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Politics, of Social and Economic Tendencies. 

OF History. Literature, 
and the Arts 


January — June, 1920 

In Two Parts : Part II 







(Numbers 34-59) 


ALASKA'S Salmon Fisliinif Industry, L^islation 

^ X«,kd 347 

America, What Ihe Name SigniAcs 501 

American AraJemy at Rome. Funds Needed 475 

American Legion: "llonuses" 166,239,317, 

445. 503, 586 
Imposition u>f Its Standards (Franklin D'Olier) 2 
Proposals lor Aid from the Government.... 317 

Armenia. American Mandate For 557 

Aviation: Congressional Appropriation 120,219 

D.\SEBALL and tht Needs ot the World 143 

Better Times, Smalla^ Newspaper in the 

Wo«»d 269 

Bird Act, Migratory, Sustained by Supreme Court 419 

B'tds. Extermination in -\merica (Hornaday) .... 663 

Birds. Refuge for (Rockefeller Foundation's Gift) 447 

Bolshevism. Cause of 418, 587 

Chicherin and Raymond Robbins 96 

n-portations. Government's Policy Toward.. 95 

Favored in Sibrria (Major-General Graves).. 531 
Hapgood's (Norman) Reply to Harvey's 

Weekly's Charges 95 

May-day Plot 474 

Refutation by the New Republic and Nation. . 120 

Books 71 

Bryan's Speeches 41 

(>rN'CIXNATUS Legend and Gov. Frazier of the 

Xon-Partisan League 269 

Child-Welfare Laws 447 

Church and War (Freeman) 587 

"Civic Responsibility," Compulsory Training for 

(F. E. Spauldmg) 375 

Clothes, Style of Men's (Custom Cutter's' Deci- 
sion) 297 

Coal Miners and Operators Indicted by Federal 

Grand Jury 318 

Congress: American Recognition of "Irish Re- 
public" (Cdby Interrogated) 557 

Arminian Mandate, Immediate Action Upon 

Necessary 557 

Aviation Appropriation 120, 219 

Bonus Bill, House Passing of 586 

Bonus Raised by Proposed Retroactive War- 
profits Tax Bill 445 

Bonus Two Billion Dollar Bill, Progress of 

503. 586 
Glass's Recommendation for Starving Europe 

41, 119, 166 
Paper Consumption, Bill for Restraint of 

Nerdcd 473 

Protest Against Their Irish Resolutions (Yale 

Faculty) 614 

Resolution Proposed to R cognize Irish de 

facto Government (SherwooJ) 21 

Seed Distribution, Abandonm nt of Policy of. 268 

Conkling's Hatred of Blaine, Cause of 663 

Cost of Living: Cooperative Soci.ties, Statistics 

on 503 

Lowering of the Price of Food (Rcs.aurant 

Men's Assn.) 297 

Potatoes, Increase in Production of 530 

Potatoes, Means of Obtaining Pric; Reduction 473 
Reduction of. Overalls and Oli Clothes 418 

r\EBS and Free Speech 475 

"Disclosures" ar.d Radical Papers 531 

Dreiser (Theodore), Importan.e of 375 

ECONOMICS: Budget System Needed 70 

Deflation (Federal Reserve Board's Report) 192 

Glass's Recommendation to Congress for Re- 
lief in Europe 41, 119, 166 

High Prices, Cause of (Kansas City Star).. 374 

Taxation of Non-residents (Supreme Court 

Decision) 218 

Truths and Advertising 97 

Education: Child-welfare l^ws 447 

Colleges, Amherst .Memorial Fellowship 2 

Colleges, Degree Requirement — Specific Knowl- 
edge of Our Form of Government 167 

Colleges, Final Examination for Degrees 

(Harvard) 97 

Colleges, Harvard, Teachers and Production 

(Lowell's Report) 240 

Colleges, Pranks and Newspaper Reporting.. 318 

Colleges, Professors' Salaries (University of 

Wash.) 167 

Colleges, Women's Funds Needed 219 

Educational .Section of the Review 269 

New York Post-Graduate Medical School 447 

Unionization of College and University 

Teachers (Prof. Lovcjoy) 97 

pARMERS and the "Questionnaire" 120 

Fifth Avenue Noises 346 


Fifth Avenue's Beauty 347 

Fifth Avenue's New Traffic Rules 297 

Finance [See Economics] 

Fraud: Election (Senator Newberry's Convic- 
tion) 295 

Free Speech: Radicals' .\ttitude Towards. . .374, 475 

Republican Platform On 641 

Rev. P. S. Grant's Opinions 69, 120 

Socialist Rez'iew's Idea of 587 

Suppression of. Deb's Attitude Toward 475 

Freeman, The 295 

Freeman, The, and the Nation 446 

Freeman's, The View of the Church 587 

French and English Good Feeling, Ruhr Situa- 
tion a Menace to — Our Attitude "Toward.. 373 

IJOOVER as the Head of European Relief Work 642 
Housing: Apartment House Leases (New 

York) 42 

Tenement Problems, Prizes for 42 

I DEALISM and Disillusion 374 

Indian (American) Rights Association — ■ 

Pima Indians' Case 614 

Interchurch World Movement, Fund Campaign . . 

319, 587 

Ireland and European Squabbles 95 

Irish Propaganda Encouraged by New York City 

and State 70 

Italy Accuses America of Spreading False News. . 445 

l^EYNES and Miller (David Hunter) Controversy 

Over German Indemnity 141, 142 

J ABOR: Attitude in Australia Against Sabotage 587 

Farmers' Compl.-iints 1 20 

Gompers, Overthrow of {Manchester Guardian) 558 

Gompers's View of, Toilers' Rights 614 

Hiring Capital (Sir George Paish) 42 

Injunctions, Attitude Toward (John A. Mc- 

Mahon) 97 

Party Dissensions 642 

Shorter Hours and Undiminished Production 
Exemplified by American Multigraph Co. 

(Cleveland) 530 

Soviet-Labor Code, Insurgent Press's Attitude 446 
Task of (Sir Auckland Geddes at Atlantic 

City) 474 

The Right to Strike (Gompers vs. Allen) . . . 586 
Unionization of College and University Teach- 
ers (Prof. Lovejoy) 97 

Wages and Number of Employees, Statistics 

(Labor Market Bulletin) 218 

Lansing's Influence on Notes Sent to England and 

Germany, The Nation's View 217 

Laski's (Harold J.) Prediction of Revolution.... 615 
Law: Reform Urged in Anachronistic Features 

by Bar Association 167 

Reforms (New York State Bar Association). 167 

Liberator and Mexico 475 

Library (American) Association, Work of 71 

JVjAETERLINCK in America 2 

Marshall's (Vice-President) Democratic 
Letter 165 

Mexico Under Carranza, the Liberator's View .if 475 

Minority and Majority Rights (Hobson in the 

London Nation) 503 

Morton, Levi P., Career of 530 

MATION (The): Attack on.. 142, 217, 239,446, 642 
Nation's (The) Plea for Newspaper Modera- 
tion 142 

National Thrift Week 22 

Negroes: Lynching and the Law (Lexington, 

Ky.) 142 

New Republic and the "Red and White Terror". 120 

New Republic Misquotes Wood 529 

New Republic's Attitude Toward the War 69 

New Republic's Fondness for "Disclosures" 531 

Newspapers and News Suppression 501, 585 

QSLER'S (Dr. William) Death 2 

DAPER, Newsprint, Consumption of 473 

Peary's (Admiral) Death 193 

Periodicals, American and English Contrasted 347 

Personal Liberty and Legislation 347 

Politics: And Investigations (New York) 346 

Bryan's Re-entrance Into 1 

Commissioner of Accounts' Attack on Horna- 
day of the N. Y. "Zoo" 297 

Conventions, Interest of ',] 613 

Democratic Convention, Character of..!!.... 661 

Democratic Platform, Issues of 661 

Election Campaign Expenditures (Senator 
Newberry's) 295 

Reasons for Voting for Johnson (Detroit 

Weekly) 446 

Republican Convention 613 

Republican Convention, "Task of 473 

Republican Platform 473 

Republican Platform On Free Speech, Free 

Press and Free Assembly 641 

Republican Platform, Prize Contest For. ... 70 
Scheme for Electing the President (Judge 

Willis Brown) 218 

Vice-President Marshall's Letter 165 

Pope's Mitigation of Protest Against the King's 

Seizure of his Temporal Power 614 

Presidential Candidates: Betting Odds Against.. 613 

Harding and Coolidge, Careers of 641 

Harding, Comment by French and English 

Press 641 

Hoover vs. Johnson on the Treaty 529 

Hoover's Ability to Reduce Government Ex- 
penses 417 

Hoover's Chances of Nomination 141 

Hoover's Statement of his Opinions 141 

Johnson and the Chicago Convention 585 

Johnson and the Primaries, Result of 445 

Johnson's Convictions 613 

Johnson's Definition of Radical 558 

Republican Candidate (Penrose) 192 

Vice-Presidency, Importance of (Johnson's 

Comment) 417 

Wilson and the Treaty 445 

Wilson's Renomination, Chances of 661 

Wood and Hoover 95 

Wood Misquoted by New Republic 529 

Wood's Fitness for Presidency 417 

Wood's Primary Campaign 585 

Wood's Resignation from the Army 21 

Primaries and Senator Johnson ». . 239 

Primaries, Value of 641 

Primary and Funds 585 

Profiteers: Department Store Head, Arrest of 

[New York] 662 

"Progressives" and Grover Cleveland (The 

Nation) 642 

Prohibition: Enforcement of 71 

Entering Wedge for Further Restraints of 

Personal Liberty 347 

Michigan and Enforcement 193 

DADICAL: Meaning of [Senator Johnson]... 558 

Press and the People 615 

Radical's Position and the Liberal's 418 

Radicals vs. Liberals 663 

Railing on "General Principles" 615 

Railways: Esch Cummins Railroad Bill 191 

Esch-Cunimins Railroad Bill, Labor Provisions 191 

Freight Rates' Increase and the Nation 239 

Revolutionists and Violence 531 

Rhymes: [Clinton Scollard and F. P. Adams].. 559 

Roosevelt Memorial Association. Woman's 240 

Russian Bolsheviki Methods Exposed 345 

gALVATION Army's Campaign for Funds 418 

Science Offers Prize for Inter-planetary 

Communication 121 

Sir Oliver [Lodge] Exchanged for "Pussyfoot'' 

Johnson 167 

.Social Force vs. Law [London Nation!....'.'.'.'. 502 
Socialism; Albany Bills against. Constitutionality 

of 417 

Berger and the War 2I 

Debs Compared to Liebknecht ISurvey] ....'. 447 

Gov. Smith Vetoes Heresy-hunting Bills 557 

Republican Platform Stand on Discrimination 

Against 641 

Speaker Sweet's Charges Against the Five 

Socialist Assemblymen 69 

State [Non Partisan League] Cincinnatus aiid 

I h eir Governor 269 

Voting For '..'.'.'. 219 

Socialist Parties, Dissensions of !!!!!!!!! 642 

State, the Passing of the 295 

Straw Hats [Mens] Convention Governing Wear- 
ing of 559 

Strikes; Heating Plant Operators [New York].! 121 

Railroad, Justification as Regards Wages...! 373 

Kailroadj "Outlaw" Character of 373 

The Right of [Gompers vs. Allen] 586 

Sugar, Hoover's Plans for Its Supply 501 

yENANTS of New York Apartment Houses 42 

Treaty and Covenant: America's Responsi- 
bility and Wilson [Fortnightly Review! . . 585 

Bryan's Speech 41 

George Washington Invoked Against! ! 95 
Hoover's Position on Treaty Attacked 

by Johnson 529 

Issue in Presidental (Campaign '217, 

239, 445, 501 

Keynes vs. Miller [David] Hunter 141, 142 

Numbers 34-59 


Vol. II 

LeaRlie's Financial Resources and 

Wood's Campaign 446 

Lenroot Reservation and Canada 166 

Lord Grey's Letter 119 

Lord Grey, and the Senate 119 

New Republic's Attitude ^ 69 

Non-Ratification of, Responsibility for. 267 

Ratification Outlook Dark 217, 267 

RatificatioTi Without Reservation, Oppo- 
sition of Taft and Bryan to Wilson's 

Plan 501 

Root Represents Us at the League.... 192 

Wilson and Italy's Claims 166 

Wilson L'rgcd by Prominent Citizens to 
Accept Treaty on Best Terms Obtain- 
able 317 

Wilson's New Proposals and the Trcnty 445 
Wilson's Opportunity to Return the 

Treaty to the Senate 295 

Wilson's Responsibility for Non-Rati- 
fication of 661 

UNITED States Army: "Bonuses" .. 166, 239, 
317, 445, 503, 586 

General Wood's Resignation 21 

Unit d States Navy; Admiral Sims's Charges.. 69 

Result of Inquiry Into Charges Against 374 

Sims's Controversy with Daniels, Report 
Necessary 662 

WICK Investigations in New York 345, 346 

W^.-\R Memorial, Hudson River Bridge 642 

" Wilson Administration: Colby's [Bain- 
bridge] Appointment as Secretary of 

State 217 

Crane's [Charles R.] Appointment as 

Minister to China 218 

Wilson's Dismissal of Secretary Lansing 165 
Wilson's Re-election and the Treaty 239, 445 
Wilson's Renomination, Chances of.... 661 
Wilson's Responsibility Towards the 

Treaty 585 

Wilson's Sickness and Republican Sym- 
pathy [Senator Williams] .. 318 

WilS(Hi's Uncompromising Idealism, 

Results of 374 

VUKON Salmon Fishing Industry, Legislation 

needed [Archdeacon Stuck] 347 

VIONISM: F'unds For 70 


ARMENIA, American Mandate For 557 

Australia, Unions and Sabotage 587 

Austria-Hungary: "Lasko's" Death and the New 

Republic 120 

Union With Czechoslovakia 70 

DELGIUM: Industrial Conditions [Guaranty 
*-* Trust Co.] 22, 559 

r^ANADA: Financial Prosperity, Aid to [Sir 

^ Vincint Meredith] 143 

Treaty, Voting Rights [N. W. Rowell] 166 

Tribute to Prince of Wales's Visit [Sir Vin- 
cent Meredith] 143 

pvENMARK: Elections for the Folketing — Re- 
'-' suits 474 

Plebiscite in Slesvig, Results of 296, 346 

Reinstatement of Mr. Hansen as Commis- 
sioner for Slesvig Affairs, Signiiicance of.. 375 

ECONOMICS: Glass's Recommendation to 

Congress for Relief in Europe 41, 119, 166 

piNANCE: [See Economics] 

France: Agreement with Kernel Pasha... 643 

Aviation, War Statistics 42 

German Diplomacy vs. French 346 

German Indemnity and the Hythe Con- 
ference 558 

Lille, Funds for 121 

Merchant Fleet, Needs 29S 

Millerand Tries to Dissolve the General 

Federation of Labor 530 

Millerand's Cabinet Victory 96 

Politics, Briand vs. Millerand 96 

I'rize for Inter-Planetary Communica- 
tion [Academy of Sciences] 121 

Ruhr Situation a Menace to Its Good 

Relations With England 373 

Russian Policy [Millerand] 586 

Socialist Programme for Reconstruction 502 
France's Part in the Controversy Over the German 

Territory on the Left Bank of the Rhine . . 296 

^ERMANS in Czechoslovakia at Prague, Be- 

havior of 586 

Germany: Condition of [Dr. Paul Rohrbach] . . . . 96 
Effect of the Reconciliation of France and 

England at San Remo 446 

Elections for Reichstag — Results 614 

Ex-Kaiser's Trial 41 

German Diplomacy vs. French 346 

Hermann Muller's Cabinet 318 

Indemnity, Arrangement at Hythe 558 

Indemnity [Keynes vs. Miller, David Hunter]. 

141, 142 

Our Attitude Towards 41 


Plebiscite in Slesvig 296 

Prince Joachim Alhrecht's Trial 643 

Prussian Militarists' Counter-Revolution, Pur- 
poses 267, 268 

Prussian Militarists' Revolution Against the 

Kberl Government 267 

ReL-itiins with Eastern Europe [Dr. Rohr- 
bach] 240 

Spa Conference, Demands of German Dele- 
gates at 5.i;g 

War Criminals, Demand For 165 

QREAT Britain: Anglo-Persian Treaty 419 

Asquith vs. Lloyd George's Policies 318 

Birds, Extermination of — Fight for Preventive 

Measures 419 

General Strike to Force Nationalization of the 

Mines, Vote on 268 

Krasin's Visit, Real Purpose of 662 

Lloyd George's Russian Policy [Krasin's 

visit] 586 

London Ucrcvry's Articles. Informality of.. 347 

Lord Grey's Letter on the Treaty 119 

Polish Policy fBonar Law] 558 

Ruhr Situation a Menace to Its Good Rela- 
tions With France 373 

Saturday Review, Snobbishness of 347 

Sir Auckland Geddes on Reconstruction, Op- 
timism of 474 

UARDING'S Nomination, English and French 

Comment on 641 

Holland: Ex-Kaiser's Trial 41 

Hoover and European Relief Work 642 

Hungary: White Terror and Allied Commission- 
ers' Representations to the Horthy Govern- 
ment 643 

IRELAND: American Recognition of Republic 

'■ [Colby] 557 

Government of Ireland Bill Amendment 

Group [.Stephin Gwynn] 474 

Home Rule Bill [Lloyd George's], Stephen 

Gwynii's Amendments 474 

Resolution Proposed in Congress to Recognize 

de facto Government [Sherwood] 21 

Sinn Fein Propaganda Encouraged in New 

York City and State 70 

Sinn Feinism and the League 70 

Sinn FYinism Denounced by Colonel Lynch. . 22 
Italy: America Accused of Spreading False News 

of Italy 445 

American Academy at Rome, Funds Needed. 475 
Attitude Towards the World [Premier Nitti] 142 
Coalitions, Value of [Nitti's Resignations]... 643 
Fiunie and Jugoslavia's Need of a Seaport.. 192 

Fiume and the Fourteen Points 191 

Fiume, Policy of Moderation Advocated 

IPremicr Nitti] 142 

Nitti's Resignation and Return 530 

Pope's Mitigation of Protest Against the 

King's Seizure of His Temporal Power.... 614 

Socialism — Leader of, Enrico Malatesta 475 

Wilson's Uncompromising Attitude on Dal- 

matia 166 

JAPAN: Occupation of Vladivostock, Responsi- 
bility for 503 

Shantung Settlement, China's Distrust of 

J apan 662 

Japanese Portraiture of Etiropeans INeopkiloh' 

gusl 531 

lyiEXICO: Revolution Depicted by Ibancz.... 530 
The Liberator's View of [Irwin GranichJ . . 475 

Minority and Majority Rights [Hobson in the 

London Nations 502, 503 

pERSIA: Anglo-Persian Treaty 419 

^ i'oland: Success of Offensive Against Rus- 
sia 502, 558 

Ukranian Debt to 502 

RUSSIA: Aggressive Campaign Against — Re- 
sults of 502 

Bolsheviki and Outside Interference 193 

Bolsheviki Kill Madame Ponatidine 615 

Bolsheviki Regime and Free Speech [N. Buk- 

harin] 375 

Chicherin's Note to President Wilson 96 

Co-operatives and the Soviet 142 

Exposure of Bolsheviki Methods 345 

France's Policy Toward [Millerand] 586 

Japai.ese Occupation of Vladivostok 503 

Kalinin's Death and Soviet Changes ;••.•• 1*7 

Keeliiig's [Mr.] Change of View of Soviet 

Russia 345 

Kolchak, Result of Allied Aid to 193 

Kolchak, Testimonial to [Hans Vorst] 96 

Krasin's Visit to England, Real Purpose of . . . 662 
Lloyd George's Policy Towards [Krasins 

Visit to England] 586 

Semenov and Japan J 

Semenov Succeeds Kulchak 1 

Semcnov's Value INew Republic] 21 

Siberia's Pro-Bolshevik Tendencies [Major- 

Gcneral Graves] ,•'■,■,-"■ ^ 

Soviet Governm.nt. Social Democrat s View 

[British Labor Delegation] 643 

Soviet Government's Issue of Platinum Notes 219 

Soviet Labor Code 446, 559 

Tolstoy and Bolshevism .•••,•; Jt„ 

Unity of Russia [Dr. Rohrbach] 240 


CAN Remo Conference, Lloyd Georte «. Mil- 

lerand 4I7 

San Remo Peace Conference, Reconciliation of 

France and England 44< 

•'i'law [Bernard] and Prize Fichlint 42 

.Spa Conference 558 

Sweden: .Socialist Cabinet 419 

Switzerland: Votes Condilionalljr to Jota tlw 

Lt-ague 1 

Syria: Independence of.... 268,296 

TREATY and Covenant I, 41, 70, 119, 141, 

o. . - >«, 166 

Signing of 41 

Turkey: Allied Policy Toward 240,268 

And Conditions in the Near Ea«t 268 

France's Agreement with Krmal Pasha 64J 

Rea.<ons for Turkey Retaining Constantinople 218 


AGRICULTURE, the Basic Industry 196 

^ Albany, The Issues in the Fight at [Socia- 
lism] 121 

Am:'rica and the Plight of Europe [Economic]... 123 

American Isolation (Trealyl 589 

America's Duty 532 

Article X 143 

Asquith's Return, Mr 222 

"DLOOD and Iron," What Hat Come o{ [Ger- 

'-' many] 244 

Bolsheviki, Poles and 477 

Bi nus. Justice and the 351 

Branting, Prime Minister 451 

(CAMPAIGN Arguments 299 

^^ Cenlralia Murder Trial, The 321 

Chicago. The Chances at [Presidential Can- 
didates) 376 

Chicago, The Problem at [Presidential Candidates] 588 
Chicago, The Result at [Presidential Candidates] 644 

Church and the World's Need, The 172 

Classics, President Butler on the 76 

College Efficiency, The "Student-Hour" and 198 

Colleges For? What Are 125 

Colleges, The Women's 223 

Cost of Living Exhibit, A 477 

Cow to Consumer, From 591 

pCONOMIC Restoration, The World's 71 

^ Eighteenth Amendment, The Protest 

Against the [ Prohibition] 242 

English Tradition, America and the 147 

Europe, The Outlook in 26 

Exchange Question, A B C of the 145 

CAILURE, A Lamentable [Soldiers] 197 

^ Faith That Is in Us, The [Socialism] 506 

Farmers' Questionnaire, The 299 

Father of Victory The [Clemenceau] 75 

Fighting the Symptoms [Cost of Living] 243 

France and England 322 

pERMAN Elections, The 590 

^^ Germany, By-Governments in 507 

Gompers [Mr.] vs. the Bolshevists 124 

Governor Smith's Opportunity [Socialist Billa].. 421 

Greek at Oxford 424 

"Greek for the Greek-minded" 645 

Greeks and Poles 665 

UOLLAND and the ex-Kaiser 100 

^^ Hoover 98 

Hoover's Candidacy, Two AspecU of Mr 560 

Housing, Population and 666 

Housing Problem— Ethics or Economics? The 349 

Hungary, Peace for 563 

"IDEALISM" at its Worst [Treaty and Wilson] 241 
* IdeaUsm in Vacuo [Treaty and Wilson]... 505 

Industrial Conference, Labor and the 320 

Irish Surprises 272 

lACKSON-Day Bombshell, The [Treaty] 44 

J Johns Hopkins, The Case of 24 

Johnson and the Chicago Convention 504 

I^APP'S Ballon d'Essai [Germany] 301 

I ABOR in Politics 146 

^ Labor and the Industrial Conference 320 

Labor Move. A Hopeful •• 6 

Labor, What Kansas is Doing About 269 

Law or the Cadi. The [Lever Law] 617 

Lawmakers Found Wanting 448 

Liberal? What is a 219 

Longevity, A Question of 3'9 

MERCHANT Marine, Our 533 
Mock-Hysteria (Socialism] 43 

"lUATION" Will Say—, The [Reds] 23 

'' Navy Awards. Those 6 

.N'ewberry Verdict, The 450 

OLD Familiar Charge, The ["Little Americans"] 664 
Overallers .\re in Earnest, If the [Profit- 
eering] *^' 

Vol. II 


Jan.-June, 1920 


pOEM? What Constitntn m 246 

* Pol«5 »nd Bolsheyiki 477 

Population and Hotisinr 666 

Preacnration of Our Wild Life, The J78 

President, The 168 

Prices and the Gold Standard 169 

PriosSIashing. The Ware of 560 

Profiteer— Hunting and Political Economy 195 

Prohibition a Fact. Federal 616 

Property, The Defence of 3 

Prophet, A Rock-Bottom 619 

Public? Is there a 646 

DEDS. The Raid on the 22 

**^ Revirw," One Year of "The 476 

Russia, Information from 376 

Russia, Still Fumblini With 101 

Russia, The New Policy Toward 72 

Russia. The Problem of 25 

Russia's Substitute for "Wage Slavery". ,.>.. .. 273 

CHEPHERDS and Song in the Day's News 667 

*^ Siberia in Despair 5 

Sim's Memorandum. Admiral 74 

'*Scctal Unit." Mrs. Tiffany on the 7 

Socialism Convention, The 534 

Socialist Programme, Hillquit on the 193 

Socialists at Albany. The Expulsion of the 348 

Soothsayers, The World and the [Sir Auckland 

Geddes's Address] 664 

Soviet Drive for Peace, The 220 

Sqturing Grandfather 479 

Steel Strike. End of the 46 

Stock Dividend Case, The 271 

Stock Dividends Again 561 

Strike, Limiution of the Right to 170 

Sultan, Ousting the 351 

"TPOWN Meeting Hall," New York's 99 

Treaty Manoeuvers 532 

Treaty, "The Review" and the 420 

Treaty, the Wreck of the 297 

Turkey and the Powers 45 

Turkish Treaty, The 535 

Turks and Germans 423 

"Two-thirds of Both Houses" [Prohibition] 47 

WATICAN, The 422 

^ Voice of America, The 616 

^WAR, Forgotten Derelicts of [Siberian Prison- 

" ers] 24 

Welfare or "Hell-fare"? 245 

White House, The Anomaly at the [Wilson] 319 

Winter, Outwitting 196 



Air, Empire Building by — Cairo ta the 

Cape. C. Hicks 494 

Aliens and the Political Party System. J. Spargo 175 
Anatole France as Preacher. H. L. Stewart.... 595 
Auvus, The. W. Holbrook 606 

DARRIE, Galworthy, and Others. W. Archer.. 633 

*-' "Batter Upl" 624 

Bolsheviks' Horn of Plenty, The. J. Landfield. . 428 

Bolshevism, Asia. Europe, and, P. Rohrbach 455 

Bolshevism in Holland. A. J. Barnouw 247 

Books, Packing the. E. J. Pearson 675 

Books That Appear in the Spring. E. L. Pear- 

»on 402 

British Civil Service, The Whitley System in the 

E. S. Roscoc 611 

Budget, Two Plans for a National. R. Hayden. . 513 

/CANADIAN Ambassador at Washington, A. 

r* .J- K. F 568 

Certificate Borrowing and the Floating Debt. J. 

H. HoIUnder 552 

Chiradame on Lloyd George. A. Ch^radame 647 

China, Behind the Financing of [Parts I. II, III 

and IV). C. Hodges 302, 324, 353, 452 

Church Unity. Theologian 287 

Colophons of American Publishers 66 

Composing Room Colloquy, A. W. Holbrook 568 

ConsUntinople and the Straits. P. M. Brown.. 224 
Constantinople and the Turks. D. B. MacDonald 325 
Co-operatives, Co-operating with the [Russia]. J. 

Landfield 107 

rjIPLOMACY, Pre-War American. L. Rogers 199 
'-' Drama, The Revival of the Qassic. J. M. 

„ Beck 386 

Dreiser, Theodore, Philosopher. P. E. M 380 

PINSTEIN and the Man in the Street. A. G. 

'- Webster 115 

Ersberger-Helfferich Trial and the Afterma'th, 

The. C. Gauss 277 

Experimental Allegiances [ParU I and II] (The 

State). W. J. Ghent 275, 303 

Europe? How Can America Help. G. Emerson. 498 
European Rehabiliution, Export Credits and. G. 

Emerson 659 

Exporter in "Wonderland", The American.'..!.'.'.' 688 

CED? What Must the World Do To Be. T. 

H. Dickinson 200 

Fmme, The Problem of. A Geographer '..'. 173 


France, The Social Revolution in. R. Buell.... 566 
France Through Agriculture, The Reconstruction 

of. A. Rostand 637 

France, The Transportation Problem in. A. Ros- 
tand 305 

French Plays — Carlo Litcn and "Les Blues de 

rAmour" 90 

French Premier, M. Millerand, The. O Guerlac. 456 

French President, The New. O. Guerlac 113 

rjERMAN University Days, Gone. G. R. El- 

^-* liott 384 

Germany, The Military Coup in. P. Rohrbach.. 540 

Germany, The Outlook in. Examiner 356 

Germany, The Political Parties in. Dr. P. Rohr- 
bach 592 

Germany Recover? Can. Dr. P. Rohrbach.... 104 
Germany's Future Relations with Eastern Europe 

P. Rohrbach 250 

Goncourt Prize, The. A. G. H. Spiers 599 

Great Lakes, Unlocking the 235 

LJEINE'S Buried Memoirs. M. Monahan 438 

* Holland, Bolshevism in. A. J. Barnouw.. 247 

Holland. Dramatic Art in. J. L. Walch 577 

Human Cost of Living, The. D. H. Colcord 127 

Hungary A Chance, Give. Examiner 508 

INDIA Act, The Government of. A. J. Bar- 
nouw 80 

Ireland, A Glimmer of Hope for. H. L. Stewart 102 

Iris in Kansas City. May time 624 

JAPAN'S After- War Boom, The Collapse of. C. 

J Hodges 584 

Japan, President Wilson's. C. Hodges 149 

Jazz a Song at Twilight. C. Wood 468 

Jobs for New Brooms [New President's Job]. E. 

G. Lowry 672 

Jthnson in Fact and Fancy, Hiram W. J. Land- 
field 537 

Journals, The Jazz. W. J. Ghent 30 

June, Early. E. G. H 683 

J^ING'S, Old. A. MacMechan 185 

I ABOR and Capital, Problems of: Employers' 

Aesociations. M. L. Ernst 361 

II, Honest Ballots for Unions .-ind Employers' 
Associations. M. L. Ernst 408 

III, Compulsory Filing of Collective Bargain- 
ing Agreements. M. L. Ernst 442 

IV, Chartering vs. Incorporating Employers* 
Associations and Trade Unions. M. L. 
Ernst 610 

Lady of the Violets, The [Suffrage]. M. C. 

Francis 129 

Lawrence, The Company Stores at. Staff Cor- 

pondent 286 

r^ans, America's Foreign. "T. F. Woodlock 344 

League of Nations, Switzerland and the. O. 

Nippold 541 

Lodge, The Case of Sir Oliver. J. Jastrow 225 

London Stage, On the. W. Archer 38 

MAETERLINCK, The Case of Maurice. J. 

Jastrow 381 

Metropolitan Museum, The Jubilee of the. F. J. 

M.ither, Jr 510 

Mexico, The Plot AR,iinst. W. J. Ghent 536 

Monroe Doctrine as an Adventure in Foreign 

Policy, The. E. J. B -nton 670 

More [Mr. P. E.] and The Wits. S. P. Sherman 54 

Moscow's Campaign of Poison. Examiner 77 

MATURE Lover, The. W. Beebe 406 

Naval Inquiry, The. S. P 426 

"New Republic's" Exhilaration, The [Russia] J. 

Landfield 150 

North Dakota, A "Gold Brick" From. Eye-Wit- 

ness 621 

QUT of Their Own Mouths [Bolshevism]. J. 

Landfield 48 

pAINTING in Washington, Contemporary. V. 

Barker 62 

Paish [Sir GecrEe] A Talk With. C. H. Meltzer. 53 

Palestine, The Problem of. E. B. Reed 564 

Palestine. The Problem of — A Rejoinder. E. M. 

Friedman 650 

Piotr Ivanovitch, The House of [Russia]. J. E. 

Conner 593 

Poland, Aggressiv". L. Pasvolsky 480 

Political State. Aboli.shing the. W. J. Ghent 126 

"Politicians' Union," The Troubles of the. E. 

G. Lowry 248 

Presidential Tnability. L. Rogers 481 

President's Secretary, The. Spectator 177 

Print-seller, My Friend the. L. Williams 550 

Professor, The Unreconstructed. P. M. Buck, 

„ , Jr 154 

Profiteer Hunting. On. H. Hazlitt 466 

Propaganda and the News. W. J. Ghent 453 

Pygmalion, The Tragedy of. R. Demos 368 

DADICAL in Fiction, The. F. Tupper 483 

Railroads? Life or Death for the. T. F. 

Woodlock 28 

Reactionaries, Helping the. W. J. Ghent 354 

Religious Revivals— Old and New. S. West 332 

Republican National Convention, The. J. Land- 
field 649 

Russian Peasants, Tlje Plight of. J. Landfield... 276 

Russian Village, How the Soviet Came to a 153 

CCHOOLS? Can We Improve Our Public. C. 

•^ F. Goodrich 50 

Scientific Research, Organization in. J. R. Angell 251 

Ship's Library, The. R. P. Utter 404 

Shoe Men, Our American 89 

Sinners and Little Ones, Big. A. Replier 668 

Slaves of the Machine [Labor]. D. H. Colcord 8 
Social Unit at Cincinnati — Is it a Soviet? The. 

K. E. Tiffany 11 

Soures, George, an Athenian Satirist. A. E. 

Phoutrides 211 

Stock Exchange and the "Comer in Stutz," The. 

T. F. W 524 

Switzerland and the League of Nations. O. Nip- 
pold 541 

"THIRD Internationale, The. A. J. Barnouw 
^ [Holland] 328 

Transportation I'roblem in France, The. A. Ros- 
tand 305 

Trembling Year, The. R. P. Utter 491 

Turkey and Armenia, Lorn Bryce on. James 

Bryce 425 

Turks, Constantinople and the. D. B. MacDon- 
ald 325 

IJNCULT, The. W. Holbrook 201 

VOYAGE, Impressions de [I, II and III]. C. 
'' F. Goodrich 440, 522, 606 


Whitley System in the British Civil Serv- 
ice, The. E. S. Roscoe 611 

Winter Mist. R. P. Utter 210 

Woodpiles, Of. R. P. Utter 260 

■V/OUNG Nations, Worries of the. T. H. Dickin- 
' son 620 


A DRIATIC Problem, The. Square Deal 329 

Amendment be Unconstitutional? Can a 

Constitutional. G. S. Brown 359 

Amendments, Amending the. Optimist 179 

"America's Duty." Altruist 597 

Anglo-Persian Treaty, The. Y. B. Mirza 432 

Anti-Saloon League, The High-Handedness of the, 

E. J. Shriver 228 

DECK'S Letter, Reactions to: A. F. Beard; C. 
'-' D. Higby; J. S. Moore; G. H. Putnam.. 

430, 431 

Bonus, A Woman's View of the. B. D. C 458 

Bonus, The. E. L. C. Morse 458 

Book Reviewing, The Hazards of. L. G. McPher- 

son 331 

Budget," "Two Plans For a National. J. P. 

Chamberlain 569 

Business, Salvaging the Facts of, D. W. Hyde, 

Jr 570 

"pAHlERS de la Quinzaine," The. M. Peguy. 131 
^-' Church, Loose Talk Within the. T. M. 

Hanks 279 

Church of England, Mr. Roscoe and the. L. J. B. 52 
Clemenceau and the Left Bank. A. O. Lovejoy.. 359 

Col. Lynch's Catholicism. Ci. L. Fox 106 

Concert Stage, Atmosphere on the. G. Vernon.. 13 

Confiscation by Amendment. E. J. Shriver 130 

Congress's Right to Declare Peace. E. S. Corwin 388 

Conservation of Wild Life. E. W. Nelson 544 

Constitution, What Might Happen to the. E. J. 

Shriver 202 

pvANTE Centennial, The Sixth. H. Cochin 570 

'-' Dead in France, Our. Abbe F. Klein 674 

Deflation Through Taxation. M. C. Burke. 32 
Dreiser and the Broadway Magazine, Mr. T. 

Dreiser and. A. N. Meyer 597 

Dreiser's Battle for Truth, Mr. A. N. Meyer. . 486 

pOUCATION, The Work of the South in Wom- 

'^ en's. L. P. Posey 307 

"CAITH that Is in Us. The." J. F. Morton, Jr. 542 
France to Pay Her Debts, The Ability of. 

Jules Meline 543 

Freedom of Opinion. M. F. Clarke 152 

French Opinion of the A. E. F., A. A. Chevrillon 32 
French Students, The War and. E. Lavisse. . . . 517 

QERMAN Despair. G. M. Priest 32 

Germans in Disguise. E. Corman 152 

Germany, Fuel in. W. J. Lowenstein 280 

Germany the Logical Claiment. B. W. K(;lly.... 598 

Cold as Commodity and as Money. H. A. Briggs 598 

Government by Subterfuge. H. T. Newcomb.... 151 
Greenbacks, The Trouble with the. L. A. Hol- 

lenbeck 13 

UOME Rule Proposals, The New. A. B. John- 

* son 390 

Hoover, Zachary Taylor and Herbert. X 457 

Housing Problem. The. F. L. Olmsted 652 

Human Cost of Living, Reducing the. L. F. 

Loree : 330 

Human Cost of Living," "The. B 227 

Numbers 34-59 


Vou II 


INTANGIBLE Advantages ["Defence of Prop- 

erty"]. J. de L. Vcrplanck 152 

"Intrllecluals," The. W. K. liissing 625 

Investors, Protection for. H. R. Andrews 331 

"JEST, The". A. E. T 626 

J Jew and Arab. F. J. Bliss 485 

I/AISER'S Case, The. O. Nippold 625 

*^ Keyn;s and Dillon. A. O. Lovejoy 279 

Kingsley, List to Charles. VV. B 673 

I ANSING'S Statutory Rights, Mr. J. M. Beck. 253 

'-' Liberty, The Decline of. G. W. Martin 202 

Lodge and Sinn Fein, Senator. H. B. Warren.. 517 
Lodge and Wilson, Senator Weeks on. J. W. 

Weeks 516 

Lodge, High Praise for Senator. J. M. Beck 358 

Lodge Reservation.s, The. M. Storey 569 

Lodge's "Fight Against Wilson." L. B. Swift. . 485 

VjEDICINE, Compul.sory. J. Hutchinson, M. D. 389 

Mexico Intervention in. E. L. C. Morse.. 83 

Mexico, Misstatements About, G. W. Knoblauch.. 543 

MEWBERRY Trial, The. W. E. V 431 

*^ Newberry Verdict, The. H. H. Smith 459 

pAISLEY," "Keep Your Eye on. J. M. Dixon. 330 
Party Membership and the Vote. F. B. 

Simkins 569 

Pedagogy, Pelf and. O. Heller 203 

Pilot at the Wh.el, No [Wilson]. F. Rogers 83 

Professor, Keeping Tab on the. C. H. Benjamin. 486 
Public Schools and the Colleges. W. H. Buck.. 131 
Purchasing Power, The Theory of. J. L . Laughlin 306 

QUANTITY Theory, The. J. L. Laughlin.... 674 
Queen Anne's Time, The Wits of. S. B. 
G 517 

DADICAL or Conservative — a Perverse Dilemma. 

A. A. Goldenweiser 130 

Railroads?" "Life or Death for the. S. H. 

Bingham 130 

Reading, More and Better. C. H. Milam 152 

Referendum, The Power of the. Optimist 228 

Relaxed Vigilance, A Case of. T. R. Boggs 459 

Religion, The Outlook for. C. H. Eshleman 202 

Religious Liberty. W. H. van Allen 331 

Retroactive Income Taxes. C. R. Smith 652 

Revoliition, Inviting. H. W. Lawrence, Jr 52 

Revolutionist, How to Meet the. H. Barry 254 

Russian Problem, The. J. de Lancey Verplanck.. 179 

"COCIAL Unit," Queries Concerning the. W. 

^ H. Sheldon 83 

Socialism, The Pope on. L. F. L 516 

Spirit, Intermolecular Space and the. E. Ber- 
liner 360 

Strike, The Right to. W. Haynes 673 

Survival After Death as Related to Physics. T. F. 

W 598 

TAX Burden, Business and the. G. Calhoun.... 626 

Tax, The ExCLSs Profits. P. Dexter 388 

"Two-thirds of Both Houses." B. Tuska 105 

I JNIVERSITIES and the Danger Point. A. M. 

Brooks 203 

University for New Jersey, An English. T. 

Stanton 106 

WELFARE Work at Akron, Industrial. G. Orb 228 
** What Shall We do to Be Saved? [Hoover]. 

M. L 82 

Wild Life Preservation. W. T. Hornaday 431 

Winchester, C. T. H. T. Baker 459 

Worms, The Noise of. A Noisy Worm 179 

2IONISM, Prince Feisal on. F. Frankfurter.. 625 


^T the Front in Poetry. O. W Firkins 33 

I AODICEANS, The. M. C. Smith 651 

"Louvain Is a Dull, Uninteresting Town". 
R. Withington 177 

QN Record. R. Burton 249 

pOEM? What Constitutes a 246 

Poetry, Prize Contest 576 

gTORMBOUND. W. N. Bates 623 

THESE Dead Have Not Died. H. T. Baker. ... 336 
* Tides. S. N 356 



Atmosphere on the Concert Stage. G. Ver- 
non 13 

DEDOUINS. J. Huneker 370 

'~' Birthday of the Infanta, The 261 

Blue Bird, The 186 

r;HICAGO Opera Season, The .^*92 

Cleopatra's Night "' J37 

Concert Stage, Atmo.iphcre OD the. G. Vernon! ! 13 

£)RA.\IATIC Art in Holland. J. L. Walch.... 577 

PrCHERS and Etching. J. Pennell s/ 

Eugene Onegin 34Q 

l-JUDSON River Bridge aa War Memorial.... 642 

PROVEN, Reginald de 93 

Krehbiel (Henry) and Emeat Newman 
Discuss Music 62 

I 'AMORE dei Tre Re 134 

Lexington, At the— The Blue Bird— Ca- 

ruso s Indisposition igg 

L Heure Espagnole \xk 

L""'se ;:::;; ,62 

MADAME Chrysantheme 135 

Mary Garden and "Louise"— The Concert 

Season \ , , . 162 

Massenet's Memories and Music..!!!!!.!!!!!!.'! ig 

MEW York Opera War, The— Hints to Libret- 
^ '«" 116 

pAINTING in Washington, Contemporary. V. 

Barker 53 

Parsifal !!!!!! 212 

Print Seller, My Friend the. L. 'williatns !!."!.' ! 550 

QUAKER Singer's Recollections, A. D. Bis- 
Phara 289 

PJIP Van Winkle 136 

yENUS of Milo, Exhibiting of 577 

Z^ZA 92 


AMERICAINS Chez Nous, Les. M. Brieux.... 577 
At the Lexington— "The Blue Bird"- 
Caruso's Indisposition 186 

OEAUTIFUL Sabine Women 441 

Beyond the Horizon 185 

QRAFT of the Tortoise and Other Plays, The.. 368 
Cruche, La ig 

J^RAMAS for the Reader 607 

PAIR 658 

French Labor Unions and the Stage 548 

French Plays — Carlo Liten and "Les Bleui de 

I'Amour" 90 


^^ Glittering Gate, The 442 

Grain of Mustard-Seed, The 633 


^ * He and She 262 

Holland, Dramatic Art in. J. L. Walch 577 

Husbands for all 634 

IBSEN in England. M. A. Franc 213 

JACINTO BENAVENTE: Theatre and Liberty. 161 

J Jane Clegg 288 

"Jest, The." A. E. T 626 

John Gabriel Borkman 494 

I ETTER of the Law, The 264 

London Stag?, On the. W. Archer 38 

lyiAKER of Dreams 497 

Mary Broome 18 

Mary Rose 633 

Masks. G. Middleton 632 

Master Builder, The 65 

Medea 338 

Merchant of Venice, The 684 

Musique Adoncit les Coeurs, La 18 

MIGHT Shade 658 

^^ Night's Lodging, A 65 

PASSION Flower 161 

*^ Piper 338 

Po tic Play. Prize Contest 576 

Power of Darkness 137 

Pnletarian Theatre (Die Neue Schaubuhne) . . . 550 
Pygnalion and Galatea 497 

DEVIVAL of the Classic Drama, The. J, M. 

^ Beck 386 

Richard III 312 

CACHED and Profane Love 312 

Shakespeare at Stratford, Produced by Mr. 
Bridees Adams 634 

Skin Game, The 633 

Social Plays of Arthur Wing Pinero, The. Vol. 

II. Letty— His House in- Order 213 

Sothcrn and Marlowe at the Shubert Theatre.... 554 

JAMING of the Shrew, The ^^cj! 

•II ■{'■""e I'ariiien, The '* ig* 

Ihree ^^^J^^^^'" the Argeniine, Edited by E, 'h1 

Twelfth 'Night !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!;!!;!;■' jsJ 

(JNCLE .Sam. V. Sardou j;^ 

Unreviving London Stage and Its JU^'inU. 
It"-- W. Archer 7. 46S 


A.VIERICA and the Plight of Europe... 121 

America'. Duly ' ViV itt 

Am-rita. J-orcign Loana. T. F. WJ<Idliii'. . . , i*4 

OUDGET System Needed ,« 

Uiidget ', "The Plans For a Naiioiij.' " jV K 

Chamberlain jao 

Budget, Two Plan, for a National.' K.'iiaVdra!! Mi 

QANADIAN Financial Prosperity, Aid to ISir 

y" Vincent MerediihJ 1« 

Certificate Borrowing and the Floatini"Debi.' ' 'l'. 

H. Hollander ccj 

China, Behind the Financing of I'p'art "r'i"l'l'i 

C. Hodges 3yV 32- 

Congre« Bonus Kai«d by RetroaOive 

War-Frchi. Tax Bill 44J 

Current Investment PaUicatioaa ','/, Jjj 

£)EFLATION [Federal Reaerve Board'a Report] 192 
Deflation Through Taxation. M. C Burka SI 

gCONOMlC Restoration, The World's 71 

Economic Truths and Advcnisinc " 97 

Europe? How Can America Help. G. Emeraon 49S 

Exchange Question, A B C of the 145 

Export CreUits and European Rcbabiliutio'n'.'G 

£.merson ^cq 

PRANCE to Pay Her Debt*. The Ability of. 

Jules Melinc J43 

QERMAN Indemnity, Arransement at Hytbc.. S5S 

,-, . <J?,™au Indemnity [Keynes vs. Miller J. 141, 142 
Olass s Recommendation to Congress for Relief 

r ,A '",,'^"™Pf , 41, 119,164 

Gold as Commodity and as Money. U. A. Briius 598 
Greenbacks, The Trouble with the. L. A. Hol- 

lenbeck ^ 13 

UIGH Prices, Cause of [Kansas Oty Slsrl 374 

Housing, Population and 666 

Housing Problem — Ethics or Economics? 

T"": 349 

INVESTORS, Protection for. B. R. Andrews... 331 

JAPAN'S After- War Boom, The Collapse of 
J C. Hodges 5g^ 

J^ABOR Hiring Capital [Sir George FaishJ 42 

pAISH (Sir George), A Talk With. C H. 

Meltzcr 53 

Prices and the CJold Standard * 169 

Price-Slashing, The Wave of S«o 

Profiteer-Hunting and Pohtical Economy 19$ 

Profiteer Hunting, On. H. Hazlitt 466 

Purcliasing Power, The Theory of. J. L. Laugh- 

liu 306 

QUANTITY Theory, The. J. L. Laughlin.... 674 

J^ETROACTIVE Income Taxes. C. R. Smith 652 

COVIET Government's Issue of Platinum Note* 219 

'^ Slock Dividend Case, The 271 

Stock Dividends Again 561 

Stock Exchange and the "Corner in Stutz", The 

T. F. W .' 524 

TAX Burden, Business and the. G. Calhoun.. 626 

* Tax, The Excess Profits. P. Dexter 388 

Taxation of Non-Residents [Supreme C^un 

Decision] 21g 


J^E KOVEN, Reginald 92 

jyjORTON, Levi P 530 

QSLER, Dr. William 2 

pEARY (Admiral) 193 

COURES, George ^ 211 

WINCHESTER, C. T. H. T. Baker 459 


DACK to the Republic. By H. F. Atwood 471 

'-' Beginning of Education, The. W. Haller. . 579 

pHILD Welfare I-aws 447 

^ Classics, President Butler on the 76 

College Efficiency, "The Student Hoar" and 198 

Vol. II 


Jan.-June, 1920 


Crilcce Entrance Requirements 294 

Con«es, Amherst Memorial Fellowship 2 

Deirree Requirements — Specific Knowledge 

of Our Form of Government 167 

Final Examinations for Degrees [Harvard].. 97 

Collettes For? What are 125 

Har\ard. Teachers and Production [Lowell's 

Report) 240 

Professors' Salaries [University of Washing- 
ton) 167 

Colleges. The Women's 223 

Women's. Funds Needed 219 

Conservation of Birds and Trees (University of 
the State of New York's Cooperation with 

Public Schools) 416 

Corporation Schools 471 

DEAD Culture and Live Business. W. S. Hich- 
man 290 

Democratic Education 579 

PDUCATION for the Cotton Industry. G. Orb.. 415 
^ Education. The Work of the South in 

Women's. L. P. Posey 307 

Essay Competition Between England and America 343 
CLOWER Garden Guide. Mrs. Massey Holmes 688 

GREEK at Oxford 424 
"Greek for the Greek-Minded" 645 

lOHNS Hopkins, The Case of 24 

[U.^NCHESTER Grammer School. The. A. A. 

^" Mumford 523 

Moral Basis of Democracy, The. A. T. Hadley.. 636 

NATURAL History of the Child, The. Dr. C. 
Dunn ...688 

Need of Education in Fundamental Economic 

Truths 97 

New York Post Graduate Medical School 447 

PEDAGOGY. Pelf and. O. Heller 203 

' Physical Educaticn and Scholastic Efficiency. 

(L. W. Hill] 416 

Police and Education 344 

Propaganda and Education. P. M. Brown 342 

Professor. Keeping Tab on th •. C. H. Benjamin. 486 
Professor. The Unreconstructed. P. "M. Buck. Jr. 154 
Public Schools and the Colleg:s. W. H. Buck.. 131 

RESEARCH and Organization. A. G. Webster 686 
Re-.-Ult's Educational Section 269. 290 

SCHOOLS? Can We Improve Our Public. C. F. 
Goodrich -'^0 

Scientific Research. Organization in. J. R. An- 

g.-ll 251 

TEACHERS' Salaries, Statistics of (Dr. Even- 
dcn] 580 

Thesaurus Lirgux I.atinx 636 

UNIONIZATION of Colleg; and Universty 
Teachers (Prof. Lovcjoy] 97 

Universal Training. W. S. Hinchman 412 

I'nivrrsily President. Th-. Prof;ssor 410 

University Training for Business 634 

WAR and the Rhodes Scholarshps, Th-. F. 
Aydelotle 470 

Women's Education, The Work of the South in. 

L. P. Posey 307 


ADAMS, H. The D.-gradation of the Democratic 
Dogma 255 

Adc. G. Hand Made FabI -s 461 

Agate, J. E. Resp<)nsibility: A Novel 573 

Aldington. R. Images 33 

Aldington. R. Latin Poems cf the Renaissance.. 33 

Ammers-Kiillcr, D. J. van. Maskerade 398 

Asian, K. Armenia and the Armenians from the 

Earliest Times Until the Great War 605 

Atwood, H, F. Back to the Republic 471 

Austin, M. Outland 158 

DABSON. R. W. W. B. Wilson and the De- 

^ parlment of Labor 333 

Bain. F. W. The Substance of a Dream 682 

Bacheller, I. A Man for the Ages 231 

Barney. D. Chords from Albireo 519 

Barron. C. W. A World Remaking or Peace.... 

Finance 464 

Bartlett, H. Within My Horizon 548 

Barton, W. E. The Soul of Abraham Lincoln.. 366 

Bates, K. L. Sigurd, our Golden Collie 135 

Baxter, A. B. The Blower of Bubbles 363 

Bazalgette, L. Walt Whitman: Th; Man and bis 

Work 310 

Bcfbie, H. The Life of General William Booth.. 680 

BeUairf, C: The Battle of Jutland 677 

Benson, E. F. Up and Down 257 

Bercovici, K. Dust of New York Ill 

Beresford, J. D. An Imperfect Mother 654 

Berliner, E. Muddy Jim 88 

Bertrand, A. The Call of the Soil 257 

Beve'idge, A. J. The Life of John Marshall 204 

Btrnbaum, M. Intro^lucticns 184 

Bi^ham, D. A Quaker Singer's Recollections... 289 

Bojer, J. Treacherous Ground 520 

Borgnis, M. A. Ijt Livre Pratique des Spirites. . 437 
Bnwen, M. The Burning Glass 463 


Boynton, P. H. American Literature 550 

Bradford. Gamaliel. Portraits of American Women 60 

Bradlev, H. Sir lames Murray 311 

Braithwaite, W. S. The Story of the Great War. 210 

Branch, S. The Burning Secret 310 

Ber.sol. B. Socialism vs. Civilization 491 

Breduis, A. Kiinsiler-Inventare 574 

Brooks, C. S. Luca Sarto : A Novel 463 

Bronson, W. C. .\m~rican Literature 550 

Brown, Alice. The Black Drop 36 

Brown. G. E. Book of R. L. S 436 

Browne, R. T. The Mvstery of Space 133 

Rullard, A. The Russian Pendulum 207 

Burgess. T. W. The Burgess Bird Book for 

Children 112 

Burr, A. J. Hearts Awake 362 

Buxton. N., and C. L. Lecse. Balkan Problems 

and European Peace 395 

pABELL, J. B. The Cream of the Jest 602 

^ Cadmus and Harmonia. The Island of 

Sheep 487 

Campbell. O. J. The Position of the Roode en 
Whitte Roos in the Saga of King Richard 

III 437 

Cannan, G. Pink Roses 58 

Cannan, G. Time and Et?rnity 489 

Caron. C. M. L'Admiral dc Grasse 88 

Chancellor. W. E. The Health of the Teacher.. 464 

Cheng. Sih-Gung. Modern China 281 

Chesterton. G. K. Irish Impressions 284 

Chevrillon. M. A. Pres des Combattants 184 

Clark. C. My Quarter Century of American 

Politics 460 

Cl"mencesu. G. Au Pied ilu Sinai 631 

Clutton-Brock. A. Essays on Art 576 

Cobb, I. S. From Place to Place 363 

Cone. H. G. The Coat Without a Seam 519 

Connor. H. G. John Archibald Campbell, Asso- 
ciate Justice of the United States: Supreme 

Court. IS53-1861 601 

Conrad, J. The Rescue 604, 629 

Cory, H. E. The Intellectuals and the Wage- 
Earners 229 

Cotterill, H. B. Italy from Dante to Tasso 544 

Couperus, L. Ecstasy: A Study cf Happiness.. 85 

Cournos. J. The Mask 231 

Cross, T. P. Bibliography and Methods of English 

Literary History 17 

rvANE. C. Legend 334 

*-^ D'Annunzio, G. Tales of My Native Town 435 

Davies, M. C. Youth Riding 362 

Davies, T. H. Spiritual Voices in Modern 

Literature 1 60 

Daviess, M. T. Th» Matrix 463 

Davis, W. S. A History cf France from the 

Earliest Times to the Peace of Versailles.. 285 

Dawson, R. Red Terror and Green 600 

Dawson. W. H. The Evolution of Modern 

Germany 572 

D • Bekker, L. J. The Plot Against Mexico 206 

Desmond. S. Passion; A Human Story 573 

Dickey, M. Youth cf James Whitcomb Riley.... 159 

Dodd, A. B. Up the Seine to the Battlefields.. 681 

Don Marquis Prefaces 37 

Doyle, A. C. Vital Message 134 

Dressir, H. W. Open Vision 631 

Dunn, Dr. C. The Natural History of the Child 688 

Dunsany, Lord. Tales of Three Hemispheres.... Ill 

Dybowski, J. Notre Force Future 131 

ELIOT, S. A., Jr. Little Theatre Classics, Vol. 
II 608 

Escouflaire, R. C. Ireland an Enemy of the 

Allies? 676 

pABRE, J. H. Field, Forest and Farm 113 

Ferguson, J. L. Outlines of Chinese Art. . 16 

Fisher, J. A. Memories and Records 654 

Fitzgerald, F. S. This Side of Paradise 392 

Fontainas, M. A. La Vie d'Edgar A. Poe 259 

Ford, H. J. Alexander Hamilton 678 

Fort, C. Book of the Damned 184 

Franc, M. A. Ibsen in England 213 

Frank, W. Our America 434 

Frankau, G. Peter Jameson: A Modern Romance 573 

Frederick, J. G. Modern Salesmanship 184 

Frederickson, J. D. The Story of Milk 184 

Frost, S. Germany's New War Against America. 14 

Fuller, H. B. Bertram Cope's Year 394 

rjALE, Z. Miss Lulu Brett 394 

^-^ Ganz, M. Rebels: Into Anarchy and Out 

Again 231 

Gardner, C. William Blake, The Man 181 

Gass, S. B. A Lovjr of the Chair 157 

Gibbs, P. How it Can be Told 394 

Gilmore, G. W. . Animism, or Thought Currents 

of Primitive Peoples 337 

Glasgow, E. The Builders 36 

Goldberg, I. Studies in Spanish-American Litera- 
ture 335 

Gompers, S. Labor and the Common Welfare. . . 333 

Gosse, E. Some Aversions of a Man of Letters. . 487 

Gosset, Abbe. Une Glorieuse Mutilee 522 

Graeve, O. Youth Goes .Seeking 132 

Graham, S. A Private in the Guards 232 

Grcnfell, A. and K. Sjialding. Le Petit Nord, or 

Annals of a Labrador Harbour 679 

Grey, E. Recreation 518 

Guild, T. H. The I'ower of a God and Other 

OncAct Plays 370 

Gwynn, S. John Retfmond's Last Years 390 


HADLEY, A. T. The Moral Basis of Democ- 
racy 636 

Hamilton, E. Elizabethan Ulster 284 

Haiikey. D. Cross 112 

Harland. M. The Carrington's of High Hill 183 

Harrison, A. Before and Now 600 

Harrison, M. The Stolen Lands _. . . . 364 

Heinrich, Professor. Dinant, Eine Denkschriff . . 548 

Hendrick, E. Percolator Papers 37 

Henry, S. Villa Elsa 436 

Henslow. G. Proofs of the Truths of Spiritualism 337 

Herbert. A. P. The Secret Battle 257 

Herford, M. A. B. A Handbook of Greek Vase 

Painting 159 

Herford, O. This Giddy World 112 

Hindenburg, von. Aus Meinem Leben 337 

Holding, E. S. Invincible Minnie 602 

Holdsworth, E. The Taming of Nan 207 

Holland, F. Seneca 521 

Holliday, R. C. Broome Street Straws 88 

Hopkins, N. M. The Outlook for Research and 

Invention 488 

Hoppin, I. C. A Handbook of Attic Red-Figured 

Vases 59 

Howe, M. A. de. W. G-orge von Lengerke Meyer, 

His Life and Public Services 308 

Hudson, W. H. The Book of a Naturalist 112 

Huizinga, D. J. Herfsttij der Middeleeuwen. . . . 435 

Huneker, J. Bedouins 370 

Hyndman. H. M. Clemenceau: The Man and 

His Times 34 

I BA5SEZ, B. V. Woman Triumphant 520 

' Inge, W. R. Outspoken Essays 396 

Inman, S. G. Intervention in Mexico 206 

Irwin, I. H. The Happy Years 363 

JAMES, G. W. Wonders of the Colorado Desert 61 
J Tean-Aubry, G. French Music of To-day.. 630 

Johnson. S. The Enemy Within 283 

Johnston, M. Michael Forth 158 

Jones, E. H. The Road to Endor 547 

I^ARSNER, D. Debs: His Authorized Life and 

'*■ Letters 333 

Kaye-Smith, S. Tamarisk Town 654 

Keith, E. A. My Escape from Germany 632 

Keller, G. Seldwyla Folks: Three Singular Tales 111 

Kennedy, C. R. Army with Banners 400 

Kernahan, C. Swinburne As I Knew Him 576 

Keynes, J. M. The Economic Consequences of the 

Peace 155 

Kite, E. S. Beaumarchais and the War of Ameri- 
can Independence 436 

Klein, F. En Amerique a la Fin de la Guerre... 337 

Kliekmann, F. Lore of the Pen 400 

Kobrin, L. A Lithuanian Village 363 

Krehbiel, H. More Chapters of Opera 62 

I ACROIX, L. Le Clerge et La Guerre de 1914. 572 

'^ La Motte, E. H. The Opium Monthly 400 

Latzko, A. The Judgment of Peace 257 

Lauvriere, E. Edgar Poe: Contes et Poesies.... 657 
La Varre, W. J. Up the Mazaruni for Diamonds. 547 
Leacock, S. The Unsolved Riddle of Social Jus- 
tice 234 

Leary, J. L., Jr. Talks with T. R 656 

I>emercier, E. Lettres d'un Soldat 259 

Leslie, N. Three Plays 464 

Lindsay, V. The Golden Whales of California., 518 

Lippmann, W. Liberty and the News 571 

Loekington, W. J. The Sold of Ireland 284 

Loisy, A. Guerre et Religion 572 

Loisy, A. La Paix des Nations et La Religion de 

I'Avenir 572 

Loisy, A. Mors et Vita 572 

Loti, P. Madame Prune 366 

Low, B. R. C. Tlie Pursuit of Happiness 362 

Lowell, A. Pictures of the Floating World 33 

Lynd, R. Ireland a Nation 461 

A/IcDONALD, W. Some Questions of Peace and 

^'* War 230 

McKenzie, F. A. Korea's Fight for Freedom.... 545 
McLennan, J. S. Louisbourg from Its Founda- 
tion to Its Fall 1713-1758 37 

McPherson, L. G. Th? Flow of Value 282 

McPherson, W. L. The Strategy of the Great 

War 17 

MacFarlan, A. The Inscrutable Lovers 334 

MacGill, P. Maureen 679 

Mackay, H. Chill Hours 605 

Mackenzie, J. S. Arrows of Desire 546 

Mackie, R. A. Education During Adolescence... 433 

MacManus, S. Lo and Behold Ye! Ill 

MacMasters, W. H. Revolt, An American Novel. 394 

MacNamara, B. The Clanking of Chains 462 

MacPhail, J. M. The' Heritage of India 61 

MacVeagh, E. C, and L. D. Brown. The Yankee 

in the British Zone 436 

Maeterlinck, M. Mountain Paths 15 

Magnus, L. European Literature in the Centuries 

of Romance 209 

Malins, Lieut. How I Filmed the War... 364 

Marcosson, I. M, Adventures in Interviewing. . 135 

Marsh, A. Z. Home Nursing 464 

Marvin, F. S. The Century of Hope 628 

Masefield, J. Reynard the Fox 33 

Massenet, J. My Recollections 18 

Masters, E. L. Starved Rock 519 

Maurice, F>, General. The Last Four Months of 

the War 627 

Mayorga, M. G. Representative One-Act Plays by 

American Authors 607 

Merrick, L. The Worldlings 183 

Middlcton, G. Masks 632 

Numbers 34-59 



Vol. II 


Middleton, P. H. Industrial Mexico 206 

Mills, J. S. and M. G. Crussachi. The Question 

of Thrace 550 

Morris, E. B. The Cresting Wave 393 

Moses, B. Spain's Declining Power in South 

America 285 

Mumford, A. A. The Manchester Grammar School 523 

NATHAN, R. Peter Kindred 392 
Ncvill, R. The Life and Letters of Lady 

Dorothy Nevill 132 

Newman, E. A Musical Motley 62 

North, A. The Forging of the Pikes 463 

/"J'BRIEN, F. While Shadows in the South Seas 37. 
^ Ogilvie, P. M. International Waterways. . 603 

Oldmcadow, E. Coggin 310 

Ollivant, A. Two Men: A Romance of Sussex.. 207 
Olrik, Axel. The Heroic Legends of Denmark. . 366 

O'Neil, G. The Cobbler of Willow Street 362 

Oppenheim, E. P. The Great Impersonation.... 210 
Orczy, Baroness. His Majesty's Well-Beloved.... 463 

PAINE, R. D. Ships Across the Sea 577 

Palmer, F. Our Greatest Battle 627 

Paton, L. A. Life of Elizabeth Gary Agassiz.... 337 
Patt.rson, J. E. The Passage of the Barque 

Sappho 15 

Patterson, M. A Woman's Man 132 

Peixotto, E. At the Ami-rican Front 113 

I'ennell, J. Etchers and Etching 87 

Phillpotts, E. Storm in a Teacup 207 

Porter, A. K. The Seven Who Slept 609 

Prescctt, F. C. Poetry and Dreams 365 

RAINSFORD, W. K. From Upton to the 

Meuse, With the 307th Infantry 464 

Rcade, W. The Martyrdom of Man 629 

Reid, F. Pirates of the Spring 310 

Rice, C. Y. Shadowy Thresholds 362 

Rihani, Ameen. Descent of Bolshevism 682 

Rihani, Ameen. The Luzumiyat of Abu-'l-Ala. . . 17 

Ritchie, Lady. From Friend to Friend 522 

Roget, P. M. Thesaurus of English Words and 

Phrases 61 

Rose, R. S., and L. Bacon. Lay of the Cid trans- 
lated into English Verse 400 

Rouvier, F. Un Ligne 572 

Russell, C. F. After the Whirlwind 108 

CT, JOHN, C. M. Bibliography of Wordsworth 209 

•^ Sadler. M. The Anchor 489 

Salecby, C. W. The Whole Armour of Man 258 

Sassoon, S. Picture Show 520 

Sayler, O. M. Russia, White or Red 135 

Sayler, O. M. Russian Theatre Under the Revolu- 
tion 259 

Scarborough, D. From a Southern Porch 87 

Schlichter, S. II. The Turnover of Factory Labor 36 

Scott, T. Silver Age 60 

Serao, M. Souls Divided 434 

Sherrill, C. H. Have We a Far Eastern Policy? 655 

Smith, C. A. New Words Self-Defined 38 

Smith, L. W. The Lamp of Heaven 370 

Smyth, E. Impressions that Remained 182 

Spargo, J. The Psychology of Bolshevism 206 

Stearns, H. Liberalism in America ,. . 229 

Swinnerton, F. September 85 

Symcnds, J. A. In the Key of Blue 575 

Symonds, J. A. Last and First 575 

"TASSIN, A. The Craft of the Tortoise 368 

* Teall, G. A Little Garden the Year Round 392 
Thomson, J. E. II. The Samaritans, Their Testi- 
mony to the Religion of Israel 311 

Thurston, E. T. The World of Wonderful Reality 132 

Tirpitz, Admiral von. My Memoirs 84 

Tweedale, V. Ghosts I Have Seen 183 

yAN VORST, M. Fairfax and His Pride 393 

Von der Essen, L. A Short History of- 

Belgium 335 

Von Heidenstam, V. The Birth of God 609 

Von Heidenstam, V. The Soothsayer 608 

Von Hertling, Chancellor. Ein Jahr in der 

Reichskanzlei 548 

WADDINGTON, A. Histoire de Prusse 522 

*" Walpole, H. Jeremy 310 

Walston (Waldstein), Sir C. English-Speaking 

Brotherhood and the League of Nations. . 682 
Ward, A. W. Shakespeare and the Makers of 

Virginia 311 

Ward. Mrs. H. Harvest 679 

Warren, H. L. The Foundations of Classic 

Architecture 208 

Washburn, C. C. Order 393 

Webster, N. H. The French Revolution: A Study 

in Democracy 653 

Wells, H. G. Love and Mr. Lewisham 489 

Wheelock, J. H. Dust and Light 33 

Whitehouse, V. B. A Year as a Government 

Agent 208 

Whitlock, B. Belgium: A Personal Narrative.. 285 

Widdemer, M. The Board Walk 363 

Williams, B. A. The Sea Bride 15 

Wood, V. J. Turnpikes of New England 311 

2AMAC0IS, E. Their Son: The Necklace 111 


ADVENTURES in Interviewing. I. M. Mar- 

"^ cosson 135 

After the Whirlwind. C. F. Russell 108 

Alexander Hamilton, H-J. Ford 678 

American Literature. P. H. Boynton 550 


American Literature. W. C. Bronson 550 

Anchor, The. M. Sadler 489 

Animism, or Thought Currents of Primitive Peo- 
ples. G. W. Gilmore 337 

Armenia and the Armenians from the Earliest 

Times Until the Great War. K. Asian 605 

Army With Banners. C. R. Kennedy 400 

Arrows of Desire. J. S. Mackenzie 546 

At the American Front. Captain E. Peixotto.... 113 

Au Pied du Sinai. G. Clemenceau 631 

Aus Meinem I.x-ben. Von Hindenberg 337 

Averroes' Metaphysics. Translated by C. Quiris 

Rodriguez 337 

DACK to the Republic. H. T. Atwood 471 

^ Balkan Problems and European Peace. N. 

