate administered by the government. The date of the letter is
probably the period from Commodus to Caracalla.
Aios Ζωΐλωι χαίρειν. τος. ἕτερα δὲ εἴδη ἐν τῶι
ἐτάξω μοι ἐλθεῖν ἐντὸς κε κτήματ] ζητεῖται, ὧν τὸν
τοῦ Τῦβι μηνὸς καὶ οὐκ ἦλθας. λόγον δώσϊει]ς ἐν τῷ ἰ[λ]ογιστηρίῳ.
ἐξερχόμενος δὲ λόγον μοι δέ- 15 ἴσθει δὲ os, ἐὰν μὴ διὰ τά-
5 δωκας ἀναγραφῆς ὧν διὰ σε- χοὺυς πᾶν τελῆς καὶ ἐγβιβά-
αυτοῦ ἐξωδίασας. γράφεις δὲ ons τὰ [πρ]ὸς σὲ ζητούμενα,
1488. LETTER OF REPRIMAND TO A SUBORDINATE 243
ἐξωδιακέναι κεράμια Ay κη- τὸν ἐγγυητήν σου Κατέχω
πουροῖς καὶ μόσχους δύο οὺς ἕως ἂν τίε]λῆς μοι τὴν τιμὴν
τέθυκαΪς,)] καὶ ἐξωδίασας τοῖς 20 τῶν ζητουμένων.
το αὐτοῖς ὧν οὐδὲ ts μὴ παρε- ἐρρῶσθαί σε εὔχομ(αι).
δέξατο τιμὴν ὡς σοῦ λαβόν-
On the verso
Ζωΐλωι mapa) Aiov φίλ(ου).
(In the reverse direction) ἀπόδ(ος) Ζωΐλ(ῳ λου] mapa) Δείου.
1. ζωϊΐλωι I; so in 1]. 22-3. 8. vo of δυο corr. 10. is I. 15. ἴσθει ΤΠ.
23. ἃ οἵ ζωϊλ(φ) corr. from s.
‘Dius to Zoilus, greeting. You arranged with me to come before the 25th of the
month of Tubi, and you have not come. When you went away, you rendered to me an
account consisting of a list of what you had spent yourself. You write that you spent
33 jars upon the gardeners and two calves which you sacrificed, and you have spent upon
them things of which absolutely no one has received the value, since you had it. Other
claims are being made against you in the vineyard, of which you will have to render an
account at the reckoning-office. Know that, unless you pay all quickly and discharge the
claims made against you, I shall seize your surety, until you pay me the value of the claims.
I pray for your health. (Addressed) To Zoilus from his friend Dius. Deliver to Zoilus
from Dius.’
2. por: μή can equally well be read, but does not suit the context.
5. ἀναγραφῆς : for the use of this term in connexion with taxation-lists cf. P. Amh. 77.
13 ἀντίγραφον τῶν ἀναγραφίων τῶν διὰ τῆς πύλης εἰσαχθέντων. διὰ γραφῆς is inadmissible.
23. The second address is possibly in a different hand.
1484-1487. INVITATIONS TO FEASTS.
Second—fourth century. Plate I (1487).
These four invitations with 1579-80 are of the type which has been made
familiar by Oxyrhynchus papyri (110-11, 523-4, 747, 926-7, 1214 ; cf. P. Fay. 132),
but present some new details of interest. 1484 (second or early third century) is
another invitation to dine ‘at the table of the lord Sarapis’ (1. 3, n.), a meal which
was here held in the temple of Thoéris (cf. 1453) not, as in 110, at the Serapeum,
nor, as in 528, at a private house, and was apparently connected with a festival
in honour of ephebi. In 1485 (second or early third century) and 1486 (third or
early fourth century) the invitation was for the same day, not, as usually, for the
day following. In 1485 the entertainer was an exegetes, and the meeting-place the
temple of Demeter (cf. 1449. 5). 1486 and 1487 (fourth century) fix the 8th hour
for the feast, like 747 and 1580, while 1485 fixes the 7th, like 1214: the gth hour
R 2
244 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
(generally about 3 p.m.) was more usual, but whether the difference was real or
due to the change of the time of sunrise (which varies about two hours in- Egypt)
is uncertain. The new words μελλοκούρια (1484. 4,n.) and λύκανον (1486. 2 ;
meaning obscure) occur. The writing is across the fibres except in 1485. It is
noticeable that in the course of the third century καλεῖ takes the place of the
earlier ἐρωτᾷ.
1484. 3:1 X49 cm.
᾿Ερωτᾷ σε ᾿Απολλώνι-
ος δειπνῆσαι εἰς
[κἹλείνην τοῦ κυρίου
Σαράπιδος ὑπὲρ μελ-
λοκουρίων τῶν
[ἀδελφῶν 9] ἐν τῷ Olo-\npio
1486. 57x12 cm.
Kari σαι Ἐενικὸς [ὁ] καὶ
Πέλιος εἰς τοὺς γά-
μους αὑτοῦ λύκανον σή-
μερον Φαρ-
μοῦθι κβ ἀπὸ ὥρας η.
1485. 4Χ 5:3 cm.
᾿᾽Ερωτᾷ σαι διπυϊῆ-
σαι 6 ἐξηγητὴς
ἐν τῷ Δημητρίῳ
σήμερον ἥτις ἐσ-
τὶν θΘ ἀπὸ ὥρ(ας) ¢.
1487. 83x7cm. ΡΪδίε 1.
Καλῖ σε Θέων
υἱὸς ᾿Ωριγένους
εἰς τοὺς γάμους τῆς
ἀδελφῆς ἑαυτοῦ
? a 4
εν TH αὔριον τις
ἐστεὶν ΤΌβι 9
ἀπὸ ὥρ(ας) η.
1485. 1, 1486. 1. 1. σε. 1487. 6. 6 corr. from 7 by a second hand.
1484. ‘ Apollonius requests you to dine at the table of the lord Sarapis on the occasion
of the approaching coming of age of his brothers at the temple of Thoéris. . .’
1485. ‘ The exegetes requests you to dine at the temple of Demeter to-day, which is
the gth, at the 7th hour.’
1486. ‘ Xenicus also called Pelius invites you to his wedding . . . to-day, Pharmouthi
22, at the 8th hour.’
1487. ‘Theon son of Origenes invites you to the wedding of his sister to-morrow,
which is Tubi 9, at the 8th hour.’
1484. 3. [κ]λείνην τοῦ κυρίου Σαράπιδος: Wilcken (Chrest. 99. int.) regards this as a cult
meal, to which view Mr. Milne objects, comparing Aristides εἰς Σάραπιν 27, where it is said that
people make S. their companion at feasts, προϊστάμενοι δαιτυμόνα αὐτὸν καὶ ἑστιάτορα.
4. μελλοκουρίων : probably a festival in honour either of μελλοέφηβοι (cf. 1202. 17),
or of persons ceasing to be ἀφήλικες (at the age of 25; cf. 491. 16), or possibly in honour
of an approaching marriage, if [ἀδελφῶν] refers to a brother and sister.
1488. LETTER OF SARAPAMMON TO HIS SISTER 245
1488. LETTER OF SARAPAMMON TO HIS SISTER.
20-3 Χ 5:5. cm. Second century.
A letter from a man to his ‘sister’ (the expression may be conventional ; cf.
1296. 15, n.), giving various directions about some wine (ll. 3-13) and a mortar
(ll. 13-19 ; cf. 1.14, n.), A curious reason for the writer’s postponement of his
return is assigned in 11. 22-5.
Σαραπάμμων Oa- 15 καὶ μάθε [εἰ ἐν ἀσφα-
ἥσει τῇ ἀδελ(φῇ) χαίρειν. λεῖ ἐστι Kall eli ἔρρω-
διεπεμψάμην σοι ται ἡ ἐν τῷ αἰθρίῳ
οἴνου κεράμιον διὰ κειμένη μεγάλη
5 Πατᾶ τινος ναυτι- θυΐα, καὶ πῶς ἔχεις
κοῦ, ὅπερ εἰ ἐκομί- 20 γράψον μοι. ἔμελ-
aw δήλωσόν μοι. λον γὰρ ἀνελθεῖν, καὶ
εἰ γὰρ οὐκ ἠνέχθη ὑπερεθέμην ἔστ᾽ ἂν
σοι, γενοῦ εἰς τὸ γνα- μάθω πότερον ἐρᾷ
το φεῖον Ἡρακλείου καὶ ᾿Ισᾶς ἢ οὐ, καὶ εἰ χρεία
μάθε εἰ παρετέ- 25 ἐστὶ τοῦ με ἀνελθεῖν.᾿
θη αὐτοῖς καὶ δέξαι ἐρρῶσθαί σε εὔχομ(αι).
αὐτό. γενοῦ] δὲ καὶ εἰς Χοί(ακ) κδ.
τίὸ] ἐργαστ[ήριον
On the verso
εἰς τὸ ᾿Ισεῖον ὥστε Θαήσει πί(αρὰ) Japamdppwv(os),
19. θυΐα IL. 22. vmepeOeuny Π. 24. ἴσας II.
‘ Sarapammon to his sister Thaésis, greeting. I sent you a jar of wine by one Patas,
a sailor. Let me know whether you received it; for if it was not brought to you, go to the
fuller’s shop at Heracleum (?) and find out whether it was delivered to them and get it. Go
also to the workshop and find out whether the large mortar placed in the portico is safe
and sound, and write to me how you are; for I intended to come back, but put it off
until I learn whether Isas is in love or not, and whether there is need for me to come
back. I pray for your health. Choiak 24. (Addressed) To Iseum for Thaésis from
Sarapammon.’
9-1ο. γναφεῖον Ἡρακλείου : γναφική was one of the monopolized trades (cf. P. Fay. 36.
int., Wilcken, Grundz. 250), and Ἡρακλείου is therefore probably a village, not a person, in
spite of the fact that (τὸ) ‘HpaxAeiov was in the middle toparchy (1285. 100); cf. 1. 28, ἢ.
Cf. Brit. Mus. 286. 13 (ii. 184) γναφικὴν κω[μῶν Νείλου πόλεως καὶ Soxvorraiou [Nijo ov.
246 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
14. ἐργαστήριον : this may well have been used for making oil, mortars being often
mentioned in connexion with the oil-manufacture (cf. Otto, Priester und Tempel, i. 295).
Mortars may have been used also in the γναφική, as they were in the milling-industry
(λίθος σιτοκοπικὸς σὺν θυείῃ occurs in an unpublished Byzantine contract from Oxyrhynchus),
but the ἐργαστήριον here does not seem to be connected with the γναφεῖον.
28. τὸ Ἰσεῖον : several Oxyrhynchite villages called after Isis-shrines are known, being
usually distinguished from each other; (1) 1589. 11 “I. “Avo: cf. 782. 2, where |. Ἰσίου
Αν(ω), (2) 897. 7 Ἰ. Ζαπίτου (?), (3) 1285. 32 "I. Karo, (4) P. Giessen 115 Ἰ. Κερκί, (5) 1285.
56 Ἰ. Παγγᾶ, (6) 1465. 2 Ἰ. Πεκύσιος, (7) 1285. 138 "I. Τρύφωνος. (1), (3), (7), and probably
(4) were in the κάτω, (5) in the ἄνω toparchy; of (2) and (6) the toparchy is unknown.
Which village is meant here is uncertain; cf. ll. gQ—10, ἢ.
1489. LETTER OF SATTOS TO HIS SISTER.
9.4 X 13° cm. Late third century.
A letter in vulgar Greek from a man to his ‘sister’ (cf. 1488. int.), giving
various directions about a cloak which he had left behind, &c., and referring to
his debts. The writing is across the fibres in a small cursive hand of the period
from Gallienus to Diocletian. _
Σάττος Evppootvy{s}. ἄσπαϊ! (][σον Pippov καὶ Τεκοῦσαν καὶ τοὺς ἡἧ-
μῶν πάντας παρὰ τοῖς θεοῖς τῆς πόλεως τῶν ᾿Αντινοαίων. τὸ κι-
θώνιν ἐπιλέλισμε παρὰ Τεκοῦσαν εἰς τὸν πυλῶνα: πέμψον μοι
ὡς ἔπεμψές μοι. καὶ ἐνοχλεῖς μοι ὅτι ὀφείλεις Ayabds Δαίμονι χαλ-
5 κόν: πεπλήρωσα αὐτόν. ἠ πεποι(ήγκατε ψωμία, πέμψον μοι,
ὡς τοῦ ἄλλο(υ) μηνὸς ἐλεύσομε. εἴθε πάντας πεπλήρωκα ὡς ᾿4γαθὸς
Δαίμων. οὐκ ἧς αἰμὸς ἀνάδοχος: οὐκ ἔχεις πρᾶγμα: μὴ evoxAe{s}.
εἰ δῖ, ἔρχομε τῷ ἄλλο μηνί. παράδος τὸ κιθώνιν μου Κερᾳρέᾳ
τῇ κουρίδι. ἀσπάζου Στράτον καὶ Σ᾽ τρατονείνκη καὶ τὰ πεδία
το αὐτῶν. ἐρρῶστέ σε εὔχομαι.
On the verso
[77] ἀδελφῇ Evg[poct|yn Σ᾽ ἄττος Ἁ ρποκράτου.
2. 1. ᾿Αντινοέων. 3. 1. ἐπιλέλησμαι. 4. 1. ᾿Αγαθῷ Δ. 5. 1. πεπλήρωκα.... εἰ.
6. 1. ἐλεύσομαι... ᾿Αγαθὸν Δαίμονα. η. 1. ἐμός. 8. 1. ἔρχομαι . . . ἄλλῳ, 9. 1. Στρατο-
νίκην . .. παιδ[ ία. 10. |, ἐρρῶσθαι. ;
‘Sattos to Euphrosyne. Salute Firmus and Tecusa and all our friends before the gods
of Antinodpolis. I have left my cloak behind with Tecusa at the gateway; send it me as
you sent it me before. You worry me about the money which you owe to Agathodaemon :
I have paid him in full. If you have made any cakes, send them to me, as I shall return in
another month. I wish that I had paid every one like Agathodaemon. You were not my
security ; it is not your affair; do not worry. If necessary, I shall return in another month.
1489. LETTER OF SATTOS TO HIS SISTER 247
Deliver my cloak to Kerarea, the hairdresser. Salute Stratus and Stratonice and their
children. I pray for your health. (Addressed) To my sister Euphrosyne from Sattos son
of Harpocrates.’
I. Sdrros: or Sdrrus, with m(apa) [Σ]άττζυγος for = drros in]. 11.
8. Kepapéa: or Κερυρέᾳ : cf. Καροῦρις in Ῥ, Leipzig 97. vii. 20.
eee ial, I, 0
1490. LETTER OF HERACLIDES TO AN OFFICIAL.
9.1 X 14°9 cm. Late third century.
On the recto of this papyrus are the ends of thirteen lines, and beginnings of
fourteen more in a second column, of an account of various payments in drachmae
(αἱρέσι τί, φολέτρο(υ) [; διανο(μῆς) (ἀρουρῶν) [, &c.), written in the latter part of the
third century. On the verso is a letter written nearer the end of the century to
Sarapion, probably an official of some kind (cf. 1. 1,n.), by Heraclides, asking him
to help a γνωστήρ (I. 2, n.) who was in difficulties. The ink is much obliterated
in places.
€ , ’ ΄“- ᾽ - “
Ηρακλε[ίδης Σ᾿αρ)απίωνι τῶι ἀξιολογωτάτῳ χαίρειν.
Δημήτριος ὁ γνωστὴρ ἠξίωσέν με λέγιν σοι
“ INS A 2 [ en , ,
ὥστε αὐτὸν ἄλυπον γενέσθαι ὑπὲρ τῶν προτέρων
3. “ἃ , X a ιν 2 Cea ΄ ‘
ἐτῶν. λέγει yap ὅτι ὠφέλησα αὑτὸν μεγάλως Kal
2 n 2 ΄ , Wri 2 fe ~ ~ ?
5 ἐν τῇ ἀννώνῃ. λέγει δὲ ὅτι ἀννώνᾳ νῦν ζητεῖται.
εἰ οὖν πάλιν δύνῃ ἐκπλέξαι παρὰ σεαυτῷ, τύχῃ
τῇ ἀγαθῇ" εἰ δὲ μή γε, ἐπίστειλον τί θέλεις ἕτοι-
μασθῆναι. ἀλλὰ μὴ ἀμελήσῃς, οὔπω γὰρ ἐξῆλθαν.
ἐὰν ἰσχύσῃς [ [ἄλλω ἐκπλέξαι, μέγα ἔργον ποιεῖς,
v4 7? > wy Or 7
το διότι κτήνη οὐκ ἔχομεν οὐδὲ χοίρους.
ἐρρῶσθαί σε ὁλοκληϊρ)οῦντα
[εἸὔχομαι.
3. ὕπερ Il. g. toxvons Il.
‘Heraclides to the most notable Sarapion, greeting. Demetrius, the certifier, asked
me to speak to you, so that he may be freed from anxiety about the previous years. He
says “I helped him greatly in the matter of the annona.” He says that the annona is now
being claimed. If then you can again get him off by yourself (2), good luck to you ;
but if not, give instructions as to what preparations you wish to be made. Do not neglect
this, for they have not yet gone away. If you are strong enough to get him off, it will be
a great achievement, since 1 have no cattle or pigs. I pray for your complete health.’
248 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
1. ἀξιολογωτάτῳ : this term is used of strategi, logistae, and senators ; cf. Zehetmair, De
appellationibus honorificts, 44, and 1408. int.
2. yoornp: in the third and fourth centuries γνωστῆρες are generally found presenting
persons for liturgies; cf. P. Hamb. 31. 20, 1451. 27-8, nn.
4. ὅτι ὠφελησα αὐτόν : Demetrius’ actual words are quotod, αὐτόν being Sarapion.
5. νῦν (ζητεῖται was suggested by Mr. E. Lobel... ν δύναται is possible ; but it is difficult
to find any suitable infinitive, even if ἀννζώνγαν or ἀννών(αν) be read in place of ἀννων.
6. ἐκπλέξαι: cf, P. Tebt. 315. 21 κἀγὼ αὐτὸν ἐκπλέξω, P.S. 1. 93. 16 (from Oxyrhynchus)
πέμ ἴ)ψαι αὐτῷ ἐπιστολίδιον ὅτι ἐξεπλέκη. In P. Brit. Mus. 988. 9 564. (iil. 2443; cf. Archiv,
iv. 558) i δ᾽ οὐ (or ἰδοῦ) σὺ οὐκ ἠθέλησας αὐτὸ (sc. ἃ διαστολικόν) ἐκπλέξαι, is μεγάλα πράγματα
ἀπήλθαμεν, the sense is different, and in P. Strassb. 73. 17-18 the context of ἐκπλέξας is
unintelligible.
9. ἄλλῳ is unsatisfactory, and, as Lobel remarked, seems to have a line drawn through
it. ἄλλον Or ἄλλως cannot be read.
1491. LETTER OF ALYPIUS TO HIS BROTHER.
26-4 X 10-5 cm. Early fourth century.
The recto of this papyrus contains part of a series of receipts for official
payments written in A.D. 292-304, to be published in Part xiii. On the verso in
a large cursive hand of the early part of the fourth century is a letter, with an
autograph signature, from a man to his ‘brother’ (cf. 1488. int.), hoping for his
support and asking for information concerning a purchase of barley. An earlier
letter in the same hand, beginning ᾿Αλύπιος Θοταλύθι καὶ Σαραϊπάμμωνι] (cf. 1491. 1)
χαίρειν, and ending ἐρρῶσθαι ὑμᾶς εὔχομαι, has been washed out.
‘Advmios Σ αραπάμμωνι τοῦ Διονύσιος ὁ ἐπι-
ἀδελφῷ χαίρειν. σφραγιστὴς τῆς
θαρρῶ πρῶτον μὲν Ταμπέμου, ἵνα
περὶ τῆς οἰκίας ὅτι προνοήσωμαι ἀργυρί-
B ὄχλησις ἐὰν ἢ προ- 15 ov. ἐρρῶσθαι
ίστασαι ἡμῶν, καὶ σε εὔχομαι,
ἀξιῶ σε μαθεῖν ἀδελφέ,
πόσου ἡμῖν συν- and hand ἐρρῶσθαι
αλλάσσει κριθὴν σε εὔχομαι,
10 [ἡμῖν]! ὁ τρόφιμος 20 ἀδελφέ.
5-6. προΐστασαι II, 11-12. ]. Διονυσίου τοῦ ἐπισφραγιστοῦ.
‘ Alypius to his brother Sarapammon, greeting. I am confident in the first place about
my household that if there is any trouble you are supporting me, and I beg you to find out
at what price the foster-son of Dionysius, the sealer of Taampemou, is contracting to get
1491]. LETTER. OF ALYPIUS. ΤΠ ΟΘΣΥΣΓΙΒΕΒΝΟΤΗΈΚΝ 249
barley for me, in order that I may provide for the money. I pray for your health, brother.
(Signed) I pray for your health, brother.’
11. ἐπισφραγιστὴς τῆς Ταμπέμου : the ἐπισφραγιστής was an Official attached to the village
granaries ; cf. P. Tebt. 340. 14 (Mendesian nome). Τααμπέμου is the more usual spelling ;
cf. 1421. 3, n.
1492. CHRISTIAN LETTER.
22°6x 10-3 cm. Late third or early fourth century.
This letter,1493—4,and 1592 have a special interest as being among the earliest
Christian documents from Egypt and approximately contemporary with the well-
known letter of Psenosiris (P. Grenf. ii. 73) ; cf. also 1161-2 and 1495, which are
somewhat later. 1492, from Sotas to his son, begins with a somewhat unusual
formula (cf. 1. 1, n.),and after pious reflections (Il. 4-8) proceeds to give directions
about the ‘separation’ of some land which the son intended to present to a τόπος
in accordance with ancient custom (ll. 8-15). Possibly this refers to a gift for
religious purposes. The script is a good-sized cursive. P.S.I. 208, a fourth-
century letter on vellum from Sot[as] to his ‘brother’ Peter, which recalls the
phraseology of 1492 (cf. the nn.), was possibly written by the same person.
Xalilpe, ἱερ[ὲ vie ραν τῷ τόπῳ, ποίησον
ΖΔημητρίανέ. Σώτας αὐτὴν ἀφωρισθῆναι
σε πρ[οσαγορεύω. : ἵνα χρήσωνται, κ[α]ὶ ὡς
τὸ κοινὸν. 11. 3 Ὁ, ἐὰν κρείνῃς περὶ τοῦ ἔϊρ)γίου
5 εὔδηλον καὶ τὸ κοιϊνὸν 15 θάρρει. πάντας τίο]ὺϊς
σωτήριον ἡμῶν [..., ἐν τῷ οἴκῳ σου ἅπαντας
ταῦτα γάρ ἐστιν τὰ ev τῇ προσαγόρευε. ἐρρῶ-
θείᾳ προνοίᾳ. εἰ οὖν ἔ- σθαι ὑμᾶς εὔχομαι
κρεινας κατὰ τὸ παλ[αιὸν τῷ θεῷ διὰ παντὸς
10 ἔθος δοῦναι τὴν aplolv- 20 καὶ ἐν παντί.
On the verso
τῷ ἱερῷ υἱῷ ploly Δημητριανῷ πίαρὰ) Σώτου.
ΠΣ ἵερ[ε ἘΠ. 12. 1. ἀφορισθῆναι. 13. ἵνα II. 14. του inserted above the line.
18. vpas Π. 21. ἵερω II.
‘Greeting, my holy son Demetrianus! I, Sotas, salute you. Our common .. . is plain,
and our common salvation (is secure ?) ; for these are the objects of Divine providence. If
then you have decided in accordance with ancient custom to give the arura to the place, see
that it is separated, so that they may use it; and however you may decide about the work be
250 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYERI
of good cheer. Salute all who are in your house. I pray to God for your continual good
health in every respect. (Addressed) To my holy son Demetrianus from Sotas.’
τ. Χαἰῖ]ρε : for this style of beginning a letter cf. P.S. I. 206, 208, and Ziemann,
De Epistularum Graec. formulis, 295-7.
ἱερξέ : cf. ]. 21 and 1592. 7.
3. πρ[οσαγορεύω : this word (cf. 1. 17), though rather long for the available space, is
employed at this point in 526. 2, Ρ. 5.1. 206. 2, 208. 3, Flor. 140. 2.
6. The word lost is probably an adjective balancing εὔδηλον.
9-1ο. κατὰ τὸ παλζαιὸν] ἔθος : cf. Ῥ. 5. 1. 208. 6 κατὰ τὸ ἔθος.
12. ἀφ(ο)ρισθῆναι : cf. int. and B,G. U. 1060. 33 τὸν ἀφωρικότα τὸ ἔδαφος. Part of the
Libyan nome was called ἡ ἀφωρισμένη in the third century B. c. (P. Rev. Laws Ixi. 3).
17. προσαγόρευε ‘cl. ΡΣ ΘΓ aero προσαγορεύομε(ν).
1498. CHRISTIAN LETTER.
10-9 Χ9:6 cm. Late third or early fourth century.
The first part of another interesting early Christian letter (cf. 1492. int.), from
a man to a friend or relative with reference to the addressee’s son, who had been
entrusted to the writer’s charge. κύριος is contracted, but not θεός ; cf. P. Grenf.
ii. 73 and 1495, where both are contracted, and 1592, where κύριος and πατήρ are
contracted.
~ « 7 ΚΞ 4
Θῶνις Ἡρακλήῳ τῷ φιλτάτῳ
πλεῖστα χαίρειν.
πρὸ μὲν πάντων εὔχομαί σε ὁλο-
κληρεῖν καὶ ὑιένειν παρὰ τῷ κί(υρί)ῳ
5. O66. γινώσκειν σε θέλω, ἀδελφέ,
ὅτι κατὰ τὴν L τοῦ ὄντος μη-
νὸς Θὼθ ἐκομισάμην σου τὸν
er > -“ Ν «
υἱὸν εὐρωστοῦντα καὶ ὁλοκλη-
ροῦντα διὰ παντός. τούτου οὖν
Ν 2 UA 4 ς
IO τὴν ἐπιμέλειαν ποιήσω ὡς
ἰδίου υἱοῦ. οὐκ ἀμελήσω δὲ
> , \ eee Ζ
ἀναγκάζειν αὐτὸν παραπροσέ-
xew τῷ ἔϊρ]γῳ; ἐκ τούτου θεοῦ
[..-Joe.[ 13 letters Ἰολοί.
On the verso vestiges of an address.
4. υἵενειν IL; 1. ὑγιαίνειν. π᾿ Of παρα over x. . (kai?), which has been expunged. κῶ II,
7. τὸ Il. 8. viov II,
1498. CHRISTIAN LETTER 251
‘Thonis to his dearest Heracleiis, many greetings. First of all I pray for your
prosperity and health before the Lord God. I would have you know, brother, that on the
roth of the present month of Thoth I received your son safe and sound in every respect.
I shall take care of him as if he were my own son. I shall not neglect to make him attend
to his work, ...’
11-13. Cf. 1581. 5-7.
1494, CHRISTIAN LETTER.
14:4 X 9-7 cm. Early fourth century.
Another early Christian family-letter, badly spelled, which has lost the
beginning. The handwriting suggests a date not much later than A. D. 300, while
the high price of olives (3 talents for a κνίδιον in 1. 17) indicates a reign not earlier
than Diocletian’s. The verso contains, besides the address, two lines written at
right angles to it in a different hand (1 Ταυρία 3 (ἔτους) € Αθύρ.), which seem to have
no connexion with the letter. This dating presents a difficulty ; for the reign of
Probus seems too early, and there is no suitable reign in the fourth century, during
most of which datings by more than one regnal year were employed, where regnal
years were used at all. Possibly one of the various Oxyrhynchite eras beginning
in A.D. 307, 324, &c., was meant; cf. 1481. 5, ἢ.
δώραν Kai τὴν δούλην αὐτῆς
δ. τ [120 letters ἀχειλλίδαν. ἀσπάζομαι τὴν
ἐδέησεν ἐμαὶ κατελτεῖν εἰς ἀδελφήν μου Μακαρείαν καὶ
Παγ[γ]ᾶ, εἵν᾽ οὕτως θεοῦ θέλοντος ‘Popavav καὶ τοὺς ἡμῶν
4 Ζ La 4 x ’ Υ͂ ’ x 4
τάχα Ter πραταίον γένηται. μάϊ[ }} 15 πάντας κατ᾽ ὄνομα" καί, ἂν θέ-
5 λειστα μὲν δεήσει καὶ ὑμᾶς ev- λῃς, ἀγοράσω ἐλέας κνίδια
6 + WES το κι ard e ΄ ς “ Ot ,
χεσθαι περεὶ ἡμῶν, Ely οὕτως παλεά, ὡς τοῦ κνιδίου (ταλάντων)
2 ’ c Ν ΄“ > “A > 7
ἐπακούσῃ ὁ θαιὸς τῶν εὐχῶν γ-. εἰ λήμ-
ὑμῶν καὶ γένηται ἡμεῖν ὁδὸς [ψομαι ὃ. ἵμαιν γράψον μοι.
εὐθεῖα. ἀσπάζομ(αιδ τοὺς γλυκυ- ἐρρῶσθαι ὑμᾶς
10 τάτους μου ἀδελφούς, Διονυσο- 20 [εὔχομαι. ]
On the verso
] [π(αρὰ] Βοήθου ᾿Αχειλλείωνος
] 006 xn.
2. 1. ἐμὲ κατελθεῖν. 4. 1. τι πρατέον. 5. twas Π; 50 ἴῃ]. 8 ὑμων. 7. 1. θεός.
9. ς of τοὺς inserted above the line. 12. Wa of αχειλλιδαν Cor. 16, 1]. ἐλαίας.
17. 1. παλαιά. υ of του inserted above the line. 1g. dpas II,
252 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
«...1had to come down to Panga in order that, if God so wills, there may perhaps
be something to sell. It will be most necessary for you too to pray on my behalf, in order
that God may thus hear your prayers, and a straight way be made for us. I salute my
sweetest brethren, Dionysodora and her slave Achillis. I salute my sister Macaria and
Romana and all our friends by name, and, if you like, I will buy some old jars of olives at
3 talents the jar. If I am to receive. .., write to me. I pray for your health. (Addressed)
To... from Boéthus son of Achillion. Thoth 28,
3. Παγ[γ]ᾶ : 1.6. Ἰσεῖον Παγγᾶ; cf. 1488. 28, ἢ. In 250. 5 |. Παγγᾶ ἸΙσιείωζε for
ΠαιταισιείαΪι.
1495. CHRISTIAN LETTER.
26 X 11-5 cm. Fourth century.
A letter from Nilus to his ‘ brother’, asking him to pay a debt on his behalf.
The biblical contractions of κύριος and θεός occur; cf. 1492. int. The hand-
writing suggests about the middle of the fourth century.
Κυρίῳ ἀδελφῷ ᾿Απολλωνίῳ 10 ἐνταῦθα καὶ γενέσθω σοι,
Νεῖλος χαίρειν. ἐπὶ olf.|vnr[.lo...--- ας ὁδοῦ,
ἈΝ A 4 BA A 3 Ἁ > 3 va > ’
πρὸ μὲν πάντων εὔχομαί σοι ἐπιδὴ οὐκ ἐδυνήθη μετ᾽ αὐ-
τὴν ὁλοκληρίαν παρὰ τῷ κ(υριὴδῷ τοῦ ἄξειν. ἀλλὰ μὴ ἀμελή-
5 θ(ἐῷ. πᾶν ποίησον, ἀδελφέ, σῃς, ἀδελφέ, ὡς εἰδὼς
δὸς τῷ ἀδελφῷ μου Ζακάωνι 15 τὴν ὀφίλειάν μου ἐνταῦθα.
πλακουντᾷ εἰς λόγον μου ἐρρῶσθαί σε
; γον μ pp
ὡς τεσσαράκοντα τάλαντα, εὔχομαι πολλοῖς
καὶ δήλωσόν μοι δῶ τὰς ἴσας χρόνοις, κύριέ μου.
On the verso
Κυρίῳ ἀδελφῷ ᾿Δἀπολλωνίῳ Νεῖλος.
4-5- K 6a II,
‘To my lord brother Apollonius Nilus, greeting. First of all I pray for your prosperity
before the Lord God. By every means, brother, give my brother Zakaon the confectioner
about forty talents on my account, and let me know if I am to-pay the equivalent amount
where you are, and you shall have it, since ..., as he could not bring it with him. Pray
do not neglect this, brother, for you know my debt (?) in that quarter. I pray for your
continued health, my lord. (Addressed) To my lord brother Apollonius from Nilus.’
4. πλακουντᾷ : πλακουντᾶς (cf. e. g. ἀρτυματᾶς in 1517. 14) is an apparently new variant of
πλακουντάριος (πλακουιτα]ρ[ίῳ] in P. Klein. Form. 1053) or πλακουντοποιός (Preisigke, S. B. 984.
5). In P. Klein. Form. 694 and 967 the form is uncertain owing to abbreviation. With
the reading πλακοῦντα there is no construction for ὡς τεσσαράκοντα τάλαντα.
1495. CHRISTIAN LETTER 253
11. Another person, to whom αὐτοῦ and. ἐδυνήθη in 1. 12 would refer, was perhaps
mentioned in this line; but l. r2 may refer to Zakaon, ἐπί presumably = ἐπεί, in spite of
ἐπιδή in 1. 12, and αὐτοῦ = αὑτοῦ.
15. ὀφίλειαν : this form seems to be new, and perhaps [-]] φιλ {e} lav should be read.
X. MINOR DOCUMENTS.
(1) The Senate of Oxyrhynchus.
1496. 22°3x18cm. On the verso of 1414. Parts of two columns of a list of
money payments made in several months of the 5th year (of either Aurelian
or Probus; i.e. A.D. 273-4 or 279-80; cf. 1418. int.) by various persons,
including a prytanis and probably two individuals (Xenicus and Euporus
also called Agathodaemon) who are known from 1418. 22 and 29 (cf. the nn.),
so that all the payments are likely to have been by municipal officials or
senators, for e.g. oil; cf. 1418. 19-24. Of Col. i only the ends of 19 lines
survive, the payments being uniformly 1 talent, except for one instance of
2 tal. Col. 11 "ἐγ, Ξ[εν]ικὸς δι(ὰ) Ὑρωίλου (rpwid. Π, as in ll. 22, 34) πατρὸς (rdd.) (.,
21, Κάλλ{ι]ππος δι(ὰ) Διογένους πατρὸς (τάλ.) a, 33 Ke, KO, Zevixds δι(ὰ) Τρωίλου
πατρὸς (τάλ.) a, ™ A, Εὐδαίμων 6 καὶ Θέων δι(ὰ) κλη(ρονόμων) Νείλου υἱοῦ Hpryévovs
“Ὁ ᾿Ακου(σιλάου) ὑπομ[ν]ηζματογραφήσαντος) Τῦβι ις (rad. ?) ., (after a space)
καὶ [...] ἀπὸ ¢ τ(οῦ) Τῦβι € (ἔτους) ἕως [Φα]ρμοῦθι.. [ 2% [Far?]avod Πεσούρι(ος)
(ουρι corr.) καὶ Εὐπόρου τοῦ [καὶ ᾿ΑἸγαθοῦ Δαίμοϊνος 57 ε (ἔτους) ΤΌΪβι .1 33.. .] ὁ
πρύτανις δι(ὰ) τοῦ υἱοῦ [(rdA.) ., 33. ..... Ἰείριος ἹἹππόνεικος (imm.) 6 καὶ Λεωνίδης
δι(ὰ) τοῦ πἰατρὸς (τάλ.) .. *°[.... τ]ῳν [6] καὶ ᾿Απολλώνιος (cf. 1. 42) δι(ὰ) τοῦ
πατρ[ὸ)ς [(TaA.) ., “1 [Εὐδαίμ]ων ὁ καὶ Θέων δι(ὰ) κληρον[6(μων)}] Νείλου (cf. 1. 23)
megane) ., 51... ὕ....ὕ. |ré@v ὁ καὶ ᾿Απολλώϊνιος] δι(ὰ) [τοῦ] πατρὸς [(rdA.) ., 331... ...}
είριος “Immdverxos 6 καὶ Λεωνίδης [(τάλ.}., “11... . .] Ξενικὸς δι(ὰ) Τρωίλου
πατρὸς [(τάλ.) ., ὅ5[Ἢλιόνηδωρος ὁ καὶ Χαιρήμων [(rad.)., 35[... ων ὁ καὶ
᾿Αλεξί[ω]ν ὑπ(ὲρ) Μαξίμου υἱωνοῦ [(rad.) ., followed by traces of 3 lines.
The entries in Col. ii have dots in the preceding margin, indicating a revision ;
cf. 14386. int.
1497. 11x12-7 cm. About A.D. 279. The upper portion of an official
report of sums paid to Epimachus son of Philosophus, ex-gymnasiarch
(cf. 1418. 20, n:), as the price of (1) 12 talents of pitch at 3,400 drachmae each,
and (2) pottery jars, apparently purchased through him for the municipal
Treasury, to which he was accountable. For official accounts mentioning
pitch cf. 1286 and P.S.I. 83, which also belong to the second half of the
third century. 7 *[A]éyos πρὸς ᾿Επίμαχον γυμ(νασιαρχήσαντα) υἱὸν Φιλοσόφου.
2 φαίνεται δεδόσθαι αὐτῷ τῷ ὃ (ἔτει) τοῦ κυρίου ὃ ἡμῶν Πρόβου Σεβαστοῦ ἀπὸ τῆς
254
THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
ἀγορασθείσης πίσ- * ons ὑπὸ Διδύμου ἰδίου (i6.) τοῦ γεούχου (cf. P. 5.1. 83. 5 and
Part x, p. 2361) ὅ παραδοθ(είσης) αὐτῷ ὑπὸ τοῦ α(ὐτοῦ) Διδύμου ὁλκ(ῆς) (ταλάντων)
ιβ ὃ τι(μὴν) τῶν προκ(ειμένων) ὡς T(0d) (τάλ.) a, ὡς δι᾿ ἐφημερ(ίδος) τοῦ α(ὐτοῦ) ἴ ὃ
ἔτους) δηλοῦται, (δραχμῶν) Tv, / (τάλ.) > (δρ.) "Aw. Skat ἀπὸ τι(μῆς) κούφ(ων)
(cf. Wilcken, Ost. i. 766) παρασχεθέντ(ων) αὐτί(ῷ) ὑπὸ Θέωνος ὃ κεραμέως Πέλα ἐξ
ὑπαγορεύσ(εως) τοῦ a(vtod) Θέωνος [το letters] αὐτοῦ τὸν. [. . .( ) [Jo
ἐνχώριον ..«
1498. 27-2x12-4cm. Written on the recto of 1416 ina large cursive hand about
the reign of Probus (276-82), in any case before 299; cf. 1416. int. A list of
persons of various official ranks, in some cases with a statement that they
were under or over age. About 8-10 letters appear to be lost at the be-
ginnings of lines. 1 |v Σαραπίωνος ἀπὸ τιμ[ῶν] (cf. 1418.6) παρῆλιξ, 51] Πατβῶτος
(πατ᾽ β.) ἀπὸ τιμῶν ἀφῆλιξ, * Ἶν, “μων, 5]. os Awpiwvos κοσμη(τεύσας) ἐξηγη(τεύσας)
᾿Αλεξ(ανδρείας) ὑπομν(ηματογράφος or -γραφήσα:), " Δι]οσκόρου νυνὶ διαδεχό(μενος)
στρα(τηγίαν) ᾿Οάσεως (cf. 1489. int.), 7 Διοϊνυσίου τοῦ καὶ Πλουτάρχου, ὃ Ἰτόκου ἀπὸ
τιμῶν, ° jrov Μαλίου (cf. 1086. 1) Θέωνος, 1°]. ns χρηματίζων, 11 Ἰης Διδύμου τοῦ
καὶ Διοσκουρίδο[υ].. [, 12] Πτολεμαίου, 1]. Πλουτάρχου, | yeolvxdv ἐν Τακόνα,
161 Σαραπίων, 1° Ἶνος Κοπρέως. 17 (after a space) ὁ] καὶ ᾿Απολλώνιος βουλ(ευτὴς)
᾿Αλεξανδ(ρείας), 15 os Κλαύδιος Μουνατιαγνὸς ὑπ(ερ)ετής [, 1° Ἰώνιος “Ηρακλείδου τοῦ
REINS Στ τ (end of the column).
1499. 8-2x13-5cm. A.D. 309. Order, similar to 1500 (cf. also 1419. int.), from
a prytanis to a banker to pay three attendants of the public bath (cf. 1480.
13) their monthly wage, amounting in all to 1 talent. 1 Π(αρὰ) rod πρυτάνεως
᾿Απολλωνίῳ τρα(πεζίτῃ) χα(ίρειν). 5 δὸς “Αρπάλῳ καὶ Χωοῦτι καὶ Τελώνῃ παρα- * χύταις
δημ(οσίου) βαλανείου ὑπί(ὲρ) μισθ(ῶν) τῶν ἀπὸ a *€ws A Παχὼν ἀργυρίου τάλαντον
ἕν, / (τάλ.) a. ὅ (2nd ἢ.) σεσημ(είωμαι) τάλαντον ἕν, ὅ(τάλ.) a. ἴ (1st h.) ιζ (ἔτους) (sc.
of Galerius Augustus) καὶ ε (ἔτους) (sc. of Maximinus Augustus, the Caesars
Constantine and Licinius being ignored ; cf. 1542. 12 and 1410. int.) atv τα.
1500. 82x83 cm. A.D. 229. Order toa banker, similar to 1499 and probably
from a prytanis, to pay a bath-attendant a month’s salary. The hand-
writing is third century, and the 9th year is probably that of Severus
Alexander, Macrianus and Quietus being still in occupation of Egypt
in Thoth of the 9th year of Gallienus; cf. P. Strassb. 6. 37-8 and 1476. int.
MA XIAAG τραπ(εζίτῃ). “ δὸς “Eppatoxm βαλί(ανευτῇ) “ ὑπὲρ ὀψωνίου Θὼθ “ δραχμὰς
ὀκτώ, / (δρ.) n. “(ἔτους) 0 Θὼθ ιδ.
1501. 9:-5x11-1 cm. Late third century. Beginning of an acknowledgement by
a treasurer of the senate (cf. P. Ryl. 86. 2, n.) for the return of a loan made by
him to another senator, probably from the city-funds ; cf.C. P. Herm. 23. i. 7
edalviloato ἀπὸ τοῦ πολιτικοῦ χρήματος, and 1416, 3, n. 1 Αὐρήλιος ᾿Αμμώνιος
THE SENATE OF OXYRHYNCHUS 255
e&(nyntedoas) βουλευτὴς “ ταμίας βουλ(ευτικῶν) χρη(μάτων) τῆς Ὀ υρυγχιτῶν)
πόλ(εως) Τιβερίῳ ὁ Κλαυδίῳ Διδύμῳ τῷ κ(αὶ) Ἡρακλείῳ πόλ(ιτευομένῳ ?) * βουλ(ευτῇ)
χαίρειν. διέγραψάς μοι τῇ ἐ- δνεστώσῃ ἡμίέρᾳ ἃς .. .\( ) ἐδά- “[νείϊσῳ βου-
Aclur ... . dpaxluds...
(2) Official Documents.
1502. 8-2x11-8 cm. About A.D. 260-1. The upper parts of two columns,
Col. i belonging toa report of a trial for assault, and mentioning a new
deputy-epistrategus of the Heptanomia, Metrodorus (1. 4). A report of
a public physician (I. 1 ; cf. e. g. 51-2) and a petition to the strategus Aurelius
Ptolemaeus also called Nemesianus, who is known from 1411 and 1555 to
have held office in 260, were tendered as evidence. Line 8, if correctly
restored, indicates a loss of 38 letters at the beginnings of lines. ---ἰμονος
δημόσιος ἰατρὸς προσεφώνησα. 2 — Gr Pe διεῖπε τὴν ἐπιστρατηγίαν Kal ἐκέλευ- * [ce
—hlos ῥ(ήτωρ 9) (p/) εἶπ(εν)" Oats (Bais) Σερήνου ἐντυγχάνει (cf. P. Tebt. 335.
I-2) καὶ τὰ €&(fjs?).*— Μη)τρόδωρος διέπων τὴν ἐπιστρατηγίαν αὐτῷ ὅ[εἶπ(εν»)"
— ἰα Ῥ)τρὸν προσφώνησις γεγένηται ἔνγραφος © — αἱ δεδομέ ὃ ναι πληγαὶ οὕτω βίαιοι
ὡς φής, πέμψον εἰς ἴ ---τὰ ὑπομνήματϑια ταῦτα' Αὐρηλίῳ Πτολεμαίῳ τῷ καὶ
Νεμε- ὅ[σιανῷ στρατηγῷ ᾿Οξυρυγχίτου παρὰ Θαΐδος Σερή]νου am ᾿Οξυρύγχων
πόλεως δι(ὰ) τοῦ πρεσβυ(τέρου) ὃ ---ἶτος παρὰ Ηρακλιανῷ καταστάντες πρὸς *° —lv
ἐν αἷς ἀπολέλοιπεν διαθήκαις καρπείαν τῷ 1 ---Ἰ .. ... ἡνῃς μετὰ τὴν ἐκείνου
τελευτὴ»... Col. ii (2nd h.) has only the beginnings of 9 lines (3 τοῦ
Μέλανος ἢ), and may refer to something different. On the verso (3rd ἢ. :
after A.D. 260) is a complete extract from a lease of land at Iseum
Panga (cf. 1488. 28, n.), which had been injured by floods and was
to be cultivated with grass. This land belonged to a dexanpwria, like
that in P. 8. I. 187, where too ὑποστελλόντων τῇ δεκαπρ. (cfr Il. 3-4)
occurs in 1. 7, the lessor being a δεκάπρωτος, as was no doubt the case
here. τὰ ὑποστέλλοντα refers, we think, not to public land within the
administrative competence of δεκάπρωτοι, but to land owned by them
jointly in consideration of the arduous character of their duties (cf. 1410.
int.). 1 Περὶ τὸ ᾿Ισῖον Παγγᾶ ἐκ τοῦ Θεοφί- *Aov καὶ Ἡρακλείδου κλήρου “ ἀπὸ
τῶν ὑποστελλόντων τῇ δεκα- ᾿πρωτίᾳ τὰς Θεογένους Διονυσίου ὅ ἐν τίόϊπῳ
λεγομένῳ Πασόιτος ᾿(-σοϊτος) ° διασθ[εν)ούϊσ᾽ας καὶ νιλοβροχηθεί- ἴ σας (ἀρούρας)
ὃ, ὥστε ξυλαμῆσαι χόρτῳ.
1508. Height 26 cm. A.D. 288-9. Three fragments, the largest containing the
beginnings of the lines, of a report of a trial before the praefect Valerius
Pompeianus (cf. 1416. 29, n.) apparently concerning the status (ll. 4, 7 πολιτεία,
7-8 ἐπιϊτιμία or ἀἸτιμία) of Demetrianus and Phileas, a prytanis and the
256 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
praefect being the chief speakers. The position of Fr. 2 (near the ends of
ll. g-20) is fixed by the suitable combinations in ll. 11-12, 13-14, and 16-17 ;
but the position of the small Fr. 3, which is assigned to the middles of ll. 15-19,
is uncertain. It may belong to ll. 9-13, but hardly to ll. 12-16. The lines
were of great length. 1”Erovs [e| καὶ ἔτους ὃ τῶν κυρίων ἡμῶν Διοκλητιανοῦ καὶ
Μαξιμιανοῦ Σεβαστῶν ---- 5 Σαραπίω(νος) ἐξ ἐπὶ ἡπέδου προσελθόντων | — * Τυμνά-
σιος πρ(ύτανις) εἶπ(εν)" Δημητριανὸς καὶ Φιλέας [--- *7 δὲ πολιτεία πολλάκις καὶ
μεικρο. «ααφε. .(— ἐμ- ὅ φανὲς ἀμφισβήτημα γέγονεν ες --- ὃ Φιλέαν καὶ πάλιν
ἐκεῖνος εἰς αὐτοὺς ὃ. Ἶ---- 7 τούτου σε προβαίνειν δεῖ [τ]ῆς πολιτείας ---- ἐπι- ὃ ὃ τιμία
ἐμπεσοῦσα διέστησεν πολλί--- ὃ καὶ τύχῃ συνεπείγοντας τὸ αὐτὸ [— | ἀρχι]δικαστὴς
μὲν loss ἢ rns τῶν βιαίων Εἰρηναῖος d[—| ] καὶ ἐξί,Ἤ 1) λέγοντος γί. - . - «--
11 ἣν δὲ τὸ ἐπενεχθὲν Φιλέας ἐκεῖ (ex corr. from μ Ὁ) [-- | σα εἶναι μνημϊονεύσαν-
12 τες τῶν Ζακαόνων τῶν €.[— Λ]Ἰεοντωνπολίτῃ [καὶ ? Λεόν- ὅτων πόλει κατὰ τὸ ἡ
(ἔτος ?) καὶ ἐξ( )) λέγίοντος ? — | [Οὐαλέριος Πομπηιανὸς ὃ διασημότατος ἔπ]α[ρ]χ(ος)
Αἰγ(ύπτου) εἶπ(ε:)" ὅσα πρίὸς ἀλλή- “ λους εἰρήκασι καὶ ὅσα τοιαῦτα γ. [— | Ἰντους
ὌΝ ἊΣ 15 μνημονεύσαντες ἃ (a) οὐ δεῖ παροΐ--- | καὶ [[30 letters κ]αὶ Δίδυμος.
Γ[υμνάσιος ὃ 15 πρ(ύτανις) εἶπ(εν)" ἕτοιμος λογισμοὺς παρέχειϊν — |. ev .| [20 1.
Οὐαλέριος Π]ομπηιανὸς (πὶομπηϊΐαν.) [6 δια- ᾿ἴ σημότατος ἔπαρχ(ος) Αἰγ(ύπτου)
cin(ev)* καὶ [— | γράψαντι | [19 letters Δημητριανὸς] καὶ Φιλέας τουτοΐ. . ..
18 γρίνυν τοῦ πράγματος ἀκολιτιοί---᾿Ἶ [Γυμνάσιος] πρ(ύτανις) εἶπί(εν)" . 1 [30 ].]ιαν τινὰς
exa[....)° σαν ἀξιοῦμεν αὐτοὺς ἀφεῖσθαι λἰειτουργιῶν ? — | ΟἸαλέρ[ιος Πομπηιανὸς
6 διασημότατος ἔπαρ]χος Αἰγ(ύπτου) εἶπ(εν)" ἱτῶν Ρ *° ἐνκλημάτων ὧν ἕνεκεν
δέονται ---Ἶ ἀϊφεῖσίθαι ---
1504. 13:6x8-2cm. Late third century. On the verso of 1515, in a large
cursive hand. Beginnings of lines from the bottom of a column of a report
of a trial before a praefect ; cf. 1503. !.|[.Ja[....jrea[— 6| 5 διασημ[ότατος
(σημίοτατος above a deletion) é|map[xos Αἰγύπτου cin(ev)’ — ὅ ἐπὶ dex.... vTes[—
5 6
aimapxos (l. éxap.) Αἰγύπίτου eim(ev)' — ὃ οὕτως
9
46 Σεβαστὸς ἡμῶϊΐν κύριος ---
ἔχει" [-- ἰ καὶ τὰ ἑξῆς. μετ᾽ [ἄλλα ? — ὃ ἐντολες (I. -λαῖς) ἃς ἐπί---- ϑ ὑπομνήματα [---
10 τριαύτην ἀποῖ--- ὃ διασημότατος ἔπαρχος | 11 Αἰγύπτου αὐτῷ εἶπί(ε»)" [--- kal
ἅμα ται (I. τε) εἰδοίτ---- 13 γενομένων αὖΪ--- 15 ὃ διασημόταϊτος ἔπαρχος Αἰγύπτου
ein(ev)* — 1° τὴν θείαν δωρε[ὰν----ἰῦ pera ἀσφαλείϊα ---
1505. 11°8x20-7 cm. Fourth century, written across the fibres. Order from
Dioscorus, a strategus or praepositus or police-officer, to the irenarch of
Taampemou (cf. 1421. 3, n.) to send three persons with money which they
owed. Similar orders are 64-5, 1198, 1506-7, Preisigke, S. B. 4422, &c.
On the various classes of police-officials in the third and fourth centuries
see Jouguet, P. Thead. 17. 15, n. 1 Παρὰ) Διοσκόρου 3 εἰρηνάρχῳ Τααμπέμου.
3
’AvovBav καὶ Διονύσιον ὃ καὶ "Appoério ἢ τούτων τὰ γένη [κ]αταγομέ- *[vovs]
{
OFFICIAL DOCUMENTS 257
τὰ ἀργ[ύρ]ια ἅπερ xpeworoi[o..T..a... τω >[.....].[.. 0]. καὶ π[.] . .ρ ἕν.
v
(2nd ἢ.) ceo(npelwpar).
1506. 61x18 cm. Early fourth century, written across the fibres. An
order, similar to 1505 and 1507, from a praepositus to the irenarch (cf.
1505. 2) of Senokomis (in the western toparchy) to send a certain individual.
1 Π(αρὰ) τοῦ πραιποσίτου 3 [εἰρηνάρχῳ] κώμης Σενοκώμεως. αὐθωρὸν (cf. 1198.
2,n., where 1506 is referred to) δεξάμενός μου * τὰ γράμμ]ατα πέμψον ἅμα τῷ
ἀποσταλέντι Παελένην *[.......Ja ἀναγκαίας (αναγ᾽ κ.) χρείας ἕνεκεν. [σεση-
(μείωμαι)}}} (2nd h.) σεσημ(είωμαι).
1507. 7-9x9°8 cm. Third century, written across the fibres. An order,
similar to 1505-6, from irenarchs (sc. of the whole nome; cf. 80. 7, 118. 14)
to the comarchs and ἐπιστάτης εἰρήνης (cf. 64. 2) of Teruthis (probably
the Oxyrhynchite village in the eastern toparchy known from 1285. 87, not
the Cynopolite village, for which cf. P. Hamb. 17. ii. 11 and 1254. 18, where
1. Τερύθεως) to send certain ex-overseers and come themselves. 1II(apa) τῶν
εἰρηνάρχων ? κωμάρχαις καὶ ἐπιστάτῃ " εἰρήνης Τερύθεως. ἐξαυτῆς * ἀνϊαπ)έμψατε
τοὺς γενομέ- ὅ νους] τηρητὰς ἴτο ἢ]ῦ λ΄. Ϊ. . «Ἰου ° [καὶ] αὐτοὶ ἀνέρχεσθε. (2nd Π.)
σεσημ(είωμαι). Below the last word are traces of ink, which seem to be due
to the folding of the papyrus when wet.
1508. 83x10°6cm. Second century. The bottom of a column containing
extracts from προσφωνήσεις concerning a veteran, M. Julius Valerianus. Lines
5-8 begin somewhat to the right of ll. 1-4, which have lost a few letters at
the beginnings. Lines 2-4 are concerned with the veteran’s dismissal from
the fleet, which was effected by trierarchs (cf. p. 151); Il. 5—8 refer to his
purchase from the State of unproductive land at Senepta (in the middle
toparchy ; cf. 1285. 120) as a colonia, on which see Wilcken, Archiv, v. 434,
Grundz. 403, P. Giessen 60. int., p. 29. [AG] εἶναι Μάρκον [᾿Ἰούλιοὶν
Οὐϊαλερια- 3[vdv τῶ]ν ἀπίοϊλελυμένων ἀπὸ στόλίου διὰ τῶν προ- “ἰκειμέϑινων
τριηδαρχῶν (1. τριηραρ. ; cf. 48. verso ii. 27 ἐν τῇ Λιβικῇ [πύλ]ῃ τριηδάρχου). ὃ δηλῶ
τὸν Μάρκον Ἰούλιον Οὐαλε[ριανὸν ἐω- ὁ νῆσθαι ἀπὸ ὑπολόγου εἰς κολωνείαν [πε-
7 pt κώμην Σενέπτα ἐκ τοῦ Δ[όϊρκωνοἷς (cf. 1688) σὺϊν ὃ τῷ ᾿Αλεξάνδρου πρότερον
Μένωνος κλίήρου. The papyrus is valuable as throwing light on the method
by which veterans in coloniae obtained their land ; cf. P. Giessen 6o. iii. 6,
where κολωνίας as a heading follows éwvy(uévns) and is a subdivision of
κληρουχικὴ γῆ. On the verso is 1536.
1509. 7:°6x9 cm. Early fourth century. A short letter from a συστάτης
(cf. 1116, 1551, Ρ. 5.1. 164, Wilcken, Grundz. 353), informing Aphunchius
that by order of the catholicus (cf. 1410. 2-4, n.) he had been appointed
ὑπηρέτης of Dioscurides, who is possibly identical with the logistes of
5
258 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
A.D. 322 (42. 1, 900.3). 1 Θέων συστάτης *’Advyxia Σαραπάμμωνος * χαίρειν.
4 ἀνεδόθης εἰς ὑπηρεσίαν © Διοσκουρίδου κατὰ κέλευσιν © τοῦ διασημοτάτου καθολικοῦ.
76 α(ὐτὸς) σεση(μείωμαι).. Cf. Ρ. Μ. Meyer, Griech. Texte, 3. ᾿
1510. 82x7-2cm. Second or early third century. An incomplete acknow-
ledgement to the sitologus of an unknown village by his scribe (cf. Wilcken,
Ost. i. 660) for the receipt of his salary and expenses for forwarding his
books, probably to the ἐκλογιστής of the nome at Alexandria (cf. P. Amh.
69 = W. Chrest. 190). Cf. P. Grenf. ii. 63, an acknowledgement of the
payment of an ὀψώνιον to a βοηθ(ὸς) σιτολόγων. 1 Διοσκουρίδης ᾿Αφύγχιος τοῦ
2 Σαραπᾶτος μητρὸς ᾿Αθηναΐδος * am’ ᾿Οξυρύγχων πόλεως * Θέωνι σιτολόγῳ ᾿Εντελεὺ
5 τόπ(ων) χαίρειν. ἔσχον παρὰ σοῦ © τὸ ὀψώνιον καὶ τὴν ἄλλην ἴ δαπάνην τοῦ
καταχωρισμοῦ FS tév βιβλίων πᾶσαν ἧς 5 [γ]ραμματεύω σου σιτίο- 19 [λ]ογίας τῆς
αὐτῆς ᾿Εντ[ελεὺ 1 [ἀργυρίου] δ ρ]αχ[μὰς ...
1511. Fr. 1 30°6x13-3cm. Before A.D. 247, 1418 being on the verso. Two
fragments of a Latin military account, written in two large cursive hands with
additions in a smaller 3rd hand (printed in thick type), mentioning praefects
of the (ist?) Apamenian cohort (cf. e.g. B.G.U. 729. 7), a legion, and
an ala, besides tabularii. The column is complete at the top and bottom,
but both beginnings and ends of lines are lost. 1— gr]aef(ecto) coh(ortis)
Apame|norum *.{—*,[— *—]. lano tabullario ὅ (and ἢ.) —].é (cf. for the
accentuation P. Tebt. 686) Marind praef(ecto) legio|nis — ° data emeritd
liiie ..[—7 Maxum6® xvi....[—° aptus..... [—-*°—irri6 Proximo tabular|io—
11 __| ferino pirae\f(ecto) alae|—1*—].. bacus([—. Fr. 2 has traces of 2 lines
in the 3rd hand.
1512. 15:1x1I0 cm. Fourth century; written on the verso, the recto being
blank. A list of dexaviat, which are numbered from 1 to 10, at Tholthis (three
villages of this name are known; cf. 1285. int.), I being assigned to one
individual, 4 to another, and 5 to athird. δεκανοί occur in various positions, —
generally in connexion with guards or boats; but a dexavia πυροῦ is found in
B.G.U. 894. 11, and the meaning of the numbered δεκανίαι is obscure ;
cf. P. Ryl. 196. 6-9, n. Another example of them probably occurs in Milne,
Theban Ost. 138. 1, where Aex(avias) λα ἕως Ae may well be restored on
the analogy of 1512. 1 Θώϊλ]θεως" 3 α' δεκανία Σαρμάτης, ὃ B’ καὶ γ΄ καὶ δ΄ καὶ «'
δεκαν(ίαι) “᾿Αχιλλέως (1. -λεύς), ὅ ε΄ καὶ ς΄ καὶ (ζ΄ καὶ η΄ καὶ & δεκ(ανίαι) δ᾿ Αμμωνιανός.
1513. 25:6x5:8cm. Fourth century. Account of beer supplied to Dalmatian
soldiers (apparently not mentioned elsewhere in Egypt), and of meat (?) for
their officers. The measuring of beer by λίτραι is remarkable ; but cf, the
Altpa 7 Tod ἐλαίου καλουμένη described by Galen (Hultsch, Wetrologie, 120),
which was ᾧ a sextarius, ποδοκέφαλον (1, 13) is a new word, apparently
OFFICIAL DOCUMENTS 259
corresponding to ἄκρον in 108. i. 4 ; cf. ποδοκύλιον (= ποδοκοίλιον) in Preisigke,
S.B. 2253. τό. 1 Χοίακ λ. 2 Δαλμάταις τοῖς ὃ ὑπὸ Λουπιανὸν (νον corr. from α)
ἐπραιπόσιτον ὅ δι(ὰ) Δισορᾶ ὀπτί- ὁ ὠνος" ἴ α΄, τοῦ λί(τραι) ve, 8 β΄, Cur. A. ve, 9 γ᾽
(ur. A. vy, 1 ὃ, dur. A. ν, 11 ε Cur. A. ν, 15 (added later) ς΄, Gr. A. μθ. 13 (after
a space) ποδοκεφάλων 14 ὁμοί(ως)" 15 πραιποσίτῳ a, 15 πρίγκιπι a, 11 πριμικήρῳ a.
1514. 7X11-3cm. A.D. 274 or 280. Order to a πραγμα(τευτής) (cf. 1644. 1,
1569.7) or mpayya(rixds) (cf. 899. 17, n., Ρ. S. I. 249. int. ; either word would
mean a subordinate official of some kind) to pay 2 artabae of barley to the
driver of riding-asses (βαδιστηλάτης ; cf. P. Tebt. 262, Ryl. 236. 8, n.) of the
brother of the οὐσιακός (sc. ἐπίτροπος). The 5th year probably refers to
Aurelian or Probus, 'IT(apa) Νεμεσᾶ Ἕρμωνος Μαξίμῳ πραγ(ματευτῇ) χα(ίρει").
280s βαδιστηλάτῃ ἀδελφοῦ τοῦ κρα(τίστου) ὃ οὐσιακοῦ κριθῆς ἀρτάβας δύο,
ὁ 7 κριθ(ῆς) (apr.) β. (and h.) κριθ(ῆς) ἀρτ(άβας) δύο ἐσ(ημειωσάμην). ὅ (1st h.)
(ἔτους) ε Παῦνι ιβ. On the verso ° πραγμα(τευτῇ).
(3) Zaxation.
1515. 13:6x8-2cm. Latethird century. Parts of two columns of a list of pay-
ments for an unnamed tax by various persons of both sexes, the prytanis
paying on behalf of Oxyrhynchus (cf. 1413. int. and 1414. 2,n.). ΟΥ̓ Col. i
only the ends of 23 lines survive, the amounts ranging from 8 to 70 drachmae,
whereas in Col. ii they range from Io dr. 2 obols to 23[.] dr. Col. ii: 1 Ὀξυρυγ-
χ(ιτῶν) TOA(ts) δι(ὰ) Θεωνείνου 2 τοῦ κ(αὶ) Σαραπίω(νος) ἐνάρχ(ου) πρυ- ὃ rdvews
(δρ.}) ι (δυοβολούς)," Τείρων 6 καὶ ᾿Απολλώ(νιος)(δρ.)ρ, Καλιῶρις ὁ καὶ ᾿Ασχόης °Zapa-
πίωνος ‘Hpavov(Biwvos Ὁ) ἴ καὶ ἄλ(λα) ὀνό(ματα) (ὃρ.)., ὃ Σαραπίων ὃ καὶ Arade .Ϊ.-
ϑτιος καὶ ᾿Απολλω»[ά- 1° prov (δρ.) μί., 1} κλ(ηρονόμοι) Μιᾶς τῆς Διονυ(σίου) δι(ὰ)
᾿Απολλω(νίου) [(δρ.)., 12 KAavdia Κλεοπάτ(ρα) ἡ καὶ 15 Ηλιοδώρα (δρ.) μ, 1" Ἑρμίας
ὁ κ(αὶ) Σκυβᾶτος (δὃρ.).., 15 Δεῖος Ζωίλου καὶ τὰ τέκ(να) (δρ.) ., 1° ‘Hpas ὁ καὶ Μάξι-
μος (δρ.) ρ. [ 17 κλη(ρονόμοι) IT .[.( )] ᾿Απολλ(ωνίου) ἀδελ(φοῦ) (δρ.) ts, 28 Πτολε-
pats ἡ [καὶ] Διδύμη γυ[νὴ (dp.) ., 1° Ταισεῖς ᾿Αλλί. .. .vo( ) (δρ.) σλί., with traces
of 3 more lines. For Τείρων 6 καὶ ᾿Απολλώ(νιος) (]. 4) οὗ, 1416. 1 (about 299).
There are also traces of an earlier document, apparently an account. On
the verso is 1504.
1516. 7:1x7-3.cm. Late second or early third century. Fragment from the
middle of a column of a taxing-list, recording payments by inhabitants of
Oxyrhynchus, who are classified according to μερισμοί of their ἄμφοδα, for,
probably, poll-tax (cf. 1486. 8, n., and 1520) and pig-tax (cf. 1436. 9, n.).
The entries, besides being divided by paragraphi, have a marginal cross
against them, indicating that payment had been made; cf. 1486. int.
1 μερ(ισμοῦ) Δρό(μου) Tu(uvactov) [(— 5 ὑικ(ῆς) ὁ α(ὐτὸς) καὶ Ἕρμοί---- ὃ μερ(ισμοῦ)
Ποιμε(νικῆς) “Hpaxd[— *(6) α(ὐτὸς) καὶ Ἔρως ὑ[ικ(ῆς) ? — ὅ ὑικ(ῆς) [ὁ] α(ὐτὸς) [—
52
260 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
6 μερ(ισμοῦ) Apd(uov) Θοή(ριδος) Avoyas [—, with traces of another line. On
the verso is a fragment of a comedy (1400).