Buxton and C. L. Leesc 395 

Battle of Jutland, The. C. Bellairs 677 

Beaumarchais and the War of American In- 
dependence. E. S. Kite 436 

Bedouins. J. Huneker 370 

Before and Now. A. Harrison 600 

Belgium: A Personal Narrative. B. Whitlock.. 285 

Bertram Cope's Year. H. B. Fuller 394 

Best Short Stories of 1919 compiled by E. O'Brien 463 
Bibliography and Methods oi English Literary 

Histtry. T. P. Cross 17 

Sibliography of Wordsworth. C. M. St. John.. 209 

Uirth of God, The. V. von Heidenstam 609 

Black Drops, The. A.Brown 36 

Blower of Bubbles, The. A. B. Baxter 363 

Soard Walk, The. M. Widdemer 363 

Book of a Naturalist, The. W. H. Hudson 112 

Book of R. L. S. G. E. Brown 436 

Book of the Damned. C. Fort 184 

Broome Street Straws. R. C. HalHday 88 

Builders, The. E. Glasgow 36 

Bulletin de L'Institut Intcrmediaire International. 

Publication Trimestrielle. Haarlem 57 

. Burgess Bird Book for Children, The. T. W. 

Burgess 112 

Burning Glass, The. M. Bowen 463 

Burning Secret, The. S. Branch 310 

(^AHIERS Britanniques et Americains. Edited 

^^ by M. Georges-Bazile 61 

Call of the Soil, The. A. Bertrand 257 

Carrington's ol High Hill, The. M. Harland 183 

Century of Hope, The. F. S. Marvin 628 

Chill Hours. H. Mackay 605 

Chords from Albireo. D. Barney 519 

Choruses From Iphigeneia in Aulis and the Hip- 
polytus of Euripides. Translated by H. 

D. London 33 

Clanking of Chains, The. B. MacNamara 462 

Clemenceau: The Man and His Times. H. M. 

Hyndman 34 

Clerge et La Guerre de 1914, Le. L. Lacroix. . 572 

Coat Without a Seam, The. H. G. Cone 519 

Cobbler of Willow Street, The. G. O'Neil 362 

Coggin. E. Oldmeadow 310 

Collection of Mediaeval and Renaissance Paint- 
ings. Edited by Harvard Art Dept 160 

Contributions to Medical and Biological Research 

Dedicated to Sir William Olser 391 

Craft of the Tortoise, The. A. Tassin 368 

Cream of the Jest, The. J. B. Catell 602 

Cresting Wave, The. E. B. Morris 393 

Cross. D. Hankey 112 

rvEBS: His Authorized Life and Letters. D. 

'-' Karsner 333 

Degradation of the Democratic Dogma, The. H. 

Adams 255 

Descent of Bolshevism. A. Rihani 682 

Dinant, Eine Denkschrift. Professor Heinrich... 548 
Documents on the League of Nations. Compiled 

by Mrs. C. A. Kluyver 577 

Dust and Light. J. H. Wheelock 33 

Dust of New York. K. Bercovici HI 

PCONOMIC Consequences of the Peace The 

'-' J. M. Keynes 155 

Ecstasy: A Study of Happiness. L. Couperus.. 85 

Edgar Poe: Contes et Poesies. E, Lauvritre. . 657 

Education During Adolescence. R. A. Mackie. . 433 

Elizabethan Ulster. E. Hamilton 284 

En Amerique a la Fin de la Guerre. F. Klein.. 337 

Enemy Within, The. S. Johnson 283 

English Dictionary on Historical Principles. 

Edited by W. A. Craigie 522 

English-Speaking Brotherhood and the League of 

Nations. Sir C. Walston (Waldstein) 682 

Essays on Art. A. CIutton-Brock 576 

Etchers and Etching. J. Pennell 87 

European Literature in the Centuries of Romance. 

L. Magnus 209 

Evolution of Modem Germany, The. W. H. 

Dawson 572 

PAIRFAX and His Pride. M. Van Vorst 393 

*^ Father Duffy's Story 160 

Field, Forest and Farm. J. H. Fabre 113 

Flow of Value, The. L. G. MePherson 282 

Forging of the Pikes, The. A. North 463 

foundations of Classic Architecture, The. H. L. 

Warren 208 

French Music of Today. G. Jean-Aubry 630 

French Revolution, The: A Study in Democracy. 

N. H. Webster 653 

From a Southern Porch. D. Scarborough 87 

From Friend to Friend. Lady Ritchie 522 

From Place to Place. I. S. Cobb 363 

"'rom Uptin to the Meuse, With the 307th In- 
fantry. W. K. Rainsford 464 

GEORGE von Lengerke Meyer, His Life and 

Public Services. M. A. De W. Howe 308 

lieorgian Poetry, 1918-1919 320 

Cernuny's New W»r Acainst America. S. Frost.. 14 

Ghosts I Have Seen. V. Tweedale 183 

GlorieuK .Mulilie Use. Abbi Cosset 522 

•iolden Whales of California, The. V. Lindsaj., SIS 
Great Arti»i« and Their Works by Great Auth- 
ors. Complied by A. M. Brooks 259 

Great Iniperaonaiion, The. E. P. Uppenbeim . . . . 210 
Guerre et Religion. A. Loisr 572 

LJANUBUOK of Attic Red-Figured Vasea, A. 

** J. C. Hoppin 59 

Handbook of Greek Vase Painting, A. M. A. 

B. llerford IS9 

Hand-Made Fables. G. Ade Wi 

Happy Years, The. I. H. Irwin MJ 

Harvest. Mrs, H. Ward 679 

Have We a Far Eastern Policy? C. H. Sherrill 6SS 

riealth o( the Teacher, The. W. E. Chancellor. . 464 

Hearts Awake. A. J. Burr 362 

Hcrfsttij <ler .Middcleeuwen. U. j. Huizinga 435 

Heritage of India, The. J. M. MacPhail 61 

Heroic Legends of Denmark, The. Axel Olrik... 366 

His Majesty's Well-Beloved. Baroness Orciy.... 463 

Histoire de Prusse. A. Waddington 522 

Histiry of France from the Earliest Times to 

ihe Peace o( Versailles, A. W. S. Dayi*. . 2t5 

Home Nursing. A. Z. .Marsn 464 

Home, Th.n What?— The Mind of the Uoughbor, 

A. E. F Jil 

How I Filmed the War. LieuL Malins 364 

How it Can be Told. V. Gibbs 394 

lUSEN in England. M. A. Franc 213 

Ideals of America. Prepared for the Citjr 

Club of Chicago, 1916-1919 56 

Images. R. Aldington 33 

imperfect Mother, An. J. U. Ueresford 654 that Remained. Uemoirs by £. 

Smyth 182 

In the Key of Blue. J. A. Symonds 575 

Industrial Mexico. P. H. .Middleton 206 

Inscrutable Lovers, The. A. .MacFarlan 334 

Intellectuals and the Wage Earners, The. H. E. 

Cory 229 

International Waterways. P. M. Ogilvie 6U3 

Intervention in Mexico. S. G. Inman 206 

Iiuroductions. M, Birnbaum 184 

Inv.ncible Minnie. E. S. Holding 602 

Ireland a Nation. R. Lynd 461 

Ireland an Enemy ui <ne Allies? K. C. Kacou- 

Haire 676 

Irish impressions. U. K. Chesterton 284 

Island ol Sheep, The. Cadmus and Uarmonia. . 487 
Italy Irom Dame to Tasso. U. B. Cutieriil 544 

JAHR in der Reichskanzlei, Ein. Chancellor Von 
Hertling 548 

Jeremy. H. Waldpole 310 

John Archibald Campbell, Associate Justice of the 

United States Supreme Court, 1853-1861. 

H. G. Connor 601 

John Redmond's Last Years. S. Gwynn 390 

Judgment of Peace, The. A. Latzko 257 

Judicial Settlement of Controversies Between 

States of the American Union. Edited and 

Collected by J. B. Scott 58 

J^ORE.\S Fight for Freedom. F. A. McKenzie. 545 
*^ Kostcs Palamas: Life Immovable. Trans- 
lated by A. E. Phoutrides 309 

Kiinstler-Inventare. A. Bredius 574 

I 'AD.MIRAL de Grasse. Canon M. Caron 88 

Labor and the Common Welfare. S. Gom- 

p?rs 333 

Labor Sttuaticn in Great Britain and France, 

The. The Commission on Foreign Inquiry 

of the National Civic Federation 180 

Lamp of Heaven, The. L. W. Smith 370 

Last and First. J. A. Symonds 575 

Last Four Months of the War, The. General F. 

Maurice 627 

Latin Poems of the Renaissance. R. Aldington.. 33 
Lay of the Cid, translated into English Verse. 

R. S. R. se and L. Bacon 400 

Leg.-nd. C. Dane 334 

Lettres d'un Soldat. E. Lemercier 259 

Liberalism in America. H. Steams 229 

Liberty and the News. W. Lippmann 571 

Life and Letters of Lady Dorothy Nevill. The. 

R. Nevill 132 

Life of Elizabeth Gary Agassiz. L. A. Paton 337 

Life cf General William Booth The. H. Begbie. . 680 

Life of John Marshall, The. A. J. Beveridge 204 

Ligne, Un. F. Rouvier 572 

Lithuanian Village, .\. L. Kobrin 363 

Little Garden the Year Round, A. G. Teall 392 

Little Theatre Classics, Vol. U. S. A. Eliot. Jr. 608 
Livrc Pratique des Spirites, Le. M. A. Borgnis.. 437 

Lo, and Behold Ye! S. MacManus Ill 

Lore of the Pen. F. Klicknumn 400 

Leuisbourg from Its Foundation to Its FaJU 1713- 

1758. J. S. McLennan 37 

Love and Mr. Lewisham. H. G. Wells 489 

Lover of the Chair, A. S. B. Gass 157 

Luca Sarto: \ Novel. C. S. Brooks 463 

Luzumiyat of Abicl-Ala, The. Ameen Rihani.... 17 

M.-\DAME Prune. P. Loti 366 
.Man for the Ages, A. I. Bacheller 231 

Manchester Grammer School, The. A. A- Mum- 
ford 52J 

Marcus Cornelius Fronto. Translated by C. R- 

Haines 605 

Martyrdom of Man, The. W. Reade 629 

Mask, The. J. Coumos 231 

Mask. G. Middleton 632 

^ 1 >' 

Vol. II 


Jan.-June, 1920 


Hukende. O. J. nn Ammen-KOner 398 

Matrix. Th«. N. T. Davies 463 

Maarccn P. MacGiU 679 

Memoirs of the American Academy at Rome, Vol. 

1. & a 134, 209 

Memorial* of WiUard Fiake: The Editor. Com- 
piled bj U. S. White 657 

Memona and Records. J. A. Fisher 654 

Michael Forth. M. Johnston 158 

Mim Lulu Brett. Z. Gale 394 

Modern China. Sih-Guns Cheng^ 281 

Modem Salesmanship. J. G. rrederick 184 

Moral Basis of Democracy, The. A. T. Uadley. . 636 

More Chapters of Opera. U. Krehbiel 62 

Mors et Vila. A. Uoisy 572 

Mounuin Paths. M. Maeterlinck IS 

Muddy Jim. Ifl. Berliner 88 

Musi^ Motley, A. £. Newman 62 

My £«cape from Germany. £. A. Keith 632 

My Memoirs. Admiral von Tirpitx 84 

My Qtiarter Century of American Politics. C. 

CUrke 460 

My Recollections. J. Massenet 18 

Mystery of Space, The. R. T. Browne 133 

NATURAL History of the ChUd, The. Dr. C. 

Dunn 688 

New Words Self De6ned. C. A. Smith 38 

Notre Force Future. J. Dybowski 131 

rvPEN VUion. H. W. Dresser 631 

^-' Opium Monopoly. The. E. H. LaMotte 400 

Order. C. C. Washburn 393 

Our Am.rica. Waldo Frank 434 

Our Greatest Battle. F. Palmer 627 

Outland. M. Austin 1 58 

Outlines of Chinese Art. J. L. Ferguson 16 

Outlook for Research and Invention, The. N. 

M. Hopkins 488 

Out^ioken Essays. W. R. Inge 396 

PAIX des Nations el La Religion de 1' Avenir, 
La. A. Loisy 572 

Passage of the Barque Sappho, The. J. E. Pat- 
terson 15 

Passion: A Human Story. S. Desmond 573 

Percolator Papers. E. Hendrick 37 

Peter Jameson: A Modem Romance. G. Frank- 

au 573 

Peter Kindred. R. Nathan 392 

Petit Nord, Le or Annals of a Labrador Harbour. 

A. Grenfell and K. Spalding 679 

Picture Show. S. Sassoon 520 

Pictures of the Floating World. A. Lowell 33 

Pink Roses. G. Caunan 58 

Pirates of the Spring. F. Reid 310 

Plot Against Mexico, The. L. J. de Bckker 206 

Poetry and Dreams. F. C. Prescott 365 

Portraits of American Women. G. Bradford.. 60 
Position of the Roode en Witte Rods in the Saga 

of King Richard 111., The. O. J. Campbell 437 
Power of a God and Other One-Act Plays, The. 

T. H. Guild 370 

Prefaces. Don Marquis 37 

Pres des Comballants. M. Andri Chevrillon. . . . 184 

Private in the Guards, A. S. Graham 232 

Proofs of the Truths of Spiritualism. G. Henslow 337 

Psychology of Bolshevism, The. J. Spargo 2U6 

Pursuit ot Happiness, The. B. K. C. Low 362 

QUAKER Singer's Recollections, A. D. Bis- 
pham 289 

Question of Thrace, The. J. S. Mills and M. G. 

Crussachi 550 

REBELS: Into Anarchy and Out Again. M. 
Gam r 231 

Recreation. £. Grey 518 

Red Terror and Green. R. Dawson 600 

Representative One-Act Plays by American Auth- 
ors. M. G. Mayorga 607 

Rescue, The. J. Conrad 604, 629 

Responsibility: A Novel. J. E. Agate 573 

Revolt: An American Novel. W. H. MacMasters 394 

Reynard, The Fox. J. Masefield 33 

Road to En-dor, The. E. H. Jones 547 

Rudyard Kipling's Verse, Inclusive Ed. 1885-1919 109 

Russia, White or Red. O. M. Saylor 135 

Russian I'cndulum, The. A. Bullard 207 

Russian Theatre Under the Revolution. O. M. 

Sayler 259 

S.\MAR1TANS, Their Testimony to the Religion 
of Israel, The. J. E. H. Thomson 311 

Sea Bride, The. B. A. Williams IS 

Secret Battle, The. A. P. Herbert 257 

Seldwyla Folks: Three Singular Tale*. G. 

Keller Ill 

Seneca. F. Holland 521 

September. F. Swinnerton 85 

Seven Who Slept, The. A. K. PorUr 609 

Shadowy Thresholds. C. Y. Rice 362 

Shakespeare and the Makers of Virginia. A 

W. Ward 311 

Ships Across the Sea. R. D. Paine 577 

Short History of Belgium, A. L. von der Essen 335 
Short Stories from the Balkans. Translated by 

E. W. Underwood 363 

Side of Paradise, This. F. S. Fitzgerald 392 

Sigurd. Our Golden Collie. K. S. Bates 135 

Silver Age. T. Scott 60 

Sir James Murray. H. Bradley }11 

Social Plays of Arthur Wing Pinero, The. Edited 

by C. Hamilton 213 

Socialism vs. Civilization. B. Brasol 491 

Soldat de France, Un 113 

Sinie Aversions of a Man of Letters. E. Gosse. . 487 
Some Questions of Peace and War. W. McDonald 230 

Soothsayer. The. V. von Hcidenstam 608 

Soul of Abraham Lincoln, The. W. E. Barton 366 

Soul of Ireland, The. W. J. Lockington 284 

Souls Divided. M. Serao 434 

Spain's Declining Power in South America. B. 

Moses 285 

Spiritual \'oiccs in Modern Literature. T. H. 

Davits 160 

Starved Rock. E. L. Masters 519 

Stolen Lands, The. M. Harrison 364 

Storm in a Teacup. E. Pnillpotts 207 

Story of Milk, The. J. D. Frederickson 184 

Story of the Great War, The. W. S. Braith- 

waite 210 

Strategy of the Great War, The. W. L. McPher- 

son 17 

Studies in Spanish-American Literature. I. 

Goldberg 335 

Substance of a Dream, The. F. W. Bain 682 

Supplementary Diplomatic Documents Published 

by the Am jrican-Hellenic Society 17 

Swinburne As I Knew Him. C. Kernaban 576 

"TALES of My Native Town. G. D'Annunzio. . 435 
* Tales of Three Hemispheres. Lord Dun- 

sany Ill 

Talks with T. R. J. L. Leary, Jr 656 

Tamarisk Town. S. Kaye-Smith 654 

Taming of Nan, The. E. Holdsworth 207 

Tauchnitz Edition of British and American Auth- 
ors 209 

Their Son: The Necklace. E. Zamacios HI 

Theodore Roosevelt: An Autobiography 255 

Thesaurus of English Words and Phrases. P. 

M. Roget 61 

This Giddy World. O. Herford 112 

Three Plays. N. Leslie 464 

'1 hrce Plays from the Argentine. Edited by E. 

H. Bierstadt 60S 

Time and Eternity. G. Cannan 489 

Treacherous Ground. J. Bojer 520 

Turnover of Factory Labor, The. S. H. Schlich- 

ter 36 

TurnpikfS of New England. F. J. Wood 311 

Two Men : A Romance of Sussex. A. Ollivant. 207 

I INSOLVED Riddle of Social Justice, The. S. 

*-' Leacock 234 

Up and Down. E. F. Benson 257 

Up the Mazaruni for Diamonds. W. J. La Varre 547 
Up the Seine to the Battlefields. A. B. Dodd 681 

\/IE d' Edgar A. Poe, La. M. A. Fontainas 259 

' Villa Elsa. S. Henry 436 

Vital Message. A. C. Doyle 134 

\Y/ B. WILSON and the Department of Labor. 

™ • R. W. Babson 333 

Walt Whitman: The Man and his Work. L. 

Bazalgette 310 

White Shadows in the South Seas. F. O'Brien.. 37 

Whole Armour of Man, The. C. W. Saleeby 258 

William Blake, The Man. C. Gardner 181 

Within My Horizon. H. Bartlett 548 

Woman Triumphant. V. Blasco-Ibaiiez 520 

Woman's Man, A. M. Patterson 132 

Wonders of the Colorado Desert. G. W. James.. 61 
World of Wonderful Reality, The. E. T. Thurston 132 
World Remaking or Peace Finance, A. C. W. 

Barron 464 

Worldlings, The. L. Merrick 183 

YANKEE in the British Zone, The. E. C. Mac- 

' Veagh and L, D. Brown 436 

Yanks. A. E. F. Verse 85 

Year as a Government Agent, A. V. B. White- 
house 208 

Youth Goes Seeking. O. Graeve 132 

Youth of James Whitcomb Riley. M. Dickey 159 

Youth Riding. M. C. Davies 362 


AMERICA and England 528 

gOYS' Books 138 






Living Expenses 556 

VICTOR Trips 578 

NIEGRO. The 20 

^^ New American Books 443 


* Profit-Sharing 40 

DECENT Books 214 


Socialism 65 

Spiritism 118 

Sport 472 

■THEATRE, The 94 

'■ Turkey 266 

■W/ILSON, Mr 237 

*" Woman Suffrage 294 


[Selected by Edmund Lester Pearson, Editor of 
Publications, New York Public Library] 

ALL and Sundry. E. T. Raymond 631 

■** Follow the Little Pictures. A. Graham 680 

IRISH Case, Before the Court of Public Opinion, 

* The. P. W. Wilson 656 

I ABOR'S Challenge to the Social Order. J. G. 

^ Brooks 604 

Letters of Travel. R. Kipling 631 

Life of Lord Kitchener. Sir G. Arthur 680 

JUAINTENANCE of Peace, The. S. C. Vestal. 631 
Mrs. Warren's Daughter. Sir H. Johnston 604 

DEACE Conference Day by Day, The. C. T. 

Thompson 680 

Port of New York, The. S. C. VesUl 631 

CIMSADUS: London; The American Navy in 

"^ Europe. J. L. Leighlon 656 

Stranger, The. A. Bullard 656 

Swinburne as I Knew Him. C. Kernahan 656 

•TALKS with T. R., from the DUries of John J. 

* Leary, Jr 604 


AMERICAN Insight Into French Literature. . .548 
^ American Library Association in France. , 402 
A nglo-French Review. 490 

DIBLIOGRAPHY of Whaling Books [New Bed- 

" ford Library] 656 

Bibliotheque Plon 657 

QLEMENCEAU'S Memoirs 631 

r\UMAS'S Collaborator's (Auguste Maquet) 
'-' Title to Fame 577 

pCKHOUD, Georges, Dismissal of from Brussels 

^' Academy 491 

Etudes Italiennes. 285, 490 

pRENCH Criticism [Lecomte in Revue des Deux 

\ Mondesi 657 

French Labor Unions and the Stage 548 

French Literature (J. G. Fletcher) 17 

French Notes 401, 490,491 

UEINE'S "Buch der Lieder" 491 

Hungary's Intellectual Loss, Due to Being 
Deprived of Many Cities 682 

J^EATS Memorial 575 

lOEB Library 366,605 

^ERCVRB de France 234 

MEW Formations of Words [English] from 
~ Children's Speech Desired by Prof. Jes- 

persen of Denmark 38 

piLGRIM Fathers, History Being Prepared by 

* Dr. A. Eekof 491 

"Psycho-Analystic Confession". By Floyd Dell 

in the Liberator 60S 

DAMSAY (Sir William), Memorial to 490 

^*- Romain Rolland's Visit to Switzerland, 

Reason for 438 

CHAKESPEARE Identified as Edward de Vere 

■^ (J. T. Looney) 464 

Shaw Desmond, Personality of 681 

Siknce, Plea for (Temps) 491 

Simplified Spelling Abandoned 365 

Society for Pure English Founded by Dr. Robert 

Bridges 60, 113 

Stanton, Elizabeth Cady, Biography of by T. 

Stanton and Mrs. Stanton-Blatch 632 

"TEXT Criticism". By Professor J. A. Scott 

in the March Classical Journal 632 



Vol. 2, No. 34 

New York, Saturday, January 3, 1920 



Brief Comment i 

Edttoriat Articles: 

The Defense of Property 3 

Siberia in Despair 5 

A Hopeful Labor Move 6 

Those Navy Awards 6 

Mrs. Tiffany on the "Social Unit" 7 

Slaves of the Machine. By David Harold 
Colcord 8 

The Social Unit at Cincinnati— Is It a 
Soviet? By Katrina Ely Tiffany 11 

Correspondence 13 

Book Reviews: 
Germany — Misjudged or Found Out? 14 
Sea Tales 15 

Maeterlinck's "Presences" 15 

Chinese Art 16 

The Run of the Shelves 17 

"Mary Broome" at the Neighborhood 
Playhouse — The Theatre Parisien. 
By O. W. Firkins 18 

Massenet's Memories and Music. By 
Charles Henry Meltzer 18 

Books and the News: The Negro. By 
Edmund Lester Pearson 20 

'T'HEY reckon ill who leave me out 
■*- — that is Mr. William Jennings 
Bryan's motto, or ought to be. His 
sudden emergence into conspicuous 
notice at Washington is no laughing 
matter. He probably does not desire 
to be the Democratic candidate for 
President, but he certainly has no 
objection to playing the part of king- 
maker — or at least king-breaker — as 
he did in 1912. Never was the time 
more propitious for him, in one re- 
spect. His specialty is the setting-up 
of "paramount issues," and the woods 
are full of paramount issues. The 
cheap dollar is as ready to his hand 
as the dear dollar was in 1896 ; there 
must be some cure-all formula for the 
labor problem which Mr. Bryan 
would find no difficulty in framing; 
the League of Nations is in a sad way 
— whatever the Senate may be on the 
point of doing about it — and all for 
lack of the right prescription from 
the right doctor; and the good old 
slogan "let the people rule" might be 

raised in a dozen new and striking 
ways. Mr. Bryan is an adept at mak- 
ing choice of slogans, and it will go 
hard but he will find one that will 
make him a big power in the Demo- 
cratic National Convention. But we 
do not expect to see the cry "He tried 
to keep us out of war" raised in his 
behalf; perhaps, however, other peo- 
ple will have something to say about 
the way he served his country as Sec- 
retary of State, and played into the 
hands of Bernstorff and Dumba. 

'T'HE meaning of the latest events 
-'■ in Siberia is not yet plain. A fort- 
night ago, Kolchak formed a cabinet 
of the Left, and a policy was an- 
nounced that proposed to subordi- 
nate the military to the civil author- 
ity. The object evidently was to fall 
back upon the Socialist Revolution- 
aries, but it was grasping at a straw, 
and indicated weakness. Now, ac- 
cording to the latest reports, what 
was earlier predicted in the Review 
has taken place, and Semenov has 
been appointed Commander-in-Chief. 
The first implication of this is ob- 
vious. The predominant military 
force in eastern Siberia is Cossack, 
and Semenov is the chosen Cossack 
leader. Upon the Cossacks must de- 
pend the country's defense. 

T>UT another conclusion may be 
■■-' drawn. Hitherto Kolchak has 
been bound by his devotion to the Al- 
lies, and they have failed him shame- 
fully in his hour of need. In conse- 
quence Russians everywhere have 
come to view the Allies with suspi- 
cion and dislike. Semenov is bound 
by no promises and has been sup- 
ported by Japan. He will now be 
free to make with the Japanese 
whatever agreements he sees fit. 
Whether Japan will come to his as- 
sistance with troops is problemati- 
cal, but he undoubtedly counts on 
their aid. Seemingly it is now too 

late for this. When they could march 
in and achieve success by a parade of 
force, the case was different. Now 
it means a long and expensive war, 
and Japan will think twice about en- 
tangling herself in such a contest 
without American participation. She 
reasons that America would like 
nothing better than to see her thus 
entangled, wasting her energies. Still, 
the threat of approaching Bolshevism 
may force her to this course. In any 
case, with money and arms from 
Japan, Semenov will put up a good 
fight and probably hold back the Red 

'pHE National Council and the 
■'■ States Council at Berne have 
both, by a large majority, voted 
for Switzerland's accession to the 
League of Nations, a decision which 
will have to be ratified by a referen- 
dum of the electorate. This is not, 
however, an unconditional approval 
of the Covenant as drafted in Paris. 
Although Article I of that document 
provides for the accession of the once 
neutral states as original members 
on condition that they join the 
League "without reservation," Swit- 
zerland has made its entrance de- 
pendent on the acceptance of one af- 
fecting the tenor of Article XVI. The 
country does not wish to bind itself 
to any participation in a military ac- 
tion which the Council might deem 
necessary to protect the covenants of 
the League. This restriction, how- 
ever, is contrary only to the letter of 
the Covenant, not to its spirit as ex- 
plained by its makers. When in a 
conference of these with representa- 
tives of neutral countries objections 
were raised by the latter to the coer- 
cive measures contained in Article 
XVI, Lord Robert Cecil made the re- 
assuring statement that "the eco- 
nomic coercion comes first and is al- 
ways obligatory for all members, but 
the military measures, which come in 



[Vol. 2, No. 

the second place, are not absolutely 
obligatory. There will be no com- 
pulsion to take part in them, although 
there always remains a moral duty of 
participation." Besides, Switzerland's 
right to abstain from any military 
cooperation is already implied in Ar- 
ticle 435 of the Peace Treaty with 
Germany, which recognizes the valid- 
ity of the declaration of November 
20, 1815, concerning the country's 
neutral status. The reservation, 
therefore, is a mere formality, in- 
tended to placate that part of the na- 
tion which, proud of its independence 
and devoted to its neutrality, views 
the League with no little suspicion. 
One other restriction bears the name 
reservation with more justice: The 
country makes its accession condi- 
tional on that of the five Great Pow- 
ers, in other words, it will not join 
the League unless the United States 
does so first. 

TVrOW cracks a noble heart — these 
■'■^ are the words that best befit the 
news of Dr. Osier's death. Great 
physician, wonderful teacher, inspir- 
ing comrade and associate, unweary- 
ing worker for the general good, 
promoter to the last of medical prog- 
ress — all these attributes fail to con- 
vey an idea of the man. A gallant 
and poetic spirit, as full of grace as 
of strength, he was a centre of light 
and life in every circle in which he 
moved. America and England will 
join in mourning one who adorned 
and benefited both countries, and 
whose last years were spent in de- 
voted service for the cause to which 
both countries gave their best and 

TN this human beehive of New York 
the poet of "La Vie des Abeilles" 
seems strangely out of place. The only 
spot where we could imagine him in 
his element is the top of the Wool- 
worth building from which, in silent 
contemplation, he could watch the 
feverish wooing of Queen Dollar by 
the giant swarm below. But he has 
come to woo her himself. The papers 
give estimates of "the profits accru- 
ing to him as a result of his first 
American tour, in addition to which 
he will certainly receive augmented 

royalties on his many books." If he 
does, he will owe them to those real 
lovers of the poet who, turning away 
from this fashionable lecturer in 
evening dress suit, look for the real 
Maeterlinck in the works that he 
wrote. The mystic who gave to the 
world "Le tresor des humbles" is a 
different being from this idolized 
treasure of the proud, this "social 
lion and lecturer on the immortality 
of the soul," as the headlines pro- 
claim him. Once he wrote some beau- 
tiful pages on the eloquence of silence, 
a language which will grow dearer to 
him day after day on his "12,000-mile 
Coast-to-Coast tour to confront lec- 
ture audiences and social welcomers 
in more than forty cities." There 
you have the poet's programme 
in arithmetic. Imagine Thomas a 
Kempis leaving his cell to read his 
"Imitatio" before the upper ten of 
fifteenth-century Paris and London. 
"The shy Belgian poet" the papers 
call him, and shy he well may be. 
The mystic's proper sphere is not 
the crowd but the solitude, "in an- 
gello cum libello," approving the 
wisdom of the earlier mystic's "ama 

TT has been obvious from the begin- 
•■- ning that no organization of re- 
turned soldiers which presumed to 
set itself up as an "Invisible Empire" 
and impose its own "100 per cent. 
Americanism" upon those little 
groups who were quite intoxicated 
on something like 2.75 per cent, of 
the same could hope long to survive. 
Responsible leaders of the American 
Legion have reckoned with this dan- 
ger from the outset. They have not 
always been able to prevent sporadic 
outbursts of it. The ex-soldiers have, 
it is only too true, taken upon them- 
selves here and there to decide that 
concerts of German music must not 
be held and that certain sorts of 
opinion shall not have the privilege 
of a hall in which to air themselves. 
This sort of thing must stop. To un- 
derstand is not to pardon. The 
American Legion exists, so far as it 
is not merely a pleasant association 
of old comrades, to prevent just those 
things which mob violence — "direct 
action" in the canting phrase — aims 

to bring in. A sound strategy d 
not suggest mob violence on its c 
part as the most effective step. 
Franklin D'Olier, the National C( 
mander, has now put the Legion ( 
cially on record — "let us be sure t 
no overzealous or thoughtless or 
fair act of our own occur to weal 
our influence for national bettermi 
or alienate the support of true An 
icans." Maintenance of a gove 
ment under law is not an easy t£ 
It may be confidently hoped that 
more difficulties will be cast in 
way of it by those from whom 
much that is genuinely construci 
is expected. "Legion," in any of 
manifestations, must not be alloi 
to get the upper hand of "Americs 

rpHROUGH the generosity of 
■*■ anonymous donor there has b 
established the Amherst Memo 
Fellowship for the study of soc 
economic, and political institutic 
According to its terms a fellow, v 
a stipend of two thousand dollar 
year, will be appointed every sec 
year for a period of not more t' 
four years. Although established 
perpetuate the memory of those I 
herst men who gave their lives foi 
ideal," the fellowship is open to gi 
uates — and not of necessity rec 
graduates — of any college or uni^ 
sity, and it is expressly provided 1 
at least one member of the commi 
which awards the Fellowship s' 
have no connection with Amh( 
College. This committee has i 
been formed and is receiving ap 
cations. A foundation so bro£ 
conceived and so generously endo' 
should before very long becom- 
national institution. The fellows 
should be held by only the very ab 
of the country's young men, i 
whose native capacity for leaders 
fortified by the extensive study wl 
the fellowship places within tl 
reach, will put them high am 
those to whom the world must 1 
for guidance in dealing with 
problems which press so heavily u 
it. Amherst is to be congratuU 
on receiving into its hands an ins' 
ment so well calculated to give 
best opportunities to the best mi 
in this vital department of study. 

January 3, 1920] 



The Defense of 

THE Presidential election of 1920, 
says the New York Tribune in a 
leading editorial, promises to turn on 
the issue of private property versus 
communism. In order to meet this 
issue, the Tribune declares that what 
is needed is a campaign of "thorough 
popular education" : 

Private property must face the issue — must 
prove it is a good thing for all, or else perish 
. . . Personal ownership is not an end but a 
means to an end — the supreme end of increas- 
ing the sum of human happiness. 

"The challenge can be confidently 
met," says the Tribune, and it plunges 
boldly into the task. The human 
family lives not on what has been ac- 
cumulated, but on what is currently 
produced. Capital is essential to ef- 
fective production ; "with capital and 
capitalism gone, and little to divide, 
what would concurrently happen to 
the production which is the real meal 
ticket," and "whence would come the 
fund for improvements" ? The "great 
works reared under the capitalist re- 
gime" would before long be worn out, 
and then "a further decline in pro- 
duction would occur, with a conse- 
quent tightening of all belts." Such 
is the Tribune's statement of the case 
for the institution of private prop- 
erty ; and the article closes with this 
fervid exhortation : 

First, production; second, production; third, 
production — these are the three great argu- 
ments capitalism can present. Hammer them, 
hammer them, hammer them ! Americans are 
intelligent enough, and their perceptions of 
self-interest keen enough, to see and act on the 

There is just enough truth in the 
idea that the institution of property 
is in imminent danger to make it well 
worth while to consider upon what 
grounds its defense must rest. The 
requirements of a campaign of "thor- 
ough popular education" are far 
more exacting than our contemporary 
appears to realize. It is something 
to point out the indispensable part 
which capital plays in production, 
for there are millions among the 
masses who have no conception even 
of this elementary truth. But it is 
far from enough ; the teachers of so- 
cialism have educated thousands upon 
this subject far beyond the kinder- 

garten stage, and these will have no 
difficulty, when the campaign is on, 
in making the masses understand 
that the abolition of private owner- 
ship of capital does not necessarily 
mean the extinction of capital itself. 
A well-organized socialistic or com- 
munistic government could systemat- 
ically provide for the maintenance of 
capital by a levy upon current pro- 
duction ; the great function which has 
hitherto been performed by the vol- 
untary abstinence and thrift of indi- 
viduals could quite conceivably be 
performed by saving exacted and di- 
rected by the state. Under this re- 
gime production would not suffer that 
utter collapse which would attend the 
extinction of capital ; the loss it would 
suffer would come from the substitu- 
tion of governmental routine for that 
varied and boundless energy, that 
alertness of initiative, that constant 
exercise of quick and accurate judg- 
ment, which are the life-blood of pro- 
duction and enterprise under the in- 
dividualist regime. 

To convince a man of all this is not 
as easy as a sum in arithmetic. But 
the difficulty can not be evaded by 
shutting one's eyes to it. Fortu- 
nately, however, the plain man is not 
a fool. He may not clearly realize 
how great a part is played in produc- 
tion by the energy and ability of those 
who conduct it under the stimulus of 
competitive profit — and under the 
risk of competitive loss — but the 
idea is by no means foreign to his 
mind. Probably the greatest obstacle 
to his full appreciation of it arises 
from false notions of the share 
which capital and management get 
for their service. He will readily 
enough admit that government would 
not do the work anything like so well 
as private initiative does it; but he 
imagines that the gain to the com- 
munity is more than swallowed up 
by the reward that capital and man- 
agement grasp as their share of the 
product. He reads the big figures 
that represent the fortunes of a few 
multi-millionaires, and he is struck 
with the luxury and display which 
are the result of business success. 
But he makes no calculation of the 
extremely small percentage of the 
total annual product which suffices to 

account for all this. It would not be 
difficult to make him understand that 
if the efficiency of production were 
diminished by ten per cent., this 
would probably cut deeper into his 
share than do all the profits of the 
great capitalists and "captains of in- 
dustry ;" and he would not find it hard 
to believe that under a communist 
regime productive eflficiency would be 
impaired by very much more than 
ten per cent. 

But assuming that this fact was 
driven home into the minds of the 
masses — itself no mean task — no 
mistake could be greater than that of 
supposing that the trouble was there- 
by disposed of. The feeling that has 
been stirred up against the existing 
order of society rests on something 
more than a calculation of the 
amount of bread and meat, of clothes 
and luxuries, that the "plain man" 
might expect to obtain under a dif- 
ferent order. The cold-blooded con- 
clusions of economic arithmetic will 
not suflSce to overcome the passion- 
ate longing of those who would shat- 
ter the world and "remould it nearer 
to the heart's desire." If the insti- 
tution of property is to stand un- 
shaken in the coming decades, it will 
be not merely because it does more 
than communism can to fill people's 
bellies, but because with all its 
faults, it does more to satisfy their 

Socialist dreamers charge the de- 
fenders of the existing order with 
lack of imagination. But it is they 
themselves who lack imagination. It 
requires very little imagination to 
picture a new world in which nobody 
has to worry about food or clothing, 
or in which everybody has his flivver 
and his victrola; even a world in 
which nobody is trying to get the bet- 
ter of his neighbor, and everybody is 
doing what is demanded of him for 
the good of the community. What 
does require some degree of genuine 
imagination is to realize what such 
a world would be in the essentials 
of human feeling and interest, and 
what our own world is like in those 

The freeman's life is superior to 
the slave's, not because he does less 
work or because he gets more pay; 



[Vol. 2, No. 34 

the difference lies in the freedom it- 
self, and in the responsibility that is 
the correlative of the freedom. It 
is true that many millions of people, 
under existing conditions, have little 
choice as to how they shall earn their 
living; but each of them has never- 
theless the feeling of a freeman. No 
man, and no government, has ordered 
him to do what he is doing; and it 
rests with him to decide whether he 
shall continue to do it. If there are 
thousands who fare better, there are 
also thousands who fare worse; and 
whether he fares well or ill is his 
own business and nobody else's. If 
he has succeeded in keeping his head 
above water, if he has maintained his 
family without outside aid, he may 
justly feel that, in the face of diffi- 
culty and temptation, he has done a 
man's part in the struggle of life. 
And he has always the spur of hope 
that his children, like the children 
of so many of his fellows in like sta- 
tion, will attain a higher place in the 
struggle. What would the commu- 
nist regime offer to take the place of 
all this? The joys of notable achieve- 
ment — even such standardized joys 
as there might be of this kind — 
would, from the nature of things, be 
for the one man in a hundred; the 
other ninety-nine would have at most 
the pale satisfaction of not having 
forfeited their meal tickets by fail- 
ure to do the amount of work re- 
quired of them. Of the chances of 
better and worse, of the shaping of 
one's own destiny by the exercise of 
one's own will, of that kind of per- 
sonal responsibility which gives 
strength to character and zest to ef- 
fort, there would be little left. 

So much for those who are near the 
foot of the ladder, those to whom the 
existing order shows its worst face. 
That a large proportion of all the 
people are in the direct enjoyment 
of its advantages, the communists 
constantly forget. To him who has 
something, though little, the value of 
what he has is vitally bound up with 
the idea of property and property 
rights. The lace curtains and the 
white marble steps, the piano or the 
"parlor suite," even the account in 
the savings bank or the building as- 
sociation, mean to him very much 

more than the concrete enjoyment of 
these specific possessions. It is the 
fact of possession when possession is 
not a matter of course, and the vague 
possibilities which such possession 
implies, that really count. Running 
water in the house is a wonderful 
comfort, and a bathroom is a most 
excellent thing; but when everybody 
has them — above all when everybody 
is by law bound to have them — no- 
body finds in them occasion for so 
much as a moment's joy. As a de- 
stroyer of values, communism would 
cast fire and flood into the shade. 
Without resorting to it, we have 
raised the standard of living so won- 
derfully that the luxuries — not to 
speak of the impossibilities — of yes- 
terday are everybody's unthought-of 
possessions to-day ; but while the gen- 
eral level has been so raised, the op- 
portunities for possessions above 
that level are greater than ever, and 
the people who rise to them are more 
numerous than ever. 

To the radical intelligentsia, as well 
as to the ordinary commun^'st agi- 
tator, the world appears to consist 
entirely of millionaires and prole- 
tariat ; but when things begin to look 
really serious, the great body that 
lies between these extremes will make 
itself known plainly enough. They 
are not willing to give up all that has 
meant life to them — property as we 
know it, the family as we know it, 
personal independence, personal re- 
sponsibility, and personal achieve- 
ment as we know them — on the chance 
that a world made out of a few the- 
orists' heads will prove a better one. 
We hear little now about the middle, 
and a great deal about the two ex- 
tremes ; but it is the middle that makes 
the world solid now, and that will keep 
it solid when the test comes. What 
else accounts for the way in which 
France has stood shock after shock, 
revolution after revolution, agitation 
after agitation, and remained firmly 
"bourgeois"? The extremest Social- 
ism was familiar to the average 
Frenchman before our American So- 
cialists were born; Clemenceau him- 
self was an extreme Socialist in his 
time. But when the pinch comes, it 
turns out that the peasants with their 
little farms, and the shopkeepers 

with their little hoards, and the clerks 
and doctors and lawyers and engi- 
neers and artisans with the places 
they have won for themselves and 
their families — in a word, the people 
with something to lose — are the 
backbone of the country and say the 
decisive word. 

We are far from wishing to belittle 
the importance of the issue of pro- 
ductivity, and you can't have high 
productivity without abundant capi- 
tal, superior management, and faith- 
ful labor. But the point may be over- 
worked. There is danger in identi- 
fying "the sum of human happiness" 
with the aggregate of the material 
things which are produced by human 
effort. It is true that if the masses 
were persuaded that that aggregate 
could be enormously increased by the 
abolition of private property, they 
would probably be impervious to all 
other considerations; and it is there- 
fore of very great importance that 
the error of such a view be exposed. 
But even in the exposing of this error 
as we have pointed out, it is essential 
that the "plain man" be treated as an 
intelligent human being; if you at- 
tempt to satisfy his mind by an ar- 
gument that is fit only for a child, 
he will soon take your measure, and 
your last state will be worse than the 
first. And you will likewise under- 
estimate his intelligence if you think 
that he is inaccessible to the deeper 
considerations that belong to the sub- 
ject. You may convince him that he 
gets more to eat and to wear than he 
is likely to get under communism, 
and yet leave him strongly inclined 
to see what communism might do for 
him. "The full market-basket" is a 
good enough cry in a tariff campaign, 
but when it comes to the great issues 
of life, the "plain man," or at all 
events the plain American, does not 
like to think of himself as concerned 
only with his market-basket. Treat 
him as a man, not a proletarian; as 
a man to whom "the sum of human 
happiness" means something more 
than food to eat and clothes to wear. 
What we have in mind, however, is 
not those spiritual or religious or in- 
tellectual sources of happiness which 
are but slightly related to economic 
institutions ; to intrude these into the 

January 3, 1920] 



discussion would be, to the plain 
man's mind, to draw a herring across 
the trail. But he will grant readily- 
enough that the sum of the happiness 
that men enjoy through the acqui- 
sition of material things depends not 
merely on their gross quantity but 
quite as much on the conditions upon 
which they are acquired; and he is 
fully capable of understanding that 
the chance of success and the danger 
of failure, the necessity of self-reli- 
ance, the splendid returns which 
stimulate enterprise and reward sa- 
gacity or talent — that these things 
justify the institution of property not 
only because they make for an in- 
crease in the total of our material 
, possessions, but even more because 
I the enjoyment of those possessions is 
i infinitely greater than it could be 
under a system in which they were 
rationed out to us by a governmental 

Siberia in Despair 

A YEAR of heartrending struggle 


against overwhelming odds to 

deliver one's native land from the 
most bloody and cruel alien tyranny 
known in history, and then failure 
through default of promised aid — 
such is the tragic story of Kolchak's 
defeat. When, on November 18, 
1918, Admiral Kolchak took up his 
unsought task, it was in the face of 
difficulties before which a less reso- 
lute and devoted man would have 
quailed. An army had to be raised 
instantly from the sparse and scat- 
tered population of a vast continent, 
and supplied from a country without 
industry. This army had at once to 
be pitted against three times its 
number of Red troops, equipped from 
the great reserves of arms and mu- 
nitions left from the great war, and 
led in many cases by German officers. 
Thanks to the enthusiasm and self- 
sacrifice of the Siberian peasants, 
this undertaking was successfully ac- 

But these were not Kolchak's only 
difficulties. Some sort of civil ad- 
ministration had to be restored 
throughout regions where seven 
months of Soviet misrule and license 
had destroyed all civil institutions 

and left disorder and chaos. Crim- 
inal bands of Commissars and their 
henchmen, driven out of the towns, 
roamed the forests, made brigand at- 
tacks upon villages, and threatened 
at numerous points the tenuous line 
of railroad that was his one means 
of communication with the outside 
world. American forces in Vladivos- 
tok, through an incomprehensible 
misunderstanding of the situation, 
encouraged disunion and disaffection, 
instead of giving aid to the building 
up of a unified Russian state. The 
Japanese likewise seemed to think 
that their interests were subserved 
by keeping Siberia weak and encour- 
aging independent Cossack bands to 
flout the authority of the central 
Government. The financial situation 
was desperate, and a dozen varieties 
of hopelessly depreciated currency 
flooded the country. Speculation was 
rife, grafters abounded, and force 
was lacking to bring them to account. 
Reactionaries on the one hand sought 
to make of Kolchak's Government a 
means of restoring Tsarism, while on 
the other. Socialist Revolutionaries 
thought the time opportune to realize 
their impracticable theories. 

Cunning and unscrupulous Bolshe- 
vist propagandists undertook to un- 
dermine Kolchak in Europe and 
America, representing him as a ty- 
rant and usurper, and attributing to 
him Tsarist aims. But he gave them 
no heed and pursued his task with 
unfailing courage. A patriot and a 
liberal, he steered a middle course 
between reaction and radicalism, 
faithful to his pledge to restore his 
country and leave its future govern- 
ment to the decision of a freely- 
elected Constituent Assembly. How 
effective the Bolshevist propagandists 
were in misleading and alienating the 
Allies, and particularly America, can 
not now be told; but after inexcus- 
able delay, the Council at Paris 
satisfied themselves of Kolchak's 
good faith and of the necessity of 
supporting the loyal Russians against 
the common enemy. On June 12, 
Lloyd George, Wilson, Clemenceau, 
Orlando and Makino joined in send- 
ing him the following telegram : 

The Allied and Associated Powers wish to 
acknowledge the receipt of Admiral Kolchak's 

reply to their note of May 26th. They welcome 
the terms of that reply. It seems to them to be 
in substantial agreement with the proposition* 
which they had made and to contain satisfac- 
tory assurances for the freedom, self-govern- 
ment, and peace of the Russian people and 
their neighbors. They are therefore willing 
to extend to Admiral Kolchak and his asso- 
ciates the support set forth in their original 

This support was "to assist the 
Government of Admiral Kolchak and 
his associates with munitions, sup- 
plies, and food, to establish themselves 
as the Government of all Russia." 
But the pledge was not kept. Instead, 
Ambassador Morris at Tokio was 
sent to Omsk to investigate further 
and report. More delay, while the 
lives of millions hung in the balance 
and our own good faith before the 
Russia of the future was at stake. 
Finally Morris reported in favor of 
keeping our word, but we delayed 
further, and it was too late. 

Many reasons have been alleged as 
the causes of Kolchak's collapse. Un- 
doubtedly many factors were work- 
ing against him — popular discontent 
from hope deferred, dissension 
among officers and civil authorities, 
high-handed conduct on the part of 
the military, speculation and graft, 
insurrection in the rear. But all 
these were trivial compared with the 
one great cause — lack of supplies. 
The men were there, and the will to 
fight was there, but flesh and blood 
could not stand against shot and 
shell. Well-nigh bare-handed, his 
soldiers had to stand the onslaughts 
of the fully armed and equipped 
hordes that poured in upon them. 
When Kolchak's brave troops took 
Perm, over four thousand had their 
feet frozen. The spring thaw found 
them without boots. Step by step 
they had to retire because they had 
nothing with which to fight on. 

And now another chapter in the 
tragic drama has closed. It curdles 
one's blood to think of hapless West 
Siberia, subjected to the exactions 
and blood-lust of the Soviet armies. 
But Russia has ever been greatest 
in misfortune and defeat, and has 
gloried in the gospel of suffering 
and sacrifice. In the years to come, 
the heroic if unavailing struggle in 
Siberia will be a cherished tradition 
of Russia, and Kolchak a symbol of 
patriotism and devotion. 



[Vol. 2, No. 34 

A Hopeful Labor 

HUMAN fellowship in industry may be 
either an empty phrase or a living fact. 
There is no magic formula. 

Pending the growth of better relationships 
between employers and employees, the prac- 
tical approach to the problem is to devise a 
method of preventing or retarding conflicts by 
providing machinery. 

In these two passages from the in- 
troduction to the plan drawn up by 
the new Industrial Conference at 
Washington is to be found the key- 
note of the proposal it has laid be- 
fore the country. The Conference 
recognizes that a vital improvement 
is necessarj' in the relations between 
employers and employed; but it rec- 
ognizes just as clearly that that im- 
provement can not be brought about 
either by governmental edict or by 
the formal adoption of any abstract 
principle. It must be the matured 
fruit of prolonged and varied effort, 
and can not be purchased at the easy 
price of a conference resolution, 
however ingeniously worded. What 
this very conference may yet do to 
encourage and promote this process 
by throwing light directly upon its 
problems and difficulties remains to 
be seen. What it has done is to offer 
a comprehensive, and to our mind, 
an extremely hopeful, plan for les- 
sening those evils which cry out for 
immediate remedy. 

The outstanding feature of the 
Conference plan for the settlement of 
industrial disputes is that, while it 
wholly avoids compulsion, it creates 
a situation in which resort to its ma- 
chinery will in almost every instance 
be inevitable. We must be prepared 
to find that objection will be made, 
both from the employers' side and 
from the employees' side, to the pre- 
cise character of that machinery. 
But at every point there is the clear- 
est evidence that care has been taken 
to reduce the grounds of objection to 
a minimum. 

Thus the method by v/hich the 
two sides to a dispute shall select 
their representatives upon a Re- 
gional Board of Adjustment is not 
prescribed, but is to be determined 
by "the rules and regulations to be 
laid down by the National Industrial 
Tribunal for the purpose of insuring 

free and prompt choice of the rep- 
resentatives." The thorny questions 
of labor representation are thus left 
for full consideration, not by a hap- 
hazard or emergency body, but by 
nine men appointed for a term of 
years by the President, subject to 
confirmation by the Senate. Unless 
we throw up the job in despair, un- 
less we are content to suffer the pres- 
ent anarchic conditions to continue 
unabated, we must begin with author- 
ity somewhere, and it does not seem 
possible to get a better source of au- 
thority than that proposed. The Tri- 
bunal is to consist of three members 
representing the employers of the 
country, who shall be appointed upon 
nomination of the Secretary of 
Commerce, three representing em- 
ployees, who shall be appointed upon 
nomination of the Secretary of 
Labor, and three representing the 
general interests of the public. 

How completely the element of 
compulsion is absent may best be 
seen in the fact that not only does 
the final decision of a dispute — in de- 
fault, of course, of a unanimous ver- 
dict by the Regional Board, upon 
which both sides are represented — 
rest with the National Tribunal, but 
that Tribunal itself can render no 
decision except by unanimous vote. 
When unanimity is not attained, ma- 
jority and minority reports are re- 
quired to be made by the Tribunal. 
The obvious objection that under 
these conditions the most difficult 
cases will be likely to be left unde- 
cided, has without doubt been fully 
taken into account by the framers of 
the plan. The answer to it is, first, 
that in a plan which seeks to per- 
suade, and not to compel, it is es- 
sential that both parties shall feel 
that they are in no danger of suffer- 
ing injustice; and secondly, that 
even though a decision be not arrived 
at, the light thrown upon the dispute 
by the searching process of inquiry 
and judgment to which it had been 
subjected will be a most powerful 
agent in bringing about its settle- 

To appreciate the merit of the plan, 
we must keep steadily in mind the 
fact that in any great labor dispute 
the dominating force lies neither in 

the resources of the employers nor in 
the organization of the employees, 
but in the power of public opinion, 
provided only that that power is 
brought effectively to bear. The 
great trouble is that during the long 
period in which public opinion is 
blindly groping its way, and in the 
further long period that is required 
to focus it upon the controversy, 
there is suffered an appalling eco- 
nomic waste and there is bred a vast 
amount of misunderstanding and bit- 
terness. The most important func- 
tion of the elaborate and yet not com- 
plicated machinery of the Confer- 
ence plan is to give to public opinion 
both the guidance and the leverage 
which it now lacks. The plan may 
need modification; but in its essen- 
tials it seems admirably calculated to 
reduce to a small fraction of its pres- 
ent dimensions the evil of those in- 
dustrial conflicts which so profoundly 
threaten the general welfare, and 
with which thus far the nation has 
vainly endeavored to grapple. 

Those Navy Awards 

TTAVING characteristically blun- 
■'-■'- dered into a bad mess on the 
Navy honors. Secretary Daniels, with 
equally characteristic candor, seeks 
to make amends by reconsidering the 
whole matter. It is the proper solu- 
tion. Admiral Sims's sailor-like let- 
ter and action have done their work. 
And the iSTavy has also spoken em- 
phatically in the persons of Admirals 
Mayo, Jones, and Wilson, and Captain 
Hasbrouck, who honorably declines to 
receive a high award for the ill-luck 
of losing his ship. The controversy is 
in a way to be adjusted, and before 
it finally passes we have only to note 
the paradox that the statesman who 
for seven years has ruled the Amer- 
ican Navy still reasons like a lands- 
man and a sentimentalist. 

Secretary Daniels was grieved be- 
cause only twenty-two per cent, of 
recommendations were made by the 
special board from the personnel of 
fighting ships in the war zone. Con- 
sidering the very few fighting ships 
that were in action at all, considering 
also the impossibility of getting a 
standup fight with a "sub," any Navy 

January 3, 1920] 



man knows that the fighting ships 
were generously treated with one 
recommendation out of five. The 
Navy's task was mostly preventive 
guard duty, mine-laying and sweep- 
ing, and transportation — routine 
work of a highly technical order. 
Twenty men were in such routine 
services for one even remotely and 
contingently concerned with fighting. 
For the Navy it was emphatically a 
staff and not a line war. The men 
whose organizing capacity made the 
anti-submarine patrol and the mine 
barrage effective, the men whose 
brains conceived our successful con- 
\ oy system and whose vigilance car- 
ried it out — those men, whether they 
worked afloat or ashore — at Wash- 
ington, Pelham Bay, St. Nazaire, or 
Scapa — deserve the high awards. 

For the very reason that, even 
under peace conditions, Navy men 
incur constant risk, they are espe- 
cially scrupulous on the point of rec- 
ognition for gallantry. Every year 
sees thousands of acts of per- 
sonal heroism promptly and finally 
rewarded with a "Good work!" 
from the officer or petty officer 
in charge. Then well-meaning Sec- 
retary Daniels comes along and 
rules that the officers and crews 
who have been torpedoed have 
all "rendered distinguished service" 
and are entitled to medals. At best 
they are entitled to sympathy for a 
bad luck that may have been unpre- 
ventable. Such awards were simply 
an affront to the hundreds of vessels 
of the destroy er-and-patrol flotillas 
which, without the luck of getting 
into action, maintained such vigilance 
in submarine-infested waters that the 
"tin fish" dared molest neither the 
guard boats nor the convoy. 

However, Navy people are gener- 
ous, and little inclined to judge over- 
harshly the unwitting offenses of 
blundering benevolence. They will 
appreciate the promptness with 
which Secretary Daniels has re- 
opened his versatile mind, and they 
will hope for awards based on 
achievement and not on sentiment — 
honors in which commanding officers 
may find their authority sustained 
and their superior facilities for judg- 
ment duly considered. 

Mrs. Tiffany on the 
"Social Unit' 

5 > 

WE print on another page a de- 
fense of the "Social Unit" ex- 
periment against the charge of Soviet 
tendencies brought by the Mayor of 
Cincinnati and others. The writer, 
Mrs. Charles L. Tiffany, regards the 
system as wholly opposed to that of 
the Soviet, since "its philosophy is 
based upon the conception that the 
collective intelligence of the whole 
community — not any section or part 
— so organized that it can continu- 
ously express itself, is to be relied 
upon as against the will or in- 
telligence of any individual, group, or 
class." There is of course no valid 
objection to the working together for 
common ends of the entire population 
of any territory small enough to 
make such unified action feasible and 
effective. At various times and places 
definite and temporary problems 
have stirred communities to action of 
this nature, but such simple organi- 
zation as has resulted from immedi- 
ate need has passed out of existence 
when the need has been adequately 
met. The difference between this 
wholly spontaneous action and the 
"Social Unit" system now under dis- 
cussion is that the latter does not 
originate by spontaneous evolution 
within the individual community, but 
comes through propaganda from 
without, and aims to become a per- 
manent institution. These consider- 
ations call for a careful study of pos- 
sible tendencies and purposes before 
thoughtful men and women are war- 
ranted in giving unqualified support 
to the movement. 

In Mrs. Tiffany's view, any resem- 
blance of the Social Unit to the So- 
viet is superficial and unimportant, 
and will apply equally to various 
other forms of collective action which 
pass without challenge. In an ar- 
ticle in the Survey, however, a few 
weeks ago, Dr. Edward T. Devine, 
writing as a friend of the system, 

In view of the profound faith which the 
touiiders of the Social Unit plan have in the 
principle of democracy as embodied in the 
plan, it is evident that, in the opinion of those 
who are most competent to predict, the success- 

ful spread of the Social Unit plan and the 
general acceptance of its philosophy would pro- 
vide a substitute, not only for existing munici- 
pal departments and government, but also for 
voluntary social agencies. 

Dr. Devine hastens to add that we 
are not to infer from this that those 
interested in the Social Unit would 
expect such a culmination in the near 
future. But its founders have not 
denied, he admits, that they regard 
it as a potential substitute for exist- 
ing political government. All this 
being admitted, there is no escape 
from the conclusion that Social Units 
brought into being through the 
agency of the National Social Unit 
Organization will be channels of prop- 
aganda, more or less active accord- 
ing to circumstances and official per- 
sonnel, for a radical change from our 
system of government. Of course 
such propaganda would be indirect 
and without official sanction, but it 
would be hardly less effective on this 
account, and certainly no easier to 
combat. We do not mean by this 
that propaganda for radical changes 
in our government is necessarily 
wrong in itself. But when people 
who are thoroughly opposed to 
changes in a certain direction are 
asked to support, on considerations 
of another nature, a movement whose 
leaders are evidently favorable to 
such changes, their answer must take 
into consideration not merely the 
good which the movement offers, but 
the evil which it may possibly pro- 
mote. Before giving the "Social 
Unit" our approval we should prefer 
to see it tried by a community acting 
spontaneously and wholly uncon- 
nected with the National Social Unit 


A ^'cekly journal of political and 

general discussion 

Published by 

The National Weikly Co«PO«ATlo^^ 

HO Nassau Street, New York 

Fabiak Fhanklin, President 

Harold de Wolf Fuixe», Treasurer 

Kodmam Gilder, Butintss Manager 

Subscription price, five dollar* a year in 
advance. Fifteen cents a copy. Foreign TOSt- 
age, one dollar extra; Canadian postage, fifty 
cents extra. Foreign sub>crii.tion5 may be sent 
to Messrs. G. P. Putnam's Sons, Ltd., 24, Bed- 
ford St.. Strand, London, W. C. 2, England. 
Copyright, 1919, in the Umted Stales of 



[Vol. 2, No. 34 

Slaves of the Machine 

PITTSBURGH has been called 
■*- the industrial barometer of the 
world. It is the first manufacturing 
centre to feel the change in status 
of any temporary equilibrium that 
may obtain in the financial market 
albeit the disturbance is scarcely no- 
ticeable at the source. Hiram Smith 
in North Dakota decides to restrict 
his acreage of wheat to 85 per cent. 
of last year's crop, deciding at the 
same time to get along with his old 
tractors and harvesters for another 
year, which would have been impos- 
sible with a full acreage. Which 
means that Chicago and Detroit will 
need less steel billets, cast iron, tool, 
and sheet steel — that is, if all the 
Hiram Smiths feel the same way 
about the wheat. Hiram Smith, as 
unconscious of the fact as a spring 
breeze, is in his way counting out 
the number of bituminous cinders and 
graphite flakes that will glitter each 
morning on our spare bedroom carpet 
here under the shadow of the Bes- 
semer converters. 

By the same token Hiram, and his 
like, decide whether the employment 
manager at the Edgar Thompson 
Works of the Carnegie Steel Com- 
pany can hire Emanuel Swakoski 
when he applies this morning for 
a job. The employment manager 
hires because a particular fore- 
man has sent a "call slip" to the 
employment office conveying informa- 
tion that he needs four laborers. The 
foreman has had instructions from 
the open hearth superintendent to 
build another fire. The superintend- 
ent has a typewritten letter from 
the general superintendent of the 
mill to increase his tonnage to a set 
figure. The general superintendent 
has an order from the city office for 
a specific assignment of cold rolled 
steel. The general office is bound by 
contract to deliver to a manufacturer 
of electric motors and generators a 
certain amount of steel according to 
certain specifications on a certain 
date. The electric manufacturer is 
also bound by contract to deliver to 
the sugar refineries of Cuba ten tur- 
bo-generator units on a certain date, 

because Borelle Sancho, Hiram 
Smith's southern brother, has de- 
cided to do thus and so in the matter 
of sugar-cane production. Further- 
more, Borelle understands that my 
thrifty wife will take advantage of 
the abundant peach crop and fill all 
available jars with peaches — and 
sugar. So that when Emanuel Swa- 
koski applies for a job at the em- 
ployment gate tha^J see in the smoky 
valley below me-^s chances are 
hardly dependent cm the whim of 
some imaginary St<^l Baron. 

That is the norirml barometric con- 
dition of the Pittsburgh district — the 
way the winds blew and the yellow 
smoke hung like a fog or vanished 
into thin air — before 1914. Soon 
after 1914, our barometer burst and 
the industrial humidity here has been 
immeasurable ; when the sun shines — 
or better, when it is hidden by smoke 
— it wasn't necessary to hunt up the 
weather man to learn the fact. Hiram 
Smith has quit dictating to us. 
Emanuel Swakoski took Hiram's 
place and the old order changed. 
Emanuel decided that he would work, 
and this is the man that has been 
milking the cow with crumpled horn 
ever since. Now, since September 22, 
1919, Emanuel Swakoski, hardly un- 
conscious of his power, is playing 
poker in the back lot, and our spare 
bedroom carpet is unusually free 
from sparkling graphite. The "Kos- 
kis" are on a strike and Hiram in 
South Dakota, Borelle in Cuba, and 
my wife await their pleasure. We 
are eating our peaches — cheaper 
than canning them at the present 
price of sugar! 

Pittsburgh is still the industrial 
barometer of the world — but we have 
a brand new weather man — Mr. Com- 
mon Labor. 

My family household furnishes a 
clear analogy of what is going on 
outside. The industrial world keeps 
house on the same fundamental basis. 
In normal times my thrifty wife puts 
as many loaves of bread in the oven 
as there will be mouths to fill at the 
table on the days following. If we 
anticipate visitors, she gets a little 

more flour, prepares extra pans, and 
utilizes the entire oven — baking six 
loaves instead of four. Thus there is 
an ensuing period of domestic felicity 
and everybody is happy. Supposing 
the situation were reversed and that 
the number of loaves placed in the 
oven were measured in terms of her 
personal attitude toward the eaters 
at our table. Suppose she should 
cultivate a philosophy of "Why 
should I bake and the others eat?" 
and conduct herself accordingly, what 
a mess my home would be in! That 
is just where we are to-day in our 
industrial households in Pittsburgh 
— Emanuel Swakoski questions the 
Providence that has placed him at the 
furnaces instead of in the front office 
with the typewriters and brass cus- 

I hardly meant to draw my analogy 
between Emanuel and the housewife 
too close — both are a little sensitive, 
but what I mean is that the man that 
pours the heat in the giant steel mills 
of the Pittsburgh district is as close 
to our national economic well-being 
as the woman in the home is respon- 
sible for our domestic happiness. We 
can no more endure to depend on 
the whims of the steel worker for 
our steel rails and boiler plate than 
we can on the notions of our wives 
for our suppers. The world must be 
fed three times a day and our na- 
tional life-blood needs iron. Regard- 
less of the competing claims of the 
Steel Corporation and the American 
Federation of Labor as to the rights 
of property and capital and the prin- 
ciple of "self-determination" — the 
fact stands unmodified by circum- 
stances that the future of our eco- 
nomic life rests on unlimited produc- 
tion of steel. For months the ice that 
has been supporting our giant indus- 
trial organizations has been getting 
perilously thin and, unless labor 
ceases to rap at the weak spots on 
the pond, the whole structure will go 
down with a crash. 

What does labor want? The steel 
situation furnishes perhaps the most 
typical case from which to draw an 
inference. If the demands were alike 
in the thousand and one strikes that 
are incipient from Seattle to Boston 
it would be far easier to answer that 

January 3, 1920] 



question and consequently easier to 
find a remedy that would make it 
possible to put our houses in order; 
but every organized body of strikers 
has its own pet grievance. Only the 
most radical insist that the underly- 
ing trouble is low wages and long 
hours. The forty-eight-hour week is 
practically universal and even in the 
steel mills, where men are working 
the twelve-hour shift, they themselves 
desire the opportunity to earn the 
extra wages for overtime. They do 
not want a straight eight-hour day; 
they want to work twelve hours on an 
eight-hour rate, with time and a half 
for overtime and double time for 
Sundays and holidays. Granting that 
the men object seriously to the 12- 
hour shift in the steel mill, labor is 
so scarce in Pittsburgh's allied indus- 
tries working the 48-hour week that 
they can procure 48-hour jobs for the 

Is it more wages? Yes, we all are 
unsatisfied with our ircome, even the 
executive at $10,000 a year. That is 
natural. But it is my firm conviction 
that 10 per cent increases each month 
from now on until the millennium 
would only provoke continued dis- 
content and unrest. Contrary to the 
wild statements of agitators imported 
from without, who have little concern 
for or understanding of our peculiar 
needs, the steel workers and especial- 
ly the common laborers are well paid 
— better than ever before in their 
lives, and their standard of living is 
far higher than their fathers or 
grandfathers ever knew. And that is 
as it should be! 

They are well fed, a dinner con- 
sisting of the best boiling piece of 
beef in the market, baked beans, hot 
biscuit, green corn, and peach pie — 
and in abundance. The largest for- 
eign boarding house in my neighbor- 
hood served that menu last evening. 
Some of them drive medium-priced 
cars. The banks in the Pittsburgh 
district state that the average sav- 
ings account of the foreigner laboring 
in the steel mills is $300. Jewelers 
claim this is an exceptional year be- 
cause of foreign-born customers. At 
Braddock, the home of a large steel 
plant, I counted fifty-two foreigners 
last Sunday evening at the station 

platform waiting to take the Balti- 
more and Ohio to New York, and they 
were going to spend their vacations 
in Southern Europe. Yet as I write, 
with the glare of huge converters in- 
termittently giving our hill daylight 
and then darkness, I can see thou- 
sands of restless, discontented dark 
forms crowding the narrow streets in 
the valley below. They are steel 
workers of foreign extraction out on 
a strike. Their objective, according 
to the statement of their representa- 
tive, is to force Judge Gary to recog- 
nize the principle of collective bar- 
gaining that industrial oppression 
may cease. The spectacle is no longer 
novel; almost every industrial com- 
munity has been or is infected with 
the same malady, but the present 
steel strike, because of the diversity 
of industries aflfected, is typical of our 
whole industrial discontent. 

If it isn't fundamentally wages and 
hours, what is it they want? Specifi- 
cally, they demand of Judge Gary the 
right of collective bargaining; he de- 
nies it — there is the irresistible force 
meeting the immovable body. But 
collective bargaining for what? 
Shorter hours? More wages? I 
think not. Representation in the man- 
agement ? Yes, but they already hold 
25,000 shares of the company's stock 
and have the privilege of buying the 
balance at any time they have the 
price. I am neither defending nor ac- 
cusing either party, the laboring men 
or the Steel Corporation; if they 
could settle their quarrel in their own 
home without affecting the innocent 
bystander, well and good — leave them 
alone, but they never can — you and I 
and every other man must suffer, 
and somebody must come along with 
a solution, or we perish. I am posi- 
tive, however, that the written griev- 
ances of labor, not only in Pittsburgh 
but over the entire country, are 
merely symptoms of a deeper spirit- 
ual unrest that is energizing the 

Two years ago I happened to be 
working in a munition factory where 
the men employed were making un- 
heard-of wages. Five hundred dollars 
a month was not an uncommon wage 
for a machinist who had in the pre- 
war days been averaging something 

like a hundred and twenty-five dol- 
lars a month for the same class of 
work. Of course, living was high, 
but not accordingly. The work was 
hard, but the hours were reasonably 
short. Yet with this unheard-of 
compensation for semi-skilled labor, 
these men were as restless as weath- 
ervanes in a March wind. The labor 
turnover in that factory was as high 
as 65 per cent. The men were de- 
cidedly discontented. 

Ten years before this, I worked 
with a crew of five men on a large 
farm in the Middle West. We re- 
ceived $1.50 a day, and worked at the 
hardest kind of labor from 6 a. m. 
until 7 p. m. But these farm hands 
"stuck" the entire season, and four 
of them were back the next year. 
They were the best-feeling crowd of 
men that I have ever known, and were 
as happy and contented as men can 
hope to be. 

What is there in the nature of the 
presetit-day industrial employment 
that has bred such universal restless- 
ness and discontent? The demand 
for higher wages, for shorter hours, 
for improved working conditions, a 
share in the management and all of 
the other exciting causes of strikes 
and labor disturbances are only 
symptoms of a deeper industrial mal- 
ady which the highest wages and the 
shortest hours may relieve but fail to 
cure. The munition workers bought 
bungalows, touring cars, and dia- 
monds. But they, like a million 
workers of to-day, were sick at heart. 
They were dissatisfied — but why? 
There is but one answer. Our social 
unrest is a disease of the soul and not 
of the pocketbook. Our workingmen 
are sick of the monotony of machine 

The hopeless monotony in doing 
the same thing hour after hour and 
day after day corrodes and smoth- 
ers "that little spark of celestial fire" 
in every man, until the pressure be- 
comes too great, and it bursts into 
flame. No one is to blame — the man 
at the loom and the lathe to-day is 
not the slave to any man or group of 
men. He is well paid, and he enjoys 
the benefit in the saving effected by 
machine production in the price he 
pays for his living. The fact that 



[Vol. 2, No. 34 

industry has become so specialized 
that his entire day is confined to one 
task can not be laid at the door of 
any one class of men. The twentieth 
century is the responsible party, if 
there is one. World necessity has 
produced the machine and speciali- 
zation, and the ennui and spiritual 
sickness, discontent, and revolt are 
the natural consequence of our at- 
tempt to realize nineteenth century 
ideals in a twentieth century world. 
A man who works with his hands to- 
day is dominated by the God of the 
Machine, and whether ownership and 
control are vested in the man that 
works at the machine or in the man 
that distributes its product and 
finances its operation is of little 
consequence. Millions to-day are 
watching the clock — waiting for the 
whistle to relieve them from a task 
of hopeless drudgery — doing a work 
that must be done that men may be 
fed, clothed, and housed — someone 
else would have to do it if they didn't 
— nevertheless such labor takes its 
toll in the spirits and souls of men. 

Millions find their day's work such. 
We live in an age of specialization 
and machine production and the he- 
roes of to-day and to-morrow are not 
men, but dynamos, motors, steam 
turbines, automatic machines, giant 
cranes, looms, lathes, tractors, gang 
saws, and other countless devices that 
wear out men and save time and 

A chosen few are selected by Des- 
tiny to sit in the seats of the mighty 
to plan, to conceive, to fashion ideas, 
and to create; and this small group 
have by virtue of their brains been 
blessed with the secret of happiness 
— they have the opportunity to in- 
dulge their instinct in creative activ- 
ity. Theirs is the fascinating end of 
the world's work. It is their ideas 
that the remainder of mankind must 
carry out — must serve masters of 
iron and steel that other minds have 
fashioned, and serve with little inter- 
est. The realization of this fact 
drives men mad. 

War brought freedom of thought 
and action; new faces, lands, work, 
duties, interests, values; and now 
that it is over, men return to the 
order of the day with a keener dis- 

taste for the monotony of machine 

But what are you going to do about 
it? Shall we destroy our men with 
great intellects, burn our factories, 
tear down line-shafting and ma- 
chines, and revert to the hand labor 
of two centuries ago? The world 
would starve in a month. 

Your great-grandfather was a 
shoemaker, made shoes by hand and 
worked from 6 a. m. until 9 p. m. 
He was his own boss — a glorious es- 
tate? Had he the leisure, conven- 
ience, comforts, luxuries, and priv- 
ileges that we enjoy? The aspira- 
tions you have for your children — 
those aspirations that are within 
your reach — that shoemaker never 
dreamed of. The good old days like 
distant sails seem whitest. 

My grandfather owned a forest of 
pine timber, and he and his two sons 
cut the entire lot by hand in three 
years, hauled the logs to the river, 
drove them in the spring floods to the 
saw mill one hundred miles distant, 
walked home, and after the whcle job 
was done and nothing remained but a 
barren waste of stumpage, they re- 
ceived for their timber delivered an 
equivalent of one dollar apiece for 
their labor. They furnished the land 
and the capital, the market was wide 
open and they were not compelled 
to sell. Here was none of the evils 
of modern industrialism — but they 
lived on mush and milk for two long 

It is possible to multiply instances 
indefinitely. Machine work is no 
worse than cradling wheat, than rais- 
ing a barn of crude timbers, than 
husking corn, hoeing potatoes, stitch- 
ing broadcloth, hammering brass or 
grinding knives. We can not step 
backward and claim the past as an 
improvement over the present. 

For the man whose work is neces- 
sarily uninteresting, there is but one 
solution, provided he has taken care- 
ful stock of his capabilities and pos- 
sibilities and finds that he must re- 
main where he is, and that is to cre- 
ate a permanent interest outside of 
the shop doing the thing that he likes 
to do best. There are but a few who 
find their work so absorbing that it 
satisfies. In fact, history is filled 

with men who have become famous 
not because of their vocation, but be- 
cause of their "outside" interest. The 
discontented man is not discontented 
because of what he does, but because 
he doesn't know what to do with his 
surplus time, so that after several 
rounds of the movies, a plate of ice 
cream, and a jazz selection on the 
phonograph, his store of amusements 
is exhausted. It isn't the eight hours 
at the machine that makes the anar- 
chist ; it's the eight hours of idleness. 
The men that succeed in finding the 
blue bird of happiness capitalize 
these hours of rest — not at work, per- 
haps, but at something essentially 
satisfying. The Prince of Peace was 
a carpenter by trade — and more. 
Washington was a surveyor ; Andrew i 
Carnegie, a captain of industry — and 
a writer, and Theodore Roosevelt, a 
statesman and a naturalist. 

Man's first duty is to provide food, 
clothing, and shelter for his family. 
The twentieth century man sacrifices 
but eight hours of the twenty-four 
for these. Let him call the first eight 
hours a sacrifice of time and interest, 
and find satisfaction for the desire 
of his soul in the other eight. He 
should be honest, play square with 
his employer, give a full eight hours 
of labor; but get enough fun out of 
the other eight that when he reports 
for work each day he is ready to give 
his part to the world's work, and give 
it gladly. He should get a hobby and 
ride it until it gets stale, and then get 
another one. Two-thirds of the day, 
three-fifths of the week, two hundred 
and nineteen days of the year are his 
to spend as he pleases. The machine 
has given him this ; no other genera- 
tion since time began has the leisure 
he has. 

In my daily observation of thou- 
sands and thousands of men who 
work in the mills, I have been im- 
pressed with one fundamental fact — 
that the spiritual hopelessness writ- 
ten on the countenances of so many; 
the lines on their drawn faces and 
the lack-lustre eyes do not indicate 
the physical fatigue that one is apt 
on brief acquaintance to pronounce 
the cause. The men to-day are not 
driven — far from it ; they are salved, 
and petted, and coaxed to an unheard- 

January 3, 1920] 



of degree. A foreman's first in- 
struction is to keep his men on the 
job, and every means is taken to 
make the conditions surrounding him 
at his work as wholesome and pleas- 
ant as possible. But the new era has 
put personality in a steel niche, and 
it must stay put, else large-scale pro- 
duction is impossible. The strikers 
on our streets to-day are men enter- 
ing a blind protest against a system 
that has taken the fun and romance 
out of their work, even though it has 
brought them a standard of living su- 
perior to the days of individualism. 
The same spirit drove our fore- 
fathers out upon an unknown sea in 
search of a new home in a new land. 
The same spirit that forced our im- 
mediate ancestors across the Western 
plains into the Great West; that 
founded Cripple Creek, and Dawson 
City, a spirit of romance inherent in 
the human race, common to Slav and 

Teuton, Greek and English, that pro- 
tests against the Machine. 

Practically, the industrial salva- 
tion of the United States rests on the 
reestablishment of the normal order 
of supply and demand as a determi- 
nant for production and employment. 
It is the only safe method in com- 
merce, and our continued prosperity 
as a democratic country depends upon 
an unhampered functioning of nat- 
ural economic forces. Government 
regulation is necessary, but deliber- 
ative interference either by capital 
or labor is dangerous. Labor to-day 
holds the trumps, and unless it plays 
them for the common weal we are 
lost. Some plan must be found 
whereby men may become interested 
in their day's work — this is funda- 
mental. It is a twentieth-century 
problem, and history gives us no 
clue to the solution. 

David Harold Colcord 

The Social Unit at Cincinnati 
Is It a Soviet? 

rpHE advertising manager of a 
•■• great public utilities corporation, 
an enthusiast about the Social Unit 
plan, was discussing it the other day 
with the city editor of a New York 
daily. The latter repeated the charge 
made against the Social Unit last 
spring by Cincinnati's mayor. "It 
is a soviet," he said. The advertising 
man retorted quickly, "On the con- 
trary, it is quite different. A soviet 
is formed in a neighborhood to sepa- 
rate the classes, the Social Unit is 
formed in a neighborhood to get the 
classes to work together." 

This charge by Cincinnati's mayor, 
occasionally repeated since, is a very 
superficial one. There is a slight re- 
semblance between the form of or- 
ganization of the Social Unit and that 
of the Russian soviet. There is an 
equal similarity between it and the 
plans of the National Guilds in Eng- 
land. On the other hand, it has quite 
as noticeable a resemblance to the 
New England Town Meetings. More- 
over, if all organizations are to be 
condemned which bear this outward 
and superficial resemblance to the 

soviet, or some other form of organi- 
zation distrusted in America, we 
should have completely to reorganize 
our social life. The village govern- 
ments of many of our small towns 
are similar in organization to the 
rural Soviets. The Chambers of Com- 
merce of our cities might be lightly 
referred to as Soviets of business 
men, and the shop committee being 
introduced into many forward-look- 
ing business concerns in America 
with equal accuracy as "working- 
men's councils." That the application 
of such a title to these movements 
would of itself affect their character 
is absurd. They must be judged, not 
by some superficial similarity to this 
movement or that, but by their spirit, 
their purpose, and the function which 
they are performing in relation to 
American life. This is the way in 
which the Social Unit must be judged. 
The questions which thoughtful peo- 
ple will ask are: "What is the 
philosophy underlying this plan? 
How is it being applied? Does it meet 
a need in American democracy? 
What have been its results thus far?" 

The Social Unit philosophy is dis- 
tinctly not the Bolshevist philosophy, 
which I understand to be based upon 
the Marxian conception of the class 
struggle leading to the establishment 
of a dictatorship of the proletariat. 
The Social Unit has no a priori social, 
political, or economic programme. 
Its philosophy is based upon the con- 
ception that the collective intelli- 
gence of the whole community — not 
any one section or part — so organized 
that it can continuously express it- 
self, is to be relied upon as against 
the will or intelligence of any indi- 
vidual, group, or class. This platform 
of principles has been published 
again and again in official statements 
issued by the National Social Unit 
Organization, and a study of the 
Social Unit plan of Community Or- 
ganization, and of the experimental 
application of that plan in a section 
of Cincinnati, shows how consistent- 
ly that philosophy has been put into 

In the Mohawk-Brighton district 
— ^the first Social Unit — the whole 
population has been divided into 
"blocks" or units of about 100 fami- 
lies. Each of these blocks has an 
elected "Council" of seven members 
who in turn select a representative 
to sit on the central Citizens' Council, 
which is a sort of neighborhood legis- 

All men and women over eighteen 
years of age are eligible to vote in 
the election of the block councils. 
Residence in the block is the only 
requirement, and proportional repre- 
sentation is used in order to give a 
voice to the minority. Surely this is 
all in the spirit of the Declaration of 
Independence, the Bill of Rights, and 
the Old Fashioned Town Meeting — 
direct democracy. 

In addition to this "Citizens' Coun- 
cil," which, inasmuch as it represents 
the entire population, is always the 
more powerful body, there is an "Oc- 
cupational Council," made up of the 
elected representatives of those groups 
which serve the community in some 
special capacity. Theoretically there 
is no limit to what groups may or- 
ganize as part of this council. Any 
group may join the body through its 
elected representatives. Actually the 



[Vol. 2, No. 34 

groups which have been formed in 
the Mohawk-Brighton district are 
those for whose services the people 
have felt a special and immediate 
need — physicians and nurses to help 
them plan a community health pro- 
gramme; social workers to help 
remedy flagrant community evils; 
teachers, recreational workers, and 
ministers. The district hopes to or- 
ganize this year a trades-union group 
and a businessmen's group. This has 
not yet been done, although a busi- 
nessman and a trade-unionist are 
regularly called into the deliberations 
of the Councils. 

It should be noticed that these oc- 
cupational groups are organized not 
on the basis of representation, pri- 
marily, but upon the basis of render- 
ing efficient community service. 
Whatever programmes they devise 
must, before they are foisted upon 
the community, bear the analysis of 
the Citizens' Council, that intimate 
organization of all the people in all 
the blocks. The object of the occu- 
pational group organization is to 
bring skill to democracy by making 
it possible for the whole body of 
specialized intelligence to serve all 
of the people. 

If there were not a need for some 
such plan it would be difficult to ex- 
plain the way in which the Social 
Unit conception has laid hold upon 
the imagination of the American peo- 
ple, and upon the interest of some 
of the most thoughtful men and 
women in the country. People from 
many States and representatives of 
many different organizations recent- 
ly spent three days in Cincinnati dis- 
cussing in the minutest way the bear- 
ing of this plan upon business, labor, 
the social programmes of many pro- 
fessional groups, and the whole 
future of American democracy. I 
know of no other movement so 
limited in the scope of its actual 
operations — for so far the only exist- 
ing Social Unit has been buried in a 
section embracing only about a 
thirtieth of Cincinnati — which could 
have attracted such attention or 
brought together so eminent a group 
of people for purposes of discussion. 

I take the reason for this interest 
to be that the Social Unit plan aims 

in a very simple and common-sense 
way to meet some of the very obvious 
needs in our democracy. We need, 
for instance, to develop a public mind 
— an intelligent public opinion. The 
Social Unit points out that such a 
public mind does not develop from 
mobs — it comes as the result of 
studied consideration of public prob- 
lems by small groups. The Social 
Unit plan aims so to organize neigh- 
borhoods that public questions can 
be brought into their little councils 
and discussed in the light of the 
acknowledged needs of the people. 

We need also to create a mecha- 
nism through which the public can 
have a power equal at least to that of 
organized capital and organized la- 
bor. At present capital and labor, 
both more strongly organized than 
ever before, are reaching a deadlock, 
and between them the public, the 
democracy, unorganized, is helpless. 
Community organization, if it is 
thorough and embraces the whole 
population in small units, would 
bring the public to the point where 
it could control capital and labor in- 
stead of these controlling it. 

We need community organization 
in order to develop leaders — real 
statesmen and women who get their 
earliest training close to the people 
whom they must serve and lead. It 
is not insignificant that the most suc- 
cessful men in all walks of life to-day 
come from small towns, where they 
were not in youth lost in the crowd, 
but important members of the life 
of the community. In a village every 
person is important. It is in the vast, 
complex, city life of modern times 
that the individual begins to feel that 
he is nothing, and with that feeling 
comes that loss of responsibility and 
public interest which is the menace 
of democracy. The Social Unit aims 
to restore some of the attributes of 
village life to city dwellers. 

Finally, we need community or- 
ganization under some such plan as 
the Social Unit, to find a fundamental 
remedy for curable social ills. The 
day of charity and paternalism is 
past. What we need is a more effec- 
tive mechanism through which all the 
latent good-will, knowledge and skill 
of the community can be brought to 

study the problems of the community 
and devise programmes to meet those 
problems. In the Mohawk-Brighton 
district the community has been 
studying its own health needs, and 
people and experts, working together, 
have planned and carried out a re- 
markable public health programme. 
The important thing about that pro- 
gramme has not been the statistical 
results — the number of babies cared 
for, tuberculosis cases discovered, 
etc., although these outward results 
are very brilliant and have attracted 
the attention of public health authori- 
ties in many places. The important 
thing is that the people have done it 
themselves, that the doing' of it has 
been a constant process of education, 
and that the conscience of the whole 
community is behind the programme. 

The Social Unit is not the only 
movement which is aiming to meet 
these needs. In New York the Com- 
munity Councils are headed toward 
the same objective, using a more 
extensive organization. The Social 
Unit, however, is attempting to find 
by research and experimentation the 
best possible community programme, 
and offers its findings to any com- 
munity which chooses to use them. 
The president of the National Com- 
munity Center Association recently 
said, "The Social Unit is the most 
sustained, carefully measured, deeply 
imagined plan and effort of com- 
munity organization in the country 

Of course it is still experimental, 
and will continue to be. It must be 
applied to a wider variety of popula- 
tion and tested in a greater number 
of fields of social effort before any 
final and comprehensive conclusions 
can be drawn. Meanwhile, however, 
it is without question contributing 
largely to social thinking and 
influencing community organization 
everywhere in the direction of more 
careful and constructive effort. The 
results thus far prove to be a very 
hopeful experiment. This, I think, 
no one will deny, unless it be those 
groups who fear not Bolshevism or 
socialism, but democracy. 

Katrina Ely Tiffany 

Chairman, National Citizens' Council of the 
National Social Unit Organization 

January 3, 1920] 

thp: review 


The Trouble with the 

To the Editors of The Review: 

I have read the article of Mr. Roberts 
in the Review of November 22, and be- 
lieve that the approval by Frederick 
Strauss is too extreme. Mr. Roberts says 
much that is first rate, and I approve of 
most of what he says; but I disapprove 
of what he says about the greenbacks 
issued during the Civil War. In my 
humble judgment, the depreciation of the 
greenback was because of the exceptions 
placed thereon, that it should be received 
for all debts both public and private, "ex- 
cept for duties on imports and interest 
on the public debt." That gave the 
money centres in Wall Street a chance to 
corner gold and to set their own price on 
it, whenever anyone had to pay duties in 
imports or interest on the public debt. 
Had it not been for the exceptions, the 
greenback would have remained at par 
with gold. We are told that during the 
forepart of that war there was about 
$60,000,000 of paper issued, called "black- 
caps." It was like the greenback, 
but it had no exceptions as to any 
kind of payments, and when gold was at 
a premium of $2.85, the blackcap stood 
even with gold. The two stood together, 
because they were full legal tenders. 

The difference between the gold value 
and the greenback value was largely, if 
not entirely, a forced difference because 
the gold speculators had the power and 
actually ran a corner on gold. If our 
present currency had an exception on it 
like the greenback, who can doubt that 
gold would now be at a premium ; and as 
it has not an exception on it, the gold 
and paper rises and falls with the rise 
and fall of commodities on the market. 
I agree with Mr. Roberts that inflation 
is the principal thing that causes the rise 
in prices, although there are other mat- 
ters to be considered, but the matter of 
contraction should be carefully consid- 
ered, for the people throughout the coun- 
try who buy property at the inflated 
prices will suffer a ruinous loss of prop- 
erty, and in many, many cases absolute 
financial ruin, and a tremendous panic 
will ensue, if there be any great contrac- 
tion of the currency. 


Duchesne, Utah, December 20 

[The early notes issued in the Civil 
War, to which our correspondent refers, 
differed from the greenbacks in a more 
important respect than that of being re- 
ceivable for duties on imports; they were 
redeemable in gold on demand, and all 
but $33,000,000 were retired before the 


suspension of specie payments. As they 
were not reissued when received by the 
Treasury in payment of dues, they soon 
ceased to be a factor of any importance. 
To what extent, if at all, the greenbacks 
were depreciated by the fact that they 
were not receivable for customs is a mat- 
ter of conjecture. They were accepted 
for all other taxes, besides being a legal 
tender in payment of ordinary debts. 
The idea that the depreciation of green- 
backs — as a standing phenomenon, what- 
ever may have been true of exceptional 
moments of panic or the like— was caused 
by "a comer in gold" has no foundation 
whatever in fact. Irredeemable paper 
money, not being tied to gold by any 
fixed arrangement, is naturally subject to 
such depreciation; whether it actually 
takes place or not, and if so to what ex- 
tent, is all a matter of the circumstances 
of the time and the quantity of the issue. 
The Continental p^per money of the 
American Revolution period went so low 
as to give rise to the phrase "not worth 
a Continental," which still survives as an 
expression for utter worthlessness ; and 
at this day all the chief nations of Europe 
are experiencing, each in its degree, the 
depreciation which is invited by the cir- 
culation of paper representatives of 
money that can not be exchanged on de- 
mand for real money — that is, coin. 
— Eds. The Review] 

Atmosphere on the Concert 

To the Editors of The Review: 

There is nothing more stately or at- 
mospheric than a piano or a violin reci- 
tal in any of our concert halls. Usually 
the stage, save for a huge leviathan of 
a piano, is bare of everything, a desert 
of hardwood boards, surrounded by a 
more or less dingy back wall. The lights 
are of course turned on full power. It 
is mid-noon on the Sahara, without the 
mystery of the sand. The performer 
emerges through a door in the back wall 
and moves towards his instrument. He 
moves stiffly, he bows stifHy. He seats 
himself at the leviathan and begins to 
play. Probably he plays very beauti- 
fully, for the spirit of the artist is all- 
conquering. He conquers himself and 
he conquers a part of the audience, but 
the larger portion only half hears him. 
The atmosphere is as hard as the bare 
boards of the stage. If it is Liszt that 
he plays it is not so bad. Liszt wrote 
for the virtuoso who must be seen as 
well as heard, in short, he wrote for 
himself. But if it is Beethoven or 

There are a few happy souls who have 
heard Paderewski or Hofmann play 
Chopin by candle-light in an Italian 
drawing-room. They have heard Chopin 
as Chopin was meant to be played. All 

they hear henceforth will be as tinkling 
brass and sounding cymbals. They have 
tasted Paradise, and never in the concert 
hall will they again be happy. They 
have realized the truth of the aristoc- 
racy of art, and because of that realiza- 
tion they will forever more be discon- 
tented. They have paid the price for 
their selfishness in enjoying what others 
can not enjoy. But these are not to be 
considered. Henceforth the kingdom of 
art must be to the masses, and the 
masses know nothing of Italian drawing- 
rooms by candle-light. But the masses 
do know the concert hall, and the stage 
bare of all save the black leviathan. 
And the masses, despite their inarticu- 
lateness, realize that all is not right, that 
Chopin and Beethoven are not in sur- 
roundings where their spirit is at home. 
And it is just here that the new art 
of the stage, the art of Gordon Craig, 
Max Reinhardt, and Robert Edmund 
Jones, of soft draperies and changing 
lights, might very well prove of extraor- 
dinary benefit. 

The movies have already discovered 
it, and let us not mock at the movies. 
The Rialto and Rivoli theatres and now 
the Capitol Theatre have done and are 
doing an immense service in educating 
the people in the love of good music. 
At these theatres admirable orchestras 
play under capable leaders, but to the 
service of the music has also been 
brought a very high ideal of scenic art. 
The settings devised at the Rivoli and 
Capitol theatres for the musical num- 
bers have been executed by John Wen- 
ger, one of the ablest of the younger 
scenic artists, an artist who is also an 
excellent musician. Mr. Wenger's idea 
has been to place his audience in the 
mood of the particular composition with- 
out distracting its attention from the 
music itself. He has done this with 
simple draperies of a neutral color, 
lighted within by a series of lights. 
There is nothing precieux in his scheme, 
and those who have attended any of 
these theatres realize that it is eminently 

Now what has been proved practical 
at the Rivoli and the Capitol is equally 
practical in the concert hall, and the fact 
that Mr. Hofmann and Mr. Heifetz do 
not play in the movies is no argument 
against a reform which may come from 
there. Mr. Hofmann or Mr. Heifetz on 
the stage of Carnegie Hall with that 
stage transformed by soft draperies, 
with the auditorium lights lowered, and 
the music coming out to us as from some 
mysterious grotto, perhaps that would 
not possess all the atmosphere of an Ital- 
ian drawing-room by candle-light, but it 
would be none the less a far more appro- 
priate home for the spirit of Chopin and 
Beethoven than the present setting. 

Grenville Vernon 
New York, December 10 



[Vol. 2, No. 34 

Book Reviews 

Germany — Misjudged or 
Found Out? 

Germany's New War Against America. By 
Stanley Frost, of the New York Tribune. 
With an Introduction by Hon. A. Mitchell 
Palmer, Attorney-General of the United 
States, formerly .Alien Property Cus- 
todian. New York: E. P. Dutton and 

MOST readers of economics, having by 
nature and training large faith in 
the essential goodness of man, will take 
this book with a grain of salt, even as 
most students of international politics 
before the war were slow to believe that 
Germany was planning the conquest of 
the world. And yet, in view of all that 
has happened during the past five years, 
it may be well to consider whether Mr. 
Frost is regaling the public with mere 
cock-and-bull stories, or whether there 
really is danger that Germany, defeated 
in the war, may begin a new offensive in 
the industrial field. 

Mr. Palmer, who has had exceptional 
opportunity of observing German com- 
mercial methods, says that industrial 
Germany was responsible for the war, 
that her destinies are still in the hands 
of the old leaders, that her aims and am- 
bitions are still the same, and that the 
industrial invasion of America, which 
was begun many years ago with hostile 
intent, is about to be resumed along the 
old lines. At Mr. Palmer's suggestion, 
and for the purpose of forestalling the 
coming offensive, the Chemical Founda- 
tion, Inc., was organized, which pur- 
chased the 4,500 German-owned patents 
in the United States, and he appeals to 
the business men of America for help in 
the work of making this country com- 
mercially free. Evidently, then, Mr. 
Frost's book is a plea for the protection 
of certain infant industries temporarily 
fostered by the war, especially the manu- 
facture of dyes, potash, drugs, and other 
chemicals, against the efforts of Germany 
to regain her former preeminence. For 
all that, the indictment which the author 
brings against Germany on the score of 
unethical trade practices is formidable, 
and should not be lightly dismissed. 

One of Germany's most characteristic 
methods of pushing her foreign trade 
was the insidious propaganda in favor 
of everything German disseminated by 
countless agents placed in strategic posi- 
tions throughout the world. Besides the 
regular consular service and traveling 
agents there were employees in banks, 
insurance companies, railway shipping 
companies, engineering firms, mines, fac- 
tories, mercantile houses — all promoting 
the sale of German goods, collecting and 
reporting useful information, and, in 
general, working for the prestige of 

Deutschtum im Ausland: The informa- 
tion sent in by these industrious agents 
was carefully sifted and communicated 
to the manufacturers and merchants of 
Germany by a special bureau, the Schim- 
melpfeng Institut, controlled and financed 
by the great banks, especially the four 
"Big D" banks, the Deutsche, Dresdner, 
Disconto, and Darmstadter. Mr. Palmer 
declares that almost every German dye 
and chemical expert in America was a 
spy. Dr. S. Herzog, whose book, "The 
Future of German Industrial Export," 
reminds one of Bernhardi's naive and 
cynical candor, freely admits the neces- 
sity of securing reports on every kind of 
commercial secret. Professor Henri 
Hansen, in his book on "Germany's Com- 
mercial Grip on the World," states that 
by means of universal espionage, coupled 
with bribery and intimidation, Germany 
had built up an industrial power nearly 
as formidable as the military machine. 
Only a stroke of madness, he says, could 
have made her prefer the hazard of battle 
to this progressive and sure infiltration, 
which, in another ten or twenty years 
of apparent quite material peace, would 
have created, economically speaking, a 
German world. 

In showing how Germany intrenched 
her industrial position in America and 
elsewhere, Mr. Frost has much to say 
about full-line forcing, boycotting, and 
scientific dumping in certain selected in- 
dustries. For example, H. A. Metz & Co., 
an American firm, was obliged to agree 
not to buy or sell products competing 
with those of the Hoechst Color Co. with- 
out obtaining their consent. The Ger- 
mans have time and again cut the prices 
on bicarbonate of potash, aniline oil, 
salicylic acid, oxalic acid, and other 
chemicals, only to restore them after 
competition was destroyed. The great 
Kalisyndikat is said to have $100,000,000 
worth of potash ready to dump on the 
American market. The manufacture of 
dyes, as is well known, is intimately con- 
nected with the manufacture of explo- 
sives, and was part of Germany's prepa- 
ration for war. Before the war, storing 
explosives, she kept down the price of 
dyes; during the war, on the contrary, 
making explosives, she was storing dyes. 
It is estimated that $100,000,000 worth 
of dyes — four times the normal annual 
consumption of America — is ready for 
export through Copenhagen, and already 
"neutral" agents are selling dyes in Italy 
at half price. 

The author gives a long list of Ger- 
many's questionable trade practices in 
order to indicate the lines along which 
the new war is likely to be carried on. 
The Metalgesellschaft and allied firms, 
through their vast interests in America, 
?.s in all other mining countries, exer- 
cised a strong control over prices and 
fu'-nished Germany with the sinews of 
war. The great cartels in the bar-iron 

trade, tools and implements, silk products 
and other textiles, were and still are 
powerful instruments for the promotion 
of foreign trade. German and Austro- 
Hungarian companies made a specialty of 
reinsurance throughout the world, and 
used the information thus obtained to 
the injury of their customers. Discrim- 
inations in freights by land and sea were 
used to overcome tariff barriers and thus 
to gain an unfair advantage over com- 
petitors. More than 200,000 German 
agents are said to be in Russia, where 
they are buying up industries ruined by 
their Bolshevik friends; while other 
agents are doing similar work in Mexico. 
The agitation in favor of wooden ships 
was kept alive by German influence for 
obvious reasons. German trade will be 
resumed through neutral channels and 
her commodities denationalized or camou- 
flaged under neutral colors. Even now 
Germans are buying up bankrupt con- 
cerns in Switzerland and other neutral 
countries and running them under the 
original names. Only a small part of 
German-owned property in America has 
been found by the Alien Property Cus- 
todian. The former German agents are 
all here and ready to resume operations 
— in fact, the propaganda machine is al- 
ready at work, preparing the American 
mind for the imminent industrial inva- 

All this is very plausible and almost 
convincing, yet withal quite upsetting to 
one's mental balance as one wonders at the 
astute perversity of the Germans on the 
one hand, and the stupid incompetence of 
the rest of the world on the other. If 
all that the author says is true, how was 
it that Great Britain and the United 
States, for example, had any foreign 
trade at all? And is it possible that Ger- 
many, after the late disastrous war, is 
still gay and fresh and ready for a morn- 
ing's promenade to the industrial mas- 
tery of the world ? And how can she af- 
ford to dump on so large a scale? And 
has the United States no means of meet- 
ing German competition other than high 
tariffs and stringent import licenses? 
And must the farmers and textile manu- 
facturers be penalized in order that a 
small group of people interested in dyes 
and potash may be nourished by these 
infant industries? And is Germany to 
have no export trade at all? And if so, 
how will she pay the indemnities and 
at the same time escape the threatened 
social revolution? 

Yet, when all is said, the fact remains 
that Germany has lost her good name 
among the nations, and it is safe to proph- 
esy that for many years her every move 
will be watched with suspicion, and few 
will be found to give her the benefit of a 
doubt. Possibly the world is misjudging 
Germany; perhaps it is only finding her 

J. E. Le Rossignol 

January 3, 1920] 



Sea Tales 

The Sea Bride. By Ben Ames Williams. 
New York : The Macmillan Company. 

The Passage of the Barque Sappho. By 
J. E. Patterson. New York: E. P. But- 
ton and Company. 

THERE have been many sea-stories of 
recent invention, tales of naval life, 
yarns of mutiny, shipwreck, and buried 
treasure, farcical "exploitations" of the 
nautical atmosphere, and here and there 
a narrative conveying something of its 
true glamour. What we are always look- 
ing for in sea-fiction as in other fiction 
is not something new in kind, but some- 
thing fresh in quality. Novelty is still 
a good thing in a novel; but who really 
cares much for a new shaking of the old 
bag of tricks, even by the most expert 
hands? A new voice, a new intonation 
barely — how clear (for those who have 
ears) they ring above or beyond the 
brisk, clever, and monotonous chorus of 
whatever latest "school" of story-tellers, 
as also, let us confess, above the de- 
lightful but already familiar notes of in- 
dependent performers. Conrad's sea- 
spell is still potent; but our submission 
to it is now tolerably deliberate and 
placid. After all, there is no last word 
in magic, men will be searching new sea 
charms, and land charms, while land 
and sea remain. Mr. Hergesheimer 
found one for us in "Java Head," a sea 
story which happens to take place ashore. 
More recently, in "All the Brothers Were 
Valiant," a new writer, Ben Ames Wil- 
liams, seemed to have found one, slight 
but authentic. A yarn, if you like, wild 
and romantic and improbable, but true 
enough with the smell of the sea and the 
vibration of youth trembling towards its 
destiny. . . . Perhaps the novelette is 
this writer's natural medium, as I think 
it is Mr. Hergesheimer's. "The Sea 
Bride" labors towards bulk at the expense 
of quality. In gist it weighs about even 
with the earlier story. On the larger 
scale the artifice of its love story is pat- 
ent; and unfortunately the writer's Jack- 
Londonish tendency towards unmeaning 
or slightly sadistic goriness takes on un- 
pleasant emphasis. 

In "The Passage of the Barque Sap- 
pho" most American readers may taste 
a quite new savor. Often of late some 
American publisher has produced with a 
flourish from his English-made hat a 
brand-new and fullgrown rabbit, some 
British novelist with a string of books 
behind him and a marvelous reputation 
at home. We have never heard of him. 
He has been hidden from us till he and 
we should be ripe for meeting. Usually 
he turns out to be another of the same — 
another clever, flouting, excitable player 
of the Wellsian game, whether with Ox- 
ford or Cockney accent. Patterson is a 
writer, and a man, of a totally different 
order. We get an interesting glimpse of 

him in "Who's Who," which found him 
worth mention as far back, at least, as 
1914. Born in 1866 (within a month of 
H. G. Wells), a Yorkshireman ; ran 
away to sea at thirteen, and knocked 
about the world till thirty : deep sea fish- 
ery, merchant service, naval reserve; 
crippled by rheumatism, came to London, 
became an obscure actor and an approved 
journalist; wrote some fifteen books of 
verse and prose, mainly ballads, sketches, 
and tales of the sea or its shores. And 
now, with this posthumous publication 
(he died a year or two ago), a Dent book 
imported by Dutton rather than pub- 
lished here, we get our first chance at 
him. The obvious comparison would be 
with Conrad, and it has been drawn. He 
shares with Conrad an early and long 
experience of the sea, a power of vivid 
description, and a serene indifference to 
the mechanism of "plot." A more direct 
relation might conceivably be traced, if it 
were worth tracing. But no one would 
justly accuse the slightly younger man of 
imitating the elder. He moves on a more 
humdrum plane, his own plane of feeling 
and observation. It is a male plane: 
there is no woman aboard the Barque 
Sappho to becloud the simple issues be- 
tween man and man or between man and 
his other friend and opponent, the sea. 
And this is a story of men at sea dealing 
with each other rather than, as w.e often 
feel in Conrad's tales, a story of the sea 
dealing with men. Patterson's men are 
more closely bound to each other for good 
and ill, by love and hatred, a floating com- 
munity of interdependent and inter-con- 
scious souls, instead of (as in Conrad) 
a bundle of lonely and reticent individ- 
uals, united in the main for duty, for 
offensive warfare against the common 
enemy. Nature, but otherwise isolate 
and even desolate, peering over their 
shoulders at each other now and then, 
but for the most part fated to stand, 
back to back, gazing each over his own 
reach of misty sea-scape and life-scape, 
into — what ? 

Conrad would have made a more haunt- 
ing and tragic figure of the Sappho's poor 
old skipper, and with the two who take 
turns at the narrative he might have 
dealt more subtly; but the rest of her 
crew would have remained figures dim 
if carefully blocked out, the necessary 
and natural background for his concen- 
trated spiritual action. Patterson gives 
us the run of the ship. A mixed lot of 
shipmates we set sail with from 'Frisco, 
but in the course of our long voyage with 
them round the Horn they become, every 
one of them, companions and familiars; 
created each after his kind and not to 
be escaped from, however much they may 
bore or offend us at times, till the voy- 
age ends. Unluckily for the writer's 
realistic method, his knowledge of dialect 
is not accurate. We can not challenge 
his Scotch negro, and his Yorkshire 

Smiley is evidently beyond cavil; but a 
stranger lingo than that attributed to the 
American, "Booster," would be hard to 
imagine, even in the novel of a Briton. 
There is crudity here, and elsewhere, in 
the book; but elsewhere chiefly of the 
kind that enhances verisimilitude, the 
sort of artlessness Defoe studied as a 
trick. Nobody would do or say quite 
that (we feel) in a work of art: ergo, 
it must be true. So our fine theory of 
the higher transmuted fact receives an 
apparent setback. . . . But it is a 
momentary illusion that does not belie the 
shaping hand. Literally and laboriously 
as we seem to be following the uncertain 
fortunes of the Sappho, sparing as the 
voyage is of high dramatic moments, it 
involves and concerns us beyond wish or 
thought of escape till we have seen it 
through. Its effect is slow and cumula- 
tive, like Conrad's; and though it lacks 
his unearthly poise, his effortless hand 
at the wheel, it gains, for compensation, 
an ingenuous warmth we need only re- 
spond, not rise to. 


Maeterlinck's "Presences" 

Mountain Paths. By Maurice Maeterlinck. 
Translated by Alexander Teixeira de 
Mattos. New York : Dodd, Mead & Co. 

MAETERLINCK'S "Mountain Path.s," 
a volume of essays, is brief, but it 
possesses an abundance and diversity 
which almost debar it, or exempt it, 
from review. The criticism of its vari- 
ous topics seriatim is prevented by their 
abundance; the selection of repre.sent- 
ative topics for criticism is precluded by 
their diversity. What can one say of an 
essay on Karma that can be pertinently 
said of an essay on insects? What gen- 
eralization is spacious enough to em- 
brace an essay on gambling and a story 
of three unknown Belgian heroes in the 
outreach of its hospitable curve? It 
would be easy but ignominious to escape 
from the confusion by calling the book 
a miscellany. The book is not a miscel- 
lany; it is a book that brings largeness 
and delicacy, penetration and reverence, 
to the successive examination of many 
primary and a few secondary problems. 
How is criticism to find a centre? 

The perplexity is serious, but a partial 
and imperfect clew may be found in 
Maeterlinck's fondness for indwellings, 
for what may be called by a word whose 
vagueness is part of its justness, pres- 
ences. One mind in another, one life in 
another— that is a quite peculiai- interest 
of Maeterlinck's. Sometimes the indweller 
is more like a being, sometimes more like 
a thought; but as being it seems alwayu 
ready to dissolve into thought, as 
thought always ready to condense into 
being. In the first essay, the "Power of 
the Dead," it is the dead in us, the dead 



[Vol. 2, No. 34 

being halfway between memories and 
ghosts. In the "Soul of Nations" it is 
"floating forces," mystic reservoirs, de- 
posits extrinsic to the nation's mind and 
character, celestial armories from which 
weapons are drawn in hours of crisis. 
"In "Macrocosm and Microcosm" the 
human body is pictured as a sort of ark 
in which all the animal life of all periods 
is lodged for indefinite preservation. In 
"Heredity and Preexistence" it is the 
occupancy of our souls by ancestors and 
descendants that furnishes the theme. 
In "Karma" it is the past self that in- 
habits and controls the present. 

Maeterlinck in all these beliefs is a 
poet, a rare and intimate poet. This is 
the explanation of his remarkable incre- 
dulities and his still more remarkable 
credulities. On the question of com- 
munications from spirits he discloses a 
hesitancy, a skepticism, which is very 
surprising at the first view and very nat- 
ural at the second. Maeterlinck craves 
the poetry, and when the celestial vis- 
itant becomes an interlocutor and vis-a- 
vis, when he, in effect, presents his card 
and unpacks his verbal merchandise, he 
assumes to Maeterlinck's protesting gaze 
the prosaicism of a commercial traveler. 
It is taste perhaps rather than sense that 
steadies Maeterlinck in these special 
bogs and quicksands; he is prompt 
enough in his surrender to unreason 
where his imagination is caught by its 
mystery and beauty. For instance, in 
"Heredity and Preexistence" he ven- 
tures to propound the theory that we are 
as much influenced by our posterity as 
by our ancestors, to put it tersely, that 
we are the children of our descendants. 
There is no abstract objection to the 
notion that causes should work backward 
as well as forward in the same fashion 
in which they act with equal facility 
from right to left and from left to right ; 
but there is the very strong, indeed the 
quite decisive, practical objection that 
the inductive evidence is all the other 

The truth is that in Maeterlinck as in 
Plato there are two men, a dialectician 
and a mystic, though in the Belgian, as 
in the Greek, it is a visionary dialectician 
who shares his habitat with a rationaliz- 
ing mystic. Everywhere in this book one 
feels the fascination which negations 
possess for Maeterlinck's critical subtlety 
and the empire which affirmations retain 
or regain over his impulse to honor and 
revere. There are passages of critical 
insight in the volume which the noblest 
thinkers of our race might have rejoiced 
to father. Take, for instance, the fifth 
section in the "Great Revelation," in 
which Maeterlinck defends the appalling 
thesis that any ultimate doctrine which 
was great enough to be commensurate 
with the truth would be too great to have 

any congruence with our faculties. Sense 
and profundity combine to overwhelm us. 
Yet Maeterlinck always reserves a hope, 
suggests an extrication. One might crit- 
icise his optimism perhaps as a little too 
versatile ; he feels moved every five years 
or so to revise his pact with the uni- 
verse. At present his hope turns towards 

Karma, which Maeterlinck, in one of 
his serene ecstasies, describes as the 
most beautiful and reassuring doctrine 
that the mind of man has imagined, is a 
form of justice which makes man's con- 
dition nothing more nor less than the 
result, or, if one pleases, the footing or 
aggregate, of all his actions, the sins 
counting as minuses, the good acts as 
pluses, in the calculation of his present 
welfare. Reincarnation, its vivid and 
poetic accompaniment, is apparently un- 
related to the essence of the system. Re- 
incarnation, it would almost seem, is an 
adjunct, an amendment, a postscript, a 
convenience for getting around the un- 
mistakable disparity between Karma and 
the superficial facts. Justice is a rela- 
tion between two terms. Put the two 
terms, conduct and welfare, for example, 
side by side in the same life, and the 
facts are clearly unmanageable. But it 
is still possible to believe in the univer- 
sality of justice if you will separate the 
terms 4"d conceal their relation by put- 
ting them in distinct lives. The locks on 
hand do not fit the keys on hand, but 
optimism vindicates the locksmith by the 
charitable supposition of absent keys and 
locks to which the visible fittings are 
duly complemental. Maeterlinck himself, 
whose views are rather criticised than 
reproduced in the foregoing sentences, 
admits that Karma is only an hypothesis ; 
but is content to accept an hypothesis, 
which, as he truly says, is irrefutable, 
and which is food and comfort to his 

It is doubtful if in the general ca- 
pacity or in the depth and subtlety of 
particular insights, any philosopher has 
surpassed Maeterlinck. System, of course, 
he lacks, but what system as a system 
has ever imposed its cumbrousness upon 
mankind? Truth in philosophy is per- 
ceived, is consumed, in particulars. The 
analogy with bread is instructive. Hu- 
manity takes small grains of wheat or 
smaller flakes of flour, makes them into 
a large loaf, which can not be digested 
until it has been crumbed by the fingers 
and ground by the teeth. A system is 
just such a loaf. Maeterlinck's true im- 
perfection lies elsewhere. Philosophy, 
being, when all is said and done, a human 
product looking toward a human end, is 
finally conditioned by the largeness and 
robustness of the philosopher's human- 
ity. It may be abstract and passionless, 
as an eye is cool and pellucid, but the 

eye no less than the abdomen is nour- 
ished by the blood. Maeterlinck lacks 
neither humanity nor experience; the 
only question is whether he possesses 
them in a degree correspondent with the 
splendor of his own gift for abstraction 
or the requirements of philosophies that 

Chinese Art 

Outlines of Chinese Art. By John L. Fer- 
guson. The Scammon Lectures for 191& 
Published for the Art Institute of Chi- 
cago by the University of Chicago Press. 

THE collector of Chinese art soon comes 
to the dilemma that he must trust 
either his daemon or the Chinese. On 
this issue Dr. Ferguson takes a firm 
stand. His approach to the subject is 
literary, traditional, exclusively Chinese. 
His loyalty knows no shrinking. He 
treats calligraphy as of equal dignity with 
sculpture or painting; he excludes with 
an almost contemptuous brevity the 
stately statues of Gandhara type because 
they are exotic and the Chinese think 
little of them. He is as enthusiastic 
about the feeling of jade as he is about 
the quality of a primitive landscape. In 
Chinese fashion he exalts bronzes and 
slurs ceramics, while old inscribed stones 
seem more important than the master- 
pieces of the imported Buddhistic school. 
Compared with our author, such Far- 
Eastern critics as Seichi-taki and the late 
Okakura Kakuzo are fairly cosmopolitan 
in their sympathies, while the lamented 
Ernest Fenollosa, Laurence Binyon, and 
Alfred Morrison appear as mere eclectics. 

We have emphasized the unbending 
character of Dr. Ferguson's Sinophily 
because it constitutes at once the limita- 
tion and the positive strength of his 
work. There is no book which tells so 
briefly and accurately, on the basis of 
first-hand knowledge, precisely how the 
best-trained Chinese regard their own 
art. Their interest ceases with the Yuan 
dynasty, so does Dr. Ferguson's. They 
care as much for famous seals or eulogies 
of noted critics or collectors on a scroll 
as they do for the painting itself. Their 
systematic criticism and archaeology ex- 
tends over fifteen hundred years, begin- 
ning at a moment when our Teutonic 
forebears, without an alphabet or an art 
to remember, were just beginning to be 
uneasy in their Baltic fens. 

One can not but respect so long a tradi- 
tion of culture, yet many of its results 
look just about as trustworthy and im- 
portant as the Alexandrine dabblings in 
rhetoric and criticism. For a thousand 
years China has been in an Alexandrine 
condition, and any real study of her art 
must transcend the Chinese tradition. In 
particular, the collector who trusts over- 
much to signatures, seals, and eulogies, 
neglecting that subjective appreciation 

January 3, 1920] 



which our author wholly distrusts, will 
have more literary evidences of Chinese 
art in his godowns than Chinese art it- 
self. Dr. Ferguson's collections have 
been exhibited, and many pieces have 
passed into museums. The average qual- 
ity of these paintings is calculated to en- 
courage the amateur who in the first in- 
stance trusts his daemon, while cautious- 
ly enlisting in his quest all available Chi- 
nese lore. 

As a guide to the collector we can not 
unreservedly recommend this book. As 
a solid and entertaining means of infor- 
mation it deserves all praise. Numerous 
unhackneyed illustrations add to its value 
and constitute its chief appeal to the spe- 

The Run of the Shelves 

EASY-CHAIR strategists will find 
abundant food for thought and argu- 
ment in William L. McPherson's "The 
Strategy of the Great War" (Putnam). 
The book grows out of the remarkable 
comment which Mr. McPherson wrote 
week by week for the New York Trib- 
une. He is a convinced Easterner. 
The great failure of the Allies was to 
strike soft at Gallipoli. Equally the 
great error of Germany was to seek the 
impossible on the Western front, while 
neglecting to consolidate and exploit the 
Middle-Europe she had conquered. Her 
ultimate and fatal folly was to incur 
war with the United States. The French 
were blameworthy in maintaining an 
initial aggressive in Alsace and in fall- 
ing to defend the Northern frontier in 
force. The policy of attrition was falla- 
cious from the point of view of the En- 
tente, and the correct western policy for 
Germany from the first. Throughout, 
the larger strategy of Germany was 
stupid, she threw away out of vanity a 
good chance of securing all her political 
aims. Such is the general tenor of a 
vigorously written book, the upshot of 
which is perhaps that a model strategy 
is always retrospective, and more easily 
compassed in the easy chair than on the 
stricken field. 

The American poet, John Gould Fletch- 
er, who has been residing in England for 
the past three years, writes as follows in 
a recent letter from London concerning 
his relations wih France: 

I may say that they are wholly confined to 
a great admiration for French literature, 
poetry and art. In regard to French literature 
my knowledge of it begins with Frangois Vil- 
lon, Rabelais, and Montaigne, all three of 
whom I greatly admire. With the sixteenth 
and seventeenth centuries I have never been 
able to find myself in sympathy, although I ad- 
mit the supreme artistry and polish of Moliere 
and La Fontaine; the sombre concision and 
mysticism of Pascal attract me more than 
either Corneille or Racine. In the eighteenth 
centurv I liave admired and studied the works 

of Voltaire and Rousseau, especially the lat- 
ter, having read the whole of his "Confes- 
sions," as well as the "Reveries d'un Prome- 
neur Solitaire," several times in the original. 
In the nineteenth century, or rather the period 
after the publication of "Emaux et Camces" 
and "Les Fleurs du Mai," I am most at home. 
Hugo I do not like, despite his enormous fe- 
cundity and energy ; but both Gautier and Bau- 
delaire — the latter especially, because he con- 
tinued a line of thought which started with 
Foe — made an early and deep impression on 
me. After 1910, I became interested in the 
Symbolists and have read most of Verlaine, 
all of Mallarme, Corbiere, Lafargue, Lau- 
treamont (Maldoror), Rimbaud, as well as 
others of the succeeding generation, such as 
Remy de Gourmont (whom I regard as a very 
great critic), Henri de Regnier, Francis 
Jammes, Viele-Griffin, Stuart Merrill, and 
others almost too numerous to mention. 

Among the "fata" of "libelli" those of 
the commonplace quatrains of the math- 
ematician Omar Khayyam are of the 
strangest. Through accident and the sin- 
gle genius of Fitzgerald they have been 
lifted from being quite undistinguished 
minor poetry in Persia to a unique place 
in the English-speaking world, and were 
made the voice, for a time, of the later 
Victorian period. But besides the magic 
given by the great English stylist, there 
was in the clay with which he worked a 
certain broad humanity, a kinship to all 
our yearnings, questionings, and consola- 
tions. It is more than doubtful whether 
that was present in Abu'1-Ala, some of 
whose poems have just been rendered 
into the forms of Omar Khayyam and 
Fitzgerald by Mr. Ameen Rihani (The 
Luzumiyat of Abu'1-Ala (James T. 
White). The blind Syrian intellectual 
and moralist is both more sombre and 
less friendly than the Persian and bon 
vivant. He was not only an agnostic, a 
pessimist, and a rebel; he was an ascetic 
to the uttermost and rejected all human 
ties save those of the intellect. We may 
be puzzled as to how the creator of 
Omar's universe could have created 
Omar, just as the God of Ecclesiastes 
leaves Ecclesiastes himself inexplicable; 
but Abu'1-Ala is of a piece with the uni- 
verse he saw around him, and it is no 
kindly or attractive piece. Nor is it 
likely that Mr. Rihani's art will over- 
come the handicap. His renderings are 
often very clever; but, as the Arabic 
proverb says, the merit belongs to the 
precedent — Fitzgerald. 

"Supplementary Diplomatic Docu- 
ments" follows the publication by the 
American - Hellenic Society, a few 
months ago, of "The Greek White Book" 
(Oxford University Press). This sup- 
plement presents additional evidence 
from authentic texts of documents is- 
sued by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs 
of the Greek Government, dealing with 
the Greco-Serbian Treaty and the Ger- 
mano-Bulgarian invasion of Macedonia, 

and telegrams exchanged between the 
Royal Courts of Athens and Berlin be- 
fore the fall of Constantine. Although 
there is neither an explanatory preface 
nor interpretative comments to influ- 
ence the reader, much of the material 
contained is little short of dramatic. 
The struggle of the Greek people to as- 
sert its will against a popular King, 
backed by a tremendous propaganda, is 
one of the most absorbing episodes of 
the Great War, in which the figures of 
Constantine and Venizelos, the forceful 
and blind soldier king and the honest 
and far-sighted Cretan statesman, are 
the protagonists. Probably the tele- 
gram of Mr. Coromilas to King Con- 
stantine in consequence of the events of 
December 1-2, 1916, forms the most 
striking document of the collection, in- 
asmuch as it comes from a man who felt 
very deeply the struggle between loyalty 
to his king and loyalty to his country. 

"... To crown the horror, Greece in 
the midst of the misfortunes which have 
thus overwhelmed her, is divided into two 
camps which have a deadly grudge against 
each other; hate is in their hcerts and 
civil war is in their souls and in their ac- 
tions; we kill and assassinate each other; 
while the Bulgarians are settled on our 
soil and oppress our brothers. The coun- 
try is in the greatest distress, it is in a 
state of anarchy; criminal and atrocious 
acts have been committed at Athens 
against the civil population, and the agents 
of public order have done nothing to stop 
them. . . . 

. . . Whatever the issue of this great 
conflict may be — and even your majesty 
feels that it will be indecisive — Greece 
must remain the frank and sincere friend 
of the Powers of the Entente, and must be 
the enemy of Bulgaria. Mr. Venizelos and 
his colleagues at Saloniki have seen this 
truth. Do not refuse, sire, to see it your- 
self. And since you are king, not of the 
majority of the people, but of all the 
Greeks, forget the past; forget any griev- 
ances that you may have, and ask for the 
assistance of Mr. Venizelos and his friends; 
I have the firm hope that they will give it 
to you freely. . . . 

... I beg your majesty to excuse the 
frankness of my language. The affection 
that I bear for you compels me to speak to 
you thus, for my heart bleeds when I think 
what you were and of what is going to 
come. It is my duty to speak to you plainly 
and with no reticence; it is my duty to tell 
your majesty that the policy which has so 
fatefully brought us to the position in 
which, alas, we find ourselves, is a deadly 
policy, and one of which I fundamentally 
disapprove. The advice that I venture to 
give you, and your royal act, bringing to 
pass the union of all, are all that can now 
save what remains." 

A useful list of books has been com- 
piled by Prof. Tom Peete Cross, under 
the title "Bibliography and Methods of 
English Literary History" (University 
of Chicago Press). Attention is chiefly 
directed to the works of fundamental 
bibliographical importance — just the 
books the graduate student is most likely 
to be ignorant of — but the blank inter- 
leavings give room for the amplification 
of particular subjects. 



[Vol. 2, No. 34 


"Mary Broome at the Neigh- 

borliood Playhouse — The 

Theatre Parisien 

Broome," visible for a season on 
Saturday and Sunday evenings at the 
Neighborhood Playhouse, is an enmesh- 
ing play. It is not a serious, not an ar- 
tistic, hardly a moral, play; and I chafe 
and rebel at the facility of my entangle- 
ment. The entanglement remains, how- 
ever; "Mary Broome" is a play that dogs 
you — not to say, hounds you — an idle, 
impish, saucy play, a play that attracts, 
worries, and teases, and refuses to be 
sent about its business for the simple 
reason that its business is to pester you. 
It is a study in character, and its own 
character is mirrored in that of its pro- 

Was "Mary Broome" originally a 
novel? It seems, in essence, a novel, 
with two vigorous included playlets, the 
first act and the fourth. In Act I, the 
poetical featherhead and rattlebrain, 
Leonard Timbrell, is persuaded to marry 
the housemaid (significantly named 
Broome) whom he has unconcernedly 
seduced. In Act IV, this wife, estranged 
by Leonard's indifference to their child, 
runs away to Canada with the milkman. 
The intervening matter is as mere matter 
dramatically pointless, but for all that, 
interest is penetrating. The marriage 
itself, the union of quicksilver and lead, 
with its comic retribution for the man 
and its indistinct beatitude for the girl, 
is evocative and provocative in a quite 
singular degree. The means by which 
the rupture between father and son is 
brought about in the second act is forced, 
almost to the point of violence ;. but there 
is the happiest combination of truth and 
novelty in the occasion for this means, 
the half-hour adjournment of dinner, just 
long enough to put a razor-edge on every- 
body's nerves and everybody's tongue. 

Leonard Timbrell is the centre of the 
play; at times he seems both centre and 
circumference. He is comic, but in a 
play that means something a comic char- 
acter should be a serious enterprise for 
his creator. In this sense Mercutio is 
serious for Shakespeare; Harold Skim- 
pole (the nearest parallel to Leonard 
Timbrell) is serious for Dickens. The 
diflSculty with Mr. Monkhouse's play, for 
anybody who is trying to respect it, is 
that Leonard, who abounds in gay an- 
tics, is himself nothing but a gay antic 
for Mr. He is not humanly 
real; he is a thread on which wilfulness 
and sauciness are mischievously strung, 
and that the question between modernity 
and what may be called suburbanity can 
be seriously raised in the person of a 

man who is at bottom mere performer 
and coxcomb is of course unthinkable. 
Mr. Rudolph Besier's "Don" is the se- 
rious antithesis to Mr. Monkhouse's pir- 
ouetting Leonard. Self in youth is a 
powerful intoxicant, and Leonard Tim- 
brell has drunk deeply of that vintage. 
One particular may be noted. Leonard 
has been born and bred in his father's 
house, but the mutual astonishment be- 
tween himself and his people would sug- 
gest that he had been born and bred in 
Bagdad and had arrived in London 
day before yesterday. Mr. Knoblock's 
"Faun," Sir James Barrie's Lob, could 
scarcely be less acclimated. 

The play affects a seriousness which 
it does not possess, and its teaching is in- 
determinate and fluctuant. The author 
makes points for or against Leonard ac- 
cording to convenience; he likes Leonard 
on the whole, but he likes points better. 
All of which proves that there is a great 
deal of Leonard in Mr. Monkhouse. At 
the close the father confesses that he 
has been a fool. Nothing could be more 
inopportune than this confession as a 
sequel to the rap on the knuckles which 
Mr. Monkhouse himself has just admin- 
istered to Leonard in mild reproof of his 
paternal callousness. Yet the author of 
this stupidity is capable of a stroke so 
excellent and so touching as poor Mary's 
simple-minded outcry in the first act: 
"I want to marry somebody." 

The performance was remarkably good. 
Miss Helen Curry as Mary Broome was 
perfect. This may or not mean a voca- 
tion for Miss Curry. The technical, the 
vocal, requirements of the part were in- 
considerable, and the exquisite Tightness 
of key which constituted its beauty might 
have been, so to speak, inscribed upon the 
part by a discerning instructor. Mr. S. 
Bennet Tobias as Leonard Timbrell was 
hardly less perfect and was much more 
demonstrably able. He acted Leonard 
with what might be called an exasperat- 
ing charm, and the dregs of the charac- 
ter, while visible enough at the bottom, 
did not trouble the pellucid surface. He 
could not actualize the character (the 
character itself being a sort of forgery), 
but he justified — he authenticated — the 
temperament. The praise for that vic- 
tory should be ample. 

The double bill at the Theatre Parisien 
opens with a two-act play by Pierre Wolff 
and Georges Courteline, entitled "La 
Cruche," here used in the sense of dunce 
or dullard. A girl finds refuge from a 
brutal lover in the protection of a second 
man, whose chivalry is unpresuming. 
The first man wins her back by an offer 
of marriage. The narrative is mild al- 
most to placidity, and even the fourth 
character, a jealous woman, does not 
greatly disturb the equanimity of its 
temper. I might not have minded the 
dearth of plot in a more serious play, 
but "La Cruche" is very light, and I own 

to some hesitancy about plays that are 
plotless and thoughtless at the same time. 
Still, I followed the drama with pleasure, 
and allowed duly for the difference be- 
tween French and English taste in the 
matter in question. The French are 
noted for address. It follows that they 
can interest themselves keenly in the 
"How" of things, even in the "How" of 
a not markedly exciting or unusual trans- 
action. The Anglo-Saxon does not dally 
with the "How"; he darts unceremo- 
niously to the "What." If there is no 
"What," but only a "How," as in "La 
Cruche," he feels unfed, and an unfed 
Anglo-Saxon is a person to be reckoned 

Not the least interesting point in the 
play for an American was the entire ab- 
sence on everybody's part of any sense 
of peculiarity or disadvantage in the 
original position of the girl, Margot. 
True, she is married in the end, but this 
is not rehabilitation, it is promotion. A 
major accepts a colonelcy without preju- 
dice to the respectability of majors. The 
situations and conversation are seemly, 
and Margot is refined. The French can 
not make impurity pure, but they can 
make it as limpid as purity. 

M. Felix Barre was excellent in his 
finely shaded portrayal of the painter, 
Lavernie; Mile. Grattery made an agree- 
able Margot; M. Lucien Weber retrieved 
by skill in the second act part of the 
credit which he had buzzed and sputtered 
away in Act I. The operetta, "La Mu- 
sique Adoucit les Coeurs," supplied pre- 
cisely the form of lightness which might 
have been expected in a programme in 
which the element of weight was repre- 
sented by "La Cruche." 

0. W. Firkins 

Massenet's Memories 
and Music 

My Recollections. By Jules Massenet. Bos- 
ton : Small, Maynard & Company. 

TO those who have not read them in 
the original, the reminiscences of 
Massenet now published in near-English 
form, under the title of "My Recollec- 
tions," will have something — a great deal, 
maybe — of the unquestioned charm which 
marked so much of the composer's gra- 
cious music. But no one should approach 
these careless jottings over-seriously or 
hoping to find in them lofty theories or 
daring thoughts. 