1517. 13x131-8 cm. A.D. 272 or 278. On the verso of 1555, which was
written in A.D. 260-1. A list of money-payments on Phamenoth τὸ
for Mecheir of the 3rd year of an Emperor, who being later than Gallienus
(cf. the recto) must be Aurelian or Probus, since Claudius and Carinus are
unsuitable (cf. 1476. int.). The trades of the payers are usually given, which
suggests that the impost was the χειρωνάξιον (cf. 1518-19 and 1482. int.) ;
but in 1. 6 the payment seems to be for oil, and the charge may have been of
the same nature throughout. If so, since the account is clearly official, the
oil-monopoly must have continued to a later date than has generally been
supposed. At the bottom, written in the opposite direction, is a note con-
cerning arrears from two villages Θῦρις and Δάχμων. (gen.), which are other-
wise unknown and perhaps were not Oxyrhynchite. 1 Λόγος εἰσπράξεως
μηνὸς 2 Mexelp (ἔτους) y Φαμενὼτ τι. ὅ Διονύσιος ταπιτᾶς (cf. 1481. 2, n.) (δρ.)
ρπὸ, * Καλλῖνος (ὃρ.) px, ° Εὐδέμων (1. Εὐδαίμων, as in 1. 9) ἤπατιν (1. ἠπητὴς ?) (δρ.)
pk, ° Θέων ἑρμηνεὺς ἐλέου (I. ἐλαίου) (δρ.) ξ, Τ᾿ ᾿Αμμωνᾶς (δρ.) ξ, ὃ Χωσίων ὀνηλάτης
(δρ.) ξ, ἣ Εὐδέμων Βίωνος (δρ.) ξ, 10 Θῶνις ἁλιεὺς (δρ.) ve, 11 Δίδυμος Κότος
(l. Κότου : cf. 1586. 2 Κόττου) (ὃδρ.) vB, 12 μολυβᾶτες (δρ.) μη, 1 ᾿Απολλώνιος
Kor(ov?) (dp.) μ, 14 Ζωρωρος (1. Ζώπυρος ?) ἀρτυματᾶς (δρ.) μ (in B. G. U. 1087.
ii. 9 the monthly χειρωνάξιον of ἀρτυματᾶτες is 36 dr.; cf. Wilcken, Archiv, v.
274). In the reverse direction 1°[Aldyos ἐκθέσεως y τῶν ἀ- 1° πὸ Ovpews Mexeip
(dp.) φκὸ, 17 ὁμύως (1. ὁμοίως) καὶ τοῦ Φαμενὼτ 18 ἀπὸ Adypov (dp.) "Axx. The
numbering of the ἔκθεσις in 1. 15 is unusual ; cf. 1448. 1 and 1519. I.
1518. 22-3x6-2 cm. Second century, in the 16th year of an Emperor (Hadrian
or Antoninus?). Fragment of a taxing-list of persons arranged according
to their trades, barbers being taxed at the rate of 6 drachmae each (probably
for a month; cf. Archiv, v. 274) and κλειδοποιοί at perhaps the same rate,
with additions inasmaller hand (printed in thick type) sometimes concerning
pig-tax (cf. 1486. 9,n.). 1[Σ]Ἰτέφανος Κανβαροίϊτος --- * de ὃ) ιζ [ * tg (ἔτους ἢ) [—
δ[κο]υρέων ἐκ (δραχμῶν) >, © Δωσίθης Στεφάνου ---- 7 / pepr(opod) ὑικ(ῆΞ) ς [— ὃ Πολυ-
δεύκης Δεξ[ι(θέου ?) — ϑλξ 1°’ Audis ᾿Αμόιτος τ[οῦ --- 11 ὁμ(οίως) [-- 12 Λέων ἀδελ(φὸς)
λοι(π )|--- ὃ ὁμ(οίωε) [— 14 Λέων Δεξι(θέου) γενόμενος ---- 15 ὁμ(οίως) [— 16.,χ' [—
1 διαπρὸ εγι(. ) παρεγι( ) τί-- 15 ΑἸμόις ᾿Οννώφ(ριον) υἴ---- Jen) Mb // a ug
(ἔτους) (ὃρ.) λί---- 51 [κἸλειδοποιῶν ὁμοίως ---- 323 Πετεμοῦ;7ις ---- 33 με(ρισμοῦ) ὑικ(ῆ5) -
“1 Πετεμο[ῦνις ----. On the verso is an account of clothes, to be published
in Part xiii,
1519. 10:5x8-5 cm. The upper part of a column containing (1) in Il. 1-9 a list
of arrears of taxation, ranging from 4 to 32 drachmae, due from various
TAXATION 261
persons whose trades were generally stated, possibly because the tax was the
χειρωνάξιον (cf, 1517-18) ; (2) in Il. 10-14 part of a similar list of arrears of
rent for buildings owned by the State (cf. 1461), the figures being omitted.
κωδᾶς (l. 4) and πορτᾶς (l. 7) seem from the context to be new titles for
sellers of fleeces (for κώδια cf. e.g. P. Fay. 107. 4) and calves(?), and
parallel to e.g. ὀρνιθᾶς in 1568.1, not proper names. The title on the verso
mentions the current 5th year of a joint reign, which was probably that of
the Philippi (A. Ὁ. 247-8) or Valerian and Gallienus (257-8). 1 Λόγος ἐχθέσεως"
* (apa) Maxptvov yepdiov (3p.) ἡ (corr.), * π(αρὰ) Φανκειὲμ (δρ.) η, * π(αρὰ) ᾿Αβινοῦν
κωδᾶτίος ἢ) (5p.) κ, ὃ π(αρὰ) “Hparos υἱοῦ (ὕι.) Δημᾶ(τος) (ὃρ.) ὃ, ὁ π(αρὰ) Βησάμ-
pwr(os) βαφέως (δρ.) € (πεντώβολον ?), ἴ π(αρὰ) Πτολεμαίου πορτᾶ(τος) (8p.) x,
ὃ π(αρὰ) Ηρακλήου ἐνπόρῳ (1. ἐμπόρου) (δρ.) η, ὃ π(αρὰ) Χαρμείνου οἰνοπώλ(ου) (ὃρ.)
AB. 10 ἐνοικίων οἰκοπέδων" 11 Μελετέοια (second ε corr. ; -οἵα) (8p.) , 12 Κορνήλιο(ς)
(ὃρ.), 15 ᾿Αντώνι(ο)ς (δρ.), 15 Θῶνις πολκητὴς (1. ποικιλτὴς) (ὃδρ.). On the verso
16 λόγος ἐχθέσεως τοῦ ἐνεσ- 15 τῶτος ε (ἔτους) τῶν κυρίων.
1520. 6x7-4cm. Α. Ὁ. τοῷ. A receipt for instalments of poll-tax and pig-tax
(cf. 1486. 8-9, nn., 1516, 1521) paid to tax-collectors of Oxyrhynchus,
similar to 788, &c. 1”Erovs πέμπτου ΑἸὐτοκράτορος 3 Καίσαρος Νερο[ύϊα Τραιανοῦ
Σεβαστοῦ ὃ Γερμανικοῦ []. . Παχὼν xe. δι(έγραψε) Διον(υσίῳ) *xa(i) μετό(χοις)
πρά(κτορσι) λαο(γραφίας) ε (ἔτους) Δεκάτης (an ἄμφοδον) ᾿Αρενδώτης ΠΙτοἸλ(εμαίου)
5 ἐπὶ λ(όγου) (ὃρ.) ὀκτώ, / 1. (2nd h.) ε (ἔτους) ᾿Επεὶφ ε ° ὑικ(ῆς) ε (ἔτους) Δεκά(της)
“Apevdai(rns) ἴ ἐπὶ [λ(όγου) 6] α(ὐτὸς) (δρ.) μίαν (τετρώβολον ἢ), / a (τετρώβ.).
Written across the fibres. In 788 the beginning of 1. 3 is probably to be
restored μηϊτροπ(ολιτικῶν))] Πλατείας (an ἄμφοδον known from 1449. 5, &c.) ;
cf. 1520. 4, 1521. 3-4.
1521. 8-8x6-1cm. A.D.113. A receipt, similar to 1520, for an instalment of
poll-tax (?), with an extra charge. 1I¢ (ἔτους) Τραιανοῦ Καίσαρος * τοῦ κυρίου
᾿Αθὺρ ε. διέγρα(ψε) * Δίῳ mpax(ropt) ἀργ(υρικῶν) μητροπ(ολιτικῶν) Aao- * γρ(αφίας)
τοί) α(ὐτοῦ) [uC] (ἔτους) Νό(του) Κρη(πῖδος) Εὐδαίμ(ων») ° Σαραπίωνο(ς) ἐπὶ (λόγου)
δύο τριώ(βολον), / B (τριώβ.), προ(σ)δ(ιαγραφομένων) χ(αλκοῦς) β.
1522. 12:5x12:-2cm. A.D. 220-22. <A series of receipts for payments of the
στέφανος tax (cf. 1441. int.) by a senator and his grandson, in two columns.
Of Col. i only the ends of lines are preserved, recording several payments of
40 drachmae on account in the 4th year of Elagabalus to Aurelius Apion.
Col. ii deals with the next two years, 200 drachmae in all being paid in the
5th year. ἷξε (ἔτους) Μάρκου Αὐρηλίου ᾿Αντωνίνου Εὐσεβοῦς * Εὐτυχοῦς καὶ
Μάρκου Αὐρηλίου ᾿Αἰλεξάνδρου * Καίσαρος Σεβαστῶν Χοίαϊκ) γ. [διέγρα(ψαν)
π]ρά(κτορσι) στεφα(νικῶν) “ ὑπ(ὲρ) β ἐπ(ιμερισμοῦ) μέ(σης) τοπ(αρχίας) λη(μμάτων)
ἄνω ton(apxias) ᾿ἸΙσίου (ic.) [Π]αγγᾶ τόπ(ων) (cf. 1488. 28, n.) ° Σεπτίμιος ᾿Αλέ-
262 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
avdpos βουλ(ευτὴς) καὶ ὁ υἱωνὸς (x. 6 v. above the line) στεφα(νικῶν) ἐπὶ λ(όγου)
δ Σεπτίμιος ᾿Αλέξανδρος (cent. ad. above the line) δραχμ(ὰς) τεσσαράκοντα, / (δρ.)
μ. ἴ Αὐρήλ(ιος) Βησάμ(μω») 6 κ(αὶ) Σαρᾶς σεσημ(είωμαι). ὃ καὶ τῇ ι τοῦ ἑξῆς μη(νὸς)
Τῦβι οἱ α(ὐτοὶ) ἄλ(λας) ἐπὶ Ady(ov) ὃ δραχμ(ὰς) τεσσαράκοντα, / (δρ.) μ. Αὐρήλιος)
Βησάμ(μων) 19 ὁ καὶ Σαρᾶς χ(ειριστὴς) σεσημ(είωμαι). Lines 11--21 record similar
acknowledgements by Besammon for payments of 40 dr. on account on
Mecheir 11, Phamenoth 11, and Pharmouthi 11 of the same year, and on
Hathur 10 of the and year of M. Aurelius Severus Alexander Caesar the lord
and a later month (lost). On the verso is a short account of corn received
and expended, in a different hand, written after A.D. 222. ?’Aypds (i.e. ‘the
land produced’) (ἀρτάβας) νδ΄ x(otvixas) ς. 22 (Ξε ὧν) εἰς τὸ μυλ(αϊο») (ἀρτ.)
αΖ, ὃ Ταλθυβίῳ (ἀρτ.) κη, * εἰς τὸ μυλαϊζο)ν (ἀρτ.) ιβ2, > Evxaipa (ἀρτ.) a.
1523. 15:2x8cm. Third century. An interesting tax-receipt of a somewhat
novel character, but incomplete at the top, where several lines belonging to
the date formula are lost, and wanting about 5-7 letters at the beginnings of
lines (cf. ll. 4, 7), while large portions are hopelessly obliterated. The pay-
ment (164 drachmae ?) was made to ἐπιτηρηταὶ ἐγκυκλίου καὶ κομακτορίας (a new
word) τῶν ἐκ [......] κυρουμένων by the purchaser of two slaves; cf. P.
Strassb. 79,a contract for the purchase of slaves διὰ κομακτόρων (=coactores).
Preisigke, following Premerstein af. Pauly-Wissowa, Realencycl. iv. 126,
regards κομάκτορες as a species of bankers; but it is clear from 1523 that
the conduct of a public auction (in P. Strassb. 79. 3 dmapr(()a corresponds
to the word lost after ἐκ here) was the essential part of their duties. The
ἐγκύκλιον was normally 10 per cent. in the Roman period, but a higher rate
(73 dr. 54 ob. or 3[.]5 dr. 5% ob.) is found in A.D. 250; cf. 1284. int. For
ἐπιτηρηταί cf. 1418. 10, ἢ. After traces of 1 line 2[Σεβαστ]ῶν Φαρμοῦθι ce.
διέγρα(ψεν) 3[..... ΘἸέωνος καὶ τοῖς σὺν αὐτ(ῷ) ἐπιτηρητ(αϊῖς) “[ἐνκυκἸ]λίου καὶ
κομακτορίας τῶν ἐκ ®[..... .] κυρουμένων ᾿Αρσινόη Δι- 5... .] ἀπ’ Ὀξ(υρυγχιτῶν)
Ady(ov) Α(ὐρηλίου) δαίμονος τοῦ κ(αὶ) 7[..... Ἰκατιανοῦ δουλικῶν σω- ὃ ἱμάτω]ν
δύ[ο] Σαραπο .., the rest of this line and 1. 9 being obliterated, '°[........].u
ὀκτὼ τετρώβολον 11... .. . λόγον δραχμὰς ἑκατὸν 15[ἑξήκοντ]α τἄσσαϊρας,
7 δραχμαὶ ρξὲ, . [.] ., followed by traces of 3 lines.
1524. 13x9-2cm. Early fourth century. <A receipt for payments in gold
and silver (cf. 1480. int. and P. Thead. 33) for an unspecified tax. 7 Παῦνι
(ucorr.) A, Α(ὐρήλιος) ᾿Απάμμων χρυ(σοῦ) γρ(άμμα) a, *[yl(verar)| xp. yp. a, ἀσή(μου)
yp. τι povaf{s}. ὃ [A(upyAtos)| Κοπρεὺς σεσημίω(μαι). 2 Ἐπεὶφ xn ὁμοίως xp. yp. ἥμισυ
5 ἀσή(μου) yp. πέντε, yl(verat) xp. yp. Z ἀσή(μου) yp. ε. 5 Α(ὐρήλιος) Κοπρεὺς σε-
σ(ημείωμαι). 7(2nd h.) Μεσορὴ κὃ 6 αὐτὸς ὁμοίως ὃ xp. yp. ἥϊμ]ισυ ἀσή(μου) yp.
πέντε, ὃ γί(νεται) xp. yp. Z ἀσή(μου) yp. ε. 1° Εὐλόγιος σεσ(ημείωμαι).
TAXATION 263
1525. 14x6-7cm. A.D. 216. Beginning of a report concerning payments of
corn in Mesore, similar to 1448-4 and 1526, sent to a strategus by the sitologi
of Nemera, a village in the middle toparchy, probably in Thoth. About
g letters are lost at the beginnings of lines. 1![AtpnAiw ᾿ΑἸἹνουβίωνι (cf. 1482.
I, n.) στρα(τηγῷ) Ὃ ξ(υρυγχίτου) “ [mapa Αὐρηλίω]ν Πασίωνος καὶ Σαραπίω(νος) * [καὶ
τῶν σὺν α(ὐτοῖς) σιτολ(όγων) μέσης τοπ(αρχίας) Νεμέρω(ν) “[τόπ(ων). λόγί(ος)
atr(ov)| τοῦ καὶ ἐκμεμετρη(μένου) καὶ ὅ [διεσταλ(μένου) (cf. 1444. 4) ὑφ᾽ ἡμῶν
γενήμα(τος) τοῦ διελθ(όντος) Kd (ἔτους) 5 [Μάρκου Αὐρ]ηλίου Σεουήρου ᾿Αντωνίνου
Ἰ[Καίσαρος τοῦ κἸυρίου. ἔστι δέ" 81] λη(μμάτων) Μεσορὴ (ἀρτάβαι) σογη΄ μί η΄. ϑ κατ᾽
ἄνδ(ρα) Ὁ] τούτων .[.. .Jetat, followed by ends of 6 lines recording in-
dividual payments for πολ(ιτικά) or κω(μητικά), as in 1444, On the verso
is 1530.
1526. 13:8x23cm. A.D. 222-3. Part of a report, similar to 1525, sent by the
sitologi of Psobthis in the middle toparchy, but unaddressed (cf. e.g. 1449).
The payments were usually described as θέματα : cf. 1444. int. lo. .[ (above
a..{| crossed through; perhaps a number) ἢ Παρὰ Αὐρηλίων Θέωνος καὶ [.. . .|s
τοῦ καὶ ὃ Δημητρίου σιτολόγων μέσης τοἸπ(αρχίας) Ψώβθ(εως) τόπ(ων). * κατ᾽ ἄνδρα
χειριστικοῦ (cf. 1444. 3-4, n.) πυρ[οὔ] γενήματος τοῦ ° ἐνεστῶτος β (ἔτους) Μάρκου
Αὐρηλίου Σεουήρου δ Αλεξάνδρου Καίσίαρος] τοῦ κυρίου. ἔστι δέ; ἴ Μάρκοι Αὐρή-
λιοι (cf. 1444. 8) ὃ Ἣράκλιος Βαυθλᾶτος (second a corr.) θέμα (ἀρτάβαΞ) vy,
9 Πέκυλλος 6 καὶ Θέων γυμ(νασιαρχήσας) δι(ὰ) ἩἩρακλείδ(ου) yew(pyod) (ἀρτ.) μη,
10 Διογένης 6] καὶ “Epuayevys ἄρχ(ων) (cf. 1406. 11-12, n.) δι(ὰ) τίο]ῦ α(ὐτοῦ)
θέμ(α) (ἀρτ.) ια, Σαραπίίω]ν ᾿Αλεξάνδρου Bovd(evrijs) δι(ὰ) τοῦ α(ὐτοῦ) θέμ(α) (ἀρτ.) ν,
followed by parts of 5 more lines and beginnings of the first 11 lines of
a second column, the names having opposite to them strokes in the margin
(indicating revision), as in 1436.
1527. 13:6x5-1cm. A.D. 261-2. Joined toan obliterated document and another
papyrus, 1573. 1-10 being on the verso of 1527 and the obliterated document.
Beginning of an official account of produce in arrear from the gth back to the
6th year of, probably, Gallienus, the reign of Macrianus and Quietus being
ignored (cf. 1476. int.). In some cases the produce was destined for loans
to γεωργοί, but had not yet been issued; references are made to a more
detailed account arranged by δεκαπρωτίαι. 1 Γενήμα(τος) θ (ἔτους) ἐδηλ(ώθη)
λοιπ(ογραφεῖσθαι) [(πυροῦ) (ἀρτάβαΞ) . . ἢ κριθ(ῆς) (ἀρτ.) oa, φα[κοῦ (ἀρτ.). ., ὅ ὧν τὸ
κατὰ δίεκαπ(ρωτίαν) διεστάλ(η) (cf. 1444. 4). “[γεν]ήμαί(τος) n (ἔτους) ἐδηλ(ώθη)
[λοι(πογρ.) (πυρ.) (ἀρτ.) . ., ὃ κριθ(ῆς) (ἀρτ.) oa, φᾳκίο(θ) (ἀρτ.) .., “ ὧν εἰσιν αἱ
λοιπ(ογραφούμεναι) ἐπὶ [προχρείας ἴ καὶ μηδέπ(ω) ἐν δανε(ίῳ), [ ὃ ὧν τὸ κατὰ δεκα-
π(ρωτίαν) δι[εστάλ(η). ὃ γενήμαί(τος) ¢ (ἔτους) ἐδηλ(ώθη) λοιπίογρ.) [{πυρ.} (ἀρτ.) ..
κριθ(ῆς) (apr.). . 1° paxo(S) (ἀρτ.) ve. [ 17. γενήμα(τος) ¢ (ἔτους) ἐδηλ(ώθη) λοιπίογρ.)
264 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
(πυρ.) [(ἀρτ.) . . κριθ(ῆς) (dpt.) .. ™ φακο(ῦ) (ἀρτ.) te, ὧϊν εἰσιν αἱ Aovm(oyp.) ἐπὶ
18 mpolxpetas καὶ μηδέπω ἐν δ[ανε(ίῳ), 16 ὧν τὸ κατὰ δεκα[π(ρωτία») διεστάλ(η) -..
1528. 17-7x7-I cm. Α. Ὁ. 2Ζ66--7. An account, probably written by a sitologus or
decaprotus, of payments in corn for the 13th and 14th year of a reign, which was
more probably that of Gallienus than that of Septimius Severus with his sons,
from four villages, which are all known to have been in the western toparchy
(cf. 1285. 70-83). 1 Ty (ἔτους) ‘HpaxAeid(ov) ἐπ(οικίου) (ἀρτάβαι) pul, * Σερύφ(εως)
(ἀρτ.) ρκε, ἄλ(λαι) ῥυ[π(αραὶ) (apr.) Ke, ὃ Σύρων (ἀρτ.) kn, Devoxd(uews) * (ἀρτ.)
BLS’ χ(οίνικες) ς, 5, (ἀρτ.) conZd’ χ(οίν.) ς;, ἄλ(λαι) ὁ ῥυπ(αραὶ) (ἄρτ.) κς-. ἴ ιὸ (ἔτους)
Ἡρακί(λείδου) ἐπ(οικίου) (ἀρτ.) pda (corr. from τ.), ὃ Σερύφ(εως) (ἀρτ.) σθ, ὃ Σύρων
(ἀρτ.) κη, 1°/ (ἄρτ.) τξη. 11, λόγ(ων) B (ἀρτ.) χμς ῥυπ(αραὶ) (ἀρτ.) Ke. 15 ὑποστ(έλ-
λονται ?) (ἀρτ.) ox (θ corr. from η) πρ(οσμετρουμένων) (ἀρτ.) KCy’, ™ καὶ ὀνό(ματος)
Διοσκ(όρου) ἀπὸ (απο above the line) (ἀρταβῶν) ρξς γ΄ 15 (ἀρτ.) pra πρ(οσμετρου-
μένων) (ἀρτ.) ιγγ΄, 15Χ.ὄ (ἀρτ.) τμ, πρί(οσμ.) (ἀρτ.) μβ΄. Ιπ]. 5 278 should be 282,
and ἰη 1. 11 646 should be 6463 (or, allowing for the mistake in 1. 5, 6503).
πρ(οσμετρουμένων) is written p) in ll. 12-15 (cf. 1448. 11), but πρίοσμ.) cannot
be read for ῥυπ(αραῖ) in ll. 2,6, and 11. In. 12 ὑποστ(άσεως) is possible; cf.
ἘΣ Lebt.'93627.
1529. 17-3x12cm. Third century. The lower portion of a list of payments
of corn by different villages, all of which except Μουχινγάλη and ᾿Ασσύα
(Mov wy. new, Acova new as regards the Oxyrhynchite nome; cf. 1416. 13, n.),
are known to have been in the lower toparchy (cf. 1285. 129-41). Two
columns of numbers are given, the second series, in which the figures are
about 25 per cent. higher than in the first, probably including tpocperpotpeva
(cf. 1446. int.). 1 Σέσφθα [(aprdBar) —, * Θώλθεως [(apr.) —, *[Tu]xevpdyov
(cf. 1285. 129, where Τυχινφάγ(ων) is to be read) (dpr.) [—, *Tada® (dpr-)
φ[---, ὅ Ἰσίου Κάτω (ἀρτ.) χκβ. (ἀρτ.) [—, ὃ Ἰσίου Τρύφωνος (ἀρτ.) τξακ' δ΄ (dpr-)
υἱ---, Ἰ Κόβα (cf. 1285. 135, where Κόβα is probably meant) (ἀρτ.) pvgZ (ἀρτ.)
xo. [, ὃ Ψώβθεως (ἀρτ.) κε (ἀρτ.) Al., ° Taxdva (ἀρτ.) σ (ἀρτ.) coal, 1° Μουχινγάλη
(ἀρτ.) ᾿Ασλ (ἀρτ.) "AD[., 11 ᾿Ασσύας (ἀρτ.) v (ἀρτ.) φιᾳ. 15 (2nd h. after a space)
[. .?]dus Ἰσίου Τρύφωνος (ἀρτ.) toey’n’p’n’, 1° πλείω (ἀρτ.) ve (strictly 14 art. and
fractions; cf. 1. 6), 15 [14 letters] πλείω (ἀρτ.) Z|. . (referring to the second
total of Iseum Tryphonis or to another village).
15380. 14x6-7cm. A.D. 215-6. On the verso of 1525. An account of corn
due to sitologi at Phthochis, a village of the eastern toparchy (cf. 246. 8-9),
in the 24th year (of Caracalla). 1 Σιτολογίας BA6x (ews) Kd (ἔτους)" 2 κλ(ηρονόμοι)
ἸΙσιδώρα (ios. as in 1. 22) ἡ καὶ ᾿Απία (1. Ἰσιδώρας τῆς x. ᾿Απίας, as in 1. 22)
8 διὰ Παυσίριος καὶ Κοιλᾶτ(ος) (apr.) ξβδ' x(olv.) [8], * διὰ θέμ(ατος) (ἀρτ.) vO8’ x(olv.)
β, ὃ Ὀννώφριος (ἄρτ.) ιγδ΄ χ(οίν.) β, ὃ Διδύμου Νεχθ(ενίβιος ?) (ἀρτ.) tyd’ x(olv.) B,
153
153
153
153
TAXATION 265
"/ (ἀρτ.) πη Ζδ’ χ(οίν.) ¢. ὃ Κορνηλίου (dpr.) is 9 δι(ὰ) θέμα(τος) (apr.) ι, 15 ᾿Αγάθωνος
(ἀρτ.) y χ(οίν.) ς,, 11 διὰ θέμ(ατος) (ἀρτ.) y, 12 Κορνηλ(ίου) “Ὥρου καὶ Κορνηλίίου)
15 Πατᾶτος αἱ διὰ [Π]Ἰαυσί(ριος) 15 καὶ Σιλβανοῦ ὑποκ(είμεναι) (ἀρτ.) ιβ χί(οίν.) ὃ,
19 διὰ θέμ(ατος) (ἀρτ.) ιβ. 15 ρᾶτος φροντ(ιστοῦ) [(apr.)] δῃ΄, 11 θέ(ματος) (ἀρτ.) ὃ,
18 ἡ α(ὐτὴ) (ἀρτ.) KC χ(οίν.) ς;, 13 ἡ α(ὐτὴ) δι(ὰ) ᾿Ακουσιλ(άου) τοῦ κ(αὶ) Διον(υσίου)
καὶ τοῦ *° σὺν α(ὐτῷ) σιτολ(όγου) Ky (ἔτους) ἐνοικ(ίων) κγ (ἔτους) (ἀρτ.) ιη, 2 / (ἀρτ.)
vad’ (1. παδ x(oiv.) ὃ. 33 κλ(ηρονόμοι) Ἰσιδώρα ἡ κ(αὶ) ᾿Απία (ἀρτ.) 108’ x(olv.) θ.
Lines 4, 7.9, 11,15, 17 were inserted later, recording actual payments, which
were in all cases somewhat less than the amounts due.
1. 27-6x11-6cm. Before A. Ὁ. 258, 1637, which is a contract on the verso,
having been written during the praefecture of Mussius Aemilianus (cf. 1468.
1-2, n.). A list of payments in corn by γεοῦχοι and κωμῆται at Kerkeura
(cf. 1285. 116) and probably another village inthe middle toparchy ; cf. 1444,
1530. The amounts are lost in nearly all cases. 1 Γεούχ(ων)" Διοσκουρί(δης)
“Αρπαήσεαϊς (ἀρτ.)., 7 Εὐδαιμονὶς Ζωίλου [(ἀρτ.) ., ὃ Διοσκουρίδης Sapyar[ov (dpr.) .,
*/ αἱ π(ροκείμεναι)" ὃ κω(μητῶν): Ψόις Πινούτιος [(ἀρτ.) ., ὁ ᾿Ωρίων Σαραμούιτος
(apr.) [., followed by 12 other names, 1°/ai π(ροκείμεναι). 32 Κερκεύρων λο(ιπαὶ)
κω(μητῶν) (ἀρτ.) v[., 3: γεούχων (ἀρτ.) ψυΐί., with traces of 2 more lines.
2. 15:2x8< 9cm. Late third century. Ends of 13 lines from the top of
a column of a list of payments in wheat and barley by (βασιλικοὶ) γεωργοί,
some of whom have κοινωνοί, On the verso is 1477.
8. I1-9xg:2cm. Late second or early third century. Parts of 18 lines
of a list of land-holders with the amounts of their holdings. Some of the
land is described as βασιλική, other entries probably refer to ἰδιωτική : cf.
1534. The personal name Πειωο(ῦς ἢ) and the Δορκάωϊνος κλῆρος (cf. 1508. 7
A[d|pxer[o]s) occur. On the verso is 1421.
4. 23:5x18-2 cm. Early third century. Part of a list of holders of
catoecic, private, and (rarely) Crown land, arranged according to κλῆροι,
probably at a village in the Thmoisepho toparchy (cf. the mention of Paomis,
which was in that toparchy, in 1. 12), and possibly at Νικοστράτου ἐποίκιον or
Palosis, if the Πτολεμαίου rod Φιλίππου κλῆρος (1. 4) is identical with the Πτολ. καὶ
Φιλ. κλ. in 1459. 32. The papyrus was probably drawn up by a comogram-
mateus; cf. 1445. int. Col.icontains the ends of 14 lines, mostly referring to
ἰδιω(τικὴ) ἐσπ(αρμένη), but with one reference to βασιλ(ικὴ) ἐσπ. Col. ii * ex τῆς
Τριακοντα[ρο)υρίᾳ[ς] κλήρου pre κ(ατ)οι(κικῆς) ἰδ[ιω(τικῆς) ἐσπ(αρμένης) (ἄρουραι)... .,
2 ἐκ τοῦ Μηνοδώρου κλ(ήρου) [κ(ατ)]οι(κ.) poy, ἰδιωτ(ικῆς) ἐσπίαρ.) (ἄρου.) αἱ, ὅ ἐκ τοῦ
Τοκέως κλ(ήρου) [π]ρ[οσγ]ί(νονται) ὀνόμ(ατι) ἩΗλιοδώρου καὶ [. . ., ὁ ἐκ τοῦ Πτολεμαίου
τοῦ Φ[ι]λίππου κλ(ήρου) ova κ(ατ)οι(κικ.) [. . ., © ἐκ τοῦ Νεικάνορος Θεσσαλοῦ κλ(ήρ.)
σλε κ(ατ)οι(κ.) ἰδιω(τ.) [eom(ap.) (ἄρου.) . ., ὃ ἄλ(λη) ἰδιω(τ.) ἐσπίαρ.) (ἄρου.) α,
266
THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
ἄλ(λη) ἰδιω(τ.) ἐσπίαρ.) (4pov.) a8’, ἄλ(λη ἢ) ἰδιω(τ.) ἐσπίαρ.) (ἄρου.) [a?, 7 ἐκ τοῦ
Νεικίου κλ(ήρ.) ove κ(ατ)οι(κ.) ἰδιω(τ.) ἐσπ(αρ.) (ἄρου.) aZ (ς΄ λ' β', ὃ κατ᾽ ἄγνοι(αν)
παρεθ(εῖσαι) ἐπὶ κ(ατ)οι(κίαν) σλε, ἰδιω(τ.) ἐσπίαρ.) (ἄρου.) ([. . . ὃ τῷ καὶ Διονυσίῳ
ἰδιωτίικ.) ἔϊσ]π(αρ.) (ἄρου.) ay’, ᾿Αρσινόῃ τῇ [καὶ .... 1° ἰδιωτίικ.) ἐσπίαρ.) (ἄρου.)
ψλεδις΄. προσγί(νονται) ὀνό(ματι) Tol. .. 11 τιανῷ ἰδιω(τ.) ἐσπίαρ.) (ἄρου.)
θη ἰ ς΄, ἄλ(λαι) ὀνό(ματι) ἙἭ, ρμείου Ac... Ὁ ἀπὸ Παώμεως (ἄρου.) β, ἄλ(λαι)
ὀνόμα(τι) Μαρκίωνος [.. ., ἄλ(λαι) ὀνό(ματι) ... 15 Πάλλαντος (ἄρου.) [. ., ἄϊλ(λαι)
[ὀἸνό(ματι) ᾿Αμυντιανοῦ Διονυσ[ίου (ἄρου.) . ., ἄλ(λη) ὀνό(ματι).. . . * Νείλου (ἄρου.)
a, ἰἄλ(λαι) ὀνό(ματι)] Ἑλένης θυγα(τρὸς) Παυσειρίω(νος) [(ἄρου.) . . . 15 (ἄρου.)
ρὰς: Ζδ΄ η, γ(ίνονται) [ἐπὶ τὸ αἰὐτὸ ἰδ ,]ω(τ.) ἐσπ(αρ.) (ἄρου.) ὠοβ Ζ 1° . ws ἐσπῴαρ.) .Ἶ...
11 [α] καὶ αΖ (ἀρτάβη-ς) (εἴ. 1459. 24) καὶ χίέρσου ".... 18 [ἐκ] τ(οῦ) Σέννω (πρότερον)
(or Α(ὐρηλίου)) Αἱ .. [... 19 γ(ίψεται) ὀνόμα(τα) .[.. ., 2 []Πσιδώραν (ἀρτάβ.)
g[. .. “[Ad]pnAros ᾿Αχιλλεὺϊς 2 [ἐκ τοῦ Μηνοδώϊρου κλ(ήρ.) ... A detached
fragment contains a few letters from the beginnings of 13 lines of another
column, mentioning ἐκ τ(οῦ) Kui. . . (sc. κλήρου).
1535. 22-5x6-3cm. Third century. Parts of 24 lines of a list of land-
holders with descriptions of their tenure; cf. 1534, 1587. The proper
names Ἱεραπάρθενος (1. 4) and “Αρπεβῆκις (1.6) occur. 51]. ( ) ἰσήχθηζσαν) ἐν
Ψιλ(ῇ) yn (cf. 1445. 1, n.) (ἄρουραι) yd’. [ 931. τῆς αὐτῆς τοῦ Διον(υσίου) Διο-
γ(ένους) ἀσπίόρου}) 19 τ]οῦ ὃ (ἔτους) Τῦβι πρὸς τὸ ἐπισταλ(ὲν) roils “(in red
ink) Τῦβι 12 Jos Νεικηφόρου a (ἀρτάβης) (εἴ. 1459. τι, n.) (ἄρου.) dy [ 15] καὶ
Σαραπίων a (ἀρτ.) [ 14] βασιλ(ικῆς) ἐν αἷς ἰδιω(τικῆς) (ἄρου.) [. On the verso is
the conclusion of a receipt for 260 drachmae in all for the burial of the
writer’s father and of Isidora and for other expenses, written in the 6th year of
an unnamed Emperor. διαί 3 δραχμὰς ὃ καὶ ζεῦγος [- . . . - -- - ἔων παχήων
(I. παχέων) εἰς κη- ὅ δίαν Ἰσιδώραν (]. -pas) 5 καὶ εἰς κηδίαν τοῦ Ἶἴ πατρὸς ἡμῶν
8 ζεῦγος ἀμικτω- ϑρίου (an unknown word) εἰσχνοῦ καὶ πα- ! χήου (1. παχέος)
ζεῦγος, 1" Φυλάρχῃ ς]] δραχμὰς 12 ἑκατόν. 18 (after a long space) ἀργυρίου 15 (ὃρα-
χμαὶ) σξ. 15 (ἔτους) ¢ Μεχεὶρ is. 16 Αὐρήλιος ᾿Ισίδωρος (ϊσιδ.) ' σεσημίωμαι.
1536. 8-3x10-6cm. Second century. On the verso of 1508. Beginning of
a list of land-holders, apparently persons who had purchased land from the
State (cf. κεκυρω(μένων) in 1. 1 with e.g. 518.4). The beginnings of the lines
are lost, but only a few letters seem to be missing; cf.1.3. 1....].[..].--.@
κα (ἔτει) κεκυρω(μένων)" 2 Ἰσ Ῥ]ᾶς Δ[ι]ογένους τοῦ κ(αὶ) Κόττου * τοῦ ἢ] ἸΙσᾶίτος ?)
μητ(ρὸς) Σαραποῦτ(ος) an’ Ὀ ξ(υρύγχων) πόλ(εως) *.. .]. «- . @vos τοῦ Θεαδήτου
5, ..]..[..]..[-Jrov 8 σφρα(γῖδος) (ἄρουραι) εΖη ς΄ ξδ΄ S.J... ὑπὸ "Αλιτ(ος)
᾿Απολλοφάνο(υς) ἴ 12 letters] (ἄρου.) εη΄ ς΄ ξ΄ δ΄, ᾧ[ν] σιτο(φόρου) (ἄρου.) αΖη΄ (ς΄ ξ΄ δ΄,
with traces of 3 more lines.
1587. 20-8x13-2cm. Late second or early third century. Part of a list of
TAXATION 267
landowners at Ἡρακλείδου ἐποίκιον (cf. 1628. 1), arranged according to σφρα-
γῖδες (cf. 918), followed by an unusually elaborate statement of the adjacent
areas of the group of holdings described. 1 ἐπ(ὶ τὸ αὐτὸ) αἱ π(ροκείμεναι), Sv"
* Διζο]νυσίας τῆς καὶ Σινθεῦτος (ἄρου.) κ. [, 3 Σαραπίωνος τοῦ καὶ Διζο]νυσίου κ[αὶ
*"Aptoroxheins τῆς καὶ ᾿Αρσινόϊης (ἄρου.) . .. ὅ ᾿Αρπαήσιος “Ὥρου ἀπὸ Ηρακλ[είδου
; Bet (Gpov.) 528’, 7 Οὐιβίου (ovi8.) Πουπλίου καὶ ὡς χρη(ματίζει) (ἀρού.) Zn’,
Ηρακλείας Διογένους δι(ὰ) ᾿Ηρακλ ε]ζα]ς ° τῆς καὶ Διονυσί[α]ς (ἄρου.) 18’, 19 Γαί[ο]υ
(γαϊ[ο]υ)ὺ Διδύμ[ου] Τίρωνος (ἀρού.) 25 λ΄ β΄. 11 τὸ δὲ τῆς βασιλ(ικῆς) διὰ τῶν προ-
γεγρα(μμένων). 13 (after a space) πεδιασίμου" (a rare form, not found elsewhere
in papyri) 15 yiroves τῶν προκειμένων 1 (ἀρουρῶν) ληΖη΄ 'ς΄ νότου ἐκ μὲν τοῦ ἀπὸ
1ὅ ἀπηλιώ(του) γύης, ἐκ δὲ τοῦ ἀπὸ λιβὸς 15 Λουκίου Αὐρηλίου Θέωνος ἰδιωτική,
11 βορρᾶ ὑπόλογος, ἀπηλιώ(του) ἐκ μὲν τοῦ ἀπὸ 18 βορρᾶ μέρους ἰδιω(τικὴ) ὁδευομένη,
ἐκ δὲ τοῦ 19 ἀπὸ νότου ἣ ἐπάνω σφραϊγί]ς, λιβὸς 29 ἐκ μὲν τοῦ ἀπὸ βορρᾶ μέρους
nepiule|rpa (cf. Ῥ. Tebt. 60. 38) 3: Ηρακλείδου ἐποικίου, ἐκ δὲ τίο]0 ἀπὸ νότου
ἰδιω(τικὴ) 32 ddevouevn. For ᾿Αριστόκλεια ἣ καὶ ᾿Αρσινόη (1. 4) cf. 1488. 59
᾿ (Α. Ὁ. 248).
1588. 18-8x6-5 οὔ. Early third century. Fragment of a list of owners of
house-property, from the bottom of a column. 1 ---ἰος Πετεμεννώφριος Πετε-
2—lku( ) νυνὶ οἰκείδιο(ν) νυνὶ τῶν ® —] ὁ —](_) τόποι νυνὶ οἰκ(ίδιον), ° — ΑΊιβικ(οῦ)
μέρους Καλάθου καὶ ὃ ---Ἴ.. καὶ τῶν ἀνεψιῶν Πεγω- "otros —|(_ ) Διονυσίου καὶ τῶν
ἀδελ(φῶν) . . 8 -- αἰὐλ(ὴ) ἐν ἡ οἰκείδιο(ν) . . . καὶ ὁμο- ὃ ---Ἰ )) τοῦ ὑποχρέο(υ)
Διονυσίου 19 ---Ἴ ἐν 7 . ειἰθ( ) ἐν ἰδι(ωτικῷ) (1δ.) εἴδ(ει), * — Δι]ονυσίου Πεγωοῦτος
θεί )λε.( )13-- τὸ ἐπ(ιβάλλον) γ΄ μέρος, 15 —] Tere[.]tos τοῦ Λουκίου . ...
16. 116 1 Πενύριος (ἐτῶν) κ, 19 --Ἴ Ψόιτος xd, 17 ---Ἴ ιῴ 18 ---Ἴ πρίακτορ ) μητρο-
π(ολιτικῶν) Α(ὐρηλίου) Ἰούστου (iove.) τοῦ. On the verso is a complete
account of receipts and expenses, to be published in Part xiii.
1589. 13:7x7-4cm. A.D. 179-80. Two certificates issued by an assistant of
the sitologi, crediting payments of wheat from one private person’s account
to that of another ; cf. 518, 613-14, Preisigke, Givowesen, 143-4. ' Aveord-
A(noav) (πυροῦ) [γ]ενήμ(ατος) τοῦ διελ(θόντος) 2 ιθ (ἔτους) Αὐρηλίων ᾿Αντωνίνου *
Κομμόδου Καισάρων “τῶν κυρίων δι(ὰ) σι(τολόγων) μέσης ὅ τοπ(αρχίας) Πέτνη
τόπ(ων) ἀπὸ θέμα(τος) ὃ Θέωνος Διδυμίωνος ἀγο(ραστικῷ) δικαίῳ (δικ. added below
the line) ἴ Πτολεμαίῳ τῷ καὶ Πτολ- ὃ λίω(νι) θέμα(τος) ἀρτάβ(αι) πεν- ὃ τήκοντα,
/ (ἀρτ.) ν. κόλ(λημα) AB. 19 Θέων ὁ κ(αὶ) ‘Eppias βοηί(θὸς) σεση(μείωμαι).
11 καὶ δι(ὰ) σι(τολόγων) κάτω τοπ(αρχίας) ἸΙσίου (ic.) “Avw 15 τόπ(ων) ἀπὸ θέμα(τος)
Φερέμφιος 13 ἐπικαλ(ουμένου) Ἰσχυρίωνος 1" Πτολεμαίῳ τῷ κ(αὶ) Λουκίῳ *° Γερμανοῦ
θέμα(τος) ἀρτάβ(αι) 15 τρεῖς τέταρτον ὄγδοον, 17 / (ἀρτ.) γδ. κόλ(λημα) θ.
18 Θέων ὁ κ(αὶ) “Ἑρμίας βοη(θὸς) σεση(μείωμαι).
1540. 188x7-9 cm. A.D. 187-8. Two similar certificates issued by a sito-
‘
και
268
THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
εἰ logus of Pakerke or his assistant, crediting payments of wheat, in the first
case from the private account of a gymnasiarch or ex-gymnasiarch to the
metropolis as represented by himself (cf. 88), in the second from an individual
to the sitologi of Pakerke. 1 Διεστάλ(ησαν) (πυροῦ) γενήμ(ατος) τοῦ διελθ(όντος)
2 κζ (ἔτους) Μάρκου Αὐρηλίου Κομμόδου ὅ᾿Αντωνίνου Καίσαρος τοῦ κυρίου “ δι(ὰ) σι(το-
λόγων) μέσης τοπ(αρχίας) ΠΠακέρκη τόπ(ων) ἀπὸ θέμ(ατος) δΠασίωνος ᾿Αχιλλίωνος
γυμ(νασιάρχου) © τῇ πόλει δι(ὰ) αὐτοῦ θέμα(τος) ἀρτ(άβαι) ἑκα- ἴ τὸν δεκατρῖς ἥμισυ,
7 (πυρ.) (ἀρτ.) ριγΖ. ὃ᾿᾿Αμμώνιζο)ς σεση(μείωμαι). Lines g-11=1-3. 15 δι(ὰ)
σι(τολόγων) μέσης τοπ(αρχίας) Πακέρκη τόπ(ων) ἀπὸ 13 θέμα(τος) ἰδίου Θοώνι(ο)ς
Πανάρους 1 σ(ιτολόγοις) ΠΠακέρκη μέσης ἀρτ(άβη) μία 1ὅ χοί(νικες) ὀκτώ, / (ἀρτ.) α
X(oiv.) η. ᾿Αμμώ(νιος) σεση(μείωμαι). The writing is across the fibres.
1541. 10X1I-7cm. A.D. 192. Receipt, similar to P. Tebt. 369, issued by
a sitologus for payments by two persons, one a Roman citizen, amounting
to 125 artabae of πυρὸς συναγοραστικός (corn bought for military and perhaps
other purposes ; cf. Wilcken, Grundz. 359). 1 Μεμέτ(ρηνται) εἰς τὸ δημό(σιον)
πυροῦ συναγο(ραστικοῦ) γενή(ματος) 2 τοῦ διελθ(όντος) AB (ἔτους) Λουκίου Αὐρηλίου
Κομμόδου ὃ Καίσαρος τοῦ κυρίου διὰ σιτολ(όγων) Θμοι(σεφὼ) τοπ(αρχίας) Παῴ(μεως)
τόπ(ων) * Διονυσία ἡ καὶ ᾿Ασκλατάριον θέμα(τος) ἀρτάβ(ας) ὅ ἑβδομήκοντα πέντε καὶ
Κύιντος (κυϊν.) Μαρεῖνος " Κλαυϊδια]ν[ὸ]ς θέμα(τος) [ἀρτάβ(ας)] πεντήϊκο]ντα,
Ἰ γίν(ονται) ἀρτάβ(αι) ἑκατὸν εἴκοσι πέντε. Λεωνίδ(ης) ὃ ὁ κ(αὶ) Σερῆ(νος) σιτολ-
(dyos) σεση(μείωμαι) (πυρ.) (ἀρτ.) pxe. The writing is across the fibres.
1542. 14Xx13-7.cm. A.D. 307. A counter-receipt (made out by the payer in
the first person; cf. P. Gen. 36, B.G.U. 927, 974, Wilcken, Archiv,
11. 386, iii. 395) for various payments of corn to sitologi of Seruphis
(cf. 1421. 3, n.) from γεωργοί on behalf of, probably, owners of ἰδιωτικὴ γῆ.
1 ᾿Αἰντ]άποχ(ο»). 2 παρήνεγκον (-nvey'k.) καὶ ἐμετρήθησαν εἰς τὰ παρα- 3 σταθέντα
πλοῖα διὰ σειτολόγων κώμης * Σερύφεως ὀνόματος Δημητριανοῦ © Πλουτίωνος καὶ
ἡ γυϊνὴ] Ταπόσιρις "ἡ καὶ ᾿Αμαζνιον (first a of αμαζοννιον corr. and et corr.
from o: 1. τῆς γυναικὸς Ταποσίριος τῆς x. ᾿Αμαζονίου) δι(ὰ) Π[ε]τοσίριος μη(τρὸς)
"Tavpios γεωργοῦ κριθῆς ῥυπαροῦ (1. -ρᾶς, as in 1. 11) ὃ δώδεκα ἥμισυ τέταρτον
χύνικας (1. χοίν.) δύο, 9 γ(ίνονται) (ἀρτ.) ιβ.2 δ΄ x(olv.) β, καὶ διὰ ἑτέρου (first ε corr.
from πὴ Πετοσίρι- 19 os (δ)ὴκ μητρὸς Θ[αή]σιος γεωργοῦ κριθῆς 11 ῥυπαροῦ ἀρτάβας
δώδεκα τέταρτον 15 χ[ύϊνικας δύο, γῴ(ίνονται) (ἀρτ.) ιβδ΄ x(olv) β. (ἔτους) te (ἔτ.)
(sc. of Galerius Augustus) y (ἔτ.) (of Severus Aug. and Maximinus Caesar)
a (ér.) (of Constantine Caesar) 13 Παῦνι (παῦν) β. Πλούταρχος καὶ ᾿Οννῶ-
14 [φριῖς καὶ τῶν κοινωνῶν σειτολόγων (σ corr. from ε: 1. οἱ κοινωνοὶ σιτολόγοι)
16 [δι] ἐμοῦ Παμούνι(ο)ς [yloap.(uaréws) σεσημ(ειώμεθα). For the date cf. P. Thead.
10.16; in P. Grenf. ii. 78. 29 (ér.) a, not 8, isto be restored before τ]ῶν κυρίων.
1548. 85x9-3cm. About A.D. 299. Beginning of a receipt for chaff supplied
TAXATION 269
to soldiers on the march through Oxyrhynchus from an unknown place ;
cf. Wilcken, Ost. i. 162-4, Milne, Theban Ost. 103-12. 1Ἐλίτρισεν (a new
word meaning ‘ measure by λίτραι᾽ : cf. λιτρισμός) ἐπὶ τῆς πόλεως * πρὸς διάδοσιν
τοῖς διοδεύου- ὅ σιν γεννεοτάτοις (1. γενναιοτ.) στρατιώταις * ἀπὸ τοῦ (1. τῆς ἢ) Νήσου
"A εὐ ψωνος ὅ δι(ὰ)ὺ Ἡρακλήου ἀδελ φο]0 ᾿Αμόιτος 6 ἀχύρου ve (ἔτους) 18 (ἔτους)
[ζ (ἔτους) λίτρας ἴ τεσσαράκοϊντα ... Written across the fibres, but apparently
on the recto.
1544, 20:1x89 cm. A.D. 284-304. Receipt in a large cursive hand from
a πραγματευτής (cf. 1514. 1) of Aurelius Ammonion, who is called κράτιστος
like ᾿Αμμώνιος ἐπείκτης δημοσίου σίτου in 1412. 9 and might even be the same
person (cf. 1412. int.), to another πραγματευτής, acknowledging 100 artabae
of wheat, which the writer had put on board a ship at Pelusium. The
dating by consuls (whose names are omitted) indicates a reign not earlier
than Diocletian’s, and the handwriting does not favour a later Emperor.
1 Αὐρ(ήλιος) Φιλόμουσος πραγμα- ὅ τευτὴς τοῦ κρατίστου 5 Αὐρ(ηλίου) ᾿Αμμωνίωνος
4 Αὐρηλίῳ Μαξίμῳ πραγματ(ευτῇ) (πραγ. above the line) χαίρειν. ὃ ἔσχον παρὰ σοῦ
ἃς καὶ © ἐνεβαλλόμην ἐν τῷ Πη- ἴ λουσίῳ εἰς πλοῖον “Hpa- 8 ἔσκου (ηραϊσ.) ναυτικοῦ
πυροῦ ὃ ἀρτάβας ἑκατόν, 1° / ἀρτά[βα)ι ρ. 11 ἐπὶ ὑπάτων (ὑπ.) Φαῶφι Ky.
1545. 17:9x81cm. Fourth century. List of places ordered to supply meat,
probably for military purposes (cf. 1518), Oxyrhynchus providing for 10 days’
supplies (1. 11) and various villages for lesser periods, the length of which is
probably a rough criterion of their comparative sizes. The papyrus belongs
to the period after the division of the nome into pagi in place of toparchies
(cf. 1425. 4, n.) ; but there is no indication that the villages belonged to any
one pagus. Taampemou was in the eastern toparchy, Seruphis (which is
mentioned next ; cf. 1421. 3, n.) in the western, like Senokomis, which is here
coupled with Παρόριον (cf. 1475. 22, n.). Teis was in the Thmoisepho top.,
Petne in the middle top. ; Milon{os?] and Severias were previously unknown.
1 Ady(os) ὑπ[η]ρεσίας κρεῶν 3 Παχὼν ις΄ > Τααμπέμου ὑπὲρ ἡμερ(ῶν) >, * Σερύφεως
ὑπὲρ ἡμερῶν ζᾧ, ὅ Σενοκώμεως καὶ Tlapo- ὃ ρίου ἡμέρας ὃ, * Τήεως ἡμέρας β, ὃ Πέτίτ)νη
(πεττνη) ἡμέρας ὃ, ὃ Μίλωνίος ?] ἡμέρ(ας) γ, 1° Σευηριάδος [ἡἸμέρ(ας) ὃ, 1" καὶ οἱ ἀπὸ
[τἸῆς πόλεως 12 ὑπὲρ ἡμερῶν ι.
1546. 16x11-2cm. Late third century. An incomplete account rendered by
χωματεπιμεληταί or χωματεπεῖκται (cf. 1409. 13-14, n.) to a superior (the
strategus ἢ) concerning work done on ‘the repairs of dykes by different
villages, giving the number of ναύβια dug and the number still due; cf. 1409
and 1469. The μερίς in 1. 3 would be expected to refer to a toparchy rather
than to a pagus (cf. 1425. 4, n.); but Seruphis (l. 5) was in the western
toparchy, Teis (1. 10) in that of Thmoisepho (cf. however 1545, where those
270 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
two villages occur in the same list), and Phoboou (1. 11?) in the eastern.
1 Παρὰ Αὐρηλίων Σ[ιλ]βανῶν (1. -ανοῦ) καὶ τοῦ 2 σὺν αὐτῷ χωμα(τεπιμελητοῦ) τ[ῆ]ς
νοτινῆς ὃ μερίδος. Ady(os) ἀπεργασίας τοῦ κατὰ κώ- “ μην εἰς Ke Φαρμοῦθι. (and ἢ.)
ἔστι δέ 5 (1st h.) Σερύφεως ἀπὸ μὲν THB " [ἀπ]εργ(ασίας) να(ύβια) ᾽Βξη, λο(ιπὰ)
’AvAB. 7T .[. ἥλει ἀπὸ ox ρξ, λο(ιπὰ) ξ. FTI...) . (possibly ΠΙέλ]α) [ἀπὸ oe ρν,
λο(ιπὰ) 5. 91. ««ὐὐον εν ἀπὸ τῇδ py, [λ]ο(ιπὰ) pvd. 15 Τήεως [ 1 να(ύβια) μὲ.
1 φρβάϊου ται Η |
(4) Declarations to Officials.
1547. 23-9xII cm. A.D. 119. Census-return of an inhabitant of Oxyrhynchus,
similar to 171 (ii, p. 208), 1548, P. Flor. 4, Ρ. 5.1. 53. The middle and
lower portions are much damaged. At the top is a cross, as in 1452.
1 Δημητρίωι στρα(τηγῷ) καὶ οἷς ἄλλοις καθ(ήκει) (cf. 1452. 2, n.) 5 (2nd ἢ.) [π]αρὰ
Πετοσίριος Διονυσίου τοῦ Πετοσίριος μητ(ρὸς) * Μιεῦτος “Ὥρου τῶν ἀπὸ ᾿Οξυρ(ύγχων)
πόλεως. κατὰ τὰ κε- * (Ist ἢ. παρε(τέθη) in the margin; cf. 1475. 1, 1552. 1)
λευσθ(έντα) ὑπὸ Ῥαμμίου Μαρτιάλιος τοῦ κρα(τίστου) ἡγεμό(νος) ὅ ἀϊπο]γρά(φομαι)
πρὸς τὴν τοῦ διελθ(όντος) β (ἔτους) ᾿Αδριανοῦ Καίσαρος ° τοῦ κυρίου κατ᾽ οἰκία(ν)
ἀπογρα(φὴν) τὸ ὑπάρχον (ὕπ.) μοι ἐπ᾽ ἀμφ[ό(δου) ἴ Βο(ρρᾶ) Δρόμ(ου) 2 μέρο(ς)
οἰκία(ς) καὶ τῆι γυϊν]αικὶ Τετοεῦτ() ὃ Θ[οω]νᾶτος (πρότερον) τοῦ πατ(ρὸς) α(ὐτῆς)
τοῦ λοιπ(οῦ) 2 τὸ y’, καὶ ἣ [δ]μ[οϊξἔως ὑπάρχ(ει) τῆι αὐτῆι (πρότερον) Πετοσίριος
ἀδελφοῦ 19 αὐτῆς y μέρος το(ῦ) α(ὐτοῦ) Z μέρο(υς), map ἣ ἐστι καὶ τὸ λοιπ(ὸν)
11. γ᾽ uépo(s) εἰς πλήρωσι(ν) τοῦ Z μέρο(υς), ὃν Παποντῶ- 12 τοῖς ἑτέρου ἀδελ(φοῦ)
α(ὐτῆς) ἐν ἀσφαλείᾳ ἐκπροθέσμ(ῳ) γενομ(ένῃ) ™ ἀντὶ τοῦ ἐπιβάλλοντ(ος) τῶν κατίὰ
δανείου συγγραφὴν "1" ὀφ[ειλο]μένων τῆι Τετοεῦτι ὑπὸ τοῦ Παποντῶϊτος “effaced 1515
effaced 1. λαξὸς οὐ(λὴ) ποδὶ ἀρισ(τερῷ) (ἐτῶν) οὗ. 17 Ty 20 effaced 1. μῃτ(ρὸς) Te-
τοε(ῦτος) Qowva(ros) λαξὸς 18 οὐλὴ ποδὶ δεξιῷ (ἐτῶν) με. 15 ᾿Απολλωνίδης Πετοσίᾳ(ριος)
τοῦ Θοώνιος μητρὸ(ς) Ταψίό(ιτος) ὃ “9 Παύλου λαξὸς ἄσημος (ἐτῶν) xa, 3 καταγι-
(νόμενος) ἐν μέρει a οἰκία(ς) ἐπ᾽ ἀμφό(δου) το(ῦ) α(ὐτοῦ). 25 Παποντῶς Θοωνᾶίτος)
το(ΌὉ) Πετοσί(ριος) μη(τρὸς) Θαισο(ῦτος) Παπο(ντῶτος) λαξὸς * νυνεὶ ὧν ἀπόδημος
(ἐτῶν) νζ. * / σώ(ματα) ὃ. 35. [.].[. . « .] Θοωνᾶτ(ος) τοῦ Πετοσί(ριος) μητ(ρὸς) Θαι-
σοῦτ(ος).. 35 τό effaced 1. ἄση(μος) ὡς (ἐτῶν) Al. 27 Θαῆσις Oo..( ) δούλ(η) α(ὐτῆς ?)
ἀγφρα(στὴ) ἄσημ(ος) ὡς (ἐτῶν) A. * / σώ(ματα) β. 29 καὶ ὁμο(ίως) ὑπάρχ(ει) μοι ἐπ’
ἀμφόδ(ου) τί οὉ] α(ὐτοῦ) μέρη ἕτερα ο[ἰκ(ιῶν) °° κοινῶν καὶ πρὸς Πετόσι(ριν) Θο[ωνᾶ-
(τος)] ἐν οἷς οὐδεὶς κα[ταγ(ίνεται), 31 ἐπὶ δὲ τῆς ἐμῆς οἰκία(ς) ἀπογρά(φομαι). 53 Θέων
μητρὸς Θερμο[υ]θίου ΝεἸχθενίβ(ιος) ε. δί(. })[- . ὅτ (ἔτους) θεοῦ Οὐεφί πασἸια[νοῦ κατ᾽
οἰϊκ(ίαν) [ἀπογρα(φ ) 5:|... .]. ς αἰ. . .] απί 20 1. 88 οἱ μέχρι τί ο]0 ἐνεστ[ῶτος 15 |,
86 ἀπογρά(φομαι) δὲ καὶ δίκαιον .. .. .«[ 121. Ἷ καὶ Πετοσί(ριος ?) Θοωνᾶ(τος) μερῶ(ν)
oixia(s).[121. After parts of 4 lines “2[ὀμν]ύω Αὐτοκρίάτορα Καίσαρα Τραιανὸν
DECLARATIONS TO OFFICIALS’ 271
“Adpiavov Σεβαστὸν ἐξ ὑ- 43 [γιοθὴς καὶ ἐπ᾿ GAnOlelas emidedmxevar... (cf. Ρ. 5.1. 53.
i.19). On the verso "ἢ Top: xn.
1548, 21-1x9 cm. A.D. 202-3. Census-return of an inhabitant of Oxy-
rhynchus, similar to 1547 and breaking off at about the same point. The
officials addressed are, as often in returns to the strategus (cf. 6. g. 1111), not
stated, though the document in a marginal note at the top is called an
ἐγδόσιμον, i. e. an official copy ; cf. 494.25, n., Mitteis, Grundz. 63. 1 ἐγδ(όσιμον)
2 Tapa Πλουτίωνος Πλουτίωνος rob Πλουτίωνος μητ(ρὸς) Ταψόιτος “ ἀπ᾽ Ὀξ(υρύγχων)
πόλ(εως). κατὰ τὰ κελευσθ(έντα) ὑπὸ Μαικίου ° Λαίτου (cf. 1111. i, 3, n.) τοῦ
λαμπροτάτου ἡγεμ(όνος) 5 ἀπογρά(φομαι) πρὸς τὴν τοῦ δι[εἰλί(θόντος) 4 (ἔτους)
7 αισάρων τῶν κυρίων Σεουήρου ὃ καὶ ᾿Αντωνίνου [καὶ Γέτα Καίσαρος] ὃ κατ᾽ οἰκίαν
ἀπογρα(φὴν) τὸ (ο corr. from η) ὑπάρχ(ον) (ὕπ.) μοι ἐπὶ ἀμ- 19 φόδ(ου) Βορρᾶ Κρη-
π(ϊδος) δ΄ μέρος οἰκ(ίας) καὶ αἰθ(ρίου) 1} καὶ τῶν ταύτης χρηστ(ηρίων), εἰς ἃ ἀπογρά-
(φομαι)" 13 αὐτὸς ἐγὼ [ὁ] Πλουτίων ἄτ(εχνος) ἄση(μος) (ἐτῶν) μη, 13 Διόσκοΐρος]
δοῦλ(ός) plolv ἄτ(εχνος) ἄση(μος) (ἐτ.) [.1η. ™ γ(υναῖκες) (ΡΟ ΘΟ 54: int)
Ταψόις ἡ κ(αὶ) Εὐδαιμ(ονὶς) θυγά(τηρ) μου 15 συνοικοῦσα τῷ ἀνδ(ρὶ) ᾿Απολλω- 15 νίῳ
ar(ex.) ἄση(μ.) ὡς (ἐτ.) x, 1 Γαιανὴ (γαϊα.) ὁμογνησία αὐτ(ῆς) ἀδελ(φὴ) ἄτεχ(ν.)
18 ἄσημος ὡς (ér.) ve, 15 ᾿Αφροδείτη ἐπικεκλημ(ένη) ᾿Ισιδώρα * ἀγο(ραστὴ) δούλ(η)
τῆς θυγα(τρός) μου Ταψόιτος 3) τῆς καὶ Εὐδαιμονίδο(ς) γένει ᾿Οασεῖτί(ις) * συνοῦσα
τῇ δεσπ(οίνῃ) ἄτ(εχ.) ἄση(μ.) ὡς (ἐτ.) vy, * Ταέρως δούλη μου καὶ τῶν ἀδελ(φῶν)
34 μου καὶ ἄλλων ἄτ(εχ.) ἄση(μ.) ὡς (ἐτ.) Ae, “5 Ταεπίμαχος ἑτέρα δούλ(η) μου * καὶ
τῶν ἀδελ(φῶν) καὶ ἄλλων ἐκ δούλης 27 Ταέρωτος ἄτ(εχ.) ἄση(μ.) ὡς (ἐτ.) 8. “3 καὶ
ὀμνύω τὴν Λουκίου 39 Σεπτιμίου Σεουήρου Εὐσεβοῦς Περτίνακος *° καὶ Μάρκου
Αὐρηλίου ᾿Αντωνίνου * Εὐσεβοῦϊς Σεβαστῶ]ν καὶ] Πουβλίου...
1549. 12:3 Χ13:9 cm. Α. Ὁ. 240. Two returns of unwatered land at Peénno
(a village near Nemera; cf. 1. 23 and 1112. 7) from Aurelius Theogenes,
similar to 1459 and numbered 33 and 34 in a series of documents glued
together, of which nos. 31 and 32 form 1488. The first is addressed to the
basilicogrammateus, like 1459. 1λγ 2 Αὐρηλίῳ Πτολεμαίῳ βασιλ(ικῷ) 8 γρα(μματεῖ)
Ὀξυρυγχί[είτου * παρὰ Αὐρηλίου Θεογένους ° τοῦ καὶ ᾿Απολλωνίου Διογέ- ὅ νους τοῦ
καὶ ᾿Ασκληπιάδου Tam ᾿Οξυρύγχων πόλεως. ὃ ἀπογράφομαι πρὸς τὸ ἐνε- ϑ ards
y (ἔτος) Μάρκου ᾿Αντωνίου "5 Γορδιανοῦ Καίσαρος “rod κυρίου τὰς ὑπαρχού-
12 gas μοι περὶ Πεεννὼ 1 ἐκ τῆς Θρασυμάχου \ παρει[μ]ένης (cf. 718. 26, and for
παρειμένη P. Hibeh 53. 5 and 1534. 8) [ells ᾿Απολ- © λώνιον ᾿Απολλωνίου
16 τοῦ Παυ[σ]ειρίωνος a (ἀρτάβης) 1 ἀβρόχου (ἀρούρας) ὃ. 3 (ἔτους) y Αὐτο-
κράτορος 19 Καίσαρος Μάρκου *’Avtwvlov Γορδιανοῦ 21 Εὐσ[ε]βοῦς Εὐτυχοῦς, the
end being lost. The second return, addressed to a comogrammateus (cf,
1113) begins a8, 33 Κωμογρα(μματεῖ) Νεμέρων καὶ 33 ἄλλων κωμῶν τ]ῆς μέσης
2 τρπαρχίας *° παρὰ κτλ., as in ll, 4-21, except for the insertion of κλήρου after
272 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
παρειμένης in 1. 35, and concludes Σεβαστοῦ ** Φαμενώθ. “ [Αὐρήλιος Θεογένη]ς
6 [kai ᾿Απολλώνιος . . -
1550. 16x4-7.cm. A.D.156. Notice of the death of two relatives, sent to the
scribes of the city by a ἱεροτέκτων (cf. 579, Milne, Greek Inscriptions of the
Cairo Museum, 9313) of Thoéris, Isis, Sarapis and the associated gods (cf. 46.