Jules Massenet. He hated his own fore- 
name. He was a man of moods, caprices, 
fads, and whims — a "fantastick," if there 
was one in the world. He signed just 
"Massenet," or sometimes "Mr. Mas- 
senet," like an Englishman. At the end 
of his career he seemed too erratic to 
be wholly sane. The last chapter of his 
(Continued on page 20) 

January 3, 1920] 




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[Vol. 2, No. 34, 

(.Continued from page 18) 
memoirs bears the heading of "Thoughts 
after Death." It was penned (unless the 
writer is a dishonest ghost) from a dis- 
tant planet, where "there are no news- 
papers, no dinners, no sleepless nights." 
Like Swedenborg (if we may trust that 
chapter) Massenet sat in at his own 
funeral. Incidentally he declares he 
heard the loud sobbing of his wife and 
daughter; the lamentations of an artist 
(perhaps Lucy Arbell) exclaiming, "Ah, 
believe me, I loved him well. I have al- 
ways had such great success in his 
works !" And, as they bore him farther 
and farther from the Boulevards, towards 
Egreville, his last earthly halting place, 
he knew quite well that, by his friends, 
he would be forgotten. 

Throughout his life he had had many 
enemies. Some of them rivals who were 
jealous of his vogue. Some of them 
critics who affected to despise his work. 
He had been jeered at and lampooned 
time and again, as "Mademoiselle Wag- 
ner," and even, I have heard, as "Marie 
Madeleine." It was long the fashion 
among those who worshipped Wagner to 
make light of the voluptuous and tender- 
ness of Massenet's style. The more he 
protested that he also was a Wagnerite 
— and a devotee besides of Berlioz — the 
more they mocked at him. It mattered 
little to the fortunate composer who, 
from his entrance at the Conservatoire 
of Paris to his death, only a few years 
ago, was the spoiled child of men — and 
women, the inventor of more operas and 
cantatas and song cycles and tone poems, 
than any who envied him. 

In point of fact, though he owed much 
to Wagner, Jules Massenet was not of 
the great line of that creator of music- 
drama. He would have resented being 
reminded of the truth. But he was closer 
far to Schumann and to Gounod. He 
had the sweetness of the composer of 
"Faust" and "Romeo" and "Mireille," 
with the romantic grace of the great 
German. When he strained his talent 
(as he sometimes did) he was as "grand" 
at best as Meyerbeer. But he delighted 
most when he was natural — devising deli- 
cate and often exquisite "Poemes," pic- 
turesque tone-poems, and graceful operas. 

Not all the sneering of the Wagner- 
ites can spoil the tenderness of Mas- 
senet's "Werther," the frail beauty of 
his "Manon," the charm of his "Jongleur 
de Notre-Dame," and his cantata, 
"Marie-Madeleine." He wrote rubbish 
now and then — he wrote too quickly. 
But he was always a sincere and fine 
technician. He had the gift of melody 
and great mastery of harmony. 

He was as it were a link, and a beguil- 
ing link, between Gounod and d'Indy, 
without the strength of the last-named 
composer. It might be going a good deal 
too far to speak of him as a genius. Yet 
Gounod, after listening to his cantata. 

"Eve," said of him that he was one of 
the "Elect" of heaven. 

It was to Massenet that the late Oscar 
Hammerstein turned most frequently 
when he was looking for some popular 
attraction at the Manhattan Opera 
House. He produced "Herodiade," 
"Thais," "Griselidis," "Le Jongleur" and 
other works, which proved successful 
here as they had been in Paris. But the 
composer never crossed the Atlantic seas, 
and more than once refused the offers 
made him to direct some of his operas 
and concert works. 

Concerning his successes and his fail- 
ures he has set down many anecdotes in 
"My Recollections" and about the com- 
posers, singers, and managers of his 
time — from Auber to Ambroise Thomas, 
Liszt, Delibes, Gounod, Bizet, Berlioz, 
Duvernoy, Carre, Reyer, Saint-Saens, 
Halanzier, and the rest of his contempo- 

As a writer, Massenet has but little 
style, and what little he can boast of has 
been shattered by his translator, H. Vil- 
liers Barnett, who is said to have been 
chosen by the master himself. But, as 
a chronicle and record of the musicians 
of his time, these recollections have their 
proper place and value — despite omis- 
sions, and singular inaccuracies which 
distress the reader in Mr. Barnett's Eng- 
lish version. 

Charles Henry Meltzer 

Books and the News 

The Negro 

THERE have been certain recent indi- 
cations that this perennial problem 
may at any time again become acute. 
There are a score and over of useful 
books, by white people, South and North, 
and by Negroes, which illuminate the 
problem, even when they do not try to 
solve it. 

Benjamin G. Brawley's "Short History 
of the American Negro" (Macmillan, 
1913), Booker Washington's "Story of 
the Negro" (Doubleday, 1909), and 
George S. Merriam's "The Negro and the 
Nation" (Holt, 1906) should serve for 
historical information, while "The Negro 
Year Book" (Negro Year Book Pub. Co.) 
is a reference book on negro activities. 

Two admirable books by Southern 
writers are Thomas Nelson Page's "The 
Negro: the Southerner's Problem" 
(Scribner, 1904), and Mrs. L. H. Ham- 
mond's "In Black and White" (Revell, 
1914). From a South African point of 
view is Maurice S. Evans's "Black and 
White in the Southern States" (Long- 
mans, 1915). One should not fail to see 
W. E. B. Du Bois's "The Souls of Black 
Folk" (McClurg), his "The Negro" 
(Holt, 1915), Booker Washington's "The 
Future of the American Negro" (Small, 

Maynard, 1900), and Kelly Miller's "An 
Appeal to Conscience" (Macmillan, 1918). 
Similar in their nature are Benjamin 
Brawley's "Your Negro Neighbor" (Mac- 
millan, 1918), and his "The Negro in 
Literature and Art in the United States" 
(Duffleld, 1918). 

Professor A. B. Hart's valuable study 
is called "The Southern South" (Apple- 
ton, 1910). The problem is directly 
tackled in William P. Pickett's "The Ne- 
gro Problem" (Putnam, 1909), Edward 
Eggleston's "The Ultimate Solution of 
the American Negro Problem" (Badger, 
1913), William H. Thomas's "The Ameri- 
can Negro" (Macmillan, 1901), and John 
M. Mecklin's "Democracy and Race Fric- 
tion; a Study in Social Ethics" (Mac- 
millan, 1914). A legal work, perhaps 
more useful for reference than for con- 
tinued reading, is Gilbert T. Stephenson's 
"Race Distinctions in American Law" 
(Appleton, 1910). William J. Edwards, 
in "Twenty-Five Years in the Black 
Belt" (Comhill Co., 1919), describes the 
Southern Negro, and Mary W. Ovington's 
"Half a Man" (Longmans, 1911) treats 
the status of the Negro in New York. 

W. H. Collins is the author of "The 
Truth About Lynching and the Negro 
in the South" (Neale, 1918), which he 
describes as a plea "that the South be 
made safe for the white race." The au- 
thoritative work on lynching is James E. 
Cutler's "Lynch Law" (Longmans, 1905). 
Edmund Lester Pearson 

Books Received 


Johnston, Mary. Michael Forth. Har- 
per. $1.75 net. 

Ostrander, Isabel. Ashes to Ashes. Mc- 
Bride. $1.65 net. 


Barton, George. Celebrated Spies and 
Famous Mysteries of the Great War. Bos- 
ton: Page. $2 net. 

Glenconner, Pamela. Edward Wyndham 
Tennant: A Memoir. Lane. $5 net. 

Palmer, Frederick. Our Greatest Battle. 
Dodd, Mead. $2.50. 

Von Tirpitz, Admiral. My Memoirs. 2 
volumes. Dodd, Mead. $7.50. 

Holliday, R. C. Broome Street Straws. 

Holliday, R. C. Peeps at People. Doran. 


Gibbons, H. D. Paris Vistas. Century. 


Clark, N. M. Common Sense in Labor 
Management. Harper. $4 net. 

Hollander, J. H. American Citizenship 
and Economic Welfare. Johns Hopkins 
Press. $1.25. 


Bairnsfather, Bruce. From Mud to 
Mufti. Putnam. 

Bates, K. L. Sigurd Our Golden Collie, 
and Other Comiades of the Road. Dutton. 
$2 net. 

Derby, Richard. "Wade in Sanitary!" 
The Story of a Division Surgeon in France. 



Vol. 2, No. 35 

New York, Saturday, January 10, 1920 



Brief Comment 

Editorial Ariicles: 

The Raid on the Reds 

The "Nation" Will Say 

Forgotten Derelicts of the War 
The Case of Johns Hopkins 
The Problem of Russia 
The Outlook in Europe 






Life or Death For the Railroads? By 

Thomas F. Woodlock 28 

Washington Gossip 29 

The Jazz Journals. By W. J. Ghent 30 

Correspondence 32 

Book Reviews: 

At the Front in Poetry 33 

An Old Republican 34 

Two "Latest Efforts" 36 

Business — and Aristotle 36 

The Run of the Shelves 37 


On the London Stage. By William 

Archer 38 

Books and the News: Profit-Sharing. 

By Edmund Lester Pearson 40 

TT may be invidious to single out Mr. 
Sherwood, Democrat, of Ohio, as 
conspicuously silly, in a Congress 
which abounds in silliness ; but that i^ 
the natural consequence of his remark 
on the resolution to recognize a de 
facto government in Ireland happen- 
ing to be printed conspicuously in the 
news dispatches. "This resolution, if 
adopted, need not necessarily disturb 
our friendly relations with Great 
Britain," such is Mr. Sherwood's sage 
opinion. And indeed he may be 
right; but if so, it is for the reason 
that Congressional "resoluting" on 
foreign affairs — so long as the resolu- 
tion does not get to the point of 
Presidential approval — has come to 
be set down, not only at home but 
abroad, as pure buncombe. But it is 
cold comfort for an American to 
think that, in a time so fraught with 
momentous issues, he must feel that 
these fantastic tricks indulged in by 
the national legislature are rendered 
harmless only by being ridiculous. 

TfTHILE the nomination campaign 
on the Democratic side has not 
yet even begun to take shape, there 
is at least one candidacy on the Re- 
publican side which is rapidly ap- 
proaching the stage of thorough or- 
ganization. Every turn, therefore, in 
the movement in behalf of General 
Wood is of keen public interest. Col. 
Edward B. Clark, a close personal and 
political friend who expects to take a 
prominent part in the management 
of his campaign in the Middle West, 
throws doubt on the recent report 
that General Wood intends soon to 
resign his commission. Colonel Clark 

I suppose he will be governed by circum- 
stances. There is nothing in law, tradition, 
precedent, or public sentiment to require that 
he should hand in his resignation. The cases 
of Zachary Taylor, Winfield Scott, George B. 
McClellan, U. S. Grant, and Winfield S. 
Hancock furnish five distinct precedents where 
the candidates were army officers and remained 
in the army all through the campaign. 

But it can not be too strongly insisted 
that the demands of the present time 
are wholly different from those of the 
bygone days here referred to. Even 
as to those times, it is worth while to 
remark, for example, that the figure 
which General Hancock cut in rela- 
tion to the comparatively simple issue 
of the tariff is a memory to be con- 
jured up for warning rather than for 
example. But to-day we are con- 
fronted not only with a ma§s of prob- 
lems novel in character and stupen- 
dous in importance, but also with the 
outstanding fact of profound doubt 
and division concerning them within 
each of the two great parties. In this 
situation personal qualities, however 
desirable, are far from constituting a 
sufficient basis for the acceptance of 
any man as the leader of his party 
in the approaching campaign. All 
signs point to its being, with the ex- 
ception of the campaign of 1860, the 
most important and critical Presiden- 
tial contest since the formation of 
the Union. There is not much time 

to spare, between now and the meet- 
ing of the Republican National Con- 
vention, for a fair exhibit of the 
temper and position of a man whose 
career, like that of General Wood, has 
lain outside the main currents of 
politics. Let us hope that he will come 
out in the open in ample time for the 
formation of a sound judgment upon 
his title to the nomination. 

^ who is bearing the red banner to 
Congress or to jail — he does not seem 
to regard the distinction as impor- 
tant, — has paused in New York long 
enough to say: 

I opposed the war, because I said it was a 
commercial war. What did we get out of it? 
A Constitution on the way to becoming a 
"scrap of paper," the "flu," prohibition, the 
high cost of living, and government by in- 

One could conclude that, as a com- 
mercial venture, the war was suffi- 
ciently a failure to reconcile even Mr. 
Berger to it. 

fyHE following gem of misinforma- 
tion is from the New Republic: 

Semenov is a flashy brigand, vastly inferior 
in ability and infinitely more brutal and un- 
principled than Pancho Villa. With a cos- 
mopolitan band of a few hundreds of cut- 
throats, Semenov has managed to pick a living 
out of the ill-defended settlements around 
Lake Baikal. That is all he amounts to. 

Without attempting a brief for Seme- 
nov or a defense of all of his acts, it 
is only fair to say that for many 
months he carried on, almost alone, 
a patriotic struggle against the Bol- 
sheviks of Siberia, with a little army 
of which more than one-half were 
Russian officers serving as privates. 
That he did not "pick a living out of 
the ill-defended settlements around 
Lake Baikal" is evident from the fact 
that he has not been in that neighbor- 
hood and his headquarters is several 
hundred miles from it. In spite of 
his friction with the Siberian Gov- 
ernment and with the American Ex- 
peditionary Forces, it is just to record 



[Vol. 2, No. 35 

that Semenov was chosen Ataman by 
the Baikal Cossacks and is a military 
leader of undoubted ability. 

COUNT Tolstoy has been called the 
spiritual father of Bolshevism. 
But for his teachings the Russian peo- 
ple would not so readily have accepted 
Lenin and Trotsky as its saviors. If 
this is true, the child is an ungrateful 
monster. What it owes to the father 
it repays to his daughter, the Count- 
ess Alexandra Lvovna Tolstoy, with 
persecution and imprisonment. She 
is charged with plotting against the 
Soviet Government. If she is guilty 
of that crime, it only proves that 
there can be little left of her father's 
teachings in. the practice of the Mos- 
cow dictatorship. 

IRISH leaders are seldom conspicu- 
ous for moderation. Their emo- 
tional temperament unfits them for 
the quiet consideration of their op- 
ponents' views. Colonel Lynch is an 
exception to the rule. It is a pleasure 
to draw attention to his strong dis- 
avowal of the Sinn Fein movement, 
which, he declared, was doomed to 
failure because of its exclusive reli- 
ance on violence, and because of its 
religious intolerance. If Irish free- 
dom is what Sinn Fein is striving for, 
it should not be made a Roman Cath- 
olic issue. Colonel Lynch has the 
fullest right to speak as he did. 
Though himself a Roman Catholic, he 
fought with the Calvinist Boers 
against Great Britain, realizing that 
a people's claim to autonomy is not 
qualified by its religious creed. "We 
disparage our cause by bigotry and 
religious fanaticism. Take out the 
religious element, and we have gone 
far to solve the problem." The Sinn 
Fein leaders might well take the les- 
son to heart. They will never gain 
political freedom for their following 
at the cost of religious freedom for 
their Protestant compatriots. 

A SUMMARY of industrial condi- 
-^ tions in Belgium, recently given 
out by the Guaranty Trust Company, 
is highly encouraging. Belgian coal 
production has now reached nearly 
ninety per cent, of the rate of output 
for 1913, and the coal export has 

served appreciably to strengthen Bel- 
gian exchange. Receipts from both 
freight and passenger traffic on Bel- 
gian railroads for thie first nine 
months of 1919 exceed the fig- 
ures for 1913, but this does not indi- 
cate an actual increase in business 
done, as both passenger and freight 
tariffs are about double the 1913 level. 
Labor conditions have been rather 
better in Belgium than elsewhere, as 
only 42,000 workers were involved 
in strikes during the first six months 
of the year, for which alone figures 
are available. Of 194 strikes, 108 
were compromised by arbitration. 
Twenty-nine ended in straight victory 
for the workmen, thirty-seven for the 
employers. A fifty-million-poundloan 
to the Belgian Government by London 
capitalists proves that British finance 
holds a high opinion of Belgian stabil- 
ity. From January to September in- 
clusive, the purchase of American 
goods amounted to an average of $37 
for every Belgian. 

'T'HE • week beginning January 17 
•■- (Poor Richard's birthday) is to 
be National Thrift Week. Not a few 
of us, perhaps, are inclined to think 
that we may as well make up our 
minds this year to about fifty-two 
such weeks. But we have only to 
open our eyes in the street to see that 
there are multitudes who have more, 
"more than they ever dreamed of," 
and spend it as fast as they get it. 
If things are high now, they say, 
never mind; get them while the get- 
ting is good ; they'll be higher by and 
by. Most assuredly they will, unless 
some considerable number of people 
who have the money in hand to buy 
them with are willing to forego furs 
and jewels and silk shirts, or what- 
ever according to their scale of living 
may be conveniently symbolized by 
these things. What the cheap dollar 
buys now of this sort of merchandise 
will not be worth much by and by. 
Louis XV spoke of a deluge. This 
side of a deluge, which very likely 
won't come, there may be a highly un- 
comfortable succession of rainy days. 
When they come, the cheap dollar 
that has been prudently laid aside 
will bring returns that are worth 
waiting for. 

The Raid on the Reds 

T^HE sudden descent of the Depart- J 
■*■ ment of Justice on thousands of 
members of the Communist and Com- 
munist Labor parties has been re- 
ceived with enthusiastic applause in 
some quarters, and with gloomy mis- 
giving in other quarters equally en- 
titled to respect. For ourselves, we 
are frank to say that we find it im- 
possible to estimate the merits of the 
case. Until the Government places 
before the public a coherent and com- 
prehensive statement of the nature 
of its own proceedings, it is impos- 
sible to form a trustworthy judgment. 
Up to the present time, rumors which 
it is difficult to trace to any authorita- 
tive source, and scraps of information 
or stray expressions of feeling coming 
from one official or another, are all 
that we have to go upon. 

This in itself is a defect whose seri- 
ousness it would be difficult to over- 
state. Right or wrong, judicious or 
ill-advised, the result of careful 
thought or of spectacular zeal — 
whichever of these designations fits 
the case, certain it is that what we 
are witnessing is a novel and extraor- 
dinary proceeding. It is not right 
that the country should look on agape, 
making all sorts of wild guesses as to 
what it actually is and wbat it means. 
Under what provisions of what 
statutes is the Government acting? 
To what extent, if at all, are the ar- 
rests being made on the ground that 
we are still formally in a state of 
war? Are the persons arrested en- 
gaged in actual conspiracies, and, if 
so, what is the nature of these con- 
spiracies? Is the Government seek- 
ing to catch in its net all aliens who 
entertain revolutionary opinions, or 
only those who are connected with 
agitations directed toward immediate 
action? Without disclosing any ad- 
ministrative secrets necessary for the 
successful prosecution of its work, the 
Department of Justice could give the 
American people adequate informa- 
tion on these points. And not only 
have the people a right to demand 
this information, but in the absence 
of it the harm that will be done by 
unsettlement of the public mind, and 
misinterpretation of the Govern- 

January 10, 1920] 



merit's policy, will far outweigh the 
good that may be accomplished by 
any deportations or punishments 
which may result from the raid. 

The misgiving which, in the ab- 
sence of a clear understanding, the 
situation naturally arouses is accentu- 
ated by a statement which Attorney- 
General Palmer has taken occasion to 
issue in relation to his proposed law 
against "sedition." Such a law is 
necessary, he says, "in order that the 
Department of Justice may deal 
forcibly, effectively, and quickly with 
seditionists who are American citi- 
zens, but who are seeking to injure 
or destroy the Government." He as- 
serts that "the country's response to 
the introduction of this measure 
leaves no excuse for a single moment's 
unnecessary delay in the passage of 
it." This would be absurd, even if 
"the country's response" had been ten 
times as widespread and ten times as 
emphatic as there is any evidence of 
its actually having been. If there is 
any measure upon which the mature 
and conscientious judgment of re- 
sponsible legislators is absolutely 
essential it is a measure directed 
against "sedition." The popular im- 
pulse to get rid of what is offensive 
to popular feeling can not be accepted 
as a guide in such a matter. It must 
be threshed out in full and free de- 
bate; and upon those members of 
Congress whose intelligence, knowl- 
edge of history, and grasp on funda- 
mental maxims of legislation enable 
them to judge of the actual, and not 
the desired, effect of such a measure 
rests the solemn responsibility of 
opposing it to the utmost of their 
power if they regard it as mischie- 
vous. The burden of proof — first, 
that any measure of the kind is 
necessary, and, secondly that the par- 
ticular measure is a good one — rests 
heavily upon its advocates. 

We trust that, when the facts are 
fully known, it will turn out that the 
Government has acted well in making 
the arrests. If it has not taken ad- 
vantage of the technicality of a state 
of war, if it contemplates only the 
deportation of aliens who upon a rea- 
sonable interpretation of our laws 
come clearly within their inhibitions, 
if it is not aiming to produce a state 

of vague terror among all persons 
who hold radical opinions, then what 
it is doing is not only justifiable, but 
necessary and salutary. The notion 
that a country is in duty bound to 
admit or retain aliens who seek to 
subvert its institutions is a grotesque 
perversion of the idea of the right 
of asylum. Of the merits of an in- 
surrection, or even a conspiracy, 
directed against a foreign govern- 
ment, we are not required to judge; 
but when a foreigner comes over to 
plot against our own government or 
institutions, it is our business to look 
into the matter, and it is our right 
and our duty to keep him out or put 
him out, if we think his presence 
sufficiently detrimental to make it 
worth while. 

The idea that nothing short 
of imminent peril to the nation can 
justify such exclusion or expulsion 
has no basis either in principle or in 
the practice of liberal governments. 
Moreover, in our own country the 
question is of dimensions never ap- 
proached in any of the older civilized 
nations. With a large proportion of 
our population consisting of recent 
immigrants or their children, the 
character of this immigration, and 
the way in which that character may 
be affected by the infusion of even a 
few thousand active and determined 
agitators, is a matter of vital impor- 
tance to our national well-being. A 
great deal is said in radical quarters, 
and in some quarters that are not 
radical, of the wave of hysteria that 
is alleged to be sweeping over the 
country. A certain amount of hys- 
teria there undoubtedly is, but the 
amount of it is grossly exaggerated 
in the imagination of the radicals. 
Very few people aire afraid that the 
country may go to pieces to-morrow ; 
but a great many people think that 
alien plotters should be got rid of, 
even if their capacity for mischief 
falls infinitely short of fatal danger 
to the country. In fact, the radicals' 
outcry over hysteria is itself about 
the clearest case of hysteria in sight. 

There are two things which the 
situation urgently demands — first, a 
clear statement of the Government's 
position and policy, and secondly, 
such a shaping of that policy as will 

yield a maximum of direct good with 
a minimum of accompanying evil. 
What is wanted is swift and effective 
treatment of cases which everybody 
will recognize as serious, together 
with a prompt and generous freeing 
of all others from distress or terror. 
Above all, it should, as far as possible, 
be made plain that it is not the dis- 
semination of objectionable opinions 
in lawful ways that the Government 
seeks to suppress ; that the traditional 
rights of free speech, as understood 
in our country and in England, are 
to be respected; that such repression 
as does take place is entered upon 
from a sober sense of duty and in no 
spirit of sensationalism, and is car- 
ried out in strict accordance with a 
reasonable view of the law. Unless 
this spirit is made manifest, the bene- 
fits of the move will be more than 
counterbalanced by the resentment 
aroused in millions of breasts over 
methods which a free people can rot 
but regard as fraught with danger to 
their liberties. 

The "Nation" Will 

rpHROUGH the kind offices of . i 
•'■ Oliver Lodge we have been r 
in possession of what the Nation . 
a forthcoming issue, will say : 

"The naturally timid, and for the 
moment thoroughly frightened, offi- 
cials who are busily weaving the last 
poor shreds of democracy into- a 
gravecloth for themselves and the 
system they so pitifully represent, 
have been stampeded by the clamors 
of the capitalistic and jingoistic press 
into the very sort of 'direct action' 
which they profess so much ta 
deplore. Could anything be better cal- 
culated to hasten the coming revolu- 
tion than this last bit of melodra- 
matic emulation of the methods 
employed by the police of the late la- 
mented Czar? Since there is no plot 
against democratic government in 
America ; since, in short, there is no 
democratic government left to plot 
against, it is necessary to invent a 
plot. A Saint Bartholomew's Eve, 
spectacularly staged throughout the 
country, is the lamentable result. 



[Vol. 2, No. 35 

"We hold no brief for the Commu- 
nist party or the Communist Labor 
party. If their members engage in 
violence they may be curbed by due 
process of law. But the mere advo- 
cacy of violence, or the violent ad- 
vocacy of anything (they amount to 
the same thing), does not warrant 
equally violent and far less excusable 
suppression. It is only in an atmos- 
phere of revolution that those gen- 
erous impulses, that passionate dedi- 
cation to justice, that clear-eyed 
scrutiny of ideas, as a result of 
which the world of to-morrow is 
born, can generate themselves. But 
fortunately you can not kill an aspira- 
tion by deporting helpless foreigners. 
The celestial radiance of which these 
have caught a glimpse will shine more 
brightly than ever in the faces of the 
spiritual brethren whom they leave 

"Most of all, we find ourselves op- 
posed to this disastrous attempt to 
distinguish between aliens and Amer- 
icans. In undertaking to deport 
wholesale those who have not sub- 
mitted to a hollow ceremony of de- 
claring allegiance to a form of gov- 
ernment which has in any true sense 
ceased to exist, we are drawing off 
the very life blood of the country. 
The ideals of Washington and of Lin- 
coln, are they not more alive to-day 
in the warm heart of the recent im- 
migrant than in the Prussianized 
'American' who in their name com- 
mits a deed to which history congrat- 
ulates herself on being unable to fur- 
nish a parallel ? Germania capta thus 
leads her captors captive. 

"The utter folly of it makes the 
blood boil! If Mr. Palmer and his 
minions wish to make violent revolu- 
tionists of us all, they have found the 
way. The blood and tears which they 
cause to be shed, instead of destroying, 
will most miraculously quicken the 
seeds of revolution. What might have 
come in a hundred years will now 
come in ten. What might have come 
peacefully will now come as it may. 
Prophetic voices that should have 
been given careful heed are stopped 
with violence. But others will take 
up the cry. For one that is silenced 
to-day a thousand will be heard to- 
morrow. It is all -very regrettable." 

Forgotten Derelicts 
of War 

"pESPONSES continue to be made 
•'-'- to appeals in behalf of stricken 
populations in the Old World. One 
case, however, has either escaped our 
attention or been shunted into the 
background, which in normal times 
would have caused a shudder of hor- 
ror throughout the whole civilized 
world. This is the case of the Ger- 
man and Austrian prisoners of 
war in Siberia, numbering perhaps 
140,000 at the beginning of winter, 
and now apparently doomed as a 
whole to death in its most horrible 
and repulsive forms. Most of these 
men-that-were have been herded in 
prison camps for four and five years, 
not only cut off from their families 
and all that made life worth while, 
but short of food, without medical 
aid, and deprived of diversion. In 
mental and moral state they have 
been reduced to the level of animals. 

With the best v;ill in the world the 
Siberian government could do little 
for them ; it could not even take care 
of its own millions of hapless refu- 
gees pouring in from European Rus- 
sia. Time after time Admiral Kol- 
chak begged that steps be taken to 
repatriate them, but no help came. 
To picture what must happen to them 
now, after the collapse of Kolchak's 
Government, and in the rigors of a 
Siberian winter, is to call forth a 
nightmare of horror from which the 
mind recoils. 

Some private individuals and or- 
ganizations made noble efforts to do 
something to meet the situation, but 
it was a problem that transcended 
private enterprise. It was mani- 
festly impossible to raise adequate 
funds by public appeals, even if time 
permitted. It was a task to be un- 
dertaken by Governments, and pre- 
eminently by the American Govern- 
ment. It meant quick decision, prompt 
organization and an appropriation of 
perhaps $5,000,000, to be repaid 
eventually by the home Governments 
concerned. The effect of such an 
act on the part of America would have 
been out of all proportion to the 
cost. The responsibility for in- 

action rests squarely upon our De- 
partment of State. Plans were dis- 
cussed, memoranda written, and the 
buck was passed and repassed, but 
nothing was done. It is the old 
story of bureaucracy over again. But 
Secretary Lansing must sometimes 
spend uncomfortable moments when 
it is borne in on him that a little fear- 
less and energetic action on his part 
would have spared the agony and 
death of all these thousands and given 
happiness to other thousands be- 

The Case of Johns 

'yHE exact plan upon which Mr. 
■*- Rockefeller's magnificent gift of 
fifty million dollars is to be devoted 
to the urgently necessary object of 
raising the salaries of teachers in 
colleges and universities doubtless 
remains to be determined. It has 
been the policy of the General Edu- 
cation Board, says Dr. Wallace But- 
trick, its president, "to make contri- 
butions to endowment conditioned 
upon the raising of additional sup- 
plementary sums by the institutions 
aided." How closely this policy will be 
followed in the present extraordinary 
emergency remains to be seen, but 
the keen judgment which the board 
has exercised throughout its history 
may be counted on to preside over its 
action in this instance. It is desir- 
able, however, that the country at 
large should appreciate the peculiar 
situation of one university that has 
done unique service to the cause of 
American education. 

Johns Hopkins University was 
founded a little more than forty 
years ago. Its chief energies were 
concentrated upon what in this coun- 
try had theretofore been thought of 
as merely an undeveloped annex to 
the main body of a university — the 
graduate school. What Johns Hop- 
kins really did was to establish for 
the first time in America a true uni- 
versity, so far as regards those fields 
of science and learning which lie out- 
side the professional training of law- 
yers and physicians. It is impossible 
to overestimate the stimulus which 

January 10, 19-20] 



the Baltimore institution thus gave 
to universities all over the country. 
From Massachusetts to California, 
from Wisconsin to Texas, the idea of 
the university has become as familiar 
in America as it was unfamiliar forty 
years ago. 

Striking as was this achievement, 
it is a singular fact that when, a 
dozen years after the opening of 
Johns Hopkins, a modest special en- 
dowment — half a million dollars — 
enabled it to open a medical school, 
the achievement was repeated. It is 
acknowledged on all hands, and has 
been acknowledged by no one more 
handsomely than by President Eliot 
of Harvard, that the Johns Hopkins 
Medical School lifted medical educa- 
tion in America to an entirely new 
plane. Both on the medical side and 
on the "philosophical" side, the coun- 
try is now dotted with institutions 
that are carrying on as a matter of 
course the kind of work for which 
Johns Hopkins set the example. 

But the peculiarity to which we 
made reference at the outset is some- 
thing other than this. Not only on 
account of its comparative newness, 
but even more on account of the fact 
that the alumni of Johns Hopkins are 
in the main men whom it has trained 
for scientific research, for teaching, 
and for the practice of medicine, it 
has no considerable body of wealthy 
graduates to draw upon for aid. In 
comparison with Yale, Harvard, 
Princeton and the rest, its possibili- 
ties in this respect are pitifully small. 
Confronted with the present extraor- 
dinary situation, it is out of the ques- 
tion for it to make the kind of "drive" 
which its sister universities are so 
successfully carrying on. The people 
of Baltimore have on various occa- 
sions responded handsomely to its 
call ; but its service has been a na- 
tional, not a local, service. We have 
no doubt that all this will be duly 
considered by the General Education 
Board; but it is on every account 
earnestly to be hoped that throughout 
the country there will be found men 
of large means whose intelligent per- 
ception of the facts will lead them to 
give generous help where help is at 
once so urgently needed and so 
abundantly deserved. 

The Problem of Russia 

^TiHE problem of Russia does not 
■'• stand still, and he who would 
formulate a policy to solve it must 
needs mount it on wheels to keep up 
with the rapidly changing situations. 
A year ago prompt assistance to the 
sound and loyal forces that were 
struggling to restore the Russian na- 
tional state would have cut the cancer 
of Bolshevism out of Moscow and 
saved the Russian people years of 
suffering and degradation. It was 
not necessary to send troops or to 
interfere in Russia's domestic con- 
cerns. There was needed only a uni- 
fied plan and concerted action in sup- 
plying material needs. Instead, we 
had the Prinkipo proposal, the Bullitt 
Mission, the disgraceful abandonment 
of Odessa, the hampering interven- 
tion in Siberia, and other demarches 
whose stupidities would be laughable 
did they not bring tragedy in their 

Now a new situation has arisen, a 
situation that we must face squarely, 
not letting past mistakes blind us to 
present exigencies. The national 
movements against the Bolsheviks 
have crumbled or are crumbling. 
Kolchak's army has practically ceased 
to exist. Denikin, with his volun- 
teers, of whom he was able to arm 
but a sixth, swept up to within a 
hundred and twenty miles of Moscow, 
and now he is pushed back to the sea 
and faces destruction. A brief space 
may see the whole of Russia once 
more dominated by the Bolshevik 
autocracy, this time disposing of an 
army of a half a million men, dis- 
ciplined and well-equipped. 

Viewing the Russian situation to- 
day, one turns involuntarily to the 
French Revolution for analogies, 
dangerous and misleading as histori- 
cal analogies frequently are. The 
parallelism is startling, despite the 
difference in time, in economic condi- 
tions, in race and psychology. It is 
of course unfair to compare the politi- 
cal i-evolution in France with the 
German-made plot to disintegrate the 
Russian army and reduce Russia to 
chaos; or the Girondin vision of 
bringing the blessings of liberty to 
all peoples, with the internationalist 

Bolshevist propaganda to overturn all 
organized governments. But the re- 
sults were the same. Then as now, 
divided counsel and delay, followed 
by haphazard and ineffective aid to 
local risings and movements, brought 
about the organization of great oppos- 
ing armies. To create and discipline 
these armies the same method of 
terror was used, though on an in- 
finitely smaller scale. Civil and mili- 
tary leaders sprang from the prole- 
tariat. National consciousness was 
aroused to a pitch unknown before. 

Will the coming events in Russia 
continue the analogy of the French 
Revolution? In two respects at least 
the probability is present. When in 
France the armies of the Republic 
were victorious on all fronts and the 
necessity for the Terror had ended, 
the people rose against the authors of 
the Terror and took swift vengeance 
on Robespierre and Saint- Just. In 
Russia to-day the Bolsheviks, or Com- 
munists, who rule with an iron hand, 
are few in number and are the object 
of universal hatred. Even granted 
the inertia and resignation of the 
Russians, it is unlikely that Lenin 
and Trotsky can long survive the con- 
clusion of the present civil war. It 
would not be surprising if the next 
act in the Russian drama would be a 
revolution from the inside that would 
overthrow the gang that for two 
years has tortured and misruled Rus- 
sia and expended millions of Russian 
loot in debauching the ignorant and 
susceptible of other lands. 

The next phase, as in France, may 
possibly be the emergence of a dicta- 
tor and the development of a new 
imperialism. This latter indeed is 
already under way with the present 
leaders and is becoming more and 
more arrogant and threatening. Here 
is an army of at least half a million, 
and unlimited reserves to draw upon, 
freed from the pressure of Kolchak 
and Denikin, ready to be led west- 
ward against Poland. It is like a 
herd that has cropped the herbage to 
the roots and must seek new pasture. 
It will still shout the slogans of the 
Revolution as in 1796, but it will have 
visions of plunder and its leaders will 
dream dreams of conquest. Lenin 
asserts that with the collapse of the 



[Vol. 2, No. 35 

anti-Bolshevik movements and civil 
war, his purpose is to settle down to 
the tasks of peace and the reorganiza- 
tion of Russia's economic life, but he 
can not expect anyone to believe him, 
for he has by terror and by disrup- 
tion rendered this impossible under 
his regime. Rather there looms the 
spectre of a bitter, revengeful, and 
despairing Germany making common 
cause with a movement that menaces 
the very foundations of her enemies 
and taskmasters. 

What can be done to avert the 
menace? What new policy can be 
adopted that can save Europe? First 
of all, there is the question of the 
blockade. It is likely that this will 
be lifted; indeed, if Esthonia makes 
peace with the Soviet Government the 
blockade can hardly be maintained. 
The blockade really served its pur- 
pose in the earlier period by prevent- 
ing the criminals at Moscow from 
disposing of their stolen gold and 
looted property to supply the needs 
of the Red Army at home and spread 
revolution abroad. But the blockade 
could only be effective as auxiliary to 
active assistance to the anti-Bolshevik 
forces, and when this was withheld, 
it ceased to have a sound basis. 

It is hardly thinkable that we can 
recognize the present Soviet Govern- 
ment. Its crimes against civilization 
are too heinous; its promises of re- 
form too transparently false. Appar- 
ently, by our deportations of Russian 
Bolsheviks and our official statement 
regarding them, we have closed the 
door to any such suggestion. But our 
policy now must be that of non-inter- 
ference. Those who from the begin- 
ning have been for non-interference 
will plume themselves on their su- 
perior wisdom and foresight. But 
they were not wise, even those who 
were honest, for interference was al- 
ways justifiable while the Bolsheviks 
were carrying on war against us in 
our own country and when real assist- 
ance to the anti-Bolshevik forces 
would have restored a friendly Russia 
and spared untold needless sacrifices. 
The present situation has resulted, 
not from interference, but from the 
lack of adequate interference. 

If the present tyrants of Moscow 
are overthrown from within, if they 

are supplanted by a regime that rec- 
ognizes the sanctity of agreements 
and obligations, that secures to its 
people the rights of life and prop- 
erty, that shows good faith and 
honest intention, then we can enter 
into relations with it and join whole- 
heartedly in the tasks of reconstruc- 
tion, carrying out our oft-repeated 
pledges of friendship to the Russian 
people. But if the present regime 
continues, threatening to destroy the 
fruits of European culture and to 
embroil all Asia, then we must gird 
up our loins and prepare to defend 
our civilization in the inevitable 

The Outlook in Europe 

'T'HE last sun of the old year set 
-'- upon a Europe little brighter for 
more than thirteen months of armis- 
tice than it was in the depth of the 
war. Hunger, labor unrest, race an- 
tagonism, frontier disputes, are ca- 
lamities more keenly felt since the 
stimulus of patriotic warfare has 
ceased to uphold the suffering na- 

For a short while it seemed as 
if the prospect was beginning to 
brighten. The Germans, we were 
told, would, before Christmas, have 
signed the protocol by which the 
treaty would be put into effect, and 
d'Annunzio was going to surrender 
Fiume to the government of Signor 
Nitti. But neither forecast has come 
true. A disparity of 100,000 tons of 
maritime equipment between the Ger- 
man figures and the estimates of the 
Allies' experts is responsible for 
the delay in the former case. The 
sending of an Allied Naval Com- 
mission to Hamburg, Danzig, and 
Bremen to ascertain the facts and re- 
vise the estimates, if proved to be in- 
correct, shows a disposition on the 
part of the Entente to admit the possi- 
bility of a mistake, and while insisting 
on the payment of an indemnity for 
the scuttled fleet of Scapa Flow, to 
take Germany's basic needs into ac- 
count. But while this question ap- 
pears in a fair way of reaching a 
solution, other causes of delay are 
cropping up. Herr Ebert has echoed 
Comrade Noske's protest against the 

Entente's demand for the surrender of 
the accused German officers, and will 
resign the Chancellorship if the Allies 
insist on their extradition, and the al- 
leged presence in Upper Silesia of 
80,000 German soldiers, including 
large numbers of Von der Goltz's 
men, is a new obstacle in the way of 
the treaty's coming into force, as the 
Supreme Council demands their re- 
moval before the 20,000 allied sol- 
diers occupy the plebiscite area. 

The expected solution of the Fiume 
tangle has also suffered a setback. 
D'Annunzio has changed his mind 
since the recent conference in Lon- 
don induced him to enter into an 
agreement with Signor Nitti for the 
surrender of Fiume. He deems the 
guarantees offered him by the Gov- 
ernment insufficient to warrant his 
leaving, in spite of the fact that the 
twice-held plebiscite on the question 
of accepting General Badoglio's pro- 
posals for the substitution of d'An- 
nunzio's forces by Italian regulars 
resulted in 75 per cent, of the votes 
being cast in favor of acceptance. 
However, this dwindling of his fol- 
lowing and the increased prestige of 
Signor Nitti, both at home and 
abroad, are indications that the com- 
ing decision lies not with the poet, 
but, as it ought to do, with the Italian 
Government. The Premier's deter- 
mination to come to a settlement with 
the Jugo-Slavs themselves is the 
wisest move he could make, as a solu- 
tion of the problem agreed to by the 
two interested parties is less likely to 
meet with opposition in London and 
Paris. The bad impression created in 
Italy by the sensational speech of M. 
Clemenceau has given some justifica- 
tion to those pessimists who hold that 
Italy stands isolated and can not rely 
on the willingness of England and 
France to make concessions on the 
Adriatic question vdthout the consent 
of the United States'. There is, in- 
deed, some show of animosity in 
Paris towards Italy, which may have 
its source in the recent revelation of 
a secret Anglo-Italian agreement 
which — in exchange for Italy's ap- 
proval of the so-called Lloyd George- 
Wilson agreement touching the divi- 
sion of 3,000,000 tons of German 
merchant shipping — promises Italy 


January 10, 1920] 



full compensation in kind for her 
losses at sea, whereas a similar re- 
payment for the loss of French mer- 
chant shipping has been refused to 
France. But this dissension, which 
is apt to disturb the good relations 
between France and England rather 
than those between France and Italy, 
proves the latter, country's isolation 
to exist only in the fancy of Italian 
pessimists, and there is little to war- 
rant the conclusion that England and 
France are not inclined to make con- 
cessions without the consent of the 
United States. 

On the contrary, the Entente Pow- 
ers are showing a firm determina- 
tion to continue their peace trans- 
actions in spite of Mr. Polk's depar- 
ture from Paris and the uncertainty 
as to America's attitude. The new 
Hungarian Government of Karl Hus- 
zar has been invited to send a peace 
delegation to Neuilly, and Lloyd 
George stated on December 18 that 
"the delay in the peace-making with 
Turkey was due to the necessity of 
knowing what the United States in- 
tended to do. We are now entitled to 
say," he added, "that we have waited 
up to the very minute we promised 
America, and, without wishing to 
deprive America of the honor of shar- 
ing in the guardianship of Christian 
communities, the Allies have decided 
to make peace with Turkey at the 
earliest possible moment." This 
statement, to be sure, must be taken 
with a grain of salt: America's in- 
decision is not the sole cause of the 
delay, but serves as a useful pretext 
to screen the fear of the diplomats 
at Paris lest the broaching of the 
question how to dispose of Constan- 
tinople may lead to fresh dissension 
between the Allied Powers. The 
French, distrustful of a British man- 
date over Turkey, favor a plan which 
would leave the Turk in possession 
of the city under sufficient guaran- 
tees for the freedom of navigation 
through the Straits, and Venizelos 
claims a mandate over the city for 
Greece, which would find little favor 
in Rome. 

In their Baltic policy the Entente 
Powers are also steering a course con- 
trary to the one which the American 
delegation would have approved. The 

latter's standpoint has always been 
opposed to the dismemberment of 
Russia resulting from the establish- 
ment of independent border States, 
Poland of course being exempt from 
this American ban. The Baltic States 
with their great seaports, Narva and 
Reval in Esthonia, Riga, Windau, and 
Libau in Latvia, are the lungs through 
which Russia draws her breath 
from the sea. That accounts for 
the endeavors of Sasoitov and other 
leading Russians of the old regime in 
Paris to prevent the recognition by 
the Powers of these provinces as in- 
dependent States. France and Eng- 
land, especially their military experts, 
are of a different opinion from the 
one held by these Russians and the 
American delegates. General Foch, 
only a fortnight ago, was for charg- 
ing General Niessel with a political 
mission to the Baltic States in order 
to solidify them against the Bolshe- 
viki under at least the moral encour- 
agement of the Allies. The Supreme 
Council, however, voted to refer this 
matter to the respective Allied Gov- 
ernments, which meant an indefinite 
postponement, and meanwhile one of 
the three States in question, after a 
protracted parley at Dorpat, has 
signed a preliminary armistice with 
the Russian Soviet Government. The 
recent successes of. Trotsky's Reds 
and the chronic hesitancy in the pol- 
icy of the Entente are bound to make 
Esthonia and her sisters more in- 
clined to accept peace proposals from 
Moscow than to let themselves be 
used for the protection of Europe in 
the manner proposed by General 
Foch. Poland alone seems willing to 
undertake that task; and she is better 
equipped for it economically since the 
Supreme Council has awarded East 
Galicia to her under a mandate of 
twenty-five years. Politically, how- 
ever, this grant may have a weaken- 
ing effect on Poland, as it creates 
within her borders an Ukrainian irre- 
denta, and a feeling of hostility to- 
wards Poland among her Ukrainian 

While the diplomats in Paris are 
thus contriving means to keep Bol- 
shevism in .check, hunger, its most 
powerful ally, is rapidly gaining 
ground all over Eastern and Central 

Europe. Litvinov recently admitted 
to a correspondent of the Daily Her- 
ald at Copenhagen that Russia's re- 
turn to capitalism is unavoidable un- 
less other countries are converted in 
time to the communism of the Soviets, 
an unambiguous call to arms for the 
radical elements which are respon- 
sible for the labor unrest in the cities 
of Europe. Some twenty millions of 
people in the larger centres of Fin- 
land, Poland, Austria and other parts 
of Central Europe are staring starva- 
tion in the face, and there is no better 
soil for the seeds of revolt than the 
despair of the hungry masses. Speedy 
assistance may avert a. catastrophe, 
but the extent of the misery makes all 
efforts seem vain. For the relief 
of Austria alone, $100,000,000 is said 
to be needed. One can understand that, 
under these circumstances, the popu- 
lations of the Austrian border dis- 
tricts would like to change their citi- 
zenship for that of a self-supporting 
adjoining State. Vorarlberg wants 
to be incorporated with Switzerland, 
Western Hungary with Hungary, and 
similar movements for secession are 
on foot in Salzburg and the Tyrol. 
But in this instance the right of self- 
determination is appealed to in vain, 
for the Supreme Council, some three 
weeks ago, communicated to Dr. Ren- 
ner its decision to maintain integrally 
the territory of the Republic of Aus- 
tria. Thus the makers of the new 
Europe, within a year of its incom- 
plete organization, are called upon to 
protect their creation against the ap- 
plication of the very principle on the 
basis of which they refashioned the 
map of Europe — a bad omen for the 
durability of their work. 


A weekly journal of political and 

general discussion 

Published by 

The National Weeki.y Coiiro«ATio!« 

140 Nassau Street, New York 

Fabian Franklin, President 

Hahold de Wolf Fuller, Treasurer 

Rodman Gilder. Business Manager 

Subscription price, five dollara a year in 
advance. Fifteen cents a copy. Foreign post- 
age, one dollar extra; Canadian pottage, fifty 
cents extra. Foreign subscriptions may Iw sent 
to Messrs. G. P. Putnam's Sons, Ltd., 24, Bed- 
ford St., Strand, London, W. C. 2. England. 
Cofyrighl, 1920, in the United States of 



[Vol. 2, No. 35 

Life or Death for the Railroads? 

'T'HE railroads of the United States 
■'■ are to be returned to their owners 
in two months. They have been in 
the hands of the Government since 
December 31, 1917. Under Govern- 
ment management they have failed to 
earn their "rental" by well over half 
a billion dollars. The operating def- 
icit, which has been supplied from the 
public funds, is estimated at some 
$550,000,000 for 1918 and 1919. The 
ratio of operating expense to gross 
earnings, which was about 70 per 
cent, in 1917, was in 1919 about 85 
per cent. The railroads owe the Gov- 
ernment a considerable sum of money 
for additions, betterment, and equip- 
ment made under Government man- 
agement with reference mainly to 
war needs rather than to anything 
else. Two-thirds of the companies 
are at present short of earning their 
fixed charges — excluding dividends — 
and in some notable cases, chiefly in 
the East, the business of certain roads 
has been in large part destroyed by 
diversion of the traffic to other roads. 
The physical condition of roadbed 
and equipment is generally below 
standard. As things stand at present 
it is not in the least degree an exag- 
geration to say that the Government, 
which took over at the end of 1917 a 
solvent system of railroads in reason- 
ably good physical condition, is hand- 
ing it back to owners in a state of 
physical deterioration and financial 
insolvency. For correction of this 
condition the owners must look to the 
Conference Committee of House and 
Senate. That committee has before 
it two bills — the Esch bill, which 
passed the House, and the Cummins 
bill, which passed the Senate. The 
purpose of both bills is to provide for 
resumption of private enterprise in 
American railroad management. 

Between these two bills there is a 
difference wide as the poles. Some 
weeks ago, in the pages of the Review, 
I pointed out a fundamental defect 
in the Cummins bill, which was that, 
while providing for a general regional 
tariff schedule, the rates of which 
were fair, from the shipper's view- 
point, it limited the right of individ- 

ual railroads to profits earned under 
that schedule. But we all know the 
reason for this compromise of prin- 
ciple ; it was made to satisfy the com- 
bined selfishness and ignorance of 
what politicians commonly suppose to 
be "the people," so as to make them 
willing to allow living rates to the re- 
gional group as a whole. It was be- 
lieved that, under the Cummins bill, 
which laid down for the first lime in 
American railroad history not merely 
an intelligent and sound rule of rate- 
making, but tfie only intelligent and 
sound rule for rate-making that can 
be laid down, and also provided a 
concrete rule for a minimum return 
on capital invested in the railroad 
business, the regulating authority 
would have behind it a support strong 
enough to give it the courage to make, 
when necessary, increases in freight 
rates. Therefore, there was ground 
for believing that the Cummins bill 
"principle" — if in its mangled state 
one can call it a principle — would at 
least give the railroads a living and 
would enable private enterprise to 
become at least partially effective. 

The Esch bill may be summed up 
in a word as the perpetuation of the 
miserable system of control of rail- 
roads which in 1914, when the war 
broke out, was gradually but surely 
starving the last sparks of life from 
the carcass. It reiterates the same 
ridiculous statement that rates are to 
be "fair and reasonable," but is very 
careful to avoid laying down any rule 
by which "fair and reasonable" rates 
are to be ascertained and put into ef- 
fect. It places on the back of the In- 
terstate Commerce Commission, al- 
ready grotesquely overloaded with 
powers which it does not and cannot 
effectively exercise, yet additional 
burdens and responsibilities. About 
the only thing that the bill does to 
clarify the rate situation is in the di- 
rection of limiting the power of indi- 
vidual States to hamper the making 
or disturb the structure of interstate 
rates. Under the Esch bill we shall 
have the same wearisome, long drawn 
out machinery of "rate cases" with 
the same wretched results. We shall 

have the Interstate Commerce Com- 
missioners continually faced with the 
necessity of doing a most unpopular 
thing without anyone to whom they 
can "pass the buck." We shall have 
the same tiresome and futile lectures 
on the past misdeeds of railroad men 
offered as a reason for not giving the 
railroads living rates. We shall have 
the "New Haven-Frisco-Rock Island 
— Rock Island-Frisco-New Haven" 
Qhorus chanted from time to time, 
with an occasional variant on "C, H. 
& D." Whoever wants an "inside" 
view of interstate commission psy- 
chology may read with profit an ar- 
ticle in the December issue of the 
Atlantic Monthly, written by Judge 
Anderson, late of the commission. 
If anyone, after reading that article, 
can suppose that the state of mind 
there represented will ever supply 
living rates for the railroads, he is 
possessed of more imagination and 
credulity than I am. 

To put it plainly and brutally, if 
the provisions of the Esch bill govern 
in the shaping of legislation for the 
railroads, it will mean simply that the 
rope is once more around their 
throats and that final strangulation 
is a matter of a very short time. 

The present rate-tariffs are not suf- 
ficient to provide a living for the rail- 
roads. The director-general some 
time ago freely admitted this. He ex- 
cused his failure to advance rates on 
the ground that it would only tend to 
drive the cost of living to yet higher 
levels, and insisted that it would be 
the duty of railroad managers to 
apply for increased rates as soon as 
they regained control of their prop- 
erties. It is very difficult to maintain 
one's patience when offered an argu- 
ment of this sort. An advance in 
freight rates next April will be just 
as effective in advancing the "cost of 
living" as it would have been last 
November. Suppose that meantime 
the Esch bill principle of "fair and 
reasonable" rates becomes the law of 
the land and the railroads come be- 
fore the commission with a request 
for an advance in freight tariffs large 
enough to make the companies solvent 
and enable them to raise new capital 
so badly needed for improvements 
and extensions — what will be the re- 

Januaiy 10, 1920] 



suit? Can any reasonable man be- 
lieve that there is any chance of their 
getting it? 

And if they do not get it, what will 
be the result? The railroads are, to 
say the least, in relatively poor phys- 
ical condition; their forces are rela- 
tively disorganized and inefficient, 
and their working capital is insuffi- 
cient. And they need a billion of dol- 
lars new money in the next twelve 
months ! Their chance of getting this 
from the investing public is about 
equal to Mr. John D. Rockefeller's 
chance of getting a billion dollars 
from Congress for his own personal 
uses. How long will it be before the 
present obvious anxiety of the sav- 
ings banks, life insurance companies, 
and other agencies for investing the 
people's money will express itself in 
an agonized cry for government own- 
ership to make the people's money 
safe? And how long will it be before 
government ownership arrives as mu- 

nicipal ownership is arriving in New 
York City, and by the same route ? 

The rate question is the heart of the 
matter. Questions of labor, questions 
of security issues, questions of exten- 
sions, questions of combinations are 
also involved and are of tremendous 
importance. But all these are subor- 
dinate to the question of rates under 
any scheme of private enterprise in 
the conduct of transportation. The 
Cummins bill contains a scientifically 
correct rule of rate-making; the 
Esch bill contains no such rule. 
Under the Cummins rule private en- 
terprise will find it possible to func- 
tion in railroad transportation ; under 
the Esch bill it will be impossible. 
The Conference Committee must 
choose one or the other of the "prin- 
ciples" represented by the two bills. 
Upon its choice depends the future 
of railroad transportation in this 

Thomas F. Woodlock 

Washington Gossip 

"WyHAT is to be the future orienta- 
" tion of the Republican and 
Democratic parties? This is the ques- 
tion that meets one in all circles in 
Washington, once one has traversed 
the immediate topics of the Presi- 
dent's health, the return of the rail- 
roads, the settlement of the coal 
strike, and the possible treaty com- 

Democratic leaders are frankly pes- 
simistic about the future, although 
they cherish the hope that Republican 
blunders and dissensions between ■ 
now and next November may save the 
situation for them. While realizing 
that the normal line-up in two-party 
government is to put the conserva- 
tives on the one hand and the radicals 
on the other, neither party is willing 
to place itself in either of these two 
categories. Both parties are dodging 
the i^sue and seeking to secure sup- 
port from both elements within their 
ranks as previously constituted. 

That the issue can not be entirely 
side-stepped, however, is indicated by 
the views of a prominent and thought- 
ful Democratic leader, frankly ex- 
pressed. According to him, the 

Democratic party is facing the dan- 
ger of dissolution. The Gold Demo- 
crats left the party in 1896 and, for 
the most part, have not returned. 
Although the President and his party 
had yielded all possible concessions to 
Labor, this had not sufficed to keep 
Labor from turning Socialistic. With 
the development of industry, the 
South was becoming conservative and 
only the race problem preserved the 
South against Republican inroads. 
The question was whether the Demo- 
cratic party might not have to become 
frankly radical. 

In Washington circles it is felt that 
Attorney-General Palmer and ex-Sec- 
retary McAdoo are the respective 
champions of the two opposing ele- 
ments within the party. Palmer, by 
his handling of the coal strike and by 
his vigorous campaign against the 
Reds, is appealing to the conserva- 
tives. McAdoo is reported to have 
suggested that the name of the Demo- 
cratic party might well be changed to 
the American Labor Party, and his 
recent astonishing statement concern- 
ing the earnings of the coal operators 
during the war is looked upon as a 

direct appeal for radical support. The 
influence of President Wilson in the 
situation is difficult to estimate. On 
the one hand, it is clear that his 
idealistic appeals in the past have 
made a strong impression upon the 
radical-liberals and many consider 
them as provocative of social unrest. 
On the other hand, it is claimed by 
many political leaders that Wilson's 
popularity has greatly declined even 
among radicals and he would no 
longer be an asset to the Democratic 
party reconstructed along such lines. 

Another factor that may upset 
these calculations is the growth of a 
boom for Herbert Hoover as a Demo- 
cratic candidate. While it is recog- 
nized that Mr. Hoover has nnver 
been actively identified with politics 
and that his affiliations have been 
Republican rather than Democratic, 
many Democrats believe that by rea-' 
son of his close association with Mr. 
Wilson and his administration, he 
could be persuaded to accept the 
nomination. They argue that, on the 
one hand, he would appeal strongly 
to the conservatives, who desire above 
all a "business" administration, and, 
on the other, would attract those who 
earlier followed the Wilsonian "ideal- 
istic" lead. Mr. Hoover is outspo- 
kenly anti-Socialistic and his technical 
and administrative training, joined 
with his unequalled knowledge of 
the international economic situation, 
would make him an extremely strong 
candidate. On the side of political 
theory, however, he is regarded as a 
man whose ideas are crude and un- 

Equally the Republican party is 
trying to ride two horses. There 
seems to be a feeling among many 
Republican leaders in Washington 
that they are sure of the usual con- 
servative support, and that in any 
case it only remains to bring back 
into the fold the Progressives of 1912, 
no matter how far some of them have 
developed in radical theory. Senator 
Johnson of California, an opportunist 
politician, is plainly endeavoring to 
get aboard the band-wagon, and 
Senator Lodge has welcomed his ser- 
vices in fighting the ratification of the 
unamended covenant. Another indi- 
cation of the desire to capture the 



[Vol. 2, No. 35 

radical vote is seen in the appoint- 
ment of Col. Raymond Robins to the 
Advisory Committee on Platform. 
There is no doubt that Robins is a 
gifted orator with demagogic power 
and that he controls a considerable 
following, but many Republicans view 
this departure with alarm and believe 
that it will alienate the better element 
in the party without securing any 
appreciable accretion of strength. 
There is no gainsaying the fact that 
th? radicals regard the Republican 
party as reactionary and that they 
do not propose to be taken in by so 
palpable a trick as the recognition of 
such men as Robins. 

The undercurrent of opinion in 
Washington seems to be that, in the 
absence of a clear-cut domestic issue 
on which the parties can line up, 
both Democrats and Republicans will 
seek to avoid the radical-conservative 
line of demarcation. It is felt that if 
the Republicans would take a definite 
stand as the liberal-conservative 
party they would have a fighting 
chance to break the Solid South at 
the next election, and we might see 
the whole political situation turn 
back again into the traditional two- 
party system of Anglo-Saxon de- 
mocracy. Courage, however, seems 
to be lacking for making the plunge. 

The Jazz Journals 

T^HE jazz of the orchestras has 
• ■■- been defined as a "fantastic riot 
of accents." It is a callithumpian 
fanfare, with drawling, crawling, 
sliding notes interrupted by out- 
bursts of calculated noise. "It seeks 
... to sweep from our minds all 
consideration of other things and to 
focus our attention upon its own mad, 
whirling, involved self." 

The jazz of the instruments has its 
analogue in the jazz of the printed 
page in some of our present-day 
"journals of opinion." Let us but 
translate this print to an auditive 
plane, and one definition will do for 
both. True, the printed species has 
several varieties: there is the oracu- 
lar jazz of one periodical; the jere- 
miad jazz of another; the pietistic 
jazz of a third, the explosive jazz of 
a fourth. And then there is the 
timid, palpitant jazz of a fifth, ex- 
pressing itself in relatively subdued 
accents, though revealing a constant 
tone of wistfulness for the Bolshevist 
abandon of its rivals. But though 
each has its distinctive dominant 
chord, all run close to type in their 
cadences of protest. The "fantastic 
riot of accents" is surcharged with 
abysmal grief and bitter resentment. 
The jazz journals overflow with 
anathema. Wretched and miserable 
beyond words is this planet of ours, 
with themselves, Mr. Lenin, Mr. 
Trotsky, and Mr. Peters as the only 
stars of hope in a sky perpetually 

overcast and lowering ; and if good is 
to come (which at best is doubtful), 
it is to be forwarded mainly by the 
incessant pouring forth of a stream 
of fretful and railing accusation. 

Ultra-modern are these journals; 
and though their choral theme is old 
beyond the computation of years, 
their tonal gestures must be of the 
latest. Liberal, or progressive, or 
radical, or democratic, they call 
themselves in varying degrees. But 
their message — what is it? From 
what central idea does it spring; of 
what formulated creed is it the ex- 
pression ; to what goal of social wel- 
fare is it consciously directed? There 
is no answer. The "fantastic riot of 
accents" yields no clue to its own 
meaning. It is incoherent; its parts 
are incongruous ; in nothing is it con- 
stant and consistent except in its un- 
failing note of nagging discord. Have 
the Allies, in a particular matter, 
done thus and so? The fact is "sin- 
ister." Have they done exactly the 
opposite thing? The fact is even 
more "sinister;" it is "shocking," 
alike to the intelligence and the sense 
of decency of mankind. Has the 
President failed again? Indubitably 
he has, whatever he did or said. He 
would equally have failed had he 
done the opposite. Has Mr. Gompers 
done this or that? If so, he has but 
shown again his innate, inflexible re- 
actionism and the tyrannous hold he 
maintains upon the labor movement. 

Has he done otherwise? He but re- 
veals himself once more in his an- 
cient character of an unprincipled 
opportunist, desperately striving to 
buttress his tottering throne. Does 
any one, anywhere (other than a Bol- 
shevist, an I. W. W., a pacifist pro- 
German or something of the sort), 
offer, by deed or word, a contribu- 
tion which he imagines may be of 
some use to the mass of humanity? 
It is naught, it is naught, saith the 
journal of jazz, and it goeth on its 
way reviling. 

Reaction, of course, they denounce ; 
and most that they disapprove is 
plastered with that name; yet they 
have no qualms about aiding, often 
in disingenuous ways, the assault of 
reactionism upon the regular trade 
unions. They advocate the unity of 
labor; and yet they foster the agen- 
cies which make for dual unions, they 
encourage the turbulent local in its 
secession from its international par- 
ent, and more or less openly they 
give their approval to the outlaw 
strike. Despite their professions, 
their aim — in so far as they are con- 
scious of an aim other than the pro- 
duction of jazz — is the disunity of 
labor as labor is now organized. 

One and all they clamor against the 
alleged suppressions and falsifica- 
tions of news by the "capitalist" 
press. Valid opinion, they chorus, 
can be formed only when the facts 
are impartially recorded. Yet, one 
and all, they habitually practice the 
thing they denounce in others; they 
suppress or distort the fact inimical 
to the view they present; and grant- 
ing the accuracy of their overdrawn 
indictment, the sincere inquirer may 
stiii retort that they themselves d-^, 
with a fanatic eagerness and accom- 
panied by a blare of pretentious vir- 
tue, what the others do as a mere 
matter of course — an incident of the 
day's work. 

They preach tolerance; and broad 
tolerance unquestionably they* show 
for some things — for pretense, for 
fanaticism, for Jesuitry, for the dou- 
ble-dealing of the revolutionists who, 
along with an exoteric message of 
peace and order, put forth an eso- 
teric message of sabotage and vio- 
lence. But for the rest — for the les- 

January 10, 1920] 



sons of experience, for the standards 
and sanctions which have knit and 
held the social fabric together, they 
reveal an intolerance as extreme as 
that of a mediaeval inquisitor. "Bour- 
geois" and "banal" and "discarded" 
are their words of exorcism for ac- 
cepted things; from the rubbish 
heaps of the centuries they resurrect 
and rehabilitate the old, which they 
label the new and the wonderful. 
Their tolerance is for the intolerable 
things which the common sense of 
mankind has rejected. 

All this, with orchestral vehe- 
mence, they sound forth as the tonal 
interpretation of Democracy; the 
overture to the New Order, the Bet- 
ter Day. Yet it is nothing of the 
sort. However it is intended, it re- 
veals itself as merely the accompani- 
ment to Reaction. It generates the 
atmosphere and creates the environ- 
ment in which Reaction flourishes. It 
incites mean suspicions, petty antag- 
onisms, a feverish unrest ; but it gives 
to the imagination no vision of a goal 
and it prompts the mind to no pur- 
poseful action. 

In their saner days none knew this 
better than the party Socialists. 
There was far less of this journalistic 
jazz before the war — though quite 
enough for all reasonable needs. But 
what there was of it drew from the 
Socialists a stream of ridicule and 
denunciation. Vague and formless, 
the mere ebullience of misdirected 
emotion and incoherent thought, it 
hampered, they said, the authentic 
campaign for the emancipation of the 
workers and the installation of the 
cooperative commonwealth. No one 
profited by it, they further said, ex- 
cept the reactionaries ; and often they 
asserted that part of it at least was 
j financed from reactionary sources. 
But alas ! though the Socialists rec- 
ognized one phase of its harmfulness, 
they did not recognize another — its 
infectiousness. Fighting it as an epi- 
demic, they neglected to immunize 

Its infectiousness no one need deny. 
To many sorts of beings it makes its 
appeal — but particularly to those who 
take their adventures and their 
achievements by way of the imagina- 
tion. It reaches for the libido; and 

to each of its devotees it tumultu- 
ously expresses his subconscious self. 
It assures the possession of the fac- 
ulty denied by nature; it announces 
the achievement of the impossible 
deed, the realization of the futile 
dream. Under its spell the timid find 
themselves battling at the last ram- 
parts of the capitalist fortress; a 
lamb of the coteries sees himself a 
new Lenin, exalted to the headship of 
the American soviet state; and an 
embryo Peters cons his "hanging 
list," long ago compiled, and sharp- 
ens his snickersnee for immediate ac- 

"Your journal is a cup of clear 
water in a parching desert," writes 
an entranced being to the chief ex- 
ponent of jeremiad jazz. "Your 
journal is both an' inspiration and a 
guide," writes another to the oracu- 
lar one. Well, there ai'e such people 
in the world; and gladly, according 
to the Book, must we suffer them. 
What they like, they like exceedingly ; 
discords and incongruities are to 
them but as the quiring of young- 
eyed cherubim; and for the time at 
least no Ephraim was ever so snugly 
roped to his idols as are these. The 
"inspiration" of this oracular jour- 
nal may be conceded — the testimony 
of the inspired is sufficient; but the 
matter of guidance requires a word 
of explanation. At various times, 
and on various pages at the same 
time, this journal advocated peace at 
any price, peace at half-price, and 
peace at no price ; peace without vic- 
tory, peace with partial victory, and 
peace with overwhelming victory. 
On the various issues of the war as 
they arose it took almost every con- 
ceivable position, with occasional 
lapses into a negation of all attitude. 
It has both favored and condemned 
the League of Nations. It has de- 
nounced jingoes, nationalists, and re- 
actionaries, and has yet joined them 
in a common cause. For a time it 
ponderously assailed the American 
Socialists; but after they had issued 
their manifesto declaring the war the 
greatest crime in history and pledg- 
ing themselves to obstruction by 
every means in their power, it as- 
sailed the Administration for not 
"cooperating" with them. Guidance 

there may be in all this; but a pre- 
requisite for the recipient is an ex- 
treme degree of "inspiration." 