8), similar to 79, 262, 1080, 1198, but incomplete at the end. 1᾿ΑἸπολλωνίϊῳ
kJa[l] Διδύμῳ 2 [γ]ραμματεῦσι πόλ(εως) 3 [π]Ἰαρὰ O€wvos τοῦ “ApOd- * [viJos (1. “Αρθοώ-
vios or ᾿Αρθώνιος) τοῦ Θέωνος μητρὸς > [Tay ?\diros τῆς Παῶτος ὁ [ray] ἀπ᾽ Ὀ ξυρύγ-
χων πό- Ἰλεω]ς ἱεροτέκτονος (iep., as in 1. 14; second o corr.) ὅ[Θοήρ]ιδο[ς] xa(t)
ἼΙσιδοϊς] καὶ ϑ [Σαράπιδος κα[ὶ] τῶν 19 [συνἹνάων θεῶν] μεγίσ- 11 [τω]ν. ὁ πατήρ polv
“ΑἹρθό- 13 [ν]ις Θέωνος τοί] ‘ApOdv- 13 [ros μ]ητρὸς Θερμουθίου 15 [τῆς] Παυσίριος iepw-
τέκ- 15 [των] τῶν αὐτῶν 19 [καὶ ὁ] κατὰ μήτερά μου ᾿Ππάππ]ος Παῶς Πετεύριος ᾿δμητρὸ]ς
Τααφύνχιος 19 [τῆς] Σαρᾶτ[οὴς [τέϊκτων 39 [Ἴσ]ιδος τῶν [αὐτῶν 7 [θεῶ])ν ἀμφότε[ρ]οι ἀπὸ
33 [τῆς] αὐτῆς πόλεζω]ς, 6 ple “5 [πατὴρ avaypapoplevo|s [ἐπ᾽ ἀϊμφόδου Δρόμου
25 [Θοήρ]ιδος, ὁ δὲ κατὰ μέ- 26 [τερα] (1. μήτ.) πάππος πυρετηΐς ὃ (ε corr. from ε:
1. (Παῶς) Πετεύριος ?) 37 [ἀναγ)ραφόμενος ἐπ᾽ ἀμ- 53 [φόδο]υ Δρόμοϊυ Γυμ]να- 39 [σίο]υ
ἐτελεἰύτησεν ἐν [re δ)ιελθόνίτι μηνὶ 31 [Φα]ῶφι τοῦ ἐνεστῶτος ** [εἰκ]οστοῦ ἔϊτους
᾽Αν- 39 [τωνΐνου Καίσαϊρος 35: [το]ῦ κυρίου. διὼ (1. διὸ) [ἐπιδί- ὅ5 [δωμι τὸ ὑπόϊμνη-
36 [μα καὶ] ἀξιῷ ἀναγραφῆναι 31 τού]του τὸ [ὄνομα 38ἐν τ] τῶν [τετελευ- *° [τηκότων
τάξει...
1551. 14:1x8-2 cm. A.D. 304. Notice of the death of the writer’s son,
addressed to a συστάτης (cf. 1509). This is the latest extant example of
this class of documents upon papyrus, and at the end the formula has a
clause which is absent from the earlier notices, e.g.1080. 1 Ἐπὶ ὑπάτων (ὕπ.)
τῶν κυρίων ἡμῶν * Αὐτοκρατόρων ΔιοκληΪτιαν])οῦ 3 τὸ ἔνατον καὶ Ma€g[t|ucavod τὸ ἡ
[Φαμ]ενὼθ [. * Αὐρηλίῳ ‘Qpion Of... . .]. os ὃ συστάτῃ τῆς λαμπρᾶς κἸ]αὶ λαμ-
6 προτάτης Ὀξυρυγχει[τῶν»] πόλεζως 7 παρὰ Αὐρηλίου Γερμανοῦ [ΔιοἸγένους ὃ ἀπὸ τῆς
αὐτῆς πόλεως. 6 [γέ] εἼι [ν]εώ- 9 [τ]ερος υἱὸς Γερμανὸς ἐκ μητρὸς 19 Μυριλέας ἀναγρα-
φόμενος ἐπ᾽ ἀμ- 11 φόδου ἹΓππέων Παρεμβολῆς 15 τῷ ὄντι μηνὶ Φαμενὼθ .] 15 τὸν βίον
μ[ετ]ήλλαξει.. διὸ ἐπ[εί- 16 χθην ἐπι[ δι]δοῦναι τάδε τὰ βιβλ(ίδια) 15 ἀξιῶν ταγῆναι
[adlrov ἐΐν τῇ τῶν "5 τετ[εἸλε[υτηκότ]ων τάξει... .. 1 φισκ.. .. .« 18 τῆς καταβο-
[λῆς ?, with traces of another line.
1552. 12-3x9:7cm. A.D. 214-5. Registration (ἀναγραφή) of a recently-born
boy, addressed to an ἀμφοδογραμματεύς and closely resembling 1267 ; cf. also
Ρ. 5.1. 164, a similar return sent to a συστάτης. Part of the date and the
signature are missing at the end. The age of the boy in]. 15 is not quite
certain, but a is supported by 1267. 18 (3 years and 5 months), and the editors
of P.S.I. 164 do not seem justified in restoring [18] in the corresponding
passage. | παρε(τέθη) (cf. 1475. 1, n.) 5 Βειθαρίωνι τῷ καὶ Δημητρια[ν]ῷ 8 ἀμφ[ο]-
155
DECLARATIONS TO OFFICIALS 273
᾿δογρα(μματεῖ) y φυλ(ῆς) β περιόδου (cf. 1080. int.) * παρὰ ᾿Αντιόχου Πτολλίωνος
μίη- ° τρὸς Τκούιτος (τκουϊΐτ.) καὶ Διονυσίου “Hpla- ὅ κλᾶτος τοῦ Θών [οἹς τοῦ καὶ
Θέωϊνος ἦ μ[ητρὸ]ς Θαήσιος ἀμφοτέρων ἀπ᾽ ὌὈ- 8 [Evp}yywv] πόλεως. βουλόμεθα
πρώ- ὃ τ[ωὶ]ς ἀναγραφῆναι ἐπὶ τοῦ ὑπάρχ[ον- 19 τος τῷ ᾿Αντιόχῳ μέρους οἰκίας ἐπ᾽ ἀμ-
1 φόδου Λυκίων Παϊρεμβολῆς τὸν τοῦ 15 Διονυσίζου υἱὸν ΠΙ. .... «ον μητρὸς
ἘΠ} 1. ὃς τῆς [ον τως 1{.1.1... 15. (δωδεκάϊδραχμον) ἀπ]ὸ γυμνασίου ὄντα
πρὸς τὸ ἐΐνε- 1ὅ ards Ky (ἔτος) (ἔτους) a. (ἔτους) [κ]γ Αὐτοκράϊτορος 16[Καίσαϊρος
Μάρκου [Αὐρηλίου 17 [Σεου]ήρου ᾿Αντωϊνίνου Παρθικοῦ 18 [Μεγίστο]υ Βρεταν(νλι[κοῦ
Meyiorov...
3. 13:7X7-2cm. A.D. 214. Conclusion of a declaration on oath concern-
ing a voyage to Alexandria (Ὁ) and surety in connexion with an official
position of some kind, probably that of κυβερνήτης ; cf. 1554-5, which are
addressed to strategi, as 1553 may well have been, and 1197, where ll. 17-18
are to be restored on the analogy of 1553. 7—9 [παρέϊσχον δ᾽ ἐμαυτοῦ ἐν[γυη τὴ »]
Σαραπίωνα. 1. --- " πἰ---᾿Αλεξαν- ὃ δρίας [— ὁ ἐπιτροπῇ Αὐρί[ή]λι[ος Εὐ- ὅ φράνωρ
εἰδῶν, ἢ év[o-° χος ἔσομαι τῷ ὅρκῳ. Ἶ παρέσχον δὲ ἐμαυ- ὃ τοῦ τούτου χάριν ἐν- " γυητὴν
᾿Ανουβᾶν 1° Διογένους μητρὸς “Hpa- 11 ἴδος ἀπὸ τῆς αὐτῆς πόλ(εως) 12 παρόντα καὶ
εὐδοκοῦν- 15τα. (ἔτους) KB Αὐτοκρ. Kalo. Μάρκου 15 Αὐρηλ. Σεουήρ. 1°’ Αντων.
Παρθ. 1ἴ Μεγ. Βρετανικοῦ 15 Mey. Γερμαν. 13 Μεγ. Εὐσεβ. Ὁ Σεβασ. Μεχεὶρ 1d.
21 (and h.) ‘Oplwy ᾿Απολλωνίου ὄμοσία (1. ὦμ.) 52 τὸν ὅρκον καὶ ἕκαστα ποίι- 23 ἤσω
ὡς πρόκειται. 3 (3rd h.) ᾿Ανο[υ]βᾶς Διογένους 35 ἐνγυῶμαι τὸν ‘Q[plov- 35 α ὡς
πρόκειτϊαι.
1554. 13:7 Χ 83cm. Α. Ὁ. 251. Conclusion of a declaration on oath for surety
of a boat-owner, addressed to a strategus (cf. 1. 8 with 1555. 14), similar to
1555; cf. also 1553. *[’A]duvitov Γάλλου. Οὐελδουμνιανοῦ 3 Οὐολουϊσιανοῦ Εὐ-
σεβῶν Εὐτυχῶν * Σεβαστῷν τύϊχην ἑκουσίως καὶ αὐθαι- *pérws ἐγγυᾶσθαι (ey’y.)
Αὐρήλ[ιον Πετόσι- ὅ pry ᾽᾿Οννώφριος μητρὸς Τισόιτος ἀπὸ ὁ κώμης Σέσφθα (cf. 1428.
10, Π.) κυβερνήτην πλοί- 7 ov ἰδίου σκαφοπάκτωνος (a new word; for πάκτων
cf. Reil, Bectrage, 88) ἐμφανῆ ὄντα, ὃν καὶ παραστήσω σοι ὁπόταν ὃ ἐπιζητηθῇ, ἢ
ἐγὼ αὐτὸς ὑφέξομαι (ὑφεξ.) 1 τὸν ὑπὲρ αὐτοῦ λόγον, ἢ ἔνοχος εἴην 11 τῷ ὅρκῳ. (ἔτους)
B Αὐτοκρατόρων 13 Καισάρων Ταίου Οὐιβίου Τρεβ[ωνιανοῦ 15 Γάλλου καὶ Γαίου
Οὐιβίου ᾿Αφ[ινίου 1: Γάλλου Οὐελδουμνιανοῦ Οὐολ[ουσιανοῦ 15 Εὐσεβῶν Εὐτυχῶν
Σεβαστῶν [μηνὸς 15 Χ[ο]ϊίακ ¢ Τ[Αὐ]ρήλιος Κάσσιος ᾿Απολλ[ωνίου, followed by
traces of 2 lines.
1555. 13x11-8cm. A.D. 260-1. The upper part of two declarations on oath
to a strategus concerning surety, probably for appearance at an inquiry,
though no definite indication is given; cf. P. Grenf. ii. 62, 79. Col. i:
1 Αὐρηλίῳ Πτολεμαίῳ τῷ 3 καὶ Νεμεσιανῷ στρα(τηγῷ) Ὀ ξ(υρυγχίτου) ὃ Αὐρήλιος
Φιλαντίνοος *6 καὶ Μῶρος Βησαρίωνος ὅ καὶ ὡς χρηματίζω. " ὀμνύω τὴν τῶν κυρίων
ἡ
274 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
Ἰἡμῶν Μακριανοῦ καὶ Κυήτου ὃ Σεβαστῶν τύχην Exov- ὃ σίως καὶ αὐθαιρέτως
10 ἐνγυᾶσθαι Αὐρήλιον 1 Σερῆνον Κάστορος 12 μητρὸς Θερμουθίου ἀ- ὃ π᾿ ᾿Ὀξυρύγχων
πόλεως, 13 ὃν καὶ [παραστήσω σοι... Col. ii (2ndh.) has the same formula,
Aurelius Asclepiades also called Sarapion, son of Pausirion, becoming surety
for Aurelius Aphunchis son of Thonis. On the verso is 1517.
(5) Petetions.
1556. 9:2x6Icm. A.D. 247. Conclusion of a petition concerning an assault,
no doubt addressed to a strategus (cf. 1. 1 with P. Tebt. 303. 13-14). 11... .] ἑνὶ
τῶν περὶ σὲ ὑπη- *[per|av ἐφιδεῖν με ἅμα δη- ὃ μοσίῳ ἰατρῷ (iar.) {ἐφιδεῖν * pe}
καὶ προσφωνῆσαί σοι ὅ τὴν περὶ ἐμὲ διάθεσιν, ὅ ἔχειν δὲ τὰ βιβλείδια ἐν Ἷ κατα-
χωρισμῷ ἄχρι τῆς ὃ παρὰ τῷ μείζονι (cf. e.g. 1121. 22) ἐκδι- ὃ κίας. (ἔτους) ὃ Αὐτο-
κρατόρωϊν 19 Καισάρων Μάρκων 1" ᾿Ιουλίων (iovd.) Φιλίππων 132 Εὐσεβῶν Εὐτυχῶν
15 ΣεβασἸ]τῶν Tic yn, with traces of another line. On the verso is a fragment
of a document dated (ἔτους) € Παχὼϊν. ., i.e. a year later than the recto.
1557. 105x8cm. A.D. 255. Conclusion of a petition (to a strategus?) con-
cerning a robbery of cattle. 14.[— *domp[....|{.Jupa..[..... 3 γενόμε]νος]
πρὸς τοὺς δημοσίους (cf.1411. 2, n.) * ἐμήνυσα αὐτὸ τοῦτο, οἵτινες ὃ ἅμ᾽ ἐμοὶ ἐπὶ τὴν
αὐτοψίαν © ἐλθόντες ἐπεῖδον τὸ ἀτόπημα. 7 ὅθεν ἐπιδιδοὺς τὰ βιβλίδια ὃ ἀσφαλίζομαι
(third a corr. from y) καὶ ἀξιῶ ἐξαυτῆς ὃ παντὶ σθένει ἀναζητηθέντα 3 τὰ κτήνη
ἀποκατασταθῆναί | μοι μετρίῳ ὄντι καὶ ἐξ αὐτῶν 13 τὸ ζῆν ποριζομένῳ, (ἔτους) β
13 Αὐτοκρατόρων Καισάρων 1" Πουπλίου Λικιννίου Οὐαλεριανοῦ 15 καὶ Πουπλίου
Λικιννίου Οὐαλεριανοῦ 15 Γαλλιηνοῦ Εὐσεβῶν Εὐτυχῶν [Σ]εβαστῶν ἢ Παχί[ὼν . .
18 (and h.) Αὐ[ρήλιος] Ξ[. ..«.. 15[ἐπιδέδωκα.
1558. 9x10-3cm. Α. Ὁ. 267. Fragment from the end of a petition by a woman,
with two ὑπογραφαί of officials, of which the first (ll. 6-8) was apparently
translated from Latin and may well have beeri that of a praefect. The ‘laws
of the Egyptians’ are contrasted with the ‘Roman constitution’ (ll. 3-4).
The 14th year in the date (1. 5) probably refers to Gallienus. The length
of the lines is uncertain. !1—].7.[...Jacv.[...2— πρ]οειληφόσιν καὶ ὅτι
καθολικῶς κε- ὅἴλευ ---- προσέτ Plata χρήσασθαι Τοῖς τῶν Αἰγυπτίων “ [νόμοις --- τ] τῶν
“Ρωμαίων πολιτείᾳ--- --Ἰ Διονυσία ἐπιδέδωκα. (ἔτους) 8 Τῦβι η. °(andh.)— évrevé liv
σου τοῖς βιβλιοφύλαξι φανερὰν ’— πρὸς τ]ὸ μηδὲν ἐπὶ περιγραφῇ τοῦ ἱερωτάτου
(iep.) ὃ [ταμείου γενέσθαι. ---- τὰ ‘Pwylaixd (Jaixa). κόλ(λημα) β. (3rd h.) Αὐρήλ(ιος)
Σερῆνος ὁ καὶ Σαραπίων ἐπιδ(έδωκα). 8 (4th Ἡ. Ὁ) ---- τ]ῷ δι᾿ ἐναντίας μέρει δικάζοντί
μοι ἔντυχε. Αὐρ. Σερῆνος ὁ καὶ Σαραπίων may be identical with the individual of
that name in 1209. 8 (A. D. 251-3) and 1276. 3 (A. D. 249).
1559. 9:5x15 cm. A.D. 341. Beginning of a petition to the ἐπόπτης εἰρήνης,
the chief of the police of the nome in the fourth century (cf. 991 and Jouguet,
PETITIONS 275
P. Thead. 17. 15, n.) from a senator, complaining of his treatment by
Besammon. A new praefect of Augustamnica (cf. 1428. int.), Fl. Julius
Ammonius, occurs in 1. 8. 1°Yaarefas ’Avtwriov Μαρκελλίνου καὶ Terpwviolv]
IIpoBijvow τῶν λαμπροτάτων ᾿Αθὺρ ιζ. 2 Αὐρηλίῳ Διοσκόρῳ ἐπόπτῃ εἰρήνης
Ὀρξυρυγχίτου * παρὰ Αὐρηλίου ᾿Αριστίωνος Πτολεμαίου ἄρξαντος βου- ὃ λευτοῦ τῆς
αὐτῆς πόλεως. οὐκ (οὐκ. ἄξια τετόλμη- ὅκεν οὔτε τῆς εὐνομίας τῶν εὐτίυΪχε-
στάτων τού- των καιρῶν οὐδὲ τοῦ φόβου τοῦ κυρίου μου διασημοτάτου ὃ ἡγεμόνος
Αὐγουσταμνείκης Φλαουίου Ἰουλίου (Ἰουλ.) ᾿Αμμῳνίου 5 Βησάμμων τις ᾿Απολλῶτος
ἀπὸ κώμης Πανευεὶ y’ (sc. πάγου ; cf. 1425. 4, ἢ. and P. Flor. 71. 324, where
πάγου is omitted after 5’) 19 παρᾳΐ. (Ἰκα[εμε... ον. «« «ον ον Ἰφήσεται κατὰ τὴν
τῶν [25 letterslov γήδια παρὰ Ταμόι- 13 τος ἢ 30 Lf...
(6) Registration of Contracts.
1560. τοχρο εἰῆ. A.D. 209: Fragment from the beginning of an application
to a strategus (ll. 2-5), enclosing a letter (ll. 5-8) of the archidicastes
Eudaemon also called Astlepiades; who was previously unknown, authorizing
the μετάδοσις of a ὑπόμνημα; of which a copy is appended (ll. 8-12), together
with a copy of the contract in question (ll. 13 sqq.). The whole document is
similar to 1474 ; cf. 1472. int. The applicant, Aurelius Horion, who is also
knowii from 705, bears ah interesting list of Alexandrian titles; cf. 1412.
1-3,n: While the total length of the lacuna between the lines is clear from
the certain restorations in 1]. 4-9, the point of division is not quite certain ;
but probably the leap belongs to a point near the ends of lines. (in
the upper margin) —'o. Spc not orparny|Gt). 1. «το δὸς στρατηγῷ δι᾽
Sole διαδόχου "παρὰ. ἀπο ἐν υρι. ov (cf. 1. 13) Αὐϊρηλίου ‘Qpeiwros
καὶ ὡς χρηματί( ει] i sb στρατὴγεῖῦ ‘iris πόλεως καὶ ἀρχιδικαστ)οῦ διὰ
Φιλορωμ[αἼίου οἰκονόμου. οὗ ae dake ἐκ τοῦ καταλίο- *[yelov χρηματισμοῦ ἐστιν
ἀντίγγραφον. Ἐὐδαίμων [6] καὶ ᾿Ασκληπιάδης] ὁ ἱερεὺς καὶ ἀρχιδικασ- τοι στρατ-
nye Ὀξυρυγχίτου χαίρειν. τοῦ δεδομένου ὑπομνήματος ἀντίγραφον [we- ἴ ταδοθήτω
ὡς ὑπόκειται. ἔρρωσο.) (ἔτους) ιζ Λ[ουἸκίου Σεπτ[μίου Σεουήρου καὶ Μάρκου Αὐρηί-
δ[λίου ᾿Αντωνείνου Σεβαστῶν μένω ιβ. Τέρας διὰ Toh σ]Ἰεσημ(είωμα!).
Εὐδαίμονι [τ]ῷ [καὶ “Lesaaeiaey) ἱερεῖ ek rag ΟΙ καὶ mpodls τῇ ἐπιμελείᾳ τῶν
ener καὶ TOV ἄλλων "' θ[κριτηρίων παρὰ -. -. upi. ov ea es isa
καὶ ὡς Χρηματίζει γενομένου σΐτρα- ἴ᾿ Bip τῆς ΝΝ καὶ ἐπὶ τῆς εὐθη]νίας καὶ
ore bade kal ἀρχιδικαστοῦ. τοῦ προεῖι- 15 μένου μοι. +... χειρογράφου κἸαὶ τῆς
ὑπ᾽ αὐτὸ ὑπογραφῆς ἀντίγραφον ὑπόκειται. . [. 15 [25 l.Jupe - @ Αὐρηλίῳ ἱὩρείωνι καὶ
ὡς χρηματίζίει 1} [γενομένῳ στρατηγῷ τῆς λαμπροτάτη)ς πόλ[ε]ως τῶν ᾿Αλεξανδρέων
διὰ Πούδεντος φίί- Ἰδίλου χαίρειν. ὁμολογῶ :. - - « «- υρ]ει[. ov Αὐρηλίο]υ [Ὡρίω]νος
κατέλί.. .] Π[ού]δεντι [, with traces of 4 more lines.
die
276 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
1561. 16-9x17:3cm. A.D. 268. Conclusion of a series of documents concern-
ing the δημοσίωσις of a loan on mortgage of house-property, closely resembling
1200 and 1475, but having the very cursive signature of an official in the
office of the archidicastes at the end; cf. 1475. int. Lines 3-6 correspond to
1475. 33-5 ὡμολόγησα, followed by ἔτους β Κλαυδίου Σεβαστοῦ Θώθ. ἴ Αὐρήλιοϊς
Σαρ]απίων 6 καὶ ᾿Απολλώνιος ἔσχ[ο»] παρὰ Σαραπίωνος τὰς τοῦ δανίου * δραχμ[ὰΪς
πεντακισχειλίας διακοσίας π[έν]τη (1. πἰ[έν]τε) [κα]ὶ ἴκοσι ἰτόϊκων δραχμιαίων καὶ
ἀπο- ϑ δώσω ὡς πρόκειται, καὶ ὑπεθέμην τὴν προκειμένην μου οἰκίαν ἐπὶ πᾶσι τοῖς
10 προκειμένοις, καὶ εὐδοκῶ τῇ ἐσοϊμένῃ] δημοσιώσει, καὶ ἐπερωτηθεὶς ὡμολόγησα.
11[Bolva[dJuer[os] δὲ ἀπὸ τίῆς] τρισσ[ῆς ἀσφαἸλείϊα]ς μοναχὴν ἐν δημοσίῳ γενέσθαι
κτλ., aS in 1475. 41-6. 3) (γηά h.) 6 πίρὸς] τῇ διαλ(ογῇ) τῆϊς πόἸλ(εως)" διέ-
γρίαψεν) Αὐρ(ηλίου) ᾿Αλεξάνδρου χρη(ματίζοντος). 7! (ἔτους) β Κλαυδίου Σ[εἸβαστοῦ
Θ[ὼθ] a. ὶ
1562. 22-7x8-8cm. A.D. 276-82. Beginnings of lines of a contract by Deme-
trianus for the ἐκμαρτύρησις of a διάλυσις (1. 25) by Ammonius (? his brother ;
cf, ll. 3-4). The reign was that of Probus (cf. 1. 7 with 1. 27), and in spite
of the great length of the lines (110-120 letters are lost at the ends; cf. ll. 1
and 26) much of the ἐκμαρτύρησις (Il. 1-5 and 29) can be restored from the
nearly contemporary and completely preserved parallel, 1208. On the
nature and purpose of ἐκμαρτύρησις see 1208. int., Jors, Zedtschr. f. Savignyst.
xxxiv.107 544. Thecontract of διάλυσις (Il. 5-28) concerned house-property
which was to have been conveyed (καταγράφεσθαι) to Demetrianus by
Ammonius (1. 12); but before payment was made the agreement was
interfered with by the claims of a third party (apparently the Eudaemon
mentioned in ll. 9 and 18), who demanded from Ammonius the repayment
of a debt concerning the Treasury (Il. 14-16). The matter was brought
before a deputy-epistrategus (l. 17), an extract from the proceedings being
quoted in ll. 18-19, which are indented, with the result that the original
contract of xataypapy deposited in the archives was annulled (Il. 19-21) and
Ammonius undertook to waive any claims against the original purchaser.
1 Έτο]υς [. Αὐτοκράτορος] Καίσαρίος Μάρκου Αὐρηλίου Πρόβου Περσικοῦ Μεγίστου
Γοθικοῦ Μεγίστου Παρθικοῦ Μεγίστου Γερμανικοῦ Μεγίστου (?) Εὐσεβοῦς Εὐτυχοῦς
Σεβαστοῦ (month and day) *[ély τῇ λαμπρᾷ καὶ λαμπρο]τάτῃ ᾿Οἰξυρυγχιτῶν πόλει
ἐπὶ ἀσχολουμένου ὠνὴν ἀγορανομίου καὶ μνημονίου. 3 [δ]μολογεῖ Αὐρήλιος Δημη]-
τριανὸς Πλίουτ μητρὸς βουλευτὴς (or ἀπὸ) τῆς λαμπρᾶς καὶ λαμπροτάτης
᾿Οξυρυγχιτῶν πόλεως ἐκμαρτυρεῖσθαι ἐν ἀγυιᾷ τῷ ἑαυτοῦ τιμήματι ἣν προέθετο αὐτῷ
ὁ ἀδελφὸς ἢ αὐ- “ [το]ῦ ᾿Αμμώ"᾽ιος βουλευ]τὴς τῆς αὐτῆς πόλεως ἰδιόγραφον διάλυσιν
γενομένην TO. ἔτει μηνὶ , ἧς μοναχὸν ὃ αὐθεντικὸν ἐπήνεγκεν ὅ ὃ ὁμολογῶν τῷ πρὸς
τῷ μνημ[ονίῳ συγκαταχωρισθησόμενον εἰς τὸ ἐπὶ τόπων βιβλιοφυλάκιον, ἧς ἐστιν ἀντί-
REGISTRATION OF CONTRACTS 277
γραφον. Αὐρήλιος ᾿Αμμώνιος ---- ὁ βουλευτὴς τῆς λαμπρᾶς Kal λαμπροϊτάτης Ὄ ξυρυγ-
χιτῶν πόλεως Αὐρηλίῳ Δημητριανῷ Πλουτ ἀπὸ τῆς αὐτῆς πόλεως χαίρειν. ἐπεὶ ---
ἔτει τῆς ἴ Αὐρηλιανοῦ βασιλίας Φαρμοῦθι ιθ|---- τὸ ὑπάρχον μοι 8 ἐπ᾿ ἀμφό(δου) Νότου
Δρόμου καὶ Μυροβαλίάνου τρίτον ὃ μέρος ---- σὺν τοῖς χρη- ὃ στηρίοις πᾶσι καὶ ἐπὶ τοῦ
αὐτοῦ ἀμ[φό(δου) --- Εὐδαίμονι 19 τῷ καὶ Διονυσίῳ ἀπολελυμέιῳ---- | πρὸ τῆς τοῦ
ἀποτάκτου συστάσεως (οἴ. 1409. 15, Π.) ol — 125 τὸν τῷ Δημητριανῷ καταγραφίέντα --
18 αὐτοῦ μὲν ἀδελφοῦ τοῦ δὲ ἀποδομ[ένου ---- | προάγει τὸ δάνιον τῆς ἀπολύσεως
τῶν -- 5 ἐπὶ περιγραφῇ τοῦ ταμείου καὶ to[— 16 μέχρι τῆς τῶν ὀφειλομένων
[ἀποδόσεως --- 1ἴ διαδεχομένῳ τὴν ἐπιστρατηγίϊαν ---- 1% κέλευσον κληθῆναι Εὐδαί-
porla— διαδεχόμενος 19 τὴν ἐπιστρατηγίαν εἶπίεν) per’ ἄλλα" — ἄκυρον ἢ εἶναι
30 τὴν οὖσαν ἐν τοῖς ἀρχείοις καταγραφὴν -- διὰ τὸ 3) μὴ διὰ δίκης χωρῖν, καὶ
ἔδοξεν als —, ὁμολογῶ 33 μηδεμίαν ἔφοδον ἢ ἐπέλευσιν ἔχειν πρὸς τὸν Δημητριανὸν
— μηδὲ ἐγκαλῖν μηδὲ 338 ἐνκαλέσιν μηδὲ ἐπελεύσεσθαι μηδὲ --- μηδὲ ** προσχρήσα-
σθαι τὸν ᾿Αμμώνιον [— διὰ τὸ ἄκυρον εἶναι τὴν πρᾶ- > ow. κύρια τὰ τῆς διαλύσεως
γράμματα ἴ--- γραφέντα, ἥνπερ ὁπόταν αἱρῇ ἀνοίσεις διὰ δημοσίου οὐ προσδεόμενος
ἑτέρας μου εὐδοκήσεως διὰ τὸ ἐντεῦθεν εὐ- 35 δοκεῖν τὸν ᾿Αμμώνιον τῇ ἐσομένῃ ἴδημο-
σιώσι, περὶ δὲ τοῦ ταῦτα ὀρθῶς καλῶς πεπρᾶχθαι ἐπερωτηθεὶς ὑπὸ σοῦ ὡμολόγησα.
(ἔτους) . Αὐτοκράτορος Καίσαρος Μάρκου Αὐρηλίου Πρύβου ™ Περσικοῦ Μεγίστου
Τοθθικοῦ Meyioro[v Παρθικοῦ Μεγίστου Γερμανικοῦ Μεγίστου Εὐσεβοῦς Εὐτυχοῦς
Σεβαστοῦ--- Αὐρήλιος ᾿Αμμώνιος εὐδοκῶ ? 33 περὶ τοῦ προκειμένου τρίτου μέρους [οἰκίας
καὶ ψιλοῦ τόπου --- 3 ἕως τούτου τὸ ἀντίγρα(φον). κυρία [ἡ ὁμολ(ογία), περὶ δὲ τοῦ
ταῦτα ὀρθῶς καλῶς πεπρᾶχθαι ἐπερ(ωτηθεὶς) ὁ ὁμολί(ογῶν) ὡμολ(όγησεν) ἐν ἀγυιᾷ τῇ
αὐτῆ.
(7) Horoscopes and Prayers.
1563. 11-1X19:3cm. A.D. 258. Horoscope of a person born on Thoth 27
(Sept. 24) of the 6th year of Valerian, Gallienus, and Saloninus, who is here
called Augustus, as on coins (cf. 1278. 44, where he is called Caesar, apparently
in the 7th year). The positions of the heavenly bodies are defined by degrees
and minutes, as in 1476. On the importance of this astronomical date for
the chronology of Gallienus see 1476. int. 1S (ἔτους) τῶν κυρίων ἡμῶν Οὐαλερια-
νοῦ κ[αὶ Γαλλιηνο]ῦ καὶ Κορνηλίου Σαλονείνου (first ocorr. from @) ὦ Σεβαστῶν OHO
κζ[ὥρᾳ]. ἡμέρας. *Kpdvos Eix Odor μοι(ρῶν) β, 4”A ons Ζεὺς Καρκίνῳ μοι(ρ.)Ἰκ .[- -|poe
([ἑἸκάϊτεῖροι ?), δ᾿Αφροδείτη Λέοντι μοι(ρ.) ιθ, ὃ ἥλ[ιο]ς Ζυγῷ μοι(ρ.) γ, ᾿ Ἑρμῆς Ζυϊγφ)
μοι(ρ.) γ, ὃ σεϊλ]ήνη [Αἰγόϊκερῳ (cf. p. 232) μοι(ρ.) κί. λ)ε(πτῶν») py, ° ὡροσκόπἰος
Ailyéxepe [μοι(ρ.) .] 2° Εύνοφα.. [. .] (a proper name ; cf. 1476. 13).
1564. 9:3x13:8cm. A.D. 283. Horoscope of a person born on Phamenoth
27 (March 23) of the Ist year of Carinus ; cf. 1476. int. 1 Γένεσις Πιχιμὲ 2a
(ἔτους) Kapivov Φαμενὼθ ὃ κζ ὥρ(ᾳ) a ἡμέρας. * ὥρα (cf. 1565. 4 and p. 229) ἥλιος
278 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
Κριῴῷ, ©”Apns Ταύρῳ, ° σελήνη Ζεὺς Kapkive, | ΡΩΝ Αἰγόκερῳ, ὃ ᾿Ἑρμῆς ᾿Αφροδ(ίτη)
ἸΙχθύσι (ἴχθ.). ὃ διευτύχι.
1565. 9:2Χ38:9 cm. Α. Ὁ. 293. Horoscope of a person born on the last day of
the gth year of Diocletian (Aug. 28) ; cf. 1476. int. 1© (ἔτους) καὶ ἡ (ἔτους)
καὶ a (ἔτους) πληρουμίέ- 2 vov ἐπαγομένων € ὥρᾳ a “ἥ ἡμέραζι)ς. * ὥρα (cf. 1564. 4)
ἥλιος Παρθένῳ, &’Adpodirn Ζυγῷ, °”Apns Σκορπίῳ, ἴ σελήνη] Τοξότῃ woddaf{v},
8 Κρόνος Διζδ]ύμοις ἀρχάς (cf. P. Brit. Mus. 110. 4=i. 131), ὅ Ζεὺς Διδύμοις,
10 Ἑρμῆς δι᾿ ὅλου τοῦ ξ[ο]άνου (an unprecedented use of this word for a sign of
the Zodiac) Ago[v- 11 [το]. Written across the fibres.
1566. 23-5 14:3cm. Fourth century. A badly-spelled Gnostic invocation of
the Deity under various names, several of which are non-Greek words, with
an address on the verso; cf. B.G.U. 1026. xxiii. There are traces of an
earlier document which has been washed out. 1 Χαῖραι (I. χαῖρε, as elsewhere)
Ἥλιαι (1. “Ηλιε), 5 χαῖραι Σαπειφνήπ, * χαῖραι σωτήρ, * χαῖραι ABpdoa{k}&, ὃ χαῖραι
Πετκηιερχενειν- (πετ᾽ κηϊερ.) ὃ καμτηρου (kay’r.), χαῖραι ᾿Ηλουαί, ἴ χαῖραι ᾿Ελουείν,
χαῖραι Πεται- ὃ πινακσψνευει. £a . πετενταετκηρκειειχινδοναιρουβι (-ταετ᾽ κηρ-: -κηρκει
-ουβι in the margin), °’Omavds ’Omavds βᾳσιλ]ίσκος, 1° Τι[[π|]αρκαμικειντεῦ,
ἀνομασία (1. ὀνομ. ; cf. 1478. 5 avoyaros). On the verso 1 ἀπ(όδος) εἰς τὴν
77
οἰκιαν.
(8) Orders and Demands for Payment.
1567. 3:7x10-7 cm. Fourth century. A short order connected with the
finding of an animal. 1Ei Θαεὶς εὗρεν τοῦτο τὸ * τετράποδων (1. -δον), ἐνεργήτω
(1. ἐνεργείτω). ὃ τοῦτό μοι ἕξω (or ἐνεργήτω τοῦτό μοι ἔξω. The writing is across
the fibres.
1568. 3:9x98cm. A.D. 265. Order toa poultry-dealer (ὀρνιθᾶς, an apparently
new word) to supply two hens (τοκάδες ; cf. ὀρνίθων τελείων τοκάδων in 1207. 9)
and twenty eggs for a birthday-festival. The 13th year in the date probably
refers to Gallienus. 1 eee ὀρνιθᾷ mapa) Σαραπίωνος. 2 δὸς eis yeveora Πανά-
ρους τοκάδες δύο, ( β, ὃ φὰ εἴκοσι, / φὰ kK. (ἔτους) ty Φαῶφι a. *(2nd h.)
σεσημ(είωμαι). On the verso parts of 3 lines of an account.
1569. 86x7-9cm. Third century. On the verso of the ends of 8 lines of
a letter mentioning οἰκοδόμοι and a λογιστήριον, which was written in about the
middle of the third century across the fibres. Order to an agent (πραγμα-
τευτής : cf. 1514. 1) from a woman to pay a builder six jars of wine, dated on
Choiak 21 (Dec. 17) of the 1st year ofan unnamed reign, which was probably
that of Macrianus and Quietus, Claudius, Aurelian, or Tacitus ; cf. 1476. int.
3am (π᾿: π corr.) οἵας
οἴνου κεράμια [ἐἸ]ξ, > γ(ίνεται) οἴνου κερ(άμ.) ς΄. ° (ἔτους) a Xotak κα.
1 Π(αρὰ) Αὐρηλίας Διογενίδος. 2 δὸς Διονυσίῳ οἰκοδόμῳ
ρὰ) Αὐρη γ : μῷ
βούλεται ληνοῦ *
157
ORDERS AND DEMANDS FOR PAYMENT 279
7(and-h.) ᾿Αμμων[}ῳ πραγμα(τευτῇ). ὃ Α(ὐρήλιος) ‘lepaxiwy ὃ ἐσημζ(ειωσάμην). The
writing is along the fibres.
0. 68x 92cm. After 250. On the verso of part of a lease written in the
4th year of an unspecified reign, which was probably that of Valerian and
Gallienus or Aurelian or Probus, to be published in Part xiii. Order for
the payment of 480 drachmae to ἀπαιτηταὶ ταύρων (or Ταύρων as a place-
name; for ἀπαιτηταί cf. 1419. 4, n.), written in the 4th year of probably the
same reign as that mentioned on the recto. } Π(αρὰ) Avoyevidos Σαρα- * πάμμωνι
4 ἂν » ] 3 pe
wv. ἀπετηταῖς (|. amar.) ταύρων
χαίρειν. ὃ δὸς ᾿Ισιδώρῳ (ἱσιδ.) καὶ “Hpaxde-
5 ἀργυρείου δραχμὰς τε- ὃ τρακοσίας ὀγδοήκοζν)τα, * γ(ίνονται) (dp.) υπ, λαβὼν * παρ᾽
αὐτῶν τὰ σύ(μ)βολα. ὃ (ἔτους) ὃ Χοίακ xy. '° ἔρρωσο.
1571. 14:5x10-4cm. Α. Ὁ. 297. Order toa γεωργός to pay 23 artabae of wheat
157
to a δεκάπρωτος (cf. 1410. int.). ᾿᾿Απολλώνιος ‘Oprano | s]] ? γεωρίγῷ] χαίρειν.
3 παραμέϊτρησον Δημη- * τριαἸνῷ δεκαπρώτου ([. -τῳ) ° ὑπὲρ τοῦ ty (ἔτους) καὶ ιβ
(ἔτ.) © καὶ ε (ἔτ.) πυροῦ ἀρτά- 7 Bas εἴκοσι τρῖς, / (ἀρτ.) Ky. * (ἔτ.) ἐγ (ἔτ.) καὶ ιβ (ἔτ.)
καὶ ε (ἔτ.) ὃ Μεσορὴ is. 19 ᾿Απολλώνιος [σ]εσημί- opar 1" (and h.) ᾿Απολλώνιος
Ἥρᾶ.
9. 8.,χιχό ςπι. A.D. 299. Order to supply a baker with 50 out of too
artabae of τῆλις (‘fenugreek’; here employed for food, not unguents),
countermanding a previous order for the employment of the artabae for
military purposes. 1II(apa) Σαραπίωνος Δημητριανῷ δεσπί(ότῃ Ὁ) χαίρειν. * δὸς
᾿Ἐπαφροδίτῳ ἀρτοκόπῳ ἀπὸ τῶν ἀπολυθ(εισῶν) ὃ αὐτῷ ἀρταβῶν ἑκατὸν τήλεως ἀρτάβας
πεντή- “ κοντα, / (ἀρτ.) ν, ἀκύρου ὄντος τοῦ προτέρου ἐπι- δστάλματος τοῦ εἰς ἀρτο-
ποιείαν τῶν γεννεοτάτων (1. γενναιοτ.) στρατιωτ(ῶν) (εις --- στρ. above the line)
δοθέντος σοι (σ corr. from 7?) τῶν ἀρταβῶν ἑκατόν. ὅ (ἔτους) ve καὶ (ἔτ.) ιδ καὶ ζ
(ἔτ.) Παχὼν ιη. ἴ (and h.) Σαραπίων σεση(μείωμαι).
1578. 124x156 cm. Late third century. Three orders for payment
addressed to the same person, the first two, which are in the same hand,
being written on the verso of 1527 and another document joined to it, of
which the writing is obliterated, while the third was written across the
fibres on the recto of a piece of papyrus which was originally distinct. The
first order (II. 1-5) is from a ὑπηρέτης and concerns the payment of 92 drachmae
for τιμὴ οἴνου, apparently a tax of some kind, which was defined in an obscure
marginal note. The second order (ll. 6-10), written on the same day, con-
cerns a payment of 112 drachmae for τιμὴ οἴνου provided on account of the
annona of the epistrategus Demetrius, who is not otherwise known. The
third order (ll. 11-16), which is from a gymnasiarch or ex-gymnasiarch and
has lost a few letters at the beginnings of lines, concerns the payment of
‘a number of items, of which the total was 768 drachmae, on account of a
280
THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
monthly instalment of atax; but the nature of itisnot madeclear. 1°Epyias
ὑπ(ηρέτης) Σαραπίωνει χαίρειν. 3 δὸς κλη(ρο)νόμοις Σαραποδώρου ὃ ὑπὲρ τιμῆς
οἴνου δραχμὰς * ἐρενήκοντα (1. ἐνενή.) δύο (in the right-hand margin εἰς διαγρα(φὴν)
παραδί( )) Πεματαίου). ὅ ἐπι. ev.. σον. ᾿Αθὺρ ια. °['Eppilas ὑπ(ηρέτης) Σαραπίωνει
χαίρειν. Ἰ[δὸς ΠΠΙο]λυδεύκῃ (η corr. from ov) ὑπὲρ τιμῆς οἴνου οὗ παρέσχε ὃ [is λ]όγον
ἀννώνης τοῦ κρατίστου ἐπιστρατήγου (η corr. from ι) [Δημητρίου δραχμὰς ἑκατὸν
δώδεκα, 19 γ(ίνονται) (δρ.) ριβ. ᾿Αθὺρ τα, δι(ὰ) χειρ(ιστοῦ). 1 (2nd h.) [Π(αρὰ)
Se Ῥ]Ἰουήρου γυμνα(σιαρχήσαντος) Σαραπίωνι τῷ φιλτάτῳ χαίρειν. 13 δὸς. «]ου ὑπὲρ
διαγρα(φῆς) μηνιαίου τοῦ ὄντος pn(vds) Παχὼν ὑπὲρ μὲν [. .1. ?[......- 1. δι(ὰ)
Ἰσιδώρου (iod.) BonO(od) (δρ.) TAB, μερ(ισμοῦ) Ζωίλου (ζωϊλ.) δι(ὰ) “Ὡρίωνος
14 [(δρ.) ..., δι(ὰ) Νιρ]ννάρου (8p.) τ, ἀπηλ(ιώτου) τοπ(αρχίας) δι(ὰ) Λουκίου (δρ.) μ,
μέσ(ης) τοπ(αρχίας) δίι(ὰ)] ... του (δρ.) ., 15 [δι(ὰ) .. .Jxvos (δρ.) ιβ, / τὸ π(ᾶν) τῆς
διαγρα(φῆς) (δρ.) ψξη. ᾿" [Σεουῆροὶς σεση(μείωμαι).
1574. 7-4xX13-6cm. A.D. 324. On the verso of the last four lines of an early
fourth-century letter. Order to give a jar of wine to the writer’s brothers,
dated in the 18th year (of Constantine) which = the 16th (of Licinius) and
the 8th (of the Caesars Crispus, Constantine, and Licinius), Tubi 26, i. e. Jan.
22, 324,8 year later than 1139. recto; cf. 1480. 1, n. *’Aupdvios Κάστορι
ἀδελφῷ χαίίρειν). 2 δὸς τοῖς ἀδελφοῖς οἴνου κνίδ(ιον) ἕν. ὃ ἐρρῶσθαί σε εὔχομαι.
4 (ἔτους) un (ἔτ.) is (ἔτ.) ἡ (ἔτ.) Τῦβι κς. Ῥ. 5.1. 205. 5 (ἔτους) va (ἔτ.) καὶ ἐνάτου
καὶ a (ἔτ.), which the editors assign to 294-5, supposing two errors in the
figures, is dated like 1574, and refers to 316-17 ; cf. 1410. 5, n.
1575. 5:9xXI4cm. A.D. 339?.. On the verso of 1589. Order to the writer’s
sister to give their brother 1 artaba of barley, dated by three different eras
of Oxyrhynchus, the first being probably that of A. Ὁ. 307, the second being
lost, the third apparently that of 334 (a might be read for e in the third
figure) ; cf. 1481. 5, n. 141 (apa) Σαραπίωνος Σαραπιάδι ἀδελφῇ xa(ipew). 7 δὸς
Διονυσίῳ ἀδελφῷ ἀφ᾽ ὧν ἔχεις * κριθῆς ἀρτάβην μίαν, y(tverar) (ἀρτ.) a. (2nd ἢ.)
ἐση(μειωσάμην). * (Ist h.) (ἔτους) AB κ[αὶ ιδ Ὁ] καὶ ε Παῦνι a. ,
1576. 5:8x106cm. Third century, probably before A.D. 250, written across
the fibres in the 4th year of an unnamed Emperor. Order to allow the
bearer to taste some wine. ?‘Qpiwv Alo χαίρειν. 2 τῶι ἀναδιδόντι σοι ταῦτά * μου
τὰ γράμματα ποί- *yoov αὐτὸν γεύσασθαι ὅ τοῦ οἴνου. (ἔτους) ὃ OO ιβ.
1577. 17-3x9-1cm. Third century. Demand addressed to Heraclides, over-
seer of an estate, by the φροντιστής of Stephanitis (a village ; cf. 1578. 2 and
998 Στεφανίωνος), to send money in order to pay for repairs of dykes, price
of reeds, and the writer’s salary, making 880 drachmae in all, from which were
to be deducted (ἀντιλημμάτισον: cf. 1578. I1 ἀντελλόγησον) 18 drachmae, the
price of two jars of wine sold by the φροντιστής. Written in the 2nd year
ORDERS AND DEMANDS FOR PAYMENT 28:
of an unnamed Emperor, the reign being very likely the same as that in
1578 (4th year), which was found in the same mound and may refer to the
same estates. 1 Αὐρη(λίῳ) Ηρακλείδῃ ἐπιτρόπ(ῳ) * π(αρὰ) Αὐρηλί(ίου) ᾿Αρθωνίου
φροντιστ(οῦ) Στεφα- “3 νείτιδος. αἰτοῦμαι ἐπισταλῆναι * εἰς χοβάριον κτήματ(ος)
Στεφανείτιδ(ος) ὃ τοῦ καθήκ(οντος) a eon) μέρους (δραχμὰς) ἣν S καὶ εἰς τιμὴν καλά-
pov τούτ[ο]υ (rod) μέρους δ(μοίως) 7 ἐπὶ eye) (dp.) τ, κἀμοὶ ὑϊπὲβρ 8 ὀψωνίων τῶν
ἀπὸ Χοίακ ἕως ὃ Μεχεὶρ μηνῶν y (δρ.) ρπ. 19 γ(ίνονται) τῆς αἰτήσεως (ὃδρ.) wm. -1) ἐξ
ὧν ἀντιλημμάτισον 12 ὑπὲρ τιμῆς οἴνου κεραμ(ίων) β ἑκά[στ(ου) 13 (δρ.) @ (ὀβολοῦ)
(8p.) ιη (δυοβολούς). 13 (ἔτους) B Μεχεὶρ ε. 15 (and ἢ.) Αὐρήλιος ᾿Αρθῶνις ἐπιδέδωκα.
16 (3rd ἢ.) Αὐρήλ(ιος) Ἡρακλείδης ἐσημζ[ιω- 17 σάμην.
1578. 17-6x18-3cm. Third century. Three demands, which were originally
separate, similar to 1577, addressed in successive months to Sarapammon,
overseer of the estates of the heirs of Claudia Isidora, by a φροντιστής of
Tholthis in the Thmoisepho toparchy. Col. i has only a few letters from
the ends of lines. In Cols. ii-iii money was required for the writer’s salary,
grass-seed, seed-corn, expenses, and unspecified ἔργα. A deduction for wine
sold at the same rate as that in 1577. 11 occurs inl. τι. All three columns
contain the signature of Sarapammon authorizing the payment (cf. 1577. 16),
and in Col. iii a different person has added a note ordering the payment of
an instalment of a sum due to Didymianus for an ἐπιθήκη (note of credit ;
cf. 1055. 6, B.G.U. 1064. 11). Written in the 4th year of an unnamed
Emperor ;.cf. 1577. Col. ii: 1 Adp(nAim) Σαραπάμμωνι ἐπιτρόπῳ κλ(ηρονόμων)
Κλ(αυδίας) “Iovdd{pas (ἱσιδ.) 2 παρὰ Αὐρ(ηλίου) ᾿Αρείου φροντιστοῦ Θώλθ(εως)
" Ἐπιη(εφόλ). 3 αἰτ[ο]ϊῦμαι ἐπισταλῆναι is μὲν ὀψίώνια “ τοῦ ὄντος μηνὸς ᾿Αθὺρ (δρ.)
ples ° καὶ is (is) συνωνὴν αὐ σμεληδει 5 καὶ κατασπορὰν σειξιείμῃ ἐδαφῷν καὶ
Ἰκλεισμοῦ οἴνου κυριακοῦ (δρ.) tua, 8 καὶ τὰς ἀναλωθείσας ὑπ᾽ (ὑπ) ἐμοῦ ἐν ὑπερ-
9 δαπανήματι διὰ τῶν λόγων τοῦ Φαῶφι (δρ.) vy. 1°/ αἱ τῆς αἰτήσεως (ὃρ.) φκ. Ι..]}
11 καὶ ἀντελλόγησον (ov above a) ὑπὲρ (ὕπ.) τειμ(ῆς) κερα(μίων) y 15 κτήμ(ατος)
Α(ὐρηλίας) ᾿Αθηναΐδος (adnvaid.) γενήμ(ατος) β (ἔτους) 15 ὡς τοῦ a (ὃρ.) θ (ὀβολοῦ)
(8p.) κζ (τριώβ.). 15 (ἔτους) ὃ τη" kG (2nd ἢ.) Abn ihe) ἔΑρειος ἐπιδέδωκα.
16 (ard h.) Αὐρ(ήλιος) ὐπτπμμὼμ ὁ καὶ Διονύσιος ἐσημι- 15 ὡσάμην τὰς τῆς αἰτή-
σεως δραχμὰς 1 Gr) ox, ἐν als ἀντιλημματιζό- 18 μεναι (3p.) κζ (τριώβ.), περὶ ὧν
ἐπέστειλα ᾿Α- 13 σκληπιάδῃ χειριστῇ. (ΟἹ. iii. 20-32 correspond to ii. I-19,
128 dr. being demanded for ὀψώνια οἵ Choiak, and 40 dr. εἰς τὰ ἐπέρχομενα
épya.. The date is Choiak 20 of the 4th year. * (4th h.) ἐξοδ(ίασον) Ardv-
μιανῷ τῷ καὶ Φιλαν- 8 τινόῳ εἰς ἣν παρεκομίσ(ατο) * ἐπιθήκην ἀργυ(ρίου) (ταλάντων)
β μεθ᾽ ὃ 88 ἔσχεν (τάλ.) a ἄλ(λας) κατὰ μ(έρος) ἐπὶ λόγου (ὃρ.) B. On the verso
is an account, to be published in Part xiii.
282: . THE OXYRHYNCHUS. PAPYRI
(9) Private Correspondence.
1579. 2:8x5-4cm. Third century. Invitation to a marriage-feast, similar to
1580, &c.; cf. 1484-7. int. 1 Καλεῖ ce Θερμοῦθις d[er- 2 πνῆσαι εἰς γάμους τίῆς
* θυγατρὸς αὐτῆς ἐν [τῇ oi- * κίᾳ αὐτῆς αὔριον [ἥτις ὅ ἐστὶν in ἀπὸ ὥρ(ας) [. Written
across the fibres.
1580. 2-6x6-4cm. Third century. Another invitation to a marriage-feast ;
cf. 1484-7. int. 1 Καλεῖ σαι (1. σε) Θέων εἰς [γ]άμους 2 τῆς ἀδελφῆς αὐτοῦ αὔριον
8 ἀπὸ ὥρ(ας) η.
1581. 13-4x106 cm. Second century. A letter, not quite complete at the
end, from a woman to her ‘brother’ (the use of such terms is often con-
ventional ; cf. 1296. 15, n.), urging him to make Sarapion (a son or younger
brother ?) work (cf. 1493. 11-14), and promising to send some bread, besides
other messages. 1 ’A[aia Ζωίλωι τ]ῶι 2 ἀδελφῶι χαίρειν. ὃ πρὸ πάντων εὔχομαί σε
ὑγι- *aivew. ἐρωτηθείς, ἀδελφέ, ὅ Σαραπίωνα μὴ ἀφῇς ἀργεῖν 5 καὶ ῥέμβεσθαι,
ἀλλὰ εἰς ἐργασί- (corr. from to...) ‘av αὐτὸν βάλε. ἐγὼ μὲν ὃ τοὺς ἄρτους
ἐπόησα. πέμψω δέ ὃ σοι διὰ Πτολεμ[αίου ὅτα]ν αὐτὸς ὁ 1° Πτολεμαῖος λάβη. ἄσ-
πασα]. Mo- 11} δεστᾶν καὶ τὸν υἱόν. ἱπαρ]αδώσεις 12 δὲ καὶ τῷ Μοδεστᾷ [ἀφ ὧν
ἐὰν 18 κ[ο]μισθῇ σοι. διὰ πίαντ]ὸς ἔχε ᾿“ τὸν Σαραπίωνα ἐπ[ιμ]ελῶς. 15 ἄΐσπ]ασαι
καὶ Ἑρμιῤδίνην)] καὶ Ηρα- "5 κ[λείδ]ην καὶ τὸν [υἱὸ]ν αὐτοῦ. 1" ἀϊσπάϊζεταί σε καὶ Σ[αρα]-
πίων 5}. ΤΌ ΣΕ lis καὶ ὁ ἱπατή]ρ pou... On the verso 19 π(αρὰ) ᾿Απίας Ζωίλωι
[ἀδελφῶι
1582. 14:5x12-7cm. Second century. Conclusion of a letter from a man to
his ‘brother’, written across the fibres, expressing joy at the recovery of
a friend from fever, &c. ἅμα τῷ Σερῆνον τὸν χρυσοχοῦν “τὸν φίλον ἥκειν
πρὸς ἡμᾶς ἀκού- ὅ ἴσας .. .]. « . ᾳ τὰ περὶ σὲ... «]ἰδια *[.... ἡμέρᾳ τῶν γυμνασιάρ-
5 χων ἕτοιμος ἤμῃν ἐλθεῖν © πρὸς σὲ καὶ ὑπηρετεῖν alo. ἴ θεῶν δὲ διδόντων καλῶς
ὃ ἔξεις. λέγει γὰρ Σερῆνος ὃ φείλος ὃ ὅτι ἀπύρετός ἐστιν. τοῦτο δὲ 1° προσδοκία ἀγαθή.
ἀσπάζεταί 1! σε Σαραπίων 6 υἱός μου καὶ ἡ μήτηρ 12 αὐτοῦ. τὰ παιδία σου ἔρρωται.
18 ἐρρῶσθαί σε εὔχο(μαι), ἀδελ(φέ). 15 Ἐπεὶφ B. On the verso 15 Σαραπίωνι
ἀδελ(φῷ) ἀπὸ ᾿Α βασκ(ἀντου).
1588. 9-4x11-8cm. Second century. A letter to ἃ friend, asking for various ~
articles of clothing to be sent ; cf. 1584. "Διογένης Διοσκορᾶτ᾽ι] τῷ τιμιωτάτῳ
*yalpew. ὃ πρὸ μὲν πάντων εὔχομαί σε ὑ(γ)λιαίνειν (viaw.) ἡ καὶ τὸ προ[σκ]ύνημά
σίο]υ ποιῶ παρὰ τῷ ὅ κυρίῳ Σ[α]ράΪπι]δι. γενοῦ παρὰ ᾿Ισίδωρον ὅ χάριν τοῦ ἰφαι]νόλου
καὶ τοῦ ἐπικαρσίου (cf. 921. 14, η., B.G.U. 816. 19) ἴ καὶ ἀπέν[εγ]κον παρὰ
Καλύκην, καὶ ὃ πέζμψατε ἡμεῖν ἂς αἰὰν (1. ἐὰν) ἧς εἰληφὼς ὃ
δερίμα)τικὴν (1. δαλματικὴν) καὶ αὐ- 15 τὸ πέμψον καὶ τὸν κύαθον. γράψον 1ἷ μοι
Ν fel Ἂν
παρὰ Φαριτῶν τὴν
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE 283
περὶ τῶν ὄντων (ὄντων) Kal τὰ yevd- ᾿ξμενα. ἄσπασε (1. -σαι) Εὐπλίαϊν.] ἐρ(ρ)ῶσθαι
σ᾽ (ὑμᾶς) 1" εὔχομαι. On the verso 15 ἀπόδος Διοσκ[ο]ρᾶτι.
1584. 20.8x7-8 cm. Second century. A letter from Theon to his two
‘sisters’ (cf. θυγάτηρ ὑμῶν in 1. 31), announcing the dispatch of various
articles of clothing, &c. 2-7 letters are lost at the ends of lines. 1 Θέων
Διογενίδι ἰδίαις * ἀδελφαῖς χαίρ[ειν. ὃ ὧν ἐν τῇ Σεναὼ (in the western toparchy ;
cf. 1285. 78) πρὸ πίάντων ὁ γράφω ἀσπαζόμενος [ra ὅ τέκνα ὑμῶν. τῇ ᾿Ετίεο- ἢ
ὁ κλείᾳ ἐνετειλάμηϊν “rept τῶν φαινολίων [καὶ διὰ 8 ἐπιστολῆς ἐντέλλομζαι 3 εἰ
(l. ἢ) ἐμοὶ εἰ (1. 7) Πάννῳ. περί[- yvwre δέ μοι μὴ γρίά]- "1 ψαντι ὑμεῖν, τὰ
γὰρ [. .. ἀ- @yvocire, λέγει πέμψαι 15 σοι κίστην ἐν ἣ Kav? διὰ 1" Πισᾶτος
ἀδελφοῦ Tal... . 1ὅ καὶ διὰ Πετεχῶντο[ς σφυ- 18 ρίδαν ἔχον (1. ἔχουσαν) |. Ῥ]κρουδ[ίον ?
1 καὶ διὰ Πετεχῶντοἰς 18 παλλίον ζμύρνινζον, φαινο- 139 λίων ζε(ύγη) β. γυναικὶ δὲ ἔ-
*° δωκα (δραχμὰς) ε. ἐκομισ[άμην 31 καὶ διὰ τοῦ αὐτοῦ σφιϊρίδαν, 22 ἐν κύθρᾳ μέτρον,
κα[ὶ 335 κρομύων χοίνικας [., διὰ 2) Ξένου (5p.) η. ἄσπασαι Διοίγενί- 35 δα καὶ τοὺς
σοὺς πάντας Kalr’ ὄνομα. 35 οὐκ ἐδήλω[σ]άς μοι πε[ρὶ . « . 77 ov ἐλαίου εἰἰ ἔλαβες [dra
28 Μυσθαρᾶτος, ἐπεὶ elo[dore? * οὖν στατῆρα ὥστε μίοι καὶ *° δηλυται (1. δηλοῦτέ)
μοι. ἀ(σγπάζεται [ὑμᾶς 31 (1π: the left-hand margin) ἡ θυγάτηρ ’Ax... 7
θυγάτηρ ὑμῶν. [ἔρρ)ωσθε. OO 18. ἄσπασαι Κεφαλίωνα. On the verso * (2nd ἢ. ?)
ἀπὸ Πάννου (cf. 1. 9) ᾿Ετεοκλείᾳ (cf. 1. 5) τῇ ἀδελφῇ.
1585. 10:3x5cm. End of the second or early third century. On the verso
of a fragment of a taxing-list, containing parts of 10 lines and apparently
mentioning the 30th year (sc. of Commodus, i.e. A.D. 189-90). An in-
complete letter from Severus to Euploiis, inquiring about the vintage
and proposing to send a boat for the wine. 1ζ[Πᾷ(αρὰ)] Σεουήρου Εὐπλόῳ.
2 μεγάλως . ape (the first letter corrected or deleted) εἴχατε πέμψαι μοι φάσιν
3 περὶ τοῦ κτήματος, πότερον ἐτρυγήσατε ἢ ov, *iva (iva, as in 1. 6) αὐτάρκες πλοῖον
τ[ῶν») ὅλων παραλαβὼν ὃ πέμψω. εἰ οὖν ἐτρ(υγγήσατε, ἄνελθε φέρων μοι “τὴν
φάσιν, ἵνα ἐξαυτῆς καὶ τὸ πίλο]ϊον ἐξέλ- Τ[θῃ εὗρον γάρ. ὑπὲρ (ὕπ.) τοῦ οὖν
μίηδαμῶ]ς ἀργηθῆ- ναι] αὐτὸ εὐθέως ἄνελθε ὃ 11 letters ὅἴ. « - « «. 7. ὦ παρα-
μεῖναι... ᾿
1586. 12:5x95cm. Early third century. A letter from ἃ man to his ‘sister ,
consisting of the conventional good wishes and salutations. A midwife
(ἰατρίνη) is mentioned in 1. 12. !‘Apmoxpatiwy ἫἩραΐδι τῆι * ἀδελφῆι χαίρειν.
ὃ πρὸ τῶν ὅλων εὔχομαί toe ὑγιαίνειν μετὰ τῶν τέ- ὅκνων σου καὶ τῶν σῶν πάν-
Srv. γράφω δέ σοι καὶ ἐγὼ 7 ἐρρωμένος καὶ εὐχόμενός ὃ σοι τὰ κάλλιστα. ἄσπασαι
᾿Α- ϑ πολλώνιον καὶ Διονύσιον καὶ 1° Πλουτογένειαν καὶ Εὐτυχίαν 1" καὶ τοὺς υἱοὺς
αὐτῆς καὶ τὴν θυ- 13 γατέρα. ἡ ἰατρίνη (ϊατρ.) σε ἀσπάζε- rar καὶ Διονύσιος καὶ
Ἥρων 1 καὶ of ἐμοὶ πάντες σε προσαγο- 1 ρεύουσιν. ἐρρῶσθαι) εὔχομαι) [π]ανοικεί.
On the verso 15 Αὐρηλίᾳ [Ἡραΐδι] π(αρὰ) ἀδελ(φοῦ) “Aproxpariwyos.
284 THE OXYRHYNCAHUS. PAPYRI
1587. 20:8x8-7cm. Late third century. A letter chiefly concerning various
documents. A few lines at the end and probably 15-19 letters at the
beginning of each line (cf. Il. 5 and 19) are missing. 1 Χαίροις (or Χαῖρε),
κύριέ μου (?)| Σαραπίων. ᾿Αμμώνιός σε 3Ξ[ προσαγορεύω (cf. 1492, 3, η.).] ὃ —lavrwv
ἀκρειβῶς κατέχω (or κατεχώΐρισα) “τὸ βιβλίδιον ἐπ]εσκεμμ[έϊνον (cf. 1451. 3) ἐκ
τῆς βιβλιο- ὃ [θήκης τῶν ἐγκτήσε]ων (or δημοσίων λόγ]ων).. Ἡρακ[λείἼδης ἐπέστειλέ
μοιὅ --- ἔδωκα τῷ ἐπιστολαφόρῳ τὰς ---Ἶ πολλῶν ἵνα (iva) ἄρῃς ods mpoexpy-* [ow ὃ ---
μετ]άλημψιν δοίης. περὶ τῶν ὃ --- το]ῦ ὑπολόγου (ὕπ.) μέχρι σήμερον 19---- οὕτω ?] yap
τάχα δυνηθῶμεν αἰρε- 1" —] ἐπιδίδωμι ὃ ἔδωκέ μοι βιβλί- 13 ἴδιον ---Ἶ αὐτῷ τὴν
δ]ιαγραφήν. τὸ δὲ 18 -- Ἰηθήσεται ἐπεὶ θορυβούμεθα 13 --- το]ῦ Κτησιδήμου ἀκρειβῶς
παρὰ 15-- Ἰ ἐὰν δὲ μάθηται (1. -ητε) αὐτὸν καταλεί- 16 [ψαντα --- ἐπι]στείλατέ μοι ἵν᾽
(iv) εἰδῶ. οὕτω 1 —]. οσως περὶ τοῦ κατὰ σὲ ὅτι δι- 15 ---- ἐκ τῆς ἐπεσκεμμένης
ἐκ 19 [τῆς βιβλιοθήκης ov θαρρείτω ὅτι οὐκ ἀμελῶ 39 ---Ἰοι συστατικῶν γραμμάτων
1 Πηοσιδώνιος ἀντιλαμβάνε- 323ται --ἨἬἸφοβος ὃ ἡγούμενος αὐτοῦ ** — π]ρὸς τὸν
Ποσιδώνιον καὶ 35 ---- ἄσ]πασαι τὸν κύριόν μου Κυ-...
1588. 12:7x11-3cm. Early fourth century. A letter, incomplete at the end,
from Dorotheus to his father about demands for money which were being
made by creditors, assisted by a soldier in attendance upon the epistrategus,
this being one of the latest mentions of that official. The reign is not earlier
than that of Diocletian, as is indicated both by the handwriting and the
mention of a talent in]. 11. 1 Δωρόθεος ᾿Αφυγχίῳ 3 τῷ πατρὶ χαίρειν. ὃ ἡ φιλικὴ
σχέσις πρὸς σὲ καὶ τὸν υἱόν * σου ἐλπίζει] μεγάλην] ἔχθραν (ν of both words
above the line) ye- (over an erasure) ὅ νέσθαι. ἕως γὰρ κἀγ[ὼ] οὐκ (ουκ᾽, as in
1. 10) ἠνωχλού- (w above o deleted) ὅ μην ὑφ᾽ ὧν εἴληφας δι’ ἐμοῦ τὰ ἀργύρια,
Ἰ περὶ ὧν πολλάκις σοι ἀπαντήσας ὃ ὡμείλισα (1. ὡμίλησα), ἡ.
10
. . πόμην cov (σου).
νῦν δὲ 3 ὀχληθεὶς ὑπ᾽ αὐτῶν μετὰ καὶ στρατιώ-
1
του τοῦ ἐπιστρατήγου οὐκ ἐξευ-
ρίσκω 7. ἄλλο ποιεῖν περὶ τοῦ λοιποῦ, λέγω τα- "2 λάντου ἑνός, (ταλ.) a, ἣ δανεί-
σασθαι ...[..].7.[-Jovtos τότε μηδὲ στατῆρα ‘(15 letters|opov ἐπὶ τοῦτο
ἥκειν (ηκεῖ) 15[20 1... δευς χάρις αὐτῷ 1526 l.vov.. .
1589. 5°9x14cm. Early fourth century, 1575, which was apparently written
in A.D. 339, being on the verso. A letter in two short columns, of which the
first has only a few letters from the ends of lines. In Col. ii the writer is
concerned with an ἀπογραφή and speaks of coming ‘to Egypt’, but concludes
with directions for sending some wine, so that probably he was at Alexandria,
which is distinguished from Egypt ine. g. the praefect’s titles. An unknown
word μοσθίον, a diminutive of μοῦστος, meaning apparently a jar or some
other measure of wine, occurs in 1. τό. Col. i: 1 χ]αίρειν. 3 ἔγραψ)]ά σοι ὡς
Col. ii. 19 ἔγραψάϊς] μοι. γίνωσκε δὲ ὅτι ἐξ ἐμοῦ 11% ἀπογραφή cov ἐγένετο,
προτρέψας αὖὐ- 12 τὸν οὕτως ἀπογράψασθαι ἵνίζα) κἀγὼ δυ- 15 νηθῶ τὰ ἴσα (ica)
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE 285
ἀπογράψασθαι, ἀλλὰ καὶ 14 τὸ π[ρὸς ἢ] μέρος χωρίον cov ἐν αὐτῷ τῷ 15 Αἰγύπτῳ.
πᾶν ποίησον ἐπὶ ἔρχομε (1. -μαι) 15 εἰς Αἴγυπτον, κὰν μοσθίον οἴνου μοι ho-*" λέτρισον
᾿(φορέτ.), καὶ γράψον μοι τί δῶ αὐτῷ 15 φόλετρον (Il. φορ.). ἀλλὰ μὴ ἀμελήσῃς.
ἔρρω- 15 od μοι, κύρι. The writing is across the fibres.
1590. 11-6x13-5cm. Fourthcentury. Conclusion ofa letter of Demetrianus,
with two postscripts, one complaining that a certain Syrus had broken faith
with him about the payment of a debt, which Demetrianus wished to be
collected, the second asking that pressure should be brought to bear upon
two ὑδροπάροχοι (cf. 729. τό, Wilcken, Archiv, iv. 120) to lease the right of
working the vineyard which they watered. ἷ τοῦ dyopevtod εὐθέως. ἐρρῶσθαι
ὑμᾶς 3 εὔχομαι. 3 Σύρος [δ]ὲ ὁ πράτης οὐδεμίαν δεξιὰν * ἔχι. εἴπαϊτ]ε αὐτῷ περὶ ὧν
ὀφείλει. δότω ὅ οὖν ὡς ἄλλοτε ἔγραψα μετὰ συνπεριφορᾶς (‘indulgence’). ° Φαῶφις.
Ἰ ἐὰν σἸχύσητε (([σ]χ.) πεῖσαι ᾿Αφῦγχιν καὶ τὸν ὃ κοινωνὸν αὐτοῦ τοὺς ὑδροπαρόχ[ους]
(ὕδρ.) τοῦ ὃ Ωκεανοῦ καὶ τῶν ἀμπελουργικ[ῶ]ν μι- 15 σϊθω)τὰς γενέσθαι ὡς ἐπὶ τῶν
ὑδροπαρο- (vdp.) 1} χισμῶν ποιοῦσι, ἐρχόμενοι εἴπᾳ[τ]ε, 12 ἐπεὶ ἀν]άγκη μὲν ὑμῖν (ὕμ.)
ἀργυρίου. καὶ θελή- 13 σίατε] μη[. .«. Inthe left-hand margin 15]... ov cov ὥστε
μεταβληθῆναι Νείλῳ τῷ On the verso | Δημητριᾳνός.
1591. 9:7x6-8cm. Fourth century. Beginning of ἃ letter from a father to his
son, telling him not to make cakes (ψωμία: cf. 1489. 5). ᾿ Κυρίῳ pov υἱῷ
(view) ᾿Ανεικήτῳ 2 Δημήτριος χαίρειν. ὃ πᾶν ποίησον βοήθζησγον “ μὴ ποιήσῃς τὰ
ὃ οὖν μὴ ἀμελήσῃς
9 καὶ ποιήσῃς αὐτά. 1° βοήθησον οὖν τύνυν (1. τοίνυν) ἔξηλθε (1. ἔξελθε) πρὸς ἡμᾶς,
with traces of another line. On the verso is an account in 4 lines.
1592. 5x10-3cm. Late third or early fourth century. Fragment of an early
Christian letter from a woman to her ‘father’, written in small uncials
with contractions of κύριος and πατήρ (different in ll. 3 and 5); cf. 1493.
int. The phraseology in |. 4 recalls the Psalms. 1 yallpew. alde- (1. ἐδε-)
2 ξάϊμήηην σου τὰ γράμμα- ὅτα, κ(ύρι)λέ pov π(άτε)ρ, καὶ πάνυ ἐ- “ μεγαλύνθην
καὶ ἠγαλλεία- ὃ σα ὅτει τοιοῦτός μου π(ατ)ὴρ © τὴν μνήμην ποιεῖται. αὐτὰ ἴ γὰρ δεξα-
μένη τὸ ἱερόν (iep. ; οἴ. 1492. 1) σου 8{ x1 letters προσεκ]ύνησα - ..
1593. 21x14cm. Fourthcentury. A letter to Ischyrion, which has lost the
beginning and consists mainly of entreaties to write. 1[......)[ 25 letters
3 [εὐθυ]μοῦντί σαι (1. σοι) καὶ εὐδαιμονοῦντι διὰ παντὸς 3... « ..] δοθῆνέ (1. -val) σοι
τὰ παρ᾽ ἐμοῦ γράμματα. *[....\(w σαι (l. σε), ἀδελφέ, ὅτι ἐὰν μὴ μίαν (1. ἐν)
ἐπιστόλιν ὅ οὐκ [ἐϊδήλωσάς μοι κὰν περὶ τῆς ὁλοκληρίας 5 ὑμῶν (ὕμ.) καὶ περὶ δι} oldes
οὐδεμίαν ὑπόμνησίν (ὕπ.) ἴ μοι ἐδήλωσας. κἂν νῦν, ἀδελφέ, πάντα ὃ ὑπερθέμενος
ἀντίγραψόν μοι πρῶτον ὃ μὲν περὶ τῆς ὁλοκληρίας σου. πάλαι μὲν καὶ σύ, 1° ἀδελφέ,
ἤκουσας ὅτι ἀπὸ μηνὸς Φαμενὼθ 1} ἕως μηνὸς Παῦνι (παῦν.) οὐδεμίαν (sc. ἡμέραν)
εὐθύμησα, 15 κα]ὶ θεῷ χάρις, μὴ οὖν ἀμελήσῃς ἰοὖν), ἀδελφέ, Brod σαι (1. σε)
/ ‘4 #
ψωμία. ὅ ἐπ(εδὶ yap εὑρήκαμεν ° ὧδε πεποιημένα * ψωμία, τοίνυν
286
THE OXYRAYNCRUS: FAIR
n \ “ ΟΥ
ἀντιγράψε (1. -ψαι) μοι πρῶτον μὲν περὶ τῆς ™ ὁλοκληρίας σου, δεύτερων (1. -ρον) καὶ
περὶ ὧν βούλῃς 15 παρ᾽ ἐμοὶ ἀντίγραψόν μοι, ἐμοῦ ἡδέως ἔχοντι (I. -τος). 16 ἀσπάζομαι
κ , ε a , s at) Xx f 17 5 Β 4 b) f > ,
τὸν πατέρα ἡμῶν, τουτέστιν σόν, ἀδελφέ. 1ἴ ἀσπάζομαι Bapd. ἀσπάζομαι Σαραπίωνα.
ἀσπάζο- 18 μαι τοὺς ἡμῶν πάντας κατ᾽ ὄνομα. 13 ἐρρῶσθ[α), σε εὔχομαι 39 πολ[λο] 9]
ι
χρόνοις. On the verso * ἀπόδ(ος) ᾿Ισχυρίωψι] ἀδελφίῷ] π(αρὰ) ΚΙ...
PND hehe
I. KINGS AND EMPERORS.
CLEOPATRA VI anp ANTONY.
ἔτος kB καὶ ζ 1458. 22.
Juxius ΟΑΕΒΔΚ.
θεός 1458. τι.
AUGUSTUS.
Καῖσαρ (ἔτ. a) 1458. 21, 29; (ἔν. κἢ 1457. 6, τό.
Καῖσαρ θεὸς ἐκ θεοῦ (ἔτ. a) 1458. 11. θεὸς Καῖσαρ (ἔτ. Ab) 1452. 54.
TIBERIUS.
Τιβέριος Καῖσ. Σεβαστός (ἔτ. ιη) 1480. 27.
Cravupivs I.
ΤΙβ. Κλαύδιος Καῖσ. Σεβ. Γερμανικὸς Αὐτοκράτωρ (ἔτ. δ) 1447. 1.
Τιβ. Κλαύδιος Καῖσ, (ἔτ. δ) 1447. 1.
VESPASIAN.
Οὐεσπασιανὸς ὁ κύριος (ἔτ. 8) 1439. 4.
Οὐεσπασιανὸς (ἔτ. ι) 1547. 33. θεὸς Οὐεσπ. (ἔτ. ε) 1452. 44.
DomiTIAN.
Air. Καῖσ. Δομιτιανὸς Σεβ. (ἔτ. a) 1471. 20, 33.
Abr. Kato. Δομιτ. Σεβ. Teppavixds (ἔτ. 8) 1462. 375; (ἔτ. y) 1462. τό.
Δομιτιανός (ἔτ. 6) 1452. 27.
TRajan.
Air, Καῖσ. Népovas Τραιανὸς Σεβ. Γερμ. (ἔτ. ε) 1520. τ.
Air, Καῖσ. Νέρ. Τραιαν. Σεβ. Τερμ. Δακικός (ἔτ. va?) 1484. 4; (Δακικὸς Παρθικός, ἔτ. κ)
1464. τι.
Τραιανὸς Καῖσ. ὁ κύρ. (ἔτ. ιζ) 1521. 1.
θεὸς Τραιανός (ἔτ. y) 1452. 57 (?).
Haprian.
Air, Καῖσ. Τραιανὸς ‘Adpiavos Σεβ. (ἔτ. 8) 1547. 42; (ἔτ. .ιβ) 1422. 13 ; (ἔτ. «) 1472. 7.
‘Adptavis Καῖσ, 6 κύρ. (ἔτ. 8) 1547. 5; (ἔτ. ε) 1440. 2; (ἔτ. «8) 1472. 11.
Τραιανὸς ᾿Αδρ. Καῖσ. 6 κύρ. (ἔτ. ta) 1452. 14, 40.
“Αδριανός (ἔτ. 7) 1452. 22. θεὸς “Adpravds (ἔτ. ve) 1451. 22.
“Αδριανὴ βιβλιοθήκη 1478. 40; 1475. 44.
288 INDICES
Antoninus Pius.
’Avravivos Kaic. ὁ kup. (ἔτ. ι) 1485. 18; (ἔτ, x) 1486. 36; 1550. 32.
θεὸς ᾿Αντωνῖνος (ἔτ. ι5) 1451. 23. θεὸς Αἴλιος "Avtar. (ἔτ. xy) 1446. 93.
Marcus Aureus (Commopus).
Αὐρήλιος ᾿Αντωνῖνος (έτ. δ) 1451. 24; (ἔτ. 8) 1451. 27.
Aip. ’Avrav, Καῖσ. ὁ kup. (ἔτ. te) 1451. 2, 15.
Air. Καῖσ. Μάρκος Αὐρ. ᾽Ἄντων. Σεβ, ᾿Αρμενιακὸς Μηδικὸς Παρθικὸς Tepp. Σαρματικὸς Μέγιστος
(ἔτ. us or ιζ) 1451. 8,
Αὐρήλιοι ᾿Αντωνῖνος καὶ Κόμμοδος Καίσαρες οἱ kup. (ἔτ. ιθ) 1589. 2.
Οομμορῦϑ.
Μ. Αὐρ. Κόμμοδος ᾿Αντων. Καῖσ. 6 κύρ. (ἔτ. κζ) 1540. 2, Io.
ε ud
Λούκιος Αὐρ. Κομμ. Καῖσ. ὁ kip, (ἔτ. 48) 1541. 2.
Septimus Severus ((ΑΚΑΟΘΑΙ1,Α, GETA).
A, Σεπτίμιος Σεουῆρος Εὐσεβὴς Περτίναξ καὶ M. Αὐρ. ᾿Ἄντων. Kaioapes οἱ κύρ. 1441. 1.
Αὐτοκράτορες Καίσ.. A, Σεπτ. Σεου. Eva. Περτ. ᾿Αραβικὸς ᾿Αδιαβηνικὸς Παρθ. Mey. καὶ Μ, Αὐρ.
᾽Ἄντων. Σεβαστοί (ἔτ. ζ) 1478. 18, 31. ᾿
Δ. Σεπτ. Σεου. Εὐσ. Περτ. καὶ Μ. Αὐρ. ᾽Ἄντων. [Σεβαστοί] (ἔτ. ¢) 1478. 22; (Εὐσεβὴς
Σεβαστοί, ἔτ. 6) 1478. 42.
Αὐτ. Καῖσ. A. Sent. Σεου. Evo. Περτ. ᾿Αραβ. ’AdiaB. Παρθ. Μέγ. καὶ Μ. Αὐρ. ᾽Αντων., Eig.
Σεβαστοὶ [kai Πούπλιος Σεπτ. Γέτας Καῖσαρ Σεβαστός (ἔτ. θ) 1478. 44.
A. Σεπτ. Σεου. Evo. Περτ. καὶ Μ. Αὐρ. ᾽Ἄντων, Εὐσ. Σεβαστοὶ καὶ II. [Σεπτ. Γέτας... (ἔτ.
ta) 1548. 28.
A. Σεπτ. Σεου. καὶ M. Αὐρ. [᾿ἄντων. Σεβαστοί] (ἔτ. (ἢ) 1560. 7.
Καίσαρες οἱ kip. Σεουῆρος καὶ ’Avrov. [καὶ Γέτας Καῖσ. 1548. 7.
θεὸς πατὴρ αὐτοῦ (sc. Caracalla) Σεουῆρος 1449. 3, &c.
Ἰουλία Δόμνα Σεβαστή 1449. 3; (ἡ κυρία SB.) 1449. ο, &c.
ἔτος ἡ 1405. 13.
CARACALLA.
Air. Καῖσ. M. Αὐρ. Σεου. ᾿Ἄντων. Παρθ. Méy. Βρεταννικὸς Méy. Tepp. Μέγ. Evo. Σεβ. 1406.
1; (ἔτ. «8) 1558. 13 ; (ἔτ. wy) 1474. 20; 1552. 15; (ἔτ. κδὺ) 1468. 13; (Εὐτυχής for
Eio., ἔτ. κδ) 1468. 33 ; (om. Avr. Kaio., ἔτ. x.) 1449. 7.
Air. Καῖσ. Μ. Αὐρ. Σεου. ᾽Ἄντων. [. . . (ἔτ. κβ) 1432. 18.
Μ. Αὐρ. Σεου. ’Avrwv, Καῖσ. ὁ kup. (ἔτ. x8) 1482. 9; (ἔτ. «d) 1525. 6.
6 Kup. ἡμῶν Αὐτ. Μ. Αὐρ. Σεου. ᾽Ἄντων. Ett. Εὐσ. Σεβ. (έτ. k.) 1449. 8 sqq.
Αὐρ. Σεου. ᾽Ἄντων, Καῖσ. 6 κύρ. (ἔτ. xd) 1474. 5.
ἔτος a 1449. 48, 50. ἔτ. ὃ 1449. 50. ἔτ. κα 1458. 12; 1536. 1. ἔτ. κγ 1680. 20;
1552. 15. ἔτ. κὃ 1458. 8 : 1580. 1. ;
ELAGABALUS (SEvERUS ALEXANDER).
M. Αὐρ. ’Avrov, Eto. Eir. Σεβ. (ἔτ, δ) 1522. int.
Μ. Αὐρ. ᾽Ἄντων. Evo. Εὐτ. καὶ Μ. Αὐρ. ᾿Αλέξανδρος Καῖσαρ Σεβαστοί (ἔτ. ε) 1522. 1.
ἔτος y 1460. 1 (?); 1461. 7, 8. ἔτ, 81461. 25.
I, KINGS AND EMPERORS 289
Srverus ALEXANDER.
Air. Kato. Μ. Aup, Zeov, ᾿Αλέξ. Edo, Eir, Σεβ. (ἔτ. β) 1461. 15; (ἔτ. ε) 1459. 36.
Μ. Αὐρ. Σεου. ᾿Αλέξ. Καῖσ, ὁ kup. (ἔτ. 8) 1522. 11 sqq.; 1526. 5; (é. ε) 1459. 5.
θεοῦ ᾿Αλεξάνδρου βασιλεία (ἔτ. 6) 1468.15. ἔτος 6 1500. 5.
Pupiznus anD Bazinus (Gorpian III).
Αὐτοκράτορες Καίσ. M. Κλώδιος [Μάξιμος καὶ Δέκιμος Καίλιος Καλουῖνος [Βαλβῖνος Εὐσε-
Beis Εὐτ. Σεβ. καὶ Μ. ᾿Αντώνιος Γορδιανὸς ὁ ἱερώτατος Καῖσ. (ἔτ. a) 1488. 16.
Gororan III.
Μ. ᾿Αντώνιος Γορδιανὸς Eto. Εὐτ. Σεβ. (ἔτ. B) 1488. 45 ; (ἔτ. y) 1549. 18, 43.
M. ’Avr, Top8. Καῖσ, ὁ kup. (ἔτ. y) 1549. 9.
Puitiepus 1 (Pxivirrus II).
Air, Φίλιππος Σεβ. 1466. 6.
Αὐτοκράτορες Καίσ. Μάρκοι ᾿Ιούλιοι Φίλιπποι Edo. Ἐὐτ. Σεβ. (ἔτ. 3) 1556. 8.
Μάρκοι ᾿Ἰούλιοι Φίλιπποι Καίσ. of κύρ. Σεβ. (ἔτ. 5) 1444. 5.
ἔτος β 1466. 2, 9(?). ἔτ. ε 1556, verso ().
Dzcivs.
Abr. Kaito, Τάιος Μέσσιος Κύιντος Τραιανὸς Δέκιος Εὐσ. Evr. Σεβ. (ἔτ. a?) 1450. 26; (ἔτ. a)
1464. 12.
αλιιῦβ anp VOLUSIANUS.
Abroxpdropes Καίσ. Τ'. Οὐίβιος Τρεβωνιανὸς Tdddos καὶ T. οὐ(β. ᾿Αφίνιος Tad, Οὐελδουμνιανὸς
Οὐολουσιανὸς Evo, Ett, Σεβ. (ἔτ. B) 1554. I, 11.
οἱ Kup. ἡμῶν Tad, καὶ Οὐολουσ. Καίσ. Σεβ. (ἔτ. B) 1442. I.
VALERIAN AND GALLIENUS (SALONINUS).
Αὐτοκράτορες Καίσ. Tl. Λικίννιος Οὐαλεριανὸς καὶ II. Λικίν. Οὐαλ. Γαλλιηνὸς Εὐσεβεῖς Εὐτ. Σεβ.
(ἔτ. β) 1557. 13. :
of κύρ. ἡμῶν Οὐαλ. καὶ Tadd. καὶ Κορνήλιος Σαλονῖνος Σεβαστοί (ἔτ. ς) 1668. 1.
ἔτος ( 1407. 8.
Macrianus ΑΚ QUIETUS,
Makp{wv}tavds καὶ Κυιῆτος Σεβαστοί (ἔτ. α Φαῶφι 8) 1476. 1.
of Kip. ἡμῶν Μακρ. καὶ Κυῆτ. Σεβ. 1555. 6.
ἔτος ἱπρῶἾτον (᾿Αθὺρ xn) 1411. 20.
GALLIENUS.
Abr. Kaito, Π. Λικιν. Γαλλιηνὸς Γερμ. Méy. Παρθ. Μέγ. Eto. Er, Σεβ, (ἔτ. ιδ) 1475. 35.
Γαλλιηνὸς Σεβ. (ἔτ. ιδ) 1475. 2, 47, 50. ᾿
ἔτος ς, ὦ η, 61527. τ sqq. ἔτ. ει 1467. 29. ἔτ. ry 1628. 1. ἔτ. ιδ 1528. 7; 1668. 5.
Οταυνιῦβ II,
Κλαύδιος Bef, (ἔτ. 8) 1561, 6, 21 ; (ἔτ. γ Φαῶφίι τρίτη [καὶ εἰ κἀς) p. 233:
υ
290 INDICES
AURELIAN.
Air, Kato. A. Δομίττιος Αὐρηλιανὸς Tepp. Méy. Περσ. Méy. Τοθθικὸς Μέγ. Καρπικὸς Mey.
Εὖσ. Eir, Σεβ. (ἔτ. ¢ Μεσορὴ A) p. 2333 (ἔτ. ¢ Φαῶφι ka) 1455. 20.
[ Aor. Καῖσ. A. Aopir. | Αὐρηλιανὸς [Εὐσ. Εὐτ. Σεβ. ἢ 1407. 21.
ὁ κύρ. ἡμῶν Αὐρηλιανὸς Σεβ, 1418. 4, 25, 26; (ér. ὃ 1455. 6.
Αὐρηλιανοῦ βασιλεία 1562. 7.
PROBUS.
ὁ κύρ. ἡμῶν Μ. Αὐρήλιος Πρόβος Σεβ. (ἔτ. y) 1409. 6; (om. M. Αὐρ. ; ἔτ. δ) 1497. 2.
Air. Καῖσ. Μ. Αὐρ. Πρόβ. Περσ. Mey. Τοθ. Μέγ. Παρθ. Μέγ. Τερμ. Μέγ. Evo. Εὐτ. Σεβ.
1562. 1, 26.
CARINUS.
Kapivos (ἔτ. a Φαμενὼθ xf) 1564. 2.
ἔτος [8] 1412, 21.
Diocretian (Maxrmiay).
ὁ κύρ. ἡμῶν i Οὐαλέριος Διοκλητιανὸς Καῖσ. Σεβ. (ἔτ. a or β) 1456. 4.
οἱ κύρ. ἡμῶν Διοκλ. καὶ Μαξιμιανὸς Σεβαστοί (ἔ-. ε καὶ δ) 1508. 1; pers Σεβαστοῖ) 1551. 1.
ἔτ. 6, n, α 1565. 1. ἔτ. n, a 1410. 5. ἔτ. ty, 8, ε 1571. 5, 8. er. ce, 06, € 1572. 6.
er. ue, 06 1548. 6. ἔτ. ts, ve, ἡ 1429. 6. :
Gaterius (Maximinus).
ἔτος ue, y,a 1542. 12. ἔτ. uf, ε 1499. 7.
ConsTANTInE (Licrntus).
ὁ δεσπότης ἡμῶν Κωνσταντῖνος Αὔγουστος 1470. Ι.
ἔτος Un, Is, 7 1574. 4.
ὁ δεσπότης ἡμῶν Λικίννιος Σεβ. καὶ Κρίσπος ὁ ἐπιφανέστατος Καῖσ. 14265. 1.
Ἰούλιος Κωνστάντιος πατρίκιος ἀδελφὸς τοῦ δεσπ. ἡμῶν Κωνσταντίνου Αὐγούστου 1470. 1.
UNCERTAIN.
ols Eto. Εὐτ. Σεβ. (Valerian or Gallienus ?) 1407. 9.
ols Eto. Εὐτ. Σεβ.. .. τὸ τρίτον ὕπατος πατὴρ πατρίδος (Claudius II or Aurelian ?) 1407. 17.
ὁ Σεβ. ἡμῶν Kup. 1504. 4.
Σεβαστός 1407. 1 (Bac ]rés) ; 1416. 28. | Σεβαστοί 1523. 2.
οἱ κύριοι (ἔτ. ε) 1519. τό.
ἔτος a (Χοίακ xa) 1569. 6. ἔτ. β isi. 14. ἔτ. y 1427. 6; 1617.1. ἔτ. ὃ 1570. 9;
1576.5; 1578.4. é7.«1494.int.; 1514. 53 ; 1519.16. ἔτ. ς 1585. verso 15. ἔτ. 7 1503,
13. ἔτ. .1485. 4,11. ἔτ. ty 1568. 3. ἔτ. t¢ 1486. 14, 27; 1487. 2; 1518. 4, 20.
ἔτ. ιη 1445. 13. ἔτ. ιθ 1436. 43. ἔτ. « 1436. 309.
θεία διάταξις, δωρεά, κρίσις, θεῖον vopicpa. See Index VI (d).
Καίσαρος λόγος 1434. τό. é
κυριακὸς οἶνος 1578. 7: κυριακὴ κτῆσις 1461. 9.
Σεβαστοῦ, Σεβαστῶν νόμισμα. See Index ΧΙ (0). οὐσία τοῦ Kup. Σεβ. 1484. 2ο. iad
στόλος 1461. I, 14.
IT, CONSULS AND ERAS 2Q1
II. CONSULS AND ERAS.
ConsuLs.
ΑὐτοκράΪτορι Φιλίππῳ Σεβ. καὶ Τιτιανῷ] ὑπάτοις (245) 1466. 6.
Νουμμίῳ Τούσκῳ καὶ Μουμμίῳ [Βάσσῳ ὑπάτοις (258) 1407. 7.
ols Evo, Εὐτ. Σεβ. ... τὸ τρίτον ὕπατος πατὴρ πατρίδος (Claudius II or Aurelian ?) 1407. 18.
ὑπατείας ᾿Ανικίου [Παυλίνου τὸ β] καὶ Οὐιρίου Γάλλου (298) 1469. 24.
ἐπὶ ὑπάτων τῶν κυρ. ἡμῶν Αὐτ. Διοκλητιανοῦ τὸ θ καὶ Μαξιμιανοῦ τὸ ἡ (304) 1551. 1.
ὑπατείας τοῦ δεσπ. ἡμῶν Λικιννίου Σεβ. τὸ ὃ καὶ Κρίσπου τοῦ ἐπιῴφαν. Καίσ. τὸ a (318)
1425. 1.
τοῖς ἐσομένοις ὑπάτοις τὸ ὃ (324) 1480. 1.
ὑπ. Οὐλπίου Πακατιανοῦ τοῦ λαμπροτάτου ἐπάρχου καὶ Μαικιλίου Ἱλαριανοῦ (332) 1426. 1.
μετὰ τὴν ὑπ. ᾿Ιουλίου Κωνσταντίου πατρικίου ἀδελφοῦ τοῦ δεσπ. ἡμῶν Κωνσταντίνου Αὐγούστου
καὶ “Poudiou ᾿Αλβίνου τοῖς ἀποδειχθησυμένοις ὑπάτοις (336) 1470. 1.
ὑπ. ᾿Αντωνίου Μαρκελλίνου καὶ Πετρωνίου Προβίνου τῶν λαμπροτ. (341) 1559. τ.
ὑπ. τῆς προκειμένης 1425. 13; 1480. 21, ἐπὶ ὑπάτων 1544, τι.
Eras ΟΕ OxyRHYNCHUS.
ἔτος λα, vy, ὃ (337-8) pp. 89-90.
ἔτος AB, [18], ε (Ὁ) (338-9) 1575. 4.
ἔτος pe, κῷ ta (351-2) 1481]. 5.
ἔτος μέ, «8, B (353-4) pp. 89-90.
ἔτος €(?) (early fourth cent.) 1494. int.
III. MONTHS AND DAYS.
Θώθ Aug. 29-Sept. 27
Φαῶφι Sept. 28-Oct. 27
“Adup Oct. 28-Nov. 26
Xolak (‘Adpiavds 1451. 10) Nov. 27—Dec. 26
τῦβι Dec. 27—Jan. 25
Mexeip Jan. 26—Feb. 24
Φαμενώθ Feb. 25—March 26
Φαρμοῦθι March 27-April 25
Παχών (ko = πρὸ ιβ καλανδῶν ᾿Ιουνίων 1466. 6) April 26—May 25
Παῦνι May 26—June 24
Ἐπείφ (a Σεβαστή 1447, 2) June 25-July 24
Μεσορή July 25-Aug. 23
ἐπαγόμεναι ἥμεραι (1565. 2 ; cf. 1458. 20) Aug. 24-8
292
INDICES
IV. PERSONAL NAMES.
"Aas 5, of Horus 1446. 85.
᾿Αβάσκαντος 1416, 20 (?).
1582. 15.
᾿Αβινοῦν fleece-seller 1519. 4.
᾿Αβράσαξ deity 1566. 4.
᾿Αγαθῖνος, Αὐρ. ᾽Α. 6 kai’ Qpryévns s, of Varianus
1475. 10, 37, 43, 46.
1420. 8, 10.
᾿Αγαθὸς Δαίμων, Σαραπίων ὁ καὶ ᾽Α. A, ex-agora-
nomus 1475. 7, 1τ.
strategus 1422. 3 ; 1452. 1, 28.
Σεπτίμιος Διογένης ὁ καὶ "A, Δ. σύνδικος
1418. 8, 14, 17, 32; 1414. 7, 9.
Εὔπορος ὁ καὶ ᾿Α. Δ. 1413, 29, 31 ; 1496.
26.
1489. 4, 6.
᾿Αγάθων 1580. 10.
᾿Αγήνωρ 6 καὶ Θεόξενος 5, οἵ Apollonius 1478.
29, 32, 34-
᾿Αεῦς 5. οἵ Mysthes 1446. 54.
᾿Αθανάσιος 1481. τ.
᾿Αθηναΐς τη. of Dioscurides 1510. 2.
1578. 12.
Αἰλιανός 5. of Euphranor, archidicastes 1472. 8.
Αἰλουρίων, Αὐρ. A, 5. of Zoilus 1458. 2, 6.
Αἰμιλιανός, A, Μούσσιος ’A, praefect 1468. 1.
᾿Ασκληπιάδης (?) 1416. 19.
Αἰμίλιος ἹΡουστικιανός deputy-praefect 1469. 1.
Στέφανος 5. of Hatres 1405. 15.
*Aiwveds 5. of Tryphon 1446, 14.
᾿Ακᾶς 5. of Akouis 1446. 30.
᾿Ακοικεύς f, of Heraiscus 1446, 7.
᾿Ακοῦις f, of Akas 1446. 30.
s. of Lalas 1446. 27.
5. of Pesouris 1446. 26.
᾿Ακοῦς (gen. *Axod) f. of Saras 1482. 3.
᾿Ακουσίλαος eX-hypomnematographus f. of
Erigenes 1496. 24.
ὁ καὶ Διονύσιος sitologus 1530. 10.
᾿Ακτιασίων Senator 1415, 5, 11.
᾿Ακύλας praefect 1434, 12.
᾿Αλβῖνος, Ῥούφιος ’A, consul 1470, 1.
᾿Αλέξανδρος, Αὐρ. ’A. ἔνζαρχος ap|yov 1406, 12.
Σεπτίμιος "A. Senator 1522. 5, 6.
Αὐρ. A, 1475. 3; p. 228; 1561. 20.
— f. of Sarapion 1526. 11.
᾿Αλέξανδρος 1459. 18; 1508. 8.
᾿Αλεξίων, Ἰων ὁ καὶ A. 1496. 36.
“Adis 5. of Apollophanes 1586. 6.
"AAA... Ἶνοί γ) f. of Taiseis 1616. 19.
᾿Αλύπιος 1491. int., 1.
᾿Αμαζόνιον, Ταπόσιρις ἡ καὶ "A, w. of Demetria-
nus 1542. 5.
᾿Αμέριμνος f. of Dionysius 1463. 5.
᾿Αμμωνᾶς, Φλ. ’A. ὀφφικιάλιος 1423. I, 12.
s. of Petermouthis 1446. 18.
Αὐρ. ᾽Α. 1425. 15.
1517. 7.
᾿Δμμωνιανός 5. of Aur. Gaion 1464. 9.
1512. 6.
᾿Αμμώνιος, ὁ κράτιστος “A, 1412. το.
centurio princeps 1424. 2, 22.
deputy-strategus 1560. 2.
®h, Ἰούλιος ᾿Α. praefect of Augusta-
mnica 1559. 8.
mpaypateurns 1569. 7.
Avp. A. senator (a) 1562. 4, 5, 24, 26,
27; (2) 1501. 1.
f. of Aur. Gaion 1464. 3.
f. of Aur. Maxima 1442. 3.
—— f. of Sarapiades 1459. 21, 24.
—— f. of Serenus 1413. 23.
— f. of Aur. Silvanus 1455. 32.
Διονύσιος ὁ καὶ ’A. f. of [. (Ἰριον 1444.
28.
Αὐρ. ᾽Α. 5. of Cephal( ) 1466. int.
—— M. Aip. ’A. s. of Dionysius 1463. 4, 17.
—— 5. of Aur. Gaion 1464, 9.
—— 5. of Pkaés 1452. 53.
1505.3; 1540. 8, 15; 1574.1; 1587. 1.
᾿Αμμωνίων, Aip. A, 1544. 3.
᾿Αμόις f. of Amois 1518. το.
f. of Aur. Artemeis 1468. 7.
—— f. of Tatriphis 1452. 5, 32.
—— "Apeas ἀνθ᾽ οὗ “Ap. ᾿Αμόιτος 1488. τι.
5. of Amois 1518. ro.
— s. of Apollonius (?) 1488. 11.
—— 5. of Onnophris 1518. 18.
Αὐρ. A, 5. of Patas 1405. 18.
1543. 5.
᾿Αμυντιανός 5. Of Dionysius 1534. 13.
᾿Ανδρόμαχος 1449. 46.
IV. PERSONAL NAMES
᾿Ανδρόνικος, ᾿Αριστίων ὁ καὶ ᾽Α. 5. of Asyncritus
1413. 21.
ἤΑνδρων 1459. το.
᾿Ανίκητος f. of Silvanus 1416. 18.
1591. 1.
᾿Ανίκιος Παυλῖνος consul 1469. 24.
*AvouBas 5. of Diogenes 15538. 9, 24.
1505. 2.
᾿Ανουβίων ὁ καὶ Διονύσιος
records 1461. 4.
Αὐρ. ᾿᾽Α. Strategus 1482. 1; 1474. 1;
15265. 1.
᾿Αντίοχος 5. Of Ptollion 1552. 4, 10.
᾿Αντώνιος MapxeAXivos consul 1659. 1.
Officialis 1428. 8.
6 καὶ Ἣρακλᾶς 1444. 56.
1619. 13.
᾿Αούτιος 5. of Chaeremon 1446. 40.
᾿Απάμμων, Αὐρ. ᾽Α. 1524. 1.
᾿Απία, ἸΙσιδώρα ἡ καὶ ᾽Α. 1580. 2, 22.
1681. 1, 19.
"Ams advocate 1479. 5.
᾿Απολινάριος strategus 1472. 1.
᾿Απολλοφάνης f. of Alis 1536. 6.
1470. II.
᾿Απόλλων god. See Index VI (a).
ὁ καὶ Νεῖλος gymnasiarch 1416. 24.
Αὐρ. ’A. ὁ καὶ Σερῆνος deputy-nomarch
1463. 2, 27.
᾿Απολλωνάριον ἃ. of Chaeremon 1478. 5, ἄς.
1515. 9.
᾿Απολλωνίδης 5. Of Petosiris 1547. 19.
᾿Απολλώνιος banker 1499. 1.
comogrammateus 1434. 1.
—— scribe of the city 1550. 1.
senator of Alexandria 1498. 17.
—— Τίρων ὁ xai’A. senator 1416.1; 15165. 4.
slave 1468. 22, 30.
—— f. of Agenor also called Theoxenus
1473. 29.
—— f. of Amois 1488. 11.
— f. of Aur. Cassius 1554, 17.
f, of Dius 1446. 89.
f. of Horion 1558. 21.
f. of Phatris (?) 1447. 4.
— f. of Sarapammon 1478. 1,
— ἢ of Syrus 1468. 20.
— f. of Thatres 1468. 13.
—- f. of Aur. Zoilus 1449, 1.
—— 5. of Apollonius 1549. 14.
keeper of the
599
᾿Απολλώνιος 8. (?) of Cotus 1517. 13.
Avp. Θεογένης ὁ καὶ ᾿Α. 5, of Diogenes
1549. 4, 44.
5. of Heras 1571. 12.
—— 85. of Pausirion 1549. 15.
5. of Sarapion 1449. 47.
Αὐρ, Σαραπίων ὁ καὶ A, 1561. 7.
—— Ἰτιων ὁ καὶ ᾿Α. 1496, 30; 32:
—— 1484. 1; 1495. 1,19; 1515. 11, 17;
1548, 15; 1586. 8.
᾿Απολλώς f, of Besammon 1559. 9.
᾿Αράχθης f. of Paélenus 1480. 5.
“Apetos, Τερέντιος "A, Strategus 1414, 17,
ἀνθ᾽ οὗ ᾿Αμόις 5, of Amots 1488. 11.
Αὐρ. ΓΑ. φροντιστής 1578. 2, 14.
᾿Αρεῖς 1446, int.
‘Apevdorns 5. of Ptolemaeus 1520. 4, 6.
‘ApOanos, Αὐρ, ‘A. φροντιστής 1577. 2, 15.
᾿“Αρθῶνις (αρθονις ΠῚ f. of Theon 1550. 12.
5. of Theon 1550. 3, rr.
—— 1458. int.
᾿Αρίστανδρος ἔ, of Thatres 1459. 22.
— f. of Thermouthion 1459. 28.
᾿Αριστίων, Aip.’A, senator, 5. of Ptolemaeus
1559. 4.
συλλέκτης οἴνου 1415, 9, 10.
tax-farmer 1457. 1.
ὁ καὶ ᾿Ανδρόνικος 5, of Asyncritus 1418,
21.
᾿Αριστόκλεια ἡ καὶ ᾿Αρσινόη 1488, 59; 1587. 4.
“Ἁρπαῆσις f, of Dioscurides 1581. 1.
f, of Thonis 1458. 32.
5. of Horus 1687. 5.
“Aprados bath-attendant 1499. 2.
“Αρπεβῆχις 1536. 6.
“Aprroxpatns god 1449. 24.
1489. II.
“Aptoxpatiov, Αὐρ. Ῥάιος ὁ καὶ ‘A, archidicastes
1475. 1, 4, 6.
Αὐρ. ‘A, strategus (2) 1409, 1; (4) 1460.
3:
—— 4\. ‘A, strategus 1488. 2, 33.
—— M. Aip. ‘A, 1474. 6.
1586. 1, 16.
“Apoeis Slave 68. 23, 30.
᾿Αρσινόη, Αὐρ. ᾽Α. ἃ, of Sarapion 1466. 1, 4, 7.
᾿Αριστόκλεια ἡ καὶ A, 1488.59 ; 1587. 4.
1523. 5 ; 1534. 9.
"Aprepeis, Aup. A. ἃ. of Amois 1463. 7, 22.
| "Aprepidwpos, Διονύσιος ὁ καὶ A, 1418, 21,
294
“Αρυώτης prophet 1480. 1, 29.
᾿Ασκλατάριον, Διονυσία ἡ καὶ A. 1541. 4.
᾿Ασκληπιάδης, Ἐὐδαίμων ὁ καὶ "Δ, archidicastes
1560. 5, 8
prytanis 1418. 14, 19, 21, 22.
strategus 1420. I.
χειριστήῆς 1578. 18.
—— f, of Castor 1449. 13.
—— f. of Chaeremon 1446. 40.
—— f. of Dionysius 1441, 5.
Αὐρ. ’A. 6 καὶ Σαραπίων 5. of Pausirion
1555. ii.
Διογένης 6 καὶ ᾽Α. f. of Aur. Theogenes
1549. 5.
—— Αἰμιλιανὸς ’A, (?) 1416. 19.
a2 9A08, 6, ©
᾿Ασύγκριτος f. of Aristion also called Andro-
nicus 1418. 21 (?).
᾿Ασχόης, Καλιῶρις ὁ καὶ "A. 5. of Sarapion
1515. 5.
᾿Ατάργατις goddess. See Index VI (a).
“Ατρῆς, Avp. ‘A. tesserarius, 5. of Hieracion
1425. 5, 14.
f. of Aemilius Stephanus 1405. 15.
Αὐρ. ‘A. 5. of Fabulus 1426. 16.
Αὐρηλία, Αὐρήλιος passim.
Αὐρήλιος, Λούκιος Βαίβιος Αὐρ. Ἰουγκῖνος praefect
1408. II, 22.
Αὐρ. Γάιος ὁ καὶ ‘Apmoxpatioy archi-
dicastes 1475. 1, 4, 6.
Οὔλπιος Αὐρ. dioecetes 1409. 3.
Αὐΐρ. strategus 1455. 1.
Μάρκοι Αὐρήλιοι 1444. 8; 1526. 7.
᾿Αφροδίσιος 1446. 5.
᾿Αφρο]δίτη goddess 1449. 13.
ἐπικεκλημένη ᾿Ισιδώρα 1548. 19.
᾿Αφῦγχις, Αὐρ. Θεωνῖνος ὁ xai’A.s. of Dioscorus
1468. 3.
5. of Sarapammon 1509. 2.
s. of Sarapas 1510. 1.
Αὐρ. ᾽Α. 5. Of Thonis 1555. ii.
— 1588.1; 1590. 7.
᾿Αχιλλᾶς banker 1500. 1.
᾿Αχιλλεύς, Αὐρ. ’A. 1584. 21.
- 1422. 6; 1512. 4.
᾿Αχιλλίς, Αὐρ. A. m. of Aur. Zoilus 1449. 1.
1494. 12.
᾿Αχιλλίων, Αὐρ. A. ἔκδικος 1426. 3.
—— f, of Boéthus 1494. 21.
— f, of-Pasion 1540. 5.-
INDICES
᾿Αχιλλίων 1443. 17.
᾿Αχιλλί ), Αὐρ. "A. 1466. int.
Ax[AA , Adp. ’A. Roman knight 1444. 15.
eae ) f. of Saraeus 1449. 15.
Βαίβιος, Λούκιος B. Αὐρ. Ἰουγκῖνος praefect 1408.
II, 22.
Βάρυ 1593. 17.
Βαυθλᾶς f. of M. Aur. Heraclius 1526. 8.
Βερενικιανός, Τ', Καικίλιος Κλήμης 6 καὶ B. 1451.34.
Βησάμμων, Αὐρ. Β. 6 καὶ Σαρᾶς 1522. 7, 9
βαφεύς 1519. 6.
5. of Apollos 1559. 9.
Βησαρίων f. of Aur. Philantinoiis 1555. 4.
1413. 16.
Βησᾶς 1464. int. :
Βιθαρίων ὁ καὶ Δημητριανὸς ἀμφοδογραμματεύς
1552. 2.
Βίων f. of Eudaemon 1517. 9.
Βόηθος s. of Achillion 1494. 21.
Βούβαστις goddess 1449. 19 (?).
Γαϊανή ἃ, of Plution 1548. 17.
[Γαι ?]avés 5, of Pesouris 1496, 26.
Γάιος, Ap. T. ὁ καὶ ᾿Αρποκρατίων archidicastes
1474. τ, 4, 6.
See Δίδυμος, Ἰούλιος, Καικίλιος, Καλουίσιος,
Τίρων, Τυράννιος.
Γαιών, Αὐρ. Τ', 5. of Ammonius 1464, 3, 14.
Γάλλος, Ovipios T. consul 1469. 25.
Tevvadios 1481. 2.
Γερθιᾶνις 1446. int.
Τερμανός f. of Ptolemaeus also called Lucius
1539. 15.
—— s. of Germanus 1551. 9.
Αὐρ. Γ΄ 5. of Diogenes 1551. 7.
Τυμνάσιος prytanis 1503. 3, 15, 18.
Δαίμων. See ᾿Αγαθὸς Δ.
Δαμαρίων (?) f. οἵ Ptolemaeus 1415. 22, 25, 28.
Δεξί(θεος ?) f. of Leon 1518. 14.
f. of Polydeuces 1518. 8.
Anpas f. of Heras 1519. 5.
Δημήτηρ goddess 1449. το, 49 (?).
Anpnrptavds, Bibapiov ὁ καὶ A. ἀμφοδογραμματεύς
1552. 2.
δεκάπρωτος 1571, 3.
s. of Plution 1542. 4.
Αὐρ. A. 5. of Pllution? 1562. 3, 6, 12.
5. of Sotas 1492. 2, 21. -
τὰ
IV. PERSONAL NAMES
μητριανός 1470. 13, 14, 16; 1508. 3, 17;
1572. 1; 1590. 15.
Δημήτριος 6 καὶ Δομίτιος deputy-archidicastes
1472. 4, 12.
γνωστήρ 1490. 2.
Αὐρ. A. sitologus 1526. 3.
strategus (a) 1422. 2; (4) 1547. 1.
—— 5. of Callias 1462. 25.
—— 5. of Pof.. . 1484. 18.
1573.9; 1591. 2.
Anpntpois, Ταεῦς ἡ καὶ Δ. m. of Eudaemon
1473. 30.
—— m. of Aur. Amots 1405. 19.
1458. int.
Δημοκράτης 1446. int.
Διαδε. [. |reos, Σαραπίων 6 καὶ A. 1515. 8.
Ataiva, Διονυσία ἡ καὶ Δ. τη. of Aur. Thaisous
1478. 12.
Διδύμη, Αὐρ. Δ. ἡ καὶ Διονυσία 1474, 2, 9, II.
Πτολεμαῖς ἡ καὶ Δ. 1515. 18.
Διδυμιανὸς 6 καὶ Φιλαντίνοος 1578. 33.
Διδυμίων f. of Theon 1539. 6.
Δίδυμος scribe of the city 1550.
TB. Κλαύδιος Δ. ὁ καὶ Ἡράκλειος senator
1501. 3.
5. of Cotos (?) 1517. 11.
—— 5. of Nechth(anoubis) 1530. 6.
—— Τάιος A. 5. of Tiron 1587. το (?).
ὁ καὶ Διοσκουρίδης 1498. 11.
6 καὶ Εὐδαίμων 1416. 11.
1449. 13; 1497. 4, 5; 1508. 15.
Διογᾶς 1516. 6.
Διογένης ex-agoranomus, f. of Sinthonis 1444.
21.
ὁ καὶ Ἑρμαγένης ἄρχων 1526. 10.
—— M. Aip. Δ. praefect 1456. 8.
-- Σεπτίμιος A. ὁ καὶ ᾿Αγαθὸς Δαίμων σύνδικος
1413. 8, 14, 17, 32; 1414. 7, 9.
—— f, of Anoubas 1553. 10, 24.
—— f. of Callippus 1496. 21.
f. of Dionysius 1535. 9.
f. of Aur. Germanus 1551. 7.
—— f. of Heraclea 1537. 8.
ὁ καὶ ᾿Ασκληπιάδης f. of Aur. Theogenes
1549. 5. |
s. of Heraclides 1472. 15, 27.
ὁ καὶ Κόττος 5. of Isas 1536. 2.
Αὐρ. A. 1474. 12.
Σεπτίμιος ‘Qpiwy ὁ καὶ A, 1416. 4.
— 1535. 9; 1583. 1. ΐ
ie
Διογένης, Αὐρ. A. 1569. I.
Avoyevis 1483. 31; 1570. 1; 1584. 1, 24.
Διόδωρος f. of Plution 1452. 4, 26, 31.
s. of Plution 1452. 3, 30.
Διονυσία ἃ. of Dius 1449. 45.
ἡ καὶ ᾿Ασκλατάριον 1541. 4.
ἡ καὶ Διαῖνα m. of Aur. Thaisous1475.12.
Αὐρ. Διδύμη ἡ καὶ Δ. 1474. 2, 9, 11.
---Ἡράκλεια ἡ καὶ Δ. 1537. 8.
ἡ καὶ Σινθεῦς 1587. 2.
1558. δ.
Διονύσιος, Αὐρ. Νεμεσίων 6 καὶ A. basilico-
grammateus 1469. 1.
builder 1669. 2.
carpet-seller 1517. 3.
Αὐρ. Ἡρακλείδης ὁ καὶ Δ. decaprotus
1444. 2.
ἐπισφραγιστής 1491. 11.
Αὐρ. Σαραπάμμων ὁ καὶ Δ. ἐπίτροπος 1578.
£0 τῇ:
keeper of records 1451. 4.
Aip. Ἣρᾶς ὁ καὶ Δ. praepositus pagi
1425. 4.
᾿Ακουσίλαος ὁ καὶ Δ. sitologus 1680. 19.
Αὐρ. A, ὁ καὶ ᾽᾿Αγί strategus 1448. 1.
strategus (?) 1452. 58.
tax-collector 1520. 3.
—— f. of Amyntianus 1534. 13.
—— f. of Aur. Herminus 1466. 9.
—— f. of Mia 1515. τι.
f. of Aur. Philistius 1426. 6.
f. of Theogenes 1502. verso 4.
καὶ ᾿Αμμώνιος f. of [. .]prov 1444. 28.
. of Amerimnus 1468. 5.
. of Asclepiades 1441. 5.
. of Diogenes 1535. 9.
. of Heraclas 1552. 5, 12.
. of Pegoous 1538. τ.
s. of Petosiris 1547. 2.
ὁ καὶ “Aprepidwpos 1413. 21.
ὁ καὶ Πλούταρχος 1498. 7.
Εὐδαίμων ὁ καὶ Δ. 1562. 9, 18.
Σαραπίων ὁκαὶ Δ.(α)1587. 3; (6)1488. 57.
— 1416.8; 1505.2; 1534.9; 1535.9;
1538. 7,9; 1560. 8; 1575. 2; 1586. 9, 13.
Διονυσοδώρα 1494, το.
Διονυσ[όδωϊρος 1444. τό.
Διόνυσος god. See Index VI (a).
Avovuras 1481. ὃ.
Aios, Ap. A, sitologus 1443, 3.
Ὥ ὮὋΔ ὦ ὋΔ WM On
PEELE LTH
296
Δῖος, tax-collector 1521. 3.
f. of Dionysia 1449. 45.
5. of Apollonius 1446, 89.
s. of Zoilus 1515. 15.
1483. 1, 22, 23; 1676. I.
Διοσκορᾶς 1583. I, 14.
Διόσκορος ἀπαιτητής 1461, 12, 23.
Aip. A. ἐπόπτης εἰρήνης 1559. 3.
slave 1548. 13.
f. of Aur. Theoninus 1468. 3.
s. of Heraclides 1462. 4.
1498. 6; 1505. 1; 1528. 13.
Διοσκουρίδης, ᾿Ιουλιανὸς 6 καὶ A.exegetes 1413. 7.
Δίδυμος ὁ καὶ A. 1498. 11.
—— (logistes?) 1509. 5.
—— 5, of Aphunchis 1510. 1.
—— 5. of Harpaésis 1581. 1.
5. of Sarmates 1581. 3.
Διότιμος 1448. 5 marg.
Δισορᾶς optio 1518. 5.
Aopitios, Δημήτριος 6 καὶ Δ. deputy-archidica-
stes 1472. 4, 12.
Δορκάων 1533.
Δόρκων 1508. 7.
Δραῦκος 1446, int.
Δωγύμις (?) m. of Sarapion 1452. 12, 39.
Δωρίων ὁ καὶ Πλούταρχος gymnasiarch 1416. 9.
1498. 5.
Δωρόθεος, Φλ. Δ. Officialis 1423. 3.
1588. I.
Δωσίθης 5. of Stephanus 1518. 6.
Εἰρηναῖος, M. Αὐρ. Νεμεσιανὸς 6 καὶ Ε. γραμματεὺς
καταλογείου 1474. 6.
1508. το.
᾿ἙΕλένη d. of Pausirion 1584, 14.
“EdAdéi0s, Αὐρ. Εὐδαίμων ὁ καὶ ‘E. prytanis1412. 1.
᾿Ελουείν (voc.) deity 1566. 7.
᾿Ἐπαφρόδιτος ἀρτοκόπος 1572. 2.
᾿Ἐπίμαχος gymmnasiarch, 5. of Philosophus
1413. 24; 1497. 1.
1482. int., 1.
‘Eppayévns, Διογένης ὁ καὶ ‘E. ἄρχων 1526. 10.
‘Eppaisxos bath-attendant 1500. 2.
Marpeos 6 καὶ Ἑ. 1444. 26.
Αὐρ. ‘E. 1461. 4, 22.
1451. 28.
‘Eppias, Θέων ὁ καὶ ‘E. βοηθὸς (σιτολόγων) 1539.
τὸ, 18.
Φλ, “E. λογιστής 1426. 3.
INDICES
‘Eppias Strategus 1480. 2.
ὑπηρέτης 1573. 1, 6.
—— f. of Hierax 1416. 8.
5. of Le[ 1534. 11.
ὁ καὶ Σκυβᾶτος 1516. 14.
‘Eppivos, Αὐρ. ‘E. 5. of Dionysius 1466. 9;
(Erminus) 1466. 2.
“Ἑρμιόνη 1581. 15.
Ἕρμιππος, ᾿Ιούλιος Ἑ. 1451. 28.
“Ἑρμογένης cComogrammateus 1480. 8, 16.
5. of Heracl( ) 1480. 1, 29.
Ἑρμόφιλος 1416. 14.
Ἑρμοΐ 1516. 2.
Ἕρμων f. of Nemesas 1514. 1.
“Epos 1516. 4.
Ἐσκιεσλᾶκις (?) f. of Orsuthmis 1446. 57.
᾿Ἐσοῦρις 1446, 28.
᾿Ετεόκλεια 1584. 5, 32.
Evdatpovis, Ταψόις ἡ καὶ E. d. of Plution 1548.
14, 20.
d. of Zoilus 1531. 2.
Εὐδαίμων ὁ καὶ ᾿Ασκληπιάδης archidicastes 1660,
5, Bs
cobbler (?) 1517. 5.
exegetes 1415. 20, 24, 29, 31.
Αὐρ. E. 6 καὶ “Ἑλλάδιος prytanis 1412. 1.
ὁ καὶ... [.]ἴδιος veteran, f. of Aur.
Theodora 1470. 3, 9.
—— f. of Horion 1446. 6.
—— s. of Agenor 1478. 21, 29, 32, 34.
— 5. of Bion 1517. 9.
—— 5. of Sarapion 1521. 4.
—— Δίδυμος ὁ καὶ E. 1416. 11.
ὁ καὶ Διονύσιος (?) 1562. 9, 18.
ὁ καὶ Θέων 1496. 23, 31.
ὁ kal [shy dees Ἰκατιανός 1528. 6.
Εὐκαιρᾶς 1522. verso 5.
Εὐλόγιος 1524. το.
Eivoha .[ 1563. 10.
Εὐπλία 1583. 12.
Εὔπλοος 1585. 1.
Ἑὔπορος ὁ καὶ ᾿Αγαθὸς Δαίμων 1418. 29, 31 (?),
32; 1496. 26.
Εὐτυχία 1586. το.
Εὐτυχί ) 1462. 39.
Εὐφράνωρ ex-exegetes of Alex., f. of Aelianus
archidicastes 1472. 8.
Aip. Ed. 1553. 4.
Εὐφροσύνη 1489. 1.
Εὐφρόσυνος slave 1461. 6, 18, 32.
LY, PERSONAL NAMES
ἘΪ. yon sha Τρουννία. .. 1451. 20, 24, 27.
Zaxdev πλακουντᾶς 14.95. 6.
(Zaxdoves) 1508. 12.
Ζεύς god. See Index VI (a).
ZpdpaySos freedman of Apollonius 1449. 47.
Zoidas, Aip. Z. 5. of Theogenes 1456. 2.
Ζωΐλος, Avp. Z. priest, 5. of Apollonius 1449. 1.
f. of Aur. Aelurion 1458. 6.
f. of Dius 1515. 14. ᾿
f. of Eudaemonis 1531. 2.
14838. 1, 22, 23; 1573. 13; 1581. 1,
19.
Ζώρωρος (1. Ζώπυρος ἢ) 1617. 14.
᾿Ἡλιοδώρα, Κλαυδία Κλεοπάτρα ἡ καὶ Ἡ. 1515. 12.
Ἡλιόδωρος gymnasiarch 1416. 8 (°).
ἐπὶ τῶν ἱερῶν, 5. of Heliodorus 1453. 12.
ἐπὶ τῶν ἱερῶν, s. of Ptolemaeus 1453. 12.
f. of Heliodorus 1453. 12.
ὁ καὶ Χαιρήμων 1496. 35 (?).
— 1534. 3.
Ἥλιος god 1566. 1.
Ἠλουαί (voc.) deity 1566. 6.
Ἥρα goddess. See Index VI (a).
Ἡραδίων 1420. 6.
*Hpais m. of Anoubas 1553. το.
Adp. Ἡ. 1586. 1, 16.
Ἡραϊσίκη 1462. 9.
Ἡραΐσκος ναυτικός 1544. ἢ.
5. of Akoikeus 1446. 7.
ἭἩρακλᾶς ὁ καὶ "Ηρακλείδης 5. of Heraclas 1472.
2, 14.
s. of Saras 1482. 2.
s. of Thonis 1552. 5.
’Avromos 6 καὶ Ἡ. 1444, 36.
Ἡράκλεια d. of Diogenes 1537. 8.
ἡ καὶ Διονυσία 1537. 8.
“Ἡρακλειανός 1502. 9.
Ἡρακλείδης, Adp. Σαραπίων ὁ καὶ ‘H. basilico-
grammateus 1443. 16. :
γεωργός 1526. 9.
Αὐρ. Ἡ. ὁ καὶ Διονύσιος δεκάπρωτος 1444. 2.
Αὐρ. Ἡ. ἐπίτροπος 1577. 1, τό.
—— f. of Aur. Callinicus 1468. 23.
—— ἢ of Dioscorus 1462. 5.
-- f. of Heraclides 1446. 86.
— f. of Pachois 1446. 86.
. of Heraclides 1446. 86.
. of Mincion 1472. 15.
¢
ΖΘ.
Ἡρακλείδης 5. of Sarapion 1449. 49.
s. of Totoés 1453. 3, 35-
Ἡρακλᾶς 6 καὶ Ἡ. s. of Heraclas 1472.
2, 14.
ὁ καὶ N[ 1498. 19.
ὁ καὶ Σαραπίων 1444, Io.
1416. 7; 1481. 7; 1490. 1; 1502.
verso 2; 1581. 15; 1587. 5.
Ἡρακλειδίων 1418. 15.
Ἡράκλειος, Τιβ. Κλαύδιος Δίδυμος ὁ καὶ “He
senator 1501. 3.
Μ. Aip. ‘H. 5. of Bauthlas 1526. 8.
Ἡρακλέων ἀπαιτητής 1570. 3.
1416. 12, 17.
‘HpdkAnos ἔμπορος 1519. 8.
f. of Petsiris 1459. 11, 33.
1493. 1; 1543. 5.
Ἡρακλί γ) ἢ, of Hermogenes 1480. 29.
Ἡρακὰ! 1516. 3.
“Hpavov( Biov?) f. of Sarapion 1515. 6.
‘Hpas, Αὐρ. ‘H. comarch, s. ofS... 1426. 5.
Αὐρ. Ἡ. ὁ καὶ Διονύσιος praepositus pagi
1424. τ, 22; 14265. 4.
—— φροντιστής 1530. 16.
f, of Apollonius 1571. 12.
f. of [. .]tillis 1444. 26.
— 5. of Demas 1519. 5.
s. of Onnophris 1447. 4.
ὁ καὶ Μάξιμος 1515. 16.
Ἠριγένης 5. of Acusilaus 1496. 23.
Ἡρώδης f. of Castor 1446. 85.
Ἥρων f. of Marion 1446. 53.
s. of Ision 1446. 84.
—— s. of Sambas 1446. 57-
1446. 26, 56; 1586. 13.
‘Hpavivos 5. of Chonsis 1446. 29.
Θαῆσίς slave 1547. 27.
m. of Dionysius 1552. 7.
—— m. of Petosiris 1542. το.
—— m. of Petsiris 1459. 36. δ
—— m. of Aur. Sarapammon 1456. 17.
1468. 13, 22; 1488. 1, 28.
Θαΐς d. of Serenus 1502. 3, 8.
1567. 1.
Θαϊσοῦς, Αὐρ. Λολλιανὴ ἡ καὶ ©. d. οἵ Sarapion
also called Agathodaemon 1467. 27;
1475. 37. Αὐρ. Θ. ἡ καὶ Λολλιανή 1478. 5;
ἡ Ἐπὶ
—— d. of Papontos 1547. 22, 25.
298
Θατρῆς d. of Apollonius 1468. 12.
d. of Aristander 1459. 28.
d. of Pausiris 1459. 19.
Θεάδητος f. of Ἰρων 1586. 4.
Θέκλα d. of Aur. Gaion 1464. το (?).
Θεογένης f. of Aur. Zoilas 1456. 2.
Aup. ©. ὁ καὶ ᾿Απολλώνιος 5. of Diogenes
1549. 5, 44.
s. of Dionysius 1502. verso 4.
Θεοδώρα, Αὐρ. 6. d. of Eudaemon 1470. 3, 6,
9, 18.
Θεόδωρος, Αὐρ. Θ. 5. of Horion 1455. 2,27, 31.
s. of Ptolemaeus 1413. 20.
Θεόξενος, ᾿Αγήνωρ ὁ καὶ Θ. s. of Apollonius
1478. 29.
Θεόφιλος 1502. verso 1.
Θερμούθιον d. οἵ Aristander 1459. 28.
d. of Nechthenibis 1547. 32.
— d. of Pausiris 1550. 13.
τη. of Aur. Serenus 1555. 12.
Θερμοῦθις 1579. τ.
Θεσσαλός f. of Nicanor (?) 1584. 5.
Θέων ὁ καὶ “Eppias, βοηθὸς (σιτολόγων) 1589.
Io, 18.
Πέκυλλος 6 καὶ @.ex-gymnasiarch 1526.9.
—— I. lovAws Θ. ex-hypomnematographus
1434. 9g, 13.
interpreter 1517. 6.
potter 1497. 8, 9.
senator 1415. 5, 11.
sitologus (α) 1447. 2; (4) 1510. 4.
Αὐρ. @. sitologus 1526. 2.
συστάτης 1509. τ.
Gaus ὁ καὶ Θ. f. οἵ Heraclas 1552. 6.
f. of Poseis 1446. 7.
ὁ kat ᾿Ὡριγένης 5. of Chaeremon 1418. 28.
5. of Harthonis 1550. 3, 4, 12.
5. of Origenes 1487. 1.
s. of Didymion 1589. 6.
5. of Thermouthion 1547. 32.
Λούκιος Ap. ©. 1587. τό.
Εὐδαίμων ὁ καὶ Θ. 1496. 23, 31.
Ἰούλιος Θ. 1475. 18.
Ἰγος Μάλιος Θ. 1498. 9.
1523. 3; 1580. 1; 1584. 1.
Θεωνᾶς 1481. 1, 13.
Θεωνῖνος ὁ καὶ Σαραπίων prytanis 1515. τ.
Αὐρ. Θ. 6 καὶ ᾿Αφῦγχις 5. of Dioscorus
1468. 3. ;
Θιαθιαῖθις 1446. int.
Ὁ
INDICES
Θοῆρις,. See Index VI (a).
Θοταλῦθις 1491. int.
Θοωνᾶς f. of Petosiris, Tetoeus, &c.1547. 17,
22, G5, τὸ. aq.
Θοῶνις f. of Padpis 1453. 6, 30 (θωνιος ΠῚ.
f. of Petosiris 1547. 19.
—— s. of Panares 1540. 13.
s. of Thonis 1457. 4.
Θρᾳκίδας 1479. 15.
Θρασύβουλος 1479. 2.
Θρασύμαχος 1649. 13, 33.
Θώνιος ὀρνιθᾶς 1568. 1.
tax-collector 1419. 2.
1417. 33.
Θῶνις fisherman 1517. 10.
ποικιλτής 1519. 14.
f. of Aur. Aphunchis 1556. ii.
ὁ καὶ Θέων f. of Heraclas 1552. 6.
—— f. of Horion 1455. 3.
f. of Thonis also called Patoiphis 1453.
3.
— f. of Thodnis 1457. 4.
s. of Harpaésis 1453. 32.
6 καὶ Πατοῖφις s. of Thonis 1453. 2, 40.
—— 1493. τ.
Ἱερακίων f. of Aur. Hatres 1425. 5.
Αὐρ. ‘I. 1569. 8.
Ἱέραξ basilicogrammateus 1452. 2, 29.
gymnasiarch, s. of Hermias 1416. 8.
f. of Horion 1478. 25, 35.
Ἱεεραπάρθενος 1535. 4.
ἸΙναρωοῦς 1470. τι.
Ἰνῦρις f. οἵ Psois 1488. 10, 17.
"Iovykivos, Λούκιος Βαίβιος Aip. ‘I.
1408. I1, 22.
*Iovdia Δόμνα. See Index I.
Ἰουλιανὸς ὁ καὶ Διοσκουρίδης exegetes 1418. 7.
᾿Ἰούλιος καὶ Τίτιος νόμος 1466. 5.
Αὐρ. Ἰ. 1449. 50.
Φλ. “I, ᾿Αμμώνιος praefect of Augusta-
mnica 1559. 8.
Ἕρμιππος 1451. 28.
Γάιος Ἰ. Θέων ex-hypomnematographus
1434. 9, 13.
Γάιος Ἰ. 5. of the preceding 1484. 9.
Θέων 1475. 18.
Μάρκος Ἶ. Οὐαλεριανός Veteran 1508. 2, 5.
Μόνιμος dioecetes p. 16.
Σώπατρος epistrategus 1459. 7.
praefect
IV. PERSONAL NAMES
᾿Ιούλιος ‘Opiwy veteran 1459. 3, 39.
1451. 28.
*"To[ude . . ἐπείκτης στεφάνου 1418. 25.
*Iovoveykos Οὐάλης ἔπαρχος στόλου 1451. 1, 14,
16, 29.