In these mutations and contradic- 
tions there may, of course, be method. 
The oracle must needs affect omnis- 
cience; and omniscience must needs 
justify itself to its following by con- 
stant self-certification. "Has such 
and such a thing happened? Lo, it 
was predicted in these pages of old 
time." The mad world may go as it 
will; the course of history may be 
such as to shatter all the major pro- 
nouncements of this journal; yet 
somewhere in the maze of its ver- 
biage can always be found the mate- 
rial out of which to make a trium- 
phant showing of foreknowledge of 
the event. The devotee can not but be 
duly impressed; and if, puzzled by 
some inharmony of pronouncement, 
•some contradiction of terms or state- 
ment, he permits a shade of dubiety 
to cross his brow, he has only to 
consult again the certification. He 
knows then that authority has spoken 
and there is no more to be said. 

Jazz. journalism is a development 
of the great war. It had some spo- 
radic beginnings before the peace 
was broken; but it has flourished 
only since the day of American in- 
tervention, while it has reached its 
most violent stage only since the ar- 
mistice. It is peculiarly a product of 
the time. It grows out of the break- 
up of former conditions; out of the 
wreck of old opinions and the eager 
hunt for new. It expresses the fever, 
the uncertainty, the credulity, the 
formless Utopianism of a part of the 
mass ; the fierce zealotry of the revo- 
lutionists (intensified a hundredfold 
by the triumph of Bolshevism) and 
of the pacifists (who make up for 
their abstention from physical force 
by an intensification of hatefulnese) ; 
and it expresses no less the love of 
imposture on the part of victim as 
well as principal — a thing always 
heightened during troublous times. 

Will the phenomenon endure? He 
is a pessimist and a cynic who would 
say yes. With the passing of the con- 
ditions which have brought it to its 
present absurd stage, it must itself 
pass away. 

W. J. Ghent 



[Vol. 2, No. 35 


German Despair 

To the Editors of The Review: 

Several letters have come to me lately 
which contain interesting revelations of 
what the Germans are thinking nowadays 
in their homes and private lives. These 
letters come from the north, east, and 
west of Germany and from people igno- 
rant of each other's existence. And yet 
they all express much the same senti- 
ments, much the same despair. There is 
only one brief reference to the high cost 
of living and only the following sugges- 
tion of any wrongs committed by Ger- 
many: "It goes without saying that 
also on our side much happened that 
should not have happened; war is war." 
One of my correspondents is very 
bitter toward this country and toward the 
Allies in general, reverting only a few 
weeks ago to the language of August, 
1914, and italicizing with great freedom:^ 

I should be void of any patriotic feeling if 
it were easy for me to write so soon to a 
citizen of thai country which, or whose Presi- 
dent, gave us Germans the deathblow. . . . 
Behind all the beautiful speeches of our ene- 
mies there hides of course only the one wish 
and aim, to annihilate Germany root and 
branch, and to obliterate the Germans. . . . 
And since they could never have conquered 
us by force of arms, they have been sending 
their agents for years to spread discontent 
among our people apd finally among our 
soldiers too, and thereby they gained what 
they would never have gained in honorable 

Another correspondent says: 

I hope that sometime better days will come 
when men will learn again the meaning of a 
free and pure humanity! This madness of 
imperialism must cease. I can say in this con- 
nection that great hate of other peoples does 
not exist in Germany, although we ourselves 
have surely suflfered more than others. 

The attitude of the middle class toward 
the treaty is indicated briefly but to the 
point in' one sentence: "Now as the end 
of it all — far worse than the war — this 
peace!" The following quotation speci- 

Surely, in the whole history of the world 
such degrading terms of peace have never been 
presented to a people as these to us — when we 
first read them (I have never been able to 
read them through) we thought that we did 
not see aright or that we had gone crazy. 
. . . Such terms of peace as have been con- 
cocted to destroy a whole people have never 
before been offered to any country I 

The most significant comments of all 
concern the effects of the war and of the 
blockade. One correspondent says: 

Fortunately we have come through the last 
years without serious illness in our family, 
but if the food had been better, my boys would 
have grown stronger than they are. ... It 
has been a sad war for us Germans ; our Ger- 
many that stood so high has fallen into 
wretched ruins. ... I am often glad that my 
dear husband (who fell in the war) did not 
have to go through these times. 

Another writes: 

Whoever willed the war, the results for us 
are in any case such that my generation and 
the next, perhaps the third generation too, 
will not and can not arrive at any joy in lifel 
. . . Although I have not actually gone 
hungry, my health did not improve exactly 
during the years of insufficient nourishment, 
and all the excitement has had an effect on me. 
I think my arteries are much more choked ; 
for example, my eyes have become far weaker 
in recent times. . . . What this most terrible 
of wars has destroyed in respect of ideals, that 
too can never be made good. 

A third: 

Thus far we have been fortunate in the way 
in which we have come through these terrible 
years. We may not complain personally, but 
nevertheless those years were bad. . . . Only 
one who went through it knows what the 
starvation blockade meant, a blockade to which 
hundreds of thousands of women, old men, 
and children succumbed. . . . The recollection 
of the happy times up to 1914 affects us like 
a dream of great blessings, and we ask our- 
selves in vain : did all that have to be ? 

It is impossible to read these letters 
— or only these quotations from them — 
without sensing the despair and agony 
that are now at work in Germany. The 
letters show beyond a doubt a stunning 
realization on the part of the Germans 
that they are a crushed, beaten nation. 
In this realization there is food for hope. 
As all of Germany's friends and enemies 
may well desire, this realization may be 
the beginning of wisdom. 

George M. Priest 
New York, December 19 

A French Opinion of the 
A. E. F. 

(The writer of the following letter, a nephew 
of Taine, is a French author of repute who 
has published several notable books and arti- 
cles on the recent war.) 

To the Editors of The Review : 

It was in March, 1919, four months 
after the end of the war, that I saw the 
American battlefields. I went over the 
whole of the Meuse-Argonne fighting 
grounds. Except that the dead had been 
buried, the state of the country was the 
same as if the battle had just been 
fought, and everything testified to the 
wonderful tenacity and dash of the 

The battle began on September 26, 
1918. It was only after a few days that 
the Germans grasped the scope of the 
attack east of the Argonne, which in con- 
junction with the French was to reach 
the Mezieres-Sedan line and cut the 
enemy's source of supply. The resistance 
which they then managed to put up, 
gradually increasing to the right of 
the Americans, compelled the attack, 
which had been at first directed south- 
north, to wheel towards the east in the 
direction of the Meuse. On November 
6, the object of the tremendous battle 
had been attained — the enemy's main line 
of communication had been cut. Of 
course one must not forget what the 

French, who took some part in the 
Meuse-Argonne struggle, and what the 
British were doing on the other part of 
the western front. But it was enough 
to see the American battlefield, enough to 
realize how the enemy, fighting for their 
last foothold, had desperately defended 
every yard of their ground, to come to 
the conclusion that the Germans did not 
stop the war of their own free will, as I 
heard it often said in Germany, where I 
was some months ago. They had to beg 
for an armistice to avoid disaster. 

It is generally understood in France 
that the American contribution to the 
war was absolutely decisive. Even be- 
fore they had taken an important part 
in the fighting, their fast increasing 
numbers — they were coming in July at 
the rate of 300,000 a month — allowed 
Marshal Foch to engage, when the 
French counter-attack began on July 15, 
1918, all his French reserves. Nothing 
more upset the German calculations than 
the fact that the French lines were so 
thickly manned. Ludendorff had reck- 
oned on the exhaustion of our reserves. 

But of course the American help was 
not limited to that, and when they went 
in for their big fights — St. Mihiel and 
Meuse-Argonne — they showed a pluck 
and a state of preparation that would 
have honored seasoned warriors. 

Andre Chevrillon 
Saint-Clovd, Seine-et-Oise, December 20 

Deflation Through Taxation 

To the Editors of The Review: 

In your issue of November 29 you con- 
tend, accurately and truthfully as it 
appears to me, that the recent sudden 
rise in prices is due primarily to infla- 
tion of currency and credit. The Review 
therefore favors the reverse policy of de- 
flation, but seems decidedly at a loss as 
to how such a policy should proceed. 

I wish to suggest one method of re- 
lief: namely, by drastic and thorough- 
going taxation, coupled with the speediest 
possible payment of the public debt. 
Surely, prompt and steady retirement of 
all outstanding bonds just as soon as it 
becomes legal to pay them must in the 
nature of things have the effect of nar- 
rowing the range of credit and of tight- 
ening and hardening the money market 
generally. That is, it would be deflation. 

Of course, as a Single-taxer, I do not be- 
lieve that any tax can in strict equity 
be imposed upon any other form of prop- 
erty than monopolized land-value. Still, 
it may be frankly admitted that a tax, 
even a radical tax, on inheritances would 
cause but little disturbance to industry 
and to business. 

Tax land-monopoly then to the limit. 
Tax inheritance so far as we dare. Pay 
the public debt. And deflate credit. 

Malcolm C. Burke 
Washington, D. C, December 5 

January 10, 1920] 



Book Reviews 

At the Front in Poetry 

Reynard the Fox. The Ghost Heath Run. 

By John Masefield. New York: The 

Macmillan Company. 
Pictures of the Floating World. By Amy 

Lowell. New York : The Macmillan 

Dust and Light. By John Hall Wheelock. 

New York : Charles Scribner's Sons. 
Images. By Richard Aldington. London : 

The Egotist, Limited. 
Latin Poems of the Renaissance. Trans- 
lated by Richard Aldington. London : The 

Egotist, Limited. 
Choruses from Iphigeneia in Aulis and the 

HippoLYTUS of Euripides. Translated by 

H. D. London : The Egotist, Limited. 

IN Mr. Masefield's variously remarkable 
"Reynard the Fox" not the least re- 
markable thing is the sheer knowledge 
and the control of knowledge. In knowl- 
edge, as in land, to 02vn is one thing; 
to use is another. Mr. Masefield in this 
region is a man of vast possessions; he 
cultivates every square foot. The yield 
of interest, vigor, poetry, is continuous. 
The thing is almost peculiar to our time. 
Mr. Masefield, like Browning, Meredith, 
and Kipling, increases the load, but in- 
creases the energy with the load; when 
he adds ball, he adds powder. The re- 
sultant quality might almost be called 

The poem narrates a fox-hunt in some- 
thing like twenty-five hundred lines of 
octosyllabic couplet freely limbered in the 
scurrying parts with anapests. The 
passage I quote is representative. 

At Tencombe Rings near the manor Linney, 
His foot made the great black stallion whinny, 
And the stallion's whinny aroused the stable 
And the bloodhound bitches stretched their 

And the clink of the bloodhound's chain 

The sweet-breathed kyne as they chewed and 

And the stir of the cattle changed the dream 
Of the cat in the loft to tense green gleam. 
The red-wattled black cock hot from Spain 
Crowed from his perch for dawn again, 
His breast-pufft hens, one-legged on perch. 
Gurgled, beak-down, like men in church. 
They crooned in the dark, lifting one red eye 
In the raftered roost as the fox went by. 

Mr. Masefield has mastered the great 
art in poetry — to surprise us with the 
usual. The vividness of this poem is 
amazing. It is not the highest achieve- 
ment of his imagination — the subject is 
too restricted; but largely because the 
subject is restricted, it is possibly the 
most convincing test of his imagination. 
Here there are no competing forces — no 
story, no drama, no character or passion 
in the ordinary sense. The imagination 
is stripped and therefore you can test its 
muscle; The average rhymer, the aver- 
age poet, must feel in contact with this 
force as the Roman dandy felt when he 
passed his slender, shapely fingers over 

the brawn of the herculean gladiator. 

The continuity of the marvel is a sec- 
ond marvel. Mr. Masefield's work is 
packed with intensities. He responds to 
every summons. He enters a stable 
where all sorts of humble and menial 
things are doing, and not a thing is 
done in that stable that is not exciting 
to Mr. Masefield. I frankly own that it 
would rejoice me to catch him in a pass- 
ing listlessness, an instant's nonchalance; 
I should feel it a sort of voucher for his 
enthusiasms. The rise and fall, the un- 
dulation, which marks all human experi- 
ence, all human excitement, which poetry 
doubly recognizes in the throb of pas- 
sion and the beat of rhythm, is scarcely 
perceptible in "Reynard the Fox." Mr. 
Masefield seems almost willing to expel 
the unstressed syllables from his metre. 
He writes: "Moustache clipped tooth- 
brush-wise, and jaws." His English hates 
particles like Latin; it must gorge itself 
with nouns and verbs. It is all wonder- 
ful, and it is genuinely, vitally good; but 
were it less wonderful, it might be still 
better; it might be more lifelike if it 
were less vital. 

Mr. Masefield is passionate, mystical, 
melancholy. How does such a temper 
comport itself in the treatment of a 
Walter Scott or Rudyard Kipling theme? 
The temper is still there, still discernible. 
The passion shows itself in the half- 
demoniac quality of the ride. The mys- 
ticism reveals itself in our final sense of 
something phantasmagoric in the whole 
event. The melancholy shows itself in 
two forms. The poet describes the per- 
sons at the meet, individualizing after a 
fashion no less than thirty-seven people, 
and granting an enlivening stroke or two 
to as many more. The strange thing is 
that in about half these thirty-seven per- 
sons, met for pastime on an English 
countryside, there is something fell or 
wry. The second point is still more in- 
teresting. There is one element in all 
this blithe excursion which answers to 
Saul Kame, to Johnny, to Dauber, to Nan, 
a straining, goaded, passionate, palpitat- 
ing thing. That thing is the fox, and 
on the fox Mr. Masefield's temperament 
and his literary instinct inexorably and 
inseparably fasten. One sometimes fan- 
cies that in this chase Mr. Masefield's 
game is the fox-hunter. That point, 
however, is not clear. What one may 
venture to suggest is that fox-hunting 
in England would cease if Englishmen 
could be brought to realize the mind of a 
fox as interpreted by Mr. Masefield. 

In the binding of Miss Lowell's new 
book there are two colors. The back is 
orange; the sides are lead-colored. Each 
color has a field to itself. They meet, but 
do not blend; their meeting is a concus- 
sion, neither yields a jot to the other, 
and their boundary is linear and absolute. 

After the binding, take the book. Read 
these phrases : "A black cat amid roses" ; 

"He wore a coat with gold and red maple 
leaves"; "I saw a beetle whose wings 
were of black lacquer spotted with milk." 
These colors resemble those in the bind- 
ing. They meet. They may match- 
that is, they may help each other. But 
whether they help or hinder, they never 
yield — they never blend. Each is abso- 
lute; each reserves its sovereignty. If 
they work together, it is not a fusion of 
states, but a concert of autocrats. 

The reason why Miss Lowell and her 
group hate sentimentality, hate senti- 
ment, hate the display, perhaps even the 
avowal, of feeling, becomes gradually 
clear. Take sentiment as an example of 
the group. Its office is to blend, and, in 
blending, it blurs. It mellows, it min- 
gles; its enemies significantly call it 
"mushy." It removes a little of the fact 
from every fact, to replace it by an 
emanation from itself. It slubbers the 
reality with prepossessions — at its worst, 
it obliterates the reality; obsei*vation dis- 
appears, or becomes perfunctory. 

Against the habits of the smaller Vic- 
torians, Miss Lowell revolts. "Give us 
back our facts," she cries, "the facts that 
you have blurred and blinked." As the 
facts that interest her are mainly sense- 
impressions, she calls them images and 
herself an imagist. She stands for the 
integrity of the individual perception; if 
beauty is to be kept at all, it shall be an 
erect, inflexible, and trenchant beauty. 
Let us carry geometry into art. The 
theory, whether right or wrong, is enjoy- 
ably robust, and a certain hardihood, al- 
most hardness, in Miss Lowell's temper 
has aided her in giving it embodiment. 
We are helped in certain undertakings 
by our faults, as we are obstructed in 
others by our virtues. To call Miss 
Lowell, as a person among persons, un- 
feeling would probably be slanderous, 
but I think it would be quite just to call 
her unfeeling as a poet among poets. 
This has helped her to give a special 
eminence to those qualities with which 
the presence or dominance of feeling 
naturally interferes. One can get in an 
oyster shell a firmness of texture and a 
crispness of profile which are not to be 
had in an oyster; but it does not follow 
inevitably that the shell is the higher 
formation of the two. 

These thoughts enable me to grasp 
more clearly than ever before the place 
of free verse among the utensils of the 
school. Lines of equal length, lines of 
uniform metre, and rhymed lines tend to 
run together, and the running-together 
of things is for these lovers of saliency 
the unpardonable, sin. Divide each line 
from its neighbor by a new metre, and 
its separation, its distinction, is insured. 
If we look at a series of equal squares 
or equal circles, the tendency to group, 
to mass, to assimilate, is almost irresist- 
ible. But if we look at a mixed series, 
showing first a circle, then a rhomb, then 



[Vol. 2, No. 35 

a hexagon, then a square, and so on in a 
varying and unforeseeable order, there 
is no excuse, no chance, for the relaxation 
of attention. Free verse, whether right 
or wrong, or both, is the logical instru- 
ment for carrying out Miss Lowell's idea 
of the independence and sovereignty of 
the individual perception. 

I have lingered so long with Miss 
Lowell that I must cut short my parley 
with her latest book. Less original than 
"Can Grande's Castle," less notable in 
single poems than some earlier volumes, 
it is easier and pleasanter reading than 
much of her earlier work. I count 272 
poems on 257 pages. This carries out 
the principle. The more poems, the more 
jutties, friezes, and coigns of vantage, 
the more relief and separation, in a word. 
I have another reason for approving this 
terseness. I am easily surfeited with 
visual images in which I cannot trace a 
per\-asive feeling or detect a supporting 
thought. An unexplained group of im- 
ages, if it be single or concise, allures 
me by its mystery. A line of Hebrew 
script stenciled on the plate-glass of a 
Yiddish restaurant is a call and spur to 
my imagination. But to run my eye 
down line after line of Hebrew script in 
a Talmud folio would baffle and irk me. 
So I am moderately attracted when Miss 
Lowell writes : 

I have drunk your health 

In the red-lacquer wine cups, 

But the wind-bells on the bronze lanterns 

In my garden 

Are corroded and fallen. 

But a page of this, in seeming to feed, 
would merely famish me. I cannot make 
a meal off the decorations on the china. 

Some things in Mr. Wheelock's new 
volume, "Dust and Light," impress me as 
ornamental and labored; the dust veils 
the light. In "Earth," he reaches an agree- 
able and pellucid simplicity, and when he 
tells us that earth's beauty flows equally 

"Into a savior or a rose," 
the diction is aglow. Even here the 
sentiment does not quite hold me. What 
is a piece of rock to me? If it be eight 
thousand miles thick, so much the worse. 
The earth is dead. I am of the party of 
life. Mr. Wheelock, too, in spite of him- 
self, is finally of that party. He calls 
the earth serene, humble, and tender; in 
other words, he must make matter spiri- 
tual, before he can really interest him- 
self in the derivation of spirit from mat- 

In the two sequences, "April Lightning- 
and "Be Born Again," Mr. Wheelock dis- 
closes a much more original and remark- 
able personality. He is mystic and sex- 
ualist, like many persons; but the great 
difference between him and the tribe, or 
crew, of his associates is that while they 
are mystics by way of being sexualists, 
he is sexualist by way of being mystic. 
The ordinary lover-mystic goes from the 
chapel to the couch; Mr. Wheelock has 

an oratory in his bedchamber. I speak 
plainly; Mr. Wheelock himself is plain. 
His imagination is apparently kindled 
and liberated at the very point at which we 
suppose that the imagination is normally 
dispossessed by the senses. Other poets 
write prothalamia and epithalamia ; what 
Mr. Wheelock writes is thalamia. In the 
beginnings of love, its shyness, unfold- 
ings, illusions, variations, he takes as 
poet not the smallest interest. In his 
love there is no spring, and its summer 
is all August. Culminations attract him, 
not for base reasons, but because in them 
alone does his imagination complete its 
bridal with the universe. 

There are disenchantments, naturally, 
which the poet in him finds hardly less 
divine than the enchantments. Death 
becomes the sequel of love, the replace- 
ment of love, almost the equivalent of 
love. I quote one sonnet of threnodic 

The large day of the everlasting earth 
Draws to sublime conclusion ; in the mood 
Of ancient autumn, awful and subdued, 

She waits the death that is the door to birth— 

With bounty bowed against the days of dearth, 
Holy and steadfast — but dreer leaves are 

Over the tomb between her breasts, and rude 

Wail the huge winds that mock at April's 

Lay your frail arms about my weariness. 

Bare me that pale and patient breast again. 
Gather me to you in one deep caress 1 

For all my heart is breaking, and the pain 
Of life is on me, and the loneliness, — 

And death is dark, and love itself is vain. 

Mr. Wheelock is an obstructed poet. 
There are occasions and themes which 
remove those obstructions. When they 
arrive, his inspiration declares itself. 

My hopes of Mr. Richard Aldington 
decline. 'The "River," in an anthology, had 
flung over me the light mesh of its deli- 
cate preciosity, but "Images" has set me 
free. There are things here indeed which 
a little good-will may find pretty, things 
in which lovers of the dusky and the 
rustling may even detect charm. A. 
slight veil of technical originality, free 
verse and the like, blurring the common- 
place and hence favoring the common- 
place, enwraps the volume. Mr. Alding- 
ton is not afraid to say "damn" — we 
know that the English as a nation are 
courageous. I am not disposed to com- 
ment on this practice altogether in the 
spirit of Chaucer's Parson, "What eyleth 
the man so sinfully to swere?" but an- 
other criticism seems to me in place. 
The apology for profanity is spontaneity. 
Mr. Aldington swears as if he had been 
twitted with his inability to perform the 
act, and had invited his friends and 
neighbors to be present at the refutation 
of the calumny. I like him best in two 
bitter lines: 

The bitterness, the misery, the wretchedness 

of childhood 
Put me out of love with God. 

The poets' Translation Series has been 

augmented by "Latin Poems of the 
Renaissance," translated by Mr. Alding- 
ton, and "Choruses from the Iphigeneia 
in Aulis and the Hippolytus of Euripides," 
translated by H. D. The English of the 
two books is only a shade better than the 
competent, uninspired English of the 
average careful translation. The Latin 
poems to which obscure names like An- 
drea Navagero and Marc-Antonio Flam- 
inio are prefixed, are, so to speak, frosted 
with ornament. When they forsake the 
two great temptations to ornament, wo- 
man and landscape, and betake them- 
selves to domesticities, utilities, or an- 
tiquities, the improvement is instantly 
perceptible. As for the choruses, a rapid 
comparison of one or two from the "Hip- 
polytus" with the original educed some 
peculiarities. H. D. is translating 
choruses; yet lines 73-83, which are ordi- 
nary iambics, are translated with the 
choruses in choric metres, and of these 
eleven lines three are silently omitted. 
This seems an inconsequent proceeding, 
but it is harmless compared with the 
translation in the same passage of the 
achromatic word, 6iiprET>»i, by a phrase 
that reeks of the dye-vat, "swirls across." 
0. W. Firkins 

An Old Republican 

Clemenceau: The Man and His Times. By 
H. M. Hyndman. New York: Frederick 
A. Stokes Company. 

OF all the statesmen who guide the 
destinies of nations to-day perhaps 
the most hateful to a certain school of 
thinkers is the veteran Premier of 
France, Georges Clemenceau. To the 
radical internationalist he is the incarna- 
tion of French revanche and imperial- 
ism, the implacable enemy of the new 
light that has risen in Soviet Russia, 
the crafty intriguer who has thwarted 
idealistic plans for a new world founded 
on fraternity and the Fourteen Points. 
It may be surmised that Clemenceau re- 
tains in face of these denunciations the 
imperturbable calm of Marjorie Flem- 
ming's pet hen. Yet there is a real dan- 
ger that this incessant denunciation may 
wholly distort in American eyes a figure 
which should be naturally sympathetic 
and appealing as the very incarnation of 
Republican France. There has been per- 
haps too much made of Clemenceau's 
nickname, the Tiger. There is nothing 
of the tiger's ferocity or blood-lust in 
the man who pleaded for the pardon of 
those Communists who a few years be- 
fore had sought his life, nor can the 
statesman who emerges from a half cen- 
tury of French politics as poor as when 
he entered be thought of as a beast of 
prey. All that Clemenceau has in com- 
mon with the tiger is his fighting spirit, 
a quality which should not be altogether 
repugnant to the countrymen of Wash- 
ington, Grant, and Roosevelt. 
Against all such misconception and 

January 10, 1920] 



misunderstanding Mr. Hyndman's "Cle- 
menceau, the Man and His Times" should 
serve as an admirable antidote. It is 
all the more valuable because the author, 
old friend of Clemenceau as he is, writes 
from the standpoint of an advanced So- 
cialist and is by no means sparing of his 
criticism. His work is no mere enthu- 
siastic eulogy, not even a biography in 
the ordinary sense, but a detailed pic- 
ture of the social and political life of 
France from the time of the second Em- 
pire to the close of the present war, 
centred upon the dominating person- 
ality of Clemenceau. Mr. Hyndman 
takes great pains to fill in the back- 
ground; we come to know something of 
his hero's friends and foes, of Thiers 
and Gambetta, Delcasse, Jaures, and 
Caillaux; and the author speaks of 
Clemenceau and his times not with the 
air of a student who has compiled his 
information from books, but with the 
assurance of a veteran partisan in Eu- 
ropean politics. 

Georges Benjamin Clemenceau was 
born in a little village of La Vendee in 
1841. His father, the descendant of an 
old land-holding family in that province, 
was a true type of the men who guided 
the Revolution, a materialist, a philan- 
thropist, and an aggressive radical. His 
protests against the coup d'etat of Na- 
poleon the Little earned him the honor 
of imprisonment in 1851. His son has 
inherited and developed the father's 
principles and it is not without interest 
to note that the first record we have of 
Clemenceau's political activity is his 
imprisonment by the Imperial Govern- 
ment for a too enthusiastic eulogy in 
some radical journal of the Republican 
revolution of 1848. Clemenceau's early 
life in an isolated province gave him a 
highly valuable understanding of the 
French peasant. "Rural France, the 
real France," he told Mr. Hyndman who 
was urging him to throw in his lot with 
the Socialists, "is and will always remain 
individualist, founded on property." "I 
have seen the peasants close," he added, 
"at every stage of existence from birth 
to death and this is their guiding prin- 
ciple in every relation of life." 

But Clemenceau is something more 
than a mere representative of rural 
France. After some preliminary train- 
ing he went to Paris to complete his 
studies in the medical profession, and ex- 
cept for brief intervals, including a visit 
to England and a short sojourn in this 
country, where he taught French in a 
girls' school and married one of his 
pupils, he has lived in Paris for over 
half a century and knows the metropolis 
quite as well as he knows the country. 
He began his career as a doctor in the 
workingmen's quarter of Montmartre, 
and by his energy, generosity, and un- 
daunted republicanism won such popu- 
larity among his neighbors that on the 

fall of the Empire he was at once chosen 
Mayor of the quarter to administer the 
district during the trying days of the 
siege of Paris. As a representative of 
Paris to the National Assembly at Bor- 
deaux, he voted for a continuance of the 
war and is the last living representative 
of the signers of a protest against the 
cession of Alsace-Lorraine. He was 
deeply involved in the troubles of the 
Commune. Sympathizing sincerely with 
the opposition of the metropolis to the 
reactionary policy of Thiers, he never- 
theless risked his life in vain to prevent 
the murder of the two nationalist gen- 
erals by the Paris mob, which was the 
direct cause of the bitter war between 
Paris and the country. His counsels of 
moderation and clemency so offended the 
desperate leaders of the Commune that 
an order for his arrest, the first step 
to his judicial murder, was issued. He 
managed, however, to escape from Paris 
and went on a tour of radical propa- 
ganda in the provinces, dogged at every 
step by emissaries of the reactionary 
Government.- In 1871 as in 1917 Clemen- 
ceau spoke, worked, and risked his life in 
the great cause of national unity. 

It would take too long to give even a 
brief sketch of Clemenceau's long and 
illustrious public life. It falls naturally 
into two parts, his career as a caustic 
critic and occassional wrecker of a 
succession of mediocre bourgeois ad- 
ministrations, and his own work as 
Minister and Premier in the later years 
of his life. A steadfast champion of 
radical republicanism, he consistently op- 
posed in the Chamber and in the press 
the policy of colonial imperialism by 
which Ferry and others sought to divert 
attention from the crying needs for 
social reform at home. He helped to 
wreck the attempt of Boulanger to es- 
tablish a military dictatorship, exposed 
the Panama scandals, and joined hands 
with Zola in the heroic attempt to secure 
justice for Dreyfus. A combination of 
Socialists and reactionaries drove him 
for a time from public life in 1893, but 
after a brief period devoted to journal- 
ism and to authorship he was returned 
to the Senate, and in 1906 became for 
the first time a member of the admin- 
istration, serving as Minister of the In- 
terior under Sarrien. 

Clemenceau's career as Minister and 
Premier has two equally important as- 
pects. At home he was a strong advocate 
of radical legislation for the benefit of 
the working-class. Bitterly as he was 
attacked by the Socialist party he was 
warmly in sympathy with most of their 
practical aims. "I claim to be a Social- 
ist," he said. "Socialism is a social be- 
neficence in action, the intervention of 
all on behalf of the victim of the few." 
But he was steadfastly opposed to any 
of the outbreaks of class-warfare, which 
destroyed the unity of the nation. He 

sent troops to the Lens collieries at the 
time of a great strike in that district, 
not to break the strike, with which he 
was largly in sympathy, but to prevent 
rioting and disorder. He crushed an in- 
cipient rebellion in the wine-growing 
district of the South by a prompt dis- 
play of force, and he promptly called on 
the army to furnish engineers when a 
strike of the electricians of Paris 
plunged the city into darkness. "My pro- 
gramme," he said in memorable words, 
"is Social Reform under the law against 
grievances and Social Order under the 
law against revolutionists." 

In his foreign policy the great achieve- 
ment of Clemenceau was the establish- 
ment of the Entente with Great Britain. 
Throughout his life he had been an An- 
glophile. In fact during the period of 
English unpopularity in France he had 
more than once been accused of being 
a hired tool of Great Britain. But 
against the storm of German aggression 
which, from 1906, was gathering on the 
frontiers the one sure help which Cle- 
menceau recognized was the power of 
free and liberal England. He had long 
distrusted, rightly as events were to 
show, the alliance with autocratic Rus- 
sia, and from the time of his accession 
to power he labored in conjunction with 
Edward VII to promote that informal 
but binding union of hearts which on 
the outbreak of the Great War was to 
prove the salvation of Europe and the 

Clemenceau's services to France and 
the world since 1914 are too fresh in the 
minds of men to need rehearsal. It is 
enough to say that from the very begin- 
ing he urged the energetic prosecution 
of the war with such vehemence that his 
organ, I'Homme Libre, was repeatedly 
cut to pieces and frequently suppressed 
by a timorous censorship, until he re- 
baptized it with Gallic irony V Homme 
Enchaine. He was recalled to power in 
1917 because all that was best and 
strong in France recognized that he 
alone of public men possessed the en- 
ergy, courage, and resolution to crush 
the dangerous intrigues for a German 
peace which a succession of cowardly 
ministers had ignored or pandered to. 
From the moment that Clemenceau took 
the helm it was known the world over 
that there would be no faltering or com- 
promise with foreign enemies or traitors 
at home. His repeated visits to the 
trenches and cordial relations with the 
military gave the heroic army the assur- 
ance it desired and deserved, that the 
civil government would support it to the 
last. He risked his life again and again 
in exposed sections with the one idea of 
convincing the poilu that the ruler of 
France was ready to share his dangers. 
In the darkest hours of the German drive 
his faith in final victory was unshaken, 
and it is a fitting tribute to his services 



[Vol. 2, No. 35 

that his name along with that of Foch 
should by unanimous resolution of the 
Senate be enshrined in the town hall of 
everj' Commune of France as well de- 
serving of the gratitude of the country. 

Two "Latest Ettbrts" 

The Black Drop. By Alice Brown. New 
York: The Macmillan Company. 

The Builders. By Ellen Glasgow. New 
York : Doubleday, Page and Company. 

THESE novels, like so much of our 
current American fiction, are serious- 
ly planned and earnestly labored. They 
mean to mean something, at all costs. 
What they lack is the quality no effort 
can achieve: the genial quality of great 
story-telling, the effect of a spontaneous 
pouring forth, of energy released not 
without pains, but without pain. This is 
not Miss Brown's fault, or Miss Glas- 
gow's ; but there it is, to account for the 
qualified mood in which we read their 
work. Never with them do we quite re- 
lax and make ourselves at ease. Always 
between us and the story we feel the 
story-teller at work, with rigid hand and 
knitted brow. . . . Since 1914 there 
has been a notable increase of strain in 
Miss Brown's fiction. Her peace of mind 
was violated, with Belgium, in those first 
days of August. From that moment her 
poise deserts her, the quiet confidence of 
the well-bred New Englander. She is 
agitated, excitable; she thinks in super- 
latives — mourns, execrates, exults, 
prophesies. She speaks for thousands of 
delicately constituted Americans to whom 
the war in Europe came first as a per- 
sonal outrage and almost at once as a 
personal responsibility. The intolerable 
weight was there, on their shoulders; 
their only safety from madness lay in 
taking sides once for all. This could 
not be merely another wanton conflict of 
national greeds and ambitions, could not 
be like former wars : it was Armageddon, 
the war, a crucial and final trying of 
conclusions between civilization and bar- 
barism, God and Satan, right and wrong. 
You were saved or damned. Neutrality 
was an unspeakable fraud. You bitterly 
resented America's failure to leap into 
the struggle. You pictured loyal Amer- 
ica as composed of a magnanimous ma- 
jority straining towards the privilege of 
battle for the right, and a timid or blind 
minority, headed by the Government, 
ignominiously hanging back. And even 
more than the Administration you de- 
spised and feared the disloyal America, 
the unknown quantity of hyphenates, 
pro-Germans, and pacifists who were all, 
consciously or unconsciously, backing up 
the Hun. 

To the worst of these categories be- 
longs the villain of "The Black Drop." 
Nor is villain a slovenly term for him. 
It is the amiable contention of the "new 

novelists" that no man born of woman is 
either devil or angel. Charles Tracy is 
the totally bad man of melodrama. Scion 
of an old and honorable New England 
family, there is the taint of some remote 
and forgotten inheritance in his blood. 
A marked personal charm is supposed to 
conceal his true character. An actor 
might convince us of this, but even he 
would have a tussle with the lines. On 
paper Charles Tracy is the miscreant, 
the black and slimy soul marked from the 
cradle; we instinctively hiss him on his 
first appearance. And by contrast his 
Helen is the radiantly beautiful and 
noble-hearted damsel of black-and-white 
romance, the perfect old-fashioned 
heroine. She lives "married in name 
only" throughout our acquaintance with 
her, and when Charles has been discov- 
ered by the authorities (as the gallery 
has discovered him in the first act) and 
his knavish pro-German profiteer tricks 
are put a stop to, and he vanishes, sneer- 
ing, with the adventuress — when he is 
comfortably out of the way, his quondam 
Helen remains before us "unawakened," 
virginal, wide-eyed, her one plaintive 
note echoing to the last, "Grandsir, what 
is love?" If you believe in fairies, good 
and bad, and like them decked with the 
graces of a considered and elaborate 
style, here is your entertainment; though 
the entertainer's dabbling in realistic de- 
tail doubtfully waits upon illusion. 

Miss Glasgow is a novelist who has 
won popularity without letting herself be 
drawn into hasty production. Like Win- 
ston Churchill, she takes two or three 
years to the writing of a novel — perhaps 
again like Mr. Churchill she is a trifle 
too solemn over the business. The effort 
of the story-maker sensibly overweighs 
the impulse of the story-teller. But "The 
Builders" is less heavy-handed than its 
predecessors. Its action is more compact 
and its dialogue shows less tendency to 
run to seed. Brave Caroline is some- 
thing more than a replica of the con- 
ventional romantic heroine. Angelica is 
a mollusc-wife none too delicately drawn, 
but " with a difference." And the other 
women, Matty Timberlake the dragon of 
beneficence, and Mary Blackburn the 
Amazon in love, are excellent variations 
from the familiar types. But the three 
men of the story are hardly more than 
capable "parts." The Allan who is so 
easily lured from his Mary by the first 
deliberate glance of a siren, the hand- 
some wastrel Roane who, a perfect South- 
ern gentleman, insults women with so 
much charm and such comfortable im- 
punity, are figures of "the screen." As 
for Robert Blackburn, who, hopelessly 
wedded to the mollusc-siren, is the 
natural heaven-born mate for brave Caro- 
line, few masculine observers will have 
much patience with him. To his glory 
the ancient chord of honor, duty, and 
Southern chivalry is twanged without 

mercy. The weak point about the story 
is that its effectiveness all hangs on our 
acceptance of Angelica. Unless we be- 
lieve in her supreme beauty and charm, 
unless we come directly under her spell, 
the rest is naught. Literature is full of 
ruthless and irresistible sirens; what one 
of them but Shakespeare's Cleopatra has 
really held us in her hands? There is 
little subtlety in this Angelica's speech 
or action, and for her physical subtlety 
we have only her author's word. Why 
should we believe that not only the 
Roberts and the Carolines, but all of 
Richmond (including the Blackburn 
family doctor) could ever have been be- 
fooled by her? Miss Glasgow's Angel- 
ica, like Miss Brown's Charles Tracy, is 
a rickety axle for our apple-cart. 


Business — and Aristotle 

The Turnover op Factory Labor. By 
Sumner H. Schlichter, Ph.D. With an 
Introduction by John R. Commons. 
New York : D. Appleton and Company. 

IF the fine old Greek sage Herakleitos, 
returning to earth, were to visit a 
modern factory he would find there a 
striking exemplification of the basic 
principle of his philosophy — "everything 
flows." Just as you can not step twice 
into the same river, so you can not enter 
twice the same factory. Even the walls, 
that seem so enduring, are undergoing 
continual, though imperceptible change; 
the machinery is being rapidly worn out 
and replaced; the raw material passes 
• swiftly through the various processes of 
manufacture and then out into the mar- 
ket as a finished product; laborers come 
and go in an ever-changing stream; and 
even the management frequently changes 
for better or worse. Of course, this 
external flux, in that it follows the law 
of being and becoming, can not be wholly 
bad ; and yet instinctively we try to stay 
the movement, forgetting that change is 
of the essence of life and that things 
stable and inert are either asleep or 
dead. Doubtless Aristotle — for we are 
still learning from the ancients — would 
say that we must seek the golden mean, 
which, being interpreted in times of 
business management, implies that we 
should adjust the flow of labor some- 
where between an excessively rapid turn- 
over and no turnover at all. 

Amid a great mass of statistics Dr. 
Schlichter mentions a number of inter- 
esting and curious facts. The tremendous 
increase in the demand for labor during 
the war has greatly increased the rate of 
turnover, as men are scarce and jobs 
plentiful. For the same reason both 
resignations and discharges are more 
numerous in times of prosperity than in 
times of depression, when men are anx- 
ious to hold their jobs. 

The psychologist, at least, has his 
innings in this book, for the author de- 

January 10, 1920] 



votes the latter half of it to an elaborate 
discussion of the means whereby the 
rate of turnover may be reduced; so, by 
a somersault of its own, the book becomes 
a manual on methods of handling men. 
In this other vast field are many by- 
paths, where the author loves to linger, 
and others which he merely points out 
along the way. He discourses on sci- 
entific management, hiring and firing, 
testing of candidates, the breaking-in of 
new workers, the training of foremen, 
the need of an employment manager or 
supervisor of labor, the desirability of a 
liberal labor policy as distinguished 
from a merely enlightened policy. And 
yet he never once mentions the impor- 
tance of tact and a spirit of friendliness, 
without which the best-laid schemes for 
the scientific management of men must 
come to naught. 

Business men who read this book will 
wonder how they have managed their 
affairs in the past without an efficiency 
expert, and how they will be able to 
carry on during the next twenty years — 
if they live so long. Verily, times and 
customs change, and it is hard for the 
older generation to learn the ways of 
the new. Nevertheless, they must do it 
or be prepared to turn over the manage- 
ment to young fellows strong in theory 
and self-confidence, but lacking in the 
seasoned judgment that comes from long 
experience of victory and defeat. Here 
again the principle of the mean applies, 
for in business as in war there should 
be variety of talent, and though there 
must be changes in leadership, there is 
always need of a Nestor or a Ulysses. 

The Run of the Shelves 

WE have enough chemistry in our 
make-up to know that a percolator is 
something besides a coffee-pot. In the 
chemical laboratory, as we remember 
from ancient, malodorous days, it was 
the name for a comical paper filter which 
we used to separate a liquid from its 
sediment, and which sometimes, when the 
instructor's back was turned, we per- 
forated with a pencil that the percolation 
might be more expeditious — with disas- 
trous results. We have no desire to punc- 
ture Mr. Ellwood Hendrick's "Percolator 
Papers" (Harpers) ; they run lightly and 
swiftly enough as it is. But we should 
like to filter one part of their composi- 
tion from another. The metaphor is 
mixed, but the meaning is clear. Where 
these essays take the form of light, but 
not trivial, comment on the ways of men 
and the accidents of life, they are charm- 
ing; the turn of thought is paradoxical 
enough to be stimulating and the style 
is of the right essay flavor. Such, for 
example, is the paper called rather whim- 
sically CjH^OH, which is no pedantic 
treatise on the composition of alcohol, but 
a very human document on the probable 

effects of prohibition. This is the pure 
liquid of Mr. Hendrick's little book, 
which we should like to filter off from the 
scientific dregs. For Mr. Hendrick has 
a theory, which does not amuse us in 
itself, and rather mars the entertainment 
he otherwise has to offer. He calls it 
"A Plea for Materialism," and preaches 
it a paper of that name, not to mention 
scattered allusions to it elsewhere. Of 
course, it is not a gross materialism born 
in the street, but the offspring of a pretty 
flirtation between the laboratory and the 
church, as if one should deck out in spir- 
itual rags Taine's old dictum that the 
emotions are merely chemical products 
like sugar and vitriol. "So," says Mr. 
Hendrick, "if we see the most beautiful 
thing in the world, a mother turning to 
her child, we shall find our vision en- 
larged by the knowledge that she is act- 
ing in conformance with unerring physi- 
cal and chemical laws; that definite re- 
actions take place within her," etc. We 
wonder. The thing has to us a little of 
that ancient smell of the laboratory in 
those old Victorian days, when men 
thought they knew a great deal more 
than they really did know. 

La Revue Mondiale surveys the field 
of American humor with the following 
result: "The United States hails in the 
person of Don Marquis the successor 
to Mark Twain, Stephen Crane, Am- 
brose Bierce, and other kings of Ameri- 
can humor and satire." (By all means, 
add Poe, Lowell, Josh Billings, and any 
"autres" you can think of. We Ameri- 
cans never do things by halves.) "A 
part of the New York press considers 
that his latest volume, 'Prefaces,' deserves 
to be placed beside La Rochefoucauld, 
Voltaire, Chamfort . . . Certain critics 
even speak of him as the continuator of 
Shakespeare and Renan." (Where are 
Euripides, Lucian, Cervantes, Rabelais, 
and Dean Swift?) "Alas! we have not 
been able to find there a single stroke of 
humor or satire which could entitle this 
writer to a place above the humble level 
of those journalists who struggle to pro- 
duce a glimmer of wit out of none at 
all — malgre son absence totale." (Helas, 
once again. Though we are not sure that 
the assertion could be maintained by the 
single volume "Prefaces," Don Marquis 
is, in point of rarely combined wisdom 
and cleverness, about the best we have 
to offer. Evidently, we should do well 
not to offer him to the French.) 

Senator J. S. McLennan of Canada is 
the author of a history of the town of 
Louisbourg, Cape Breton, a work hand- 
somely printed and bound, and issued 
under the title, "Louisbourg from Its 
Foundation to Its Fall, 1713-1758" 
(Macmillan). In the course of his nar- 
rative, he has occasion to refer to a 
Madame Eurry De la Perelle, a resident 

of Louisbourg, and in his comment upon 
her presents an admirable characteriza- 
tion of the peculiar position which the 
town occupies in the history of America. 

Madame Eurry De la Purelle came to 
Louisbourg when it was founded a young 
woman of twenty. Her husband was the 
first officer who died in the new settlement. 
She lived there until the second capture; 
her three sons were officers in the troops. 
She did not die for twenty-four years after 
the demolition of the town, all the fortunes 
of which passed before her eyes. That the 
life of a town should fall so far short of 
that of one of its people suggests the in- 
stability of the unimportant. Yet against 
this one background, with this unity of 
space and time, developed events which dis- 
played the genius, administrative, economic, 
military, of two peoples. The two-score 
and six years of Louisbourg's existence show 
forth causes and consequences as clearly as the 
colonial history of two centuries. 

This comparatively insignificant town 
of Cape Breton, or Isle Royale, as the 
French called the island, became famous 
because of the part that it played in the 
half-century struggle between France 
and England during the years from the 
Treaty of Utrecht to the Treaty of Paris. 
It held a strategic position, not only in a 
military sense, but in a commercial sense 
also, for it controlled the fi.shing indus- 
try of the Newfoundland banks and ad- 
joining waters. It was the central point 
of an area of conflict, and because of its 
capture by the New Englanders in 1745. 
its return to France by the Treaty of 
Aix la Chapelle in 1748, its recapture 
by the British in 1758, and its perma- 
nent cession to Great Britain in 1763, 
it became a subject of romantic interest 
at the time and has remained so ever 
since. Though popular attention has 
been drawn largely to the military as- 
pects of its history, the town deserves 
remembrance quite as much for its com- 
mercial significance, since commerce was 
a more dominant factor in the eighteenth 
century than national animosity and was 
the starting point in the conflict which 
ended in the downfall of the French 
colonial empire of the West. This 
downfall was due, as Mr. McLennan 
admirably brings out, not to the de- 
fects of the Frenchman as a colonist 
or colonial administrator, nor to any 
inferiority in the strength or morale 
of the French soldier and seaman, but 
to the weakness of the government at 
home, which starved the French navy in 
money, men and equipment, at the very 
time when Great Britain was lavishing 
the resources of her growing wealth on 
ships and service at sea. The fall of 
Louisbourg in 1745 and 1758 marks the 
supremacy of British sea power and il- 
lustrates the old French saying which 
Great Britain made her own, "Le trident 
de Neptune, c'est le sceptre du Monde." 

The title of "White Shadows in the 
South Seas" is suggestive of the style 
of this volume rather than of its subject 



[Vol. 2, No. 35 

matter. Frederick O'Brien spent a year 
living with the remnant of natives in 
the Marquesas, and the result is a clever 
and picturesque book, filled almost too 
full of dramatic high lights and descrip- 
tive diction which only infrequently falls 
into the sing-song wordiness of senti- 
mentality. Tattooed and naive savages, 
unearthly scenery, ancient music, and 
cannibalistic customs — all are wreathed 
about with romance and glamour. Al- 
ways there runs the tragic strain of the 
terrible slaughter and extermination 
wrought directly by conquering white 
men, and indirectly by the vices and dis- 
eases of civilization. And yet where the 
book should be powerful it is weak, 
where we should thrill with the marvel, 
or the tragedy, or the beauty of it all, 
we are left almost unmoved. The writer 
has lived and moved among the most 
dramatic scenes, has recorded them cor- 
rectly but heartlessly, photographically 
but coldly. As in certain of the pictures, 
the beauty of nudity is lost by the so- 
phisticated photographer's gallery prop- 
erties, so we feel that the opportunity 
for a great book has slipped away from 
the author, who has given time and la- 
bor, but little heart or soul to his work. 

New worlds — new words. The war 
has brought a host of such, and even 
outside the zone of hostilities the Eng- 
lish language continues to demonstrate 
its capacity for growth by borrowing 
foreign words, fashioning new ones of 
its own, and renovating old ones. Prof.^ 
C. Alphonso Smith in "New Words Self-' 
Defined" (Doubleday) allows some of 
the more frequent of these newcomers 
to speak for themselves. It is well to 
get them on record, for not a few of 
them will sooner or later be forgotten 
and, without such lexicographical aids 
as Professor Smith here lays the foun- 
dation for, will exist only to puzzle fu- 
ture readers of the written page of these 
tremendous days. 

Professor Otto Jespersen, the distin- 
guished professor of English, at the Uni- 
versity of Copenhagen, Denmark, writes : 

I am busy with a book on the development 
of language. Just now I am writing the 
chapters that are to deal with the influence 
of children's speech on the evolution of lan- 
guage in general, and I find that it would be 
good if I had some more examples of those 
new formations of words in which children's 
speech abounds (such as flyable =: able to fly). 
I have a great many examples from Danish, 
but very few from English, and as I write in 
English it would be splendid if I had some 
more. Those who have written on this lan- 
guage of children (O'Shea, Sully, etc.) have 
paid too little attention to most of the things 
to which I, as a linguist or philologist, attach 
the greatest importance. 

If any reader of the Review has ma- 
terial of this sort in his possession which 
he cares to communicate we shall see that 
it comes into Professor Jespersen's com'- 
petent hands. 


On the London Stage 

OUR best dramatists hibernated dur- 
ing the war, and have not yet re- 
awakened. From Mr. Galsworthy, Mr. 
Masefield, Mr. Granville Barker we have 
heard nothing for many a day. Mr. 
Shaw has given us only a printed play, 
"Heartbreak House," which may be de- 
scribed as an essay in mannerism with 
little or no substance behind it. Mr. 
Sutro, Mr. Hichens, Mr. Somerset Maug- 
ham, and Mr. Arnold Bennett have the 
stage to themselves for the moment ; and 
though their plays are of some interest, 
none of them can be said to have notably 
enriched our dramatic literature. 

Of Mr. Maugham's irresistible farce, 
"Home and Beauty," I need say nothing, 
as I understand it has repeated in New 
York its London success. "The Voice 
from the Minaret," by Mr. Robert 
Hichens, deals tactfully rather than 
powerfully with a theme which has often 
been treated with neither tact nor power 
— that of a clerical Tannhauser in the 
Venusberg. In the first act, Andrew 
Fabian is not actually a clergyman, but 
has strong spiritual leanings, when, on 
his way to Jerusalem, he meets at Da- 
mascus Lady Caryll, wife of an Indian 
official, who is on her way to England to 
obtain a divorce from her intolerable 
brute of a husband. She does not go 
to England ; she tarries at Damascus with 
Andrew Fabian. Unfortunately the win- 
dow of their sitting-room looks straight 
out upon a minaret from which the muez- 
zin, at the appropriate intervals, reminds 
the faithful of their religious duties; and 
Lady Caryll soon perceives that the re- 
minder is not lost upon her lover. She 
realizes that she has an unconquerable 
rival in his clerical vocation; so one fine 
day she quietly takes her departure, and 
returns to the purgatory of her life in 
India. Andrew Fabian completes his 
journey to Jerusalem, both literally ^nd 
spiritually, and becomes a clergyman of 
the Church of England. He is on the 
point of settling down into humdrum do- 
mesticity with an agreeable young 
woman who appears cut out for a clergy- 
man's wife, when Lady Caryll once more 
appears on the scene, and with her Sir 
Leslie Caryll, her husband. This very 
unlovely personage divines the mystery 
of Damascus, and is on the point of mak- 
ing himself openly unpleasant, to the 
ruin of Fabian's career, when his oppor- 
tune decease solves the difficulty. The 
play contains some interesting scenes, 
and has none of that sanctimonious sen- 
suality which is so offensive in many 
plays of similar subject. But it is an 
ephemeral production which will scarcely 
be remembered after it has served its 
immediate purpose. 

The same may be said of "The Choice," 
by Mr. Alfred Sutro, which is having a 
remarkable success at Wyndham's The- 
atre. It is an effectively-told sentimental 
anecdote. It shows how a middle-aged 
Captain of Industry, the Right Honor- 
able John Ingleby Cordways, rashly fell 
in love with the young and flighty Lady 
Clarissa Caerleon, but discovered before 
the fatal knot was tied an incompatibility 
of temper which would have been disas- 
trous had it developed six months later. 
The rock on which the project of mar- 
riage splits is well imagined. Cordways 
has dismissed one of his subordinates, 
because, though he is a man with a bril- 
liant war record and with many fine 
qualities, he has been several times guilty 
of drunkenness. All sorts of infiuences, 
public and private, are brought to bear 
upon Cordways to induce him to give the 
culprit another chance, but he is inflex- 
ible. Then the man's sweetheart comes 
to Lady Clarissa and tells her the piteous 
story; and she, not knowing anything of 
the matter or of all that it has come to 
mean for Cordways, rashly pledges her 
word that the man shall be reinstated. 
Result : an insoluble conflict of will with 
will — which, we are told, is the very 
essence of drama. It is not surprising, 
therefore, that the scene in which the 
misunderstanding comes to a head proves 
to be a very strong one. Fortunately, 
though the conflict is insoluble, the en- 
gagement is not; and there is the less 
harm done as Lady Clarissa has another 
string to her bow, or beau to her string. 
Cordways, the stern, strong man, is 
supposed to be broken-hearted; but one 
fancies that if he had really cared very 
much, he would either have surrendered 
at discretion or arrived at some compro- 
mise. The success of the play is perhaps 
partly due to Miss Viola Tree's some- 
what ungainly but realistic portraiture 
of a young woman of the ultra smart 
set. Mr. Gerald Du Maurier, too, an 
actor with an enormous following, has 
been gifted by nature with a jaw which 
renders him the ideal representative of 
the strong silent man. 

When Mr. Arnold Bennett produces a 
play, the critics never fail to tell him 
that, because he is a professional novel- 
ist, he is necessarily but an amateur play- 
wright. As the author of two of the 
most successful plays of the time, "Mile- 
stones" and "The Great Adventure," Mr. 
Bennett can afford to smile at this su- 
perior attitude on the part of his men- 
tors. The fact is that the skill he shows 
in transmuting a novel into a play proves 
that he is exceptionally endowed with the 
dramatic instinct. "Sacred and Profane 
Love," adapted from an early novel of 
the same title, is certainly not what one 
would call a well-built play. Its second 
act might be dropped out almost entirely 
without leaving any sensible gap in the 
(Continued on page 40) 

January 10, 1920] 




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[Vol. 2, No. 35 

(Continued from page 38) 
action. But each individual scene is 
alive and moving; and, after all, a dram- 
atist who can hold the interest of his 
audience throughout four acts, can 
scarcely be set down as a mere bungler 
at the job. 

In the first act, a young girl, Carlotta 
Peel, intensely devoted to music, is 
thrown by chance into the company of a 
great pianist whom she adores, and, in 
an access of melomaniac passion, sur- 
renders herself to him. The night over, 
she deliberately disappears from his ken 
— and from that of the audience — for 
seven years. During this time she has 
become a famous novelist; and in the 
second act we find her on the verge of 
becoming involved in a second love affair 
— with her publisher, who is unhappily 
married. But at the end of the act she 
learns that the pianist, Emilio Diaz, of 
whom she has heard nothing for years,* 
has become a morphinomaniac and is liv- 
ing in Paris in extreme misery. She 
leaves her publisher to settle his domes- 
tic troubles as best he may, and starts 
for Paris by the night express. She 
finds Diaz a pitiable wreck, living under 
the most degrading conditions. In a 
scene of great power, she takes posses- 
sion of him and carries him off, and in 
the last act we learn, not without sur- 
prise and some skepticism, that she has 
actually reclaimed him, and restored not 
only his self-respect, but his genius. Ob- 
viously this would have been a more co- 
herent and perhaps more convincing play 
if Mr. Bennett had cut out the second 
act, with the episode of the publisher, 
and had interposed a new act, between 
his actual third and fourth, showing us 
some of the process of the rescue of Diaz, 
and (if possible) making us believe in 
it. His omission to do so may even 
awaken some doubt as to whether he be- 
lieves in it himself. Be this as it may, 
the piece is a vivid and arresting one. 
Neither of the two leading characters is 
rendered particularly interesting. Diaz 
in particular, though played by an actor 
of ability and experience, is not in the 
least credible as a brilliant and fascinat- 
ing interpreter of Chopin; and if we do 
not feel that Carlotta loves the maestro 
rather than the man, much of our sym- 
pathy for her is sacrificed. 

The Stage Society has given us a very 
creditable performance of a very difficult 
play — Mr. Herbert Trench's "Napoleon." 
It is a perfect example of a play for the 
study rather than the stage ; and even in 
the study it demands a good deal of 
thinking out. The story, briefly told, is 
that of a young man, half English and 
half French by birth, who, at the time 
when Napoleon is planning an invasion 
of England, sets forth to teach him the 
error of his ways, and to bring him back 
to the idealisms which are supposed to 
have inspired his Italian campaigns. The 

precise doctrine of the young apostle 
does not emerge very distinctly. It seems 
to be something to the effect that the 
family is the basis of all human welfare 
— a view to which one could imagine Na- 
poleon replying that it was precisely in 
the interests of several millions of 
French families that he proposed to in- 
vade England. He does not make this 
retort — at least, I don't think he does, 
but Napoleon's ideas are not much more 
perspicuous than those of his self-ap- 
pointed counsellor. "Dreamer! you speak 
in violent foreshortenings," says the Em- 
peror at one point, with incontrovertible 
truth; but unfortunately he is himself 
much addicted to the same practice. All 
this bandying of ideas is hung upon a 
not very skilfully spun thread of nautico- 
military melodrama. In the upshot, both 
the apostle and his brother lose their 
lives, and Napoleon, after spending 
twenty-four hours in England, sets off 
for St. Helena, via Austerlitz, Moscow, 
and Waterloo. The production was a 
distinguished succ&s d'estime. 

An offshoot of the Stage Society, 
happily entitled The Phoenix, has recently 
come into existence, with the object of 
giving performances of neglected Eliza- 
bethan and Restoration masterpieces. It 
has taken up the work, in fact, of the 
Elizabethan Stage Society, started some 
thirty years ago by that amiable enthu- 
siast, Mr. William Poel. A certain sec- 
tion of the Stage Society has of late 
years developed an enthusiasm for per- 
formiances of Restoration comedies with 
all the indecencies religiously retained; 
and it is this section which has now split 
off, and set up "on its own" as 'The 
Phoenix. I venture to prophesy that the 
society will do useful work (though not 
exactly "according to plan") in explod- 
ing the great Elizabethan-Restoration 
superstition. It has raged for a hundred 
years; it has been exaggerated to the 
point of absurdity by Swinburne, in his 
contention that "the silver age of Eng- 
lish drama would eclipse the golden age 
of dramatic poetry in any other nation 
of modem times"; and it is now emi- 
nently desirable that we should return 
to sanity. 

The Phoenix commenced its operations 
this week with a revival of Webster's 
"Duchess of Malfy," very appropri- 
ately chosen as being perhaps the 
fetish-in-chief of the Elizabethan cult. 
Webster, I am not altogether sorry to 
say, had a very bad press. Criticism has 
regained sufficient independence of judg- 
ment to realize the absurdity of educated 
men and women coming together sol- 
emnly to sit through five acts of clumsy, 
ill-constructed, bloody melodrama, and to 
listen piously to language which, if they 
repeated it in the street outside, would 
lead to their prompt appearance in the 
police court. There is some undeniably 
good writing in "The Duchess of Malfy," 

but why should we sit out five acts of arti- 
ficial and sanguinary extravagance for 
the sake of thirty or forty fine lines? It 
may be interesting to note that the 
Duchess was played with great charm, 
but without much tragic power, by Miss 
Cathleen Nesbitt, newly returned from 
New York; and that Mr. William Rea, 
who has now played Abraham Lincoln for 
350 nights, lent his brogue and his lugu- 
brious countenance to the part of the 
villain Bosola. 

William Archer 
London, November 24 

Books and the News 


The announcement, a few days ago, of 
their further scheme for profit-sharing 
by the Messrs. Ford, suggests some ref- 
erences for reading. Perhaps the first 
book is "Profit Sharing: Its Principles 
and Practice" (Harper, 1918), by Ar- 
thur W. Burritt, of the A. W. Burritt 
Co., President Dennison, of the Dennison 
Manufacturing Co.; Edwin F. Gay, and 
others. This is a general study ; for sta- 
tistics see "Profit Sharing in the United 
States" (Government Printing Office, 
1917,) by Boris Emmet, a Bulletin of 
the U. S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, 
Whole No. 208. There are also two im- 
portant British reports, "Profit Sharing 
and Labor Co-Partnership in the United 
Kingdom, 1912," and "Report on Profit 
Sharing and Labor Co-Partnership 
Abroad, 1914," both published by the 
Department of Labor Statistics of Great 
Britain's Board of Trade. Another 
valuable work is the National Civic Fed- 
eration's "Profit Sharing By American 
Employers" (National Civic Federation, 

An older book, an investigation of con- 
siderable length, with historical details, 
is Nicholas P. Gilman's "Profit Sharing 
Between Employer and Employee" 
(Houghton, 1889), while the same au- 
thor, in "A Dividend to Labor" (Hough- 
ton, 1899), devotes some chapters to this 
subject. Charles R. Fay's "Co-partner- 
ship in Industry" (Putnam, 1913), is a 
brief historical sketch taking examples 
chiefly from England and France. An- 
other brief book, citing experiences of 
employers in England, Europe and 
America, is Aneurin Williams's "Co- 
Partnership and Profit Sharing" (Holt, 

"The Ford Plan" (Anderson, 1915, is 
a pamphlet by Henry Ford. A. H. 
Mackmurdo discusses the topic in 
"Pressing Questions: Profit Sharing." 
(Lane, 1913) ; Lord Leverhulme's "The 
Six-Hour Day and Other Industrial 
Questions" (Holt, 1919), contains chap- 
ters on "co-partnership" or profit-shar- 

Edmund Lester Pearson 


Vol. 2, No. 36 

New York, Saturday, January 17, 1920 






Brief Comment 

Editorial Articles: 

The Jackson-Day Bombshell 
Turkey and the Powers 
End of the Steel Strike 
"Two-Thirds of Both Houses" 
Out of Their Own Mouths. By Jerome 

Landiield 48 

Can We Improve Our Public Schools? 

By Caspar F. Goodrich 50 

Correspondence 52 

A Talk with Sir George Paish. By 

Charles Henry Meltzer 53 

Mr. P. E. More and the Wits. By 

Stuart P. Sherman 54 

Book Reviews: 
Cooperating with Destiny 56 

The I. I. I. 57 

Roses and Games 58 

Pointing the Way to a League of 

Nations 58 

Attic Red-Figured Vases 59 

The Run of the Shelves 60 

Contemporary Painting in Washington 62 

Music : 

Henry Krehbiel and Ernest Newman 

Discuss Music 62 

Drama : 
"A Night's Lodging" at the Plymouth 
—■'The Master Builder" at the 
People's House 65 

Books and the News: Socialism. By 

Edmund Lester Pearson 65 

llyTR. Bryan has never been deficient 
■'■'■'• in logic. On the contrary, every 
one of his campaigns, one may almost 
say every one of his speeches, is an 
exhibition of logical correctness. He 
fixes his premises well in his mind, 
and rams the conclusions from them 
into the minds of his hearers without 
trickery or fallacy in the reasoning. 
He is a wooden thinker, a mechanical 
thinker, but not a loose thinker. Con- 
trary to a widely prevalent opinion, 
his campaign for free silver, while it 
rested on a fundamentally wrong 
basis, manifested a very high degree 
of genuine debating ability. Accord- 
ingly, it is no surprise that in his 
Jackson-Day speech on the treaty he 
made a calm and convincing analysis 
of the situation. His habits of thought 
and speech are in diametrical con- 
trast with those of President Wilson. 
Mr. Wilson exhorts, but does not de- 
bate; perhaps he is so sure he is 

right that he is too proud to argue. 
Mr. Bryan, too, is always sure he is 
right ; but in his case the consequence 
is that he is not afraid to argue. 

pONGRESS should act at once on 
^ Secretary Glass's recommenda- 
tion that $150,000,000 be appropri- 
ated for immediate use in rescuing 
the starving populations of Austria, 
Armenia, Poland, and certain other 
countries. The Grain Corporation is 
in a position to send the food supplies 
the moment Congress gives the word. 
Mr. Hoover, whose recommendations 
are always based on knowledge and 
foresight as well as on right feeling, 
urges this action while cautioning 
against undiscriminating extension 
of credits in other ways. Usually de- 
liberation is a virtue, but sometimes 
it is a crime. To hesitate or delay, 
in the face of such harrowing need 
and such clear opportunity, would be 
a criminal failure of duty. 

p ERMANY, Great Britain, France, 
^-^ Italy, and Japan, besides Belgium 
and a number of other minor Powers, 
affixed their signatures last Saturday 
to the document that formally ends 
the Great War. The fourteen months 
since the armistice have been so full 
of trouble, and so heavy with doubt 
and danger, that the moment so long 
awaited was far from being one of 
elation. And the absence of the 
United States added much to the joy- 
lessness of the occasion. Not the least 
of the injuries caused by our delay 
in entering into the permanent rela- 
tions of peace with Germany, and 
with the nations associated with us 
in the treaty, is the psychological 
eflfect of the suspense. The world is 
not going to forget the war the mo- 
ment the treaty is disposed of; but 
after all, there are other things about 
Germany besides the great crime of 
1914, and we must get to thinking 
about these other things some time. 

We must, sooner or later, if the world 
is not to be an inferno, fall again into 
the habit of dealing with Germans as 
men — human beings with faults and 
virtues like our own; men to be 
treated according to their individual 
merits, not men under a common ban 
for a common crime. The way to get 
back to that frame of mind is not to 
change our opinion about the war, 
but to stop thinking about the war 
except when such thinking is of ne- 
cessity thrust upon us. And this will 
never happen until the treaty is out 
of the way. 