ἸΙοῦστος, Avp. I. 1538. 17.
Ἱππόνικος, Ἰείριος ‘I. 6 καὶ Λεωνίδης 1496. 29, 33.
Ἰσάκ, Αὐρ. Ἰ. χειριστής 1429. 3.
Ἰσᾶς f. of Diogenes also called Cottus 1536. 3.
5. of Diogenes also called Cottus 15386.
2.
s. of Horus 1446. 7.
1488. 24.
ἸΙσεῖς τη. of Aur, Callinicus 1463. 24.
1446. 57.
᾿Ισιδώρα ἡ καὶ “Ania 1530. 2, 22.
᾿Αφροδίτη ἐπικεκλημένη 'I, 1548. 19.
— Κλαυδία Ἰ. 1578. 1.
1534. 20; 1535. verso 5; 1589. 5.
᾿Ισίδωρος ἀπαιτητής 1570. 3.
βοηθός 1573. 13.
ὁ καὶ Φιλίσκος 1444, 20,
Αὐρ. "I. 1535. verso 16.
1429. 5; 1430. 23.
Ἶσις goddess. See Index VI (a).
Ἰσίων f. of Heron 1446. 84.
*Ioxeis 1446. 6.
ἸΙσχυρίων, Σεπτίμιος Σερῆνος ὁ καὶ Ἶ. exegetes
1418. 2.
διώκτης σίτου 1419. 9.
—— Φερέμφις ἐπικαλ. I. 1539. 13.
1593. 21.
Ἴων 1413. 9.
2S ee ppecos 1415. 17.
Καικίλιος, I. K. Κλήμης ὁ kat Βερενικιανός 1451.
34:
Καισάριος γραμματεύς 1429. 2.
Καλαβώτης 1446. int.
Κάλαθος (?) 1538. 5.
Καλακαῖλις 14.46. int.
Καλιῶρις ὁ καὶ ᾿Ασχόης 8. of Sarapion 1615. 5.
Καλλίας f. of Demetrius 1462. 25.
Καλλίνικος, Αὐρ. K. ὁ καὶ Κοπρέας 5. of Hera-
clides 1463. 22.
Καλλῖνος 1517. 4.
Κάλλιππος 8. of Diogenes 1496. 21.
Kadoviows, I. Κ. Στατιανός praefect 1451. 11,
13.
Καλύκης (?) 1583. 7.
299
Κανβάρης ἴ. of Stephanus 1518. 1.
Kapmoxpia .. . m. of Apollonarion 1473. 24.
Κάσιος, Λούκιος Σεπτίμιος Avp. Κάσιος archi-
dicastes 1474. 3, 8.
Κάσσιος, Αὐρ. K. s. of Apollonius 1554. 17.
Καστρήσιος, Μάρκος Λογγῖνος Κ. 1471. 5, 11, 17,
24, 29. :
Κάστωρ f. of Horion 1446. 58.
f. of Aur. Serenus 15565. 11.
—— 5. of Asclepiades 1449. 13.
— 5. of Herodes 1446. 85.
1574. 1.
Kepapéa xoupis 1489. ὃ.
Κεφαλίων 1584. 31.
Κεφαλοῦς 1458. int.
Kepad( ) f. of Aur. Ammonius 1466. int.
KAdpos, Ovapavos ὁ καὶ K. f. of Aur. Agathinus
1475. το.
Κλαυδία, Αὐρ. K. d. of Sarapion 1563. 3, 16.
Ἰσιδώρα 1578. 1.
Κλεοπάτρα ἡ καὶ Ἡλιοδώρα 1515. 12.
Κλαυδιανός, Κύιντος Μαρῖνος K. 1541. 5.
Κλαύδιος, Τιβ. Κ. Δίδυμος ὁ καὶ Ηράκλειος senator
1501. 3.
Jos K. Μουνατιανός 1498. 18.
Κλεοπάτρα, KAavdia Κ. ἡ καὶ Ἡλιοδώρα 1515.
12.
Κλήμης, T. Καικίλιος K, 6 καὶ Βερενικιανός 1451.
34:
Κλωδιανός, Τιτιανὸς Κ. (praefect ?) 1468. 28.
Κοιλᾶς 1530. 3.
Kompéas, Αὐρ. Καλλίνικος ὁ καὶ Κ. 5. of Hera-
clides 1468. 22.
Κοπρεύς, Avp. K. 1524. 3, 6.
1498. 16.
Κοπρῆς 5. of Chonsis 1446. 29.
1446. 18.
Κόρη goddess. See Index VI (a).
Κορνηλιανός cosmetes 1418. 34.
Κορνήλιος 5. of Horus 1580. 12.
s. of Patas 1530. 12.
1519. 12; 1530. 8.
Kéros f.(?) of Apollonius 1517. 13.
f.(?) of Didymus 1517. 11.
Κόττος Διογένης 6 καὶ Κ. 5. of Isas 1686. 2.
Κρονίων 1446. 91.
Κτησίδημος 1687. 14.
Κύιντος Μαρῖνος Κλαυδιανός 1541. 5.
Λαῖτος, Μαίκιος A. praefect 1548. 4.
300
Λαλᾶς 5. of Akouis 1446. 27.
Λέων 5. of Dexitheus 1518. 14.
1518. 12.
Λεωνίδης ὁ καὶ Σερῆνος sitologus 1541. 8.
Αὐρ. A. strategus 1405. 14.
]eiptos Ἱππόνικος 6 καὶ A. 1496. 29, 33.
1413. 16.
Λογγῖνος, M. A. Καστρήσιος 1471. 5, &c.
Λολλιανή, Αὐρ. Θαϊσοῦς ἡ καὶ A. d. of Sarapion
also called Agathodaemon 1475. 5, 7, 11.
Αὐρ. A. ἡ kai Θαϊσοῦς 1467. 27; 1475. 37.
Λουκᾶς 1446. 17.
Λουκιλλιανός, Λούκιος Τρούννιος A. 1451. 6, 17,
23, 30.
Λούκιος f. of Pete[.Jis 1588. 13.
Πτολεμαῖος ὁ καὶ A. 5. of Germanus 1589.
14.
See Βαίβιος, Θέων, Μούσσιος, Σεπτίμιος,
Τρούννιος.
Λουπιανός praepositus 1513. 3.
Μάγνιος Ῥοῦφος καθολικός 1410, 1.
Μάγνος slave 1428. 6.
Μαικίλιος Ἱλαριανός consul 1426. 2.
Μαίκιος Λαῖτος praefect 1548. 4.
Μακαρία 1494. 13.
Makpivos weaver 1519. 2.
Μακρόβιος, Avp. M. μισθωτής 1429. 1,
Μάλιος, jros M. Θέων 1498. 9.
Μαξίμα, Aip. M. d. of Ammonius 1442. 3.
Μάξιμος πραγματευτής 1514. 1.
Aup. M. mpayparevtns 1544. 4.
—— ‘Hpas 6 καὶ M. 1515. τό.
1413. 35; 1496. 36.
Maxumus (?) 1511. 7.
Μαρῖνος, Κύιντος M. Κλαυδιανός 1541. 5.
Marinus, jus M. praefect of a legion 1511. 5.
Mapiwy s. of Heron 1446. 53.
Μάρκελλα, Τρουννία M. 1451. 5, 18, 24, 31.
Φλαουία Μ. 1460. 4.
MapkeAXivos, ᾿Αντώνιος M. consul 1559. 1.
Μαρκίων 1584. 12.
Μάρκοι Αὐρήλιοι 1444. 8; 1526. 7.
Μάρκος. See ᾿Αμμώνιος, “Aproxpatiov, Διογένης,
᾿Ιούλιος, Λογγῖνος, Νεμεσιανός, Πετρώνιος,
Μαρτιᾶλις, 'Ράμμιος Μ. praefect 1547. 4.
Μάτρεος ὁ καὶ “Eppaioxos 1444. 26.
Μεγίστη, Τααπολλὼς ἡ καὶ Μ. 1444. g.
Μέλας, Αὐρ. M. sitologus 1448. 3.
συγγραμματεύων 1427. 2.
INDICES
Μέλας f. of Pasipentoiis 1470. 10.
1448. 2 marg.
Μελετέοια 1519. 11.
Μενεσθεύς 1459. 10, 16, 22, 29.
Μένων 1508. 8.
Mnvodwpos 15384. 2.
Μητρόδωρος deputy-epistrategus 1502. 2, 4.
Mia d. of Dionysius 15165. 11.
Μιγκίων f. of Heraclides 1472. τό.
Μιεῦς ἃ. of Horus 1547. 3.
Μισθαρᾶς 1584. 28. Cf. Μυσθαρᾶς.
Μοδεστᾶς 1581. 10, 12.
Μόνιμος, Ἰούλιος M. dioecetes p. 16.
Μούμμιος [Βάσσος consul 1407. 7.
Μουνατιανός, los Κλαύδιος M. 1498. 18.
Μούσσιος, A. Μ. Αἰμιλιανός praefect 1468. 1.
Μυριλέα (?) τη. of Germanus 1551. 10.
Μυσθαρᾶς 1446. 6. Cf. Μισθαρᾶς.
Μύσθης f. of Sarapion 1446. 54.
Μῶρος, Αὐρ. Φιλαντίνοος ὁ καὶ M. son of Besarion
1555. 3.
—— 1482. 1.
Νεῖλος, Αὐρ. N. γραμματεύς 1474. 2.
᾿Απόλλων ὁ καὶ N. gymnasiarch 1416. 24.
senator 1413. 13.
(strategus ?) 1470. 16.
Αὐρ. N. 1475. 42.
s. of Erigenes 1496. 23, 31.
1417. 8 (?), 14, 22, 23 (?), 27; 1495. 2,
19; 1534. 14; 1590. 14.
Νεμεσᾶς 5. of Hermon 1514. 1.
Νεμεσιανός, Αὐρ. N. comarch 1469. 3, 23.
M. Αὐρ. N. ὁ καὶ Eipnvaios γραμματεὺς
καταλογείου 1474. 7.
Αὐρ. Πτολεμαῖος 6 καὶ Ν, strategus 1411.
1; 1502. "; 1555. 1.
Νεμεσίων, Αὐρ. N.6 καὶ Διονύσιος basilicogram-
mateus 1459. τ.
Νεχθενῖβις, Adp. N. tax-collector 1488. 4, 35:
f. of Thermouthion 1547. 32.
Νεχθ(ενῖβις ?) f. of Didymus 1680. 6.
Νέων 1446. int.
Newrépa goddess. See Index VI (a).
Νίκαια m. of Heraclas 1482. 3.
Νίκανδρος basilicogrammateus 1452. 45.
Νικάνωρ s. of Thessalus 1584. 5.
Νικάνωρ καὶ 1458. int.
Νικηφόρος 1536. 12.
Νικίας 1584. 7.
IV. PERSONAL NAMES
Νικομήδης, Νίκων ἀνθ᾽ οὗ Ν, 1475. 15.
Νίκων (praeses of Herculia ἢ) 1428. 2.
ἀνθ᾽ οὗ Νικομήδης 1475. 15.
Νίνναρος 1578. 14.
Νούμμιος Τοῦσκος consul 1407. 7.
Ξενικὸς ὁ καὶ Πέλιος 1486. 1.
5. of Troilus 1418.22; 1496. 20, 22, 34.
Ξένος 1584. 24.
Ὅμηρος 1479. τι.
᾿οννῶφρις sitologus 1542. 13.
tesserarius 5. of Pekusis 1480. 3, 22.
f. of Amois 1518. 18.
f. of Aur. Petosiris 1554. 5.
f. of Heras 1447. 4.
s. of Petsiris 1459. 33.
1416. 14; 1530. 5.
’Omavés 1566. 9.
᾽Οπινάτωρ ἀπαιτητής 1419. 6.
ὋὉρπαῆσις γεωργός 1571. 1.
᾿᾽ορσῦθμις 5. of Eskieslakis (?) 1446. 57.
Οὐαλεριανός, M. Ἰούλιος O, veteran 1508. 2, 5.
Οὐαλέριος Πομπηιανός praefect 1508. 13,16, 19.
Φίρμος praefect 1418. 4; 1466. 1
(Valerius Firmus), 4.
Οὐάλης, ἸΙουούεγκος O. ἔπαρχος στόλου 1451. τ,
14, τό, 29. ΐ
Οὐαριανός, ὁ καὶ Κλάρος f. of Aur. Agathinus
1475. το.
Οὐΐβιος 5. of Publius 1587. 7.
Οὐίριος Τάλλος consul 1469. 25.
Οὔλπιος Αὐρήλιος dioecetes 1409. 3, 7.
Πακατιανός consul 1426. 1.
Παᾶπις s. of Thodnis 1453. 6, 30.
IlaBois f. of Pabous 1446. 14.
s. of Pabous 1446. 14.
Παελένης comarch,s. of Arachthes 1430. 5, 22.
1506. 3.
Majors comarch, 5. of Tachuris(?) 1480. 4
(Παταῆσις), 22.
Παθώτης (παθωθης ΠῚ f. of Aur, Horus 1425.
EI.
Πακατιανός, Οὔλπιος IT, consul 1426. 1.
Πάλλας archidicastes 1471. 2.
1534. 13.
Παμμένης. See Index V (ὦ.
Παμοῦνις γραμματεύς 1542. 15.
Πανάρης f. of Thodnis 1540. 13.
301
Πανάρης 1482, int., 7, 13 ; 1568. 2.
IlaverBevs priest 1444, 13, 23.
Πανεχώτης f. of Petsiris 1459. 26.
1459. 15.
Πανηοῦς 1446. int.
Πάννος 1584. 9, 32.
Πανοσνεύς 1446. int.
Πανοῦρις f. of Osis 1446. 26.
Παποντῶς f, of Phthomonthis 1485. 2.
f. of Thaisous 1547. 22.
5. of Tho6nas 1547. 11, 14, 22.
Παρμενίων 1459. 35.
Πασάφθις 5. of Pasaphthis 1485. 9.
5. of Psenmouthis 14385. 9.
Πασιπεντῶος 5. of Melas 1470. το.
Πάσις f. of Se[.Jonius 1470. rr.
Πασίων, Αὐρ. Π. sitologus 1525. 2.
f. of [.. . . Japxos 1444. 38.
s. of Achillion 1540. 5.
Αὐρ. Π. 1418. 1.
1415. 14.
Πασόις 1502. verso 5.
Παταῆσις. See Manors.
Taras f. of Aur. Amois 1405. 18.
f. of Cornelius 1530. 12.
1488. 5.
IlarBas 1498. 2.
Πατοῖφις, Θῶνις ὁ καὶ Π. 5. of Thonis 1458.
2, 7.
Παυλῖνος, ᾿Ανίκιος II. consul 1469. 24.
Παῦλος public banker 14380. 9.
f. of Tapsois 1547. 20.
Παυσανίας cosmetes 1413. 34.
Παύσιρις f. of Petsiris 1459. 27.
f. of Thatres 1459. 19.
—— ἢ of Thermouthion 1550. 14.
1530. 3, 13.
Παυσιρίων f. of Apollonius 1549. 16.
f. of Aur. Asclepiades 1555. ii.
—— ἢ of Helene 1534. 14.
—— ἰ of Pekusis 1474. 11, 22.
f. of [. .Jonis 1488. 55.
Παχνοῦβις 1444. 20.
Παχόις s. Of Heraclides 1446. 80.
Mads f. of Tapsois 1550. 5, 17, 26 (?).
Πεγωοῦς f. of Dionysius 1538. 11.
1538. 6.
Πειωο(ῦς) 1533.
Πέκυλλος ὁ καὶ Θέων ex-gymnasiarch 1466. 9.
Πεκῦσις, Πεκύσιος ᾿ἸΙσεῖον 1465. 2.
302
Πεκῦσις f. of Onnophris 1480. 3.
s. of Pausirion 1474. 11, 21.
Πέλιος, Ξενικὸς ὁ καὶ I. 1486. 1.
Πεματαῖος (?) 1573. 4 marg.
Πενῦρις 1538. 15.
Πεσοῦρις f. of Akouis 1446. 26.
f. of [Gai ?Janus 1496. 26.
Tleraumwakxovevet . a . πετενταετκηρκειειχινδοναι-
ρουβι (voc.) deity 1566. 7.
Πετεμεννῶφρις 5. of Πετεΐ 1588. 1.
Πετεμοῦνις (α) 1518. 22; (6) 1518. 24.
Πετερμοῦθις f. of Ammonas 1446. 18.
Πετεῦρις f. of Paos 1550. 17, 26 (?).
Πετεχῶν 1584. 15, 17.
Tiere. |'s s. of Lucius 1588. 13.
Πετκηιερχενεινκαμτηρου (voc.) deity 1566. 5.
Πετόσιρις f. of Dionysius 1547. 2.
f. of Thodnas 1547. 22, 25, 30, 37.
s. of Dionysius 1547. 2.
Αὐρ. Π. 5. of Onnophris 1554. 4.
s. of Patoiphis 1453. 7.
— s. of Saras 1547. 9.
s. of Tauris 1542. 6.
s. of Thaésis 1542. 9.
5. of ThoGénis 1547. 19.
Πετρώνιος Προβῖνος consul 1559. 1.
Μ. I. Πρίσκος 1459. 30.
Πέτσιρις f. of Heracleiis 1459. 12.
f. of Onnophris 1459. 34.
s. of Heracletis 1459. 11, 32.
—— 5. of Panechotes 1459. 25.
s. of Pausiris 1459. 27.
s. of Thaésis 1459. 35.
Πιβῆμις, Adp. Il. comarch 1469. 2, 23.
Πινοῦτις f. of Psois 1581. 5.
Πισᾶς 1584. 14.
Πιχιμέ 1564. τ.
Πκαῆς (Ὁ) f. οἵ Ammonius 1452. 53.
Πλῆνις 5. οἵ Phthomonthis 14385. 2.
Πλούταρχος, Δωρίων 6 καὶ I. gymnasiarch 1416.
sitologus 1542. 13.
slave 1451. 7, 19, 33.
χειριστής 1462. 3 (Ὁ), 24.
Διονύσιος 6 καὶ TI. 1498. 7.
1444, 36; 1498. 13.
Πλουτῖνος 1418. 11.
Πλουτίων σύνδικος 1417. τῇ.
——. tax-collector 1441. 4.
—— ἢ, of Demetrianus 1542, 5.
INDICES
Πλουτίων (?) f. of Aur. Demetrianus 1562. 3.
f. of Plution 1548. 3.
s. of Diodorus 1452. 2, 25, 30, 49.
5. of Plution (2) 1548. 2, 12 ; (4)1548.
2.
Αὐρ. II. 1469. 23.
1413. 6, 7.
Πλουτογένεια 1586. το.
Πνεφερῶς 1446. 88.
Πολυδεύκης 5. of Dexitheus 1518. 8.
1573. 7.
Πομπηιανός, Οὐαλέριος I. praefect 15038. 13, 16,
19.
Ποσεῖς 5. of Theon 1446. 7.
Ποσιδώνιος 1587. 21, 23.
Πούδης 1560. 14. 15.
Πούπλιος praefect 1416. 28.
f. οἵ Vibius 1587. 7.
Tlovoipis 1446. int.
Πρίσκος, M. Πετρώνιος 11. 1459. 30.
Προβῖνος, Πετρώνιος Π. consul 1559. τ.
Πρωτέας, Αὐρ. II. dioecetes 1412. 9; p. 26.
Proximus, jirrius P. tabularius 1511. το.
Πτολεμαῖος, Αὐρ. II. basilicogrammateus 1549.
2.
chief-priest, 5. of Damarion, 1415. 20-9.
—— gymnasiarch 1418. 19 (?), 21.
ἐπείκτης τῆς ὀθόνης 1428. 3, 11.
πορτᾶς 1519. 7.
Αὐρ. II. ὁ καὶ Νεμεσιανός strategus 1411.
1; 1502. 7; 1555. 1.
tax-farmer 1457. 1.
—— ἢ of Aur. Aristion 1559. 4.
— f. of Diodorus 1452. 53.
—— f. of Harendotes 1520. 4.
— ἢ, of Heliodorus 1458. 12.
— f. of Theodorus 1418. 20.
ὁ καὶ Λούκιος 5, of Germanus 15389. 14.
ὁ καὶ Πτολλίων 1589. 7.
—— 1446.91; 1459. 32; 1498. 12 ; 1584.
4; 1581. 9, Io.
Tlrodepais ἡ καὶ Διδύμη 1515. 18.
1449. 16.
Πτολεμῖνος exegetes 1416. 25.
Πτολέμιος scribe of the nome 1426. 4.
Πτολλᾶς 1479. 11.
Πτολλίων f. of Antiochus 1552. 4.
Πτολεμαῖος ὁ καὶ Π. 1539. 7.
| Ῥάμμιος Μαρτιᾶλις praefect 1547. 4.
IV.
ουστικιανός, Αἰμίλιος ‘P, deputy-praefect1469.
I.
᾿Ῥούφιος ᾿Αλβῖνος consul 1470. 1.
“Ῥοῦφος, Μάγνιος “P. catholicus 1410. 1.
‘Popavd 1494. 14.
Σαβῖνος (a) 1418. 6 ; (4) 1479. 8.
Σάδαλος 1446. int.
Σαμβᾶς f. of Heron 1446. 57.
Σαπειφνήπ deity 1566. 2.
Σαπρίων f. of Aur. Sarapammon 1455. τό,
30.
Sapaeis d. (?) of Ach{ill( ) 1449. 15.
Σαραμοῦις f. of Horion 1531. 6.
Σαραπάμμων, Avp. Σ. 6
1578. I, 15.
— ἢ of Aphunchius 1509. 2.
s. of Apollonius 1478. 1, 4.
s. of Psois 1438. 10, 17.
Avp. 3. 5. of Saprion 1455. 15, 29.
—— 1476.13; 1488. 1, 28; 1491. int.,1;
1570. I.
Σαραπᾶς f. of Aphunchis 1510. 2.
Σαραπιάδης 5. of Ammonius 1459. 20, 24. .
Σαραπιάς 1575. 1.
Σάραπις god. See Index VI (a).
Σαραπίων ὁ καὶ ᾿Αγαθὸς Δαίμων ex-agoranomus
1475. 7, It.
ἁλωνοφύλαξ 1465. 7.
Αὐρ. 3. ὁ καὶ Ἡρακλείδης basilicogram-
mateus 1448. τό.
centurion 1428. 7.
Αὐρ. Τριάδελφος ὁ καὶ Σ. decemprimus
1442. 4.
Θεωνῖνος 6 καὶ Σ. prytanis 1515. 1.
senator 5. of Alexander 1526, 11.
Avp, 3. sitologus 1525. 2.
χειριστής 1481. 1.
-- -- f. of Apollonius 1449. 47.
-- f, of Aur. Arsinoé 1466. 7.
— f, of Aur. Claudia 1463. 3.
— ἢ of Eudaemon 1521. 5.
—— f, of Heraclides 1449. 49.
—— f. of Sarapion 1449. 15.
- f, of Saras 1446. 58.
— 5. of Chaeremon 1468. 19.
—— 5. of Heranou(bis ἢ) 1515. 6.
—— 5. of Mysthes 1446. 54.
Αὐρ. ᾿Ασκληπιάδης ὁ καὶ 3. 5. of Pausirion
1555. ii.
‘ , a8
Kal Διονύσιος, επιτροπος
PERSONAL NAMES
3903
Σαραπίων 8. of Plution 1452. 11, 20, 37, 56.
5. of Sarapion (a)1449.15; (4) 1452.
13, 39-
Αὐρ. 3. 6 καὶ ᾿Απολλώνιος 1561. 7.
ὁ καὶ Διαδε. [.τιος 1515. 8.
6 καὶ Διονύσιος (a) 1488. 57 ; (6) 1537.
3.
Αὐρ. Σερῆνος 6 καὶ 3. 1558. 8.
Αὐρ. 3. ὁ καὶ Χαιρήμων 1464. 15.
1414. 21; 1489. 1; 1441. 8; 1490.
1; 1498. 1, 15; 1503. 2; 1535. 13;
1561. 7; 1568. 1; 1572. 1, 7; 1573. 1,
6, τι ; 1575. τ; 1581. 5, 14, 17; 1582.
15; 1587. τ; 1593. 17.
Σαραπόδωρος 1578. 2.
Σαραποῦς m. of Copres 1446. 18.
m. of Isas 1586. 3.
Zapato . . 1523. 8.
Sapas ἴ, of Taaphunchis 1550. 19.
s. of Akous 1482. 2. {
—— 5. of Sarapion 1446. 58.
Αὐρ. Βησάμμων ὁ καὶ Σ. 1522. 7, 9.
Σαρμάτης ἔ, of Dioscurides 1581. 3.
1512. 2.
Σαταβοῦς ἴ. οἵ. .|aameis 1446. 53.
Σάττος 5. of Harpocration 1489. 1, 11.
Σάφθις god 1435. 9.
Σεκοῦνδος chief-priest, 5. of Secundus 1413. ro,
f. of Secundus 1418. το.
Σέννω (gen.) 1534. 18.
Σεουῆρος 85. Of Philosophus 1418. 24.
1573. 11, 16; 15865. 1.
Σεπτίμιος, A, Σ. Αὐρ. Κάσιος archidicastes 1474,
3; ὃ.
Σερῆνος ὁ καὶ ᾿Ισχυρίων exegetes 1418. 2.
—— ᾿Αλέξανδρος senator 1522. 5, 6.
—— Διογένης ὁ καὶ ᾿Αγαθὸς Δαίμων, σύνδικος
1418. 8, 14, 17, 32; 1414. 7, 9.
— 'Ὡρίων ὁ καὶ Διογένης 1416. 4.
Σεραπίων, Ἡρακλείδης ὁ καὶ Σ. 1444. το.
1444, 16.
Σερῆνος, Σεπτίμιος Σ. 6 καὶ ᾿Ισχυρίων exegetes
1418. 2.
—— goldsmith 1582. 1, 8.
—— gymnasiarch 5. of Ammonius 1413,
5» 9 (?).
Αὐρ. ᾿Απόλλων ὁ καὶ 3. deputy-nomarch
1463. 2, 27.
Λεωνίδης ὁ καὶ 3. sitologus 1541. 8.
—— f. of Thais 1502. 3, 8.
304
Σερῆνος, Αὐρ. Σ. 5. of Castor 1555. To.
5, of Sarapion 1468. το.
Αὐρ. 3. 6 καὶ Σαραπίων 1558. 8.
1416. 13, 16(°).
Σερῶις 1446. int.
Ze{.onos 5. of Pasis 1470. τι.
Σιλβανός, Adp. Σ. χωματεπιμελητής 1546. 1.
Αὐρ. Σ. 5. of Ammonius 1455. 31.
5. of Anicetus 1416. 18.
Aup. =. 1409. 23.
1530. 14.
Σινθεῦς, Διονυσία ἡ καὶ Σ. 1537. 2.
Σινθῶνις ἃ. of Diogenes 1444. 31.
Σίφων 1446. int.
Σκυβᾶτος, Ἑ μίας ὁ καὶ 3. 1515. 14.
Σουτώριος Σωσίβιος strategus 1452. 44.
Σουχάμμων 1474. 12.
Σπάταλος 1446. 29.
[Σπούριος] 1451. 17, 30, 31.
Srariavés, Τ'. Καλουίσιος Σ. praefect 1461. 11, 13.
Srépavos f. of Dosithes 1518. 6.
Aip. 3. 5. of Hatres 1405. 15.
5. of Kanbares 1518. 1.
1440. 4.
Στρατονίκη 1489. 9.
Στράτος 1489. 9.
Συλικύσησος deity 1478. 5.
Σύρος 5. of Apollonius 1468. 20.
1590. 3.
Σώπατρος, ᾿ἸΙούλιος 3. epistrategus 1459. 7.
1408. 2, 7.
Σωσίβιος, Σουτώριος Σ. strategus 1452. 44.
Swras f. of Demetrianus 1492. 2, 21.
Τααπολλὼς ἡ καὶ Meyiorn 1444. 9.
Taadiyxs d. of Saras 1550. 18.
m. of Aur. Theoninus 1468. 3, 12.
slave 1468. 14.
Aup. T. 1449. 1.
Ταεπίμαχος slave 1548. 25.
[Ta ?leppas 1479. 12.
Ταέρως slave 1548. 23, 27.
Ταεῦς ἡ καὶ Δημητροῦς m. of Eudaemon 1473. 30.
m. of Aur. Gaion 1464. 4.
Ταηρακλῆς 1446. int.
Ταϊσεῖς ἃ. of All{ 1515. 19.
Ταλθύβιος 1522. verso 3.
Ταμόις 1559. 11.
Ταπόσιρις ἡ καὶ ᾿Αμαζόνιον w. of Demetrianus
1542. 5.
INDICES
Tarovs 1446. int.
Ταρουτίλλιος ὁ πρὸς τοῖς καταλοχισμοῖς 1462. 2,
23.
Τασηοῦς 1446. int.
Τασόραπις m. of Aur. Stephanus 1405. 16.
Τατρῖφις d. of Amois 1452. 4, 31.
Tavpia (?) 1494. int.
Ταῦρις, ᾽Ωριγένεια ἡ καὶ T.m. of Aur. Agathinus
1475. το.
—— m. of Petosiris 1542. 7.
m. of Aur. Zoilas 1456. 2.
Ταφαμόις τη. of Aur. Artemeis 1468. 7.
Ταχύρις (?) f. of Paésis 1480. 4.
Tayo d. of Paos 1550. 5.
d. of Paulus 1547. το (?).
ἡ καὶ Εὐδαιμονίς d. of Plution 1648. 14,
20
m. of Plution 1548. 3.
[Τα]ῶς w. of Aur. Gaion 1464. 9.
Τεθεῦς m. of Pekusis 1474. 11.
m. of Theonas 1481. 1, 13.
Texovoa 1489. I, 3.
Τελώνης bath-attendant 1499. 2.
Tepas 1560. 8.
Τερέντιος "Apevos Strategus 1414. 17.
Τεσενοῦφις f. of Phaseis 1446. 89.
Τετεῶρις 1471. 6, 11, 30.
Τετοεῦς ἃ. of ThoGnas 1547. 7, 14, 17.
Typol.]o. [ 1462. 20.
Τιαρκαμικειντευ (voc.) deity 1566. 10.
Τιβέριος. See Κλαύδιος.
Τιθοητίων, Αὐρ. T. γραμματεὺς ποταμιτῶν 1427. 1.
Τιμαγένης, Αὐρ. T. 1466. 8.
Τιμοκράτης 1446. gI.
Τίρων ὁ καὶ ᾿Απολλώνιος 1416. 1; 1515. 4.
f. of G. Didymus (?) 1587. το.
Τισόις τη. of Aur. Petosiris 1554. 5.
1444. 20.
Τιτιανός consul 1466. 6.
Κλωδιανός (praefect ?) 1468. 28.
Tiros, νόμος Ἰούλιος καὶ T. 1466. 5.
Τκαῖσις 1446. int.
Τκοῦις τη. of Antiochus 1552. 5.
Τνεφερσόις d. of Plution 1452. 11, 38.
Τοθῆς νομοφύλαξ 1440. 7.
Τοκεύς 1534. 3 (Toxews gen.).
Τοτοεῦς f. of Horus 1453. 38.
Τοτόης f. of Heraclides 1453. 4 (?).
f. of Tuphis 1444. 24.
Tovoxos, Νούμμιος T. consul 1407. 9.
IV. PERSONAL NAMES
Τριάδελφος, Αὐρ. T. ὁ καὶ Σαραπίων decaprotus
1442. 4.
Τρουννία Μάρκελλα 1451. 5, 18, 24, 31.
1 eee ea Τρουννία | 1451. 20,245.27.
Τρούννιος, A. T, Λουκιλλιανός 1451. 6, 17, 23, 30.
Τρύφων f. of Aioneus 1446. 14.
— 1408. 2, 6, το.
~Tpaidos f. of Xenicus 1496. 20, 22, 34.
Τυράννιος, T. T. praefect 1484. 15.
Tupavvis Slave 1468. το.
Τῦφις 5. of Totoés 1444, 24.
Tudor god 1449. 14.
Φάβουλος f. of Aur. Hatres 1426. 17.
Φανκειέμ 1519. 3.
Φαρβαιτίων (?) 1444. 29.
Φασεῖς s. of ‘Tesenouphis 1446. 89.
Φάτρις 5. of Apollonius (ἢ) 1447. 4.
Φαῦστος, Χαιρήμων ὁ καὶ ᾧ. 5. of Horion 1478.
9, 27.
Φερέμφις ἐπικαλ. Ἰσχυρίων 1589. 13.
Φθομώνθης 5. οἵ Ῥαροπίοβ 1485. 2.
Φιλάγριος, Φλ. Φ. praefect 1470. 4, 6, 9.
Φιλαντίνοος, Αὐρ. Φ. ὁ καὶ Μῶρος 5. of Besarion
1555. 3.
Διδυμιανὸς ὁ καὶ ᾧ. 1578. 33.
Φιλέας 1418. 11, 15 (φελεας) ; 1508. 3, 6, 11,
τῆ.
Φιλέρως 1479. 12.
ae Αὐρ. Φ. ὁ καὶ ‘Qpioy strategus 1456.
> Ρ. 175-
he 1446. int.; 1459. 32; 1534. 4.
Φιλίσκος, ᾿Ισίδωρος 6 καὶ ᾧ. 1444. 30.
Φιλίστιος, Αὐρ. Φ. comarch, 5. of Dionysius
1426. 6.
Φιλόμουσος, Αὐρ. &. πραγματευτής 1544. τ.
᾿ 1479. 8.
Φιλορώμαιος οἰκονόμος 1560. 4.
Φιλόσοφος ἴ. of Epimachus and Severus 1418.
20, 24; 1497. I.
Φιλοῦς 1446. int.
Pippos, Οὐαλέριος &. praefect 1418. 4; 1466.
1 (Valerius Firmus), 4.
1489. τ.
Φλαουία Μάρκελλα 1460. 4.
Φλαούιος. See ᾿Αμμωνᾶς, ᾿Αρποκρατίων, Awpd-
Geos, ‘Eppias, ᾿Ιούλιος, Φιλάγριος.
Φουῶνσις f. of Kaétis 1446. 89.
bpla?|yerns s. of Horion 1449. 12.
Φυλάρχης 1535. verso 11.
ΡΣ
Χαιρήμων νομικάριος 1418. 20 (?), 21.
ὁ καὶ Φαῦστος 5. of Horion 1478. 9, 27.
Αὐρ. Σαραπίων ὁ καὶ Χ, 1464. 15.
—— [Hid ?|Sepos ὁ καὶ Χ. 1496. 35.
— f. of Apollonarion 1478. 24, 32, 33.
— f. of Sarapion 1463. 19.
f. of Theon also called Origenes 1413.
28.
5. of Asclepiades 1446. 40.
Χαρίτων 1446. int.
Xappivos oivor@Ans 1519. 9.
Χιάσις 1446. int.
Χῶνσις f. of Heroninus 1446. 29.
Χωοῦς bath-attendant 1499. 2.
Χωσίων ὀνηλάτης 1517. 8.
Ψεναμοῦνις 1464. int.
Ψενμώνθης f. of Pasaphthis 1435. 9.
Vous 5. of Inuris 1488. 10, 17.
5. of Pinoutis 15381. 5.
—— 1538. 15.
᾽Ωκεανός 1590. 9.
᾿Ωριγένεια ἡ καὶ Ταῦρις m. of Aur. Agathinus
1475. το.
᾽Ωριγένης f. of Theon 1487. 2.
Θέων ὁ καὶ Ὦ. 5. of Chaeremon 1413. 28.
Αὐρ. ᾿Αγαθῖνος 6 kai’. 5. of Varianus
1475. 10, 37, 43, 46.
‘Qpiav, |upt.os Αὐρ. ‘Q, ex-archidicastes 1560.
2) τὸν 1. 15"
Αὐρ. ‘. ex-chief-priest 1461. 3.
Αὐρ. Φιλίαρχος ὁ καὶ ‘Q, strategus 1456.
I; Ρ. 178:
Αὐρ. ‘Q. συστάτης 1551. 4.
*TovAtos ‘Q, veteran 1459. 3, 39.
Σεπτίμιος ‘Q. ὁ καὶ Διογένης 1416. 4.
—— f. of Phr[a]genes 1449. 12.
5, of Apollonius 15538. 21, 25.
5, of Castor 1446. 58.
. of Eudaemon 1446. 6.
. of Hierax 1478. 6, &c.
—— 5. of Saramouis 1531. 6.
s. of Thonis 1455. 3, 27.
1418. 16; 1573. 13 ; 1576. I.
*Qpos f. of Aas (?) 1446. 85.
f. of Cornelius 1530. 12.
—— f, of Harpaésis 1537. 5.
—— f. of Isas 1446. 7.
—— f, of Mieus 1547. 3.
306
ὯΩρος, Αὐρ. Ὧ, son of Pathotes 1425. τι.
5. of Totoeus 1453. 38.
Qos 5. of Panouris 1446. 26.
. «Ἱαιαπεῖς 5. of Satabous 1446. 53.
. pus 1444. 35.
ferinus praefect of an ala 1511. 11.
INDICES
jirrius Proximus tabularius 1511. ro.
Ἰκατιανός, Αὐρ. Ἐὐδαίμων ὁ καὶ.
. . 1523. 6.
.|ovov ἃ. of Dionysius also called Ammonius
|.
1444, 28.
E
εἸτιλλις 1444. 26.
ενν 5. Of Dioscorus, deputy-strategus 1498.
6.
V. GEOGRAPHICAL.
(a) COUNTRIES, NOMES, TOPARCHIES, CITIES, RIVERS.
᾿Αθριβίτης (νομός) 1458. τ.
᾿Αθριβιτῶν πόλις 1458. 4.
Αἰγύπτιοι νόμοι 1558. 3.
Αἴγυπτος 1408. 15, 22; 1409. 21; 1428, 2,
14; 1451. 12,13; 1466. 4; 1470. 4,9;
1503. 13, τῇ; 19; 1504. 2, 5, 10, 14;
1589.16,17. Aegyptus 1466. 1. ἐπαρχία
Aiy. καὶ Λιβύης 1410. 3.
᾿Αλεξάνδρεια 1405. 12; 1428. 4; 1498. 5,
17; 1553. 2.
᾿Αλεξανδρέων πόλις, ἡ λαμπροτάτη π. τῶν. “A.
1412. 3; 1560. 14. Cf. πόλις.
᾿Αλεξανδρέων χώρα 1462. 34.
᾿Αλεξανδρῖνος στόλος 145]. 1, 14.
᾿Ανταιοπολίτης (νομός) 1448. 2.
᾿Αντινοέων πόλις 1489. 2.
᾿Αντινόου πόλις 1468. 1, 26.
Apamenorum cohors 1511. 1.
᾿Αραβία 1415. 6.
᾿Αραβίας (νομοῦ) ἄνω τόποι 1435. 8.
᾿Αρσινοἴΐτης (νομός) 1408. 11; 1409. 2, 7.
᾿Ασιαγένης 1468. το.
ἀστυγείτων νομός 1456. το.
Αὐασίτης 1482. 4. το. Cf. ᾽οασῖτεις.
Αὐγουσταμνίκη 1559. 8.
A .. vevos Νῆσος 15438. 4.
Β[αβυλών (?) 1406. το.
Bebevviviis, ᾿Ατάργατις B. 1449. 5, 6.
[Tuvat?|xoroXirns (νομός) 1422. 3.
Aadpara 1513. 2.
ἐπαρχία Αἰγύπτου καὶ Λιβύης 1410. 3.
Ἕπτανομία καὶ ᾿Αρσινοΐτης 1409. 2, 7.
Ἑπτὰ νομοὶ καὶ ᾽Αρσιν. 1408. 11.
Ἑρμοῦ πόλις 1428. 7.
“Ἡλιοπολιτικά (sc. ζεύγη ?) 1438. 22.
Ἡλίου πόλις 1406. 13.
Ἡρακλάμμωνος (ἀπὸ Ἢ.) 1419. 8.
Ἡρακλεοπολίτης νομός 1488. 8.
Ἡρακλέους πόλις 1468. 24.
Ἡρακλεωτικὰ ζεύγη 1488. 21.
Θμοισεφὼ τοπαρχία 1488. 9, 39; 1486. 35;
1541. 3; 1578. 2.
Ἰταλικὴ στυπτηρία (= λίτρα στυπτηρίας) 1429. 4.
Κάνωπος 1479. 3.
Κομμαγηνῶν σπεῖρα δευτέρα ἱππική 1472. το.
Κρητικὸν (ἄμφοδον) 1452. 9, 36.
Κυνοπολίτης (νομός) 1449. 7, 42;
14.
1453.
Δεοντοπολίτης (Λεοντωνπολ. II ; sc. νομός) 1508.
12.
Λεόντων πόλις 1508. 12.
Λιβύη, ἐπαρχία Αἰγύπτου καὶ A. 1410. 4.
Δυκίων Παρεμβολὴ (ἄμφοδον) 1552. 11.
μητρόπολις τοῦ ᾿Οξυρυγχίτου 1471. 9. μ. =
Athribis 1458. 9. μ. = Oxyrhynchus
1408. 18 ; 1422. 10; 1449. 3.
μητροπολίτης 1452. ὃ.
See Index XII.
μητροπολιτικά.
V. GEOGRAPHICAL
Νέα πόλις 1407. 8.
Νεῖλος, 6 ἱερώτατος N. 1409. 17.
Νῆσος A.. νωνος 1548. 4.
νομός 1414, 2; 1419. 4; 1422. 9; 1425. 4;
1484, 11; 1449. 54; 1456. το, 11;
1463. 8; 1469. 2; 1470. 11 ; 1473. 41;
1475.15, 48. Cf. ’AOpiBirns, ᾿Ανταιοπολί-
της, “ApaBias, “Apowoirns, [Tuva ?|koroXirns,
“HpakXeorroXirns, Κυνοπολίτης, Λεοντοπολίτης,
᾿Οξυρυγχίτης. νομοί 1408.18. Cf. Ἑπτὰ ν.
"Oats 1489. 2; 1498. 6.
*Oaciris 1548. 21. Cf, Adacirns.
᾿Οξυρυγχίτης (νομός) 1405. 14; 1422. 4;
1425. 4; 1426.4; 1428.2; 1430.2;
1432. 1; 1488. 3, 34; 1444. 1; 1451.
17; 1453. 13; 1455. 2; 1456.1; 1459.
2; 1460. 3; 1469. 2; 1470. 3, 6, 11;
1471. 10; 1472. 5, 28; 1473. 20, 41;
1474. τ, 4,16; 1475. τ, 15, 48; 1502.
8; 1525. 1; 1549. 3; 1555. 1; 1559.
3; 1560. 6. ἀστυγείτων νομός 1456. το.
᾿Οξυρυγχιτῶν πόλις 1407. 33 (?); 1409. 1;
1411. 2; 1482. 4; 1444. 3; 1464. 2;
1470. 10; 1473. 25; 1475. 8; 1501. 2;
1510. 3; 1523. 6 (om. πόλις). ἡ λαμπρὰ καὶ
λαμπροτάτη “OF. πόλ. 1412. 5; 1418. 1;
1455. 4; 1456. 3; 1551.5; 1562. 6, 23.
᾿Οξυρύγχων πόλις 1449. 45; 1452. 5, 32;
1458. 9; 1454.8; 1457.10; 1458. int. ;
1463. 3; 1468.4; 1472.2; 1473. 6, 24;
1474. 11; 1475. 10; 1502. 8; 1515. 1;
3°7
1536. 3; 1547. 3; 1548. 4; 1549. 7;
1550. 6; 1552. 7; 1555. 13.
πάγος 1480. 7. βπ. 1426. 7. y(sc. πάγος ἢ)
1559. 9. 7 7. 1425. 4, 6.
Πάρινος, προτομὴ Il. 1449. 11, 14.
Περσίνη 1471. 7.
Πηλούσιον 1425. 7; 1544. 6.
πόλις (1)ΞΞ Alexandria 1475. 3, 41; 1560. 4,
11; 1561. 20. (2) =Oxyrhynchus 1414.
2, 12; 1449. 4; 1455. 12, 18; 1470. 3,
10; 1472. 16; 1473, 30, 37; 1475. 12,
22; 1540.5; 1543.1; 1545. 11 ; 1550.
2, 21 ; 1581. ὃ.
‘Popaixa 1466. 3; 1558. 8.
Ῥωμαῖος, ἱππεὺς Ῥ. 1444. 15. Ῥωμαῖοι 1451.
12. Ῥωμαίων ἔθη 1460. 5. Ῥωμαίων πολι-
τεία 1458. 5; 1558. 4. ἔθιμος “Ῥωμαίοις
ὅρκος 1451. 7.
“Ῥώμη 1407. τό.
Τάλυ ὕδατα 1427. 4.
Ταποσιριάς, Ἶσις T. 1484. 12.
ἄνω 1484. 3; 1522. 4. ἀπηλιώτου
1578. 14. Θμοισεφώ 1488. 9, 39; 1486.
35; 1541. 3; 1578. 2. κάτω 1462. 13,
27; 1589. 11. πρὸς λίβα 1469. 2; 1475.
15. μέση 1444. 3; 1522.4; 1525. 3;
1526. 3; 1539. 4; 1540. 4, 12, 14;
1549. 24; 1573. 14.
τόποι, "ApaBias ἄνω τ. 1485. 8.
Tpaavds ποταμός 1426, Io.
Φαρίτης 1583. 9 (?).
τοπαρχία.
(6) VILLAGES, ἐποίκια, χωρία.
(1) Oxyrhynchite nome.
᾿Ασσύα 1529. 11.
Téun. See Ἰέμη.
Γεροντᾶ ἐποίκ. 1448. το.
Δάχμων (gen.; not Oxyrh. ?) 1517. 18.
AwoiOéov 1418. τό: 1424, 6; 1425. 6;
1448. 5 marg,, 8.
Εἰόνθις (? a τόπος) 1421. 5.
᾿Ἐντελεύ 1510. 4, το.
“Ἡρακλείδου κώμη 1480. 7. “Hp. ἐποίκιον 1528.
1,7; 1687. 5, 21.
Ἡρακλεῖον 1488. το.
Θαλασσοκάπρου 1448. 20.
Θῦρις (not Oxyrh.?) 1517. 16.
Θῶλθις 1448. 6; 1512. τ.
(κάτω tom.) 1529. 2.
—— (Θμοισεφὼ ror.) 1578. 2.
᾿Ιβιὼν Χύσεως 1442. 2.
X 2
308
Ιδυί( ) 1484. 24.
Ἰέμη (γεμη ΠῚ) 1444. 54.
Iociov 1488. 23. ἸΞΞ Ἶ. Πεκύσιος 1465. 5.
“Avo 1589. τι.
Κάτω 1529. 5.
Παγγᾶ 1502. verso 1; 1522. 4. Παγγᾶ
1494. 3; cf.n.
Πεκύσιος 1465. 2, 5.
Τρύφωνος 1529. 6, 12.
Ἴστρου 1444, 22.
Κερκεθῦρις 1449. 62.
Κερκεῦμα 1531. 20.
Κερκί 1449. 62.
Κεσμοῦχις 1438. το, 40; 1448. 3.
Κόβα 1529. 7.
Adyyov. See Sxuradiris A.
Midov(os ?) 1545. 9.
Movipov ἐποίκιον 1413. 14; 1484. 2.
Μουχινγάλη 1529. το.
Νααιλί ) 1448. 14.
Νεβώ (not Oxyrh. ὃ) 1488. τό.
Νεμέρα 1525. 3; 1549. 23.
Νεμεσίωνος, Σερήνου καὶ N. χωρίον 1448. 15.
Νεσμῖμις 1418, τό.
Νίγρου 1426. 7, 18.
Νικοστράτου ἐποίκ. 1459. 31.
Ilayya. See Ἰσεῖον Π.
Παεῖμις 1469. 2; 1475. 15.
Πακέρκη 1540. 4, 12, 14.
Παλῶσις 1448. 4; 1459. 9.
Πανευεί 1559. 9.
Παρόριον 1545. 5.
Παῶμις 1448. 5; 1534. 12; 1541. 3.
Πεεννώ 1549. 12.
Πέλα 1447. 3; 1497. 9g.
Πελαίτου 1448. 17.
Πέτνη 1539. 5; 1545. 8.
Πετροκί ) 1448. τι.
INDICES
Σαδάλου 1426. 6.
Σαραπᾶ ἐποίκ. 1448. 13.
Σεναώ 1584. 3.
Σενέπτα 1508. 7.
Σενοκῶμις 1506. 1; 1528. 3; 1545. 5.
Σεντώ 1470. το.
Σερήνου καὶ Νεμεσίωνος χωρ. 1448. 15.
Σερῦφις 1421. 3 ; 1528. 2, ὃ ; 1542. 4; 1545.
4; 1546. 5.
Σέσφθα1416. 13; 1428.10; 1529. 1. Σέφθα
1554. 6.
Σευηριάς 1545. Io.
Σεφώ 1459. 34.
Σιγκέφα 1405. τό, 21.
Swapv 1449. 54; 1462. 12, 26.
Σκυταλῖτις Λόγγου 1448. 12.
Sous 1448. 7.
Στεφανῖτις 1577. 2, 4.
Στρούθου 1448. 18.
Σύρων 1474. 16; 1528. 3, 9.
Τααμπέμου 1421. 3; 1505. 2; 1545. 3. Tap-
πέμου 1491. 13.
Τακόνα 1498. 14; 1529. 9.
Ταλαώ 1529. 4.
Tavas 1444. 8, &c.
Tal 1449. 56.
Τερῦθις 1507. 3.
Thus 1485. 3; 1486.35; 1448. 2; 1545.
1546. το.
Τυχινφάγων 1529. 3.
Τ΄. [. .|Ae 1546. 7.
φΦθῶχις 1530. I.
Φοβώου 1546. τι (ἢ).
Χύσις. See Ἰβιὼν Χύσεως.
Vavoppa 1448. το.
ψῶβθις (ἄνω ror.) 1484. 23.
(κάτω τοπ.) 1529. 8.
(μέσης τοπ.) 1526. 3.
1θις 1484. 18.
(2) Other nomes.
᾿Αργίας (Arsinoite) 1446. 95.
Εὐημέρεια (Arsinoite) 1446. 5, &c.
Θεαδέλφεια (Arsinoite) 1446. 4,2&c.
᾿Ιβιὼν Talv. Je[. . .joews (Hermopolite?) 1440. 4.
Κόρη (Delta) 1427. τ.
| Mayais (Arsinoite) 1446. 94.
V. GEOGRAPHICAL
Νῶις (Ἀλεξ. χώρα) 1462. 32.
Πολυδεύκεια (Arsinoite) 1446. 28, 36, 56,
86, go.
Su. .|raxn (Hermopolite ?) 1440. 3.
90:
Τερῦθις (Cynopolite) p. 257.
Χοινῶθις (Heracleopolite) 1463. 8.
Ψινομερπί ) (Antaeopolite) 1443. 4.
Ἰψαμις (Arabian nome?) 1485. το.
(c) ἄμφοδα AND λαῦραι OF OXYRHYNCHUS.
Βορρᾶ Δρόμου 1547. ἡ.
Βορρᾶ Κρηπῖδος 1548. το.
Δεκάτης 1473. 36; 1520. 4, 6.
Δρόμου Τυμνασίου 1449. 6; 1452. 50, 60;
1516. 1; 1550. 28.
Δρόμου Θοήριδος 1449. 4; 1516. 6; 1550.
24.
ἹἽππέων Παρεμβολῆς 1449. 6; 1551. τι.
Κρητικοῦ 1452. 9, 36.
(a)
᾿Αλεξάνδρου πρότερον Μένωνος 1508. 8.
“Avdpwvos 1459. το.
"Απολλοφάνους 1470. II.
Δημητρίου τοῦ Ποί. 1434. 18.
Διονυσίου Διογένους 1585. 9.
Δορκάωνος 1533.
Δ[όϊρκωνος 1508. 7.
Ἡρακλείδου. See Θεοφίλου καὶ Ἡ.
Θεοφίλου καὶ Ἡρακλείδου 1502. verso 1.
Θρασυμάχου παρειμένη 1549. 13, 34.
Κυί 1584. iii.
Μενεσθέως 1459. το, 16, 22, 29.
Μένωνος 1508. 8.
Λυκίων Παρεμβολῆς 1552. 11.
MupoBaddvov, Νότου Δρόμου καὶ M. 1562. 8.
Νότου Δρόμου καὶ MupoBaddvov 1562. ὃ.
Νότου Κρηπῖδος 1521. 4.
Παμμένους Παραδείσου 1452. 22.
Πατεμίτ (λαύρα) 1449. 6.
Πλατείας 1449. 5. ἡ Π. 1461. το.
Ποιμενικῆς 1516. 3.
κλῆροι.
Μηνοδώρου 1534. 2, 22.
Νικάνορος Θεσσαλοῦ 1584. 5.
Νικάνορος ἢ 1458. int.
Νικίου 1584. ἡ.
Νικομήδους. See Νίκωνος.
Νίκωνος ἀνθ᾽ οὗ Νικομήδους 1475. 15.
Παρμενίωνος 1459. 35.
Πτολεμαίου καὶ Φιλίππου 1459. 32; p. 181.
Πτολεμαίου τοῦ Φιλίππου 1584. 4.
Σέννω 1584. 18.
Τοκέως 1584. 3.
Τριακονταρουρίας 1584. 1.
Φιλίππου. See Πτολεμαίου.
(6) TRIBES AND DEMES.
Νεοκόσμιος ὁ καὶ ᾿Αλθαιεύς 1458. 6.
Σωσικόσμιος ὁ καὶ ᾿Αλθαιεύς 1468. 5.
Φυλαξιθαλάσσιος ὁ καὶ ᾿Αλθαιεύς 1468. 20.
φυλή(τρίτη) 1418. 12, 13, 16(?); 1415. 20,
30; 1552. 3.
(5) BUILDINGS, τόποι, &c. (Cf. Index VI (2).)
ἀγορά 1455. το.
“Αδριανὴ βιβλιοθήκη (Alex.) 1473. 40; 1475. 44.
ἀρχεῖα 1468. 19; 1562. 20.
βαλανεῖον, δημόσιον β. 1499. 3.
βαλανίδιον (πανιδιον ΠῚ, δημόσιον β. 1480. 13.
βιβλιοθήκη 1451. 4; 1587. 4 (ἐγκτήσε ?Jor).
Cf. “Αδριανὴ β., Navaiov B.
βιβλιοφυλάκιον 1562. 5.
γναφεῖον 1488. 9.
γύης 1587. 15.
γυμνάσιον 1452. 34, 47; 1552. 14.
δρόμος. See (c).
κοῖται ἑκατὸν ἐννέα 1470. 11.
κρηπίς. See (ε) Νότου K.
Cf. (ὁ.
310
Ναναίου βιβλιοθήκη (Alex.) 1478. 41; 1475. 45.
οὐσία τοῦ κυρίου Σεβαστοῦ 1484. 20.
παρόρια τῆς πόλεως 14°75. 22.
Πασόιτος, τόπος λεγόμενος II. 1502. verso 5.
περίμετρα τῆς κώμης 1475. 22. π. Ἡρακλείδου
ἐποικίου 1587. 20.
Πλατεῖα 1461. το. Cf. (c).
INDICES
πορθμεῖον (προθμιον I) 1421. 6.
στοὰ δημοσία (Babylon?) 1406. rr.
σφαιριστήριον 1450. 5, ἢ.
τόπος λεγόμενος Πασόιτος 1502. verso 5.
τράπεζα, ἡ ἐπὶ τοῦ πρὸς ᾿Οξ. πόλ. Σαραπείου τ.
1473.4. Cf. Index VIIL
Ψοῦ, πρὸς τῷ Ψ. 1461. 9.
VI. RELIGION.
(a) GODs.
᾿Αβράσαξ 1566. 4.
᾿Απόλλων 1449. 2. ᾿Α.. .. θεὸς μέγας ἀγαθὸς
δαίμων 1449. 4. ᾿᾽Δ. θεὸς μέγιστος 1485. 2.
“Αρποκράτης 1449. 24.
᾿Ατάργατις 1449. 1, 6.
5, 6.
᾿Αφρο ?|Sirn 1449. 33.
Βούβαστις 1449. το (?).
Δημήτηρ θεὰ μεγίστη 1449. το, 49 (?).
Διόνυσος 1449. 2, 3. σπονδὴ Διονύσου 1486.
17, 32, 49.
᾿Ελουείν (voc.) 1566. 7.
Ζεύς 1449. τ, 5, 6, 7, 58 (θεὸς μέγιστος) ;
1482. 6.
Ἥλιος 1566. 1.
Ἠλουαί (voc.) 1566. 6.
Ἥρα 1449. 1, 5, 6, 7, 58 (θεὰ μεγίστη).
θεά, θεός. 6. μέγας, μέγιστος. See ᾿Απόλλων,
Ζεύς, Σάραπις. θεὰ μεγίστη See Δημήτηρ, Ἥρα,
Θοῆρις. θεός (Christian) 1492. 19; 1498.
13; 1494.5, 1; 1598. 12. κύριος θ. 1499.
A Βεθεννῦνις 1449.
Ἶσις 1550. 8, 20.
5; 1495. 5. θεοί 1464. 5; 1482. 9;
1550. 15,21; 1582. 7. θεοὶ τῆς πόλ. τῶν
᾿Αντινοέίων 1489. 2. θεοὶ μέγιστοι 1449,
58; 1550. το. θεοὶ σύνναοι 1449. 2; 1550.
τὸ, Cf. Index I.
Θοῆρις 1449. 4; 1550. 8. Θοῦρις θεὰ μεγίστη
1458. 9. Cf. Index V (c).
Ἰ. Ταποσιριάς 1484. τι.
Κόρη 1449. 2, 5, 6, 44, 52.
Νεωτέρα 1449. 2, 4, 5, 8, 12, 13, 14.
Tleraumivakovever . Ea . πετενταετκηρκειειχινδοναι-
ρουβι (voc.) 1566. 7.
Πετκηιερχενεινκαμτήρου (voc.) 1566. 5.
Σαπειφνήπ 1566. 2.
Σάραπις 1550. 9. ὁ κύριος 2.1484. 4; 1589.
5. ὁ μέγας Σ. 1472. o.
14538. 5.
Σάφθις 1485. 9.
Συλικύσησος 1478. 5.
Τιαρκαμικειντευ (voc.) 1566. το.
Tudor 1449. 14.
3. θεὸς μέγιστος
(ὁ) TEMPLES.
Δημητρεῖον 1449. 5; 1485. 3.
Θοηρεῖον 1484. 6. ἱερὸν Θοήριδος 1458.
ἄμφοδον Δρόμου ©. See Index V (c).
ἰβιών. See Index V (4) 1 and 2.
ἱεράκιον 1475. 23.
ἱερόν 1414. 4, 11; 1449. 58; 1453. 13, 16, το.
i. ᾿Απόλλωνος 1485. 2; 1449. 4. i. Διονύσου
1449. 3. ἱ, Διὸς καὶ Ἥρας 1449, 7. i, Διὸς
καὶ Ἥρας καὶ ᾿Αταργάτιδος Βεθεννύ"ιδ(ος ?) καὶ
Κόρης 1449. 5, 6. ἱ. Κόρης 1449. 52. i.
Θοήριδος. See Θοηρεῖον. i. Νεωτέρας 1449.
4, 8, το. & Σαράπιδος. See Σαραπεῖον. ft.
Σάφθιος 1485. 6, 9.
᾿ἸΙσεῖον, τὸ αὐτόθι (sc. in the Serapeum) Ἰ. 1458.
6. Cf. Index V (4). τ.
Navaiov (Alex.) 1473. 41 ; 1475. 45.
Sapareiov, τὸ πρὸς ᾽Οξ. πόλ. Σ. 1457. τὸ (Σαρα-
πιεῖον); 1478. 7. ἱερὸν Σαράπιδος 1458. 5.
VE,
RELIGION
311
(c) PRIESTLY TITLES.
ἀρχιερεύς 1418, το; 1415. 22, 25: 28; 1484.
10 (of Alexandria?) ; 1461. 3.
θυσίαι, οἱ ἐπὶ τῶν 6. αἱρεθέντες 1464. 1.
ἱερά, οἱ ἐπὶ τῶν ἱερῶν 1458. 1:
ἱερεύς 1414. 4(?); 1416. 10, 15; 1444. 13,
23; 1446. 8, 85; 1449. 1.
δικαστής. See Index VIII.
ε ἢ Ὁ
ι, Και αρχι-
ἱεροτέκτων 1550. 7, 14. Cf. τέκτων 1550. 19.
κωμαστὴς προτομῶν τοῦ κυρ. Σεβ. καὶ νίκης αὐτοῦ
προαγούσης 1449. 2.
λυχνάπτης (-τος ΠῚ 1458. 4, 8.
νεωκόρος τοῦ μεγάλου Σαράπιδος 1472. 8.
παστοφόρος 1435. 2, 6, 9.
προφήτης 1480. 2, 29.
(4) MISCELLANEOUS.
ἀνατεθέντα 1449. 9 sqq.
ἀνδριαντάρια Διὸς καὶ Ἥρας 1449. 58.
ἀνιερωθέντα 1449. 12.
βασιλίσκος 1566. 9.
βωμός 1449. 47, 49.
δρόμος (Σαραπείου) 1457.12. Cf. Index V (c).
εἰκονίδιον (of Caracalla, Severus and Julia
Domna) 1449. 8, 42, 54, 56, 58, 60, 63.
ζῴδιον Κόρης 1449. 44.
θεῖος 1449. 15, 23, 25.
6. δωρεά 1504. 15.
1411. 7. 6.
1492. 8.
θύειν 1464. 4, 7; 1483. 9.
θυσία 1464. τ.
ἸΙακχάριον (ιαχχαρ. ΠῚ) 1449. 46.
ἱερατικά 1448, 8.
ἱερεῖον 1464. 8.
ἱερός 1592. 7. ἱερὰ (γῆ) 1484. 11; 1487.9;
1446. 52. ἱ. υἱός 1492. 1, 21. i. ὑπογραφή
θ. διάταξις 1405. 26.
θ. τῶν Σεβ. νόμισμα
κρίσις 1464. 6. 6. πρόνοια
VII.
Αἰγόκερως 1476. 12 ; 1563. ὃ, 9; 1564. 7.
ἀκρόνυκτος (ακρων. ΠῚ) 1476. 5.
“Apns 1476. 7; 1568. 4; 1564. 5; 1565. 6.
ἀρχάς 1565. 8.
αὐ. [.|repos 1476. 7.
ἀφαιρετικός 1476. 6.
᾿Αφροδίτη 1476. 9;
1565. 5.
Δίδυμοι 1565. 8, 9.
Ἑρμῆς 1476. το; 1563.7; 1564.8; 1565. το.
Ζεύς 1476. 8; 1563. 4; 1564. 6; 1565. 9.
1563. 5; 1564. 8;
1469. 19. iepwraros Καῖσαρ 1483. 25.
iepor. Νεῖλος 1409. 17.
1558. 7.
κλίνη τοῦ κυρίου Σαράπιδος 1484. 3.
κύριος. See (a) θεός and Σάραπις.
λαμπὰς Κόρης 1449. 44.
νίκη, ἐπείκτης χρυσοῦ στεφάνου καὶ νίκης τοῦ κυρ.
ἡμῶν Αὐρηλιανοῦ Σεβ, 1418. 25.
προτομῶν κυρ. Σεβ. καὶ
προαγούσης 1449. 2.
ξόανον 1449. 14, 52. & Δήμητρος 1449. το.
&. Νεωτέρας 1449. 12, 13.
᾽οπιανός 1566. 9.
πανήγυρις 1416. 2, τό.
πηδάλιον Νεωτέρας 1449. τ4.
πρόνοια, θεία π. 1492. 8.
πρ(οσ)κυνητήριον ἢ 1449. το.
προτομή 1449. 2, 10, 14.
σπονδὴ Διονύσου 1486. 17, 32, 49.
σωτήρ 1566. 3.
ἱερώτ. ταμεῖον
κωμαστὴς
τοῦ νίκης αὐτοῦ
ASTROLOGY.
Ζυγόν 1476. 11; 1563. 6, 7; 1565. 5.
ἥλιος 1476. 11 ; 1568.6 ; 1564.4; 1565. 4.
ἡμέρα 1476. 2; 1563. 2; 1564.3; 1565. 3.
Ἰχθύες 1563. 3; 1564. 8.
Kapkivos 1563. 4 ; 1564. 6.
Κριός 1476. 5; 1564. 4.
Κρόνος 1476. 5 ; 1563. 3; 1564. 7; 1565.8.
λεπτόν 1476. 5 sqq.; 1563. 8.
Λέων 1476. 7; 1568. 5; 1568. το (ἢ).
μοῖρα 1476. 3 sqq.; 15638. 3 sqq.
ξόανον (?) 1565. 10.
312
Παρθένος 1476. 8, 9, το; 1565. 4.
πληροῦν, πεπληρωμένος 1476. 3; 1565. τ.
modda{v} 1565. 7.
σελήνη 1476. 12; 1563.8; 1564. 6 ; 1565. 7.
Σκορπίος 1565. 6.
Ταῦρος 1564. 5.
Vill
ἀγορανομεῖον 1562. 2.
dyopavopnoas 1444. 31; 1475. 7, τι.
ἀγορανόμος, évapxos a. 1454. 8.
ἀγωνοθέτης 1416. 5.
ἁλωνοφύλαξ 1465. 8. Cf. p. 192.
ἀμφοδογραμματεύς 1552. 3.
ἀπαιτητῆς 1418. 29; 1461. 13. ἀπ. τιμῆς
πυροῦ 1419. 6. ἀπ. ταύρων (Ταύρ. ὃ) 1570. 4.
ἄρξας 1559. 4. Cf. ἄρχων.
ἄρχειν 1418. 17. Cf. ἄρξας, ἄρχων.
ἀρχεῖον 1468. 19; 1562. 20.
ἀρχή 1418. 12; 1416. 5.
ἀρχιδικαστεία, ὁ διέπων τὰ κατὰ THY ἀ.
δικαστής.
ἀρχιδικαστής 1482. int.; 1503. 9.
ἀ. καὶ πρὸς τῇ ἐπιμελείᾳ τῶν χρηματιστῶν καὶ
τῶν ἄλλων κριτηρίων : Πάλλας (81) 1471. 2.
Αἰλιανός 5. οὗ Euphranor νεωκόρος τοῦ μεγ.
Σαράπιδος γενόμενος ἔπαρχος σπείρης δευτέρας
Κομμαγηνῶν ἱππικῆς (136)1472. 8. Εὐδαίμων
6 καὶ ᾿Ασκληπιάδης (209) 1560. 5, 8. Δ.
Σεπτίμιος Αὐρήλιος Κάσιος (216) 1474. 3, 8.
Αὐρ. Τάιος ὁ καὶ ‘Aproxpariov (267) 1475. τ,
4, 6. γενόμενος a, (before 209): Τυρι. os
Aip. Ὡρίων 1560. 4 (γεν. στρατηγὸς τῆς
πόλεως καὶ ἀ.), II (γεν. στρ. τῆς πόλ. καὶ ἐπὶ
τῆς εὐθηνίας καὶ πρεσβευτὴς καὶ d.), 13. διέπων
τὰ κατὰ τὴν ἀρχιδικαστείαν : Δημήτριος ὁ καὶ
Δομίτιος ἀποδεδειγμένος ἐξηγητής (136) 1472.
4, 12.
ἀρχιερεύς. See Index VI (c).
[dpxe?|réxrwv 1450. 27.
ἄρχων 1526. το. ἔναρχος ἄρ᾽χων 1406. τι.
ἄρχοντες 1409. 14. ἄρξας 1559. 4.
566 ἀρχι-
« 4 ‘
ἱερεὺς Και
βαδιστηλάτης 1514. 2.
βαλανευτής 1500. 2.
βασιλικὸς γραμματεύς 1435. 8. (Athribite
INDICES
Τοξότης 1565. 7.
“Ὑδρηχόος 1476. 4.
ὥρα 1476. 3 (πεπληρωμένη); 1563. 2; 1564.
3: 1565. 2. ὥ. = ὡροσκόπος 1564. 4;
1565. 4.
ὡροσκόπος 1476. 4; 1563. 9.
OFFICIAL TITLES.
nome) Αὐρ. Al... .v (216-17) 1458. 1.
(Antaeopolite nome) Αὐρ. Σαραπίων ὁ καὶ
Ἡρακλείδης (227?) 1448. 16. (Oxyrhyn-
chite nome) Νίκανδρος (72-3) 1452. 45.
‘lépaé (127-8) 1452.2, 29. ᾿Αμμωνιανὸς
διαδεχόμενος τὴν στρατηγίαν (201) 1473. 20,
23. <Aup. Νεμεσίων 6 καὶ Διονύσιος (226)
1459. 1. Αὐρ. Πτολεμαῖος (240) 1549. 2.
βιβλιοθήκη. See Index V (/).
βιβλιοφυλάκιον 1562. 5.
βιβλιοφύλαξ 1451. 4. β. τῶν ἐγκτήσεων 1475.
48.
βικάριος 1486. 3, 21, 40.
βοηθός 1578. 13. β. σιτολόγων 1539. 1ο, 18.
β. στρατηγοῦ 1469. το, 18.
βουλεία 1406. 8. !
βουλευτής 1406. 6, 8; 1412. 3, 4, 15; 1418.
3-5, 8, 12, 13, 15, 21-4, 28) σὺ τι’
1414. 6, 9, 16, 22, 23, 25, 27, 28; 1415.
5-7, 10, 11, 15-18, 27, 30; 1416. 1;
1444. 2; 1458. 3; 1477. 17; 1498. 17
(Adeg.); 1501. 1, 4; 1522.5; 1526. 11;
1559. 4; 1562. 4,6. βουλευτικά 1416. 3.
β. χρήματα 1501. 2.
βουλή 1407. 19 ; 1418. 11, 12; 1414. τό, 18, |
21; 1416. 10, 23, 26; 1417. 6 (?), 20, 23,
24,31. ἡ κρατίστη β. 1418. 1; 1460. int.
πρόσκλητος β. 1412. 12; 1414. 29 (?).
γεωμέτρης, δημόσιος y. 1469. 6, II.
γνωστήρ 1479. 1 ; 1490. 2.
ypapparevew σιτολογίαν 1510. 9.
γραμματεύς (1) καταλογείου 14.74. 7. (2) μητρο-
πόλεως 1422. 10. (3) μισθωτοῦ 1429. 3.
(4) ᾿οξυρυγχίτου 1426. 4. (5) πόλεως 1550.
2. (6) πολιτικῶν 1418. 7. (7) ποταμιτῶν
1427. 1. (8) σιτολόγων 1542. 15. (9)
βασιλικὸς γι See βασιλικός.
VIII.
γραφεῖον 1462. 13, 35.
yupvactapxew 1413. 22; 1416. 6; 1418. 15.
γυμνασιαρχήσας 1412. 4; 1442.5; 1449. 53,
65; 1497. τ; 1578. 11 (?).
γυμνασιαρχία 1417. 24, 25; 1418. 14, 18, 20,
28, 30.
γυμνασίαρχος 1418. 9, 19(?), 21-4; 1540.
5(?); 1582. 4.
dexavia 1512. 2, 3, 5-
δεκαπρωτία 1410. 7, 12, 15; 1502. verso 3;
1527. 3, 8, 11.
δεκάπρωτος 1409. 1, 2, 7, 12; 1410. 6;
1442.5; 1444. 3; 1571. 4.
δῆμος 1407. το.
δημόσιοι 1411. 2; 1421. 2; 1557. 3.
διαδεχόμενος. See ἔπαρχος, ἐπιστράτηγος, στρατ-
ηγός.
διάδοχος. See νομάρχης, στρατηγός.
διαλογή, ὁ πρὸς τῇ ὃ. τῆς πόλεως 1475. 3;
1561. 20.
διασημότατος. (1) ἔπαρχος (Αἰγύπτου) 1503.
13, 16, 19; 1504. 2, 4, 10. (2) διαδεχό-
μενος τὰ μέρη τῶν ἐξοχωτάτων ἐπάρχων 1469.
I. (3) ἡγεμών 1417. 26; 1456. ἡ ; 1467.
I, 23; 1559. (ΑὐγουσταμνίκηςῚ. (4)
διέπων τὴν ἡγεμονίαν 1468. 1. (5) καθολικός
1410. 2: 1509. 6.
διέπων. See ἀρχιδικαστής, ἔπαρχος, ἐπιστράτ-
nyos.
διοικητής, 6 κράτιστος ὃ. Οὔλπιος Αὐρήλιος (278)
1409. 3, 7. Αὐρ. Πρωτέας (284) 1412. 9 ;
Pp. 26. Ἰούλιος Μόνιμος (275) p. 16.
διώκτης σίτου 1419. 9.
eipnvapxos 1505. 2; 1506. 2; 1507. τ.
εἰσηγητής 1416. 1 marg., 4 marg.
ἔκδικος 1426. 4.
ἐκλήπτωρ 1450. 22.
ἐκλογιστεία 1436. 23.
ἐκλογιστής 1480. 12, 15.
ἐξάκτωρ 1428. 2.
ἐξειληφότες τὴν ἑξαδμαχμίαν τῶν ὄνων 1457. 2.
ἐξηγητεύσας 1478. 25; 1498. 5 (Alex.);
1501. τ.
ἐξηγητής 1412. 2; 1418. 2, 3, 5, 7, 9; 1415.
20, 24, 29, 31; 1416. 25; 1485. 2. ἐξ.
᾿Αλεξανδρείας 1472. 8, 12 (ἀποδεδειγμένος).
ἐξηγητικός, τὸ €. 1413. 9.
ἐπαρχία Αἰγύπτου καὶ Λιβύης 1410. 3.
OFFICIAL TITLES
313
ἔπαρχος. (1) Αἰγύπτου : I’. Τυράννιος 1434, 15.
᾿Ακύλας 1484. 12. Ῥάμμιος Μαρτίαλις ὁ
κράτιστος ἡγεμών (119) 1547. 4. T. Κα-
λουίσιος Στατιανὸς ἔπ. Ai. (175) 1451. 1,11,
13. Μαίκιος Λαῖτος ὁ λαμπρότ. Hy. (202--3)
1548. 4. Δ. Βαίβιος Αὐρήλιος ᾿Ιουγκῖνος ἔπ.
Αἱ, (210-14) 1408. 11, 22. Οὐαλέριος
Φίρμος (245) 1466. τ (Valerius Firmus
praef. Aeg.), 4 (ἔπ. Ai.); (247) 1418. 4,
17 (ὁ λαμπ. ny.). Τιτιανὸς Κλωδιανός (prae-
fect?; before 258)1468. 28. A. Μούσσιος
Αἰμιλιανὸς ὁ διασημότ. διέπων τὴν wy. (258)
1468. 1. Μ. Αὐρ. Διογένης ὁ διασημ. Ty.
(284-6) 1456. 8. Οὐαλέριος Πομπηιανὸς 6
διασημ. ἔπ. Ai. (288-9) 1503. 13, 16, 19.
Αἰμίλιος Ῥουστικιανὸς 6 διασημ. διαδεχ. τὰ
μέρη τῶν ἐξοχωτάτων ἐπ. (298) 1469. τ.
Πούπλιος wy. (299) 1416. 28. Φιλάγριος
6 λαμπροτ. ἐπ. Αἰ. (336) 1470. 4, 6, 9, 15.
unnamed: ἔπ. Ai. 1428. 2, 14. διασημ.
ἔπ. Al. 1504. 2, 5, 10, 14. διασημ. Ty.
1417. 9, 26, 29; 1467. τ. ἡγεμών 1468.
10. ἡγεμόνες 1459. 7. ἡγεμονία 1411. 18 :
1418. 6; 1468. 2; 1469. 16. (2) 77.
Αὐγουσταμνίκης: Φλ. Ἰούλιος ᾿Αμμώνιος ὁ
διασημ. (341) 1559. 8. (3) ἦγ. ἩἩρκουλίας ὃ :
Νίκων (4th cent.) 1428. 2. (4) other
ἔπαρχοι: Οὔλπιος Πακατιανὸς ὁ λαμπρότ. ἔ.
consul (332) 1426. 1. Cf. Index IX,
ἔπαρχος and praefectus.
ἐπείκτης τῆς ὀθόνης 1428. 3.
φάνου καὶ νίκης τοῦ κυρ. ἡμῶν Αὐρηλιανοῦ Σεβ.
1418. 25.
ἔπειξις, ὁ ἐπείξει τῶν χωμάτων ἐπικείμενος 1469. 7.
ἐπί, é. τῆς Σέσφθα 1428. 10. Cf. θυσίαι, ἱερά,
χώματα.
[ἐπιμελη Ἰτής 1409. 13.
ἐπιστατεῖν 1418. 20.
ἐπιστάτης εἰρήνης 1507. 2.
ἐπιστολαφόρος 1587. 6.
ἐπιστρατηγήσας, ᾿Ιούλιος Σώπατρος (before 226)
1459. 7.
ἐπιστρατηγία. See ἐπιστράτηγος.
ἐπιστράτηγος 1416. 2; 1460. int.; 1588. Io.
ὁ κράτιστος ἐπ. 1418. 30; 1415. 8, 9;
1573. 8. Μητρόδωρος διέπων τὴν ἐπιστ. (260)
ἐπ. χρυσοῦ στε-
1502. 2, 4. ὁ διαδεχόμενος τὴν ἐπιστρατη-
γίαν (unnamed) 1562. 17, 18. Cf. ἐπι-
στρατηγήσας.
ἐπισφραγιστὴς τῆς Ταμπέμου 1491, τι.
314
ἐπιτηρητὴς ἐγκυκλίου καὶ κομακτορίας 1523. 4.
ἐπίτροπος 1416. 27 ; 1417. 4; 1420.9. Cf.
οὐσιακός.
ἐπιφανέστατος Καῖσαρ 1425. 2.
ἐπόπτης εἰρήνης 1559. 3. ἡ
εὐθηνία, ἐπὶ τῆς ἐ. (᾿Αλεξ.) 1560. τι.
εὐθηνιαρχεῖν 1418. 15. εὐθηνιαρχήσας p. 29.
εὐθηνιάρχης 1412. τ (’AdeE.) ; 1417. 28 (-xos).
evOnuapxia 1417. 13, 14, 21, 24; 1418. 14, 28.
ἡγεμονία, ἡγεμών. See ἔπαρχος.
ἡγούμενος 1587. 22.
θυσίαι, οἱ ἐπὶ τῶν θ. αἱρεθέντες 1464. I.
ἰατρός, δημόσιος ἰ. 1502. 1, 5 (0); 1556. 2.
ἴδιος λόγος 1486. 24.
ἱερά, οἱ ἐπὶ τῶν ἱερῶν 1458. 13.
καθολικός, Μάγνιος Ῥοῦφος ὁ διασημ. κ. ἐπαρχίας
Αἰγύπτου καὶ Λιβύης (292-3 ?) 1410. 2. ὁ
diac. καθ. 1509. 6.
καταλογεῖον 1472. 3; 1560. 4.
γραμματεὺς
k. 1474. 7.
καταλοχισμός, 6 πρὸς τοῖς κ. 1461. 2, 23.
καταπομπὸς ζῴων 1414. 19, 20. κ. κριθῆς
1415. 6. κ. οἴνου 1415. 5.
κοινὸν τῶν κοσμητῶν 1418. 54.
κοσμητεύσας ᾿Αλεξανδρείας 1498. 5.
κοσμητής 1412. 2; 1418. 34; 1416. 18.
evapxos κ. 1458. 3.
κράτιστος, 6 κ. ᾿Αμμώνιος 1412. 9. ὁ κ. Αὐρ.
᾿Αμμωνίων 1544. 2. x. διοικητής 1409. 3;
1412. ὃ, ὁ κ. ἐπιστράτηγος 1418. 30;
1415. 8, 9; 1578. 8. ὁ κ. ἡγεμών 1547.
4. ἡ κ. βουλή 1418. τ: 1460. int.
κυριακός, x. οἶνος 1578. 7.
1461. ο.
κωμάρχης 1421, 2; 1426. 5, 6; 1480. 6;
1456. 12; 1469. 2; 1507. 2.
κωμογραμματεύς 1422. 9; 1484. 2; 1480.8;
1549. 23.
κυριακὴ κτῆσις
λαμπρότατος, X. ἔπαρχος Αἰγύπτου 1470. 4, 9,
15. δ. ἔπαρχος (consul) 1426. 2. A. ἡγεμών
1548. 5. λαμπρότατοι (consuls) 1559. 2.
Aaoypapos 1468. 26.
λογιστής, PA. “Eppias (332) 1426. 3.
κουρίδης (logistes?) 1509. 5.
Διοσ-
μείζων 1556. 8.
INDICES
μελλοπρύτανις 1414. 24.
μέρος 1428. 7.
μισθωτὴς ἀσχολήματος στυπτηρίας 1429. 1.
μνημονεῖον 1562. 2. ὁ πρὸς τῷ μ. 1562. 5.
ναυκληρία 1418. 8.
ναύκληρος 1407. 13.
νομάρχης ᾿Αντινόου πόλ., Ap. ᾿Αμμώνιος (215)
1468. 1, 26. διάδοχος (νομ.) Αὐρ. ᾿Απόλλων
ὁ καὶ Σερῆνος (215) 1468. 2, 27.
νομικάριος 1416. 21.
νομοφύλαξ 1440. 7.
ὀνηλάτης 1425. 8. Cf. βαδιστηλάτης.
ὁριοδείκτης 1446, 92.
οὐσιακός, ὁ κράτιστος οὐ. (SC. ἐπίτροπος) 1514. 3.
ὀφφικιάλιος 1428. 3; 1428. 8, 12. ὀ. τάξεως
ἐπάρχου Aiy. 1428. 1, 13.
παραχύτης δημ. βαλανείου 1499. 2.
πατρίκιος 1470. 1.
περίοδος 1552. 3.
ποταμίτης 1427. τ.
πολ(ιτευόμενος ?) 1501. 3.
πραγματευτήῆς 1514. τ,
1569. 7.
praefectus Aegypti 1466. 1.
πραιπόσιτος 1506. 1.
Cf. Index IX.
πρακτορεία ἀργυρικῶν κωμητικῶν λημμάτων 1405.
20. ;
πράκτωρ. (1) ἀργυρικῶν μητροπολιτικῶν λημμάτων
1433. 7, 37; 1521. 3 (om. λημμ.). (2)
Θμοισεφὼ τοπαρχίας 1486. 34. (3) Aaoypa-
dias 1520. 4. (4) μητροπολιτικῶν 1588.
17. (5) πολιτικῶν 1419. 2. (6) στεφανι-
κῶν 1441. 4 ; 1522. 3.
πρεσβευτής 1560. τι.
προεστῶτες ἢ καὶ ἐπιμελούμενοι τῶν ἔργων 1450.
24.
πρός. See διαλογή, καταλοχισμός, μνημονεῖον.
πρυτανεία 1407. 12; 1418. 14, 19, 27.
mpuravevous 1418. 6.
πρύτανις 1406. 6(?); 1418. 4, 5, 6, 9, 10, 12,
13, 25, 39, 343 1414. 4, 13, 19, 23-9;
1415. 1 sqq. 1418.1; 1419.1; 1496.
28; 1499. 1; 1503. 3, 16, 18. ἔναρχος
π. 1412. 4; 1515. 2.
6; 1544 1, 4;
Cf. ἔπαρχος.
π. ἢ πάγου 1425. 4.
σιτολογία 1510. 9 ; 1580. τ.
Κ111.
σιτολόγος 1448, 4; 1510. 4; 1525. 3;
1526. 3; 1530. 20; 1589. 4, 11; 1540.
4, 12,14; 1541. 3, 8; 1542. 3, 14.
σιτολογῶν 1447. 3.
σκρίβας 1417. το.
στρατηγήσας, στρατηγία. See στρατηγός.
στρατηγός. (1) ᾿Ανταιοπολίτου, Αὐρ. Διονύσιος
ὁ καὶ "AY (227 ?) 1448. τ. (2) [Puva ? ko-
πολίτου, Δημήτριος (128) 1422. 2. (3) orpar-
ηγοὶ Ἕπτανομίας καὶ "Apowoirov 1408. τι
(Ἑπτὰ νομῶν καὶ ’A.); 1409. 2, 7, 12. (4)
τῆς πόλεως (sc. Alexandria), Ἰυρι. os Αὐρήλιος
Ὡρίων 1560. 3, 10, 14. (5) Odoews,...
5. of Dioscorus διαδεχ. στρατηγίαν Ὄ. (276--
82?) 1498. 6. (6) Οξυρυγχίτου, Σουτώριος
Σωσίβιος στρατηγήσας (72-3) 1452. 44.
[Δ ψιον(ύσιος) στρατηγήσας (gg—100 ?) 1452.
58. Δημήτριος (119) 1547. 1. ᾿Αγαθὸς
Δαίμων (127-8) 1422. 3; 1452. 1, 28.
᾿Ασκληπιάδης (about 129) 1420. 1, το.
᾿Απολινάριος (136) 1472. 1. ᾿Αμμωνιανὸς Bac.
ypap. Siadex. τὴν orp. (199) 1473. 20, 23.
᾿Αμμώνιος διάδοχος (209) 1560. 2. Αὐρ.
᾿Ανουβίων (214-16) 1482. 1; 1474. τ:
1525. 1. Αὐρ. ᾿Αρποκρατίων (219-20)
1460. 3. Φλ. ‘Aproxparioy (238) 1488.
2, 33. Αὐρ. Πτολεμαῖος ὁ καὶ Νεμεσιανός
(259-61) 1411. τ: 1502. 7; 1555. 1.
Τερέντιος ἔΑρειος (271-5) 1414. 17. Adp....
(275) 1455. 1. Αὐρ. ‘Apmoxpatioy (278)
1409. τ. Αὐρ. Λεωνίδης (3rd cent.) 1405.
14. Αὐρ. Φιλίαρχος 6 καὶ ‘Qpiwy (284-6)
1456. 1. Ἑρμίας (324) 1480. 2, 25.
(unnamed) 1414. 4, 19; 1415. 4, 11, 13;
1417. 15, 19, 22, 23,27; 1421.1; 1444.
1; 1446. 102; 1469. το, 18; 1470. 3,
6(?); 1472. 5, 28; 1473. 41; 1474. 4;
1559. 2; 1560. 6.
συγγραμματεύων 1427. 2.
συλλέκτης οἴνου 1415. 9.
OFFICIAL FITLES
315
σύνδικος 1418. 9, 14, 17, 333 1414. 7, το;
1417. 7, 13.
συστάτης 1509. ©; 1551. 5.
4
ταμεῖον 1562, 15. τὸ τ. ἡμῶν 1405. 3,8. τὸ
ἱερώτατον τ. 1558. 7.
ταμιακὸς λόγος 1414, ὃ, 9.
ταμίας βουλευτικῶν χρημάτων 1501]. 1.
τάξις ἐπάρχου Aly. 1428. 2, 13.
διασημοτάτου τ. 1467. 23.
τεσσαράριος 1425. 5: 1480. 4.
τηρητής 1507. 5 (°?).
τιμή, ἀπὸ τιμῶν 1418. 6 : 1498. 1, 2.
τράπεζα 1485. 4, 11. δημοσία τ. 1419. 5;
1432. 17; 1458. 28, 51; 1478. 26. ἡ
ἐπὶ τοῦ πρὸς ’O€, πόλ. Σαραπείου τ. 1478. 6.
κολλυβιστικαὶ τ. 1411. 4.
1411. 9.
τραπεζιτεία, δημοσία τ. 1415. 26.
τραπεζίτης 1411.6 : 1499.: : 1500. τ. δημο-
σίων χρημάτων τ. 1415. 14; 1480. 9.
ὑπατεία, ὕπατος. See Index II.
ὑπηρεσία 1509. 4.
ὑπηρέτης 1409. 23; 1556. 1; 1573. 1, 6.
ὑ. βουλῆς p. 20.
ὑπομνηματογραφήσας 1496. 24; 1498. 5 (?).
ὑπομνηματογράφος 1412. 2; 1418. 8, 14, 17,
32; 1414. ἡ, το; 1484. το (Alex. ἢ);
1461. 2.
ὑποσχεσάριος ὠνῆς 1432. 5.
φίσκος 1551. 17 (?).
¢ ‘ a
On του
4
οἱ Tas τ. κεκτημένοι
χειριστήῆς 1429. 3; 1481. 1; 1462. 3, 24;
1522. το ; 1573. το; 1578. το.
χρεία 1425. το; 1426. 15.
χρηματιστής. See ἀρχιδικαστής.
χώματα, ἐπὶ τῶν χ. 1469. 9.
χωματεπείκτης 1469. 20.
χωμα(τεπιμελητής) 1546, 2,
IX. MILITARY TERMS.
ala 1511. 11.
Apamenorum cohors 1511. 1.
ἀπολελυμένος, ἐντίμως a. 1459. 4; 1471. 6.
d. ἀπὸ στόλου 1508. 3. Cf. emeritus.
cohors Apamenorum 1511. 1.
Δαλμάται 1518. 2.
dové 14381. 3.
ἑκατόνταρχος 1424. 2; 1428. 8.
Cf. σπεῖρα.
Cf. πρίγκιψ.
316
emeritus 1511. 6. Cf. ἀπολελυμένος.
ἐντίμως ἀπολελυμένος 1459. 4; 1471. 6.
ἔπαρχος. (1) σπείρης δευτέρας Κομμαγηνῶν ἱππικῆς
1472. 9. (2) στόλου Σεβαστοῦ ᾿Αλεξανδρίνου
1451. 1,14. Cf. praefectus.
ἱππεὺς Ῥωμαῖος 1444. 15. ἽἹππέων Παρεμβολή.
See Index V (c).
ἱππικός. See σπεῖρα.
Κομμαγηνοί. See σπεῖρα.
legio 1511. 5.
λεγιωνάριος 1419. ἡ.
ὀπτιών 1518. 5.
οὐετρανός 1451. 12; 1459. 3: 1470, 5, το.
παρεμβολή 1481. 3. Cf. Index V (c) Ἱππέων
and Λυκίων Παρ.
praefectus alae 1511. 11. pr. cohortis 1511.
INDICES )
1. pr. legionis, Jus Marinus 1511. 5. Cf-
ἔπαρχος.
πραιπόσιτος 1518. 4, 15. Cf. Index VIII.
mptyxnp 1424, 22 (=centurio princeps) ;
1513. 16.
πριμικήρ(ι)ος 1518. 17.
σπεῖρα δευτέρα Koppaynvav ἱππική 1472. 9. Cf.
cohors.
στόλος 1508. 3.
1451. 1, 14.
στρατιώτης τοῦ ἐπιστρατήγου 1588. 9. γενναιό-
1412. 6; 1415. 7; 1548. 3;
σ. Σεβαστὸς ᾿Αλεξανδρῖνος
TaTol σ.
1572. 5.
tabularius 1511. 4, 10.
τεσσαράριος (not military ?) 1425.5; 1480. 4.
ἀγορευτής 1590. 1.
ἀθηροπώλης 1432. 6, 12.
ἁλιεύς 1446. 27 ; 1517. το.
ἀρτοκόπος 1572. 2.
ἀρτυματᾶς 1517. τ4.
ἰάρχι ?|rekrwv 1450. 27.
ἄτεχνος 1548. 12 5646.
βαδιστηλάτης 1514. 2.
βαλανευτής 1500. 2.
βαφεύς 1519. 6.
γέρδιος 1519. 12.
γεωργός 1409. 9; 1424. 4;
1526. 9; 1532; 1542. 7,
ΤΟΣ 15.11.2,
ἔμπορος 1519. 8.
ἐπίτροπος 1577. τ: 1578. 1.
ἐργάτης 1426. 9; 1450. 3.
ἑρμηνεύς 1517. 6.
ἠπητής (ηπατιν ΠῚ 1517. 5.
ἰατρίνη 1586. 12.
ἱεροτέκτων 1550. 7, 4.
Χ. LRADES:
κεραμεύς 1446. 14; 1497. 9.
κηπουρός 14838. 7.
κλειδοποιός 1518. 21.
kovarns 1450. 6.
koupevs 1518.5. kovpis1489. 9.
κυβερνήτης 1554. 6.
κωδᾶς 1519. 4.
λαξός 1547. τό sqq.
λινέμπορος 1414. 7(?), 9.
λινόνφος 1414. 11-13.
μολυβᾶς 1517. 12.
μυλ(ωνικός) 1446. 54.
ναύκληρος 1407. 13.
ναυτικός 1488. 5; 1544. 8.
οἰκοδόμος
recto, verso 2, 30.
οἰκονόμος 1560. 4.
oivormAns 1519. 9.
ὀνηλάτης 1425. 8; 1517. ὃ.
ὀρβιοπώλης 1482. 6, 13.
ὀρνιθᾶς 1568. 1.
1450. 3; 1569.
τριήραρχος (τριηδαρχος ΠῚ 1508. 4.
πλακουντᾶς 1495. 7.
ποικιλτής (πολκητης ΠῚ 1519.
14.
πορτᾶς 1519. 7.
ποταμίτης 1427. 1, 2.
mpatns (ἄρτου) 1454. 2, το.
π. ἐλαίου χρηστοῦ 1455.
Β.-
ῥήτωρ 1502. 3 (9).
συνήγορος 1479. 5.
ταπητάριος 1481. 2.
ταπιτᾶς 1517. 13.
τέκτων 1550. 19.
τεχνίτης 1418, 26, 27, .333
1450. 22.
ὑδροπάροχος 1590. 8.
ὑπουργός 1414. 13.
φροντιστήῆς 1580. 16; 1577.
2; 1578. 2.
χειριστής. See Index VIII.
χρυσοχόος (-xous IT) 1582. 1. ©
AT,
XI.
WEIGHTS, MEASURES, COINS
917
WEIGHTS, MEASURES, COINS.
(2) WEIGHTS AND MEASURES.
ἀγώγιον 1482. 13.
ἄρουρα 1434. 18 sqq.; 1487. 2; 1441. 7;
1445. 1 sqq.; 1446. 4 sqq.; 1459. 11
sqq.; 1470. 12; 1475. 16, 20. Frac-
tions: 2 1445. 1; 1459. 29; 1490. int.
41459. 25. ade stp 1487. 5.
dpraBn 1484. 23; 1440. 5, 6; 1443-6.
passim ; 1447. 5; 1454. 6 (= 30 ἄρτοι),
7,9; 1459. 11 sqq.; 1465. 3, 6; 1472.
19; 22; 1473. 14; 1474. 13, 22; 1482.
9, 10; 1514. 3, 4; 1522. verso 1-5;
1525. ὃ; 1526-31. passim; 1585. 12;
1539. 8, 9,15, 17; 1540. 6, 7, 14, 15;
1541. 4, 6, 7; 1542. 11, 12, 13; 1544.
TO; 1549.16; 1571. 6, 7; 1572. 3-5;
1575.3. Fractions: 41445.2. 211445.
380q- 3:20 as fo το 20» So co 7s
B4) 150 ZOO 300 S00» Goo» L446. 4 566.
ἄρτος (30 to an artaba) 1454. 4-6.
γράμμα 1480. τῇ ; 1524. 1 sqq.
δέσμη 1480. 14.
διπλοῦν, διπλῶν μερισμός 1438. 20.
δραχμή 1449. 18-20. CF. (d).
ζεῦγος 1488. 21 ; 1449. 53; 1535. verso 3,
8, το; 1584. το.
ἡμιαρτάβιον. See μέτρον and cf. Index XII.
Ἰταλική (sc. λίτρα) 1429. 4.
κάγκελλος (Or -ov). See μέτρον.
κεντηνάριον 1430. 14.
| κεράμιον 1473. 15; 1483.7; 1488. 4; 1569.
4,5; 1677. 12; 1578. Ἐπ᾿
κεράτιον 1429. 5(?).
κνίδιον 1494. 16 (παλαιόν), 17; 1574. 2.
κοτύλη 1449, 65.
κοῦφον 1497. 8.
λεπτόν 1476. 5 sqq.; 1563. 8.
λίτρα 1449. 44, 49, 50; 1454.5; 1518. 7
sqq-; 1548. 6. Cf. Ἰταλική.
μέτρον 1584. 22. μ. δημόσιον ἡμιαρταβίῳ 1472.
18,21. μ. δημόσ.[1454. 8. μ. τῷ καγκέλλῳ
1447. 4; cf. p. 132. <p. παραληπτικὸν σοῦ
κώμης Svpov14'74.16. μ. τὸ mpoxeipevov14-73.
14. μιπρὸς ἑκατοστὰς δώδεκα Ρ. 126. μ. τέταρ-
τον Φιλίππῳ τὸ τοῦ Μάρκου ᾿Αντωνίου p. 126.
μοῖρα 1476. 3 5646. ; 1568. 3 566.
ναύβιον. See Index XII.
ὁλκή 1449, 18-20, 44; 1497. 5.
ὄνος 1439. 2, 3.
οὐγκία 1429. 5; 1449. 49; 1537. 2 sqq.;
1549. 17.
πῆχυς ἐμβαδικός 1450. τ.
σταθμός 1449. 16, 20; 1454. 5.
τάλαντον 1497. 5, 6. Cf. (4).
τετάρτη 1449. τό (3), 17.
τριώβολον 1449. 18, 19. Cf. (4).
χοῖνιξ 1444. 39, 40; 1472. 19, 22; 1482.9,
10; 1522. verso 1; 1528. 4, 5; 1530.3
sqq-; 1540.15; 1542. 8,9, 12; 1584, 23.
(2) COINS.
ἀλλαγή 1484. 25. ὧν a
1437. 2, 5.
ἀργύριον 1409. 20; 1481. 3; 1471. 13, 26;
1478. 5, 33; 1476. 26, 39; 1477. 8;
1491. 14; 1499. 4; 1501. 6; 1510. 11;
1535. verso 13; 1570. 5; 1578. 35;
1590. 12. ἀργύρια 1505. 4; 1588. 6.
ἄσημον (= silver) 1524. 2 sqq.
δηνάριον 1414. 8, 9. ὃ. μυριάς 1481. 3.
δραχμή 1414. 12-14; 1419. 9, το; 14380.
15-18; 1482 14, 15; 1488. 29, 56, 60;
1434. 17, 26; 1485-8. passim; 1441.
6-8; 1442. 3-5; 1450. 4 sqq.; 1461.
οὗ d. 1484. 36.
12 sqq.; 1471. 13, 26; 1473. 4, 12, 34,
38; 1474. 6; 1475. 25, 26, 39, 41;
1482.13; 1497. 7; 1500. 4; 1501. 6;
1510. 11; 1515. 3 sqq. ; 1517-19. passim ;
1520. 5, 7; 1522. int., 6 sqq.; 1523. 9,
II, 12; 1585. verso 2, 11, 13; 1561. 8;
1570. 5, 7; 1573. 3 sqq.; 1577-8. passim ;
1584. 20. Cf. (a). δραχμιαῖος réxos1471. 14.
δυοβολοί 1436. 11, 25, 32, 48; 1487.5, 8, 9,
11; 1515. 3; 1577. 13.
ἡμιωβέλιον 1435. 3, 4, 10, 11; 1486. 7, 11,
12, 25; 1437. 5, 9, 11; 1488. 20.
ἰσόνομος 1487. 4, 6.
318
μνᾶ 1471. 15; 1478. 4.
μύριαι δραχμαί 1473. 24.
μυριάς, δηναρίων p. 1491, 3.
νόμισμα, θεῖον τῶν Σεβαστῶν ν. 1411. 7.
στοῦ ν. 1471. 13.
ὀβολός 1485. 3, 4, το, 11; 1486. 7; 1457.
9; 1488. 19; 1450. 6; 1454. 7; 1577.
13; 1578. 13.
πεντώβολον 1436. 5, 13, 39; 1450. 6; 1519.
6.
στατήρ 1584. 29; 1588. 13.
τάλαντον 1418. 27; 1414. 1; 1480. 15-18;
1431. 4; 1484.17 ; 1487. 2, 7,10; 1450.
Σεβα-
ΧΙ.
a ἀρτάβη 1484. 23 (?); 1459.11 sqq. ; 1584.
17; 1535. 12; 1549. 16.
aZ ἀρτάβη 1459. 24, 26, 28; 1584. 17.
a δραχμή 1442. 3.
ἀθηροπωλῶν avn 1482. 6.
αἰτήσεως, TO ὡρισμένον τῆς ai. τέλος 1473. 30.
ἀλλαγή 1484. 25, 36; 1487. 2, 5.
ἀμπέλου πρόσοδος 1473. 3, 27.
ἀμπελώνων ἰσονόμου 1437. 4;
1437. 2.
ἀννώνα 1415.7; 1419. 7; 1490.5; 1573. 8.
ἀπόμοιρα 1437. ἡ.
ἀργυρικός, ἀργυρικά 1484. 7, 25, 34.
Tika λήμματα 1405. 20, 21. a. μητροπολιτικὰ
λήμ. 1488. 7, 37; 1521. 3 (om. λήμ.).
ἀρίθμησις 1488. 12, 42; 1486. 1, 19, 38.
ἀσχόλημα στυπτηρίας 1429. τ.
ὧν ἀλλαγή
d, κωμη-
β ἀρτάβαι. See διαρταβία.
β δραχμαί 1442. 5.
βαλανειων τρίτη 1486. 2, 20, 39.
βικαρίου 1486. 3, 21, 40.
γραμματικά 1473. 18.
δάνειον (σπερμάτων) 1443. 8.
δεσμοφυλακία 14388. 18.
δημόσια 1478. 14.
δημοσίωσις, τὸ ὑπὲρ ὃ. ὡρισμένον 1475. 42.
διαγραφή 1486. 18, 33, 34; 1578. 15;
INDICES
7,9, 11; 1478. 5,12, 34; 1475. 26, 39;
1494. 17; 1495. 8; 1496. 20 sqq.;
1497. 7; 1499. 4-6; 1578. 35, 36;
1588. 11, 12.
τετρώβολον 1436. 8, 9, 12, 30, 31; 1487. 7,
9, 10; 1438. 22; 1520. 7; 1528. το.
τριώβολον 1435. 5; 1486. 6, 25, 26; 14388.
18; 1521.5; 1578. 15, 18.
χαλκός 1484. 25; 1489. 4.
χαλκοῦς 1486. 4, 25, 28, 29, 32; 1487. 7,9,
10. χ. α148ῇῆ. 2, 5, 6, 8.
χρυσός 1449. τό, 17; 1524. 1 sqq. x. ἐνό-
βρυζος (evopifos ΠῚ 1480. τό.
TAXES.
1587. 12. 6. παραδί ) Πεματαίου 1573.
4 marg. 6. μηνιαίου 1578. 12.
διάδοσις 1543. 2.
διαπυλίου ἑκατοστή 1439. τ.
διαρταβία ποδώματος (β ---- 708.) 1448. το.
διδραχμία. See β δραχμαί.
διοίκησις 1448. 8.
διπλᾶ, μερισμὸς διπλῶν 1488. 20.
δώδεκα δραχμαί, αἱ ὁρισθεῖσαι Sp. ιβ 1478. 38.
δωδεκάδραχμος 1452. 8, 18, 21, 26; 1552. 14.
ε ἀρτάβαι. See πενταρταβία.
ἐγκύκλιον 1462. 30; 1472. 24. ἐ. καὶ κομακτο-
βία 1528. 4.
ἐδάφη, οὐσιακῶν ἐ. 1486. 46.
εἴδη 1412. 11; 1488. 12; 1558. 5.
εἴσπραξις 1488. 11, 42 3; 1517. 1.
ἑκατοστή, ρ΄ διαπυλίου 14389. 1. κακομετρίας ἑ.
τέσσαρες 1447. 6. ρ΄ a ποδώματος 1448. το.
ἔκθεσις 1485. 17; 1448. τ, 21; 1517. 15
(ἐ. y); 1519. 1, 15.
ἐκλογιστείᾳ ὑποκείμενα 1486. 23.
ἔλαιον 1517. 6.
ἐνοίκια οἰκοπέδων 1519. Το.
ἐξαγωγῆς πεντηκοστή 1440. 3.
ἑξαδραχμία ὄνων 1488. 19; 1457. 2.
ἐπαρούριον 1486. 10, 16, 26, 31, 48.
ἐπιγραφή 1445. 8.
᾿ἐπικεφάλια 1488. int., 14.
ἐπιμερισμός, β ἐ. 1522. 4.
ATT,
ἐπίμε ?|rpov 1448. 9.
ἐπιστολ(ικόν ?) 1438. 19.
ἐρημοφυλακίας μερισμός 1436. 12, 22, 41, 43.
ζεύγη. See Ἡλιοπολιτικά and Ἡρακλεωτικά.
ὥυτηρά 1438. 52.
Ἡλιοπολ(ιτικά) (sc. ζεύγη ?) 1438. 22.
ἡμιαρτάβιον ποδώματος 1443. τι.
Ἡρακλεωτικὰ ζεύγη 1488. 21.
ἰδίου λόγου 1486. 24.
ἱερὰ γῆ 1437. 9; 1446. 52.
ἱερατικά 1448. ὃ.
ἱερ[ οὔ], ὑπὲρ i. 1435. 6.
καθήκοντα 1484. 1.
κακομετρίας ἑκατοσταὶ τέσσαρες 1447. 6.
᾿ καταλοχισμῶν τέλος 14:72. 25.
κομακτορία 1523. 4.
κουφοτέλεια 1434. 3, 7-
κρεῶν ὑπηρεσία 1545. 1.
κωμητικά 1444. 13 sqq.; 1525. κ. λήμματα
1405. 23.
λαογραφία 1486. 8, 14, 27; 44; 1488. 18;
1452. 21; 1520.4; 1521.3. Cf. δωδεκά-
Spaxpos.
λαχανοπωλείου 1461. 22.
λεμλί ) 1488. 18.
λῆμμα 1405. 21; 1488. 8, 39: 1522. 4;
1525. 8.
λινοῦφικόν 1488. 12.
λοιπογραφεῖν 1448. 13; 1527. 1 566.
μερισμός 1486. 12, 22, 41, 43; 1488. 20;
1516. 1, 3, 6; 1518. 7, 23; 1578. 13.
μέτρημα 1448. 8, 12, 17 (?).
μηνιαῖος 1414, 2; 1482. 7; 1573. 12.
μητροπολιτικά 1521. 3; 1538.17. μ. λήμματα
1488. 8, 38.
povapraBia, See a ἀρτάβη.
povodpaxpia. See a δραχμή.
ναύβιον 1427. 3; 1484. 25, 26; 1436. 6, 29;
1546. 5 sqq.
ὀθόνη 1414. 11; 1428. 4, 6.
ὀθονιηρά 1486. 5; 1488. int.
οἰκοπέδων ἐνοίκια 1519. Το.
οἴνου τιμή 1578. 3, 7.
TAXES
9180
ὀκτάδραχμος 1478. 3.
ὄνων ἑξαδραχμία 1488. το ; 1457. 2.
ὀρβιοπωλῶν avn 1432. 6.
οὐσιακὸς φόρος παραδείσων 1436. 13, 42.
οὐσιακῶν ἐδαφῶν 1486. 46.
παλλία 1424. ἡ ; 1448. τ 566.
παραδείσων, οὐσιακὸς φόρος π. 1486. 13, 42.
π. ἰσονόμου 1487. 6. π.
1457. 5.
πενταρταβία (ε a) 1445. 3, II.
πεντηκοστὴ ἐξαγωγῆς 1440. 1.
πόδωμα 1448. το, 11. Cf. ἡμιαρτάβιον, διαρ-
ταβία.
πολιτικά 1418. 7; 1419.2; 1444.29,34,37; ©
1525.
προσδιαγραφόμενα 1435. 3-5, 10, 11; 1486.
4 sqq.; 1487. 2, 8, 9.
προσμετρούμενα 1443. 11; 1445. 3 sqq.;
1628. 12, 14, 15. Cf. 1529.
πρόσοδος, ἀμπέλου π. 1478. 3, 27. πολιτικὴ
π. (?) 1416. 22. προσόδου (γῆ) 1446.1,4.13.
πυροῦ τιμή 1419. 6.
ὧν ἀλλαγή
,
ρ΄. See ἑκατοστή.
σιτικά 1484. 7; 1460. 6 (?).
σπονδή1486.1:1. σ. Διονύσου 1486. 17,32, 49.
στεπτικόν 1418. 6, 1. στεπτικά 1418. 4.
στεφανικά 1441. 4; 1522. int 5. 5
στέφανος 1418, 26. σ. χρυσοῦς 1413. 25.
στιχάρια 1414. 1; 1424. 7; 1448. 1 566.
στυπτηρίας ἀσχόλημα 1429. 2.
συμβολικόν 1486. 7, 30.
τέλεσμα 1475. 32; p. 183.
τέλος 1484. 16; 1440. 6; 1472. 24; 1478.
1. αἰτήσεως 7.1478. 30.
1472. 25.
τελωνικά 1419. 4.
τιμὴ οἴνου 1573. 3, 7-
τιμὴ πυροῦ 1419. 6.
τιμὴ ὑπα .Ἶλ᾿ 1436. 50.
τρίτη βαλανείων 1436. 2, 20, 39.
τ. καταλοχισμῶν
ὑπηρεσία κρεῶν 1545. τ.
δική 1486. 9, 15, 25, 28, 47; 1516. 2, 4, 5;
1518. 7, 23; 1520. 6.
ὑποκείμενα ἐκλογιστείᾳ 1486. 23.
ὑπολόγου φόρος 1496. 45.
320
ὑπόστ(ασις ?) 1528. 12.
φόρος, οὐσιακὸς φ. παραδείσων 1486. 13, 42.
φ. ὑπολόγου 1486. 45.
φιλάνθρωπον 1445. 9.
XIII. GENERAL INDEX OF
a ἀρτάβη, aZ apr. See Index XII.
a δραχμή 1442. 3.
ἄβροχος 1459. 8 sqq. ; 1549. 17.
- ἄβωλος 1474. 15.
ἀγαθός 1582. το.
τύχη 1490. 7.
ἀγαλλιάζειν 1592. 4.
ἄγειν 1428. 9; 1470. 5; 1495. 13.
ἀγνοεῖν 1438. 15; 1584. τι.
ἄγνοια 1584. 8.
ἁγνός 1418. 11, 13, 16, 29; 1415. 27.
ἀγορά 1455. το.
ἀγοράζειν 1415. 1; 1494. τό ; 1497. 3.
ἀγορανομεῖον 1562. 2.
᾿ἀγορανομήσας, ἀγορανόμος. See Index VIII.
ἀγοραστικὸν δίκαιον 1475. 14; 1539. 5.
ἀγοραστός 1547. 27; 1548. 20.
ἀγορευτής 1590. 1.
ἀγρός 1522. verso 1.
ἀγωγή 1408. 3.
ἀγώγιμος 1471. 22.
ἀγώγιον 1482. 13.
ἀγών 1409. 22.
ἀγωνοθέτης 1416. 5.
ἀδελφή 1451. 6, 18; 1487. 4; 1488. 2;
1489. 11; 1548. 17; 1575. 1; 1580.
2; 1584. 2, 32; 1586. 2.
ἀδελφός 1424. 1, 9, 21, 22; 1444. 38;
1446. 15, 29, 54, 58, 85; 1452. Io, 20,
24, 37, 50; 1462. 19; 1463. 25; 1470.
14; 1481.8; 1482. 33 ; 1491. 2,17, 20;
1498. 5; 1494. το, 13; 1495. 1, 5, 6,
14, 19; 1514. 2; 1515. 17; 1518. 12;
1588. 7; 1543. 5; 1547. 9, 12; 1548.
23, 26; 1562. 3(?), 13; 1574. 1, 2;
1575. 2; 1581. 2, 4, 19(?); 1582. 13,
15; 1584. 14; 1586. 16; 15938. 4, 7,
10, ἐν, τὸ oa
ἀδικεῖν 1424. 15; 1460. 9.
d. δαίμων 1449, 4. ἀγαθὴ
INDICES
χειρωνάξιον 1436. 4.
χωματικόν 1488. 20.
avn, ἀγορανομείου καὶ prynpoveiov 1562. 2. ὦ.
ἀθηροπωλῶν καὶ ὀρβιοπωλῶν 1432. 5.
GREEK AND LATIN WORDS.
ἀδίκημα 1408. 26.
ἄδικος 1417. τ.
ἄδολος 1474. 15.
ἀδυναμία 1469. 5.
dei 1418.13; 1464.4; 1469.11; 1475.13.
ἀθηροπώλης 1482. 6, 12.
αἴθριον 1488. 17; 1548. το.
αἴξ 1458. τι, 12, 14, τό.
αἴρειν 1477. 13 (?); 1587. 7.
αἱρεῖν 1409. 13; 1413. το; 1414. 17;
1415. 31; 1416. 2, 16, 18; 1464. 1;
1469. 22; 1472. 24; 1473.17; 1475.
28, 33; 1562. 25.
αἵρεσις 1414. το ; 1490. int.
αἰσχροκερδία 1469. τι.
αἰτεῖν 1418. 37 (?); 1466. 7, 10; 1478. 29,
24; 1577. 3; 1578. 3.
αἴτησις 1478. το, 30; 1577. το; 1578.
To, 16.
αἰτία 1420. 7.
αἰτιᾶσθαι 1411. 3.
αἴτιος 1465. ΤΙ, 14.
ἀκάνθινον ξύλον 1421. 4.
ἀκοίμητος 1468. 1.
ἀκολουθεῖν 1409. 4 ; 1469. 13.
ἀκόλουθος 1420. 6. ἀκολούθως 1417.
1449. 45, 47; 1452. 50; 1458.
1470. 13; 1475. 23.
axovey 1415. 2; 1481.5; 1582.2; 1593. το.
ἀκριβῶς 1587. 3, 14.
ἄκριθος 1474. 15.
ἀκρόνυκτος (ακρων. ΠῚ) 1476. 5.
ἄκυρος 1562. 19 (?), 24 ; 1572. 4.
ala 1511. 11.
ἀλευροποιεῖν 1454. 9.
ἀλήθεια 1547. 43.
ἀληθής 1468. 26.
ἁλιεύς 1446. 27; 1517.10.
ἀλλὰ μήν 1424. 13.
1;
215
XIII,
ἀλλαγή. See Index XII.
ἀλληλέγγυος 1408. 7, 9; 1453. 24.
ἀλλήλων 1450. 14; 1473. 9, το, 12, τό, 27;
1475. 24; 1503.13.
ἄλλος 1412. 19; 1418. 9, 12, 27; 1414. 13,
19; 1415. 9, 21,25; 1416.25; 1418.8;
1419. 6; 1424. 15; 1434. 2; 1435. 6;
1446. 35; 1449. 10, 11, 15, 23, 28, 38,
49; 1450. 8; 1452. 2, 29, 46, 58;
1461. 12, 24; 1462. 33; 1465. 5, 6,
8, 15; 1469. 17, 22; 1471. 3; 1472.
11; 1473. 4, 7, 8, 15; 1474 9; 1475.
4, 6, 17; 1482. 8, 20; 1489. 8; 1510.
6; 1515.7; 1522. 8; 1528. 2,5; 1539.
6 sqq.; 1547. 1; 1548. 24, 26; 1549.
24; 1562. 19(?); 1578. 36; 1588. τι.
ἄλλοτε 1590. 5.
ἀλλότριος 1451. ὃ, 29; 1468. 25.
ἀλλοτριοῦν 1468. 23; 1470. 15 (?).
ἄλυπος 1490. 3.
ἁλωνοφύλαξ 1465. ὃ.
ἅλως 1465. 1, 5.
ἅμα 1414. 20; 1464.8; 1473.6, 28; 1504.
12; 1506.2; 1556.2; 1557.5; 1582.1.
ἀμάχητος 1482. 6.
ἀμείνων 1469. 17.
ἄμειψις 1425. ἡ.
ἀμελεῖν1409. 21; 1480.5; 1490.8; 1498.
11; 1495. 13; 1587. 19; 1589. 19;
1591. 8; 1593. 12.
ἀμέμπτως 1478. το.
ἀμικτώριον 1535. verso ὃ.
ἄμπελος 1478. 5, 27.
ἀμπελουργικός 1590. 9.
ἀμπελών 1487. 2.
ἀμφισβήτημα 1508. 5.
ἀμφοδογραμματεύς 1552. 3.
ἄμφοδον 1478. 56; 1547. 6, 21, 29; 1562.
g. Cf. Index V (Ὁ.
ἀμφότερος 1449. 1, 31; 1452. 7, 38; 1453.
4, 8; 1471. 9; 1478. 8, 18; 1550. 21;
1552. 7.
ἀνὰ λόγον 1405, 23; 1435. 8 (9).
ἀναβάλλειν 1469. 8, 9, 15, 21.
ἀναβολὴ 1469. 6; 1480. τι.
ἀναγιγνώσκειν 1414. 12, 17, 19; 1415. 4, 13,
17; 1420. τι.
ἀναγκάζειν 1409. 14; 1469. 8; 1498. 12.
ἀναγκαῖος 1409. 8, 13; 1420. 2; 1506. 3.
ἀναγκαίως 1450. τό,
GENERAL INDEX OF GREEK AND LATIN WORDS 321
ἀνάγκη 1411. 7; 1450. 23; 1590. 12.
ἀνάγνωσις 1414. 13, 19; 1415. 6, 15, 18.
ἀναγράφειν 1451. 27; 1550. 23, 27, 36;
1551. 10; 1552. 9.
ἀναγραφή 1484. 5.
ἀναδέχεσθαι 1418. 6; 1418. 18.
ἀναδιδόναι 1410. 11, 143 1509. 4; 1576. 2.
ἀναδοχή 1408. 5 ; 1417. 19 (?).
avadoxos 1489. 7.
ἀναζητεῖν 1557. 9.
ἀναζήτησις 1408. 13.
ἀνάθεσις 1412. 2.
ἀνάθημα 1449. 7, 9, 10.
ἀνακαθαίρειν 1409. τῇ.
ἀνακάθαρσις 1409. 3, ὃ.
ἀνακομιδή 1412. 6.
ἀνάκρισις 1463. 12.
ἀναλαμβάνειν 1405. 5; 1415. 21; 1478. 38;
1475. 42.
ἀναλίσκειν 1418. 33; 1578. 8.
ἀνάλωμα 1418. 35; 1418. 21.
ἀναμετρεῖν 1469. 20.
ἀναμφισβήτητος 1468. 29.
avaveovv 1460. το.
ἀναπέμπειν 1507. 4.
ἀναπληροῦν 1415. 19.
ἀναπόστατος 1469. 5.
ἀνατιθέναι 1449. 9 566.
ἀναφέρειν 1478. 17 ; 1562. 25.
ἀναφόριον 1484. 13.
ἀνδράποδον 1468. 34.
ἀνδρεία 1468. 9.
ἀνδριαντάριον 1449. 58.
ἄνεμος 1482. 7.
ἀνεμποδίστως 1467. 19.
ἀνεπί[κληἾτος 1428. 9 (?).
ἀνεραυνᾶν 1468. 18.
ἀνέρχεσθαι 1465. 1; 1488. 21, 25; 1507.
6; 1585. 5.
avev 1409. 15.
ἀνεψιός 1588. 6.
ἀνήκειν 1475. 19.
ἀνήκοος 1407. 20.
ἀνήρ 1468. 4; 1478. 25, 33; 1548. 15.
κατ᾽ ἄνδρα 1488. 11, 41, 533 1444, 3;
1525. 9 (?); 1526. 4.
ἄνθραξ 1480. 12.
ἀνιεροῦν 1449. 12.
See Index XII.
avveva,
ἀνοίγειν 1411. το.
322
ἀνομεῖν 1465. 9.
ἀντάποχον 1542. 1.
ἀντελλογεῖν 1578. τι.
ἀντέχειν 1409. 17.
ἀντί, ἀνθ᾽ οὗ 1488. 11; 1475. τρ.
ἀντιβάλλειν 1479. 4.
ἀντιγράφειν 1598. 8, 13, 15.
ἀντίγραφον 1409. 4; 1428, τ; 1451. 4, 11;
14538. 2, 30; 1461. 20; 1470. 5, ὃ;
1472. 3, 6, 29; 1473. 20, 41; 1474. 3,
4, 10; IA75. 2, 5, ὃ: 1660. 5 6, 12;
1562. 5, 29.
ἀντιλαμβάνειν 1409. 12; 1465. 15; 1478.
13, τό ; 1587. 21.
ἀντιλέγειν 1415. 26, 30; 1470. 7.
ἀντιλημματίζειν 1577. 11; 1578. τῇ.
ἀντιπίπτειν 1473. 20.
ἀντίτυπον 1470. 6.
ἀντονομάζειν 1405. 17.
ἀνυπερθέτως 1458. 21 (?); 1471. 22.
ἄνω. See Index V ᾿Αραβίας, ᾿Ισεῖον, τοπαρχία.
ἄνωθεν 1411. 18; 1449. 12.
ἀξιολογώτατος 1408. 9 ; 1490. 1.
ἄξιος 1414. 27; 1559. 5.
ἀξιοῦν 1416, το, 11; 1453. 33, 39; 1463.
12; 1464. 24; 1465. 10; 1467. 21;
1470. τό ; 1472. 28; 1473. 21, 38, 43;
1475. 42, 48; 1490. 2; 1491. 7; 1508.
19; 1550. 36; 1551. 15; 1557. 8, 15.
ἀξίωσις 1414, 12.
ἀπάγειν 1468. 25 (?).
ἀπαιτεῖν 1408. 3; 14138. 28; 1414. 2; 1419. 3;
1473. 27.
ἀπαίτησις 1424, 7,8; 1460. 6, 8 (?).
ἀπαιτητήῆς. See Index VIII.
ἀπαλλάσσειν 1406, 8; 1473. 12,36; 1477. 9.
ἀπαντᾶν 1428, 4, 11; 1588. 7.
ἀπαρκεῖν 1418. το.
ἅπας 1409. 12; 1414, 30; 1492. τό.
ἀπάτωρ 1446, 18, 57.
ἀπειθεῖν 1408. 17.
ἀπελεύθερυς 1449. 47; 1451. 12; 1474, 12.
ἀπεργάζεσθαι 1409. 10; 1469. 22.
ἀπεργασία 1409. 3, 8; 1469. 12,17; 1546.
3, 6.
ἀπέχειν 1414, 2; 1480. 7; 1475. 26, 38.
ἀπέχθεια 1409. 15.
ἀπηλιώτης 1449. 4; 1475. 18, 23; 1587.
15, τῇ. Cf index ¥. (a) τοπαρχία.
ἀπὸ ἐχί 1484. 21.
INDICES
ἀπογράφεσθαι 1457. 5; 1458. 7; 1459. 4;
1461. 5; 1468. 14, 21; 1547. 5, 31, 36;
1548. 6, 11; 1549. 8; 1589. 13, 14.
ἀπογραφή 1451. 26; 1468.15; 1547. 6, 33;
1548. 9; 1589. 12.
ἀποδεδειγμένος ἐξηγητής 1472. 12.
ἀπόδειξις 1452. 52.
ἀπόδημος 1477. 9; 1547. 23.
1446. 84, 89.
ἀποδιδόναι 1414. 2; 1418. 29; 1424. 3;
1480. 25; 1470.7,14; 1471.18; 1478.
15; 1474. 14, 22; 1483. 23; 1561. 8;
1562. 13; 1566.11; 1583.14; 1598. 21.
ἀποδιδράσκειν 1415. 5, 6.
ἀπόδοσις 1472. 23, 26; 1478.16; 1474. 23;
1562. 16.
ἀποκαθιστάναι 1454. 3; 1557. το.
ἀποκεῖσθαι 1418. 14.
ἀποκλείειν 1411. 5.
ἀπολαμβάνειν 1418. 24; 1470. 17.
ἀπολείπειν 1502. 10.
ἀπολιμπάνειν 1426. 12.
ἀπολύειν 1415. 9; 1426. 13; 1459. 4;
1471. 6; 1508. 3; 1562. 10; 1572. 2.
ἀπόλυσις 1562. 14.
ἀπόμοιρα 1437. 7.
ἀποπληροῦν 1405. 7; 1409. 14; 1418. τι;
1426. 12.
ἀποστέλλειν 1426. 9; 1428. 12; 1479, το;
1481. 2; 1506. 2.
ἀπότακτον 1409. 15; 1562. 11.
ἀποτάσσειν 1428. 6.
ἀποτιθέναι 1482. 21.
ἀπόφασις 1416. το.
ἀποφέρειν 1448. 9; 1465. 2; 1588. 7.
ἀποφράσσειν 1409. τό.
ἀποχή 1480. 19; 1461. 14, 20.
anol) 1446. 84, 89.
ἀπροκρίτως 1467. 22.
aptus (?) 1511. 9.
ἀπύρετος 1582. 9.
ἀργεῖν 1581. 5; 1585. 7.
ἀργυρικός. See Index XII.
ἀργύριον. See Index XI (4).
apyvpor(oinros ἢ) 1449. 17.
ἀργυροῦς 1449, 17-19, 22, 23, 44, 49.
ἀρδεία 1409. το.
ἀρεστός 1454. 4.
ἀρετή 1470. 4.
ἀριθμεῖν 1480. 8, 23.
ἀπό(δημος ?)
ATTI,
ἀρίθμησις 1433. 12, 42; 1486. 1, 19, 38.
ἀριθμός 1449. 25, 29.
ἀριστερός 1547. τό.
ἀρκεῖν 1408. 2; 1414. 9; 1475. 30.
ἄρουρα. See Index XI (a).
ἀρουρηδόν 1460. 15.
ἄρρην 1458. το, 15, 17.
ἀρτάβη. See Index XI (a).
ἀρτοκόπος 1572. 2.
ἀρτοποιεῖν 1454. 9.
ἀρτοποιία 1572. 5.
ἄρτος 1454. 4-6; 1581. 8.
ἀρτύειν 1454. 4.
ἀρτυματᾶς 1517. 14.
ἀρχαῖος 1449. 10(?); 1460. 7.
ἄρχειν. See Index VIII.
ἀρχεῖον 1468. 19; 1562. 20.
ἀρχή 1418. 12; 1416. 5; 1565. 8.
ἀρχιδικαστεία, dpxidixaorns. See Index VIII.
ἀρχιερεύς. See Index VI (c).
apxt?|rékroy 1450. 27.
ἄσημος 1488.13; 1449. 21,44; 1451. 31-3;
1547. 20, 26, 27; 1548. 12 544. 4. sc.
ἀργύριον 1524. 2 sqq.
ἀσθένεια 1481. 4.
ἀσθενεῖν 1481. 5.
ἀσπάζεσθαι 1479. 11; 1489. 1, 9; 1494. 9,
12; 1581. 10,15, 17; 1582. το; 1588.
ΠΣ: 1584, 4, 24, 30, 31; 1686. 8, 12;
1587. 24; 1593. 16, 17.
ἄσπορος 1434. 19; 1535. 9 (?).
ἀστή 1442. 4.
ἀστυγείτων νομός 1456. το.
ἀσφάλεια 1450. 15; 1467. 16; 1472. 16;
1473. 26; 1474. 10; 1475.8, 41; 1504.
τό; 1547. 12; 1561. 11. Cf. ἀσφάλιον.
ἀσφαλής 1408. το; 1488. 15.
ἀσφαλίζεσθαι 1557. 8.
ἀσφάλιον (1, ἀσφάλεια) 1475. 46.
ἀσχολεῖσθαι 1562. 2.
ἀσχόλημα 1429. τ.
ἄτεχνος 1548. 12 866.
ἀτίμητος 1414. 22.
ἄτιμος 1406. 9.
ἀτόπημα 1557. 6.
αὐθαιρέτως 1554. 3 ; 1555. 9.
αὐθεντικός 1473. 40; 1475. 44; 1562. 4.
αὖθις 1410. τι, 15 (?).
αὐθωρόν 1506. 1.
αὐλή 1588. 8.
GENERAL INDEX OF GREEK AND LATIN WORDS 323
αὔξειν 1450. 3, 21.
αὔριον 1487. 5; 1579. 4; 1580. 2.
αὐτάρκης 1585. 4.
αὐτόθι 1453. 6; 1475. 26.
αὐτοψία 1557. 5.
αὐ. [.]repos 1476. 7.
ἀφαιρεῖν 1423. 8.
ἀφαιρετικός 1476. 6.
[ἀφανή ?|s 1422. 11.
apnué 1452. 25, 49, 55; 1462.8; 1498. 2.
ἀφιέναι 1508. 19, 20; 1581]. 5.
ἀφορίζειν 1492. 12.
ἄχρηστος 1449. 51, 56, 62.
ἄχρι 1556. 7. ἄχρις 1426. 13; 1428. το.
ἄχυρον 1543. 6.
βαδιστηλάτης 1514. 2.
βαλανεῖον 1486. 2, 20, 39.
1499. 3.
βαλανευτής 1500. 2.
βαλανίδιον (πανιδιον ΠῚ, δημόσιον β. 1480. 13.
βάλλειν 1448. 5 marg.; 1581. 7.
βάρος 1415. 24.
βαρύς 1415. 21.
βασιλεία 1468. 15 ; 1562. 7.
βασιλικός 1417.17. . γραμματεύς. See Index
VIII. βασιλική (γῆ). See γῆ.
βασιλίσκος 1566. 9.
βαστάζειν 1482. τό.
βαφεύς 1519. 6.
βέβαιος 1475. 29.
βεβαιοῦν 1408. τ4; 1475. 39.
βεβαίωσις 1475. 30.
[βε]λέγκωτος (0) 1449. 13.
βιάζεσθαι 1408. 19; 1418. τό.
βίαιος 1502. 6; 1508. το.
βιβλίδιον 1467. 17; 1551. 14; 1556. 6;
1557. 7; 1587. 4(?), 11.
βιβλιοθήκη 1451. 4; 1587. 4. Δδριανὴ β.
1478. 40; 1475. 44. Navaiov β. 1478.
41; 1475. 45.
δημόσιον 8.
βιβλίον 1467. 30; 1479. 3, 6; 1510. 8.
βιβλιοφυλάκιον 1562. 5.
| βιβλιοφύλαξ 1451. 4; 1475. 48.
βικάριος 1436. 3, 21, 40.
βιόπρατος 1477. 14.
Bios 1551. 13. '
βλάπτειν 1405. 11; 1418. 23.
βοήθεια 1413. 13; 1428. 7.
βοηθεῖν 1467. 24; 1591. 3, το.
Y 2
324
βοηθός. See Index VIII.
βορρᾶς 1475. 17, 19, 20, 22; 1587. 17, 18,
20. Cf. Index V (c).
βουλεία 1406. 8.
βούλεσθαι 1408. 17, 20; 1411. 6; 1415. το;
1417.11; 1463.6; 1473. 37; 1474. 23;
1475. 41, 48; 1552.8 ; 1561.11; 1569.
3; 1593. 14.
βουλευτής, βουλευτικός, βουλή.
βραχύς 1412. 7.
βρέχειν 1482. 6.
βωμός 1449. 47, 49.
See Index VIII.
cohors Apamenorum 1511. 1.
γαμεῖν 1473. 10, 11, 17.
γαμικός 1473. 25.
γάμος 1451. 26; 1478. 6, 11, 33, 35; 1486.
1; 1487.3; 1579. 2; 1580. 1.
ye 1490. 7.
γείτων 1475. 17, 22; 1587. 13.
γενέσια 1568. 2.
γένεσις 1564. I.
γένημα 1418. 14; 1448.τ4; 1525.5; 1526.
4; 1527. 1, 4, 8; 1589. 1; 1540. 1, 9;
1541. 1.
γενναιότατοι στρατιῶται 1412. 6;
15438. 3; 1572. 5.
γένος 1452. 35 ; 1460. 16; 1468. το; 1505.
3; 1548. 21; 1551. 8.
γεουχεῖν 1418, τό ; 1416. 13; 1498. 14.
yeodxos 1497. 4; 1581. 1, 21.
γέρας 1408. τό.
γέρδιος 1519. 2.
γεύεσθαι 1464. 8: 1576. 4.
γεωμέτρης 1469. 6, II.
γεωργεῖν 1446. 5 sqq.; 1465. 5.
γεωργία 1446. 92.
γεωργός. See Index X.
γῆ 1460. 14; 1470. 12, 15, 17(?). a
dpraBns, aZ apr. See Index XII. ἄβροχος
1459. 8sqq. βασιλικὴ (γῆ) 1441. 7; 1446.
4 8qq.; 1459. 12, 36; 1465. 6; 1588;
1584. τ sqq.; 1585. 14; 1587. 11, τό,
18, 21. δημοσία 1445. 5, 6; 1460. 14.
ἐπηντλημένη 1459. 9, 36. ἰδιωτική 1441. 5;
1445.8; 1460.14; 1584. 1 sqq. ; 1535.
14; 1587. τό, 18, 21; ἱερά 1484. 11;
1437. 9; 1446. 52. κατεξυσμένη 1484.