T\R. E. J. DILLON, in his valuable 
^ history of "The Peace Confer- 
ence," vouches for the truth of the 
story of how the Council arrived at 
its decision to bring the ex-Kaiser to 
trial : "A few days before the treaty 
was signed there was a pause in the 
proceedings of the Supreme Council, 
during which the Secretary was 
searching for a mislaid document. 
Mr. 'George, looking up casually and 
without addressing anyone in partic- 
ular, remarked: '1 suppose none of 
you has any objection to the Kaiser 
being tried in London?' M. Clemen- 
ceau shrugged his shoulders, Mr. Wil- 
son raised his hand, and the matter 
was assumed to be settled. Nothing 
more was said or written on the sub- 
ject." Mr. George is now going 
through the familiar experience that 
the decision so easily taken is not so 
easily carried into effect, and he no 
longer supposes, but knows, that 
among the English there is a strong 
objection to the play being staged in 
London. It will have taken him more 
time than a lull in the discussions to 
decide upon a solution which makes 
him seem true to his word while ac- 
tually evading its fulfillment. The 
ex-Kaiser, we are now told, will be 
summoned to trial before an Allied 
Commission, and if he does not an- 
swer he will be tried in his absence. 



[Vol. 2, No. 36 

No pressure will be brought to bear 
on the Netherlands Government for 
his extradition. Wilhelm von Hohen- 
zollern will be left chopping wood at 
Doom, while the Allied Commission 
hears the witnesses and reads the doc- 
uments which are to establish his 
guilt. This certainly would be the 
wisest course to take. It deprives the 
accused of a last opportunity to play 
a martyr's part on the world's stage, 
while giving satisfaction to those who 
wish to see his guilt made manifest 
and put on record. 

"T>EFORE long, we may see labor 
■'-' hiring capital," says Sir George 
Paish in an interview which appears 
in the Review to-day. This may sound 
startling, but there is really nothing 
strange, or even new, about it. For 
Sir George Paish goes on to say, 
"Groups of working people will bor- 
row money for their purposes on the 
best terms practicable." Nothing 
would be more desirable than such a 
development, and nothing would be 
more in accordance with the hopes — 
of the radicals of to-day ? — no, of the 
"orthodox" economists of half a cen- 
tury ago, like Mill and Cairnes. Co- 
operation of workingmen in produc- 
tion, participation of workingmen in 
the ownership of capital, is what they 
looked forward to as the best hope of 
the masses. And if the money that 
suddenly-enriched workingmen have 
been spending on silk shirts or the 
like during the last year or two had 
been turned into this channel, a very 
substantial beginning of such co- 
operative enterprise could have been 
made by this time. 

CTUDENTS of the slum tenement 
^ problem have been offered a fine 
stimulus to work out a practicable so- 
lution. Vincent Astor, Alfred E. 
Marling, and others have provided for 
prizes aggregating $6,000, the con- 
testants to make a study of a typical 
old tenement block picked for the pur- 
pose and submit detailed plans for its 
remodeling. The plans must not only 
conform to modern progress in heat- 
ing, lighting, sanitation, ventilation, 
fire protection, privacy, etc., but must 
present reasonable evidence that the 
changes provided for will be a good 

business investment for the landlord. 
On the face of it, this seems to be an 
unusually intelligent prize undertak- 
ing. Entirely apart from the prizes, 
the effort will be well worth while to 
every contestant who enters the lists 
with sufficient preparation to warrant 
him in dealing with such problems of 
domestic architecture at all. The 
New York State Reconstruction Com- 
mission and the Joint Legislative 
Committee on Housing are co-operat- 
ing in the movement. 

rpENANTS in New York apartment 
-'- houses were startled, a few days 
ago, by a court decision apparently 
giving the right to dispossess an oc- 
cupant merely because the landlord 
deemed him "undesirable," without 
the necessity of alleging and proving 
any specific ground of undesirability. 
The judge has now stated that the de- 
cision had been misunderstood, and 
tenants are free from the danger of 
being ejected as undesirable merely 
because there is someone in the back- 
ground ready to pay a higher rental. 
It is still true, however, that apart- 
ments in New York are quite gener- 
ally held under leases wholly one- 
sided, giving the tenant very little 
power to enforce even the rights 
which his contract, on its face, ap- 
pears to secure. The Tribune has 
well suggested that a standard form 
of contract should be prescribed by 
law, covering the leasing of apart- 
ments for residence purposes, for 
fixed terms. On the tenant's side, 
the standard lease should make sure 
the constant delivery, in full measure, 
of the heat, water, elevator, and other 
forms of service for which he pays, 
or give a speedy and inexpensive road 
to adequate recompense when any 
part of such service fails. To the 
landlord, it should secure the right to 
enforce the proper care and use of 
the apartments leased, and to receive 
reasonably punctual payment there- 
for, but not unreasonably pre-punc- 
tual. And in the interest of both 
owners and respectable tenants, there 
should be no bar to the speedy dispos- 
session of undesirable occupants, 
subject to the tenants' right to de- 
mand the presentation of proper evi- 

"WTHAT purport to be the official 
" statistics of the French Flying 
Corps are nothing short of stagger- 
ing. In the whole course of the War 
the losses in the zone of military op- 
erations were 1,945 pilots and ob- 
servers killed, 1,461 missing, whose 
death may now be accepted as certain, 
and 2,922 wounded. To this must 
be added 1,927 pilots and observers 
killed outside the zone of operations. 
In view of the care exercised by the 
French in training their air forces 
the last item is amazingly high. In 
round numbers, the casualties were 
eight thousand out of a full strength 
of thirteen thousand, or something 
over sixty per cent. The stark fig- 
ures, at once splendid and terrible, 
are more impressive than any com- 

1%/fR. BERNARD SHAW was pres- 
■^^■^ ent at the great fight between 
Carpentier and Beckett, and has 
granted the London Nation the priv- 
ilege of printing his impressions. 
Why should a paper so undauntedly 
pacifist give prominence to the de- 
scription of a prize fight, and why 
was Mr. Shaw requested to write it, 
who confesses not having attended a 
boxingexhibition in thirty-five years? 
Mr. Shaw has not abstained for thir- 
ty-five years from attending a boxing 
match because he disapproves of the 
sport, but because of his conviction 
that the English are congenitally in- 
capable of the art. But Carpentier is 
different. His display "overawes the 
spectators; it often reduces them to 
absolute silence." Even the perspi- 
cacious Mr. Shaw does not know what 
to make of him. At his first entrance 
he was startled by the apparition: 
"Nothing less than Charles XII, the 
madman of the North;" but during 
the fight he recognizes in Carpentier 
"the complete Greek athlete. The un- 
mistakable Greek line digs a trench 
across his forehead." In less exciting 
moments he is to Mr. Shaw what he 
is to others, the French pugilist. 
What golden opportunity was here 
lost to his disagreeing wit! If Mr.; 
Shaw had only known that Carpen- 
tier's cradle stood in Holland! He 
could have startled his readers with 
a paradox which was a truth. 

January 17, 1920] 



Mock- Hysteria 

rpHE act of folly with which the 
■'• lower house of the New York 
Legislature- began its session may 
prove a benefit to the country. We 
have not been among those who be- 
lieve that the nation is in a state of 
hysteria over the Red danger ; but it 
is quite possible for a mock-hysteria 
— a thing that has the outward marks 
of hysteria, although it has no real 
hold on the patient — to do even more 
harm than the genuine article. And 
"it is time," as the hero of Tennyson's 
Maud exclaims, "it is time that old 
hysterical mock-disease should die." 
The prompt and well-weighed con- 
demnation which the course of the 
New York Assembly has evoked from 
high Republican, as well as from 
Democratic, sources, should have a 
sobering effect in more directions 
than one. If the sharp shock which 
the suspension of the five Socialist 
Assemblymen gave to the political 
and juristic instincts of men like 
Judge Hughes and Senator Harding, 
the scathing rebuke which it evoked 
from an organization like the Young 
Republican Club of New York, the 
condemnation it drew from papers 
like the New York Tribune, the ener- 
getic action of leading members of 
the New York Bar Association, the 
prompt cognizance taken of the situ- 
I ation by the New York City Club 
' and Citizens Union — if this re- 
markable movement of protest shall 
serve to awaken public men, in both 
; parties, to a sober sense of their re- 
I sponsibility in dealing with one of the 
gravest of possible issues in a Re- 
public, the sensational coup at Al- 
bany will have brought about a sorely 
needed improvement in the temper of 
our dealings with the problem of rev- 

For there is no essential difference 
between the way in which Speaker 
Sweet has sought to deal with the 
I presence of the five Socialist Assem- 
blymen and the way in which Attor- 
ney General Palmer has been con- 
ducting his anti-sedition crusade, or 
in which Representative Graham and 
his sub-committee of the House Ju- 
diciary Committee have been drafting 
their sedition bill. In all three of 

these instances, there may be real 
reason for the substance of what is 
being done or proposed ; that is a 
question whose merits can be deter- 
mined only by close and careful ex- 
amination. But in all such matters 
the method is as important as the 
substance; and, so far as immediate 
effects are concerned, the method is 
infinitely more important than the 

When Mr. Palmer, without a 
word of authoritative public explana- 
tion, sweeps thousands of members 
of the Communist parties — big and 
little, ring-leaders and thoughtless 
or ignorant followers alike — into his 
dragnet, he arouses a maximum of 
justifiable resentment with a mini- 
mum of salutary effect. When Mr. 
Graham exhausts the possibilities 
of the dictionary in specifying the 
greatest conceivable variety of acts 
which he proposes shall be declared 
seditious felonies ; when in his eager- 
ness he actually defines some of these 
as treason, and, though he had been 
at work on the bill for months, dis- 
covers only after its text had been 
published that the Constitution (in 
one of its most familiar provisions) 
forbids any such definition of trea- 
son; when, after making this discov- 
ery, he imagines that he can remedy 
the difficulty by simply substituting 
the word "sedition," or the word "fel- 
ony," for the word "treason," while 
yet retaining the death penalty pre- 
scribed for the crime so labeled — 
when such things as these are done, 
we are in the presence of that same 
phenomenon of the creation of a max- 
imum of odium with a minimum of 
benefit. And precisely that is true of 
the performance at Albany. 

Let us try to imagine what course 
would have been taken by the Chair- 
man of a legislative body confronting 
in a serious spirit the serious prob- 
lem presented by the election of a 
group of men whose party obligations 
were such as to make their exclusion, 
necessary from the standpoint of 
high public policy. He would have 
sought, first of all, to make it mani- 
fest that he realized the extraordi- 
nary character of the proceeding 
which he was about to recommend. 
He would have taken care to make it 

impossible to charge him with spring- 
ing a sensational surprise upon the 
men against whom the proceeding 
was to be directed. He would have 
made it plain that they were to have 
all the benefits of the presumption of 
fitness for the seats to which they had 
been duly elected until they had been 
deliberately adjudged unfit. Above 
all, so far from asking for an imme- 
diate judgment — even such provis- 
ional judgment as that calling for 
their suspension pending investiga- 
tion — he would have impressed upon 
the legislators the imperative duty of 
deliberate consideration of so vital 
a question before action of any kind 
was taken upon it. 

Had this been done, how different 
would have been the effect on the pub- 
lic mind! Fair-minded men might 
still have decided against the pro- 
posed exclusion either as being a vio- 
lation of the general spirit of repre- 
sentative government, or as being 
contrary to the dictates of political 
wisdom; but they would have felt 
that a case had been put before them 
which could be calmly argued upon 
its intrinsic merits. Attention would 
have been focused upon the one sub- 
stantial question in the case: have 
these men entered into an obligation 
with their party organization which is 
inconsistent with their oath of office? 
As it is, the thought of the public is 
centred on the crude brutality of 
the onslaught, to the exclusion of the 
question whether occasion existed for 
any action at all in the premises. 
Speaker Sweet may make all the dis- 
tinctions he pleases between proscrip- 
tion of opinion and exclusion of dis- 
loyalty; people who begin by siding 
with the Socialist members simply 
because they have not had a square 
deal will refuse to split hairs on the 

The resolution suspending the So- 
cialist Assemblymen was passed with- 
out debate, and with only two dissent- 
ing votes besides those of the Social- 
ists themselves. This may very nat- 
urally be pointed to as evidence of a 
state of acute hysteria. Only under 
the influence of intense excitement, it 
may be said, could Republicans and ''^ 
Democrats alike have been swept into 
such sudden action. But the truth, to 



[Vol. 2, No. 36 

our mind, is precisely the reverse of 
this. The thing was done with the 
haste of a mechanical habit, not that 
of intense feeling. We have fallen 
into the way of going through the mo- 
tions of hysterical excitement with- 
out the least evidence of experiencing 
the excitement itself. The rank and 
file of the legislators were as much 
taken by surprise as were the Social- 
ist members. The thing presented it- 
self to their minds as a question of 
pronouncing a shibboleth rather than 
of deciding a high question of law or 
of public policy. The doctrines of the 
Socialist platform are abhorrent to 
normal Americans ; and what the leg- 
islators, with no time for reflection, 
thought they were doing was simply 
to express this abhorrence. 

The appearance of hysteria which 
we encounter in so many ways arises 
from a failure to distinguish between 
the mere freeing of one's mind and 
the taking of responsible public ac- 
tion. If we were under the strain of 
real anxiety over an immediately 
threatening peril, we should be in- 
finitely more careful than we are in 
deciding upon our course of conduct. 
We should be calculating conse- 
quences, instead of merely expressing 
desires. There might be a greater 
amount of genuine hysteria, but there 
would be incomparably less of the 
mock variety. And while there would 
be vastly less of spectacular moves, 
either legislative or executive, there 
would be much more effective defense 
against the actual danger of revolu- 
tionary agitations. Tp deny that that 
danger exists is as foolish as to lose 
one's head over its immediate formi- 

The Jackson -Day 

TI/fR. Wilson's Jackson-Day letter 
^^^ was almost universally under- 
stood by the press as a declaration 
against the settlement of the treaty 
question by any practicable adjust- 
ment of the difference between the 
Democratic and Republican position 
in the Senate. Acting upon this in- 
terpretation, the three leading New 
York papers which have stood by the 

President through thick and thin 
promptly expressed their emphatic 
disapproval of his attitude. The 
World, the Times, and the Evening 
Post were all equally outspoken in 
their condemnation. This would in 
itself be an impressive phenomenon; 
but its import is heightened by the 
fact, which no reasonable person can 
dispute, that public opinion had for 
weeks been manifestly and over- 
whelmingly displayed to the same 
effect. There is plenty of room for 
doubt as to what the country thinks 
ideally desirable in regard to the 
Covenant ; there is no room whatever 
to doubt that its practical wish is 
for an immediate ratification of the 
treaty upon such terms as a reason- 
ably conciliatory spirit on the two 
sides in the Senate is capable of 
bringing about. 

If this popular desire were opposed 
to the convictions or the judgment of 
the Senators themselves, it would be 
their duty to stand out against it. 
But it is quite certain that the senti- 
ment of the Senjjte is in agreement 
with this wish of the people. As Mr. 
McCumber said, in a speech which he 
made in New York at the very mo- 
ment when Mr. Wilson's manifesto 
was being read in Washington: If 
the President would say to-morrow, 
"it is now up to the Senate, as a co- 
ordinate branch of the treaty-making 
power, free from Executive dictation 
or pressure, to perform its function, 
and up to each Senator to exercise 
his own judgment," the treaty could 
be put through, with the League of 
Nations, within twenty-four hours. 

It now looks as though the Demo- 
cratic Senators were going to per- 
form their Constitutional function 
without waiting for the President's 
permission. The spectacle of their 
paralysis has been pitiful. Ithasbeen 
all the more pitiful because they have 
bowed to the President's will without 
even knowing, without even profess- 
ing to know, what that will was. 
They do not know now. They are 
perfectly justified in asserting, as 
some of them have explicity done, 
that the President's Jackson-Day 
letter does not clearly shut the door 
to compromise. Its language, though 
arrogant in tone and giving no indi- 

cation that he recognizes any neces- 
sity of yielding an inch of his original 
position, does not expressly assert 
that he will not yield. Only when the 
plain question of yes or no is put up 
to him through the adoption of a 
resolution of ratification by a two- 
thirds' vote of the Senate will it be 
possible to determine what his answer 
will be. There is reason to hope that 
the Senate will at last shoulder its 
share of the task and thereby compel 
the President squarely to shoulder 
his. Not until that is done shall we 
know whether Mr. Wilson is prepared 
to take upon himself the awful re- 
sponsibility of preventing our coun- 
try from bearing its part in the effort 
of the nations to safeguard peace, 
and to restore prosperity, in a war- 
racked world. 

Never has the President given a 
more striking illustration of the pos- 
sibilities of a single-track mind than 
on this occasion. Half a year ago, 
when the treaty was first presented 
to the Senate, he made an agonized 
plea for its prompt ratification on the 
ground of the world's desperate need 
for a speedy settlement. Now he has 
so completely forgotten that need that 
it is not even remotely alluded to in 
his letter. But the country has not 
forgotten it. It is that consideration, 
and no other, that has led men of all 
shades of opinion, with the exception 
of those who are fundamentally 
opposed to any compact of the nature 
of the League Covenant, to waive 
their personal opinions and prefer- 
ences. The state of the world is 
neither more satisfactory nor more 
assured than it was six months ago. : 
Almost everything we hear from the j 
other side of the water indicates the 
eagerness of European nations to 
accept America's participation in the j 
League on any reasonable terms upon 
which it can be had. The vague 
rumors that the President or the 
State Department had knowledge of 
difficulties that would be set up by 
some of the Allied Powers if any sub- 
stantial reservations were made, have 
ceased to be heard. The President 
makes no reference to anything of 
the kind ; so far as anybody knows, [ 
he is acting solely upon his own per- 
sonal judgment, with no more counsel I 


January 17, 1920] 



from foreign statesmen than from 
the public men of his own country — 
and that is about as near to absolute 
zero as one can get. 

With regard to the President's sug- 
gestion that "if there is any doubt as 
to what the people of the country 
think on this vital matter," the next 
election should be given "the form of 
a great and solemn referendum" upon 
it, there is room for an interesting 
conjecture. As a reason for postpon- 
ing action on the treaty, the sugges- 
tion is absurd. But it would be 
entirely possible for Mr. Wilson, in 
case a ratification with reservations 
were presented to him, to take the 
position that his acceptance of that 
result does not preclude the adoption 
of the referendum proposal. It would 
be a bold, but not a reckless, political 
stroke for him to say that he takes 
half a loaf not as a substitute for a 
whole one, but as an instalment. He 
declares that he knows what the coun- 
try wants — it wants the Covenant as 
it was drawn, and a whole-hearted 
execution of all its provisions. If this 
is his sincere conviction, the way is 
perfectly open for him to act upon it 
without placing at hazard the collapse 
of all that has been accomplished, and 
without keeping the world in a state 
of intolerable uncertainty for four- 
teen months. 

The only way in which, in any case, 
the referendum could be effectually 
held would be by Mr. Wilson being 
himself the candidate of his party for 
the Presidency. With the treaty un- 
ratified, this would be a monstrous 
and wicked gamble — a game of double 
or quits, with the world's peace and 
happiness as the stake. But with the 
treaty ratified it would be a fair and 
normal contest on principles and poli- 
cies. The issue indeed would be mo- 
mentous, but the contest would not in 
itself be a calamity. Mr. Wilson's 
triumph would be accepted by the 
nation as conclusive, no matter what 
subsidiary causes might have played 
their part in the contest. If he really 
desires that solemn referendum, let 
him insist upon it by all means; but 
let him not demand that his wish be 
gratified at the cost of untold evil and 
incalculable danger to the country 
and to all the world. 

Turkey and the Powers 

'T'HE dying body of the sick man has 
•*- been lying on the operating table 
ever since, by signing of the armis- 
tice, he surrendered it to the mercy 
of his surgeons. He had not deserved 
any, and, until recently, could not ex- 
pect to receive it. He was not laid 
there to be cured, but to be made 
harmless. For in health and in sick- 
ness he acted the tyrant over the fam- 
ily of races under his rule, and to 
maim him into incapacity for evil was 
a duty which the men in consultation 
round the patient owed to humanity 
and civilization. 

But the operation was postponed 
from month to month. The United 
States was blamed for the delay by 
Mr. Lloyd George, whose words to 
that effect we quoted last week. Ex- 
pectations roused by statements of 
Mr. Wilson and Colonel House gave 
the Allied diplomats reason to hope 
that the acceptance by this country of 
a mandate for Constantinople and 
Armenia would free them from the 
difficult task of settling the disposal 
of Turkey ampng themselves. Amer- 
ica's aloofness, however, leaves them 
no other choice than to proceed with- 
out her assistance, with the prospect 
of disturbing their own harmony or, 
in order to keep that in tune, of re- 
storing the patient to life. Senti- 
ment, both in America and Europe, is 
opposed to leaving the Turk in pos- 
session of Constantinople and Thrace, 
but sentiment does not preside at the 
councils of diplomats. Ideas of jus- 
tice and honor give way there to con- 
siderations of interests, and the clash 
of these may result in serving no 
one's interest but the Turk's. 

The Porte has always traded on 
the rivalry between the Powers. Fear 
and distrust of Russia made England, 
in 1853, fight Turkey's war in the 
Crimea, and caused Disraeli, in spite 
of Gladstone's denunciation of Turk- 
ish horrors in Bulgaria, to plead for 
the criminal at the Berlin Conference 
of 1878. This policy of thwartingRus- 
sia by aiding Turkey had the addi- 
tional advantage of raising England's 
prestige in India. By propagating 
the notion that Constantinople was 
the Dar-ul-Islam, the seat of Moham- 

medanism, the British could pose as 
the protectors of the Caliphate. His 
reputed sanctity is actually a devel- 
opment of recent growth in India, 
and is now an obstacle to the Eastern 
policy of the very Power which fa- 
vored its spread. For the situation 
in the near East has changed. Rus- 
sia no longer covets the city that con- 
trols the straits which are the key to 
the Black Sea. To oust the Turk 
from Europe would not be playing 
Russia's economic game, but it might 
cause indignation and unrest among 
the Indian Moslems whom England 
herself has taught to venerate the Ot- 
toman Sultan as ipso facto Caliph. 
And discontent in India must be pre- 
vented at any price, as the new Rus- 
sian danger is in the exploitation of 
such discontent for the spread of Bol- 
shevism in Asia. 

It would seem, therefore, that Eng- 
land's safety would prescribe to her 
a policy that would concur with that 
of the Quai d'Orsay. For reasons 
similar to those which, in the days of 
the Tsardom, made Great Britain an 
ally of Turkey against Russia, the 
French prefer a continuation of the 
Sultan's rule in Constantinople to a 
British mandate for the city. In 
spite, however, of this double advan- 
tage of placating both India and 
France, the Government in London is 
reported to favor a different solution 
of the problem. Two years ago Mr. 
Lloyd George did not yet contemplate 
expelling the Sultan from Europe. On 
January 5, 1918, he declared: "We 
are not fighting to deprive Turkey of 
its capital or of the rich and re- 
nowned lands of Asia Minor and 
Thrace, which are predominantly 
Turkish in race." What has hap- 
pened since then to make the British 
Prime Minister change his mind? 

Public opinion in England is prob- 
ably responsible for this volte face. 
The massacred in Armenia and the 
dead of Gallipoli call from their 
graves, and the prospect of a Con- 
stantinople wrested from the Asiatic 
usurper makes an appeal to the 
popular imagination too strong 
to be ignored by the Government. 
Lloyd George will have to find a 
solution that is a compromise be- 
tween British sentiment and the 



[Vol. 2, No. 36 

practical policy of Paris. The for- 
mer requires that it shall not be 
Great Britain, the latter that it shall 
not be the Turk, who in. future will 
control the bridge between Europe 
and Asia. If Clio were an arbiter 
at the Council of Paris, she would 
assign the mandate for Constan- 
tinople and Turkish Thrace to the 
one nation that can claim it with 
any right consecrated by the past. 
But Mr. Venizelos will plead in vain. 
Italian jealousy will oppose a. Greek 
mandate, and the bitter hatred be- 
tween Bulgarians and Greeks, which 
would expose Constantinople under 
Greek control to Bulgarian raids and 
invasions, makes that solution inad- 
visable. The substitution of an inter- 
national state for the Sultan's rule in 
European Turkey seems, under these 
conditions, the only possible solution. 
It is better to charge the various con- 
flicting interests with a common re- 
sponsibility for the future of the city 
than to entrust its control to a disin- 
terested outsider who, if a great 
Power, will, in course of time, by his 
political ascendancy become a dan- 
gerous rival of the others in the eco- 
nomic field as well. And a small 
Power, as a mandatory for Constan- 
tinople, would scarcely escape being 
made the dummy of either France or 
England, or, if it did escape, would all 
the same be suspected of being one. 
Norway, it is rumored, will be offered 
the mandate for Armenia. A similar 
responsibility for Constantinople is 
evidently, and justly, not suggested to 
her. An international regime such as 
controls the navigation on the Rhine 
and the Danube is doubtless the best 
that can be devised for the city whose 
situation on the Straits, controlling 
navigation between the Black Sea and 
the Mediterranean, makes it a bone 
of contention between the Powers. 

The Sultan's loss of his temporal 
power over Stamboul and European 
Turkey need not involve his expulsion 
from the city. If the veneration of 
the Moslem in India for the Dar-ul- 
Islam and the Caliphate is actually as 
genuine as it is said to be, it would 
be wise policy to leave the Sultan like 
the Pope in Rome, as the spiritual 
head of the Sunnite Mohammedan 
world, in the holy seat of Islam. 

End of the Steel Strike 

AT its begnning, and for a few 
weeks thereafter, the steel strke 
took a leading place in the news col- 
umns of the dailies, in editorial com- 
ment, and in the thought of the 
masses. Its officially declared ending, 
last week, and the resignation of 
William Z. Foster, the secretary by 
whom it had been organized and 
largely directed, drew a sensational 
headline from no single newspaper 
that has come under our observation. 
To all intents and purposes, as a 
strike, it had passed out of existence 
long before its demise was officially 

In truth, the germs of its inevitable 
dissolution were visible from the 
start to competent observers from the 
outside, and probably to many of the 
better informed labor leaders them- 
selves. Its lurid pictures of alleged 
conditions in the steel industry were 
not generally believed, indications 
pointed to different aims from those 
openly set forth, and its maragement 
was largely directed by men dis- 
trusted because of known revolution- 
ary beliefs and connections. Under 
such conditions, its appeals for popu- 
lar sympathy and support were futile. 
If there is satisfaction to any in the 
belief that it nevertheless cost the 
steel interests scores of millions of 
dollars, this satisfaction can not be 
denied. It was a costly experience, 
nor did the loss and inconvenience 
stop with the manufacturers and im- 
mediate consumers of steel. The evil 
effects of such an interruption in any 
great productive industry extend in 
greater or less measure to all. In 
proportion to ability to stand the loss, 
perhaps the greatest sufferers were 
the workmen and their families. 

Are there any gains to set off 
against this loss? If not, if such an 
experience could leave a country 
without at least some lessons of value 
for the future, the hope of progress 
would be small indeed. The steel 
strike, we think, has helped to con- 
vince most laborers themselves that 
no strike any longer holds promise of 
success if it does not command the 
moral support of the mass of citizens 
not immediately connected with either 

side of the controversy. This is 
a limitation of the strike imposed 
by the very nature of free society, 
and the sooner labor leaders accept 
it and conduct themselves accord- 
ingly, the less likely will they be 
called upon to accept limitations of 
a severer nature imposed by the 
law of the State. The riot of striking 
which has marked the past year has 
strained the public patience to the 
point where a continuance of the 
nuisance would soon make it impos- 
sible to get popular sympathy even 
for justified strikes. 

If labor leaders will not take 
this lesson seriously to heart, sub- 
stantial injury to their legitimate 
interests may easily be the result. 
There is danger of this in the case of 
the steel workers themselves. There 
has been great improvement in their 
wages, and in the conditions under 
which they work, but there is war- 
rant for the belief that a satisfactory 
state has not yet been reached. It 
seems probable, though exact in- 
formation is hard to obtain, that the 
twelve-hour shift is far more com- 
mon than is consistent with the in- 
terests of the workers and with sound 
public policy, which will not seek in- 
creased production at the cost of vital 
injury to the manhood which pro- 
duces. It must not be forgotten, of 
course, that for four hours of the 
twelve-hour shift the workman re- 
ceives "time and a half" in wages, a 
difference which may easily mean to 
many the purchase of a home within 
a few years' time, or a good savings 
account against the mischances of the 
future. The question is whether the 
opportunity to make this extra money 
can be retained without compelling to 
the twelve-hour shift thousands who 
do not desire it, and to whom it is a 
great evil and hardship. But the mis- 
representations of existing conditions 
uttered by Foster in support of the 
strike served only to exasperate em- 
ployers ' and disinterested citizens, 
and to take their thoughts away from 
the existence and the needed solution 
of such problems. 

The resignation of William Z. Fos- I 
ter may indicate that another needed 
lesson has been at least partially 
learned. His good American name 

Januaiy 17, 1920] 



does not alter the fact that he had 
deeply identified himself with agita- 
tors and ideas wholly alien to the 
Americanism which the great major- 
ity accept, and stand ready to defend 
with life if it shall be seriously as- 
saulted. Against his claim to have 
abandoned these offensive ideas, the 
public could only place his former as- 
sertion that none of the commonly ac- 
cepted standards of moral obligation 
must be allowed to stand between the 
social revolutionist and his object. 
The man who has thus given himself 
license to lie if he chooses, in order to 
promote an offensive purpose, is not 
likely to convince thinking men, by 
his word alone, that he has given up 
that purpose. The presence of Foster 
at its head indissolubly connected the 
steel strike, in the minds of thou- 
sands, with revolutionary ideas, per- 
sons, and purposes, thus contributing 
heavily to its unpopularity and injur- 
ing its power to aid in the removal 
of such genuine causes of grievance 
as may exist. The American Federa- 
tion of Labor and minor organiza- 
tions may move slowly and gently in 
letting down a few objectionable in- 
dividuals, but the coming year is 
pretty likely to show a marked reac- 
tion against being "bored from with- 
in" by agitators of the William Z. 
Foster type, whether they have pro- 
fessed conversion or not. 

But the very facts which thus made 
the failure of the steel strike inev- 
itable, also estop us from considering 
that failure as a final settlement of 
the labor problem in the steel indus- 
try. With the immediate menace to 
that industry removed, it becomes the 
duty of the heads of the Steel Cor- 
poration to consider the underlying 
causes of labor unrest in a more 
fundamental way than they have 
yet done. The Steel Corporation's 
case, by its magnitude and complexity, 
is, to be sure, in a class by itself, and 
it would be rash to make any specific 
recommendation concerning it. But 
we trust that the problem of the best 
practicable relation between employer 
and employed will receive, at the 
hands of Judge Gary and his associ- 
ates, that earnest and intense atten- 
tion which its vital importance de- 

"Two-thirds of Both 

TN a case in which Mr. Root is act- 
•*- ing as chief counsel, it is claimed 
that the Eighteenth Amendment is 
null and void because two-thirds of 
the members of Congress did not, by 
joint resolution or otherwise, declare 
that they deemed it necessary. The 
language of the Constitution on the 
subject is as follows: "The Congress, 
whenever two-thirds of both houses 
shall deem it necessary, shall propose 
amendments to this Constitution." 
Nothing is said about a two-thirds 
vote ; nothing is said about the mem- 
bers present; what is called for is 
"two-thirds of both houses." The 
objection thus raised rests on no fine- 
spun or metaphysical view ; it is sim- 
ply a question of fact. It was not 
"two-thirds of both houses," but only 
two-thirds of the members voting, 
that placed the Eighteenth Amend- 
ment before the Legislatures for rat- 
ification. The Supreme Court, when 
the case is brought before it, will 
have to pass upon the question 
whether two-thirds of the members 
voting are to be regarded as two- 
thirds of the house. 

The point derives a great deal of 
added force from the fact that in the 
provision of the Constitution which 
refers to the ratification of treaties, 
the language is altogether different. 
The President, it says, "shall have 
power, by and with the advice and 
consent of the Senate, to make trea- 
ties, provided two-thirds of the sena- 
tors present concur." The presump- 
tion is very strong that if the like had 
been the intention in the case of pro- 
posal of amendments to the Consti- 
tution the language would have so 
stated with the same clearness. Fur- 
thermore, there is strong inherent 
reason for a distinction between the 
two cases. A treaty, generally speak- 
ing, comes up as part of the ordinary 
business of the nation; an amend- 
ment to the Constitution makes a per- 
manent change, possibly a change of 
underlying and structural impor- 
tance, in the frame of our govern- 
ment. The vote of two-thirds of the 
members present may not only fall 

far short of two-thirds of the whole, 
but may conceivably be barely more 
than one-third of the whole, since a 
majority is sufficient for a quorum. 

If, over and above the import of 
the words themselves, the Supreme 
Court should feel it proper to take 
into account the circumstances of the 
particular vote now in question, this 
would add greatly to the force of the 
contention against the amendment. 
It was passed by Congress at a time 
of abnormal tension, in the midst of 
the greatest of wars, and when the 
thought of the nation could not be 
effectively directed to the subject. It 
had been promoted by a propaganda 
organized with unprecedented effi- 
ciency, which never for a moment re- 
laxed its pressure. It had not been 
an issue — that is, not openly an 
issue — in the elections. Every cir- 
cumstance that should distinguish the 
character of the process by which an 
amendment is adopted was absent. 
The emotional force of the spirit of 
sacrifice evoked by the war was cap- 
italized to the utmost in the interest 
of a measure which was not to go 
into force until the war was over, 
and which was thereafter to affect 
the lives of all the inhabitants of the 
nation for generation after genera- 
tion. If there ever was a case for 
insisting upon the rigorous fulfill- 
ment of the requirements of the Con- 
stitution, surely this is such a case. 
If the Constitution is to be subjected 
to amendment by snap judgment — 
and above all to amendment of a 
character so revolutionary as this — 
we have a right to demand that, 
however much the spirit of our or- 
ganic law may be violated, its letter 
at least shall be strictly observed. 


A weekly journal of political and 

general discussion 

Published by 

The National VVeeklv Coiipo«atio!< 

140 Nassau Street, New York 

Fabian Franklik, President 

Hakold de Wolf Fi'U.k«, Treasurer 

Rodman Gilder, Business Manager 

Subscription price, five dollars a /ear in 
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Copyright, 1920, in the United Stales of 



[Vol. 2, No. 36 

Out of Their Own Mouths 

THE publication by the State De- 
partment of a "Memorandum on 
Certain Aspects of the Bolshevist 
Movement in Russia" is a departure 
of unusual importance. It is obvious 
that much of the information obtained 
by the Department in the conduct of 
its work is private and confidential, 
and delicate negotiations might be 
jeopardized by making it common 
property; but the more the public is 
made acquainted with the fatts the 
better. The State Department has 
better sources of information than 
other agencies, and by giving out to 
the public all that is permissible and 
consistent with the public interest it 
not only forestalls and confounds 
those who deliberately circulate false 
information for their own purposes, 
but establishes a sound basis for 
popular support of its policies. This 
is preeminently the case with the 
pamphlet that has just appeared. 
Complaint has been made that its 
publication was delayed some three 
months after it had been prepared and 
printed, and that this delay was due 
to uncertainty as to the attitude of 
the President. But — better late than 
never; for the clear showing in its 
pages puts an end once for all to any 
talk of recognizing the autocracy at 
Moscow or compromising with evil 
because it appears triumphant. 

In this connection, the introduc- 
tion is illuminating and shows plainly 
the conclusions reached by the State 
Department after its examination of 
the Bolsheviks' own material. 

The Russian Division of the State Depart- 
ment has prepared from original sources this 
brief summary of what appear to be some of 
the fundamental Bolshevist principles, methods, 
and aims. As will be seen, the statements are 
based almost entirely on translations from 
the Bolshevist newspapers in the files of the 
Department. These newspapers are the of- 
ficial organs of the All-Russian Central Ex- 
ecutive Committee of Soviets, of local Soviet 
committees, or of the Russian Communist 
Party Bolsheviks ... 

The theoretical "dictatorship of the prole- 
tariat," acknowledged to be the rule of a 
minority, with a definite policy of preliminary 
destruction, is found in fact to have degen- 
erated into a close monopoly of power by a 
very small group, who use the most opportun- 
istic and tyrannical methods, including "mass 

While existing on the accumulated wealth 
of the country, the Bolshevist regime has 
brought about a complete economic collapse, 
with consequent famine and epidemic. The 

claim of the Bolsheviks that economic isola- 
tion is wholly responsible for economic chaos 
in Soviet Russia cannot be sustained. The 
Bolshevist program has not worked and Bol- 
shevism has to its credit no constructive ac- 

One of the main aims of the Bolshevist lead- 
ers from the very beginning has been to make 
their movement a world-wide social revolu- 
tion. They incidentally declare that success 
in Russia depends on the development of cor- 
responding social revolutions in all other coun- 
tries. Bolshevist policies and tactics are sub- 
ordinated to the idea of the international pro- 
letarian revolution. Apparent compromises 
with "bourgeois" governments or countries 
have proved temporary and tactical. 

The Memorandum is a scholarly 
production and its method is above 
criticism. It takes up in turn various 
phases of Bolshevik rule, including 
the "dictatorship of the proletariat," 
the elections to Soviets, the Extraor- 
dinary Commissions, mass terror, 
class discrimination in food rations, 
the Red Army, and the protests of 
the peasants, and in regard to each 
quotes verbatim the official Bolshevik 
decrees and newspapers. Similarly 
it describes the economic results of 
Bolshevist control, showing the aban- 
donment of announced principles, the 
policy of destruction, the issue of 
billions of worthless paper money, 
the disorganization of administrative 
machinery, the tyranny over labor, 
the breakdown of transportation, the 
distress in the agricultural districts, 
and the general industrial collapse. 
Finally, there is set forth the Bolshe- 
vist programme of world revolution, 
in which frank acknowledgment is 
made of the propaganda carried on 
throughout the world, as well as 
cynical disregard of any treaties or 
agreements which may be entered 
into. Half of the Memorandum is 
devoted to translations of the Bol- 
sheviks' own decrees and documents 
— indisputable and complete evidence. 
Among the quotations from the 
official Bolshevik papers, some are 
especially striking. A man in the 
Province of Tambov writes to Izvestia 
the following, which is pretty good 
evidence as to why the peasants hate 
the Bolshevik Government: 

Help! We are perishing! At the time 
when we are starving, do you know what is 
going on in the villages? Take, for instance, 
our village, Qlkhi. Speculation is rife there, 
especially with salt, which sells at 40 rubles 
a pound. What does the militia do? What 
do the Soviets do? When it is reported to 

them, they wave their hands and say, "This 
is a normal phenomenon." Not only this, but 
the militiamen, beginning with the chief and in- 
cluding some communists, are all engaged in 
brewing their own alcohol, which sells for 70 
rubles a bottle. Nobody who is in close touch 
with the militia is afraid to engage in this 
work. Hunger is ahead of us, but neither the 
citizens nor the "authorities" recognize it. The 
people's judge also drinks, and if one wishes to 
win a case one only needs to treat him to a 
drink. We live in a terrible filth. 

The following figures given out by 
Rykov, President of the Supreme 
Soviet of National Economy, in a 
statement to the Moscow Soviet last 
March and published in the Severnmja 
Kommuna, express more clearly the 
economic ruin wrought by the incom- 
petence of the Soviet authorities than 
any statement made by their adver- 

We have 100,000,000 puds (1,650,000 tons) of 
coal, 10,000,000 puds of grain, and several mil- 
lion puds of fish at our disposal which we can 
not move. In the spring a part will spoil. 
Transport is impossible, as we have no fuel, 
and the situation in regard to the want of it is 
that 2,000,000 puds of machine oil had to 
be used as substitute for want of liquid fuel. 
Railroad communication will have to be re- 
duced, which will again reflect on the supply 
of food. We have, therefore,, to utilize 
transport by river as soon as navigation is 
opened. We also will have to fight with the 
local Soviets, who often hide their stocks, 
as, for instance, the Yarovlav Soviet hiding 
500,000 puds of petroleum. The textile indus- 
try is also in a critical state ; up to 10,000,000 
puds of cotton is wanted and flax is scarce, as 
the peasants spin for their own needs or use 
it for heating purposes. A way out of these 
difficulties would be to take the Caucasus with 
its supply of petroleum and to increase pro- 
ductiveness of labor. At present we produce 
only five pairs of boots for 100 people, and 
however so many Kerensky rubles we would 
pay to workmen, only 1 in 20 can receive a 

The same paper quoted a report 
made by Zinoviev at a meeting held in 
connection with the strike at Putilov 
factory to the effect that from August, 
1918, to February, 1919, the factory 
had turned out only five locomotives, 
while for the year 1918 the factory 
had cost the State a deficit of 58,000,- 
000 rubles. 

This Memorandum of the State De- 
partment will serve another good pur- 
pose. It will open the eyes of Amer- 
ica to the militant danger of Bol- 
shevism. Hitherto there has been a 
tendency to regard our own Bolshe- 
viks as misguided individuals, mostly 
aliens ignorant of or out of sympathy 
with our democratic institutions. 
Now we know that they are the flying 
squadron of the propaganda army 
and that we have among us citizens 
invoking for these agents the protec- 
tion of the rights of free speech 

January 17, 1920] 



merely as a smoke screen to cover 
their hostile activities. 

The Bolshevik regime in Russia has 
become an aggressive imperialistic 
power, disposing of a large military 
force and directing also a vast and 
well-trained propagandist army. It 
is no longer a contest of ideas that 
confronts us — if indeed it ever was. 

These imperialistic aims are ex- 
pressed in a programme for world 
revolution, and the extent to which 
any government could count upon 
their good faith in making agreements 
or treaties is made clear in their own 
singularly frank announcements. 
Thus Trotsky in his "Peace Pro- 
gram," says : 

If in awaiting the imminent proletarian flood 
in Enrope, Russia should be forced to con- 
chide peace with the present day Governments 
of the Central Powers, it would be a provi- 
sional, temporary, and transitory peace, with 
the revision of which the European Revolu- 
tion will have to concern itself in the first in- 
stance. Our whole policy is built upon the 
expectation of this revolution. 

A similar attitude is disclosed even 
more strikingly in the speech made 
by Zinoviev, President of the Petro- 
grad Soviet, last February : 

We are willing to sign an unfavorable 
peace with the Allies. ... It would only mean 
that we should put no trust whatever in the 
bit of paper we should sign. We should use 
the breathing space so obtained in order to 
gather our strength in order that the mere con- 
tinued existence of our Government would 
keep up the world-wide propaganda which 
Soviet Russia has been carrying on for more 
than a year. 

Lenin himself, however, sets forth 
the whole plan with singular clarity 
and characteristic Bolshevik logic in 
his proclamation calling the Congress 
of the Communist International : 

The present is the period of destruction and 
crushing of the capitalistic system of the whole 
world, and it will be a catastrophe for the 
whole European culture, should capitalism 
with all its insoluble contradictions not be 
done away with. 

The aim of the proletariat must now be im- 
mediately to conquer power. To conquer 
power means to destroy the governmental 
apparatus of the bourgeois and to organize 
1 new proletarian governmental apparatus. 

The new apparatus of the Government must 
' xprcss the dictatorship of the working class 
I and in certain places even the dictatorship 
'f the half-proletariat in the villages, that is, 
the peasant proletariat), that is, to persist in 
the systematic suppression of the exploiting 
flasses and be the means of expropriating them. 
\'o false bourgeois democracy— this treacher- 
ous form of the power of a financial oligarchy — 
with its mere external equality— but a prole- 
tarian democracy able to realize the freedom 
't the working masses; no parliamentarism. 
'Ut the self-government of the masses through 
their elected organs; no capitalistic bureau- 
cracy, but governing organs which have been 

appointed by the masses themselves, through 
the real participation of these masses in the 
governing of the country and the socialistic 
work of reorganization— such ought to be 
the type of the proletarian state. The Soviet 
power or a corresponding organization of gov- 
ernment is its concrete expression. 

The dictatorship of the proletariat must be 
the occasion for the immediate expropriation 
of capital and the elimination of the private 
right of owning the means of production, 
through making them common public prop- 
erty. The socialization (meaning doing away 
with private property and making it the prop- 
erty of the proletarian state, which is man- 
aged by the workers on a socialistic basis) 
of the large-scale industries and the central 
bodies organized by the same, including the 
banks, the confiscation of the capitalistic agri- 
cultural production, the monopolization of 
large-scale commerce, the socialization of the 
large buildings in the towns and in the coun- 
try; the establishment of a workmen's gov- 
ernment and the concentration of the econo- 
mic functions in the hands of the organs of the 
proletarian dictatorship— are the most essen- 
tial aims of the day. 

In order to protect the socialist revolution 
against external and internal enemies, and to 
assist the fighting proletariats of other coun- 
tries, it becomes necessary to entirely disarm 
the bourgeoisie and its agents and to arm the 

The world situation demands immediate and 
as perfect as possible relations between the 
dififerent groups of the revolutionary prole- 
tariat and a complete alliance of all the coun- 
tries in which the rervolution has already suc- 

The most important method is the mass ac- 
tion of the proletariat, including armed strug- 
gle against the Government power of capital- 

The destruction of State authority is the 
^im which all Socialists have set for them- 
selves, Marx included and at the head; with- 
out the realization of this aim true democra- 
tism, that is, equality and liberty, cannot be 
realized. This aim can be realized in actual 
fact only by a Soviet or proletarian democracy, 
for by bringing into constant and actual par- 
ticipation in the administration of the State 
the mass organizations of the toilers, it be- 
gins immediately to prepare for the complete 
decay of any State. 

The national anti-Bolshevik move- 
ments in Russia have failed, and the 
spring may see Poland and Rumania 
swept by the Red armies. Then 
Europe faces another war, a war for 
which the Allies are ill-prepared, a 
war from which America can scarcely 
stand aloof. With eastern Europe 
in revolution and all Asia ablaze, we 
may have again to throw our forces 
into a struggle that is a greater 
menace to civilization than was Ger- 
man imperialism. 

And those who are accounted 
statesmen are taking no wise or ade- 
quate measures to meet the menace. 
Mr. Lloyd George seems inclined to 
come to terms with the Soviet Gov- 
ernment if only it will promise to 
cease its campaigns against Persia, 
Afghanistan, and India, hoping at the 
same time to win to himself the pro- 

Bolshevik labor element in his own 
country. Of course, the promise 
would not be kept, but even if it were, 
one can scarcely picture a proud and 
self-respecting nation buying peace 
on such craven terms. M. Clemenceau 
still clings to the cordon sanitaire and 
barrier-state idea, an equally ineffec- 
tual and dangerous plan. It is, indeed, 
repugnant to think of egging on the 
weak new states of eastern Europe, 
already torn with long-continued 
warfare, with unstable governments, 
and disorganized economic life, to do 
our fighting for us. Furthermore, 
nothing would tend more to consoli- 
date the Bolshevik power and rally 
to it Russian national feeling. Every 
Russian would feel that these coun- 
tries were being hired for the task and 
that slices of Russia would be the price 
paid. They already believe that the 
Allies, and especially England, cov- 
ertly desire that the Russia of the 
future shall be weakened by dismem- 
berment. Lloyd George practically 
admitted as much in his speech of 
November 19. 

Our situation in the face of the new 
menace is similar to what it was when 
German imperialism threatened the 
world. The same forces are at work 
to blind us to the issues. Bolshevik 
tools and dupes are among us, arous- 
ing feeling against Great Britain by 
false tales of oppression in India, 
by pleas for Egyptian independence, 
by Sinn Fein propaganda; stirring 
up animosity against Japan ; inciting 
labor troubles and class hostility; 
and camouflaging all their multifari- 
ous activities under the cloak of 
"liberalism." We have let go the 
opportunity to act in time to save 
the greater sacrifices. A year ago 
generous aid in money and supplies 
to the loyal Russian forces would have 
eradicated the cancer from Moscow, 
without the need of sending a soldier. 
But the moral issue was not clear, for 
our people listened to cunning propa- 
gandists, who represented Kolchak 
and Denikin as reactionaries and re- 
storers of Tsarism and diverted atten- 
tion from the actual tsarism of Lenin 
and Trotsky. The opportunity passed, 
and millions of lives have already 
paid the price of delay. 

Jerome Landfield 



[Vol. 2, No. 36 

Can We Improve Our Public 


TT'OR holding the views on the sub- 
-'■ ject of education which are ex- 
pressed in this article, the writer has 
been accused of heresy. Granted that 
a plain sailor can not pretend to be 
an authority on such matters, yet, as 
the onlookers at a game of chess often 
perceive situations and possibilities 
that escape the notice of the players 
themselves, he has reached the con- 
clusion that in some respects the pres- 
ent scheme of public education is 
fairly open to criticism. It is in the 
hope that his humble contribution to 
the discussion of an important topic 
may prove useful that he offers these 
random observations, if only as a man 
of straw to be knocked down. 

To begin at the beginning — can 
anything be more depressing than the 
sight of children, some of them tiny 
tots, lugging home piles of text-books 
every afternoon that the next day's 
lessons may be learned by them out of 
school hours, or, as is more frequently 
the case, taught them by their par- 
ents? Why should such a practice be 
tolerated? What are teachers for if 
not to teach? Why should parents 
be called upon to do work for which 
teachers are paid, thus turning the 
latter into mere hearers of lessons? 
The custom seems quite universal and 
encouraged, or at least not discour- 
aged. Yet, in my opinion, thus to en- 
croach upon a child's play hours, 
which should be devoted to healthy 
exercise, is little less than a crime. 
Never do my eyes fall on this painful 
spectacle but I say to myself, "The 
school that child attends is rotten." 
If the school hours are adequate, must 
we not believe that they are misused 
— wasted? To extend them is un- 
thinkable. Going a step farther, I 
am convinced that the taking home of 
text-books and the studying there of 
lessons should be positively prohibited 
to boys and girls under, say, thirteen 
years of age. Their health and 
strength and growth are too precious 
to themselves and the nation to be 
jeopardized. Had I a child subjected 
to this merciless regime, I should 

peremptorily forbid it to bring any 
text-book out of school. 

Still another step along this icono- 
clastic road which I am inviting my 
readers to tread with me; why any 
text-books at all for these young 
scholars, saving only history and 
readers? As they seem unnecessary 
to me, I am led to wonder whether 
schoolmasters and schoolmistresses 
do not follow the line of least resist- 
ance and assign lessons to be learned 
from text-books rather than do the 
teaching themselves. It is distasteful 
to suggest that they should choose 
upon which horn of the dilemma to 
impale themselves, laziness or incom- 
petence ; therefore some other reason 
must exist as to which my ignorance 
needs enlightenment. 

Except readers, there were no text- 
books at Professor Thomas's school in 
New Haven, which I attended when a 
youngster, and as, in my belief, no 
better primary school ever existed on 
this planet, I have good ground for 
my opinions. Of course, I must admit 
that he was an extraordinary master 
— his Christian name should have 
been Deodato, for surely never was a 
pedagogue more truly God-given. 
When his school closed for the day his 
scholars were absolutely free. What 
results attended his system, it may be 
asked. Suffice it to say that his boys 
of twelve could read well, write well, 
indite a good letter in accepted form, 
both business and personal; spell ex- 
cellently, draw maps from memory, 
cipher with the best. They knew 
their history thoroughly as far as he 
carried them, and a little about chem- 
istry and mineralogy as well, through 
practical demonstrations; many of 
them could set up type, and they did 
with their own hands make out, com- 
pose, and print the weekly school 
standing ; all could keep books in 
double entry. The secret lay in that 
Professor Thomas did nothing him- 
self which he could make his boys do 
for themselves. Few were the lessons 
he heard in person or the exercises he 
corrected, although from his raised 

platform he supervised all. In spell- 
ing, geography, and mental arithme- 
tic, for example, the boys themselves 
conducted the quiz after the manner 
of the good old New England spelling 
bee. In dictation each boy pointed 
out the mistakes on some other boy's 
slate (for of course the wasteful pad 
had no place in this model school), 
and was marked not only for his own 
errors, but for those also which he 
had failed to note on the slate passed 
to him. 

Under Professor Thomas, scholars 
acquired those most essential of all 
faculties, mental abstraction and the 
knowledge of how to study. Do 
these find their place in our common 
schools ? I greatly fear not, yet even 
after the lapse of many years they 
still remain with me as priceless pos- 

In the great world outside the 
schoolroom every man finds himself 
working under the inexorable law of 
rewards and penalties, and he whose 
career is crowned with success has 
won more of the former and incurred 
fewer of the latter than his fellows. 
What rewards do our schools hold out 
for close application and the rapid ac- 
complishment of the daily task ? Ab- 
solutely none except, possibly, the 
prizes offered at the end of the term. 
To expect the average boy to work 
hard over his books during what 
seems to him an eternity that he may 
at its end receive, perchance, a book 
of poetry, is mere folly; something 
more immediate and appealing to his 
nature is required. 

Let us digress a moment and in- 
quire into what it is that makes prog- 
ress so slow in our schools. Un- 
doubtedly the cause lies in the fact 
that the so-called dull boys hold back 
their brighter comrades, just as in the 
navy the speed of the slowest ship is 
that of the squadron. To increase the 
latter the former must be increased. 
There is no alternative. I do not 
know whether the expediting of the 
laggards is the guiding principle in 
our schools, although convinced that 
it ought to be ; while I have no reason 
to suppose that the teaching of how 
to study is recognized as the most 
important part of a master's duty. ; 
If that is achieved all the rest of edu- 

January 17, 1920] 



cation becomes plain sailing. I may 
be a heretic in holding that unless a 
master or mistress can teach how to 
study he or she is of little value. This 
can not be done by punishment, as, 
for instance, "keeping after school." 
Experience has demonstrated the fu- 
tility of such a procedure. Why not 
take the other tack and try the virtue 
of competition and rewards, the very 
basis of business management? 

To illustrate, suppose I were given 
a free hand in dealing with one aver- 
age class. I would first see to it that 
a playground for pleasant and a gym- 
nasium for foul weather were avail- 
able. I would then address my boys 
somewhat after this fashion; 

"I have a stop-watch here by 
which to time you in learning a cer- 
tain poem. When I say 'go,' open 
your books at page 82 and begin to 
memorize the poem. As soon as any 
one of you knows it perfectly, let him 
raise his hand. At my nod, he can 
leave the schoolroom and play outside 
until the bell sounds at the end of the 
hour, when of course he must return. 
Now be sure that you do know the 
poem perfectly. I have someone 
waiting outside who will test you and 
send you back if you do not. More- 
over, your word next time will not be 
fully accepted; you will have to pay 
for your error by remaining in your 
seat for a while. And let me warn 
each of you not to get into the hafeit 
of deceiving himself. The one per- 
son with whom you must always be 
honest is your own self. Now for the 
race— Go!"* 

I would note the exact time re- 
quired for each boy to do the task — 
thus getting a measure of his mental 
speed and self-honesty, as well as data 
upon which to gauge and record his 
progress in concentration. It is to 
the laggards, thus self proclaimed, 
that I would then devote all possible 
attention, helping them to lubricate 
their brain mechanism by taking 
them under intensive trainingthrough 
one small part of the lesson at a time. 
Eventually I should be in a position 
to report to the Superintendent that 
Johnnie Green, for example, was men- 

*I have taken the simplest case, that of pure 
memorizing. The reader can easily extend 
the idea to cover more complex cases. 

tally so far below normal that he 
should be set apart and not be kept 
in the class to hold back his fellows — 
a rank injustice to them. It is the 
best pace of the normal or average 
boy which should be accepted for the 
whole class — not that of the cleverest 
or of the dullest. 

Granted that some boys are 
brighter than others, just as some 
machines work with less friction and 
more efficiency than others, yet I feel 
strongly that very often the so-called 
dull scholar merely lacks the faculty 
of abstraction and close attention. 
He will confidently assert that he has 
devoted the whole hour to his lesson 
and he really thinks he has done so. 
As a matter of fact he has done noth- 
ing of the sort. His mind has wan- 
dered from the text-book pages to 
dwell upon the next baseball game, 
the coming of the circus, etc., etc. 
He longs for the ending of the school 
session and wishes he were a man 
with this horrid confinement and re- 
pulsive study behind him. The con- 
sequence is that of the hour allowed 
he really gives but a fraction to his 
Soudy. To such as he is the chance 
of getting out of doors and of joining 
his playmates comes like manna in 
the wilderness, furnishing a powerful 
incentive to stick close to the lesson. 
It is difficult to determine in advance 
how much time he would in this way 
gain for his sports, but I am sure it 
would prove astonishingly great. 

The laws of physics apply here as 
everywhere else. Exactly the same 
amount of mental energy is expended 
by each boy in learning any given les- 
son, the difference being that some 
work with the minimum of friction 
and without stopping; others with 
undue friction or intermittently. It 
may be possible to lubricate the gears 
— as to this I can only hope — but it is 
eminently practicable to keep the 
wheels moving uninterruptedly. Is 
not this worth attempting? And is 
not the method I suggest extremely 
promising? So entirely convinced 
am I on this point that I am almost 
ready to engage to take any class, 
and, after a few months' training, 
prove that the hour allotted to study 
could be reduced possibly to twenty 
minutes without detriment. If I am 

correct in my forecast, this class 
could eventually have its tasks 
doubled in length and yet have twenty 
minutes playtime out of every hour. 
Of course these figures are only hypo- 
thetical, but I have seen at Professor 
Thomas's school such extraordinary 
results of the mental concentration 
and the knowledge of how to study 
inculcated there that I can not think 
them wildly visionary. 

This supposititious class would, if 
I am right, go easily and thoroughly 
over the school course in half the time 
now allotted. It could keep up its 
speed in the grammar and high 
schools and be prepared for college at 
the age of fourteen, to graduate at 
eighteen, then to enter a university 
and go out into the world at twenty- 
one equipped at once to undertake 
its life work. 

The objection will be raised that 
boys of fourteen are too young to 
leave home. Quite true, if they go to 
a university where the student is re- 
garded as a man fully competent to 
take care of himself. What I have in 
mind is a small college exercising su- 
pervision over the conduct, habits, and 
morals of its charges. That I myself 
went to the Naval Academy at four- 
teen years of age and, thanks to Pro- 
fessor Thomas, went through the four 
years' curriculum in three years, 
graduating before I was eighteen, 
shows that my ideas are not so very 
chimerical after all, since I was 
merely an average lad, except in this, 
that under dear old Professor Thomas 
I had learned how to study and how 
to abstract myself from my sur- 
roundings. He discarded text-books, 
other than readers, completely, using 
wall maps and similar displays 
for other branches such as spell- 
ing, arithmetic, etc. To any person 
really anxious to learn Professor 
Thomas's system in detail t'ne invita- 
tion is freely extended to come to me 
for a conference. A private school 
in any one of our large cities would, 
I am convinced, prove a gold mine if 
faithfully conducted on his lines. Our 
public schools would, I fear, not con- 
sider such a tremendous change, im- 
peratively necessary as this heretic 
thinks it to be. 

Caspar F. Goodrich 



[Vol. 2, No. 36 


Mr. Roscoe and the Church 
of England 

To the Editors of The Review : 

In his article on "The Established 
Church of England," in the Revieiv of 
December 20, Mr. E. S. Roscoe leaves little 
unsaid that might be said in its dis- 
praise. He is, indeed, so apparently con- 
fident that the Church of England is a 
dead thing that he almost persuades one 
that it must be so. If he is to be credited, 
not only has the inefficiency of the 
Church as an organized body "been clear 
for a long time to impartial observers," 
but it is even recognized by the Church 
itself. Surely a parlous state. We are 
also reminded that the Church of Eng- 
land has been out of touch with national 
feeling in England, and "never more so 
than during the Great War"; and that 
it is "tolerated good-naturedly by the 
nation as a whole." The Church is 
"characterized by lack of enthusiasm"; 
it "produces no great divines"; it lacks 
both "the simple emotionalism of the 
Nonconformist Churches" and "the 
simple-minded and unquestioning devo- 
tion of the Roman Catholic Church to its 
faith and to its purpose"; it "appeals 
now, wholeheartedly, neither to reason 
or feeling; it has neither an intellectual 
nor an emotional influence." A most 
comprehensively damning indictment. If 
all this were true, as of course it is not, 
in spite of Mr. Roscoe's contrary belief, 
this corporate Esau might well lament 
the loss of both a birthright and any 
vestige of a blessing. 

It would be insulting the intelligence 
of your readers to attempt to tell them 
what the Church of England has done 
in the past, and what it is doing to-day, 
in the general cause of Christian civili- 
zation, what it has contributed to the 
education of England's sons and daugh- 
ters, what a factor it has been in the 
social life of that country, how its mem- 
bers clerical and lay did their part in 
the Great War. It has been a living 
force, and is still a living force, in Eng- 
land, as it has been and still is throughout 
the British Empire, and as the sister 
church has been and is in the United 
States. It does seem to me that the 
Church of England, or the Protestant 
Episcopal Church, stands for certain 
things that were never more vitally im- 
portant than they are to-day. It stands 
for broadmindedness, for tolerance of 
the views of others, for intelligent patri- 
otism, for the reasonable freedom of the 
individual, for self-control rather than 
control by the state. It teaches its mem- 
bers to be charitable in the broadest and 
best sense of the word, to be helpful but 
not meddlesome, to pray but not in the 

market-place, to be good citizens, to play 
the game, in a word to be gentlemen and 
gentlewomen. Any church that does 
these things, or even makes an honest 
attempt to do these things, will live. 

L. J. B. 
Ottawa, Ont., Jammry 1 

Inviting Revolution 

To the Editors of The Review: 

Now, as always, it is the Reds who de- 
sire the coming of the "Social Revolu- 
tion"; but many of the invitations to this 
festive chaos are at the present moment 
being issued by the Repressionists. Un- 
depreciated Americanism demands that 
both the Reds and Repressionists be dealt 
with as enemies of the Republic; and it 
is the task of the much abused and dis- 
credited Liberals in this country to make 
the demand effective. For so doing, this 
party of orderly progress may expect to 
be bitterly attacked by both sets of ex- 
tremists ; but it may also confidently hope 
to avert a disastrous social upheaval. 
This is the day of the Liberal; not the 
day of his prosperity and popularity, but 
the day of his opportunity. Liberalism 
alone can offer adequate backing for that 
salutary doctrine — now, unhappily, in 
eclipse — which requires justice for those 
"to whom we do not wish to be just." 

The Liberal can not tolerate the use of 
revolutionary expedients by either of the 
parties to an industrial dispute, nor by 
the Government itself. When organized 
labor prepares to compel political change 
by means of a general strike, the Liberal, 
however much he may sympathize with 
labor's grievances, must needs oppose 
this method of redressing them. When 
organized capital presumes to use as one 
of its weapons the withdrawal, in certain 
districts, of the ordinary citizen rights 
of free speech, free assemblage, the even- 
handed public justice, the Liberal is 
driven to protest, even though he fears 
the impending tyranny of labor. And 
similarly, the Liberal is bound to oppose 
in every lawful way any action by the 
Government in which it seeks to guard 
the general welfare by discriminating, 
wittingly or unwittingly, against one in- 
dustrial class and in favor of another. In 
each of these cases the guiding principle 
of Liberalism is an unflinching adherence 
to orderly justice. 

It would be superfluous to urge so ob- 
vious a principle as this, were there not 
in the social chaos of to-day many and 
powerful temptations to violate it, and 
a widespread yielding to these tempta- 

The Liberal whose sympathies incline 
toward the Reds often allows himself to 
drift into the position of acquiescing in 
revolution, if not of actually inviting it. 
He may be skeptical about the reality of 
the so-called democracy in the United 

States to-day, reasoning somewhat as 
follows : 

Our democracy is political only; in industry 
we still have autocracy. And even our politi- 
cal democracy is more apparent than real. Are 
we not in fact under a minority control, thanks 
to public inertia, indifference, and timidity, 
ignorance and mis-education ; thanks also to 
plutocratic pressure on newspapers and maga- 
zines, on hired brainpower in general, and on 
political parties and officials? Is not our de- 
mocracy, after all, essentially a minority dicta- 
tion in the interest of stability and the capi- 
talist class? W9uld it not probably involve 
more of gain than loss if, by "direct action," 
another minority dictatorship were substituted, 
in the interest of change, perhaps progress, 
rather than stability, and of the labor class in- 
stead of the capitalist? 

The Liberal who answers this last ques- 
tion in the affirmative has ceased to be a 
Liberal. He has become a Red. By hesi- 
tating to give it a negative answer, many 
Liberals are at the present moment in- 
viting revolution. To distrust the use 
of unlawful violence as a means to prog- 
ress is the very essence of Liberalism; 
and the demand for "direct action" is a 
clear call to unlawful violence against our 
Governmental institutions. 

The Liberal whose sympathies incline 
toward the Repressionists is in an equally 
perilous predicament. He sincerely be- 
lieves that law and order must be main- 
tained at any cost in these unsteady 
times; hence he finds it easy to condone 
the "treat 'em rough" tactics so com- 
monly used against "undesirable citi- 
zens." The following news item will 

Cincinnati, Nov. 18. — Three hundred mem- 
bers of the American Legion, led by their offi- 
cers, raided Iieadquartcrs of the Socialist party 
here to-night. Hundreds of pounds of litera- 
ture were tlirown to the street, where it was 

However bitter the Liberal's opposition 
to Socialism may be, and however 
enthusiastic his support of the American 
Legion, his plain duty is to condemn this 
outrage and do his part in seeing that it 
receives a suitable punishment. To do 
anything else is to fall weakly into line 
with those who are inviting revolution. 

The Industrial Workers of the World 
provide many similar illustrations. Be- 
cause the Liberal abhors the I. W. W. 
and all its works, his soul rebels against : 
the duty of shielding its members from 
unlawful violence. Is not lawlessness the 
very cement that binds them together? 
Is it not their common aim to overthrow , 
in an unlawful manner the basic institu- 
tions of modern society? What right, j 
therefore, have they to claim the protec- i 
tion of the law or equitable treatment in | 
the courts ? If the Liberal be intelligent, ' 
arguments such as these proceed from i 
his angry heart, not from his cool head. 
For a very little of sober reflection can 
not fail to convince him that it comports 
ill with the dignity of a great people to 
fight crime with crime, and that the ulti- ; 
mate safeguard against revolution is a 

January 17, 1920] 



record of even-handed justice to all. And 
he must feel grave concern as he reads 
the bitter arraignment of modem society 
bj' the Reds, and knows that many of 
their charges are based upon fact. Every 
crime committed against a Red, whether 
by a court, a public administrator, or 
a "law and order" mob, is an invitation 
to revolution — an invitation that thou- 
sands will accept and other thousands se- 
riously ponder. The all-important job of 
the Liberals during the next few months 
is to lessen the number of such invita- 

Henry W. Lawrence, Jr. 
Middlebury, Vermont, December 20 

A Talk With 

Sir George Paish 

AFTER reading of Sir George Paish 
in the "yellows," one might be par- 
doned for imagining that expert on 
finance as a delusive, wily, rather dan- 
gerous person. Those who meet him face 
to face, and exchange views with him, 
will be surprised to find that he is just 
the contrary. 