19; 1488. int. κατοικική 1534. 1 sqq.
1415. 7;
INDICES
ὁδευομένη 1537. 18, 22. προσόδου 1446. 1,
4,13. ψιλή 1585. 8.
γήδιον 1559. 11.
γί(γ)νεσθαι 1405. 4; 1409. 11, 12; 1411. 8,
19; 1418. 1, 8, 14, 17, 26, 27, 32 ;-1414.
7,9, 22, 25; 1416. 3; 1417. 32; 1418.
2; 1419. 9; 1435. 5; 1487. 1, 7, το;
1442.4; 1444.12; 1445. 6, 10; 1446.
93; 1450. 13; 1451. 2; 1452. 43, 45;
1456. 12; 1460. 7, 8; 1461. 2, 3, 30;
1463. 12; 1468. 11, 22, 30; 1469. 11,
17; 1470. 3, 9, 13; 1472. 8, 9, 17, 26;
1473. 9, τό, 27, 34, 37, 44; 1474. 23;
1475. 35,41; 1477. 14, 17; 1488. 9, 13;
1490. 3; 1494. 4, 8; 1495. 10; 1502.
' 51 1508. 5; 1504. 13; 1507. 4; 1518.
14; 1524. 5, 9; 1534.15, το; 1541.
4; 1542. 9, 12; 1547. 12; 1557. 3;
1560. 3, 10, 14; 1561. τι; 1562. 4;
1569. 5; 1570. 7; 1573. 10; 1575. 3;
1577. 10; 1578.10; 1588. 5,11; 1588.
4; 1589. 12; 1590. Io.
γι(γγνώσκειν 1411. 15; 1412. 15, 17; 1418.
14; 1420. 3; 1449.10; 1481.2; 1493.
5; 1589. τι.
γλυκύτατος 1494. 9.
γλωσσόκομον 1449. 15 (?).
γναφεῖον 1488. 9.
γνώμη 1408. 14; 1426. 14.
γνώμων 1409. 18.
γνωρίζειν 1463. 30.
γνῶσις 1428. 3.
γνωστήρ 1451. 27; 1479. 1; 1490. 2.
γόμος 1479. το.
γονεύς 1452. ὃ ; 1478. 5.
γόνος 1577. 6 (?).
γράμμα 1408. 12; 1409. 9; 1412. 8, 16;
1424. 4; 1425.15 ; 1480.17, 24; 1458.
34, 40; 1455. 33; 1463. 21, 25; 1464.
17; 1466.9; 1467.9; 1469. 24; 1473.
7, 21,24; 1506.2; 1524. τ sqq.; 1562.
25; 1576. 3; 1587. 20; 1592. 2; 1593. 3.
ypauparevew 1510. 9.
γραμματεύς 1474. 2.
γραμματικά 1473. 18.
γράφειν 1409. 2, 4; 1425. 15; 1480. 23;
1453. 32, 39; 1455. 32; 1468. 21, 24;
1464.16; 1466. 8 ; 1467. 14; 1469. 23;
1472. 28; 1473. 41; 1474. 7,19; 1475.
33, 49; 1480. 23; 1482. 3, 17; 1489.
Cf. Index VIII.
XIII.
6; 1488. 20; 1494.18; 1503. 17(?);
1562. 25 ; 1583. το; 1584. 4, 10; 1586.
6; 1589. to, 11, 18; 1590. 5.
γραφεῖον 1449. 17; 1462. 13, 35.
γραφή 1414. 4; 1449. 7, 16; 1450. 9g;
1452, 54.
yons 1587. 15.
γυμνασιαρχεῖν, γυμνασιαρχία, γυμνασίαρχος. 566
Index VIII.
γυμνάσιον, ἐκ Tod y. 1452. 34, 47. ἀπὸ γ. 1552.
14. Cf. Index V (c).
γυμνός 1408. 24.
γυνή 1414. 5; 1444. 24, 28; 1449. 16;
1463. 18, 25; 1464.9; 1467.3; 1468.
21; 1478. 11; 1477. 19; 1479. 12;
1515. τὸ ; 1542. 5; 1547. 7; 1548. 14;
1584. το.
. δαίμων, ἀγαθὸς ὃ. 1449. 4.
δακτύλιος 1449. 12, τό.
δανείζεσθαι 1501. 5 (9); 1588. 12.
δάνειον 1448, 8; 1471, 12,25; 1527. 7, 10;
1561. 7; 1562. 14.
δανειστής 1473. 15.
δαπάνη 1454. 7 ; 1510. 7.
dare 1511. 6 (?).
δέησις 1466. 9; 1469. το. -
δεῖν 1412. 11; 1417. 15; 1420. 9; 1489.
8; 1494. 2,5; 1503.7, 15. δέων 1447.
5; 1478. 11. δεόντως 1456. 13 (?).
δεινῶς 1481. 5.
δειπνεῖν 1484, 2; 1485. 1; 1579. 1.
δεῖσθαι 1415. 22, 23, 28; 1469. 6, 7, το;
1470. 15; 1503. 20(?).
δεκανία 1512. 2, 3, 5.
δεκαπρωτία, δεκάπρωτος. See Index VIII.
δεκάτη. See Index V (c) Δεκάτης.
δελματική (Sepp. ΠῚ 1583. 9.
δέλτος 1451. 21, 22.
δεξιός 1547. 18. de&a 1590. 3. δεξιῶς 1424.11.
δεόντως 1456. 13 (?).
δέσμη 1480. 14.
δέσμιος 1428. 9.
δεσμοφυλακία 1488. 18.
δέσποινα 1451. 20; 1548. 22.
δεσποτεία 1468. τό, 23.
δεσπότης 1572. τ. Cf. Indices I and II.
δεύτερος, ἐκ Sevrépov 1410. 14. δεύτερον 1593. 14.
δέχεσθαι 1488. 12; 1506. τ; 1592. τ, 7.
δή 1411, 14.
GENERAL INDEX OF GREEK AND LATIN WORDS 325
δηλονότι 1469. 15.
δηλοῦν 1405. 26; 1418. 35; 1422. 6, 8;
1435. 6; 1449. 16; 1450.12; 1452. 17,
43; 1475. 49; 1481.11; 1488.7; 1495.
9; 1497. 7; 1508. 2(?), 5; 1524. 1, 4,
8; 1584. 26, 30; 15938. 5, 7.
δημεύειν 1416. 22.
δῆμος 1407. το.
δημόσιος. δημοσίᾳ 1409. το; 1412. τό. (τὸ)
δημόσιον 1478. 17, 20, 37; 1474. 15,
41; 1541. 1; 1561. 11; 1562.25. δημό-
σιοι 1411. 2; 1421.2; 1557. 3. δημόσια
1473.14. ὃ. ἀρχεῖα 1468.19. ὃ. βαλανεῖον
1499. 3. ὃ. βαλανίδιον (πανιδιον ΠῚ 1480.
13. 8. βουλή 1412. 11. 8. γεωμέτρης 1469.
6,11. ὃ. γῆ 1445. 5,6; 1460.14. ὃ. ἰατρός
1502.1; 1556. 2. ὃ. μέτρον 1454. 8; 1472.
18,21. 6.7A0t0v1421.8. 8.0704 1406.11. ὃ.
τράπεζα 1419.5; 1432.17; 1483. 28, 51;
1473.26. ὃ. rpame(ireia 1415. 26. ὃ. χρή-
para 1415. 14; 1480. 9. δ. χρηματισμός
1473. 42; 1475. 45. ὃ. χῶμα 1469. 5.
δημοσιοῦν 1475. 33.
δημοσίωσις 1474. 4; 1475. 5, 17 marg., 34,
40, 42, 46, 49; 1561. 10; 1562. 26.
δημοτελής 1416. 26.
δηνάριον. See Index XI (0).
διαγιγνώσκειν 1417. 25.
διαγράφειν 1432.15; 1483. 27,50; 1485.6;
1441, 4 ; 1461. τι ; 1473. 5, 26, 30; 1475.
3; 1501. 4; 1520.3; 1521. 2; 1522. 3;
15238. 2.
διαγραφή. See Index XII.
διαδεῖν 1428. 9.
διαδέχεσθαι. See Index VIII.
διάδοσις 1548. 2.
διάδοχος 1468. 2, 27; 1560. 2.
διάθεσις 1473. 37; 1556. 5; p. 219.
διαθήκη 1502. το.
διάκοπος 1409. τό : 1469. 6.
διαλαλεῖν 1417. 24.
διαλαμβάνειν 1420. 5.
διαλογή 1474. 3; 1475. 3 ; 1561. 20.
διάλυσις 1562. 4, 25.
διανομή 1490. int.
διανύειν 1469. 4.
διαπέμπειν 1467. 28; 1469. 23; 1488. 3.
διαποστέλλειν 1475. 42.
διάπρασις 1455. τι.
διαπράσσειν 1418. 3 : 1467. 21.
326
διαπρό 1518. 17.
διαπύλιον 1489. 1.
(διαρταβία) 1448. το.
διασημότατος. See Index VIII.
διασθενεῖν 1502. verso 6.
διαστέλλειν 1444. 4; 1525.5 (?); 1527. 3,8,
τι (?); 1589. τ; 1540. 1, 9.
διάστημα 1409. 18.
διαστολή 1478. 28, 38.
διαταγή 1469. το.
διάταγμα 1408. 14, 17; 1484. τ4.
διάταξις, θεία ὃ. 1405. 26.
διατάσσειν 1469. 14.
διατρίβειν 1423. 7.
διατροφή 1478. 14.
διαφέρειν 1409. το; 1414, 2, 3.
διαφθείρειν 1458. 17.
διαφορά 1478. τι.
διάφορον 1478. 3, 8. ὃ. ἐξ ἡμισείας 1474, 14,
18. δ. ἐκ τρίτου p. 223.
διάψιλος 1445. τ.
διδόναι 1408. 2; 1409. 15; 1418. 27, 35;
1414. 4, 6, 12, 13; 1415. 5-7, 10,15, 19,
29 1418. 6; 1425. 6; 1426. 7; 14381.
; 1451. 27; 1466. as 5 (?), το; 1467.
Ἢ 1470. 8; 1472. 5; 1478. 26, 36, a4,
1475. 41; 1477. 5; 1478. 3; 1484. 4,14;
1495. 6,9; 1497. 2; 1499.2; 1500. 2;
1502. 6(?); 1514. 2; 1560.6; 1568. 2;
1570. 3; 1572. 2,5; 1573. 2, 7,12; 1574.
2; 1575. 2; 1582. 7; 1584.19; 1587.
6, 8, 11; 1589. 18; 1590. 4; 1598. 3.
διδράσκειν (δράσας) 1423. 6.
διέπειν. See Index VIII.
διέρχεσθαι 1433. 14; 1443. 7; 1449. 53;
1452. 14,40; 1458.8; 1462. 36; 1472.
25; 1478. 6, 26; 1474. 23; 1475. 31;
1525. 5; 1539.1; 1540.1,9; 1541. 2;
1547. 5; 1548. 6; 1550. 30.
διευτυχεῖν 1468. 13; 1467. 26; 1564. 9.
διήγησις 1468. 11.
διιστάναι 1508. 8.
δικάζειν 1407. 5; 1456. το; 1558. 9.
δίκαιος 1468. 5 ; 1475. 24. δίκαιον 1417. 12 ;
1467. 22; 1468.10; 1469. 3; 1473. 11,
2; 1475. 45; 1547. 36. ἀγοραστικὸν ὃ.
1475. 14; 1539. 5. κυρίου ὃ. 1466. το.
τέκνων ὃ. 1451. 21; 1460. 6; 1463. 9;
1467. 5 (τριῶν τέκν.); 1475. 13.
δικαίωμα 1451. τό.
INDICES
δίκη 1471. 32 ; 1562. 21.
δίμοιρον 1418. 23, 25.
διό 1470. 15; 1475. 27; 1479. 3; 1550.
34; 1551. 13.
διοδεύειν 1548. 2.
διοίκησις 1448. 8.
διοικητής. See Index VIII.
διότι 1481. 3; 1490. το.
διπλοῦν, διπλῶν μερισμός 1438. 20.
δίπτυχος 1449. 56.
δισσός 1474. το, 19, 23; 1475. ὃ, 33, 41.
διυπερτιθέναι 1479. 6.
διώκτης σίτου 1419. 9.
διῶρυξ 1409. 3, 8, 17; 1475. 17.
d( ) 1444. το, 14, 31.
δόγμα 1417. 3, 27.
δοκεῖν 1414. 4, το, 18; 1420. 2;
1562. 21.
δοκιμάζειν 1469. 20; 1482. τό.
δοκός 1450. 2.
dominus 1466. 1.
δόσις 1454. ὃ.
δούλη 1468. 9; 1468. 13, 14; 1547. 27;
1548. 20, 23, 25, 26.
δουλικός 1528. 7
δοῦλος 1422. 7; 1428. 5; 1451. 6, 13, 18,
20, 26, 27, 32; 1494. τι (τὴν δοῦλον);
1548. 13.
dové 1481. 3.
δοχή 1416. 14.
Spacpds 1477. 18.
δραχμή. See Index XI.
δραχμιαῖος τόκος 1471. 14; (τόκοι) 1478. 4;
1561. 8.
δρόμος 1457. 12. Cf. Index V (ἡ.
δύναμις 1418. 3, 7, 12, 13, 16; 1478. τι.
δύνασθαι 1408. 23; 1409. 16; 1418. 29;
1414. 5, 15, 20(?), 22, 24, 26, 28; 1417.
26; 1418. 16; 1467. 15, 18; 1469. 3;
1470. 17; 1473. 21; 1477. 13; 1480.
13, 24; 1490. 6; 1492. 10; 1495. 12;
1587. 10; 1589. 13.
δυοβολοί. See Index XI (6).
δώδεκα δραχμαί, ai ὁρισθεῖσαι 1B dp. 1473. 38.
δωδεκάδραχμος 1452. 8, 18, 21, 26; 1552. 14.
δωρεά, θεία ὃ. 1504. 15.
1482. 17;
ἑαυτοῦ 1415. 1, 29; 1418.5; 1468. 4; 1467.
5; 1470. 6; 1473.9; 1486. 2;
ἐγγράμματος 1467. 13.
1487. 4.
ΧΠ]ΊΠ].
ἔγγραπτος 1472. τό.
ἐγγράφειν 1425. 9; 1450. 19; 1473. 28.
ἔγγραφος 1468. το ; 1502. 5.
ἐγγυᾶσθαι 1426. 14; 1455. 30; 1553. 25;
1554. 4; 1555. το.
eyyin 1408. 5; 1415. τι.
ἐγγυητής 1455. 15 ; 1483. 18; 1563. 8.
ἐγκαλεῖν 1562. 22, 23.
ἔγκλημα 1508. 20.
ἔγκτησις 1475. 48; 1587. 5 (?).
ἐγκύκλιον 1462. 30; 1472. 24; 1523. 4.
ἐγχειρίζειν 1424. 8.
ἐγχώριος 1497. το (?).
ἔδαφος 1409. 19; 1486. 46 (οὐσιακὰ ἐν):
1475. 23.
ἐθέλειν 1408. 14; 1418. 17; 1469. 16.
ἔθιμος 1451. 7.
ἔθος 1454. 2, 10; 1460. 5; 1492. το.
εἶ μήν. See ἢ μήν.
εἰδέναι 1408. 15; 1409. 4, 11, 21; 1425.
15; 1480. 24; 14538. 34, 40; 1455. 33;
1463. 21, 26; 1464. 16; 1466.9; 1469.
24; 1470. 13; 1473. 42; 1475. 49;
1482. 3, 7, 14; 1483. 15; 1495. 14;
1504. 12; 1587. 16; 1593. 6.
εἶδος 1412. 11; 1414. 6, 13 ; 1423.8 ; 1450.
10, 18; 1460.13; 1488. το; 1538. 10;
1553. 5.
εἴθε 1489. 6.
εἰκονίδιον 1449. 8, 42, 54, 56, 58, 60, 63.
εἰκότως 1469. 6.
eipnvapxos 1505. 2 ; 1507. 1.
εἰρήνη 1507. 3; 1559. 3.
eis, εἰς ἕν 1411. 2.
εἰσάγειν 1585. 8.
εἰσαεί 1467. 25.
εἰσδιδόναι 1584. 28 (?).
εἰσηγεῖσθαι 1413. 2; 1416. 1, 3.
εἰσηγητής 1416. 1 marg., 4 marg.
εἰσιέναι 1418. 26.
εἴσπραξις 1438. 11, 42; 1517. 1.
εἴσροια 1409. 19.
εἴστοτε 1473. τ5.
εἰωθέναι 1409.
1464. 5.
ἕκαστος 1409. 11,14; 1451.16; 1454. 5, 7;
1455. 28; 1460. 12, 15; 1469. 12, 13;
1471. 15; 1473. 4; 1558. 22; 1577. 12.
ἑκάτερος 1563. 4 (?).
ἑκατόνταρχος. See Index IX.
1450. 16.
εἰθισμένος
13;
GENERAL INDEX OF GREEK AND LATIN WORDS 327
ἑκατοστή. See Index XII. μέτρον πρὸς ἑκατοστὰς
δέκα p. 126.
ἐκβαίνειν 1482. 9.
ἐκβιβάζειν 1488. 16.
ἔκγονος 1475. 27.
ἐκδιδόναι 148. 7.
ἐκδικία 1556. 8.
ἔκδικος 1426. 4.
ἐκδόσιμον 1548. τ.
ἐκεῖ 1425. 8; 1465. 8; 1508. τι (ἢ).
ἐκεῖνος 1468. 29 ; 1502. τι ; 1508. 6.
ἐκζητεῖν 1465, τι.
ἔκθεσις 1485. 17; 1448. 1, 21: 1517. 15;
1519. 1, 15.
ἔκκλητος 1408. 7.
ἐκλαμβάνειν 1457. 2.
ἐκλήπτωρ 1450. 22.
ἐκλογιστεία 1486. 23.
ἐκλογιστής 1480. 12, 15.
ἔκλογος 1488. int. (?); 1448. 13.
ἐκμαρτυρεῖσθαι 1562. 3.
ἐκμετρεῖν 1525. 4.
ἐκνίπτειν 1469. 6.
ἑκούσιος 1426.14. ἑκουσίως 1554. 3; 1555. 8.
ἐκπλέκειν 1490. 6, 9.
ἐκπρόθεσμος 1547. 12.
ἐκτελεῖν 1426. 15.
ἐκτίνειν 1471, 23; 1474. 17.
ἔκτοτε 1473. τό.
ἑκών 1412. 14 (?).
ἐλαία 1494, τό.
ἔλαιον 1449. 65; 1458. 17; 1455. 5, το;
1517. 6; 1518. 4, 27.
ἐλ(αιών ?) 1484. 21.
ἐλάττων 1450. 9, 11, 12; 1475. 21.
ἐλπίζειν 1470. 14; 1588. 4.
ἐμαυτοῦ 1456. 6; 1553. 7.
ἐμβαδικὸς πῆχυς 1450. 1.
ἐμβάλλειν 1421. ἢ (0); 1544. 6.
emeritus 1511. 6.
ἐμμένειν 1415. 20.
ἐμπίπτειν 1508. 8.
ἐμποδίζειν 1415. 7, τι.
ἔμπορος 1519. 8.
ἐμφανής 1456. 6; 1503. 4; 1554. 7.
ἐναλλαγή 1413. 22, 23.
ἐναντίος 1453. 29 ; 1558. 9.
évapxos ἀγορανόμος 1454. 8, ἔ. ἄρχων 1406.
1 (ἢ). ἔ. κοσμητήῆς 1458. 2. ἔ. πρύτανις
1412, 4; 1418. τ; 1515, 2.
328
ἐνέδρα 1428. 5; 1455. 12.
ἕνεκα 1469. 11; 1475. 46. ἕνεκεν 1415. 31 ;
1456. 13; 1503. 20; 1506. 3.
ἐνεργεῖν 1567. 2.
ἐνεργός 1461. 6.
ἐνθάδε 1484. 8; 1454. 2; 1456. 9; 1474.
16.
ἔνθεσμος 1417. 28.
ἐνθυμεῖσθαι 1477. 13.
ἐνιστάναι 1405. 17, 22; 1409.8; 1418. 26;
1432. 8; 1483. 44; 1440. 1; 1443. 6;
1444. 5; 1453. 20; 1457. 5; 1459. 5;
1462. 15; 1469. 2; 1470. 20; 1473.
10; 1475.31; 1501.4; 1519.15; 1526.
5; 1547.35; 1549.8; 1550.31; 1552.
14.
ενόβρυζος (ενοριζος ΠῚ 1480. τό.
ἐνοίκησις 1478. 56.
ἐνοίκιον 1519. το.
ἐνοχλεῖν 1489. 4, 7; 1588. 5.
ἔνοχος 1451. 8; 1455. 13; 1558. 5; 1554.
Io.
ἐντάσσειν 1470. 5.
ἐνταῦθα 1421. 7; 1495. το, 15.
ἐντέλλεσθαι 1428. 4; 1584. 6, 8.
ἐντεῦθεν 1467. 19; 1475. 34; 1562. 25.
ἔντευξις 1408. 4; 1558. 6.
ἐντίμως 1459. 4; 1471. 6.
ἐντολή 1423. 11, 15; 1504. 8.
ἐντός 1408. 3, 8; 14838. 2.
ἐντυγχάνειν 1502. 3; 1558. 9.
ἐνώπιον 1464. 7.
ἐξαγωγή 1440. 3.
ἑξαδραχμία ὄνων 1488. 19; 1457. 2.
ἐξάκτωρ 1428. 2.
éEaunvos 1414, 24.
ἐξαυτῆς 1421. 5; 1507. 3; 1557.8; 1585.
6.
ἐξέδρα 1450. 5, 7.
ἐξεῖναι 1415. 26. Ἵ
ἐξέρχεσθαι 1479. ο: 1488. 4; 1490. 8;
1585. 6; 1591. το.
ἐξετάζειν 1482. 11, 14.
ἐξέτασις 1417. 30.
ἐξευρίσκειν 1588. το.
ἐξηγητεύσας, ἐξηγητής.
ἐξηγητικός, τὸ ἐ. 1418. 9.
ἑξῆς 1418. 12, το ; 1414. 16, 18; 1416. το,
23; 1425.8; 1435.7; 1473. 39; 1475.
18; 1502.3; 1504. 7; 1522, 8.
See Index VIII.
INDICES
ἐξίστασθαι 1405. 24 (ἐξιστανόμενος) ; 1417. 6.
ἐξοδιάζειν 1414. 8, 9, 12 ; 1419. 3, 10; 1480.
11; 1483. 6,7, 9; 1578. 33.
ἔξοδος 1417. 9.
ἐξομολογεῖν 1478. 9, 27.
ἐξουσία 1467. 3; 1475. 28.
ἐξοχώτατοι ἔπαρχοι 1469. 1.
[ἐξυ]φή 1428. 6.
ἐξί γ1508. το, 13.
ἐπακολουθεῖν 1428. 5; 1455. 13; 1478. 7.
ἐπακολούθησις 1478. 8.
ἐπακούειν 1494. 7.
ἐπάν 1473. 36.
ἐπαναγκάζειν 1470. τό.
ἐπάναγκος 1471. 18; 1475. 29.
ἐπανατείνειν 1408. 17.
ἐπαντλεῖν 1459. 9, 36.
ἐπάνω 1414, 27; 1449. 21; 1450. 12;
1537. το.
ἐπαρούριον. See Index XII.
ἐπαρτᾶν 1408. 13.
ἐπαρχία, ἔπαρχος. See Index VIII.
ἐπεί 1495. 11; 1584.28; 1585.8; 1587.
13; 1589. 16; 1590. 12; 1591. 5.
ἐπείγεινν 1409. 12; 1418. 31; 1415. 15;
1551. 13.
ἐπειδή 1414. 29; 1460. 6; 1469.10; 1495.
12.
ἐπείκτης. See Index VIII.
ἔπειξις 1469. 7.
ἐπείπερ 1469. 4.
ἐπέλευσις 1562. 22.
ἐπέρχεσθαι 1475. 30; 1479. 5; 1562. 23;
1578. iii.
ἐπερωτᾶν 1423. 11; 1480. το; 1475. 35,
40; 1561. 10; 1562. 26, 29.
ἐπετινός (εφετινος ΠῚ 1482. 12. }
ἐπὶ τὸ αὐτό 1419. 9; 1487. το; 1449. τό,
17, 20; 1450. 7; 1534. τρ; 1597. I.
ἐπιβάλλειν 1408. 6; 1588. 12; 1547. 13.
ἐπιβαρεῖσθαι 1481. 12.
ἐπιγιγνώσκειν 1468. 31.
ἐπιγράφειν 1458. 27 ; 1468. 18; 1466. 5, 18;
1473. 29, 35.
ἐπιγραφή 1445. 8.
ἐπιδεικνύειν 1449, It.
ἐπιδέχεσθαι 1412. 7.
ἐπιδημεῖν 1456. 9.
ἐπιδημία 1481. 3.
ἐπιδιδόναι 1425. 14; 1484, 13; 1450. 27;
ALL,
1451. 34; 1459. 39; 1463. 17 ; 1464.
15; 1466. 7; 1470. 4,6,18; 1472. 28 ;
1478. 32; 1547. 43; 1550. 34; 1551. |
14; 1557.7; 1558.5; 1577.15; 1578.
14; 1587. τι.
ἐπίδοσις 1467. 28 ; 1469. 23.
ἐπιεικῶς 1414. 23.
ἐπιζητεῖν 1554. 9.
ἐπιθήκη 1578. 35.
ἐπικαλεῖν 1589.13; Ρ. 126; 1548. 10.
ἐπικάρσιον 1588. 6.
ἐπικεῖσθαι 1408. 19; 1449. 9; 1469. 7, 9;
1475. 17.
ἐπικεφάλια 1438, int., 14.
ἐπικουρεῖν 1407. 6.
ἐπικρίνειν 1451. 13, 25, 47, 57; 1470. τό.
ἐπίκρισις 1451. 3, 11; 1452. 6, 17, 33, 43;
47.
ἐπικτᾶσθαι 1417. 30 (°).
ἐπιλαμβάνειν 14:75. 49.
ἐπιλανθάνειν 1489. 3.
ἐπιμέλεια 1498. το. ἐ. τῶν χρηματιστῶν,.
See Index VIII ἀρχιδικαστής.
ἐπιμελεῖσθαι 1450. 24. ἐπιμέλεσθαι 1479. 13.
ἐπιμελής 1412. 11. ἐπιμελῶς 1581. 14.
ἐπιμελητής 1409. 13.
ἐπιμερίζειν 1426. 8.
ἐπιμερισμός 1522. 4.
[ἐπίμε ? |rpov 1448. g.
ἐπίνοια 1468. 5.
ἐπίπεδον 1508. 2.
[ἐπίπλαστος 1460. 8.
ἐπίσημος 1408. 18.
ἐπισκευή 1450. το.
ἐπίσκεψις 1446. 35, 92.
ἐπισκοπεῖν 1451. 3; 1587. 4, 18.
ἐπίσταλμα 1409. 5; 1414. 17, 19; 1415. 4,
13,14, 17; 1480. 10; 1448, 15; P. 183;
_ 1472. 4.
ἐπίστασθαι 1414. 26; 1467.10; 1469. 17;
1473. 21, 24.
ἐπίστασις 1465. τό ; p. 192.
ἐπιστατεῖν 1418. 20.
ἐπιστάτης 1507. 2.
ἐπιστέγωσις 1450. 8.
ἐπιστέλλειν 1409. 4; 1418. 34; 1414. 4; |
1480. 11; 1490.7; 1535.10; 1577.3 ;
1578. 3, 18; 1587. 5, τύ.
ἐπιστήμων 1469. 12.
ἐπιστολαφόρος 1587. 6.
GENERAL INDEX OF GREEK AND LATIN WORDS 329
ἐπιστολή 1409. 2; 1480.
1482. int.; 1584. 8.
ἐπιστολ(ικόν) 1438. 19.
ἐπιστόλιον 1479. 2; 1481. 3; 1593. 4.
ἐπιστρατηγήσας, ἐπιστρατηγία, ἐπιστράτηγος. See
Index VIII.
ἐπισφραγιστής 1491. τι.
ἐπίταγμα 1469. 3.
ἐπιτάσσειν 1480. 6.
ἐπιτελεῖν 1468. 31 (?).
ἐπιτήδειος 1405. 22; 1425. 9.
ἐπιτηρεῖν 1418. το, 13.
ἐπιτήρησις 1418. το.
ἐπιτηρητής 1528. 3.
ἐπιτιμία 1405. 10; 1508. 17 (9).
ἐπιτίμιον 1468. 7.
ἐπιτρέπειν 1423. 5 ; 1424. 13.
ἐπιτροπή 1558. 4.
ἐπίτροπος. See Indices VIII and X.
ἐπιφανέστατος Καῖσαρ 1425. 2.
ἐπιφέρειν 1409. 15, 23; 1451. 3, 19, 51;
1474. 19; 1503. 11; 1562. 4.
ἐπιχειρεῖν 1409. 20; 1468. 8.
ἐπιχορηγεῖν 1473. τι.
ἐπιχωρεῖν 1484. 12, 15.
ἐποίκιον 1484. 2; 1448. το; 1459. 31;
1528. 1; 1587. 6. Cf. Index V (4).
ἐποπτής 1559. 3.
ἐποχή 1484. 35.
epav 1488. 23.
ἐργάζεσθαι 1427. 4; 1457. 12.
ἐργασία 1409. 13; 1581. 6.
ἐργαστήριον 1455. 9; 1461. 5 ; 1488. 14.
ἐργατεία 1450. 6.
ἐργάτης 1426. 9.
ἔργον 1409. 11, 14; 1418. 30,31; 1414.5;
1418. 11; 1450. 24; 1457. 13; 1490.
9; 1492. 14; 1493.13; 1578. iil.
ἐρημοφυλακία. See Index XII.
ἐρείδειν 1469. 8.
ἑρμηνεία 1466. 3.
ἑρμηνεύς 1517. 6.
ἔρχεσθαι 1418. 31; 1415. το; 1428. 3;
1488. 2, 3; 1489.6,8; 1557. 6 ; 1582.
5; 1589. 16; 1590. τι.
ἐρωτᾶν 1466. 4; 1484.1; 1485.1; 1581. 4.
ἐσθής 1428. 9.
ἔσοπτρον (οσυπτρον ΠῚ 1449. 19.
ἔστε 1488. 22.
ἔσωθεν 1449. 44.
13; 1481. 9;
330
ἕτερος 1408. 12; 1415. 5, 6, 15; 1424. 16;
1434. 17; 1449. 20, 27; 1451. 13, 17;
1462. 28; 1468. 11; 1466.10; 1469.
15; 1475. 16, 34; 1477. 5; 1488.
12; 1542. 9; 1547. 12, 29; 1548. 25;
1562. 25.
ἔτι 1411. 18; 1412. 9; 1418. 6; 1414. 27;
1415. 23; 1424. 11; 1443.6; 1468. 6;
1472. 24; 1473. 27.
ἑτοιμάζειν 1490. 7.
ἕτοιμος 1508. 16; 1582. 5. ἑτοίμως ἔχειν
1469. 21.
ἔτος passim. Cf. Index I.
εὖ 1458. 28.
evyevns 1414. 27.
εὐδαιμονεῖν 1598. 2.
εὔδηλος 1405. 2; 1492. 5.
εὐδιοίκητος 1413. 32.
εὐδοκεῖν 1454. τι; 1455. το; 1468. 22;
1466. 9; 1473. 30, 32, 34; 1475. 34,
40, 46; 1558. 12; 1561. το, 25, 27 (?).
εὐδόκησις 1475. 34: 1562. 25.
evOeverca. See εὐθηνία.
εὐθέως 1418. 31 ; 1420. 7; 1585.8; 1590.
i.
εὐθηνία 1560. 11. εὐθένεια 1412. 6.
εὐθηνιαρχεῖν, εὐθηνιάρχης,
Index VIII.
εὐθυμεῖν 1598. 2, II.
εὐθύς (adj.) 1494. 9.
εὐθύχαλκος 1482. 15.
εὐκόλλητος 1449. 24.
εὐκόπως 1467. 14.
εὐμαρῶς 1409. 18.
εὐμορφία 1450. 15.
εὐνομία 1559. 6.
εὐορκεῖν 1453. 27.
εὐπαιδία 1467. τι.
εὔπλαστος 1449. 14.
εὔπορος 1405. 22; 1415.15; 1425. g.
εὑρίσκειν 1468. 19; 1477. 12; 1482. 14;
1567. τ; 1585, 7; 1591. 5.
εὐρωστεῖν 1493. 8.
εὐσέβεια 1449. 12.
εὐσεβής. See Index I.
εὐσχολεῖν 1450. 23.
εὐσχολία 1450. 22.
εὐτακτεῖν 1471, τό.
εὔτομος 1449. 14, 17.
εὔτονος 1468. 7.
evOnviapxia.
See |
INDICES
εὐτυχεῖν 1457. 14; 1465. 17; 1467. 12.
εὐτυχής. See Index 1. εὐτυχέστατοι καιροί
1559. 6. εὐτυχῶς 1409. 17; 1456. 9.
εὐχαριστεῖν 1481. 9.
εὔχεσθαι 1409. 5, 22; 1418. 16; 1422. 12:
1424.19; 1428. 13; 1481. 4; 1482.
25; 1483. 21; 1488. 26; 1489. 10;
1490. 12; 1491. int., 16, 19; 1492. 18;
1498. 3; 1494. 5, 20; 1495. 3, 17;
1574. 3; 1581. 3; 1582. 13; 1588. 3,
13; 1586. 3, 7,15; 1589. 20; 1590.2;
1593. 19.
εὐχή 1413. 27 ; 1449. 12; 1494. 7.
εὐχρηστεῖν 1478. 26.
ἔφεσις 1407. 15.
ἐφετινός (I. ἐπετ.) 1482. 12.
ἐφημερίς 1497. 6.
ἐφίεσθαι 1405. το.
ἐφιστάναι 1465. 1τ.
ἔφοδος 1562. 2. ;
ἐφορᾶν 1556. 2; 1557. 6.
ἐφορκοῦν (εφιορ. I) 1458. 28.
᾿ ἐφορμεῖν 1412. 11.
ἔχειν 1405. 26; 1408. 3, 9, 12; 1409. 22;
1412. 16; 1414.6; 1415.18; 1417. 27;
1435. 7 ; 1440. 6 ; 1448. 2 marg. ; 1449.
20, 25, 44, 48; 1455. 9; 1459. 8;
1461. 5, 23; 1465. 1, 4; 1466. το;
1467. 21; 1468.5, 6,11, 16; 1469. 21;
1471. 11; 1473. 33; 1474. 13, 22;
1475. 28; 1477. 4; 1480. 17; 1488.
19; 1489.7; 1490.10; 1504.6; 1510.
5; 1544.5; 1556. 6; 1561.7; 1562.
22; 1567. 3; 1575.2; 1578. 36; 1581.
13; 1582.8; 1584.16; 1585. 2; 1590.
4; 1593. 15.
| ἔχθρα 1588. 4.
ἕως 1413. 36; 1418. 29; 1451. 15; 1458.
20, 22; 1468. 29; 1473. 8, 13; 1475.
30; 1483. 19; 1496. 25; 1499. 4;
1562. 29; 1588. 5; 1593. 11.
ζεῦγος 1488. 21.
᾿ (ημία 1408. το (?).
ὧγν 1477. 9; 1557. 12.
(nrey 1488. 13, 17, 20; 1490. 5.
ζήτησις 1468. τη.
ζμύρνινος 1584. 18.
Curnpa 1483. 52.
urév 1518. 7 sqq.
ΑἸ].
ζῴδιον 1449. 44.
ζῷον 1414. 19, 20.
ἢ (ει Π) μήν 1458. 14.
ἡγεῖσθαι 1407.11; 1409. 9. ἡγούμενος 1587.
22.
ἡγεμονία, ἡγεμών. See Index VIII.
ἡδέως 1480. 25; 1598. 15.
ἤδη 1409. 10; 1412. το; 1413. 26; 1415.
11, 18; 1418. 21; 1469. 15.
ἥκειν 1588. 14.
ἥλιος. See Indices VI (a) and VII.
ἡμέρα 1408. 8; 1413. 22, 23; 1415. 17;
1416. 7, 18, 25; 1418.15, 16, 20, 22,
26-8; 1427. 5; 1453. 17; 1476. 2;
1479. 6; 1501. 5; 1545. 3 sqq.; 1563.
2; 1564.3; 1565. 3; 1582. 4.
ἡμερησίως 1449. 65; 1455. 8.
ἡμιαρτάβιον 1472.18, 21. Cf. Index XII.
ἡμιολία 1471, 27.
ἡμίσεια, ἐξ ἡ. 1474. 18.
ἡμιχώριον 1418. τ.
ἡμιωβέλιον. See Index ΧΙ (ὖ).
ἤπειρος 1445. 5, 15.
ἠπητής (ηπατιν ΠῚ 1517. 5.
ἦτοι 1450. 21; 1454. 2; 1473. 21.
θαλλίον 1481. 1.
θαλλός 1481. ὃ.
θαρρεῖν 1468. 9; 1491.3; 1492. 15 ; 1587.
19.
θεά. See Index VI (a).
θεῖος. See Index VI (2).
θεῖος (‘ uncle’) 1468. 20.
θέλειν 1417. 22; 1481.2; 1482. 19; 1490.
4; 1498. 5; 1494.3, 15; 1590. 12.
θέμα 1444, 12 sqq.; 1526. 8 sqq.; 1580,
4 sqqg.; 1589. 5, 8, 12, 15 ; 1540. 4, 6,
13; 1541. 4, 6.
θεματίζειν 1408. 9.
θεός. See Indices I and VI (a).
θεράπαινα 1468. 13.
θηλυκός 1458. το, 15, 18.
θῆλυς 1457. ὃ.
θησαυρός 1444. 8.
θορυβεῖν 1587. 13.
θυγάτηρ 1444. 31; 1451. 31; 1462. 9;
1464. 10; 1470. 3, 9; 1475. 7, τι;
1548. 14, 1584. 31;
1586. II.
20; 1579. 3;
i 3 ,
ἰατρός.
GENERAL INDEX OF GREEK AND LATIN WORDS 331
θύειν 1464. 4, 7; 1483. 9.
θυΐϊα 1488. 19; p. 246.
θυσία 1464. τ.
| ἰατρίνη 1586. 12.
See Index VIII.
ἰβιώὼν. See Index V (6).
ἰδιόγραφος 1473. 39; 1475. 43; 1562. 4.
ἴδιος 1418. 8; 1414. 2; 1425.6; 1426. 7;
1457. 13; 1468. 26; 1477. 21; 1493.
11; 1497.4; 1540.13; 1554. 7; 1584.
I. ἴ, λόγος 1486. 24. ἰδίᾳ 1409. τι.
ἰδιώτης 1409. 14.
ἰδιωτικός 1478, 21; 1588. το. ἰδιωτική. See
γῆ"
ἱεράκιον 1478. 23.
ἱερατικά 1448. 8.
ἱερεῖον 1464. 8.
ἱερεύς. See Index VI (c).
ἱερόν. See Index VI (4).
ἱερός. See Index VI (¢).
ἱεροτέκτων 1550. 7, 14.
ἱκανός 1415. 27.
ἱμάτιον 1449. 51.
ἵνα 1408. 9, 14,18; 1410. το; 1412. 12,
14; 1413. 4, 9, 11, 57; 1416. 2, 7,8,
10; 1420. 3; 1424. 17; 1465. 15;
1473. 42; 1475. 49; 1479.9, 13 ; 1480.
16; 1482. 3, 8; 1491. 13; 1492. 13;
1494. 3, 6; 1585. 4, 6; 1587. 7, 16;
1589. 13.
ἱππεύς. See Index IX.
ἱππικός 1472, Lo.
ἰσόνομος 1437. 4, 6.
ἴσος 1471. 28 ; 1495. 9; 1589. 14. τὸ ἴσον
14738. 41; 1475. 45. ἴσως 1469. 11.
ἰσχνός 1585. verso 9.
ἰσχύειν 1482. 8; 1490. 9; 1590. 7.
ἴχνος 1449. 51.
κάγκελλος (or -ov) 1447. 4; p. 132.
καθά 1484. 14; 1473. το.
καθαιρεῖν 1408. 23.
καθάπερ 1471. 32.
καθαρός p. 132; 1474. 15 ; 1475. 29.
καθήκειν 1484. 7; 1440. 6; 1452. 2, 29, 46,
59; 1453. τῇ ; 1473. 42, 44; 1475. 49,
50; 1547. 1; 1577. 5.
καθίζειν 1469. 7.
955
καθιστάναι 1406. ο (?); 1407. το ; 1418.11;
1484. τ: 1456. 7; 1465. 12; 1469. 5;
1502. 9.
καθολικός. See Index VIII.
καθολικῶς 1558. 2.
καθότι 1458. 31, 36, 38, 41; 1473. τό.
καθυπονοεῖν 1465. ἢ.
καθώς 1458. τό (?).
καίειν (καειν Tl) 1458. 18.
καιρός 1409. 7; 1415. 28; 1418. 25; 1559.
η.
κακομετρία 1447. 6.
κακουργεῖν 1468. 4, το.
κακουργία 1468. 27; 1469. 18.
κακουργός 1408. το.
κάλαμος 1577. 6.
καλάνδαι 1466. 6; 1475. 32.
καλεῖν 1409.18; 1416. 2; 1428.6; 1468.
It; 1486.1; 1487. 1; 1562. 18 ; 1579.
1; 1580. 1.
καλλάϊνος 1449. 15.
καλός 1449. το. κάλλιστος 1586, ὃ. καλῶς
1412. 16; 1418. 13; 1414. 22; 1475.
35; 1562. 26, 29; 1582. 7.
κάμινος 1450. 5.
κάμνειν 1414. 27.
κἄν = καί 1598. 5, 7.
κάρδαμον 1429. 5.
καρπεία 1460. 15; 1502. το.
καρπός 1468. 31.
καταβλάπτειν 1473. 21.
καταβολή 1551. 18 (?).
κατάγειν 1505. 3.
καταγίγνεσθαι 1547. 21, 30.
καταγράφειν 1562. 12.
καταγραφή 1562. 20,
κατακερματίζειν 1411. 12.
καταλαμβάνειν 1418. 14.
καταλείπειν 1420. 4; 1587. 15.
καταλλάσσειν 1477. 6.
καταλογεῖον 1472. 3; 1474. 7; 1475. 33;
1560. 4.
καταλοχισμός 1462, 2, 23; 1472. 25.
καταναγκάζειν 1428. 8.
καταξύειν, κατεξυσμένη 1484. το ; 1488. int.
καταπομπή 1415. 7.
καταπομπός 1414. 19, 20; 1415. 5, 6.
κατασκευάζειν 1428. το.
κατασκευή 1461. 12, 24.
κατασκοπεῖν 1414, 4.
INDICES
κατασπορά 1578. 6.
κατατάσσειν 1415. 18.
καταφανής 1469. 18.
.| καταφέρειν 1414. 20; 1415. 1, 5, 6.
καταφεύγειν 1468. 9, 37.
καταφθάνειν 1482. το, 18.
καταφρονεῖν 1470. 15.
καταχωρίζειν 1420. 1, 3, 7, 8; 1460. 11(?);
1587. 3.
καταχωρισμός 1510. 7; 1556. 7.
κατεπείγειν 1412. 8.
κατέρχεσθαι 1408. 8; 1426. 11; 1494. 2.
κατέχειν 1483. 18.
κατοικία 1584. 8,
κατοικικός 1584. τ 566.
κάτοπτρον 1449. 21, 56.
κεῖσθαι 1479. 4; 1488. 18.
κελεύειν 1412. 18; 1414. 24; 1452. 6, 33;
1454. 3, 10; 1459. 6; 1460. 10; 1463.
12; 1464. 6; 1469. 19; 1470. 5, 16;
1502. 2; 1547. 3; 1548. 4; 1558. 2;
1562. 18.
κέλευσις 1509. 5.
κεντηνάριον 1430. 14.
kepapevs 1446. 14; 1497. 9.
κεράμιον, κεράτιον,. See Index XI (a).
κερδαίνειν 1477. το.
κεφάλαιον 1412. 13; 1427. 3 (?); 1485. 7;
1436. 34; 1450. 20; 1471. 18.
κηδεία 1535. verso 4, 6.
κηδεμονία 1470. 15.
κηπουρός 1488. ἢ.
κίβδηλος 1411. 12.
κιθών 1584. 13.
κιθώνιον 1482. 2, 8.
κίνδυνος 1408. 13, 16, 19; 1425. 7; 1426.
8; 1468. 31 (?).
κίστη 1584. 13.
κλειδοποιός 1518. 21.
κλεισμός 1578. ἡ.
κληρονομεῖν 1468. 35.
κληρονομία 1468. 12.
κληρονόμος 1416. 7; 1488. 54; 1441. 5;
1444. 9,18; 1468.33; 1472.27; 1496.
23, 31; 1515. 11, 17; 1580. 2, 22;
1573. 2; 1578. 1.
κλῆρος 1458. int.; 1459. 1osqq. 1470.11;
1475. 16; 1482. 19; 1502. verso 2;
1508. 8; 1584.1 sqq. Cf. Index V (4).
κλίνη 1449. 41; 1484. 3.
ATI.
κλώθειν 1414. 5.
κνίδιον 1494. 16, 17; 1574. 2.
κογχύλιον 1449. 21.
κοινός 1492. 4, 5(?); 1547. 30.
1409. 2. τὸ κ. 1413. 34.
1446. 92.
κοινωνεῖν 1408. 25.
κοινωνία 1473. 33, 35.
κοινωνός 15382; 1542. 14; 1590. 8.
κοινωφελής 1409. 19.
κοιτάζεσθαι 1465. 9.
κοίτη 1470. τι.
κολλᾶν 1449. 15, 20, 23, 24.
κόλλημα 1466. 2; 1471. 1; 1539. 9, 17;
1558. 8.
κολλυβιστικός 1411. 4.
κολώνεια 1508. 6.
κομακτορία 1523. 4.
κομίατος 14:77. 7.
κομίζεν 1409. 5; 1465. 13; 1479. 2;
1481. 7,9; 1488.6; 1493.7; 1581.13;
1584. 20.
κονία 1450. 4.
κονιατής 1450. 6.
κόπος 1482. 6.
κόπτειν 1421. 4.
κοπτου(ργ)ία 1454. 6.
κορδίκιον 1449. 53.
κοσκινεύειν 1474. 15.
κοσμεῖν 1467. 5.
κοσμητεύσας, κοσμητής.
κόσμος 1467. τι.
κοτύλη 1449. 65.
κουρεύς 1518. 5.
κουρίς 1489. 9.
κουφίζειν 1450. 20; Ρ' 183.
κοῦφον 1497. 8.
κουφοτέλεια 1434. 3, 7-
κοί }1445. 1, 12. ‘
κραμβεῖον 1479. το.
κρατεῖν 1475. 27-
See Index VIII.
μι ,
εἰς KOLVOV
κ. γεωργία
See Index VIII.
κράτιστος.
κρέας 1545. τ.
κρηπίς. See Index V (c) Νότου Kp.
κριθή 1415. 6; 1439. 2; 1443. 8, 14;
1445. 1 sqq.; 1472. 18; 1482. 4;
1491. 9; 1514. 3, 4; 1627) 5}. 5) 8;
1542. 7, 10; 1575. 3.
κρίκος 1414. 15 ; 1449. 24.
κρίνειν 1420. 6; 1492. 8, 14.
GENERAL INDEX OF GREEK AND LATIN WORDS 333
κρίσις 1464. 6.
κριτήριον 1420. 9; 1471. 4; 1472. 11;
1474. 9; 1475. 4,6; 1560. το.
κρόμυον 1584. 23.
kpovd tov (?) 1584. 16.
κτᾶσθαι 1411. 9.
κτῆμα 1483. 13;
1585. 3.
κτῆνος 1490. το; 1557. το.
κτῆσις 1461. 9.
κύαθος 1588. το.
κύαμος 1446. 97. .
κυβερνήτης 1554. 6.
κύθρα 1584. 22 (?).
κυρεία 1468. 23, 31.
κυριακός 1461. το ; 1578. 7.
κυριεύειν 1467. 6; 1475. 27.
κύριος (‘guardian’) 1460. 5; 1463. 4,
9, 11; 1466.5, ὃ, το; 1467. 6; 1471.8;
1473. 19, 21, 29, 35, 39; 1475. 12.
κύριος (‘ valid ’) 1413. 22; 1423. 11; 14380.
18; 1473. 17; 1474. 19; 1475. 32;
1562. 25, 29.
κύριος (title) 1424. 1, 21, 22; 1495. 1, 18,
19; 1587. 1 (?), 24; 1591. τ; 1592. 3.
κ. ἡγεμών 1417. 9, 26, 28; 1466. 4;
1468. το; 1559. 7. x. θεός 1493. 4;
1495. 4. «. Σάραπις 1583. 5. Cf. Index I.
κυροῦν 1523. 5; 1536. 1.
κωδᾶς 1519. 4.
κωμάρχης. See Index VIII.
κωμαστής 1449. 2.
κώμη 1405. τό, 19; 1414. 6; 1421. 2;
1424. 6; 1425. 6; 1426. 9, 18; 1480.
6; 1484. 2; 1485. 3, 9; 1440. 3;
1446. 94-6, 98; 1449. 54, 63; 1459.
9; 1460. 13; 1462. 12, 26, 33; 1469.
5, 9, 13; 1470. 10; 1474. 16; 1475.
τὰ; 18, 19, 23; 1482. 12; 1506. I;
1508. 7; 1542. 3; 1546. 3; 1549. 24;
1554. 6; 1559. 9. οἱ ἀπὸ τῆς κι 1424.
14; 1469.1. Cf. Index V (0).
κωμήτης 1581. 5, 20.
κωμητικός. See Index XII.
κωμογραμματεύς. See Index VII.
1577: 47. 1ST. 12;
λάκκος 1475. τό.
λαμβάνειν 1412. 14; 1416. 27; 1420. 9;
1422.1; 1454. 6; 1465. 13; 1477. I,
4, 8, 21; 1479. 3; 1480. 14; 1483.
334
τι; 1494.17; 1570. 7 ; 1581. το; 1589.
8; 1584. 27; 1588. 6.
λαμπάς 1449. το, 22, 44, 48.
λαμπρός, λαμπρότατος. See Indices I], V (a)
(᾿Αλεξανδρέων, ᾽Οξυρ. πόλις), and VIII.
λανθάνειν 1408. το.
λαξός 1547. τό sqq.
λαογραφία. See Index XII.
λαογράφος 1468. 26.
Aavpa 1449. 6.
λάχανον 1448. 9.
λαχανοπωλεῖον 1461. 22.
λαχανοπωλικός 1461. 6.
λέγειν 1406. 5; 1408. 2, 4, 6, 8, 22; 1418--
15. passim; 1417. 7 sqq.; 1420. 2, 7;
1479. 9; 1481. 6; 1490. 2, 4,5; 1502.
3, 4, verso 5; 15038. 3, 10, 13, 14, 16, 17,
19; 1504. 5, 11,14; 1562. 19; 1582.
8; 1584. 12; 1588. 11; 1590. 4, 11.
legio 1511. 5.
λεγιωνάριος 1419. 7.
λειτούργημα 1410. 13; 1412. 14; 1415. το,
24, 25, 28; 1417. 21; 1424. το.
λειτουργησία 1418. 17, 36 (?).
λειτουργία 1405. 4, 7, 24; 1415. 18, 20, 21;
1424. 5, 16; 1508. 19 (9).
λειτουργός 1412. 20; 1415. 7, το.
λεπτόν 1476. 5 sqq.; 1563. 8.
λευκόχρους 1457. ὃ (Ὁ); 1468. το.
λῆμμα 1405. 21; 1488. 8, 39; 1469. 14;
1522. 4; 1525. 8.
λημματίζειν 1420. τι.
ληνός 1569. 3.
λῃστής 1408. 13, 23.
λῃστρικὸς τρόπος 1465. 3.
λίαν 1481. 4.
λίβελλος 1470. 4, 6, 8.
λιβικός 1538. 5.
λίθινος 1449. 14, 20, 24.
λίθος 1449. 14, 46.
λικμάζειν 1482. 3, 5.
λινέμπορος 1414, 7 (?), 9.
λίνον 1414. 5, 8, 15 (?).
λινοῦφικόν 1438. 12.
Awdvgos 1414. 11-13.
Nirpa. See Index XI (a).
λιτρίζειν 1548. τ.
λίψ 1449. 5; 1469. 2; 1475. 15, 17, 19,
20, 23; 15387. 15, 19.
Aoyifew 1484. 8, 22.
INDICES
λογισμός 1503. τό.
λογιστήριον 1414, 23 ; 1483. 14 ; 1569. recto.
λογιστής. See Index VIII.
λόγος 1419. 6; 1420. 3, 7; 1432. 7; 1484.
3, 21; 1443. 4; 1473. 3, 26; 1484, 4,
14; 1495. 7; 1497. 1; 1517. 3327
1519. 1, 15; 1528. 6, τι; 1525. 4;
1528. 11. ἀνὰ λόγον 1405. 23; 1485.
8 (0). ἐπὶ λόγου 1441. 7; 1461.25; 1520.
5,7; 1521. 5; 1522. int., 5 sqq.; 1577.
7; 1578. 36. ἴδιος λ. 1436. 24. Καίσαρος
A. 1434. τό. ταμιακὸς λ. 1414. 8, 9.
λοιπογραφεῖν 1448, 13 ; 1527. 1 sqq.
λοιπός 1405. 6; 1409. 5; 1410. το; 1424.
13; 1480. 15; 1435. 17; 1459. τό,
22, 29; 1461. 29; 1469.15; 1480. 13;
1518. 12; 15381. 20; 1546. 6 sqq.;
1547. 8, 10; 1588. 11.
λύειν 1478. 6: 1477. 18.
λύκανον 1486. 2.
λυμαίνεσθαι 1409. 21.
λυπεῖν 1481. 4.
λυχνάπτης (-τος ΠῚ 1458. 4, 8.
λύχνος 1449. 35, 36, 38; 1458. 15, 18.
μαζονόμος 1449. 58, 60.
μάλιστα 1411. 11; 1414.
1467. 14; 1494. 4.
μᾶλλον 1468. 24.
μανθάνειν 1405. 17; 1488. 11, 15, 23;
1491. 7; 1587. 15.
μαρτυρεῖν 1424, 17.
μαρτυροποιεῖσθαι 1451, 25.
μαρτυροποίησις 1451. 22.
μάρτυς 1451. 5; 1469. 17-
μάτην 1417. 22.
μεγαλεῖον 1413. 4.
μεγαλύνειν 1592. 3.
μέγας 1424.12; 1449. 4, το; 1458. 5, το;
1472. 9; 1482. 18; 1488. 18; 1490.
9; 1588. 4. μείζων 1556. 8. μέγιστος
1435. 3; 1449. το, 50,58; 1453. 5,10;
1550. το. Cf. Index I. μεγάλως 1480.
18; 1490.4; 1585. 2.
μέγεθος 1411. 17; 1418. 6; 1467.
1469. 20.
μείζων 1556. 8.
μειοῦν 1450. 21.
μέλλειν 1418. 22; 1414. το, 11; 1417. 27;
1488. 20.
20; 1427535
18;
ΧΙ. GENERAL INDEX OF GREEK AND LATIN WORDS 335
μελλοκούρια 1484. 4.
μελλοπρύτανις 1414. 24.
μέμφεσθαι 1406. 7 ; 1426. 16; 1481. 5.
μὲν οὖν 1469. 8.
pevew 1412. 19;
1477. 2.
μέντοι 1408. 3; 1420. 8.
pepis 1482. 21; 1546. 3.
μερισμός. See Index XII.
μέρος 1405. 24; 1408. 6; 1414. 2, 28;
1428. 7; 1449. 4, 5, 11, 14; 1469. 1;
1475. 17, 19; 1482. 18; 1537. 18, 20;
1538. 5, 12; 1547. 7 sqq.; 1548. το;
1552. 10, 12; 1558.9; 1562. 28; 1577.
5, 6; 1578. 36; 1589. 15.
μέσος 1449. 15, 25, 48. Cf. Index V (a)
τοπαρχία.
μεστός, 1449. 15, 20, 22, 23, 25, 31, 35.
μετά, per’ ἄλλα 1504. 7 (?);
peO*érepa 1451. τῇ.
μεταβάλλειν 1419. 5; 1448.
1590. 14.
μεταδιδόναι 1409. 5; 1472. 6;
1474. 5; 1560. 6.
μετάδοσις 1473. 43.
μεταλαμβάνειν 1475. 27.
μετάληψις 1587. ὃ.
μεταλλάσσειν 1468. 32; 1472. 26; 1551. 13.
μεταξύ (μετοξυ ΠῚ 14.75. 20.
μετατιθέναι 1417. 20.
μεταφέρειν 1482. ὃ.
μεταχειρίζεσθαι 1414. 5.
μετέχειν 1408. 26.
μετουσία 1407. το.
μέτοχος 1440. 4; 1448. 4; 1446. 4 sqq.;
1520. 4.
μετρεῖν 1448, 5, 6;
1474. 15, 17; 1541. τ;
μέτρημα 1443, 8, 12, 17 (?).
μέτριος 1415. 22, 24; 1557. 11.
1473. 42; 1475. 45;
15; 1470. 12;
1473. 41;
1444. 4; 1447. 3;
1542. 2.
μέτρον. See Index XI (a).
μέχρι 1409. 18; 1420. 9; 1434. 21; 1461.
4; 1471. 23; 1547. 35; 1562. 16;
1587. 9.
με ) 1444. το, 14.
μηδαμῶς 1585. 7.
μηδέ 1414. 5; 1424. 16; 1449. 51;
22, 23; 1588. 13.
μηδείς 1407. 12; 1409. το;
1426. 15; 1451. 8,29; 1455. 12;
1410. 7;
1468.
1562. 19(?).
1562.
5; 1472. 26; 1473. 20; 1558. 7; 1562.
a2.
μηδέπω 1424. 8; 1527. 7, το.
μηκέτι 1410. 6.
μήν, ἀλλὰ p. 1424.13. ἢ (ει ΠῚ μ. 1458. 14.
μήν 1418. 23; 1488. 13, 43; 1445. 5,
13; 1449. 52, 53; 1462. 14, 35; 1468.
32; 1471. 15, 19; 1473. 4,6; 1474.14;
1479. 14; 1483. 3; 1489. 6, ὃ; 1493.
6; 1517. 1 ; 1522. 8; 1550. 30; 1551.
2; 1573.12; 1577.9; 1578.4; 1598.
to, τὰ. Cf. Index IIL
μηνιαῖος 1414. 2; 1432. 7; 1573. 12.
μηνίσκιον 1449. 18, 26, 27.
μηνύειν 1557. 4.
μήτε 1420. 9, το.
μήτηρ 1405. 15, 19; 1482. 3; 1444. 32;
1446. 18, 57; 1449. 1, 13, 45; 14651.
20; 1452. 12, 38; 1455. 4; 1456. 2;
1459. 35; 1463. 23; 1468. 3, 11, 12,
20, 32; 1473. 24, 30; 1475. το, 12;
1481. 1; 1510. 2; 1536. 3; 1542. 6, 10;
1547. 2, 17, 22, 25,32; 1548.3; 1550.
4, 13, 16, 18, 25; 1552. 4, 7; 1658.
10; 1555. 12; 1582. τι.
μητρόπολις. See Index V (a).
μητροπολίτης 1452. ὃ.
μητροπολιτικός. See Index ΧΙ].
μηχανή 1475. 17.
puyvdew 1482. το.
μικρός 1449. 12 sqq.; 1508. 4(?).
μισθός 1450. 14; 1499. 3.
μισθωτής 1429. τ ; 1590. το.
μνᾶ 1471. 15; 1478. 4.
μνήμη 1592. 6.
μνημονεῖον 1562. 2, 5.
μνημονεύειν 1508. II, 15.
μοῖρα 1476. 3 sqq.; 1569. 3 sqq.
μόλις 1469. 3.
μολυβᾶς 1517. 12.
povapraBia. See Index XII a ἀρτάβη.
μοναχός 1478. 37, 41; 1561. 11.
povodpaxpia, See Index XII a δραχμή.
μόνος 1411. 13; 1412. 13; 1469. 8; 1478.
22, 29; 1475. 29, 39; 1524. 2. μόνον
1409. 22; 1417. 24.
μοσθίον 1589. 17.
μόσχος 1483. 8.
μυλαῖον 1522. verso 2, 4.
μυλ(ωνικός ?) 1446. 54.
336
μύριαι δραχμαί 1478. 34.
μυριάς 1481. 3.
pvotpov 1449. τῇ, 30.
ναί 1418. 7.
ναύβιον 1427. 3; 1484. 25, 26; 1486. 6,
29; 1546. 5 sqq.
vavkAnpia 1418. 8.
ναύκληρος 1407. 13.
ναυτικός 1544. 8.
νεαρός 1468. 54.
νειλοβροχεῖν 1502. verso 6.
νεομηνία 1418. το.
νέος 1474. 15. νεώτερος 1551. 8.
See Index VI (a).
νεωκόρος 1472. 8.
νεωστί 1484. τ.
νεωτερικός 1449. 22, 56.
νῆσος 1445. 13. Cf. Index V (a).
νίκη 1413. 25; 1449. 2; 1478. 3.
νικητικόν 1478. 1.
νομάρχης. See Index VIII.
νομή 1468. 16. νομαί 1484. 20.
νομίζειν 1407. 15 (?); 1412. τό.
νομικάριος 1416. 21.
νόμιμος 1451. 26.
νόμισμα. See Index XI (4)..
νόμος 1414. 24; 1468. 6. ν. Ἰούλιος καὶ
Tiros 1466.5. Αἰγυπτίων [νόμοι] 1558. 3.
νομός. See Index V (a).
νομοφύλαξ 1440. 7.
νόσος 1414. 26.
νοτινός 1546. 2.
νότος 1449. 4,5; 1457.12; 1469. 5; 1475.
17 1587: 14, to, 21. Citudex Vc}.
νῦν 1408. 14 ; 1413. 15 ; 1418. 9, 11 ; 1450.
13; 1464. 7; 1473.42; 1475. 13; 1490.
5; 1588. ὃ; 1593. 7. νυνί 1416. 15;
1446. 5 sqq.; 1475.20; 1498.6; 1538.
2 ἃ; 5641). 23.
Νεωτέρα.
ξενικός 1449. 46.
ξηρός 1482. 14.
ξόανον 1449. 10, 12-14, 52; 1565. 10(?).
ξυλαμᾶν 1502. verso 7.
ξύλινος 1449. 11, 41, 44.
ξύλον 1421. 4.
ὀβολός. See Index XI (4).
INDICES
᾿ ὁδευομένη (γῆ) 1587. 18, 22.
ὁδός 1494. ὃ ; 1495. τι (?).
ὅθεν 1409. 12; 1452. τό, 42; 1557. 7.
ὀθόνη 1414. 11; 1428. 4, 6.
ὀθονιηρά 1436. 5; 1438. int.
οἰκεῖν 1469. 13.
οἰκία 1457. 9; 1473. 36; 1475. 19; 1491.
4; 1547. 7, 21, 29, 31, 375 1548. το;
1552. 10; 1561.9; 1562. 28; 1566. 11;
1579. 3. κατ᾽ oi. ἀπογραφή 1451. 26 ; 1468.
15; 1547. 6, 33; 1548. 9.
οἰκίδιον 1538. 2, 4, 8.
οἰκίζειν 1469. 8.
οἰκογένεια 1451. 26.
oikoyerns 1468. 13.
| οἰκοδόμος 1450. 3 ; 1569. recto, verso 2, 30.
οἰκονομεῖν 1475. 28.
| οἰκονομία 1467. 8, 20; 1478. 22,29; 1474. 7.
οἰκονόμος 1560. 4.
οἰκόπεδον 1468. 18; 1475. 18, 21; 1519.
10.
| οἶκος 1448. 12 marg.; 1492. τό.
οἰνοπώλης 1519. 9.
οἶνος 1415.5,9; 1478.15; 1488. 4; 1569.
4, 5; 1573. 3, 7; 1574. 2; 1576. 5;
1577. 12; 1578. 7; 1589. 17.
| οἷος 1569. 3.
ὀκτάδραχμος 1478. 3.
ὀλίγος 1414. 6; 1450. 17.
ὁλκή 1449. 18-20, 44; 1497. 5.
ὁλοκληρεῖν 1415. 30; 1469. 4; 1490. 11;
1493. 3, 8.
ὁλοκληρία 1478. 3; 1495.4; 1598.5, 9, 14.
ὅλος 1413.15; 1445.8; 1450. 5; 1469.9;
1475. 17; 1482. 9; 1565. 10; 1586. 3.
ὅλως 1482. 8.
ὁμιλεῖν 1588. ὃ.
ὀμνύειν 1451. 7; 1458. το, 31, 35. 37, 41;
1455. 6, 27; 1456. 4; 1547. 42; 1548.
28; 1553. 21; 1555. 6.
ὁμογνήσιος 1548. τῇ.
ὅμοιος 1467. 25 (?). ὁμοίως 1415.6; 1441. 7;
1449. 48; 1452. 57; 1458. 41; 1454.
7; 1461. 26-9; 1465. 4; 1475. 16;
1513. 14; 1517.17; 1518. 11, 13, 15, 21;
1524. 4, 7; 1547. 9, 29.
ὁμολογεῖν 1423. 12; 1480. 19; 1467. 26;
1470. 7; 1472. 23; 1474. 13; 1475. 13,
35, 40; 1480. 10; 1560. 15; 1561. 6,
10; 1562. 3, 5, 21, 26, 29.
AXTITI,
ὁμολογία 1462. το, 30; 1562. 29.
ὁμόλογος 1452. 21.
ὁμοπάτριος 1452, 10, 19, 23, 36, 56.
ὁμοῦ 1480. 17.
ὀνηλάτης 1425. 8; 1517. 8.
ὄνομα 1438. 13; 1444, 26; 1449. 9; 1451.
16; 1460. 7, 15; p. 183; 1468. το, 11;
1470. τι, 13; 1475. 29, 30, 40; 1478.
5; 1494.15; 1515.7; 1528.13; 1534,
3 Sqq.; 1542. 4; 1550. 37; 1584. 25;
1593. 18.
ὀνομάζειν 1410. 8; 1418, 8-12, 15, 17;
1414. 21, 24; 1415, 15, 19; 1416. 5, 12,
15, 20.