I had the pleasure of a long and serious 
talk with him the other day, when he 
explained to me some features of his 
mission. He had been disconcerted by 
the comments of those "yellows" on what 
they fancy he is trying to do in this 

"I can not understand," he remarked, 
"why I have had my mission so misrepre- 
sented. On my arrival I supposed I 
had made it clear that I had come here, 
not to arrange an enormous loan for any 
government, but as the spokesman of a 
philanthropic group, the Fight the 
Famine Council, to enlist the sympathies 
of moneyed men and others in the United 
States on behalf of starving Europe. 

"It is no part of my purpose to induce 
your Government to lend billions of 
dollars to Great Britain. What I desire 
is to convince you of the urgent need of 
the unhappy peoples over there who have 
been victims of the war. I would not for 
a moment even criticize the attitude of 
your public men or anyone at all here 
on this point. But, in a few days, I 
may venture to reply to Mr. Hoover and 
some others. 

"I feel, as we all do in Europe, that the 
assistance which the United States has 
rendered the Old World has been magnifi- 
cent. Nothing could have been finer 
than the way in which your armies 
fought with us, or than the way in which, 
at a most crucial time, you sent us food 
for lack of which we must have perished. 

"I am here to try to show you the need 
of not withholding the supplies which 
you, above all, can assure the stricken 
nations. All that we ask is that you 
should go on exporting what you raise to 

Europe. I wish to show how you can do 
that in a normal way — not by extending 
credit on a gigantic scale with risk of 
loss, but with safety to yourselves, with 
guarantees. I mean guarantees of a 
responsible Government." 

"What's wrong with the whole world 
just now. Sir George?" 

"The world has been disordered by an 
explosion. It must be brought back to 
its normal state. I do not doubt — indeed, 
I have never doubted that, soon or late, 
the United States will realize this fact 
and do its part to restore order. In the 
long run I have never known America to 
fail in doing what is right. Since my 
arrival, after conferring with important 
business men, I have convinced myself 
that henceforward business interests 
here will see that their future lies not 
only in the development of domestic trade 
but also in the expansion of foreign 
trade. In the future, I believe, this coun- 
try and Great Britain will work amicably 
together, more or less as partners. There 
will, of course, be friendly competition. 
But Great Britain will not try to get 
monopolies of trade in certain countries 
— for example, in the Far East. And the 
United States will, I believe, be equally 

"The war, you know, has taken from 
us two great fields on which we used to 
draw for our supplies — Russia and 
Rumania. This country is to-day the 
only source from which we can hope to 
get the things we need urgently. 

"It was most fortunate for us that, at 
a crisis of our fate, you Americans awoke 
to a new consciousness of your own for- 
eign interests. What you did by sending 
us wheat can not be overestimated. You 
know what happened. The normal pro- 
duction of wheat and so on here increased 
enormously; so greatly as to make up 
all the deficit in production on our side. 
When it again sank, owing to bad har- 
vests, you economized. Had you not 
done so, we might have been ruined, 
though I believe that England could have 
starved a little longer, at the worst, than 

As to Russia, Sir George held the 
opinion that it would be advisable and 
even necessary to let the Russians work 
out their own fate without interference. 
There seemed, indeed, to be no possible 
alternative, as the French and British 
soldiers baulked at fighting Russians. 
He had also much of interest to say as 
to the ferment of the world regarding 
social issues. 

"I have had occasion," he remarked, 
"to talk with soldiers at the front. I 
asked one group of men — about seven 
hundred Tommies — what they thought. 
In answer, I was asked if it was true 
that, while they were offering up their 
lives to serve their country, the profiteers 
at home were growing rich. There is no 
doubt, of course, that while the late war 

lasted, outrageous profits were made by 
many employers. As a natural conse- 
quence, the working people insisted on 
their share of those huge profits. So 
wages were put up. And this in turn 
increased the cost of living. The cost of 
living must be gradually reduced. It if« 
at the root of all the trouble in the world 
The workers are unhappy because they 
are having a bad time of it at home. The 
women understand that it means more 
to their men folk and their families to 
lower expenditure than to get higher 
wages. A great portion of the burden 
of the people must be reduced by taking 
away excessive profits. 

"The tendency in England, as I see 
things, is towards what is known there 
now as Guild Socialism — really a move- 
ment in the direction of cooperation in 
production and distribution. There have 
been efforts to attain these ends in Eng- 
land, due to the initiative of broadminded 
employers. But we may see the attempt 
on a much bigger scale. Between capital 
and organized labor, what we call the 
middle classes (and more particularly 
the professional classes, clerks and so 
on) have suffered greatly. It is but fair 
that they should be considered in all 
social re-adjustments. I do not know 
exactly what has been accomplished so 
far by the middle class unions and 
leagues in England. We hear much less 
of them than you suppose. Such organi- 
zations are, however, badly needed." 

And then, after a pause for thought, 
Sir George said this of what to him 
seemed an impending social change of 
vast importance, "In times past, capital 
has been in the habit of hiring labor. 
Before long we may see labor hiring 
capital. Groups of working people will 
borrow money for their purposes on the 
best terms procurable. And, as the work- 
ing people grow in intelligence, the terms 
on which they will be able to raise money 
will grow easier." 

"But will that help the rest of the 

"Yes, in the end, I think it will. The 
workers will not be able to dispense with 
the assistance of the professionals, whose 
interests are perhaps nearer to their own 
than to those of the capitalists. Eventu- 
ally all classes may cooperate, and share 
the profits of production and distribu- 

In quoting Sir George Paish, I have 
not always tried to repeat his very words. 
At times he took some pains to make it 
plain that he was not nailing himself 
down to rigid prophecies, but merely 
formulating views with which he sym- 
pathized. His general outlook on the 
future seemed optimistic. Especially as 
to the willingness of American business 
men, or at least the more farsighted of 
them, to do their share in restoring peace 
and order to a distracted world. 

Charles Henry Meltzer 



[Vol. 2, No. 36 

Mr. P. E. More and The Wits 

IF Mr. Howells is the dean of our fiction, 
Mr. More is the bishop of our criti- 
cism. His classical and Oriental schol- 
arship, his reverence for tradition, his 
reasoned conservatism, his manner, a 
little austere at first contact, and his 
style, pure and severely decorous, all be- 
come the office. By the serenity of his 
pleasure in letters and the life of the 
mind he recalls those substantially happy 
old churchman-scholars of the eighteenth 
centur>-, Warton and Percy and Warbur- 
ton. By the range of his deep and difficult 
reading he suggests Coleridge, to whose 
intellectual dissoluteness, however, his 
intellectual organization and concentra- 
tion are antithetical. By his aloofness 
from the spirit of the hour and its con- 
troversies he reminds one of Landor, 
striving with none, because none is 
worth his strife. By his touch of mystic 
ardor and his sustained moral intensity 
and philosophic seriousness, he belongs 
with Savonarola and the great French 
ecclesiastics of the seventeenth century, 
inspired by the poignancy of a Pascal and 
the weight and amplitude of a Bossuet. 
One may visualize him in these later 
years, since his retirement from editorial 
duties, as sitting in external and internal 
placidity under a pallid bust of Pallas in 
a commodious library, learnedly annotat- 
ing in fine small hand an interleaved 
edition of Plato, or poring with a reading 
glass over the Latin folio of Origen, or 
perhaps quite lost to the world in the 
wide wilderness of Leo XIII's Aquinas. 
Men with such companions are less 
solitary than they seem. Upon a schol- 
arly leisure so austerely industrious, you 
and I would not lightly venture to in- 
trude, even though we had heard that 
after a week with St. Augustine Mr. 
More enjoys a Saturday evening with 
Anna Katharine Green; or will good-hu- 
moredly meet the Princeton pundits and 
Bluestockings at a rubber of bridge, 
bringing to the solution of its problems 
the logical rigor of Duns Scotus and the 
transcendental insight of Plotinus. On 
another night, at tea-time or after, Sam- 
uel Johnson would not hesitate to stumble 
in, and, stretching his great legs towards 
the fire, challenge Henry Holt's views of 
Patience Worth and the ouija board, or 
put the Princeton Platonist to a defense 
of the thesis, somewhat wearily stoical, 
which he has carved in tall Greek letters 
across the face of his mantel shelf — a 
thesis of which this is the gist: "Man's 
affairs are really of small consequence, 
but one must act as if they were, and 
this is a burden." Later in the evening 
one can imagine that saturated student 
of Queen Anne's time, Professor Trent, 
completing the semicircle; and then the 
three of them, confirmed Tories all three, 
joining in an amiable but heated alterca- 
tion on the merits of Milton and Defoe, 

or more harmoniously discussing, judg- 
ing and gossiping over the "wits" of tav- 
ern and coffee-house whom Mr. More has 
gathered into his latest volume*: first, 
Beaumont and Fletcher, Halifax, Mrs. 
Behn, Swift, Pope, Lady Mary, Berkeley, 
the Duke of Wharton, Gray; and then, 
more summarily, those golden bugs, those 
"decadent" fellows, who wore the green 
carnation and sipped absinthe for coffee 
between the reign of Wilde and the reign 
of G. B. Shaw. 

It is good literary talk — better is not 
to be heard in these degenerate days. It 
is talk now grave, now gay, richly allus- 
ive and erudite and deliciously seasoned 
with malice — "at every word a reputa- 
tion dies." For the host, quoting Samuel 
Butler, has given his guests this note: 
"There is nothing that provokes and 
sharpens wit like malice." What a lurk- 
ing Whig or a modern Democrat or a 
Romanticist would miss, if he were eaves- 
dropping there, is a clash of fundamental 
belief and theory. Professor Trent may 
differ tenaciously on a nice point, such as 
the circumstantial evidence in the case 
of Lady Mary's virtue. But as to the 
a priori evidence, they are all in substan- 
tial agreement; for they accept with a 
dreadful Calvinistic accord man's nat- 
ural predisposition to evil. They all ap- 
plaud the wits for saying so sovereignly 
well those infamous things about human 
nature, which, alas, every now and then, 
human nature deserves to hear. They all 
speak suspiciously and derogatively of 
the mobile vulgus. And they fail, as 
nearly every militant classicist does, to 
recognize the "grand style" in Shake- 
speare, though, as Mr. More's favorite 
abomination, Professor Saintsbury, truly 
says, the heretic has but to open the plays 
anywhere and read fifty lines, and the 
grand style will smite him in the face 
"as God's glory smote Saint Stephen." 
Mr. More, receding from the position 
taken in the second series, now admits, 
indeed, that the greater plays are in their 
substance "profoundly classic," which is 
as much as one ever extorts from a de- 
fender of the Acropolis; but he clings to 
his heresy in the case of "Komeo and 
Juliet," ranking its exquisite symphonies 
of meaning and music below the ethical 
plain-song of the "Hippolytus." 

We are interrupting better talk than 
our own. "Stay, stay," as a German vis- 
itor exclaimed on another occasion, "Toe- 
tor Shonson is going to say something." 

"Sir," cries the Doctor dashing at 
"P. E. M." with brutal downrightness, 
"in your essay on a Bluestocking of the 
Restoration, you have applied a vile 
phrase to Congreve. You have done an 

♦With the Wits. Shelburne Essays. Tenth 
series. By Paul Elmer More. Boston : 
Houghton Miiiflin Co. 

injustice to Congreve by coupling him 
with Wycherley and Mrs. Behn as 'wal- 
lowing contentedly in nastiness.' A critic 
should exert himself to distinguish the 
colors and shades of iniqtlity. Wycher- 
ley splashed through the filth of his time 
like a gross wit. Mrs. Behn dabbled in 
it like a prurient and truckling wit. 
Swift, indeed, wallowed in it, not con- 
tentedly but morosely, truculently, like a 
mad wit. But Congreve picked his way 
through it disdainfully, like a fastidious 

"But did you not," inquired Mr. More, 
"in your Lives of the Poets remark that 
the perusal of Congreve's works will 
make no man better?" 

"True," retorts the Doctor, "but I ac- 
knowledged that I knew nothing of Con- 
greve's plays. Years had passed since I 
had read them. I am better acquainted 
with them now. Sir, in the Elysian 
Fields, Hazlitt, Thackeray, and Meredith, 
your best judges of wit and the beauties 
of English prose, converse with the mem- 
bers of my Literary Club in the language 
of Congreve. In my days of nature, I 
did him at least the justice of recording 
that he could name among his friends 
every man of his times, Whig and Tory 
alike, whom wit and elegance had raised 
to reputation. A man who wallows in 
filth does not win universal esteem. No, 
sir; Congreve was an acute critic, a 
man of taste, and a fine gentleman, a 
very fine gentleman. In your next edi- 
tion you must retrieve your blunder of. 
representing the patrician wit of the Res 
toration as wallowing in nastiness." 

"I will make a note of it," says Mr, 
More with an audible sigh of regrei 
For, to tell the plain truth, Mr. Mor( 
values the writers of the Restoratio: 
chiefly for their wickedness. It is such 
good ammunition to use on the humani- 
tarian enthusiasts and the whitewashers 
of human nature. He can forgive Pope 
his virulent personal satire, but not his 
deistic optimism. He praises Swift above 
Pope for his consistent adherence to the 
representation of his fellows as "the most 
pernicious race of little odious vermin 
ever suffered to crawl upon the face of 
the earth." He requires, or thinks he 
requires, the Yahoos as hideous cary- 
atides to uphold the towering superstruc- 
ture of his aristocratic political and so- 
cial philosophy. 

"Cheer up. More," interposes Professor 
Trent jocosely, "don't let the loss of 
Congreve shake your beautiful faith in 
human depravity. The Doctor allows 
that Congreve was a rare bird, a very 
phoenix. I'll tell you a Yahoo friend of 
Defoe's that you can put in his place. 
Swift knew his English people. For my 
part, give me the Turks." 

A belief in the baseness of average hu- 
man nature is, as I have said, something 
that Mr. More requires as a builder re- 
quires a basement, not expecting to live 




Jaruicary 17, 1920] 



in it. Despite his profession of love for 
Pope, I suspect he has little more fellow- 
feeling for the sad wags of Anne's time 
or of Victoria's than Milton had for his 
kitchen-folk. When Professor Trent and 
Doctor Johnson grow weary of impaling 
ghosts on epigrams and are packed off to 
a nightcap and to bed, one can fancy "P. 
E. M." returning to the library to recover 
possession of his soul. Extinguishing 
the lights, he sinks into his easy chair, 
and watches for a time the flickers of his 
expiring fire fingering the dusky folios, 
while the Princeton chimes announce 
the midnight, and silence envelops that 
quaint little imitation-English city, striv- 
ing so bravely, amid the New Jersey oil- 
refineries, to be a home of lost causes 
and to dream, under the Cleveland me- 
morial tower, like the Oxford of 1830. 
As he meditates there in the fitful gloam- 
ing by the hearthside — Mr. More is one 
of the last of the meditative men — the 
gossip and scandal of the evening's talk 
rise from his mind like a phantasmal 
smoke, in which the huge illusory bulk 
of Johnson appears but a whirling eddy 
in knee-buckles and the slighter form of 
Professor Trent but a momentary shape 
in frock coat, floating wisp-like heaven- 

From his mood of recreative dissipa- 
tion "P. E. M." passes into his mood of 
critical self-collection, thence into his 
mood of philosophic contemplation, and 
so to his mood of mystical insight, in 
which space and time, like insubstantial 
figments of the imagination, dissolve and 
mingle with the smoke and the Professor 
and the Doctor, and drift up the flue into 
night and nothingness. "Such stuff as 
dreams are made on," he murmurs in a 
mood like that in which Carlyle saw 
through the transparent body of Louis 
XVI the Merovingian kings wending on 
their ox-carts into eternity. A chill per- 
vades the still air of the study. Into 
the vacant chairs glide one by one the 
quiet ghosts of Henry More the Plato- 
nist, and Sir Thomas Browne, for whom 
Oblivion scattered her poppy in vain, and 
Cudworth rising from his tomb in "The 
True Intellectual System of the Uni- 
verse," and pale John Norris of Bemerton, 
wafted hither by a passion of loneliness 
from his dim prison in "The Theory of 
an Ideal World." There is no sound of 
greeting; but the four silent figures 
commune together in perfect felicity on 
That Which Endureth Forever. They 
speak not a word, yet they understand 
one another by a mere interpenetration 
of their beings. . . . And when 
the Northern Waggoner has set his sev- 
enfold team behind the steadfast star, 
and Chaunticlere warns erring spirits to 
their confines, "P. E. M." rouses himself 
from his deep trance, and says to him- 
self, softly under his breath, "Hodie 
vixi— to-day I have lived!" 

After two cups of coffee and a bit of 

toast, he goes to his desk and, without 
haste or rest, sets to work upon — what? 
A man who keeps such company and 
lives such an internal life should write 
his memoirs, a new Biographia Literaria, 
a philosophical autobiography. Such a 
book from Mr. More, delivering in his 
pure grave style a continuous narrative 
of the travels and voyages of his spirit 
from Shelburne, New Hampshire, by way 
of India to ancient Athens, making all 
ports which for storm-tossed sailors trim 
their lamps — such a narrative, plangent 
through all its reserves with nostalgia 
for the infinite, would be of unique inter- 
est and value to us, complementing the 
brave venture of Henry Adams, and 
deepening the resonance of American let- 

But Mr. More, returning to his desk, 
either continues his history of Neo-Pla- 
tonism, which I wish he could leave to a 
scholar with no autobiography to write; 
or else, which fills me with malice, he 
supplants that great work by a Shelburne 
essay on Aphra Behn. This "pilgrim of 
the infinite"— what has Aphra to do with 
him, or he with Aphra! But what is a 
Shelburne essay? It is generally an im- 
perfect, fragmentary cross-section, some- 
times only the outer bark of a cross-sec- 
tion, of the character and personality 
which I have been sketching. It is criti- 
cism, it is history, it is philosophy, it is 
morality, it is religion, it is, above all, a 
singularly moving poetry, gushing up 
from deep, intellectual, and moral sub- 
strata, pure, cold, and refreshing, as 
water of a spring from the rocks in some 
high mountain hollow. This poetry of 
ideas was abundant in the first and the 
sixth series of the Shelburne essays, and 
was nearly continuous in some of the 
single essays like The Quest of a Century 
in the third series and Victorian Litera- 
ture in the seventh. By its compression 
of serious thought and deep feeling it 
produces the effect of one speaking be- 
tween life and death, as the Apology of 
Socrates does. There is a pulse in the 
still flow of it, as if it had been stirred 
once and forever at the bottom of the 
human heart. It is for this poetry that 
we love Mr. More. But one has to go so 
far for it ! In the long series, it is so in- 
termittent! There is so much territory 
through which it does not flow. 

A young friend of mine who takes his 
world .through his pores, little expe- 
rienced in literary exploration, unable to 
discover the spring, announced to me, 
after a brush with the "wits," that the 
essays are "dry." He is mistaken. A 
Shelburne essay is not infrequently, how- 
ever, astonishingly difficult. Mr. More 
has not attended to the technique of in- 
gratiation by which a master of popu- 
larity plays upon an unready public with 
his personality, flattering, cajoling, se- 
ducing it to accept his shadow before his 
substance arrives. He takes so little 

pains, I will not say to be liked, but to 
be comprehended, that I sometimes won- 
der whether he ha.s ever broadly consid- 
ered the function of criticism — in a de- 
mocracy, as different as ours is from that 
in Athens. He writes as if unaware that 
our General Reading Public is innocent 
of all knowledge of the best that has been 
said and thought in the world. He writes 
at least half the time as if he contem- 
plated an audience of Coleridges, John- 
sons, and Casaubons. 

Let me illustrate. Occasionally he will 
give you some paragraphs of literary his- 
tory as plain as a biographical dictionary 
and as dry as, let us say in deference to 
Mr. Mencken, as dry as a professor of 
English. But of a sudden, in a harmless- 
looking essay, say that on the eighteenth- 
century dilettante, William Beckford, 
you, if a plain man, stumble and lose your 
footing over "the law of autarkeia. the 
perception of the veritable infinite within 
harmonious self-completeness which was 
the great gift of the Greeks to civiliza- 
tion;" and down you go whirling head- 
long into the bottomless pitfall and 
abyss of a discussion of the difference 
between the Oriental and the Occidental 
sentiment towards the infinite and to- 
wards personality, while Hinduism, Sem- 
itism, Alexandrianism, Platonism, and 
the Gnostic and Manichean heresies rush 
past you with the flash and roar of the 
wheels within wheels that dazzled Eze- 
kiel when the heavens were opened and 
he saw "visions of God" — and "my 
word," as Mr. Drinkwater's Lincoln would 
say, what a God! You are, it is true, 
brought out of that headlong plunge into 
the unfathomable, as a skillful sky-pilot 
brings you out of a "nose-spin," or as 
a dentist brings you out of the gyrations 
of a nitrous oxid trance; and you hear 
Mr. More at your side quietly, suavely, 
assuring you that now you understand 
"why Goethe curtly called romanticism 
disease and classicism health." Maybe 
you do; but it is not by reason of your 
ride behind him on the Gnostic night- 
mare. What passed in that flight is only 
a shade more intelligible to you than a 
Chinese incantation. Your education 
was imperfect; you are neither a Cole- 
ridge nor a Cudworth. 

"Perverse as it seems to say so," re- 
marked Matthew Arnold in reply to Pro- 
fessor Newman's charge that he was ig- 
norant, "I sometimes find myself wish- 
ing, when dealing with these matters of 
poetical criticism, that my ignorance 
were even greater than it is." How often 
one wishes that Mr. More would steal an 
hour from the study of Neo-Platonism to 
meditate on that paradoxical utterance! 
How often one wishes that Mr. More's 
ignorance were far, far greater than it 
is. With many of Arnold's fundamental 
intentions in criticism he is profoundly 
sympathetic; but he has never, as it ap- 
pears to me, felt in a compelling way the 



[Vol. 2, No. 36 

Englishman's passion for diffusing his 
ideas, for making them "prevail," for 
carrying them from one end of society 
to the other. He has never taken ade- 
quately to heart Arnold's true and mem- 
orable description of the "great men of 
culture." They are those, he declares, 
"who have labored to divest knowledge 
of all that was harsh, uncouth, difficult, 
abstract, professional, exclusive; to hu- 
manize it, to make it efficient outside the 
clique of the cultivated and learned, yet 
still remaining the best knowledge and 
thought of the time, and a true source, 
therefore, of sweetness and light." 

When I ask myself why "P. E. M." has 
not taken these words more obviously 
home, why he writes so exclusively for 
the "clique of the cultivated and learned," 
I come invariably to one conclusion, 
namely, that his interest in the unculti- 
vated and unlearned is horribly chilly, is 
not much livelier, in fact, than his mas- 
ter Plato's concern for the Helots, who 
are silently to bear on their shoulders the 
burden and splendor of the Athenian Ke- 
public ; is not much warmer than his mas- 
ter Burke's concern for the driver of 
oxen, the carpenter, and work-master, 
who are not to be sought for in counsel 
but are "to maintain the state of the 
world." When I consider how rich "P. 
E. M." is in the very wisdom which our 
democratic populace needs and vaguely 
desires, and when I observe how per- 
sistently he repels the advances of the 
vulgar by flinging a handful of political 
and social icicles in their faces, I wish 
from the bottom of my heart that he 
had loved the exclusive, metaphysical, 
aristocratic Plato less, and the hobnob- 
bing, inquisitive, realistic, democratic 
Socrates more. 

If Socrates were among us to-day, I am 
convinced that he would be leader of the 
Democrats in the House; but Plato, I 
suspect, would be a member of the Senate 
from Massachusetts. Having Plato as 
his monitor, Mr. More sides politically 
and socially with the little group of 
Americans who hold that there are only 
half a dozen great families, all in the 
Republican party, capable of governing 
and guiding the destinies of the United 
States. Though they may pass without 
question for "good" citizens, distin- 
guished and patriotic, they have never 
accepted one characteristic word that 
Jefferson wrote into the political Scrip- 
tures of the American nation; they have 
never felt one generous throb of the faith, 
regenerative and sustaining and uniting, 
which Jefferson poured broadcast upon 
the spirit of the American people — faith 
in the sense and virtue of the community 
and in the sense and virtue of the 
majority of its components. 

With Socrates as his guide through 
the modem world, "P. E. M." might have 
left his library and have broken from the 
circle of his Immortals, to stand on one 

leg and grow wise in the market-place. 
He might have suppled and vulgarized 
his tongue to chat with the work-master 
and carpenter and the driver of oxen 
who have had an American education and 
have fought under the American flag 
from Verdun to Archangel for, as they 
thought or hoped, an American demo- 
cratic faith. He might have fallen in 
with the young carpenter, cited for gal- 
lantry in the Argonne, who is repairing 
my roof; or with another, concealing a 
Carnegie medal, who built me a tolerable 
bookcase after saving, single-handed, 
seventeen lives in a fire. He might have 
met with a Northern peasant farmer of 
my acquaintance who, after recounting 
the hardships of his winter work in the 
absence of his eldest son, said to me, with 
a smile as profoundly philosophical as 
anything in Epictetus: "Well, I suppose 
that is what we are here for." He might 
have read the halting, ill-spelled letters of 
that stalwart eldest son who, while break- 
ing mules for the Expeditionary Force in 
France, wrote to his old mother with a 
filial piety as beautiful as anything that 
Mr. More commends in Pope. 

If he had enjoyed opportunities such 
as these — somehow he seems always to 
have evaded them — he would have recog- 
nized with dismay that Swift and the 
wits have coarsely libeled the mobile vul- 
gus and have deceived him about its ca- 
pacities and tendencies. He would have 
discovered in the average man — along 
with healthy self-interest, petty vices, 
and envy enough to keep him stirring — 
courage, fortitude, sobriety, kindness, 
honesty, and sound practical intelligence. 
If he could have pressed critically into the 
matter, he would have discovered some- 
thing even more surprising. He would 
have learned that the average man is, like 
himself, at heart a mystic, vaguely hun- 
gering for a peace that diplomats can not 
give, obscurely seeking the permanent 
amid the transitory; a poor swimmer 
struggling for a rock amid the flux of 
waters, a lonely pilgrim longing for the 
shadow of a mighty rock in a weary land. 
And if "P. E. M." had a bit more of that 
natural sympathy, of which he is so dis- 
trustful, he would have perceived that 
what more than anything else to-day 
keeps the average man from lapsing into 
Yahooism is the religion of democracy, 
consisting of a little bundle of general 
principles which make him respect him- 
self and his neighbor; a bundle of prin- 
ciples kindled in crucial times by an in- 
tense emotion, in which his self-interest, 
his petty vices, and his envy are consumed 
as with fire ; and he sees the commonweal 
as the mighty rock in the shadow of 
which his little life and personality are 
to be surrendered, if need be, as things 
negligible and transitory. 

I am speaking of the average man and 
traits of his which I can never contem- 
plate, being one myself, without a lift of 

the heart; and I frankly avow that it 
vexes me to hear this emotion which does 
so much to keep us average men from 
weariness, and from the devastating cyni- 
cism of the wits, and the horrid ennuis 
of the great, and from their sense that 
the affairs of men are really of small con- 
sequence — it vexes me to hear this emo- 
tion dismissed as fatuous democratic 

But even as I write these words, I 
seem to hear Mr. More, in an accent 
slightly eighteenth century, exclaiming 
not without asperity, yet rather in pity 
than in anger: "Sir, I perceive that you 
are a vile Whig !" 

To which I reply, not without anima- 
tion yet more in affection than in malice, 
"Sir, I perceive that you are a stubborn 

"Sir," says Mr. More, "I am obliged 
to lean a bit backward to counterbalance 
the vileness of your Whiggery." 

"And Sir," I conclude, "I am obliged 
to lean a bit forward to counterbalance 
the stubbornness of your Toryism." 

Stuart P. Sherman 

Book Reviews 

Co-operating with Destiny 

Ideals of America. Analyses of the guiding 
motives of contemporary American life 
by leaders in various fields of thought and 
action. Prepared for the City Club of 
Chicago, 1916-1919. Chicago: A. C. Mc- 
Clurg & Co. 

THE reviewer wolfed a mouthful of 
books from the shelf behind the edi- 
tor's desk and trotted off to the smoking- 
car before he dropped his prey to sniff 
at it and see what he had caught. He 
slipped inside the first red cover, labelled 
"Ideals of America," and splashed into 
the following: 

An era ended in July, 1914. A civilization 
reached its conclusion. We are now far 
enough away to begin to see its affairs in per- 
spective. Nineteen hundred and fourteen is 
detached from the present. The year so recent 
has begun to take its place with 1896, 1861, 
and even with 1775. This almost immediate 
past is already becoming as alien to us as are 
the epochs we have learned through the written 
chronicles of the past. What is ahead we can 
not say with assuredness, although the rude 
outlines of the future are visible now to the 
clear-eyed as objects perceived in the semi- 
light of approaching dawn. At such a season 
of transition it is, accordingly, especially valu- 
able to attempt to take stock so that thereby 
we may cooperate with destiny in achieving a 
more satisfactory society. 
As he came up gasping and began to 
search his mental pockets, the train boy 
thrust a pictorial cover under his nose, 
announcing "Mutt and Jeff — all the latest 
Mutt and Jeff pictures in a book." The; 
reviewer took a good look at the familiar 
figures with a comfortable feeling as of 
firm ground after quicksand. Here at 
least was something from that utterly 
alien past whose curve registered noth- 

Januaiy 17, 1920] 



ing of the late seismic disturbance. As 
they were before Sarajevo, so are they 
after Versailles. He opened the red 
cover and ventured in again arm in arm 
with Mutt and Jeff to steady him over 
the quaking surface of the morass. 

By conscious efforts towards clarifying and 
organizing our thought and feeUngs can the 
high, but hazy, ill-defined . and ill-adjusted 
moral conceptions, which admittedly feature 
our life, be composed into the symbol of a fit 
creative purpose for to-morrow? . . . Can 
we as Americans justify our occupation of a 
continent by unfolding and pursuing a benefi- 
cent, an upbuilding ideal, outbidding disrup- 
tive motives and matching the inciting chal- 
lenge and resources of our day? 

From the corner of his eye the reviewer 
saw Mutt with a bent forefinger pressed 
against the dome of his forehead, above 
which hung a radio-active question-mark 
registering "I don't get you." 

If the task thus crudely hinted at can 
be successfully prosecuted, if a more 
worthy, adequate, and dynamic objective 
for our social life — 

"Say," interrupts Mutt, "Wot fell's a 
dynamic objective?" 

"I know," says Jeff, "It's droppin G. 
I.'s on an ammunition dump." 

"How am I gonna cooperate with 
destiny?" pursues Mutt. 

"Let's ask the Perfesser," suggests 

There follows a "symposium," a Greek 
banquet of codfish and baked beans, a 
white-pine Parthenon with a steeple 
overlooking the culture of onions and 

Same old Mutt and Jeff. They keep 
their hair on (what there is of it). 
And the fact that their familiar 
attitudes express so readily these in- 
expressibly new phases of life "casts 
an oblique light" on the newness 
and on us. In Mutt's well-known pose 
we see ourselves, a static pose to express 
the dynamic, an attitude of tense for- 
ward straining in expectation of any- 
thing but the familiar, when suddenly the 
familiar hits us from behind, and over 
we go on our noses. At the promise of 
something new we shut our eyes and 
open our minds wide. Common-sense flies 
out; does anything better fly in? The 
professor does his part to supply us 
with something to make us wise — if only 
we could shut our minds on it and hold 
it when we get it. 

In turn the professors come forward. 
There is one each for politics, law, labor, 
science, education, society, business, 
music, religion, philosophy, literature, 
and things in general (Human Pro- 
gress). For the most part they speak 
well and reason soundly. But the re- 
viewer has to snuggle close to Mutt and 
Jeff to keep from dizziness, as ideals 
wheel across the zenith like the spokes 
of the Aurora Borealis, and flash from 
hilltop to hilltop. The three find them- 
selves in a rather flimsy wagon at the 
switching tail of a free-lance comet. Far 

below, the world they have left "spins 
like a fretful midge." They would be 
glad to hitch their wagon to a star, just 
one star, friendly and fixed. Jeff has 
much ado to keep his hair on, and the 
glow of Mutt's radiolite question-mark 
outdoes the pale moon. The reviewer is 
ready to go into the hands of a moral and 
spiritual receiver. In the matter of 
ideals, he thought he had assets enough 
for his modest business, but this board 
of examiners exhibits his liabilities in a 
light that spells bankruptcy, and he be- 
gins to wonder what percentage his 
assets would represent amongst this 
army of creditors. Jeff dodges a switch 
of the comet's tail and shouts in the 
reviewer's ear, "Say, I ain't strong for 
this cooperating with destiny — me for 
old-fashioned competition!" 

The I. I. I. 

Bulletin de L'Institut Intermediaire Inter- 
national. Publication Trimestrielle. Haar- 
lem (Pays-Bas) : H. D. Tjeenk Willink & 
Fils; La Haye: Martinus Nijhoil. 

THESE are not the initials of a new 
political party for the cult of self as 
an offset to a rife and flabby communism. 
They stand for the name of an institute 
whose aims are purely altruistic. The 
"Institut Intermediaire International," 
though the study of world politics is an 
indispensable part of its activity, does 
not hold a brief for any political pro- 
gramme in particular. It is intended as 
an international clearing-house of in- 
formation on all matters of international 
interest, connected with politics, eco- 
nomics, and statistics. It wishes to act 
as an intermediary between peoplp who, 
ignorant of each other's language and 
living in different parts of the globe, 
have no other means of getting into con- 
tact together. Some one in China wish- 
ing to be informed concerning a certain 
law obtaining in Spain, an Englishman 
desirous of some economic data about 
Russia, a South African journalist anx- 
ious to gather material for an article 
on the Swedish Constitution, an Ameri- 
can professor intending to lecture on 
the history of the international conven- 
tions and treaties regulating the naviga- 
tion on the Danube and the Rhine, will 
all, without any charge being made, find 
information they are in search of at 
the "Institut Intermediaire" in The 
Hague. The initiative was taken by 
some prominent Hollanders, and the 
present organization is controlled and 
financed by exclusively Dutch intellect 
and capital. Jonkheer J. Loudon, late 
Minister of Foreign Affairs, and at 
present Minister Plenipotentiary in 
Paris, is the honorary president of the 
Institute, and on its executive board sit 
such eminent authorities on International 
Law as Dr. B. C. J. Loder and Jonkheer 
Dr. W. J. M. van Eysinga. 

In addition to its work of information, 
the Institute publishes a series of mono- 
graphs on questions of international in- 
terest, and a quarterly bulletin which has 
just entered on its second year. 

The first four numbers contain a 
wealth of information, which makes one 
look forward to their sequels of the cur- 
rent year. In a long contribution, run- 
ning through all the four numbers, an 
admirable survey is given of the genesis 
of the peace in the form of summaries of 
diplomatic document.s, official notes, im- 
portant editorials and magazine articles. 
Recent documents relating to Zionism 
are published by Mr. Fischer, the ques- 
tion of the dissolution of the Austro- 
Hungarian monetary system is discussed 
by Dr. de Roo de la Faille. Highly 
interesting is a summary of the regula- 
tions and efforts for the resumption of 
economic relations between the countries 
made during the first half of the year 
1919. Lavivers will find useful informa- 
tion in an extensive collection of juris- 
prudence of the Prize Courts in the 
various belligerent countries, and in a 
number of articles by Dutch, Swiss, and 
Norwegian financial experts on the fiscal 
legislation in their respective countries 
relating to the question of double im- 

Each issue of the bulletin contains a 
selection of the most important questions 
which have been addressed to the Insti- 
tute during the past three months. 

One of these was to enquire whether 
legal regulations exist in France concern- 
ing the possession, the purchase, and the 
sale of rural or other immovable posses- 
sions by foreigners domiciliated in that 
country. The answer, supplied by the 
Institute's French correspondent, M. 
James Paul Govare, Avocat a la Cour 
d'Appel, Paris, denied the existence of 
any such provisions with a special view 
to foreigners, but referred to certain re- 
strictions contained in the peace treaty 
which tend to derogate from this legal 
equality between native and foreign resi- 
dents. Another question was for a list 
of articles directed against the League 
of Nations, and the enquirer received 
from the Institute about fifty cuttings 
from daily papers and numbers of the 
New Republic, the Ne%o Europe, the 
Arbitrator, and the Nation. "What is the 
legal status," runs another question, "of 
a person of German birth, residing and 
domiciled in Belgium since 1878, who has 
lost his German nationality according to 
articles 16 and following of the German 
law of June 1, 1870, a loss confirmed by 
an "Entlassungsurkunde" of 1899, passed 
by the Government of the Grand Duchy 
of Baden?" In a lengthy reply the en- 
quirer had it explained to him that he 
could not claim Belgian citizenship on 
the ground of his long residence in that 
country. He had to be satisfied with 
being "heimatlos." 



[Vol. 2, No. 36 

The importance of an institute of this 
nature is self-evident. A more correct 
knowledge of the laws of foreign coun- 
tries is a safeguard against international 
misunderstandings and thus contributes, 
indirectly, to the "rapprochement" be- 
tween the nations. That Holland has 
taken the initiative in such an enterprise 
of world-wide importance is a guarantee 
that the ideals which Hugo Grotius 
preached to an uncomprehending age are 
still revered by his compatriots in these 
more internationally minded days. 

Roses and Games 

Pink Roses. By Gilbert Cannan. New York : 
George H. Doran Company. 

THE pink roses are artificial roses on 
the hat of one of those professionally 
pretty ladies who have recently drifted 
into the foreground of British fiction. 
They dawn, in our first chapter, upon the 
vision of the languidly dissatisfied young 
gentleman, Trevor Mathew. They be- 
come and remain for him a symbol, as, in 
another way, a certain real pink rosebud 
is to become later on. Trevor Mathew, 
just out of Oxford, has been ready 
enough to become a hero with his two 
chums, Hardman and Peto, in the first 
days of the war. A "systolic murmur" 
turns up to disqualify him. Hardman is 
killed pretty promptly, and Peto sent 
back a hopeless cripple. This is distress- 
ing for Trevor, and helps open his eyes 
to what is really going on in the world. 
It is borne in upon him that the war is 
an abominable and unendurable sacrifice 
of Hardmans and Petos and the sacred 
youth they represent. He is supposed to 
be "in articles," but how can a chap 
study law with all that sort of thing 
going on over there? What's the good of 
work, what's the good of anything? 
"Nothing went on except the war, and 
that went on and on. Nothing that 
happened in it had any significance." 
The old world had been destroyed and 
nobody knew how to dream even of a 
new one. "Men died for liberty, but 
liberty disappeared because life as it had 
been planned and dreamed had died." 
Most unpleasant for Trevor, all this, and 
he is about to take it quite hard, when 
the damsel with pink roses in her hat 
winks at him one evening from a neigh- 
boring bench in Hyde Park. She with- 
draws demurely to a cafe, whither cur 
young friend Trevor enchantedly fol- 
lows her. She and her pink roses vaguely 
symbolize for him youth and pleasure 
and release from responsibility. His 
good and nice looks attract the lady, who 
is at a loose end. They, as it were, take 
each other on. Like Mr. Bennett's pretty 
lady, this Cora makes a sentimental point 
of "being good to" the war-worn male 
as an institution. For a time, according 
to Mr. Cannan, she is the best thing that 
could have happened to the distraught 

Trevor. Later, as she develops a con- 
suming passion for him, the relation be- 
comes less comfortable from his point of 
view. She even dreams of achieving 
marriage and respectability with him. 
However, he steers clear of this without 
much trouble, and they presently tire of 
each other sufficiently to drift apart with- 
out anything resembling anguish on 
either side. They have both, we gather, 
gained by the relation. Cora has added 
new charms to her professional equip- 
ment, and Trevor has been safely tided 
over a perilous time of crisis. Now he is 
qualified for a true union with the mate 
who has also (for his sake eventually) 
been passing through her little appren- 
ticeship at love. 

The reader of this note may perceive 
that, stripped of Mr. Cannan's decorative 
gloss or, if you will, imaginative inter- 
pretation, this is pretty much the same 
old story— the youth just out of Oxford 
who in the course of a few months in 
London not only runs the gamut of sex, 
but becomes the mouthpiece of whatever 
"philosophy of life" his author may 
chance to be swearing by at the moment. 
Trevor Mathew is quite a talkative little 
prophet from first to last, however 
negligible a little man. We must confess 
that apart from his megaphonic function, 
he is much the same at the end of our 
acquaintance as at the beginning, a 
flabby, selfish, and rather fatuous dabbler 
at life. As for the "philosophy" he rep- 
resents, it is difficult to put one's finger 
on. The main thing is to disbelieve in 
anything other people incline to agree 
about, especially other people struggling 
under the disadvantages of maturity and 
experience. I am young; a lot of us are 
young; and the world is in a horrible 
mess, and youth is all right, so it must 
be the fault of the old fellows. This war 
is the old man's war fought by the young. 
But it won't happen again because age 
has at last over-reached itself. It has 
destroyed the ancient illusions and in- 
hibitions — smashed the checkerboard on 
which its own game was played. Now is 
the world to be remoulded to youth's 
desire. Alas, our young Trevor does not 
much care what he says or thinks, so 
long as it is clever and exciting. For 
days after the news of the Russian revo- 
lution his life is "one long chant of pure 
idealism" ; but this does not prevent him 
from slipping complacently, at this very 
time, into his snug berth as an heredi- 
tary pillar- of the law "up North." The 
law, he decides comfortably, "does some- 
how prevent the rogues and the dear 
bourgeois innocents who want their ten 
per cent, from having things their own 
way. That and our folly make us what 
we are. We can get along without revo- 
lutions." Still, we see that without sacri- 
ficing any personal advantage from soci- 
ety as at present constituted, he loves 
the idea that something altogether new, 

and probably inconvenient, is about to 
happen to a great many other people, 
the old, the stodgy, the respectable, and 
all in authority. He and the still yourger 
oracle, Leslie, settle it between them. 
Says Leslie: 

"They think we're awfully young, but 
we do know — all the things that people 
like my father have pretended not to 
know. We've got to know, because some- 
thing's hurting us all the time and we've 
got to find a way out. You know what 
I mean. Evolution, and all that. . . . 
Well, it's as if things were rushing away 
from you at about a million miles an 
hour, and all the things you'd been told 
were important turned out to be nothing 
at all, and as if when you tried to play 
the game according to the rules it turned 
crazy because the game was a new game, 
and the rules were old rules." 

"Why, that's the war," cried Trevor, 
beginning to grasp what the boy was 
driving at. 

"That's it. We aren't playing the old 
game any more. Nothing that my father 
did can ever be done by me because I'm 
a different being, something quite new. 
So are you. So is Ruth. I can tell them, 
the new people, as soon as I see them, 
and I can't make out why the old game 
goes on." 

"You see," said Trevor, "we are not 
allowed to say that it is a new game 
because the old people want us to say 
that it is better. But we don't say any- 
thing of the kind. We only say that 
it's new. Whether it is better or not 
remains to be proved. . . . But the 
people who are the first to play the new 
game will have a lovely time." 

The italics are mine: a not unmeaning 
bit of commentary in themselves, per- 
haps, on Trevor, his author, and their 
new game. 


Pointing the Way to a 

League of Nations 

Judicial Settlement of Controversies Be- 
tween States of the American Union. 
Cases decided in the Supreme Court of the 
United States. Edited and collected by 
James Brown Scott, A.M., J.U.D., LL.D. 
2 Vols. Carnegie Endowment for Interna- 
tional Peace. New York: Oxford Univer- 
sity Press. 
THESE ponderous quartos cover even 
a broader field than is indicated by 
the title, which in turn does not disclose 
the real purpose of the editor. No inter- 
state controversy is involved in most of 
the earlier cases reprinted. The first 
case, indeed, does not present a decision 
of a Federal Court, but of the State 
Court of Pennsylvania. It does deal, how- 
ever, with the legal status of the United 
Colonies, after their separation from 
Great Britain, and before the adoption 
of the Constitution, and it declares a doc- 

January 17, 1920] 



trine, which has been accepted by Fed- 
eral Courts, that the Colonies became a 
body corporate from the moment of their 
association as the United States (Respub- 
lica V. Sweers, 1 Dallas 41, A. D. 1779). 

The second case (Ware v. Hylton, 3 
Dallas, 199, A. D. 1796), which is from 
a Federal Court, decides that upon sep- 
aration from the Mother Country each 
Colony became a sovereign and independ- 
ent State, with the "right to govern 
itself by its own authority and its own 
laws, without any control from any other 
power upon earth." Then follow cases 
showing the nature of "The Union of the 
States under the Constitution" and the 
relations of the Federal Government to 
the Territories of the Union. 

Thus far we have no trace of inter- 
state controversies, but we get a hint of 
the editor's prime purpose, which is to 
show how sovereign and independent 
States have voluntarily associated them- 
selves under a polity which binds them 
to submit their controversies to judicial 
determination rather than to the arbitra- 
ment of war. This purpose is further 
disclosed when the editor inscribes the 
collection of the "Justices of the Supreme 
Court of the United States, as contain- 
ing the contribution of that court to the 
Judicial Settlement of International Dis- 

An important part of that contribu- 
tion is found in a group of cases which 
establish the distinction between jus- 
ticiable questions and those which are 
merely political. Many boundary dis- 
putes have arisen between the States. 
From one point of view the question of 
State or National boundary is a political 
one. Accordingly, the Supreme Court 
has refused to inquire into the accuracy 
of the decision of the political depart- 
ment of government that certain terri- 
tory belongs to a specified nation (Will- 
iams V. Suffolk Ins. Co., 13 Pet. 415). 
From another point of view, the ques- 
tion of boundary may be one of property 
and involve the determination of facts by 
a court. In such cases the question of 
sovereignty is subordinate to that of 
property (Virginia v. West Va., 11 Wal- 
lace 39). Which of two opposing gov- 
ernments in a State is the legitimate one 
is for the political and not the judicial 
department of government (Luther v. 
Borden, 7 Howard 1) . Whether the form 
of government in a State is republican 
is a political question, with which the 
courts will have nothing to do (Pacific 
Telephone Co. v. Oregon, 223 U. S. 118). 
Proclamation of blockade by the Presi- 
dent is conclusive evidence of a state of 
war, and courts will not entertain an in- 
quiry as to whether a state of war in fact 
existed (The Prize Cases, 2 Black 635). 

This distinction between inter-state 
controversies which are determinable by 

the application of established legal 
rules and those which involve only or 
mainly considerations of policy has been 
made clear by a long line of Supreme 
Court decisions. This distinction, the 
editor believes, will be found helpful in 
determining whether a particular inter- 
national dispute falls within the justici- 
able or non-justiciable class. 

The greater part of the collection con- 
sists of cases in which serious contro- 
versies between States have been ad- 
justed. For example, the boundary be- 
tween Nebraska and Iowa is in part a 
varying line, because of the shifting 
course of the Missouri River, which sep- 
arates the States. Under the decision 
of the Supreme Court, each State ap- 
points a Commission by which from time 
to time a compact is made as to the tem- 
porary boundary. In case either State 
failed to comply with the decision the 
Court would appoint an official to locate 
such boundary. Thus is removed all pos- 
sibility of hostile action by either State. 

The most notable inter-state dispute, 
the most prolonged as well as the most 
ably contested, arose from the efforts of 
Virginia to recover from West Virginia 
a proportion of the public debt of the 
former. Upon the organization of West 
Virginia it agreed to assume a stipulated 
part of the debt of Virginia as it stood 
on January 1, 1861. It did not perform 
its agreement, and Virginia sought to 
enforce its claim by suit. All sorts of 
defenses were interposed by the debtor 
State, some of them purely technical, 
some of them dilatory, some of them 
going to the merits of the claim. The 
case was presented to the Supreme Court 
many times and the opinions appear in 
nearly a dozen different volumes of the 
reports. Technicalities were swept aside 
by the Court, dilatory pleas were un- 
heeded. Attention was repeatedly called 
to the fact that the litigation was not 
between individuals but between political 
sovereignties and therefore possessed a 
quasi-international character. Decision 
was to be based not upon technicalities, 
but upon the actual merits of the con- 
troversy. Nor was it to be doubted that 
these States would perform their obliga- 
tions, once these had been announced by 
the Court. In fact, this protracted liti- 
gation was brought to a close without 
the employment of legal process to en- 
force final judgment. The appeal of the 
Supreme Court to West Virginia's sense 
of honor sufficed. That State has passed 
an "Act providing for payment of West 
Virginia's part of the public debt of the 
Commonwealth of Virginia prior to Jan- 
uary 1, 1861, as ascertained by the judg- 
ment of the Supreme Court of the United 
States and adjusted by the two States" 
(Chapter 10, Extraordinary Session 

No one can read the record of these 
and of similar decisions without wishing 
to study the editor's conclusion that 
"as a result of argument, debate and de- 
cision, practice has been settled and pro- 
cedure adopted in the light of experi- 
ence, which is as applicable to States of 
the Society of Nations as to States of 
the American Union." Most readers. 
probably, will agree with the editor in 
the further statement that the Supreme 
Court, in its judgment of disputes be- 
tween States, has shown itself "a proto- 
type of that tribunal which they would 
like to see created by the Society of Na- 
tions, 'accessible to all in the midst of 
the independent Powers.' " 

We cannot take leave of these volumes 
without calling attention to the fact that 
they contain a variety of intere.sting ma- 
terial not suggested by their title. The 
Articles of Colonial Confederation, The 
Constitution of the United States, part 
of the Declaration of Independence aru 
reprinted, as are a number of cases from 
the Privy Council and English Equity 
reports. These decisions have served as 
precedents not only in boundary contro- 
versies, but one of them is certainly the 
fountain head of the doctrine of judicial 
control over the constitutionality of leg- 
islative acts. This is followed by the 
reproduction of various Colonial of 
a similar character which are often re- 
ferred to but are not accessible to most 

Attic Red-Figured Vases 

A Handbook of Attic Red-Figured Vases. 
Signed by or Attributed to the Various 
Masters of the Sixth and Fifth Centuries, 
B. C. Two Volumes. By Joseph Clark 
Hoppin. Cambridge: Harvard University 

THESE two fine volumes represent an 
immense labor and a great confi- 
dence. They rest upon the conviction 
that all Attic red-figured vases can be 
classified by their artists. This cata- 
logue makes that ambition a fact, in- 
corporating, besides the investigations of 
Beazley and Furtwangler, a host of 
minor researches. 

The plan of the catalogue is alpha- 
betical. In the first instance artists' 
signatures are considered, next potters' 
signatures, finally stylistic groups not 
confirmed by signatures. The latter nat- 
urally predominate. Thus the cata- 
logue begins with "The Achilles 
Painter" and ends with the "Painter 
of the Yale Oinochoe." In the single 
list you will find Andokides, Brygos, 
Phintias, The Bowdoin Kylix Painter, 
etc., each in its alphabetical place. Under 
each artist the arrangement is alpha- 
betical by places. 

Though Dr. Hoppin is accomplished 
in this game of attributions, he wisely 



[Vol. 2, No. 36 

brings no new ascriptions of his own 
into the catalogue. When one vase is 
ascribed to several masters, as often be- 
falls, he serves as arbiter, referring to 
the piece, however, under every master 
to whom it has been assigned. Thus 
the brief entries carry with them a 
generous amount of bibliography. Be- 
sides the general index, which is chiefly 
of artists and subjects, there is a mu- 
seum index in which Boston looks im- 
pressive even among the European capi- 
tals, an index of inscriptions, one of 
graffiti, and one of publications. Every- 
thing is most convenient, and despite 
the inevitable ambiguity of such pro- 
visional names as The Niobid Painter, 
the student should from one list or an- 
other be able to locate in the catalogue 
any given vase. Here we may protest 
against the multiplication of fanciful 
names. Where the stylistic group centres 
upon a vase in a great museum the 
name of the museum should be the catch- 
word. Thus, Louvre Niobid Painter is 
much better than Niobid Painter. In 
this matter the author had to take mat- 
ters as he found them. 

The plan of illustration is to repro- 
duce in small working cuts all signed 
vases and no others. It would have con- 
siderably added to the value of the cata- 
logue to reproduce the most representa- 
tive example of each unsigned stylistic 
group, but it would have also added to 
bulk and expense. As it is, the student 
will do well to take Dr. Hoppin's ad- 
vice to use the best reproductions and 
then go slow on attributions. 

In the nature of the case, no catalogue 
of world-wide scope can be complete. 
Doubtless many additions will promptly 
be made to the upwards of four thou- 
sand vases listed by Dr. Hoppin. We 
happen to know of a score in the uni- 
versity and private collections of Prince- 
ton, New Jersey, and a couple in the Cen- 
tury Club, New York, and we have less 
certain report of a few at Williams Col- 
lege. Such minor omissions should 
merely encourage Dr. Hoppin's colleagues 
to report all scattered pieces which have 
escaped his notice. His catalogue will 
be indispensable to the special student 
of Greek vase painting, and occasionally 
useful to all students of graphic design. 
It is a well-conceived and conscientious- 
ly executed piece of minute scholarship, 
one of the most important contributions 
to classical archaeology which has been 
made in America. 

One may envy the painting classes 
that heard such talks as are gathered 
in Charles H. Woodbury's "Painting and 
the Personal Equation" (Houghton Mif- 
flin Co.). His counsels abound in mother 
wit, and are blessedly free from the jar- 
gon of the studio. He advocates a modi- 
fied naturalism. The greater color re- 
lations of a picture should be observed 
in nature, for the rest the artist is free. 

No forms of conventional and decorative 
design are considered. We are really 
talking about open-air sketching and its 
pictorial derivatives. Within this limi- 
tation, the book is full of sound thinking 
energetically expressed. "Originality 
does not mean that you are superior to 
law, but rather that you are keener than 
others to discriminate between law and 
custom. A picture must be based on 
the great considerations of color values; 
acquaint yourselves with these for they 
are the law, and beyond them all else is 
custom to be followed or broken as it 
seems to you best." On the ever-urgent 
issue of technic we have the following 
golden words: "The actual manipula- 
tion of the brush is a skilful matter, 
and yet it requires more intelligence than 
manual dexterity. Art is psychology, 
not science, and there ever must be one 
unknown factor, the personal equation. 
You must know what you see, why you 
see, and what is worth seeing." Here 
may naturally follow Mr. Woodbury's 
excellent variation on Merimee's famous 
definition of art. "Art is subtle exagger- 
ation, not carried to the grotesque. 
It is dangerous ground, of course, but 
let us take it as one of the perils of 
the profession." A final quotation may 
suggest the quality of a book which 
should be read in its entirety. "In the 
final analysis, art is the search for order 
and it has the significance of a basic 
human instinct. Art, science, philoso- 
phy, psychology, all are seeking the laws 
that assign us our place in the universe 
and help us to fill it understandingly. 
It is not the thirst for knowledge that 
drives us, but rather the instinct to 
escape from chaos. We do not know 
where we are going, but we do know 
what we are leaving behind us. Wherever 
the tendency arises to deny order, 
whether it be in the arts or the art of 
living, there comes degeneracy." 

The Run of the Shelves 

THE "Silver Age" (Scott and Seltzer) 
is the agreeable title of a rather non- 
descript volume of stories and sketches 
by Mr. Temple Scott. More specifically, 
it is the title of the not unpleasing open- 
ing sketch, dealing with a man's passage 
into that period of life when young peo- 
ple, even his own children, value him 
chiefly as a convenience or an antiquity. 
Mr. Scott's observation is rather good. 
His sentiment, on the other hand, is 
watery, and a certain sponginess is the 
inevitable and unprofitable result of its 
copious diffusion through such dilatory 
narratives as "Reb Yankel" and the 
"Lady and the Singing-bird." In "New 
York at Twilight," in which he declares 
that the true and great New York comes 
out in the dusky interval between the 
avidities of its daytime and the relaxa- 

tions of its nights, he shows an advance 
in substance which is pretty nearly 
counterpoised by a retreat in style. He 
is capable, at the longest intervals, of 
cumulative epigram. For instance, he 
has this to say of the commercial side 
of art in New York City: "The artist 
toadied the dealer, the dealer toadied the 
critic, the critic toadied the editor, the 
editor toadied the advertiser." 

It would be pleasant to speak only 
praise of Mr. Gamaliel Bradford's "Por- 
traits of American Women" (Houghton 
Mifflin) ; for it is a nice thing to turn 
out these volumes of what the author 
has called "psychographs" — or something 
of the sort — and wears the appearance 
of disseminating culture. But we can't 
help feeling that Mr. Bradford has the 
fear of the editor of the popularized At- 
lantic Monthly in his eyes, and writes 
down a little to the flattering editorial 
opinion that magazine readers need to be 
titillated. Mr. Bradford's portrait of 
Emily Dickinson, for instance, ought to 
be interesting, and is in fact mildly so; 
but there is a kind of jump in his reflec- 
tions on human life which bothers us. 
Much more important is the essay on 
Sarah Alden Ripley, for here the author 
has had access to private papers and 
gives us information about a character 
unique in its way. A private scholar of 
whom Professor Child could say: "The 
most learned woman I have ever known, 
the most diversely learned perhaps of 
her time, and not inferior in this respect, 
I venture to say, to any woman of any 
age"^ — such a woman, scholar at once 
and very human, ought to be better 
known, and we are grateful to Mr. Brad- 
ford for telling her life. We should have 
been more grateful if he had quoted more 
freely from her letters. Other essays deal 
with Abigail Adams, Mary Lyon, Har- 
riet Beecher Stowe, Margaret Fuller 
Ossoli, Louisa May Alcott, and Frances 
Elizabeth Willard. 

The poet-laureate. Dr. Robert Bridges, 
dumb through the war, has at last 
spoken, but through prose, and not 
through poetry. The year before the 
War broke out he was busy founding a 
society to combat what he regards as 
the dangerous influences at work in de- 
grading the language, and widening the 
gulf between ourselves and the sonorous 
speech of Shakespeare and Milton. It 
is called the Society for Pure English; 
not, however, to convey the idea that 
words of foreign origin are impurities 
in English, but rather assuming that 
they are not. Professor Henry Bradley, 
editor of the great Oxford Dictionary, 
and Sir Walter Raleigh, were with him 
in the project from the beginning; and 
over a hundred rank as original mem- 
bers, including the Right Honorable 
Arthur H. Balfour and Mrs. Humphry i 

January 17, 1920] 



Ward. The first of its publications has 
just come from the Clarendon Press, in 
the shape of a Tract on English Homo- 
phones by Dr. Bridges. An Englishman 
from one of the southern counties, him- 
self, he makes it a particular grievance 
that the careless treatment of the con- 
sonant r is leading to the blurring of the 
distinction between such words as shore 
and sure, oar, ore and awe. A Phonetic 
Dictionary of the English Language, the 
joint work of an Englishman and a 
Prussian, has been published in London 
to register this habit of speech. This 
work of Michaelis and Jones, now in its 
second edition, gives the poet-laureate 
no little concern. With the prestige of 
coming from the British capital, and of 
being compiled by the lecturer on Pho- 
netics at University College, London, it 
may work, he fears, no little harm. 

To most minds the word desert means 
the opposite of all that is pleasing. Sand 
and snakes and thirst and cactus— what 
else is there to write about? Some years 
ago George Wharton James wrote two 
big volumes on the "Wonders of the 
Colorado Desert." Many other authors 
have discoursed eloquently on its lures. 
The latest of them is J. Smeaton Chase, 
the author already of "Yosemite 
Trails" and "California Coast Trails," 
and now of "California Desert Trails" 
(Houghton Mifflin). He goes so far as 
to say that the desert's hold upon those 
who have fallen under its spell is deeper 
and more enduring than is the charm of 
forest or sea or mountain. He also 
ventures an explanation of this fact, if 
fact it is. In olden times man was en- 
I gaged in a perpetual struggle with the 
I inexorable forces of nature. While this 
struggle lasted, the vast and the wild 
raised no thrills but those of dislike and 
fear. But now, after centuries of ease 
and home comforts, the desolate, gaunt, 
and dreadful in nature attract us by the 
law of contrast; "the risk is, indeed, that 
they may run to overvaluation." Per- 
haps, the author thinks, even the pranks 
of those funny fellows, the "futurists," 
"cubists," and "vorticists," in poetry, 
music, and the other arts, might be ex- 
plained by this clue: "Civilization has 
got on their nerves, and they simply 
have to scream." 

Mr. Chase's book is not "a scream." 
There are, indeed, exciting episodes a- 
plenty in its pages, and he often dwells 
on the ugly, repellent side of the desert 
—the torturing sun, the constant risk 
of a horrible death by thirst, the fre- 
quently befouled water holes on which 
the traveler's life depends, the monot- 
ony, the sand storrhs, the rattlers, the 
mosquitoes, and a number of other 
things undesirable; but for the most 
part he writes about the features that 
help to explain the puzzling allurement 
of the desert to those who know it well 

— the sea of sand, with dunes perpet- 
ually reshaped by the terrific blasts of 
the wind; the oases of date palms; the 
terrestrial "moonscapes"; the myste- 
rious mountains with their hidden min- 
eral treasures that have lured so many 
men to death; the bracing night air; 
the annual spring episode with its won- 
derful blossoms of divers species of cac- 
tus; and, above all, the marvelous color. 
In the field of color effects, the author 
boldly claims, the desert is supreme; his 
descriptions affect one the same way as 
Nansen's of the aurora borealis. 

With the human inhabitants of the 
desert Mr. Chase was, on the whole, 
impressed favorably. Hospitality was 
freely offered and he liked the home life 
of the Mexicans on both sides of the 
border, for the Colorado Desert, concern- 
ing which he writes, lies in California. 
When this desert was labelled, in 1853, 
there was as yet no State of Colorado. 
Winter and Spring are the time to visit 
this desert; the necessary equipment is 
described by the author — and don't for- 
get a mosquito net. A ferryman, on 
being asked how he endured these tor- 
mentors, answered: "Why, there's no 
more blood in me, you see. They got 
the last out of me about 1910 ; so they've 
quit coming around." 

In "The Heritage of India" a 

succession of volumes is projected 
dealing with the Sanscrit and Pali lit' 
eratures; with the different vernacular 
literatures both in histories and illustra- 
tive volumes of selections ; with the philo- 
sophical systems; with the fine arts and 
music; and with biographies. Alto- 
gether, between thirty and forty volumes 
are now in sight, all written to foster 
in the Indian student class a feeling for 
their ancient heritage and to put before 
them in a healthy way its treasures of 
knowledge, wisdom, and beauty. The 
books are to be cheap and non-technical; 
but they must also be scholarly and sym- 
pathetic. The second in the series has 
just appeared, a short study by James 
M. MacPhail, of the life and times of 
Asoka as king, missionary, and scribe, 
with the early history of Buddhism and 
with Asoka's place in history (Oxford 
University Press). It is an admirable 
little volume, full, interesting, and care- 
ful. A second volume has also just ap- 
peared in "The Religious Life of India 
Series," and fifteen more are in prepara- 
tion. It is a study of the Ahmadiya 
movement, by the late H. A. Walter and 
issued by the same publishers. This, by 
the nature of the case, had to be a much 
more elaborate book and is one of more 
immediate modern interest. The Ahma- 
diya sect has been widely rejected by 
Moslems as in essential heresy with 
Islam; yet it may be said to represent 
Islam officially in England by its mission 

to Christians at Woking and by its Eng- 
lish monthly, the Review of Religions, 
On one side the sect is intensely and con- 
servatively Moslem, as opposed to the re- 
formed Islam centred at Aligarh in In- 
dia; but on another it has combined with 
Islam much Christian and Hindu doc- 
trine. The founder, Ghulam Ahmad, 
claimed to be not only the Moslem Mahdi, 
come in a peaceful form, but also Jesus 
in his second coming and an avatar of 
Krishna; and his followers, since his 
death, now regard him as having ful- 
filled the prophecies in all religions of a 
great spiritual leader to come. They 
would, therefore, unite all religions by 
fulfilling in one figure all their eschato- 
logical hopes. On another side the 
founder is a figure of great psychological, a mediumistic prophet of the 
most primitive pathological type, a Mo- 
hammed without the genius and sim- 
plicity of the author of Islam, yet living 
under modern conditions and in contact 
with critical attitudes which he tried to 
use and only half understood. When he 
brings forth wonderful things from the 
Encyclopaedia Biblica he helps us to un- 
derstand Mohammed's crazy syncreti.sms 
from the theology of the Greek Church 
and the mythology of Zoroastrianism. 
Mr. Walter's book can, therefore, be 
heartily commended to students of re- 
ligious psychology and history, as well as 
to specialists in Islam. 

The latest issue of the "Cahiers Bri- 
tanniques et Americains," the series of 
brochures which M. Georges-Bazile pub- 
lishes in Paris (13 Quai de Conti), has 
just arrived in this country and is de- 
voted to a translation of some of Presi- 
dent Wilson's literary essays. The 
pamphlet opens with an Introduction by 
Mr. Theodore Stanton, in which it is 
pointed out for the first time, we believe, 
that the President descends from the 
Rev. Robert Woodrow, the distinguished 
Scottish Presbyterian clergyman and 
historian of the seventeenth century, one 
of whose sons emigrated to this country, 
bringing with him a queer old manu- 
script volume belonging to his father, 
which is now deposited in one of the 
libraries of the University of New Jer- 
sey, at New Brunswick. Its mates, a 
score in number, are to be found in the 
Advocates' Librar>' at Glasgow, where 
Robert Woodrow spent most of his life. 

"Roget's Thesaurus," as the "The- 
saurus of English Words and Phrases 
by the physician Peter Mark Roget is 
commonly called, has been issued in two 
compact little volumes in Everyman s 
Librarv (Dutton). Arranged on philo- 
sophical rather than alphabetical prin- 
ciples, the work has long proved useful 
to writers, not only in suggesting a word, 
but also, sometimes, an idea. 