ὀνομασία 1414, 25; 1418. 2; 1566. 10(?).
ὄνος 1438. 19; 1439. 2, 3; 1457. 3, 7.
ὀξέως 1412. 18,
ὁπηνίκα 1472, 24; 1473, 17; 1475. 33.
ὁπόταν 1554. 8; 1562. 25.
ὁπότε 1454, g.
ὅπου 1477. 2.
ὀπτίων 1518. 5.
ὀπτός 1454. 4.
ὅπως 1414. 6: 1465. 12; 1470. 13.
ὁπωσοῦν 1418. 3.
ὁρᾶν 1468. 21.
opal 1449. 17, 23.
ὀρβιοπώλης 1432. 6, 13.
ὀρθῶς 1475. 35; 1562. 26,2.
ὁρίζειν 1417. 30; 1446. 35, 92; 1468. 6;
1473. 30, 38; 1475. 41, 42.
δριοδείκτης 1446. 92.
ὅρκος 1451. 7, 8; 1453. 2; 1455. 14, 28;
1553. 6, 22; 1554. 11.
ὀρνιθᾶς 1568. 1.
ὅρος 1409.15; 1418. 3 ; 1414. 4, 6; 1418.6.
ὀρφανία 1470. 15.
doos 1418. 15; 1417.8; 1482.7; 1503. 13,
14.
ὅσοσπερ 1469. 22.
ὅσπερ 1408. 17 ; 1485. 7; 1473.17; 1475.
29, 33; 1488. 6; 1505. 4; 1562. 25.
ὅστις 1410. 13; 1412.15; 1450. 12; 1467.
2; 1473. 6; 1485. 4; 1487. 5; 1557.
4; 1579. 4; 1580. 2. ὅστις δή 1411. 14.
ὄστρακον 1450. 4.
ὅταν 1413. 14, 31; 1415. 10; 1581. 9.
dre 1502. 2 (?).
ὅτι 1407. 20; 1409. 21; 1418. 26; 1415.
1; 1481.2,5; 1482.3; 1489.4; 1490.
GENERAL INDEX OF GREEK AND LATIN WORDS 337
4,5; 1491.4; 1493.6; 1558.2; 1582.
9; 1587. 17, 19; 1589. 11; 1592. 5;
1593. 4, το.
ov μή 1483. το.
ovykia, See Index XI (a).
ovdé 1405. 11, 23; 1412. 7; 1468. 24;
1483. 10; 1490. 1; 1559. 7.
οὐδείς 1405. 11 ; 1412. 19 ; 1547. 30; 1590.
3; 1598.6, 11. οὐδὲ εἷς 1483. το.
οὐδέπω 1420. τ.
οὐετρανός. See Index IX.
οὔκουν 1413. 7.
ovAn 1547. τό, 18.
οὖν 1418. 10; 1465. 7; 1468. 8; 1469. 5,
8, 16; 1482. int.; 1490. 6; 1492. 8;
1498. 9; 1584. 29; 1585. 5; 1590. 5;
1591. ὃ, το; 1598. 12.
οὔπω 1479. 3,5; 1490. 8.
οὐσία τοῦ κυρίου Σεβαστοῦ 1434. 20.
οὐσιακός, ὁ κράτιστος οὐ. 1514. 3.
1486. 46.
42.
οὔτε 1407. 29; 1559. 6.
οὕτω 1414. 16; 1502. 6; 1587. 16. οὕτως
1482.5; 1494. 3,6; 1504. 6; 1589. 12.
ὀφείλεια 1495. 15 (?).
ὀφείλειν 1418. 6, 7; 1414. 1, 28; 1417. 2,
16; 1460. 16; 1472. 15; 1473. 7, 8;
1474. 13; 1482. int.; 1489. 4; 1547.
14; 1562. 16; 1590. 4.
ὀφείλημα 1471. τ (?).
ὄφελος 1568. 6.
ὀχλεῖν 1481. 6; 1588. 9.
ὄχλησις 1491. 5.
ὄχλος 1478. 4.
ὄψις 1475. 22.
ὀψώνιον 1477. 1; 1500. 3; 1510.6; 1577,
8; 1578. 3, iii.
ov. ἐδάφη
ov. φόρος παραδείσων 1436. 13,
πάγος. See Index V (a).
παιδικός 1449. 16, 18, 19.
παιδίον 1489. 9; 1582. 12.
mais 1407. 20; 1418. 5, 18, 24; 1461. 20,
22; 1468. 22.
πάλαι 1469. 21; 1593. 9.
παλαιός 1492. 9; 1494. 17.
πάλιν 1490. 6; 15038. 6.
παλλίολον 1449. 32, 39.
παλλίον 1424. 7 ; 1448. 1 sqq.; 1449. 32(?);
1584, 18,
338
πανήγυρις 1416. 2, 16.
πανοικεί 1586. 15.
πανταχῆ 1474. το.
παντελῶς 1469. 4.
παντοῖος 1474. 18.
πάντοτε 1481. το.
πάντως 1408. 4.
πάνυ 1592. 3.
πάππος 1418. 10; 1452. 25, 49; 1474. 12;
1550. 17, 26.
παρά, π. τοῦτο 1407. 11. παρ᾽ ἐμὴν αἰτίαν
1420. 7.
παραγγελία 1411. τό.
παραγγέλλειν 1409. 8 (?); 1411. 8.
παράγγελμα 1411. 8.
παραγίγνεσθαι 1452. 16, 42 ; 1518. 17 (?).
παράδεισος. See Index XII.
παραδέχεσθαι 1418. το (?); 1488. το.
παραδιδόναι 1417. 28; 1489. 8; 1497. 5;
1581. 11.
mapad( +) 1578. 4 marg.
παραθήκη 1472. 18, 21.
παρακαλεῖν 1480. 18.
παρακεῖσθαι 1435. 7 ; 1451. τό.
παρακομίζειν 1578. 34.
παραλαμβάνειν 1454. 7 ; 1585. 4.
παραληπτικὸν μέτρον 1474. τό.
παραμένειν 1585. Q.
παραμετρεῖν 1571. 3.
παράπαν, τὸ 7. 1409. 20.
παραπροσέχειν 1493. 12.
παρατιθέναι 1413. 14, 33; 1414.16; 1415. 2,
8; 1451. 15; 1475.1 marg.; 1488. τι;
1547. 4 marg.; 1552. 1.
παράτυπος 1411. 12.
παραφέρειν 1542. 2.
παραχρῆμα 1471. 25.
παραχύτης 1499. 2.
παραχωρεῖν 1405. 1; 1462. 7, 27; 1475. 13,
27; 37:
παραχώρησις 1405. 3, 9; 1475. 24, 33.
παραχωρητικόν 1475. 24.
παρεῖναι 1414, 21. παρών 1412. 19; 1455.
18; 1473. 30; 1553. 12.
παρεμβολή 1481. 3. Cf. Index V (c) ἹἹππέων
and Λυκίων II.
πάρεργον 1408. 15.
παρέχειν 1405.7 ; 1408.6; 1428.7; 14389.
1; 1455. 8, 14; 1469. 15; 1475. 29;
1497. 8; 1503. 16; 1553. 7; 1578. 7.
INDICES
παρηλιξ 1498. τ.
παριέναι, παρεθεῖσαι ἐπὶ κατοικίαν 1584. 8.
παρειμένη 1549. 14, 35-
παριστάναι 1416. τὴ (?), 21 (?); 1454. 4(?);
1542. 2; 1554. 8; 1555. 14.
παρύρια 14:75, 22.
mas 1408. 9, 14, 23; 1409. 10, 11; 1411.
9; 10; 1412. 14; 1413. 35; 1415. 21;
1417. 5; 1480. 6; 1449. 17, 18, 20, 23,
51; 1453. 25; 1454. 7, 11; 1468. 7;
1471. 31; 1472. 23; 1478. τό, 34,
"35; 1474. 17, 19; 1475. 20, 23, 25,
29, 38; 1480. 4; 1482. 23; 1483.
16; 1489. 2,6; 1492. 15,19, 20; 1493.
3, 9; 1494. 15; 1495. 3, 5; 1510. 8;
1557. 9; 1561. 9; 1562. 9; 1573. 15;
1581. 3, 13; 1583. 3; 1584. 3, 25;
1586. 5, 14; 1589. 16; 1591.3; 1598.
2,4, 48.
παστοφόρος 1435. 2, 6, 9.
πατήρ 1408.5; 1415. 22; 1484.14; 1449.
3(?), 9, 40; 1452. 19, 23, 48, 51, 52, 553
1470. 10,14; 1482.20; 1496. 20-2, 29,
30, 32, 34; 1585. verso 7; 1547. 8;
1550. 11, 23; 1581. 18(?); 1588. 2;
1592. 3,5; 1598.16. π. πατρίδος 1407.18.
πατρίς, πατὴρ 7. 1407. 18.
πατρῷος 1473. 36.
παχύς 1585. verso 4, 9.
πεδιάσιμος 1537. 12.
πεδίον 1446. 94-6, 98.
πειθαρχεῖν 1411. τό.
πείθειν 1409. 11 ; 1418. 7; 1590. 7.
πεῖρα 1414. 10; 1415. 29.
πειρᾶσθαι 1411. 17.
πέμπειν 1419. 8; 1421. 6(?); 1429. 3;
1480. 19; 1481. 6; 1482. int.; 1489.
3-5; 1502.6; 1506.2; 1581.8; 1583.
8, 10; 1584. 12; 1585. 2, 5.
πενταρταβία 1445. 3, τι.
πεντηκοστή 1440. I.
πεντώβολον. See Index XI (0).
πέρας 1470. 5.
περίαπτον 1449. 14.
περιγίγνεσθαι 1420. 4.
περιγιγνώσκειν (?) 1584. 9.
περιγραφή 1558. 7; 1562. 15.
περιδέξιον 1449. τό, 18.
περιεῖναι 1468. 29 ; 1470. 10.
περιέχειν 1417. 19; 1461. 14; 1478. 37.
ALT,
περικεῖσθαι 1408. 24.
περίλυσις 1478. 9.
περίμετρα 1475. 22; 15377. 20.
περίοδος 1552: 3.
περιουσία 1418, 9.
περισσός 1467. 15.
περίστρωμα 1449. 55, 62.
περιχρυσοῦν 1449, 22.
πέρυσι 1414. 12.
πεφροντισμένως 1408. 12.
πηδάλιον 1449. 14.
πηλός 14.50. 4.
miva 1449. 25.
πινώτιον 1449. 25.
πιπράσκειν 1475. 13, 37; 1482. 12.
πίσση 1497. 3.
πιστεύειν 1469. 16.
πίστις 1418. 11, 33; 1415. 31.
πιστός 1408. 5; 1413. 11, 13,16, 29; 1415.
27.
πλακουντῆς 1495. 7.
πλατεῖα. See Index V(c) and (7).
πλάτος 1409. 16.
πλεῖστος, πλείων. See πολύς.
πλεομισθία 1414. 13.
πλεονεξία 1469. 4.
πλεοτιμία 1414. 13, 14.
πλευρά 1414. 26.
πληγή 1502. 6.
πλήμμυρα 1409. 17.
πλήν 1411. 11.
πλήρης 1480. 8; 1470. 12; 1475. 26.
πληροῦν 1410. το; 1418. 8, 21; 1478. 12,
14: 1476. 3; 1489. 5,6; 1565. τ.
πληροφορεῖν 1478. ὃ.
πλήρωσις 1547. 11.
πλησίον 1469. 13.
πλοῖον 1412. 10; 1421. 8; 1542. 3; 1544.
7; 1554. 6; 1585. 4, 6.
ποδοκέφαλον 15138. 13.
πόδωμα 1448. 10, II.
ποιεῖν 1408. 13; 1411. 15; 1414.30; 1417.
9, 16, 29; 1418. 20; 1423. 14; 14538.
26, 31, 35, 31; 1455. 28; 1460.9; 1467.
4, 20; 1468. 17; 1469. 12, 19; 1472.
23; 1473. 24; 1480. Io, II, 26; 1482.
4, 22; 1489. 5; 1490. 9; 1492. τι;
1493. το; 1495. 5; 1558. 22; 1576. 3;
1581. 8; 1583. 4; 1588. 11; 1589. 16;
1590. 11; 1591. 3, 4, 6, 8; 1592. 6.
Z
GENERAL INDEX OF GREEK AND LATIN WORDS 339
ποικιλτής (πολκητης ΠῚ 1519. 14.
ποῖος 1460. 13, 14.
πόλις. See Index V (a).
πολιτεία 1458. 5; 1503. 4, 7; 1558. 4.
πολ(ιτευόμενος ?) 1501. 3.
πολιτικός 1413. 7; 1416. 22; 1419. 2.
πολλάκις 1415. 29; 1503. 4; 1588. 7.
πολύς 1408. 25; 1424. 20; 1460.9; 1467.
8; 1495. 17; 1565.7; 1593.20. πλε(ίγων
1418.13 ; 1450.9, 11, 12,17, 23; 1467.
9; 1475. 21; 1529. 13, 14. πλεῖστος
1417. 1; 1460. 7. πλεῖστα 1480. 3;
1481. 1; 1493. 2.
πορεύεσθαι 1480. 7.
πορθμεῖον (προθμιον ΠῚ 1421. 6.
πορίζειν 1472. 3; 1474. 5; 1557.12; 1560. 4.
πόρος 1405. 26; 1418. 8, 14.
moptas 1519. 7.
πόσος 1491. 8.
ποσότης 1413. 14.
πόστος 1482. 18.
ποταμίτης 1427. 1, 2.
ποταμός 1426. το.
ποταμοφόρητος 1445. 13.
ποτέ 1450. 21; 1468. 17.
πότερον 1488. 23; 1585. 3.
πούς 1547. τό, 18.
πρᾶγμα 1468. το; 1477.10; 1489. 7.
πραγματευτής, praefectus, πραιπόσιτος.
Indices VIII, IX.
mpakropeia 1405. 20.
πράκτωρ. See Index VIII.
πράξιμος 1435. 7.
πρᾶξις 1471, 29; 1474. 18.
πρᾶσις 1454. 2, το; 1470. 13; 1475. 24,
32; 1562. 24.
πράσσειν 1409. 20; 1562. 26, 29.
πρατέος 1494. 4.
mpatns 1464. 2, 10; 1455. 5; 1590. 3.
πρατικόν 1454. 6.
πρεσβεύειν 1477. 16.
πρεσβευτής 1560. II.
πρεσβύτερος 1502. 8.
πρίγκιψ. See Index IX.
mpyuxnp(ejos 1513. 17.
πρίν 1418. 35. τὸ (piv) 1452. 21, 26, 585.
πρὶν ἢ 1473. 12.
πρῖσις 1450. 2 (?).
προάγειν 1449. 2; 1562. 14.
προαιρεῖν 1408. 17 ; 1409. 21.
See
2
340
προαίρεσις 1415. 29; 1424. 18.
πρ(οαπέχειν ?) 1430. 15.
προβαίνειν 1503. 7.
προβάλλεσθαι 1414. 5; 1415. 30; 1424, 5, τό.
πρόβατον 1458. 9, 12, 13, 15, 17.
πρόγραμμα 1412. 17.
mpoypapev 1444. 32; 1451. τό, 24; 1453.
4,24; 1477. 11; 1587. 11.
προγραφή 1451. 12.
προδηλοῦν 1453. 15; 1454. 11.
προεῖναι 1473. 33.
προθεσμία 1408. 3.
προθυμία 1409. το.
προιέναι 1474. 10; 1475. 8; 1560. 11.
προίξ 1478. 6.
προιστάναι 1450. 24; 1491. 5.
προκεῖσθαι 1405. 25; 1412. 16; 1425. 13;
1430. 21, 23; 1485. 4, 11; 1445. 7;
1450. 18; 1451. 19, 30; 1452. 59;
1453. 16, 31, 36, 38, 41; 1454. 10;
1455. 29; 1469. 14; 1473. 12, 15, 34,
35; 1474. 22; 1475. 23, 25, 28, 38;
1478. 4; 1497. 6; 1508. 3; 1531. 4,
19; 1587. 1, 13; 1558. 23, 26; 1561.
9, 10; 1562. 28.
προλαμβάνειν 1558. 2.
προλέγειν, προειρημένος 1428.11, 12; 1468. 33.
προνοεῖν 1468. 8; 1491. 14.
πρόνοια 1414, 30; 1492. 8.
πρὸς [τὸ] μέρος 1405. 23.
προσαγγέλλειν 1465. το.
προσαγορεύειν 1492. 3,17; 1586.14; 1587. 2.
προσβαίνειν 1452. 7, 13, 34, 39.
προσβάλλειν 1440. 1.
προσγίγνεσθαι 1414. 15; 1449. 48, 52;
1450. 16; 1584. 3, το.
προσδεῖσθαι 1475. 33; 1562. 25.
προσδέχεσθαι 1469. 20.
mpoodiaypapew. See Index XII.
προσδοκία 1582. το.
προσεῖναι 1468. 9.
προσέλευσις 1478. 6.
προσέρχεσθαι 1508. 2.
προσέχειν 1424. τι.
προσηγορία Ὁ. 183.
προσήκειν 1409. 14; 1465. τ4; 1468, 24;
1469. 4.
προσίεσθαι 1411. 6, 11.
πρόσκλητος 1412. 12: 1414. 29; 1416. 27.
προσκυνεῖν 1592. 8.
INDICES
προσκύνημα 1482. 22; 1583. 4
πρ(οσ)κυνητήριον ἢ 1449. 19.
προσμετρεῖν. See Index XII.
πρόσοδος 1469. 18. Cf. Index XII.
npooracoew 1408. 12; 1409. 20; 1411.19;
1558. 3 (9).
προστατεῖν 1458. 14.
πρόστιμον 1408. 7, 9
προσυνεῖναι 1478. 25.
προσφέρειν 1414. 10; 1478. 5.
προσφεύγειν 1470. 4.
πρόσφορος 1475. 31.
προσφωνεῖν 1467. 17; 1475. 48; 1502.1;
1556. 4.
προσφώνησις 1408. 4; 1451. 5; 1475. 2,
17 marg.; 1502. 5.
προσχρῆσθαι 1562. 24.
πρότερος 1409. 4 ; 1490. 3; 1572. 4. πρό-
τερον 1420. 2; 1473. το; 1475. 14, 17;
1508. 8; 1547. 8, 9; 1578. 12.
προτιθέναι 1405. 12; 1406. το; 1408. τό,
18; 1412. 12; 1454. 2, 10; 1562. 3.
προτομή 1449. 2, 10, 14.
προτρέπειν 1413. 5, 9, 17; 1415. 7; 1416.
5, 6,12; 1418. 12; 1589. 12.
προτροπή 1415. 23; 1450. 21.
προφεσσίων 1451, 21.
προφήτης 1480. 2, 29.
προχείρως ἔχειν 1468. 4.
προχρεία 1413. 20; 1416. 3; 1418. 20;
1527. 6, 13.
προχρῆσθαι 1587. 7(?).
προχωρεῖν 1469. 4.
πρυτανεύειν, πρυτανεία, πρύτανις. See Index
Vill
πρωτενίαυτον 1413. 17.
πρῶτον 1491. 3; 1593. 8, 13.
πρώτως 1552. 8.
πυλών 1489. 3.
πυρός 1419, 6: 1448. το, 12, 13; 1444.4;
1445-6. passim; 1447. 4; 1465. 3, 6;
1472. 21; 1478. 14; 1474. 13, 15;
1526. 4; 1527. 1, 4, 8; 15389. 1; 1540,
I, 7,9; 1541.1; 1544, 8; 1571. 6,
πωλεῖν 1477. 3, 12.
πωμάριον 1475, 18, 20, 22.
πώποτε 1468. 35 (?).
πῶς 1482.16; 1488. 19.
ῥέγχεσθαι 1414, 26,
ATI. GENERAL INDEX OF GREEK AND LATIN WORDS 341
ῥέμβεσθαι 1581. 6.
ῥ(ήτωρ ?) 1502. 3.
rogare 1466. τ.
ῥύεσθαι 1424, το.
ῥυπαρός 1528. 2, 6; 1542. 7, 11.
ῥωννύναι 1488. 16; 1582. 12; 1586. 7.
ἐρρῶσθαι ὑμᾶς βούλομαι 1408. 20. ἐρρ. σε
(ὑμ.) εὔχομαι 1409. 5, 22; 1422. 11;
1424. 19; 1428. 13; 1481. 4; 1482.
25; 1483. 21; 1488. 26; 1489. 10;
1490. 11 ; 1491. int., 15,19; 1492. 17;
1494. 19; 1495.16; 1574.2; 1582. 13;
1583. 12; 1589. το; 1590. 1; 1593. 19.
ἐρρ. εὔχομαι 1586. 15. ἔρρωσο (-σθε)
1470. 8: 1472. 6; 1474. 5; 1475. 2;
1479. 13; 1480. 26; 1560. 7; 1570.
10; 1584. 31.
σάκκος 1449, 21.
σεαυτοῦ 1479. 13; 1483. 5; 1490. 6.
σέβειν 1464. 5.
σελήνη. See Index VII.
σελίς 1451. 17.
σημαίνειν 1453. 19.
σημειοῦν 1411, 20; 1441.8; 1442.6; 1455.
35; 1467.15; 1463. 32; 1473. 22, 43;
1474. 6; 1499. 5; 1505. 5; 1506. 3;
1507. 6; 1509. 7; 1514. 4; 1522. 7,
10; 1524. 3, 6, το; 1535. verso 17;
1539. το, 18; 1540. 8, 15; 1541. 8;
1542. 15; 1560.8; 1569.9; 1572. 7;
1573. τό: 1575.3; 1577.16; 1578.15.
σημείωσις 1451. 30.
σήμερον 1412.15; 1414. 29 ; 1461.8 ; 1486.
4; 1486. 2; 1587. 9.
σήπειν 1449. 51, 56, 62.
σθένος 1557. 9.
σίππιον. See στύππιον.
σιτικός 1484. 7; 1460. 6; 1475. τό, 23;
1578. 6.
σιτολογεῖν, σιτολογία, σιτολόγος.
VIII.
σῖτος 1419.9; 1525. 4.
σιτοφόρος 1536. 7.
σιωπᾶν 1468. 27.
σκαφοπάκτων 1554. 7.
σκεῦος 1413. 27.
σκέψις 1412. 13; 1414. 25.
σκοπεῖν 1420. 2.
σκόρδον 1439. 3.
See Index
oxpiBas 1417. το. .
σμύρνινος. See ζμύρνινος.
σπεῖρα (-ρη ΠῚ 1472. 9.
σπείρειν, ἐσπαρμένη 1534. I 8566.
σπένδειν 1464. 5, 7.
σπονδή. See Index XII.
σπουδάζειν 1424, 9.
στάδιον 1478. 5.
σταθμός 1449. 16, 20; 1454. 5.
στατήρ 1684. 29 ; 1588. 13.
στέγωσις 1450. 9, 13 (?).
στεπτικόν 1413. 4, 6, 7.
στεφανικά 1441. 4; 1522. int., 3, 5.
στέφανος 1413. 25, 26.
στημονικός 1414, 8, το.
στιχάριον 1414. τ; 1424. 7; 1448. 1 sqq.
στοά 1406. τι.
στολή 1449. 13.
στόλος. See Index IX.
στραγγαλίς 1449. 8, 23.
στρατηγεῖν, στρατηγία, στρατηγός.
VIII
στρατιώτης. See Index IX.
στροβιλᾶς 1446. 58.
στύππιον (σιππιον ΠῚ 1480. 14.
στυπτηρία 1429. 2, 4.
συγγραμματεύειν 1427. 2.
συγγράφειν 1478. 30.
συγγραφή 1478. 6, 17, 25, 28.
συγκαταχωρίζειν 1420. 8; 1478. 40; 1475.
44; 1562. 5.
συγκομιδή 1418. 25.
συγχειρογραφεῖν 1451. 28.
συγχωρεῖν 1449. 45, 47 ; 1471. το; 1478. 17.
συλλαμβάνειν 1408. τό.
συλλειτουργεῖν 1416. 12.
συλλέκτης οἴνου 1415. 9.
συμβιοῦν 1478. το.
συμβίωσις 1478. 28.
συμβολικόν 1486. 7, 30.
σύμβολον 1570. 8.
σύμμικτος 1449. 25.
σύμπας 1409. 9, 21 ; 1447. 4.
συμπεριφορά 1590. 5.
συμπλήρωσις 1414. 14.
συμφέρειν 1409. II.
συμφωνεῖν 1470. 12; 1475. 24.
σύμφωνος, ἐκ σ. 1478. 28.
συνάγειν 1411, 3; 1412. 12, 19; 1414. 21;
1478, 13.
See Index
342
συναγοραστικὸς πυρός 1541. τ.
συναλλαγή 1411]. 14.
συναλλάσσειν 1477. 5; 1491. 8.
σύνδικος. See Index VIII.
συνεδρεύειν 1417. 2.
συνειδέναι 1412. 18.
συνεῖναι 1548. 22.
συνεπείγειν 1508. 9.
συνέπεσθαι 1415. 8.
συνέρχεσθαι 1473. 33, 35-
συνέχειν 1420. 10; 1471. 23.
συνεχ(ῶς ἢ) 1427. 3.
συνήγορος 1479. 5.
συνήθεια 1449, 12.
συνήθης 1409. 18; 1427. 4.
συνιστάναι 1413. 9; 1416. 23.
σύνναος 1449, 2; 1550. 10.
σύνοδος 1412. Ig.
συνοικεῖν 1548. 15.
σύνολος 1420. 11.
συνοψίζειν 1469. 7.
σύνοψις 1450. 12 (Ὁ), 17, 19, 20.
συντάσσειν 1412. τῇ ; 1465. 10; 1470. 13;
1472. 6, 28; 1478. 4τ; 1475. 49.
συντηρεῖν 1418. 5.
συντίθεσθαι 1473. 36.
συντιμᾶν 1414. 15.
συνωνή 1578. 5.
συρρεῖν, συνερευκώς 1475, τό.
συσκευάζειν 1475. 38.
σύστασις 1409. 15; 1562. 11.
συστάτης 1509. 1 ; 1551. 5.
συστατικός 1587. 20.
σφαιριστήριον 1450. 5, 7.
σφραγίς 1451. 21, 23; 1536. 5, 19.
odupis 1584. 15, 21.
of( ) 1466. int.
σχέσις 1588. 3.
σχοινισμός 1469. 13.
σώζειν 1414, 22.
σῶμα 1405. 12; 1409.
1523. 7; 1547. 24, 28.
σωματίζειν 1460. 11.
σωματισμός p. 183.
σωτήρ 1566. 3.
σωτηρία 1409. 21.
σωτήριον 1492. 6.
14; 1449. τι;
tabularius 1511. 4, ro.
τάλαντον. See Index XI.
INDICES
ταμεῖον. See Index VIII.
ταμιακὸς λόγος 1414, 8,0.
ταμίας 1501. 2.
τανῦν 1417. 25.
τάξις 1428. 2, 13; 1467. 24, 30; 1551.
16.
tarnraptos 1431. 2.
ταπήτιον 1481. 2.
ταπιτᾶς 1517. 3.
τάσσειν 1409. 16; 1414. 11(?); 1480. 10;
1452. 9, 35; 1469. 22; 14838. 2; 1551.
15.
ταῦρος 1570. 4 (?).
τάχα 1494. 4; 1587. το.
τάχος 1488. τ5 ; 1585. 8 (9).
ταχύς 1417. &. ταχίστη 1412. 14.
1408. 24.
τέκνον 1446. 53; 1451. 21; 1460.5 ; 1463.
9; 1467. 4; 1475.13; 1482. 22 ; 1515.
15; 1584.5; 1586. 4.
τέκτων 1550. 19.
τελεῖν 1414. 15; 1484.16; 1473.14 ; 1488.
16, 19.
τελειοῦν 1413. 30; 1462. 11, 31; 1474. 4;
1475. 1, 5. y
τέλεσις 1412. 13.
τέλεσμα 1475. 32; p. 183.
τελευταῖος 1473. 39.
τελευτᾶν 1446. 4 sqq.; 1452. 20, 26, 55;
1550. 29; 1551. 16.
τελευτή 1502. 11.
τέλος. See Index XII.
τελωνικά 1419. 4.
τεσσαράριος 1425. 5; 1480. 4.
τετάρτη. See Index XI (a).
τετραμήνιος 1418. 18.
τετράμηνον 1482. 15.
τετράποδον 1567. 2.
τετρώβολον. See Index XI (4).
τέχνη 1468. 5.
τεχνίτης 1413. 26, 27, 33; 1450. 22.
τέως 1417. 15, 23.
τηλικοῦτος 1415. τό, 33.
τῆλις 1440. 5, 6; 1572. 3.
τηρεῖν 1410. 9; 1417. 12.
τηρητής 1507. 5 (?).
τιθέναι 1408. 15.
τιμή 1418. 6; 1414. 1, 15; 1419. 6; 1480.
12; 1481. 2; 1486. 50; 1450. 14; 1454.
3; 1470. 12; 1475. 24, 38; 1482. 11;
ταχέως
AAT,
1483. 11,19 ; 1497.6, ὃ ; 1498. 1 sqq.;
1573. 3, 7; 1577. 6, 12; 1578. 11.
τίμημα 1562. 3.
τιμιώτατος 1583. I.
τιμωρεῖσθαι (ἢ) 1408. 24.
ris 1420. 3, 4; 1460. 12-14; 1490. 7;
1589. 18.
τις 1414. 21; 1417.15, 32; 1420.6; 1450.
13; 1469. 4; 1473.17; 1488.5; 1508.
i. 18,
τοίνυν 1424. 9; 1428. 5; 1467. το; 1508.
18; 1591. 7, 10.
τοιοῦτος 1405. 9; 1409. 20; 1468. 8, 11;
1503. 14; 1504. το; 1592. 5.
roxas 1568. 2.
τόκος 1471. 14, 27; 1478. 4, 7, 13; 1561.
8.
τολμᾶν 1409. 20; 1559. 5.
τόμος 1451. 11; 1466. 2.
romapxia. See Index V (a).
τοπικός 1450. 10.
τόπος 1412. 11; 1482. 16; 1433. το, 41;
1435. 8; 1486. 35; 1488. 15; 1447. 3;
1468. 18; 1469. 6, 8, 12,22; 1475. 18,
20, 22; 1482. 20; 1492. τι; 1502.
verso δ; 1510. 5; 1522. 4; 1525. 4;
1538. 4; 1539. 5, 12; 1540. 4, 12;
1541. 3; 1562. 5, 28 (ἢ).
τοσοῦτος 1481. 2.
τότε 1418. 34; 1420. 5; 1588. 13.
τουτέστι 1424. 6; 1468. 31; 1593. τό.
τράπεζα (table) 1449. 23, 26(?). (‘bank’).
See Index VIII.
τραπεζ(ιτεία, τραπεζίτης. See Index VIII.
. τρέφειν 1415. 22.
Τριακονταρουρίας κλῆρος 1534. τ.
τριήραρχος (τριηδαρ. ΠῚ 1508. 4.
τρισκαιδεκαετής 1452. 7, 13, 40.
τρισσός 156]. 11.
τρίτη βαλανείων 1486. 2, 20, 39.
τριώβολον. See Index XI (2).
τρόπος 1408. 25; 1411. 14 ; 1465. 3.
τρόφιμος 1491. Io.
τροχός 1475. τό.
τρυγᾶν 1584. 3, 5.
τυγχάνειν 1409. 19; 1424, 4; 1458. 5;
1465. 14; 1468. 9; 1470. 4.
τύπος 1460. 12.
τύπτειν 1406. 7.
τυφλός 1446. 7.
GENERAL INDEX OF GREEK AND LATIN WORDS 343
τύχη 1455. 8; 1456. 6; 1490.6; 1503. 9;
1554. 3; 1555. 8.
ὑβρίζειν 1405. 12.
ὑγιαίνειν 1479. 13;
1581. 3; 1586. 4.
ὑγιής 1547. 42.
ὑδροπαροχισμός 1590. Io.
ὑδροπάροχος 1590. 8.
ὕδωρ 1409. το ; 1427. 4.
ὑικήη. See Index XII.
vids 1418. 9; 1415. 15; 1416. 8, 20; 1418.
30; 1446. 54, 88; 1451. 7, 18, 25, 31;
1452. 12, 39; 1464. το; 1471.8; 1472.
8, 27; 1478. 9, 27; 1478. 1; 1480. 20;
1487. 2; 1492. 1, 21; 1493. 8, 11;
1496. 23, 28; 1497. 1; 1519. 5; 1581.
11, 16; 1582. 11; 1586. 11; 1588. 3;
1591. τ.
υἱωνός 1496. 36; 1522. 5.
ὑπάγειν 1477. 2.
ὑπαγόρευσις 1497. 9.
ὑπάρχειν1418. 9; 1424.το ; 1457.9 ; 1460.
12; 1468. 36; 1469.3; 1547. 6, 9, 29;
1548. 9; 1549. 11; 1552. 9; 1562. 7.
ὑπάρχοντα 1405. 6; 1417. 5, 8; 1418.10;
1453. 25; 1457.7; 1462. 29; 1471. 31;
1473. 13, 16; 1474. 18; 1475. 14, 38.
imareia, ὕπατος. See Index Il.
ὑπερδαπάνημα 1578. 8.
imeperns 1452. 51; 1498. 18.
ὑπέρθεσις 1474. 17.
ὑπερπίπτειν 1471. 28 ; 1474. τῇ.
ὑπερτιθέναι 1418. 12; 1414. 18; 1416. 10;
1488. 22; 1593. 8.
ὑπεύθυνος 1428. 9.
ὑπέχειν 1554. 9.
ὑπηρεσία 1455. τι ; 1609. 4; 1545. τ.
ὑπηρετεῖν 1582. 6.
ὑπηρέτης. See Index VIII.
ὑποβάλλειν 1468. 7.
ὑπογράφειν 1451. 12; 1475. 14, 43, 49-
ὑπογραφή 1469. 19; 1478. 39; 1474. το;
1475. 8, 43; 1560. 12.
ὑποδέχεσθαι 1408. 23, 25» 26; 1409. 19;
1412. 10.
ὑποδοχή 1422. 7.
ὑποκεῖσθαι 1417. 8; 1486. 23; 1472. 3, 6;
1474. 5, 10; 1475. 2, 5, 9; 1530. 14;
1560. 7, 12.
1480. 4; 1493. 4;
344
ὑπόλογος 1486. 45; 1508. 6; 1587. 17;
1587. 9.
ὑπομιμνήσκειν 1414. 24.
ὑπόμνημα 1408. 4; 1415. 9 ; 1417. 12; 1472.
5; 1478. 40; 1475. 44, 45; 1502. 7;
1504. 9; 1550. 35; 1560. 6.
ὑπομνηματογραφεῖν, vropvnpatoypades.
Index VIII.
ὑπόμνησις 1598. 6.
irropor[y? 1418. 4.
ὑποπίπτειν 1462. 29.
ὑποσημειοῦσθαι 1464. τι.
ὑπόστ(ασις ἢ) 1528. 12.
ὑποστέλλειν 1502. verso 3; 1528. 12 (?).
ὑποσχεσάριος 1432. 5.
ὑποτάσσειν 1451. 4; 1470. 6.
ὑποτίθεσθαι 1561. 9.
ὑποτί(τγ)θιος 1458. τι.
ὑπουργός 1414. 13.
ὑποχειρογραφεῖν 1473. 38.
ὑπόχρεως 1538. 9.
ὕπο. .Ἰύειν 1470. 13.
ὑφαίνειν 1414, Το, 11.
ὕφασμα 1428. το.
ὕψος 1409. τό.
566
φαίνειν 1417. 10; 1465. 13; 1478.1τ5; 1497.
2.
φαινόλης 1588. 6.
φαινόλιον 1584. 7, 18 (?).
φακός 1448, 9, 14; 1446. 4 sqq.; 1527.
2(?), 5, 9-
φάναι 1418. 20; 1424. 5; 1469. 14, 24;
1502. 6.
φανερός 1415. 26; 1417. 29; 1558. 6.
φαρμακοῦν 1477. 20.
φάσις 1480. 20; 1585. 2, 6.
φέρειν p. 183; 1481. 8; 1488. 8; 1585. 5.
devyew 1415. 8.
φθάνειν 1469. τι.
φιλάνθρωπον 1445. 9.
φιλία 1495. τ5 (9).
φιλικός 1588. 3.
φίλος 1409. 4,5; 1427.2; 1477. 4; 1488.
22; 1560. 14; 1582. 2, 8. φἄώχτατος
1422.5; 1480. 2; 1493. 1; 1578. 11.
φίσκος 1551. 17 (?).
φόβος 1559. 7.
φοινίκινος 1449. 56.
φορετρίζειν 1589. 17.
INDICES
φόρετρον 1490. int.; 1589. το.
φόρος 1427, 5. Cf. Index XII.
φρέαρ 1475. 21.
φροντίζειν 1408.8; 1428. 6; 1470. 7.
φροντισμένως 1408. 12.
φροντίς 1409. 12.
φροντιστήῆς 1580. 16; 1577. 2; 1578. 2.
φυγαδεύεσθαι 1477. 15.
φυλάσσειν 1478. τι.
φυλή 1413. 12, 13, 16; 1415. 20, 30; 1552. 3.
σες
χαίρειν 1407. 19; 1408. 11; 1409. 1, 7;
1419. 2; 1428. 4; 1424.2; 1427. 3;
1428. 2; 1429. 3; 1481. 1; 1472. 5;
1474. 4, 13; 1475. 1, 13; 1480. 3;
1481. 1; 1482. 2; 1483. 1; 1488. 2;
1490. 1; 1491. 2; 1493. 2; 1495. 2;
1499. 1; 1501. 4; 1509. 3; 1510. 5;
1514. 1; 1544. 4; 1560. 6, 15; 1562.
6; 1570. 2; 1571.2; 1572. τ: 1678:
1,6,11; 1574.1; 1575. 1; 1576. τ;
1581.1; 1588. 2; 1584.2; 1586. 2;
1588. 2; 1589. 2; 1591.2; 1592.1.
χαῖρε 1492. 1; 1566. 1 Sqq.; χαίροις 1587.
r.
χαλκός 1484. 25; 1489. 4.
χαλκοῦς 1449. 12. 22 sqq. Cf. Index XI (6).
χαρίζεσθαι 1424. 12.
χάρις 1409. 15; 1467. 26; 1588. 15;
1593. 12. χάριν 1465. 9; 1553. 8;
1583. 6.
χείρ 1471. 12; 1474. 19; 1475. 26.
χειριστήῆς. See Index VIII.
χειριστικὸς πυρός 1444. 4; 1526. 4.
χειρόγραφον 1408. 5; 1560. 12.
χειροτονεῖν 1409. 13.
χειροτονία 1412, 20.
χειρωνάξιον 1436. 4.
χέρσος 1434. 19; 1475. 20.
χοῖνιξ. See Index XI (a).
χοῖρος 1490. το.
χορηγεῖν 1417. 143; 1449. 64; 1453. τό,
23; 1478. 14.
χορηγία 1417. τό, 31; 1420. 5.
χόρτος 1482. τι ; 1502. verso 7.
χορτόσπερμον 1578. 5.
χρεία 1425. το; 1426.
1506. 3.
χρεολυτεῖν 1420. 5.
χρέος 1408. 16(?).
15; 1488. 24;
ATI, GENERAL INDEX OF GREEK AND LATIN WORDS 345
xpeworew 1505. 4.
χρή 1409. 9; 1410. 8.
χρῆμα 1409. 22; 1415.
1501. 2.
χρηματίζειν 1451. 21; 1460. 4; 1463. 9g;
1467. 7; 1475. 3, 12; 1479. 8; 1498.
10. ὡς χρηματίζει (-ζω) 1418. 6, 9, 14, 15,
17, 28, 29 (?), 31, 33; 1414.7, 10; 1442.
5; 1474. 2, 7,9, 12; 1537.7; 1555. 5;
1560. 3, I0, 13.
χρηματισμός 1470. 5; 1472. 3; 1474. 3;
14; 14380. 9;
1560. 5. δημόσιος x. 1473. 42; 1475.
45-
χρηματιστήῆς. See Index VIII.
χρῆσθαι 1451. 8, 29; 1473. 21; 1475. 28
(χρᾶσθαι); 1492. 13; 1558. 3.
χρῆσις 1474, 13.
χρηστήριον 1475. 19; 1548. 11; 1562. 8.
χρηστός 1455. 6, το.
χρίειν 1413. 19, 20, 24.
χρονίζειν 1451. 22, 23.
χρόνος 1414, 27; 1424. 20; 1485. το;
1449. το, 16, 51; 1471. 28; 1472. 25;
1474. 17, 23; 1475. 13, 43; 1481. 2;
1495. 18; 1593. 20.
χρυσός. See Index XI (4).
χρυσοῦς 1413. 25; 1449. 15 566:
χρυσοχόος (-xous ΠῚ 1582. 1.
χυτός 1449. 20, 24.
χῶμα 1409. 3, 8, 16; 1469. 5 544.
χωματεπείκτης 1469. 20.
χωμα(τεπιμελητής) 1546. 2.
χωματικόν 1488. 20.
χώρα 1406. 9; 1416. 3; 1426. 12; 1462.
34.
χωρεῖν 1480. 12; 1449. 65; 1562. 21.
χωρίζειν 1479. 7.
χωρίον 1448. 15; 1589. 15.
χωρίς 1408. 4, 23; 1460. 5; 1463. 9;
1467.6; 1473.5; 1474. 14,17; 1475.12.
χωφόριον 1577. 4.
ψέλιον 1449. 18, 21.
ψηφίζεσθαι 1412. 20; 1414. 14; 1415. 16;
1417. το (ὃ).
Ψήφισμα 1418. 1, 22, 23; 1417. 3, 23, 31.
ψιλός, ψ. γῆ 1685. 8. Ψ. τόπος 1475. 18,
20, 21; 1562. 28 (?).
ψυχή 1409. 22.
ψωμίον 1489. 5; 1591. 4, 7.
ὧδε 1456. 12 (?); 1591. 6.
ὠκεανός, ὠκεανέ 1418. 3, 21, 24.
ὠνεῖσθαι 1463. 6; 1470. το; 1475. 14, 32;
1508. 5.
avn 1482. 5; 1562. 2.
ὠόν 1568. 3.
ὥρα 1476. 3; 1485. 5; 1486. 3; 1487. 7;
1563. 2; 1564. 3, 4; 1565. 2, 4; 1579.
5; 1580. 3.
ὡροσκόπος 1476. 4 ; 1563. 9.
ὡς 1405. 22; 1409. 9, 21; 1411. 5, 16;
1418: 6, 6; .14,.15, 1: 28.. 20..31,..393
1414. 7, το, 26; 1426. 19; 1480. 23;
1442. 5; 1455. 28; 1461.13; 1463. 11,
32; 1469. 14; 1472. 6; 1478. 21, 42,
44; 1474. 2, 5,7, 9, 12, 22, 45, 49, 50;
1480. 16; 1483. 11, 15; 1489. 4, 6;
1492. 13; 1493. 10; 1495. 14; 1497.
6; 1502. 6; 1687. 7; 1647. 26, 27;
1548. 15 sqq.; 1553. 23, 26; 1555. 5;
1560. 3, 7, 10, 13; 1561. 9; 1662, 21;
1578. 13; 1589. 10; 1590. 5, Io.
ὡσαύτως 1472. 21.
ὥστε 1407. 12; 1409. 153; 1481. 4 ; 1490.
3; 1502. verso 7; 1584. 29; 1590.
14.
ὠφελεῖν 1490. 4.
ὠφέλεια 1409. 11; 1477. 4.
346
INDICES
XIV. SUBJECTS DISCUSSED IN THE INTRODUCTIONS
abbreviations 85, 88, 98, 121,
124, 130.
acacia-wood 74.
Aemilianus, Emperor, 19.
agio 107.
Alexandrian officials 29-30,
212.
alum-monopoly 84--5.
Arabia 57, 101.
arrears of taxation 102-3.
artaba 126.
asses, taxes On, 111, 176.
Assua 62.
astronomy 231-2.
Atargatis 143.
Augustus 166-7.
Aurelian 8-9, 172-3, 230
sqq-
aurum coronarium 42, 114--
15.
Balbinus 92.
banking 23, 25, 52-3.
beer 94.
billon 85-6, 88.
boats 30
bread-supply 170-1.
building-trade 145-6.
Caracalla, titles of, 5.
Carinus 230 sqq.
Carus 230 sqq.
centurio princeps 78.
cessio bonorum 1-2, 63.
chalcus 109.
Choinothis 189.
Christian letters 249.
chronology of Emperors 87,
229 sqq.
Claudius II 8-9, 230 sqq.
Cleopatra VI 166-7, 170.
clothing 44, 48.
AND NOTES.
(2) ENGLISH AND LATIN.
Co, Coites, 62, 73.
coactor 262.
coinage 23, 85-6, 99.
coins, evidence of, 199, 230,
255.
colonia 257.
Commagene cohort 212.
Constantine 87.
consuls 7, 11, 87, 231-2.
contractions 250.
conventus 176.
conversion of silver and
copper 99.
Core 142.
corvée 16, 20.
Cynopolis 73.
debates of the senate 31-2,
43-5, 52-3.
Decius 147, 229-30.
Demeter 143.
denarius 89.
deputy-archidicastes 212.
Diocletian 20-1, 69, 175,
230.
Dionysus 142.
edicts 5—7.
embankments 16, 19, 200.
eras of Oxyrhynchus 89-90,
251,
exactor 82-4.
flax 49.
fractions of the artaba 126;
of clothes 132.
Gallienus 7-8, 236 sqq.
Gallus and Volusianus 230
544.
Geta 219.
gold 85-6.
(The numbers refer to pages.)
Gordian III 92.
guardians 193, 195, 213,219.
gymnasium 143, 160-1, 165.
Hadrian 166.
Heracleopolite nome 61-2.
horoscopes 229 564.
Ibion Chuseos 117.
invitations 243.
Ionthis 74.
Isis-shrines 246.
tus trium liberorum 195-6.
Latin papyri 193.
libellus 190.
Libya 22.
Licinius, 6th consulship, 87.
Macrianus and Quietus 23,
25, 229-30.
Magnius Rufus,catholicus 22.
marginal strokes 1o1—2.
Maximian 20-1, 69, 175-
Mummius Bassus consul 7.
municipal titles 28-30.
Neotera 142.
nome-officials 28-9.
Nummius Tuscus consul 11.
Oasis, Small O. 112.
octroi-dues 112.
offerings at a temple 136.
offices, rank of, 28-30;
tenure of, 41, 45.
optative 19.
Oxyrhynchite nome, boun-
daries 61-2; toparchies
73, 79, 228.
pagt 73, 19.
Paimis 228.
SUBJECTS DISCUSSED IN INTRODUCTIONS AND NOTES 341
palimpsest 143, 237, 248.
Patemit street 143.
Persian settlers 207.
praefects 12, 15, 63, 68, 97,
157,174, 193-5, 199, 200,
206.
praeposttus 88.
praeses 82, 203.
Probus 230.
professio 158.
provinces of Egypt 203.
_ Psuchis 62.
Pupienus 92.
guadrarius 79.
questions to oracles 235.
Quietus. See Macrianus.
Quintillus 230.
remarriage 213.
rents of Crown land 122,125.
revision indicated by strokes
IOI, 263.
robbers 12.
a@Bpoxos γῆ 179.
ἀγορανόμος 28--30.
ἀγωγή 14.
ἀγώγιμος 207.
ἀγωνοθέτης 29, 61.
ἀθήρη 92.
ἀκρώνυκτος 234.
ἀμοιβικὴ τράπεζα 25.
ἀμπέλου πρόσοδος 218.
ἀμπελῶνες 107-9.
ἀνάκρισις 187-8.
ἀνθ᾽ οὗ 98, 111.
ἀντάποχον 268.
ἀξιολογώτατος 12, 248..
ἀπαιτητής 71.
ἀπογραφαί 176-83.
ἀπόμοιρα 107-9.
ἀπροκρίτως 197.
ἄρτοι 172.
ἀρχιδικαστής 28-30, 97, 210,
212, 219, 228.
ἀρχιερεύς 28--30, 97:
ἀρχιτέκτων 147.
ἄρχων 6.
Roman citizens 148 564.
Saloninus 277.
Saphthis ror.
senate 4, 26, 31 5646.
Senepta 114.
Seruphis 73.
Sesphtha 62.
Sinaru 62.
slaves 74-5, 149-50.
solidus 85.
symbols 85, 119, 121, 262.
syntax, defective, 97, 119,
121, 143, 192, 203.
Taampemou 73.
Tacitus, Emperor, 230.
Takona 62.
Talaé 62.
Talao 62.
Talu river 81.
Tampeti 73.
Teis 102.
(ὁ) GREEK.
ἀστικά 70.
ἀσχόλημα 85.
ἀφαιρετικός 234.
βελέγκωτος 144.
βιβλιοφύλαξ 183.
βουλευτικά 61.
γναφεῖον 245.
γνώμων 10.
γνωστήρ 159, 248.
γραμματεὺς ᾿Οξυρυγχίτου 74.
yp- πολιτικῶν 30.
γραμματικά 218, 222.
γραφὴ ἱερέων 134.
γυμνασίαρχος 28--30, 61, 66,
68, 212.
γυμνάσιον, of ἐκ τοῦ y. 160-1,
165.
δεκανίαι 258.
Sexampwros 21.
δεσμοφυλακία IIT.
δημοσία γῆ 122.
temples 44, 48, 99, 134,
136.
Tenis 73.
tesserarius 79.
textile industry 43.
Tholthis 62.
Tiberius 166.
titles of Emperors 10-11.
toparchies of Oxyrhynchite
nome 73, 79, 228.
trade-tax 91-2.
trials 12, 63-4, 71.
tribes at Oxyrhynchus 40.
uncia 85.
Valerian 7-8, 230.
veterans 151.
vicarius 106.
women, epicrisis of, 149;
guardianship of, 195-6.
writing 189, 195-6.
δημόσιοι 24-5, 73-
δημόσιος 70-1.
δημοσίωσις 15, 209, 229.
διάκοπος 10.
διαπύλιον 112.
διαστέλλειν 121.
διάφορον 223.
διάψιλος 124.
διοίκησις 106.
διοικητής 16, 26-7.
διπλᾶ 111-12.
δόγμα 65.
δράσας 76.
εἴδη 106.
ἑκατοστή [12.
ἔκδικος 41, 81, 204.
ἔκκλητος 15-
ἐκλογιστής 106-7.
ἑξαδραχμία ὄνων 111, 176.
ἐξηγητής 28-30, 33, 212.
ἐξοχώτατος 202—3.
ἐπαρούριον 105.
ἐπείκτης 26—7.
348
ἐπιγραφή 124.
ἐπικεφάλια IIO-I 1.
ἐπίκρισις 148, 160 Sqq.
ἐπίμετρον 118,
ἐπιστατεῖν 41.
ἐπιστολικόν 111.
ἐπιτηρηταί 40.
ἐπιτηρουμένη τράπεζα 25.
ἐργατεία 147.
ἐρημοφυλακία τοῦ.
εὐθηνίαρχος 28-30, 63, 68,
170-1.
ἔφηβος 161, 165.
ζεῦγος 112.
ζυτηρά 94.
ἡμιχώριον 39.
θυΐα 246.
ἰδιωτικὴ γῆ 122.
ἰδιωτικὴ τράπεζα 25.
ἱερὰ γῆ 97.
ἱερατικά 106—7.
κάγκελλος 132.
καθήκοντα ο6--".
164.
καθολικός 16, 22.
Καίσαρος κράτησις 167. Kato.
λόγος 97.
κακομετρία 132.
καταλοχισμός 185-7,
κεντηνάριον 88,
κεράτιον 85.
κλίνη Σαράπιδος 245--4.
κοίτη 206,
κολλυβιστικὴ τράπεζα 25.
κόλλυβος τοβ.
κομακτορία 262.
κομίατος 236.
κοπτουργία 172.
κορδίκιον 145.
κοσμητής 28--30.
κουφοτέλεια 95--ό.
« ,
οἷς καθήκει
INDICES
Kpixos 50—I.
κωδᾶς 261.
κωμητικά 70,
Aaoypapia 102, 105, 111.
λειτουργήματα I—2, 30, 52-3.
λινέμπορος, λινόδφος 43-4, 49--
50.
λίτρα 258.
λογιστής 70, 80-1, 204.
λύειν 218,
λυχναψία 169.
μαρτυροποίησις Ι 58.
μελλοκούρια 244.
μετεπιγραφή 185.
μηνιαῖος 48.
μητροπολιτικά 70.
μοσθίον 284.
ναυκληρία 30.
ναύβιον 19-20, 82, 98-9, 105,
200.
νομικάριος 62.
νομοφύλαξ 114.
νυκτοστράτηγος 30.
ὀθονιηρά 43.
οὐσία 98.
οὐσιακὰ ἐδάφη 106.
οὐσιακὸς φόρος 106.
παλλίον 132.
πανήγυρις 61.
παραληπτικὸν μέτρον 222--3.
παρατίθεσθαι 228.
πενθήμερος ὄνων 10--20.
πενταρταβία 124.
πεντηκοστή 112--13.
περίλυσις 218.
περίστρωμα 145.
πλακουντᾶς 252.
ποδοκέφαλον 258.
πόδωμα 118--1ο.
πολιτικά 39, 69--7ο.
πολιτικός 70--Ἰ.
πορτᾶς 261.
πράκτωρ 2, 69--"1.
πρεσβευτής 30.
προσδιαγραφόμενατοβ -6, 108—
9,111.
πρόσκλητος 30, 63.
πρόσοδος 218.
πρύτανις 26, 531- 4,
52-3, 70.
44-5,
Σεβασταὶ ἡμέραι 131.
σκέψις 51.
σκρίβας 65.
σπονδή τοῦ.
στεπτικά 30.
στέφανος 114--18.
στιχάρια 132.
στρατηγός 64, 88, 175, 204.
στρ. ᾿Αλεξανδρείας 30.
στυπτηρία 85.
συγχώρησις 206-7.
συλλέκτης 57.
συμβολικόν 105.
σύνδικος 32, 40-1, 63.
σφαιριστήριον τ46.
σωματίζειν 182--3.
τάξις 197.
ταμιακὸς λόγος 40.
τέλη δημοσιώσεως 218.
τελωνικά 71.
τῆλις 114.
τιμὴ πυροῦ ἢ1.
τιμήματος τέλη 218, 229.
τρίτη βαλανείων 106,
ὑική 102, 105-6.
ὑποκείμενα 106,
ὑπόλογον 98.
ὑπομνηματογράφος 28-30, 97,
183, 219.
ὑποτάσσειν 161.
χειριστικὸς πυρός 121.
χειρόγραφον 15, 206, 209-1ο.
χειρωνάξιον ΟἹ, 260-1.
χρηματιστικὴ τράπεζα 25.
χωματικόν 10--20, III,
PASSAGES DISCUSSED
XV. PASSAGES DISCUSSED.
(Ax asterisk denotes proposed emendations.)
(4) AUTHORS.
PAGE
Aristides, εἰς Σάραπιν 27 : . 244
Athanasius, 22. Fest. OS ae Puy 80
Cicero, Ad Aff. v. 16 ὃ : oy EEE
Dio li. 19 ‘ : : : ᾿ BGM
ey, 28, : rae as
Josephus, Be//, Jud. 1... ἢ: y ὃ 143
Justinian, Ldic/, 13. 13. : ‘69- 70
(0) INSCRIPTIONS.
PAGE
Archiv, ii. 444 (no. 66) . Ε a7) ae
Bull. Corr. Hell.i.85 . : hae
ΧΙ, 413 - : μον es
Ό. 1. α. ἢ. 340. : ὃ oe an
iii. 4716 (c). : : 142
πο dana πη OF
; 212
5°57 .
ot. ii. 18 : 3 ὦ in ee
(c) PAPYRI AND OSTRACA.
PAGE
Archiv,* v. 395 (P. Hawara 401) 153, 161
Β; Ὁ. U.i. 1. 3 F 3 : 49-50
a : 5 Δ Eee
8. 1], 26. Ae
IO. ots ae
13. 3 ol, 62
15 : τ 2
109 pee AEM
113 148-9
*rar. 1 28-9
142 150-2
143 150-2
Ἐ144. li, 1 51, 59
*156. 11-12 an 210
174 167
' 213 . ; : w EYG
265 - F 3 . 548
Weegee, Ἀν, 8... ᾽ » 39
349
PAGE
Plin: .22. x. 30; ἃς.. : 152
Plin. Mat. Hist, xxii, 25. 121 92
Porphyry (FHG. iii. 174): 170
Ριο]. iv. αὶ 5.ῦ. Κῷ 73
LXX Judges viii. 26 144
Vita Aureliant 13, II
Vita Claudit iv. 2 230
PAGE
Cc. I. L. 12048. 157
viii, 2482 . 230
Χ. 58ο. 15
Journ, Hell, Stud, 1904, Ρ. Io. 29
Or, Gr, Inser. 1..*1e94; 2. « Io
ii, 669 - 96-7
ay te 63
PAGE
Β. α. ὕ... 287. 1.4 ἐ 143
423 239-40
447. 20 +, DEF
473 . I
562 ° 152
*578. 8-9 222
614 : 212
696. i. 28 152
iii, 697 ὃ 84
802, Xi, 23 70
825. 13 . 229
832. 15-16. . 28-9, 97
*847 , .148, 151, 157-8
888, 5 κα "eta -
ΟΙ5. 2 107-8
928 80
969. 20-4 19-20
iv, 1027, ΧΧΥΪ, 10
INDICES
35°
PAGE
B. Ὁ. U, iv. *1032 148, 157
“1033 5 148, sath 157-9
1056 . 207
1073. 4. : 28
1074. 10 28, 42
1147 : 207
1202. 4. : : 2. 50
ΟΡ, Herm: 7. 11 : 58
23. li. 5-8 40
52. li. 9 32
53 : ; 40-I
92. 12. - : $ 4
93. το. : ° ° 4
IOI . ae | 2
120, recto iii. 12 . : 70
127 eee
ΟΡ Ια “(SBE
10.) % pt ART
20 - ς- Bee
39. 8. : 5) Saree
Meyer, Griech. Texte 6 209, 212
Milne, Theban Ost. 95-6 . . 1
136. I 111
*138. 1 258
Mitteis, Chres/. τοῦ. 27, 40
Ρ, ean, 11. *35,.45%, 192
15 160
99-4 . 149
124 29
*126, 12 114
137. 4 - 63
146.4. ᾿ Ἶ é 6
P. Brit. Mus, i. 18. 22 172
121. 390-3 236
124. 36 237
il, *248 . 89
ΠΕΣ: : 187
τος (a). 12 : 132
265. ‘ 126
283. . 209
205 - Mees |
429. . 145
*908 . 209-10, 212
988. 9 . 248.
1157 115-16
1217 . 4115
1243 230
*1246.7 19
124. 23. 25
PAGE
P. Brit. Mus. iii. 1259. verso + 112
iv. Be 439 7°
P, Cairo 10531 174
10567. verso - 87
10622 ° 87
P. Cairo Maspero oes 4 70
67060 . ο
P. Cairo Preisigke *29 114
34. 3-4 30
P. Fay. 39 ; : 8 99
40 : ἬΝ Ἢ
42 ᾧ οὖ ΤΟΌΖ
42 (a) 99, 102, 106
87.5 2 7°
93- 5-6 84
101 126
118, 20 ὁ 118
153. 2: 236
P. Por. i. 25; 4 29
68.5 ee
79 159, τότ
95.60 . 2 oe
92 ᾿ 185-6
il, 273. verso 25
ili, 325 . go
346. 20
352. 2 . | St
382. - 148-9, 151, 153;
156-7, 161
Ῥ Gen, το. 2. 206
79. . ‘odie
P. Giessen *30, Io . "4
*24, 4-5. . 228
*60 ‘ > ee
rigs : 79
P. Goodsp. 12.6 . : 79
14.9 25
20. νἱ. 4 19
Ρ͵ Grenf, ii. 46 85
51. 5 151
778.29. 3 268
P. Hamburg 31 148-9
33 176
Ρ, land. *51.6 134
Κα Leipzig 4 . 187
10. li . 218, 222, 228-9
Bia geo we . BB
Ἐρη. 26 sqq. 48
62.1.9
83
P. Leipzig 64 .
Ρ, Oxy. i. 39
PASSAGES DISCUSSED
il
iii,
iv.
#719. 30-1
vi.
Vii,
Vili.
41
: 250: 5
257.
258.
268. I
273.
a6706
Ἔ280. 2, 15
200. :
484.
471-
418.
485.
gold:
593 -
658.
720.
ΖΕ"
133. 3
140. 17
888.
*889. I
892. II
977-
986.
1022. 4
1028.3 .
1040. 17-19
1044 :
1046.3 .
1104
1115.1.
*1115. 11-|2
1118
PAGE
41,82 | P.Oxy.viil. 1119. 5 -
hes J 1145 :
40, 51 Ti46.. 2 - 2
3 δ ἢ ix. 1185 :
85, 185 1187. 12-15
τ 79 1187. 21.
29, 70, 230 *1190. 19.
29 1101. 1, 15
22 *1197. 17-18
ee 172 1200 -
. 10, 85, 88
229 *1200. 4, 58
89-90 1201 .
222 1202 :
183 1208 :
252 1209 Β
"160-2, 165 1210 Ξ
: 160-1 1213.44.
97 x. *ragg. 18%
185 1257. 10-14
132 *1260. I
132 1261
19 1264
132 1266
161 1270 -
‘160-1 1277. recto
Liz, 222 1285 :
164 ¥z285..35 -
181 1286.10.
190-1 pane
219 | P. Ryl. ii. 75 :
193-5 77- 34-9 Ξ
kor 83 . :
261 84.1
223 *90. 2
112 95.15
10 IOI
70 102
Paes 110.
126 Ἐ120. 25
152 191. 7
164 192.10 .
Page 195. 5
«1-181 202 (a). 4
. - 218 213.
: 70, 81 214. 42-3
oe ἘΠ 221. 29
26 232.8
: a> Bi 257 - :
273
218, 222-3,
228-9, 233
223, 228
193-5
161
228,°233
ΠΩ
112
. 250
- 257
26, 121
175
30
196
᾿1ὅδ-2, 165
209-10
peter
131
61, 102, 106
43, IIo
. ey (>
25
97
352
PAGE
PS, do Bost, |. : é eee
83.5 : - 253
a7 81
93- 16 Ξ 248
109 : - ‘4258, eae
iil. *164. 15 5 \ ore
Mae ἘΠ 255
#205. 5 - 280
208. 249-50
P. Strassb. 6-8, 10-11 230 sqq.
28. : ‘ : 2) τα
34-7 - 28
45. 70, 121
*71. 8-9 see
70.3 . 262
P. Stud. Pal. ii. 32 230
iv. 62 544. 165
69. 342 152
Ἴ1. 159, 184 149
P. Tebt. ii. 286..14-15 . . 28-9, 97
313 : 5 - - 169
S15. 21. 248
317 - : Ξ in) ag
320. 41 - Ὁ ἘΠ}
*236. 8 Br |
339 118, 124, 130
340 one
341 :_ 120
343 - 98
354 =) ey
397 - 195
581 ἜΤ (ate 230 sqq.
P. Phiead, 14.78 5 : : Sas
ao : : : - 200
18. I Ξ 3 5 ΤΠ 'a6
ἔτ. 9 ον 175
INDICES
Ρ. ΤΠπεδά. 32. 13
34. . ° ᾿ τ
δῷ, 28 ὦ : - - ΘΗ
Preisigke, S. B. 1945 134
1051 : : - 6
4226 - 98
5ar7(P. Alex. )148-9,157-9
*5217. 24-9 158-9
5615. τό. ᾿ 0) 8
Spiegelberg P. Cairo dem. *31232 170
Unpublished papyri—
Brit. Mus. 1600 161
Fayim 126
Leipzig . : : sl: ‘lp ΤΩΡ
Oxy. xiii, 1626 : ‘ + By
1632 : 3 89-90
1633 .- 16, 92, 98, 233
1635 228
1639 25, 207
1640 ὃ 126, 223
1642 I-2, 39, 65, 228
1643 . - 74-5
1645 29, 219
1646 233
1653 : o> ey
Miscell. 132, 175, 179,
NO: ΘΕ ἘΠῚ
Strassb. . Te
Tebt, ti:% 3 169
Wessely, Karanis, p. 74 . Ξ hie
Wilcken, Chres#. 28 . ‘ : III
217 165
Ost. 276 ὃ 218
*888-90 121
*1028 τ:
1587 ᾿ : Ε 1
Ριατε |
No. 1406
_
---
ea)
-
<x
|
β.
Ἷ
EGYPT EXPLORATION FUND
GRAECO-ROMAN' BRANCH.
HE EGYPT EXPLORATION FUND, which has conducted Archaeological research
in Egypt since 1882, in 1897 started a special department, called the Graeco-Roman
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and Α. 5. HUNT. 25. (with Collotypes) and 6d. net.
NEW SAYINGS OF JESUS AND FRAGMENT OF A LOST GOSPEL. By
B. P. GRENFELL and A. S. Hunt. 15. net.
FRAGMENT OF AN UNCANONICAL GOSPEL. By B. P. Grenrert and A. 8.
Hunt. Is. net.
COPTIC OSTRACA. By W.E. Crum. τος. 6d. net.
THE THEBAN TOMB SERIES, Vol. I. THE TOMB OF AMENEMHET (No. 82).
By NINA DE G. Daviess and A. H. GARDINER. 305.
Slides from Fund Photographs may be obtained through Messrs. Newton & Co., 37 King Street,
Covent Garden, W.C., and Prints from Mr. R. C. Murray, 37 Dartmouth Park Hill, N.W.
Offices of the Egypt Exploration Fund:
37 GREAT RUSSELL STREET, LONDON, W.C., AND
527 TREMONT TEMPLE, BOSTON, MASS., U.S.A.
Agents:
BERNARD τος 11 GRAFTON daa NEW ΒΟΝΌ ΘΤΕΕΕΤ, ν.
ASHER & Co., 14 BEDFORD STR ET, COVENT GARDEN, W.C.
HUMPHREY crass = AA ape UNIVERSITY PRESS, AMEN CORNER, E.C., AND
WEST 32np STREET, NEW YORK, U.S.A.
ς. F. CLAY, CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS, FETTER LANE, LONDON, E.C,, AND
100 PRINCES STREET, "EDINBURGH
KEGAN PAUL, TRENCH, TRUBNER & Co., 68-74 CARTER LANE, E.C.
v
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