[Vol. 2, No. 36 

Contemporary Paint- 
ing in Washington 

WHATEVER may be true of other 
phases of our national life, Ameri- 
can painting, to judge from the current 
presentation of it at the Corcoran Gal- 
lerj', has not yet become fully aware of 
our participation in the late war. While 
the mere titles of a half dozen or more 
canvases designedly echo the event, only 
three or four possess any genuine pic- 
torial connection with it. Both George 
Luks" "Czecho-Slovak Chieftain" and 
Henrj- Reuterdahl's "The Destroyer 
Patrol" may be considered only addi- 
tional reasons for lamenting that calam- 
ity. But John C. Johansen's "The Daily 
Conference," fresh from Paris, is inter- 
esting. George Bellows' already widely 
known "The Murder of Edith Cavell," 
while theatrically powerful, is not a 
truly great work of art. This brief 
summarj' fairly indicates the minor role 
played by the avowedly "war" pictures 
in the Corcoran's extraordinary exhibi- 

On the whole, the unimportance of 
such work in its present surroundings is 
not a matter for regret. It is a profound 
satisfaction again to see a representative 
collection of paintings the vitality of 
which arises not from the heart-breaking 
strain of war or the spasms of artificial 
"movements" but from artistic health 
and sanity. Whether the very evident 
aliveness of our present-day painting, to- 
gether with certain marked changes on 
the part of individual painters, are indi- 
rectly due to the war, to its natural tend- 
ency to rouse men out of routine — this 
is a question that might be very prettily 
argued on both sides. But, however it 
has come about, American painting, as 
set forth in Washington this month, is 
full of life and significance. It gives 
adequate ground for pride in the visible 
accomplishment of our painters and 
affords a basis for speculation as to the 

True, the older men are passing. 
Weir's death after his two paintings had 
been placed on the walls of the Corcoran 
lends emphasis to this sobering thought. 
And to stand in the presence of such 
work as that by which both Weir and 
Thayer are represented is to wonder if 
their equals can be found among the 
younger men even when the younger 
shall have become the elder. For the 
former's "The Sisters" and the latter's 
"Boy and Angel" have in them certain 
qualities of spirit higher than all possible 
technical accomplishment; and it is these 
subtle higher values that one misses 
when studying the mass of proficient 
paintings now being produced. But such 
qualities come by endowment and not by 
acquisition. It would be as unreasonable 

to expect them to prevail throughout a 
whole generation of painters as it would 
be to ask nothing but masterpieces in a 
contemporary show. And even were 
these two works of the first rank absent, 
the Corcoran's exhibition would remain 
remarkable for its high level of accom- 

Sargent's "Portrait of John D. Rocke- 
feller" and Melchers' "MacPherson and 
MacDonald" are both familiar to other 
sections of the American public; but the 
latter's "At Home" is the newest example 
of his extraordinary capacity for sur- 
mounting technical difficulties. Indeed, 
there is no lack of capable, and in some 
instances distinguished, figure-painting 
in this exhibit, ranging in style from 
Paxton's characteristic "Girl Sewing" to 
the calculated modernity of Norwood 
MacGilvary's "The Self." 

However, as to be expected of any rep- 
resentative collection of native work, it is 
in landscape that our school's ability is 
especially noteworthy. For it is in this 
field that its talent for brilliant tran- 
scription has freest play. Frank Swift 
Chase, in his "Edge of a Forest," 
achieves individuality without eccentric- 
ity. Charles C. Curran's "After the 
Storm" is decidedly more decorative than 
his painting which won a prize at the 
last Academy. Jonas Lie's two masterly 
water scenes call for admiration. It is 
a pleasure to note a more spirited sense 
of color in Robert Spencer's capable 
work. Charles H. Davis' "The Sunny 
Hillside," to which was awarded the sec- 
ond prize, is a decided departure from 
his accustomed manner. But at once the 
most eminent and the most marked in- 
stance of change is afforded by the three 
canvases of Edward W. Redfield ; and the 
"bravura" of these spring songs is de- 
lightful. The most striking single piece 
of landscape here shown, a painting that 
would be remarkable in any exhibition, 
is Gardner Symons' "Where Waters Flow 
and Long Shadows Lie"; it will add 
strength to even the Corcoran's strong 
permanent collection of American work. 
Faithfulness to surface facts can not be 
claimed for Charles Rosen's "Old Wil- 
low," designed as it is to attract attention 
at the expense of its neighbors; and to 
the conservatively minded it will seem a 
good omen that the majority of our land- 
scape painters do not rely on such forced 
mannerisms in attaining decorative and 
emotional quality. 

In conclusion, this article can only add 
its note to the chorus of praise for the 
exhibition as a whole. It combines a 
high excellence sometimes attained in 
smaller shows with a comprehensiveness 
attained in no other regularly recurring 
assemblage of native painting. The 
radical element of our school plays its 
due part in the ensemble, but no more 
than its due part. The predominating 
conservatism of the school has its recog- 

nition in the proportional representation 
here accorded to it. The thing worthy of 
note in this connection, however, is that 
this predominating conservatism does 
not involve unthinking repetition of 
ancient formulas. Of course, this may 
in a measure be true of a painter here 
and there ; such individuals, like the poor, 
we have always with us. But this con- 
temporary exhibition as a whole is ses- 
■ thetically sane and unquestionably vigor- 
ous. That this should be true of our 
painting in the particular stress of cir- 
cumstances now prevailing is the most 
encouraging thing one could be privileged 
to chronicle. 

The eminent degree of success with 
which the policy of the Corcoran Gallery 
has met warrants the hope that "The 
William A. Clark Prizes" may be made 
permanent. A real tradition of quality 
and comprehensiveness has been firmly 
established by this latest of the series 
begun in 1907; and with the prestige of 
such a tradition to live up to, the per- 
manence of these awards could not fail 
to have a satisfactory effect on American 
painting. Were former Senator Clark 
to perpetuate the prizes now so promi- 
nently associated with his name, he would 
ensure not only the worthiest possible 
form of remembrance for himself, but 
also for the Corcoran Gallery such an 
influential role in our art as is not 
held by any other existing institution. 
Virgil Barker 


Henry Krehbiel and Ernest 
Newman Discuss Music 

More Chapters of Opera. By Henry Kreh- 
biel. New York : Henry Holt and Company. 

A Musical Motley. By Ernest Newman. 
New York : John Lane Company. 

IN the latest of his chronicles of New 
York opera Mr. Krehbiel deals spe- 
cifically with the period extending from 
1908 to 1918. We may disagree with 
Mr. Krehbiel's views on opera. But as a 
chronicler, we admit he has no rival. Not 
many men alive would have the patience 
he has shown in noting down year after 
year all that takes place in all the New 
York opera seasons. And yet, if no one 
had his diligence and patience, where 
should we go for our musical re- 
minders — where should we find out when 
this opera was first sung, or where that 
singer first enthralled the New York 
public? To the recorder, as a recorder, 
of these "Chapters" we owe all our 
gratitude. To the critic who has ana- 
lyzed and made his comments we owe 
only truth. 

On many points, if time and space 
allowed, it would be a pleasure to fight 
Mr. Krehbiel strenuously. For, as a 
(Continued on page 64) 

January 17, 1920] 





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[Vol. 2, No. 36 

Established 1851 

Nassau and Pine Streets 

The Hanover National Bank 


WILLIAM WOODWARD .....President 




Capital, $3,000,000 

E. HAYWARD FERRY Vice-President 

Vice-President WILLIAM E. CABLE, Jr Cashier 

Vice-President J. NIEMANN Assistant Cashier 

Vice-President WILLIAM DONALD Assistant Cashier 

!.'.".'!!!.'.. .Vice-President GEORGE E. LEWIS Assistant Cashier 


WILLIAM H. SUYDAM Vice-President and Manager 


FREDERIC A. BUCK Ass't Manager 

Surplus and Profits, $18,000,000 

(Continued from page 62) 
critic, he is sometimes narrow; swayed 
by harsh puritan moralities and codes; 
too apt to damn things that are new. 
His inability to sympathize with the best 
achievements of the French Modern 
School is almost exasperating. His ful- 
minations against certain gifted artists 
who offend him ethically — not aesthetically 
— stir one to anger, and now and then 
to pity. But at his narrowest (as, for 
example, in his onslaughts on Mary 
Garden) he does not justify a doubt as 
to his honesty. And that seems but to 
aggravate his want of charity, his failure 
to allow for the faiths and convictions 
of others. 

The decade of which Mr. Krehbiel tells 
us in his new "Chapters" saw many very 
important shifts and changes in the New 
York opera world; the last phases of 
the war between Mr. Hammerstein, at 
the Manhattan, and Mr. Gatti-Casazza, 
at the Metropolitan; the withdrawal 
from the stage of such charming singers 
as Marcella Sembrich and Emma Eames; 
the regretted deaths of Lillian Nordica 
and Putnam Griswold; the rise and exit 
of that great artist and conductor, Tos- 
canini; the elimination from the opera 
field of poor Mr. Hammerstein; the slow 
and grudging, but still steady concessions 
of the Metropolitan management to the 
demand that opera should be made more 
understandable to its devotees, by being 
sung to them in clear, good English; and 
the invasion of New York by the late 
Maestro Campanini with the Chicago 
opera company. 

Regarding the vexed question of opera 
in Engli-sh, Mr. Krehbiel wobbles. He 
has at various times held various views 
upon this all vital subject. Long years 
ago, he seemed to favor English. Then, 
by aloofness and by more than coldness, 
he seemed to discourage it. And now he 
has, apparently, come back to his, old 
faith. For is not his own English version 
of Wagner's "Parsifal" soon to be sung 
here at the Metropolitan? 

We owe thanks to Mr. Krehbiel for his 
statistics. They throw a flood of rather 
startling and distressing light on the 

allotment of rewards in opera. In the 
second year of Mr. Heinrich Conried's 
consulship, according to our recorder, the 
sums expended on the Metropolitan 
"artists" (i. e., singers) and staff totalled 
$544,153.11. In the same season the 
amount paid to composers and others 
(presumably publishers and copyists) for 
"music and royalties" was $3,499.67. 
Since then the cost of opera has increased 
greatly. But the composers are still 
treated almost shamefully, while their 
interpreters have princely fortunes 
heaped on them. 

Mr. Ernest Newman, the English 
critic, in a most interesting \?olume of 
reprinted essays, writes brightly and in- 
cisively of singers, critics, composers, 
amateurs, and mock-critics. His method 
may perhaps be best described as the 
antithesis of Mr. Krehbiel's. He knows 
much more of music than most men do. 
But he is far too sane to pose as one 
omniscient. I am not sure that he would 
keep from smiling if he got hold of one 
of those new "Chapters" in which our 
Henry E. upholds the dignity and glory 
of his calling. The pose pontifical would 
never suit the true-born Englishman. To 
make his points he affects the cap and bells. 

The articles included in "A Musical 
Motley" are of the most diverse char- 
acter. They range from grave to gay, 
from wise to trivial. In taste, thank 
Heaven, their author is eclectic; quite 
broad enough to enjoy all schools and 

He is not too dignified to shrink from 
quips and anecdotes. He is not too 
hampered by unnecessary reverence to 
speak freely of the highest gods of art. 
To him the Slavs, Tschaikowsky and 
Rachmaninov and Chopin, are "Weary 
Willies," with a tempering dash of 

Nor is he more respectful to his own 
guild. He pokes fun at musical criticism, 
though, incidentally, he mocks at those 
who scorn it. "The profession of 
musical critic," he explains in one of 
three "Open Letters" to a young, ardent 
critic, "is the easiest in the world. It 
is perhaps the only profession that can 

be practised by the man in the streets 
with as much assurance as by the man 
who has given his life to it. . . . The 
butcher, the baker, and the candlestick 
maker are all more competent to speak 
authoritatively on music than the 
critic. . . . However, if you don't take 
it too seriously, you may get a lot of 
fun out of it." After which he lays down 
the rules for "safety first" in criti- 

He darts nimbly and alertly from 
Andre Wormser and his fascinating pan- 
tomime scores to Debussy, Brahms, Mous- 
sorgsky, d'Indy, and Wagner. He de- 
clines to rank the classics as supermen 
and even ventures to suggest that the 
most famous master of them all may 
have made errors. He goes so far in 
this iconoclastic strain in his "Putting 
the Classics in their Place," as to declare 
that even old music by the great com- 
posers might be improved upon by 
modern re-constructors. 

The Dryasdusts of music may be hor- 
rified — they must be pained — if they dig 
into Mr. Newman's essay on "The Elastic 
Language"- — otherwise harmony. What 
may pass muster in the schools as laws 
of harmony, he says, is really nothing 
but the teaching of harmonic analysis. 
To Mr. Newman there are no rules and 
no grammar for that art or science. "It 
is because harmony is not only a lan- 
guage but the most elastic of languages 
that it can not be taught." And, "just 
as a poet could weave the subtlest rhyth- 
mical patterns without ever having even 
heard of the terms dactyl and spondee, 
so a born musician can write abstruse 
harmony without being able to name a 
number of the chords that he uses in- 
stinctively." All this is most upsetting 
to the Dryasdusts. 

One article on the "Nonsense Music" 
of Satie and other modernists of a fan- 
tastic turn has special value to explorers 
of such offshoots from the beaten track 
of music. But almost everything in this 
delightful "Medley" will bear reading, 
both by musicians and by laymen who 
love music. 

C. H. M. 

January 17, 1920] 




"A Night's Lodging" at the 

Plymouth— "The Master 

Builder' ' at the People's 


THE subject of the Gorki play which 
Mr. Arthur Hopkins now offers to the 
public in special matinees at the Ply- 
mouth is a place — a slum — or rather that 
region of the human spirit which finds 
in the place in question its adequate and 
vivid symbol.' Its hero is everybody — 
that dusky personage who seems to 
occupy the halfway point between the 
substance of somebody and the vacuum 
of nobody. Particular fates count for 
naught or little in this sombre atmos- 
phere in which catastrophes seem inci- 
dental and little speeches almost cata- 
clysmic. A consumptive woman dies, but 
it matters little to us. What really 
leaves its mark upon our souls is the 
capmaker's undisturbed comment : "Well, 
we've done with that coughing at last." 
When the actor hangs himself, the point 
is not that a man has ended his own life, 
but that the gambler says: "He's spoilt 
our song, the fool." In point of sheer 
horror and grimness, the place in which 
such deeds are possible is as nothing in 
comparison with the place in which such 
words are possible. Gorki's play is a 
symptomatic play — in other words, a play 
in which the subject is a condition, and 
the acts and words alike are measured 
by their value as interpreters of that 

Gorki's play, read in English, is not a 
great drama. A great slum-play should 
show us the terror, or the pity, or the 
t intensity of life. Gorki's play is rather 
sordid than terrible or touching or vital, 
and, even more than it is sordid, it is 
harsh. Here is a group of persons in 
whom misfortune and degradation have 
evolved a self -protective hardness, a shell 
or carapace, which is at once impervious 
and rasping. It is human nature petri- 
fied. The evangelist Luka, who is vague- 
ly fraternal and indistinctly consoling, 
rather weakens the robustness of the 
piece, but the fashion in which he drifts 
in and drifts out suggests pointedly 
enough that the conscience is the only 
transient in the lodging house. 

The play is undramatic in the closet; 
it has no unfolding action. On the stage 
it remains undramatic, but it becomes, 
to a quite unforeseen and astonishing 
degree, theatrical. As read, it leaves be- 
hind it an impression of congestion and 
squalor. This effect is greatly softened 
in representation ; on the stage there was 
space and darkness; the space liberated 
and the darkness cloaked. The original- 
ity of the setting, which on the printed 

page had been largely neutralized by its 
meanness, now revealed itself to the im- 
agination in the power of its novelty 
and the vividness of its release. I had 
a sense of departure from the world. The 
speeches uttered had often the strange 
effect of aerolites projected into the void 
of space, and while this impression was 
far from continuous, the intervals were 
partly filled by the exhilaration of watch- 
ing in the murk for the outleap of these 
meteorites. There were drawbacks un- 
doubtedly. The story of Pepel and the 
two sisters was too big and powerful 
for the frame, and, while it did not 
finally get out, in its struggle to get out 
the frame was very nearly cracked. 
Again, the fourth act on the stage is 
superfluous and intolerable. There is a 
story and a study in the play. By the 
end of Act III the story is ended and 
the study is complete. Extension beyond 
those limits is disastrous. 

The acting of a fragmentary play is 
of course fragmentary, but the sugges- 
tiveness and poignancy of many of these 
fragments was an honor to the cast. I 
was astonished at the evident sympathy 
of American actors for these Russian 
parts, at the meat, the salt, which they 
unmistakably found in the lines. The 
merit was general rather than particu- 
lar; nearly every actor had his lustrous 
moment; if I paused on any one part, it 
should be on Mr. Dinehart's rendering of 
the thief Pepel. There was one serious 
error. Paroxysms are out of place in 
this Gorki play, which is pitched in a 
key of stoicism that borders the cour- 
ageous on one side and includes the 
brutal on the other. Yet paroxysms of 
the worst kind — describable by a line 
from Mr. Masefield's latest poem, "a 
swearing screech, like tearing sacking," 
were scattered broadcast through the 
play. Frenzy and Russia appear to have 
been inseparable ideas in the mind of the 
supervisor of the performance. The 
emphasis I am constrained to give to this 
objection only heightens the pleasure 
with which I felicitate Mr. Hopkins on 
the intelligent fulfillment of a gallant 

On Christmas night I saw at the 
Workmen's Theatre in the People's House 
a presentation of Ibsen's "Master 
Builder" by the English actors, Mr. Leigh 
Lovel and Miss Octavia Kenmore. The 
performance was called a dramatic re- 
cital, but differed from a regular per- 
formance only in the use of an unvarying 
and doubtfully appropriate "set" for the 
three acts. Mr. Level's Solness was 
ashen and, nevertheless, by an odd 
anomaly, was made capricious and sple- 
netic almost to the verge of hysteria. 
There was a brief period in the last half 
of the first act when Miss Kenmore's 
Hilda Wangel filled expectation to the 
brim, with a beauty and measure in cer- 
tain passages hardly rivaled in my 

memories of New York. But when the 
second act began I saw that what Miss 
Kenmore had grasped and rendered so 
delightfully was not the real Hilda, the 
whole Hilda, but only a single mood or 
phase — what might be called the rapt 
Hilda. Her Hilda as a whole took its cue 
from the alpenstock. What we saw was 
a hardy, sturdy, upright little Swiss girl, 
finely indignant with Solness for his im- 
moral treatment of Ragnar, and shocked 
as any other school-taught and church- 
bred girl would have been at the disaster 
to which her urgencies drove the half- 
unwilling Solness. As the last curtain 
descends, Hilda is on the earth in an 
anguish of sorrow and remorse, and the 
attitude is prostration for Ibsen's Hilda 
in a double sense. 

0. W. Firkins 

Books and the News 


HERE again is a subject about which 
the books alone fill shelf after shelf 
in any large library. The profound 
student views with contempt an en- 
deavor to name a few, or brief, books 
for the general reader. But the busy 
man will not scorn the suggestion of a 
few titles, nor even the intimation that 
there are one or two books which may 
give the beginner a general survey of 
the field. As with Prohibition, and other 
proposals for changes in the existing 
laws, the advocates of the change have 
had the most active pens, and the dif- 
ferent varieties of Socialists have out- 
written their opponents in quantity, at 

The conscientious Socialist, or the 
reader who aspires to a citation for con- 
spicuous gallantry, will, it may be, boldly 
attempt the three volumes of the great 
Bible of the Socialists: Karl Marx's 
"Capital; A Critique of Political Econ- 
omy" (Kerr, 1908). Less ambitious 
souls will content themselves with read- 
ing one of his defenders, Louis B. 
Boudin's "The Theoretical System of 
Karl Marx" (Kerr, 1918) and one of 
his opponents, Albert E. F. Schaffle's 
"The Quintessence of Socialism" (Scrib- 
ner, 1892). With these books should be 
named Thomas Kirkup's "History of 
Socialism" (Macmillan, 1913), an un- 
biased work, emphasizing English So- 

Have you time or inclination for but 
one book, and that a short one, of less 
than one hundred and fity pages? My 
suggestion is Ira B. Cross's "Essentials 
of Socialism" (Macmillian, 1912), which 
is an attempt to tell what Socialism is, 
and fairly to state the arguments for and 
against it. There is a good bibliography 
in it. 

Now, for the advocates of Socialism: 
{Continued on page 68) 



[Vol. 2, No. 36 


The books advertised in this issue have been specially selected 
by a group of book publishers as likely to meet the needs and 
tastes of readers at this time. 

Offered during the newly created Midwinter Book Season, 
many of these books are brand new; all are believed to be 
worthy of discriminating attention. 

The small ornamental device that is 
found on the title-page or elsewhere in 
almost ever\' book printed to-day is the 
sur\'ival of a quaint old custom that dates 
back to the time before printing was dis- 
covered. These devices, generally called 
colophons, have come to be known merely 
as the trademark of various publishing 
houses, and have outlived any former 
purpose. Many of them, however, have 
individually a history quite as interesting 
as that of old coats of arms, or old book- 

The term colophon has been in use for 
several centuries, but with the years its 
meaning has gradually changed until the 
original significance has been lost. One 
of the "seven ancient towns" which 
"claimed Homer dead," yet had spumed 
him when through their streets "he 
begg'd his bread," was the Ionian city 
Colophon, famed for the rich aristocracy 
that ruled it and for the dashing cavalry 
that won its battles. It was said that the 
final charge of the Colophon troop of 
cavaln,' always proved "the finishing 
stroke" in rendering victory decisive. 
Whether or not this is the correct 
etymology of the term, the word "colo- 
phon" was later applied to "the finishing 
stroke" given to old manuscripts and 
printed books. In the early days this 
term was applied to the paragraphs ap- 
pended to the manuscript or book by the 
scribe or printer. Title-pages were then 
unk-nown. and books often appeared 
without clue to the date or place of issue, 
the printer, or even the author, unless 
this information was added by some en- 
terprising pnnt»"r with an eye to making 

history and to securing future business. 
Frequently he asked heavenly blessing on 
his work and invoked the prayers of his 

At the end of one old manuscript 
written in 1338 and, of course, in Latin) 
the copyist added a very full note, wind- 
ing up with a verse which may be freely 
translated as follows: 
"Let this book prove the writer free of 

evil ; 
May Jesus bless and save him from the 

These notes sometimes contained praise 
of the workmanship of the book, or of 
the art of printing, of the town where 
the book was issued, or the great man for 
whom it was written. Later the printer 
often added his own coat of arms or that 
of his patron. In this way colophons 
first took on an ornamental aspect, and 
ceased to be for information only. As 
the title-page became customary, the 
practice of appending a final paragraph 
or colophon gradually lost its usefulness 
and a purely ornamental device was 
added as "the finishing stroke." In mod- 
ern times the colophon of a well-known 
publisher is no doubt as effective a stroke 
as we need to make his book worth read- 
ing and worth keeping. 

place design in the exhibit of the Press 
at the Panama-Pacific Exposition in San 
Francisco. It suggests a frosty night 
without a roaring fire within, a com- 
fortable bench, and a good book — as 
cheery an argument for midwinter read- 
ing as we have seen. 

The Association Press has been using 
since October, 1916. the Triangle colo- 
phon designed by William J. Colby and 
drawn by John Butler. The Association 
Press is the Publication Department of 
the International Committee of Young 
Men's Christian Associations. The 
Triangle is the adopted insignia of the 
threefold idea of the Y. M. C. A. — Spirit 
— Mind — Body. The phrase below the 
Triangle. "The Mark of a Book Written 
to Meet a Need," was added in 1919. 
"It helps," says Mr. Colby, "to define the 
meaning of 'Books with Purpose,' as we 
aim to publish only books for which there 
is a distinct human need." The initials 
stand for .Association Press. 

The colophon of the Abingdon Press 
as shown here, was adapted from' a fire- 

Since 1911 books issued by the Atlantic 
Monthly Press have borne a colophon 
drawn by Bruce Rogers from a classic 
design. It shows a Neptune figure, with 
the familiar trident and dolphin, and i 
said to represent "Father .Atlantic — th-. 
American Neptune." 

(To be continued) 

Attractive offerings are made during the Midwinter Book Season. 

Januaiy 17, 1920] 



Abraham Lincoln 

As A Man of Letters 

By Luther Emerson Robinson, A. M. 

Professor of English, Monmouth College 

TN the wealth of Lincoln literature there is 
-*- nothing else like Professor Robinson's book. 
It has a human quality. . . . The author ap- 
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writes with a loving understanding. . . . The 
generous appendix embraces all of Lincoln's most 
famous addresses, letters and state papers. 

So far as we know, this is the first book to study 
Lincoln in the capacity of a man of letters. The 
study is interesting and the analysis closely reasoned 
and convincing. — The Outlook. 

Professor Robinson's study is an excellent presen- 
tation of the chief material upon which Lincoln's 
claim to a place in literature is based. — -The Continent. 

Professor Robinson shows us with a very keen and 
delicate touch how the great experiences of Lincoln's 
life reacted on his written words until finally, we 
have from him at least two of the masterpieces of 
literature. The new Lincoln book should find a large 
field for itself. — U. S. Artillery Journal. 

A Book for Every American's Library 


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Labor and the Common Welfare 

Compiled and edited by Hayes Robbins from the writings 
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The two volumes together cover very fully the "Labor 
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By W. H. HUDSON, author of "Far Aivay and Long Ago," 
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Studies of bird life which take the reader through 
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[Vol. 2, No. 36 

(Continued from page 65) 
William E. Waiting's "The Larger As- 
pects of Socialism" (Macmillan, 1913), 
•The Socialism of Today" (Holt, 1916), 
by Walling, Phelps Stokes, and others (a 
source book with documents), Jessie W. 
Hughan's "American Socialism of the 
Present Day" (Lane, 1911), and H. G. 
Wells's "New Worlds for Old" (1908). 
John Spargo's "Socialism" (Macmillan, 
1918) was written before he resigned 
from the Socialist party, and represents 
his pre-war views. Another by Mr. 
Spargo and similar in circumstances of 
publication is "Social Democracy Ex- 
plained" (Harper, 1918), while his 
"Americanism and Social Democracy" 
(Harper, 1918) consists of essays on the 
situation since the outbreak of the war. 
An able presentation of the case 
against Socialism is Oscar Douglas Skel- 
ton's "Socialism: A Critical Analysis" 
(Houghton, 1911). The view of the 
Church of Rome is given in Father 
Vaughan's "Socialism from the Christian 
Standpoint" (Macmillan, 1912). 

Edmund Lester Pearson 

Books Received 


Gass, S. B. A Lover of the Chair. Marshall 
Jones. $2.50 net. 
Morley, Christopher. Mince Pie. Doran. 


Braithwaite, W. S. The Story of the Great 
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Cotterill. H. B. Italy from Dante to Tasso. 
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Loti, Pierre. Madame Prune. Stokes. $3 

Paton, Lucy Allen. Elizabeth Gary Agassiz. 
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Austin, Mary. Outland. Boni & Liveright. 

Bacheller, Irving. A Man for the Ages. 
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Harland, Marion. The Carringtons of High 
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James, Henry. A Landscape Painter. New 
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Zamacois, Eduardo. "Their Son," "The Neck- 
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Herford, Oliver. The Giddy Globe. Doran. 


Hobbe, Gustav. The Complete Opera 
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Krehbiel, H. E. More Chapters of Opera. 
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Newman, Ernest. A Musical Motley. 
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Brady, E. J. The House of the Winds. 
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Cabot, Elise Pumpelly. Arizona, and Other 
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Mann, D. L. An Acreage of Lyric. Bos- 
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Smith, Mrs. L. W. The Lamp of Heaven. 
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Jackson, H. E. The Community Church. 
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Fabre, J. H. The Glow-Worm. Dodd, 
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Dunsany, Lord. Tales of Three Hemi- 
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Laughlin, Clara E. The Martyred Towns 
of Prance. Putnam. 

Malins, Geoffrey. How I Filmed the War. 

Shipley, A. E. The Voyage of a Vice- 
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Scarborough, Dorothy. From a South- 
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Wilson, H. P. John Brown, Soldier of 
Fortune: A Critique. Boston: Cornhill 
Pub. Co. 


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Vol. 2, No. 37 

New York, Saturday, January 24, 1920 



Brief Comment 


Editorial Articles: 
The World's Economic Restoration 71 
The New Policy Toward Russia 72 

Admiral Sims's Memorandum 74 

The Father of Victory 75 

President Butler on the Classics 76 

Moscow's Campaign of Poison. By Ex- 
aminer 77 
The Government of India Act. By A. J. . 

Barnouw 80 

Correspondence 82 

Book Reviews: 
The Tragedy of von Tirpitz 84 

Sensitivism 85 

Hard-Boiled Poetry 85 

The Art of the Etcher 87 

The Run of the Shelves 87 

Our American Shoe Men 89 

French Plays — Carlo Liten and "Les 
Bleus de 1' Amour." By O. W. Fir- 
kins 90 
Music : 
The Chicago Opera Season — "Zaza" at 
the Metropolitan. By Charles Henry 
Meltzer 92 
Reginald de Koven 92 
Books and the News: The Theatre. By 
Edmund Lester Pearson 94 

WrHAT answer the Navy Depart- 
" ment will make to Admiral 
Sims's charges, it is entirely too early 
to forecast. But it is of the first 
importance that the public should 
understand from the start the exact 
character of the simplest of those 
charges, and the one that has at- 
tracted the greatest amount of atten- 
tion. Admiral Sims does not say, as 
many of the newspaper defenses of 
the Navy Department represent, that 
the Department was half-hearted in 
its conduct of operations throughout 
the war. So far as this aspect of the 
matter is concerned, the stress is all 
on delay — on the precious time that 
was lost in the early period of the 
war. Admiral Sims's express state- 
ment on the point is as follows : 

13. For some reason, which has never been 
explained, the Navy Department, during the 
first six months of the war, failed to put into 
actual practice a whole-hearted policy of co- 
operation with the Allies — a policy required for 

the winning of the war with the least pos- 
sible delay. (The italics are ours.) 

It is no answer to this charge, nor 
to the detailed statements to similar 
effect, that we did ultimately do 
splendid service in cooperation with 
the British Navy. Still less does Sec- 
retary Daniels's own statement, in 
rebuttal of Admiral Sims, that the 
primary duty of the American Navy 
was to safeguard the transports that 
carried our boys overseas have any 
bearing upon this issue. We did not 
begin to transport troops in any con- 
siderable numbers until long after 
the period during which the half- 
heartedness of which Admiral Sims 
so bitterly complains was exhibited. 
The Navy Department should have, 
and will have, a fair hearing for its 
side of the case. But it must meet 
specific allegations with specific facts. 
We all know that the war was won, 
and that the American Navy played 
a great pait in winning it. But the 
facts of 1917 must stand on their 
own bottom, and can not be shut out 
from view by merely pointing to the 
victory of 1918. 

"TF the Senate ratifies the treaty, 


subject to the proposed reserva- 
tions," says the New Republic, "he 
[President Wilson] will not have ac- 
complished any of the constructive 
political objects which he sought to 
accomplish when he proposed the 
entrance of this country into the 
war." Whatever objects Mr. Wilson 
may, in his own mind, have "sought 
to accomplish," he did not "propose" 
them to the Congress or to the people 
of the United States. The clear im- 
plication of the New Republic's state- 
ment is that unless these "construc- 
tive political objects" were to be the 
sure result of the war, we were not 
justified in standing with the other 
free peoples of the world in their 
resistance to the German militarist 
autocracy, even after the outrages 

committed by it upon our own rights 
had passed the limits of endurance. 
That this is the real mental attitude 
of the semi-Bolshevist intellectual 
coterie in this country, there is 
abundant reason to believe; but they 
are very careful to avoid any frank 
expression of it. 

OPEAKER Sweet has not mended 
^his case by the announcement 
that he is going to rest it on specific 
facts which are said to have been dis- 
covered in relation to the personal 
conduct of the five Socialist Assem- 
blymen. When he summoned them 
to the bar of the House and asked for 
their immediate suspension, he put 
the proposal on no such grounds. If 
he had done so, everybody would at 
once have seen the impropriety of 
passing sentence of suspension be- 
fore the facts were investigated. If 
he has a good case, he has horribly 
muddled it; and whether he has a 
good case or not, he has done the 
Socialist cause a service which only 
the prompt and sincere repudiation of 
his position by leading citizens, by 
public organizations, and by the press, 
has prevented from being of the 
most signal advantage to it. 

IvrOT a campaign of education, but 
-'-* what is much better, a natural 
process of education, is what the 
American people are in these days go- 
ing through upon the subject of free 
speech. During a number of years 
past — for the period dates far back 
of the war — the issue has been 
clouded by irrelevancies. Many good 
people were stirred up to indignation 
over supposed violations of the right 
of free speech which were really 
nothing more than the assertion of 
common sense and decency as against 
obstreperous antics. On the other 
hand, many were so incensed by the 
Bouck White type of thing that they 
thoughtlessly went to extremes in the 



[Vol. 2, No. 37 

advocacy of repression. The case of 
the Rev. Percy Grant is one of the 
things that should help to clarify gen- 
eral thought on the question. To in- 
terfere with his freedom to say what 
he thinks about the deportations, or 
about socialism, would be an outrage, 
and we believe that nearly all men of 
sense recognize this, or will soon rec- 
ognize it. Upon those who do not, 
it is extremely desirable to impress a 
realization of the stupidity of any 
such suppression from the standpoint 
of i>olicy. It is not only that such 
persecution breeds a hundred advo- 
vates to one that it suppresses; the 
worst of it is that once it becomes 
understood that radical clergymen 
will be gagged, the value of what con- 
servative clergymen may say will 
be reduced to very near zero. 

TT was not surprising that Mayor 
•*■ Hylan should start the sale of 
"bonds" to finance the propaganda of 
the "Irish Republic" by officially ad- 
mitting De Valera to the freedom of 
the city. It was only natural that 
Assemblyman Edward J. Flynn 
should introduce a resolution at Al- 
bany indorsing the sale of these 
"bonds." But that the Assembly 
should actually pass that resolution, 
as it promptly proceeded to do, will 
be a shock to citizens who have 
thought of that body as, on the whole, 
possessing in a fair degree the sense 
of official responsibility. 

TN a letter sent to Lord Curzon, the 
-*■ two representatives of the Sinn 
Feiners at Paris denounced the 
League of Nations as "a monument 
of English hypocrisy, entombing the 
liberties of millions of men in Ire- 
land, Egypt, Dutch South Africa, 
Persia, India, and the Far East." 
However that may be, these British 
tombs can not be so bad as the cata- 
combs of ancient Rome. There is no 
subterranean wail in the voice of 
General Jannie Smuts, and when- 
ever he raises it in his South African 
grave it sounds much more like a 
message from Sir Robert Cecil than 
an echo of the sentiments of De Va- 
lera. The other millions entombed to 
which the letter refers are the same 
that are promised excavation by the 

heralds of Bolshevism. Sinn Fein is 
one of the many forces, now astir all 
over the world, that work indirectly 
for the spread of that plague by its 
agitation against the chief hygienic 
organization, the British Empire. 

rpHE Zionist organization of Amer- 
■*■ ica is planning a campaign to 
raise $10,000,000 for immediate work 
in Palestine. Land for the new im- 
migrants will have to be purchased, 
and be made habitable by the de- 
velopment on a large scale of natural 
resources. Work already in progress 
in Palestine must be maintained and 
developed, such as the Hebrew edu- 
cational system, public welfare work, 
extermination of malaria, and im- 
provement of housing conditions. 
Funds are also needed for the work 
which is being done for Palestine in 
the United States. The organization 
does not limit its appeal to Jews only, 
and it is justified in trusting to a gen- 
erous response from outside by the 
fact that among the members of the 
National Advisory Committee of the 
Palestine Restoration Fund are some 
of the leading Christians of the land. 

CTRANGE news it is which the 
^ Vienna correspondent of the 
Frankfurter Zeitung has reported to 
his paper. If we are to believe him, 
an offensive and defensive alliance 
has been concluded between Austria 
and Czecho-Slovakia. There is at this 
moment only one enemy that jeopar- 
dizes the very existence of the Aus- 
trian people, and the only way effect- 
ively to fight that enemy is by an 
economic union with Czecho-Slovakia. 
The visit of Mr. Benes, the Czech 
Foreign Minister, to Paris, just a 
month ago, coinciding with Dr. Ren- 
ner's presence at the French capital, 
and the latter's subsequent departure 
for Prague, were generally believed 
to prognosticate an understanding be- 
tween the two republics, under which 
Czecho-Slovakia would come to the 
economic rescue of starving Austria. 
But we fail to see why a military 
alliance should be contemplated by 
a country that is in danger of soon 
having not a soldier left physically 
fit for service, nor a child alive for 
whose sake it needs to be saved. 

/GOVERNMENT by the people is 
^-^ progressing. The New York 
Tribune offers an opportunity to the 
plainest citizen to help write the Re- 
publican platform, and holds out as a 
further inducement the offer of vary- 
ing quantities of perfectly good 48- 
cent dollars to be awarded to those 
who submit the best planks. The 
project is wholly commendable. Even 
if the platform resulting from this 
sort of communal composition is not 
the one that is finally adopted, it can- 
not fail to have its influence. But 
its chief value appears in the prob- 
able effect on the amateur plank- 
makers themselves. They must 
sharpen their wits as well as their 
pens against a time, soon to come, 
when no citizen unfurnished with his 
plank can venture out without risk 
of ostracism. 

■W/"ITH a Presidential election in 
" the offing, one of the things we 
ought to be thinking about is public 
economy. And the thing that would 
enable us to think clearly about it is 
a budget system, for it would give us, 
for the first time, an accurate pic- 
ture of what the Government was 
trying to do with our money. 

When you take out of productive 
industry some $5,000,000,000 a year 
in taxes, everybody is hit. The big 
man and the little man have to help 
pay the bill. Now, so far as any por- 
tion of this $5,000,000,000 represents 
wasted effort, duplication or overlap- 
ping of endeavor, or unwise ventures 
on the part of the Government, a 
budget system will at least uncover 
the facts. 

What we want is a business sys- 
tem in Washington. Unless all pres- 
ent signs fail, the Select Committee 
on the Budget of the Senate will pass 
a bill which will go to conference. 
The result of that conference will 
probably be a compromise bill which 
will set up a fairly good budget sys- 
tem. It will not provide for a com- 
plete system, for that will come only 
after our people are sufficiently 
aroused to demand the necessary re- 
forms in the rules of Conrgess. When 
high-minded, public-spirited men like 
Taft, Butler, and scores of others, go 
to Washington to add the weight of 

January 24, 1920] 



their judgment and experience in 
favor of establishing a sound budget 
system, the least the individual citi- 
zen can do is to tell his representa- 
tives in Congress to push through 
now real budgetary reforms. 

THERE are books enough. How to 
get them distributed is the prob- 
lem — how to get them into hands 
that grope blindly for them and in 
vain, hands that have never yet 
sensed the comfortable heft of a 
book. The war taught us that we 
were not so literate a people as we 
thought we were. But the war also 
brought literature to many who had 
been deprived of it. America was 
equal to the occasion, and the soldier 
and the sailor were liberally fur- 
nished with books. America's four 
million in arms read greedily; read 
for entertainment, finding relief from 
dull routine and relaxation after 
strenuous endeavor ; read, too, for in- 
struction in the highly technical mat- 
ter in which they were suddenly 
called upon to excel. Most of them 
are once more plain citizens. But 
they do not propose to do without the 
pleasure and utility of books. 

i~\F the many forms of energy that 
^-^ were organized for war purposes 
none has a fairer field in time of 
peace, a clearer call to continue its 
I work, than the American Library 
I Association. If it was the generosity 
j of the American people that provided 
\ the funds, it was the A. L. A. that got 
I the books into the hands of the boys. 
This group of some few thousand or- 
ganized librarians has, now that the 
war is over, vast stores of books on 
hand ; and, more than that, it has 
j some very definite notions of what to 
do with them, and an organization to 
carry out their plans. The wiser use 
(of our growing flood of books and 
journals, and the wider spread of 
igood books and journals, is the gist 
I of the programme it has set before 

It proposes to keep the navy and 
the merchant marine supplied with 
books. In the Coast Guard and 
Lighthouse service there are some 
9,000 men to whom books spell all the 
difference between life and mere dull 

existence. There are service men still 
in hospitals, or taking the first halting 
steps in civil life, to whom books are 
bread and more than bread. There 
is the blinded veteran with his deli- 
cate exploring finger, who if he can 
get the right sort of books can re- 
cover some great part of the light 
that has been lost to him. So much 
is largely a continuation of the A. L. 
A.'s war work. There are to be met, 
besides, the conditions which sent so 
many illiterates before the Draft 
Boards. There are rural and moun- 
tain communities, logging camps and 
mining camps, oil towns, industrial 
plants, which through their country 
libraries and other agencies can be 
furnished with the books they so des- 
perately need. The enlarged pro- 
gramme of the A. L. A. deserves the 
same hearty support'that it received 
in war-time. 

TT is to be hoped that the Federal 
Prohibition commissars will go 
about the stern business of adminis- 
tering the law without adding to its 
horrors by expatiating on the ethical 
aspects of the matter. Said one of 
them the other night, addressing a 
huge assemblage of clergymen : "The 
passions, the appetites, and the de- 
sires of men made it necessary for 
the promulgation of the Ten Com- 
mandments." No doubt if our Pro- 
hibition friends had been present 
when that desirable piece of legisla- 
tion was promulgated they would 
have seen to it that it was accom- 
panied by an adequate enforcement 
act. As it is, for a good deal more 
than half of the Ten Commandments 
there is now no external compulsion 
whatever. "Yet," as the commissar 
says, "they still stand and are obeyed 
by the great mass of the American- 
people." Temperance, which is the 
only ethical aspect of prohibition, 
has also been held a cardinal virtue, 
and its obverse, gluttony, a deadly 
sin. For most people the one has 
not been perhaps the most difficult of 
the virtues nor the other the most 
tempting of vices. But with our new 
idea of "making it easy to be good" 
we may end by making it so darned 
easy to be good that nobody will take 
any interest in it. 

The World's Economic 

TN line with efforts that have been 
-*■ made, from time to time, for many 
months past, but more impressive 
than any that has preceded it, is the 
statement and appeal issued last week 
by eminent public men and financiers 
of the United States, Great Britain, 
and the neutral nations of Europe. 
It recommends, so far as this country 
is concerned, 

that the Chamber of Commerce of the United 
States designate representatives of commerce 
and finance to meet forthwith (the matter be- 
ing of the greatest urgency) with those of 
other countries chiefly concerned, which Should 
include the United Kingdom and the British 
dominions, France, Belgium, Italy, Japan, Ger- 
many, Austria, the neutral countries of Europe, 
the United States and the chief exporting 
countries of South America, for the purpose 
of examining the situation briefly set forth 
below and to recommend upon the basis of 
authentic information what action in the vari- 
ous countries is advisable among the peoples 
interested in reviving and maintaining inter- 
national commerce. 

The statement which accompanies 
this recommendation does more than 
merely "set forth the situation." It 
points out the defects of policy which 
must be removed, as a condition pre- 
cedent to the possibility of any rem- 
edy; and, while not going into details, 
it lays down the principles which 
should guide remedial effort when 
that condition has been fulfilled. 

In the very first line the memoran- 
dum justly places the disorganization 
of the monetary medium. The memo- 
randum opens with these words : 

The war has left to conqueror and con- 
quered alike the problem of finding means 
effectively to arrest and counteract the centin- 
uous growth in the volume of outstanding 
money and of Government obligations and 
its concomitant, the constant increase of prices. 

Unless this process is stopped, "the 
depreciation of money, it is to be 
feared, will continue, wiping out the 
savings of the past and leading to a 
gradual but persistent spreading of 
bankruptcy and anarchy in Europe." 
Before a country can be brought 
within the scope of any large scheme 
for the supply of credit, it must 
"bring its current expenditure within 
the compass of its receipts from tax- 
ation and other regular income." So 
far as Germany and Austria are con- 
cerned, it will be the duty of their 
conquerors to see to it that this con- 
dition shall not be made impossible 



[Vol. 2, No. 37 

of fulfillment by the burden of the 
indemnity. They must be required 
to do all that the most drastic prac- 
ticable taxation can effect; but to 
press them to the point of insolvency, 
or of a disastrous lowering of the 
standard of living, would be ruinous 
to conquerors as well as conquered. 

With these necessary conditions 
supposed to be fulfilled, the memoran- 
dum sets forth the general character 
of the international cooperation 
through which the supply of the nec- 
essary credits may be obtained. It 
must come chiefly from "those coun- 
tries where the trade balance and 
the exchanges are favorable" ; it must 
be furnished only "so far as it is ab- 
solutely necessary to restore produc- 
tive processes," and thus not obvi- 
ate the necessity of those efforts and 
sacrifices on the part of the people of 
the borrowing country which are 
essential to the restoration of equili- 
brium ; so far as possible, the assist- 
ance should leave "national and 
international trade free from the 
restrictive control of governments"; 
the loans offered to the public should 
be on such terms as to "attract the real 
savings of the individual, otherwise 
inflation [in the lending country] 
would be increased" ; and the borrow- 
ing country must give such preferred 
standing, and such guarantees, to the 
loans as will provide the best availa- 
ble security. 

In all this, there is nothing novel; 
but the circumstance that it accords 
with the views previously expressed 
by so many leading financiers and 
publicists does not detract from its 
value. The importance of the pro- 
posal arises, indeed, from the fact 
that, backed by the weight of its sign- 
ers, and coming at a time when all the 
world is ready to recognize the ur- 
gency of the need, it is to be hoped 
that the appeal will result in accom- 
plishing at last that concerted action 
which individual exhortations to the 
same effect have failed to bring 
about. By far the largest share in 
the great work of financial and in- 
dustrial restoration of Europe must 
fall upon the United States, and the 
one thing needful is that a plan shall 
be matured which will draw out for 
the purpose the enormous, the incom- 

parable, resources of our country. 
That this should be done by voluntary 
investment, and not by governmental 
benevolence, is essential to sound pro- 
gress ; and in order to draw out that 
investment, it is necessary that a 
plan for establishing credits upon a 
solid basis, and directing the credits 
to the right ends, shall be formulated. 

While it is with the restoration of 
normal conditions in Europe that the 
memorandum is concerned, it would 
be well for us to take to ourselves 
one very important part of its mes- 
sage. "The continuous growth of 
outstanding money and of Govern- 
ment obligations, and its concomi- 
tant, the constant increase of prices," 
is a phenomenon which has been just 
as manifest in this country as in Eu- 
rope. It is a thousand pities that, 
six months ago, when the Govern- 
ment first turned its attention to the 
general question of high prices — or 
"high cost of living" — it directed pub- 
lic interest to matters which, in this 
respect, are of quite negligible magni- 
tude, instead of clearly recognizing 
the dominant part which expansion 
of the monetary medium — both by 
bank credits and by the actual issue 
of circulating notes — has played in 
the raising of the price-level. If 
"profiteering," and hoarding by spec- 
ulators, have been anything more 
than mere natural accompaniments 
of a rise of prices which would have 
taken place just the same in their 
absence, they have at most been fac- 
tors of utterly insignificant impor- 
tance. Slack production has, of course, 
contributed a large share, but even 
that has been a minor cause in com- 
parison with the expansion of the 
monetary medium. 

One reason for the failure to ap- 
preciate the truth of this matter has 
been the extremely unusual relation 
between the state of the currency in 
our own country and the value of 
gold. In ordinary times, any expan- 
sion in the volume of the monetary 
medium in our country, beyond the 
increase in the volume of its produc- 
tive activity, would tend to drive gold 
out of the country, and this would 
check or prevent the rise of prices 
that the expansion would otherwise 
produce. There might be a consid- 

erable temporary disturbance, but 
the level of prices would not be per- 
manently raised, except to the ex- 
tent that the entire level of prices in 
the gold-standard world was raised, 
which would be no great matter. But 
in these times we are ourselves the 
only one of the great commercial na- 
tions of the world that maintains the 
gold standard; no common level of 
gold prices is maintained between 
the United States and England or 
France, because prices in England 
and France are not gold prices. It is 
upon our own domestic policy — not 
exclusively, but almost exclusively — 
that the purchasing power of the dol- 
lar depends. If we flood the country 
with dollars, we raise the level of 
prices, and there is in our relations 
with foreign countries little to coun- 
teract the effect. The policy of re- 
striction of credits upon which the 
Federal Reserve Board recently en- 
tered is usually thought of as merely 
a means of checking speculation ; but 
to the public its effect upon the gen- 
eral level of commodity-prices is of 
incomparably greater importance. If 
this were generally recognized, more 
vigorous prosecution of that policy — 
a policy of contraction, to be sure, 
which is always fraught with trouble 
and has unavoidable drawbacks — 
would be demanded by public opinion. 

The New Policy 
Toward Russia 

A CERTAIN brilliant and resource- 
■^^ ful, if not entirely practical, pro- 
fessor at one of our Eastern univer- 
sities was about to close his house for 
the summer. Warned by his wife to 
safeguard against mice some cases of 
personal effects stored in the attic, 
he took somewhat original measures 
which he described to his friends 
naively and with great satisfaction 
"I purchased several pounds o: 
cheese, cut it into small pieces, anc 
spread it over the floor. Of course n( 
intelligent and self-respecting mousi 
will attack the cases in preference ti 
this dainty food." Similar considers 
tions seem to have actuated Mr, Lloyi 
George in the formulation of the ne\ 
Russian policy that has just been aiij 

Januaiy 24, 1920] 



nounced by the Supreme Council at 
Paris. It remains to be seen whether 
as a result the Bolsheviki will be dis- 
suaded from continuing their cam- 
paign against Persia, Afghanistan, 
and India, the menace of which is 
uppermost in British minds to-day. 

The announcement is typically 
Lloyd-Georgian, and is primarily in- 
tended to meet domestic political con- 
ditions in England. No one knows 
better than the Welshman the incon- 
gruity of proposing to deal through 
the Russian Cooperatives and at the 
same time to maintain the attitude 
of uncompromising hostility to the 
Bolshevik power. But by proclaiming 
both these policies at the same time, 
he hopes to mollify the radical labor 
element with a promise of lifting the 
blockade, and reassure the more sta- 
ble elements that realize the militant 
danger of Bolshevism in arms. 

The lifting of the blockade was, 
however, well-nigh unavoidable. As 
we pointed out two weeks ago, the 
blockade of Soviet Russia had a rea- 
sonable basis only as auxiliary to a 
general support of the loyal and pa- 
triotic forces in Russia in their strug- 
gle to overthrow the Bolshevik tyr- 
anny. Such aid was never given in 
season or in adequate measure, and 
the national movements collapsed. 
Now, to be sure, the Bolsheviki are 
at war with the civilized governments 
of the world. Some of the methods 
by which they carry on this warfare 
are clearly set forth in an article in 
our present issue. Besides this, the 
Bolsheviki have in the field a large 
army which presents a definite mili- 
tary threat to Europe. A continu- 
ance of the blockade would be mor- 
ally justifiable; the question is 
whether it is calculated to attain the 
desired end. 

The blockade never starved the 
women and children of Russia. Star- 
vation in the cities of Russia was due 
to the incompetence, graft, and crazy 
economic experiments of the Bolshe- 
viki themselves, as Mr. Hoover, with 
his customary clearness and economic 
insight, has shown. Why this is so is 
evident. The peasants in the country 
have food, but not for the cities. 
The Bolsheviki, having told the peas- 
ants to seize all the land, proceeded to 

socialize it and proposed to take for 
the state all food-stocks that exceeded 
thirty pounds per month per capita. 
Then they tried to buy the grain 
with worthless paper money. They 
had no manufactured goods to ex- 
change for it, since they had de- 
stroyed industrial production. So 
they turned to forced requisitions, 
which Red Guards carried out with 
ruthless brutality. But even when 
they procured food in these raids, it 
could not be brought to the cities in 
adequate quantities, for the transpor- 
tation systems had broken down and 
they were incompetent to put them in 
order. Turn over the management 
of the railroads entering New York 
to a committee of soap-box orators 
and I. W. W., and see what would 
happen to our food supply. 

The lifting of the blockade will not 
save the people of Russia from starv- 
ing, but, as Mr. Hoover wisely ob- 
serves, it will expose to all the world 
the failure of the Bolshevik theory 
and practice. "The greatest blow 
they can receive," he says, "is to 
have such an exposure of the com- 
plete foolishness of their industrial 
system to their people. Moreover, a 
lifting of the blockade will allow the 
real truth of the horror of Bolshevik 
rule to come out of Russia." The 
blockade has furnished most potent 
propaganda material to the Bolshe- 
viki and their sympathizers, for they 
have been wont to allege that but for 
this their communistic experiments 
would have succeeded. 

In its announcement of the lifting 
of the blockade, the Supreme Council 
displays neither cleverness nor wis- 
dom. Among the Bolsheviki it can 
not but cause contemptuous amuse- 
ment. It proposes to give import 
facilities to the Russian Cooperative 
organizations while maintaining its 
previous policies toward the Soviet 
Government! Do the Allied states- 
men take the Bolshevik leaders for 
children when they propose thus 
openly a measure avowedly directed 
toward undermining them at home? 
Do they think for a moment that 
Lenin and Trotsky would permit this 
trading to take place independently 
of their control or fail lio turn it to 
their own political advantage? If 

80, they utterly misunderstand the in- 
ternal conditions in Russia and un- 
derestimate the shrewdness of the 
Commissars — who, incidentally, have 
outplayed them at almost every point. 

The Cooperative referred to in the 
announcement is of course the Cen- 
tral Union of Consumers' Codpera- 
tives, whose existence under the So- 
viet regime was full of vicissitudes. 
These Cooperatives flourished exceed- 
ingly during the war, when prices of 
their stocks mounted skyward and 
private means of distribution fell 
down. Because of its large and wide- 
spread membership, the Bolsheviki 
did not dare lay hands on the Coop- 
erative system at first, but after 
they had consolidated their power 
they undertook to legislate it out 
of existence by nationalizing all do- 
mestic trade. As usual their crazy 
experiment failed, and they had to 
fall back upon the Cooperatives. This 
time, however, they seized the Mos- 
cow Narodny Bank, the bank of the 
Cooperatives, and made it a branch 
of their State Bank, and proceeded to 
issue decrees concerning membership 
and management of the Cooperatives. 
The country units have managed to 
retain some slight vestige of their 
former independence, but the Coop- 
eratives of the cities lost all freedom 
of action. The Cooperatives of each 
province are largely under the control 
of the provincial Commissars. 

To trade with the Cooperatives to- 
day, as proposed in the announce- 
ment of the Supreme Council, is to 
deal with the Soviet Government. In 
any case, goods can only be trans- 
ported by the Bolsheviki on their 
railroads, and in practice it will be 
the Soviet that will buy goods and 
then trade them to the peasants in 
return for food for the cities. It is 
the Soviet alone that can deliver gold 
or raw materials for export. Pos- 
sibly the fact that these goods will 
have been stolen or confiscated from 
private owners may seem like an un- 
important technicality to the covet- 
ous foreigner. The gold reserve of 
Rumania, amounting to $125,000,000, 
was removed to Moscow for safe- 
keeping when the Germans occupied 
Bucharest, and besides this the Bol- 
sheviki have in their possession com- 



[Vol. 2, No. 37 

paratively little, consisting of their 
plunder from banks and individuals. 
If this gold is accepted by foreign 
merchants, a serious international 
question will be raised, to say noth- 
ing of the fact that it means recog- 
nition of the Bolshevik Government. 

It may well happen that in spite 
of the temporary political and ma- 
terial service that the lifting of the 
blockade may render to the Soviet 
Government, its deeper effect will be 
to strengthen the forces in Russia 
that are making for its overthrow 
from within. Certainly the opening 
up of Russia to the outside world 
must in a large measure put an end to 
the horrible methods of terror by 
which that Government has main- 
tained its savage rule, and once this 
terror is relaxed, there will be an 
overwhelming demand for deliver- 
ance from its authors. 

Finally it must be borne in mind 
that the military menace of the Red 
armies is still with us. A peace with 
the Bolsheviki is for them but a 
breathing space in which to carry on 
their propaganda the more inten- 
sively. For them to stand still or 
compromise is to be lost. To counter 
their propaganda, we are as children, 
with our deportations and anti-radi- 
cal legislation; they can give us big 
odds and win with ease. Only the 
hard facts of experience will open the 
eyes of their dupes. Just now the 
gravest danger is that a military 
struggle against them may be trans- 
lated into a war against Russia, unit- 
ing all the Russian national elements 
and forces against the world. 

If such a climax should crown the 
past two years of blunders in policy, 
then will Allied diplomacy indeed be 
. bankrupt. To avert such a catastro- 
phe a positive, unequivocal policy 
must be stated. It must be made 
clear to the Russian people that while 
the Allied and Associated nations are 
uncompromising enemies of Bolshe- 
vism, they will welcome every oppor- 
tunity to aid Russia materially; that 
they contemplate no policy that 
means its dismemberment; and that 
they look forward to hearty coopera- 
tion with the Russian nation when it 
shall have thrown off the incubus of 
the Bolshevist despotism. 

Admiral Sims's 

A "MEMO" is the simplest and most 
^ informal type of military letter. 
It is usually informational and needs 
no answer. Admiral Sims's "Memo" 
on "Certain Naval Lessons of the 
Great War" occupies five columns of 
print, every word of which is of im- 
port to every American. It is the 
duty of Congress to force the most 
explicit answers to the questions 
raised in this most important docu- 
ment. Although Admiral Sims re- 
veals the fact that he was constantly 
hampered in his work as high naval 
commander abroad, inadequately sup- 
ported, disregarded, unfairly dis- 
trusted, there is no trace of personal 
resentment in his indictment of our 
naval administration. He writes 
with dignity, detachment, and au- 
thority. Expressions of opinion are 
as few as they are weighty. The 
emphasis is on facts. 

Late in March, 1917, with war not 
yet declared but certain. Admiral 
Sims was sent to England incognito 
with a single aide. In lieu of the 
customary written orders, he received 
instructions which are described by 
him as follows: 

Brief orders were delivered to me verbally 
in Washington. No formal instructions or 
statement of the Navy Department's plans or 
policy were received at that time, though I 
received the following explicit admonition : 

'"Don't let the British pull the wool over 
your eyes. It is none of our business pulling 
their chestnuts out of the fire. We would as 
soon fight the British as the Germans." 

On arriving in England, Admiral 
Sims found that the submarines were 
in a way to starve out England in- 
side the year. Accordingly he recom- 
mended an immediate concentration 
of all available fighting forces in the 
real theatre of the naval war. The 
Navy Department promised four de- 
stroyers. Admiral Sims appealed to 
Ambassador Page, and the number 
was raised to sixteen. In April, 1917, 
the British Admiralty requested that 
the American fighting fleet should 
guard the English Channel. Trans- 
mitted to Washington by Admiral 
Sims, the request never received the 
courtesy of a reply. Meanwhile our 
battle fleet, Qhough ready for action, 
was performing no military service 


of any sort. In July, 1917, Admiral 
Sims recommended that four coal- 
burning battleships should be as- 
signed to the British great fleet. This 
modest request was honored only in 
November, after Admiral Benson had 
verified in England the information 
he had possessed for many months 
through Admiral Sims. Soon after 
his arrival Admiral Sims requested 
that all available tugs be sent over. 
They were wanted to salvage ships 
which the submarines had crippled 
without sinking. None were sent, 
though at the time dozens of Navy 
tugs were tied up idly at the wharves 
of Norfolk, Philadelphia, Brooklyn, 
Newport, and Boston. 

From this state of things two in- 
ferences are to be drawn. First, that 
the Department grudged a whole- 
hearted and effective aid in the war, 
adhering still to the hope of "peace 
without victory ;" next, that there was 
no strategic plan at Washington, but 
merely a welter of smaller purposes. 
For three years of world-wide war- 
fare, and with constant dangerous 
friction with Germany, President 
Wilson and his war lords held to the 
theory that our national policy was 
to set a good example to the world 
by neglecting our obvious military 
interests. The result was that in the 
hurry of belated preparation, two 
lives were lost where one would have 
sufficed, two men were wounded 
where one would have sufficed, and 
more than two dollars were spent 
where one would have sufficed. With 
the ultimate value to humanity of a 
policy not without its own idealism 
history must some day reckon. Its 
immediate and practical result may 
be simply expressed in the form of a 
commercial statement: 

Wilson, Baker & Daniels, Ltd. 
In Ac. with the American People. 

Credit : — By any mora! good accomplished by 
neglecting a reasonable military prepared- 
ness in 1915-16. 

Debit : — To 35,000 Americans killed unneces- 

To 160,000 Americans wounded unneces- 
To $10,000,000,000 spent unnecessarily. 

However this account be balanced, 
the Navy merely suffered with the 
rest. Its case was not special. Ad- 
miral Sims in noting the vacillation m 
and absence of naval counsels at 
Washington is not indulging in retro- 

January 24, 1920] 



spective recriminations, nor are we. 
He is pointing a solemn lesson for 
future use. 

So far Admiral Sims's letter merely 
gives a new emphasis to familiar 
facts. There is another and more 
startling side to his revelations which 
no loyal American can consider with- 
out a sense of shame. It appears that 
having appointed him to high com- 
mand, the powers-that-be regretted 
their action. Not daring to take the 
straightforward course of relieving 
him, they attempted to make his posi- 
tion impossible and force him out. 
In so doing they imperilled the effi- 
ciency of our naval effort abroad. 
Sustained by a high sense of duty, he 
achieved the impossible — stuck to his 
post, and, under heavy disadvantages, 
did his work. This is our allegation, 
not his, but the facts are plainly to 
be read between the lines. Let us con- 
sider the bare facts. 

In April, 1917, Admiral Sims was 
ordered abroad with a staff of one 
aide. Repeated requests for a suit- 
able administrative staff were re- 
fused on the ground that no officers 
were available. Meanwhile competent 
and willing officers were on fifty idle 
ships. In July, now Commander in 
Chief for the European campaign, 
and his aide exhausted, he was 
allotted three officers. Such a staff 
the young lieutenants commanding 
at sub-bases like Block Island, Nev; 
Bedford, and Nantucket were al- 
lowed for their flotillas of half a 
dozen patrol boats. In vain Admiral 
Sims requested the staff customarily 
allowed to the commander of a squad- 
ron of destroyers. Facing adminis- 
trative disaster, he finally adopted the 
desperate but only expedient of re- 
cruiting his staff by depleting his line. 
Eventually he thus combed out of his 
ships two hundred officers with a 
thousand enlisted men and civilians. 
Meanwhile his destroyers and scout 
patrol boats sailed their arduous sta- 
tions short-handed. To make matters 
more difficult, he was denied the usual 
right of enlisting competent Ameri- 
cans abroad and of awarding tem- 
porary promotion to his own officers. 
As an additional humiliation, he was 
not permitted to select his personal 
aides. Among the British and in his 

own command his authority was by 
so much diminished. 

From these deplorable but neces- 
sary exposures the accomplishment 
of the professional Navy emerges in 
a brighter light. In spite of certain 
incompetence and probable malice at 
Washington, it splendidly did its task. 
That so perilous and discreditable a 
chapter should not be repeated is 
Admiral Sims's chief concern. In fix- 
ing the responsibility where it be- 
longs, between Secretary Daniels and 
Admiral Benson, Admiral Sims has 
deserved well of the Navy and the 
Republic. Now let the complete cor- 
respondence between Admiral Sims 
and his superiors be published, and 
let Congress fearlessly probe the 
whole matter to the bottom. 

The Father of Victory 

TjtTE sincerely regret that M. Clem- 
^ enceau's exit from the political 
stage had its impressiveness marred 
by a final discomfiture to . which he 
exposed himself by drawing a wrong 
conclusion from his popularity. The 
unexampled success which crowned 
his tenure of office had silenced, for 
the time being, his many political 
opponents among Roman Catholics 
and Radicals. The people's unani- 
mous recognition of his great service 
t'^ the country was no guarantee of as 
complete a consensus on his eligibility 
for the Presidency. Different capaci- 
ties from those which made him an 
eminent leader in the onset towards 
victory are needed for the representa- 
tive figure at the highest post of 
honor. Neither his temperament nor 
the power which his popularity se- 
cures him would have let him be 
satisfied with the mere glory of that 
dignity. Fear of his influence, greater 
than tradition has sanctioned, on the 
Government's conduct of affairs dic- 
tated to the majority of Senators and 
Deputies their adverse vote. The 
painful dilemma was not of their 
choosing. We should do them an in- 
justice by believing their motive to 
have been personal enmity. They had 
to decide between honoring the man 
and serving the country, as in their 
eyes the two were irreconcilable. And 
M. Clemenceau will have been the 

first to admit that, such being their 
opinion, they chose the better of the 

For in his long, eventful life the 
one motive which actuated his every 
word and act was France and the 
glory of France.. In a political atmos- 
phere replete with self-seeking in- 
trigue, he moved invulnerable, thanks 
to a proverbial integrity. "What is 
this talk," he said one day, "about 
my having overthrown so many Gov- 
ernments? It was always the same 
Government — with only different 
names." The paradox gives a char- 
acteristic description of the man. The 
Cabinets he ousted from power were 
all one to him in that they ruled to 
the detriment of France. Personal 
consideraions had no weight with 
him. Old 'friends lost his friendship 
if France was no longer served by 
them in the way he considered best 
for her. It was on M. Clemenceau's 
recommendation that M. Freycinet, 
in 1886, fixed his choice on General 
Boulanger for Minister of War in his 
Cabinet. But it was Clemenceau, 
again, who two years later, when the 
General aspired to a dictatorship, 
was foremost among those who op- 
posed him, and after the sensational 
scene in the Chamber, in which Bou- 
langer had called Premier Floquet "a 
■ damned liar and an impudent pedant," 
Clemenceau, as Floquet's witness, took 
his challenge to the insulter. In the 
same way he challenged, on behalf of 
France, the strong and the unscrupu- 
lous who loved her less than them- 
selves. A disturber of peace, people 
called him. "Why can you not let 
the country rest?" he was asked by 
an interruption in the Chamber. "Be- 
cause there is no rest for free na- 
tions," he retorted. "Rest is good for 
monarchies. The nation is a living 
organism, and life knows no rest." 

His own life has been a vivid illus- 
tration of that maxim. And it seemed 
as if, with the increase of his years, 
his energy grew in intensity. The 
youthful elan which inspired his in- 
domitable nature rekindled the fire 
of enthusiasm in whose steeling 
flames the country has always re- 
covered strength to overcome its 
vicissitudes. By grace of that spirit 
in him he had become the savior of 



[Vol. 2, No. 37 

his country. It owes him a debt of 
gratitude too great to be adequately 
expressed by its conferring on him 
even the highest dignity that a 
Frenchman can win. Ambition, "that 
last infirmity of noble mind," is in 
this man of impetyous energy a 
symptom only of his restlessness, 
which, in his own words, is life itself. 
Until his dying hour, to live, with 
him, will be to aspire. But the nation 
knows better than he that the highest 
he could aspire to is already his. 
History will add many more names 
to the list of Presidents of the French 
Republic, but one Frenchman only 
will be remembered in her record as 
the Father of Victory. 

President Butler on 
the Classics 

THE paragraphs of President But- 
ler's Annual Report which deal 
with classical studies in Columbia 
University are interesting rather for 
certain suggestions which they con- 
vey than for their statement of facts. 
We are all aware, of course, that the 
proportion of students taking Latin 
and Greek under a purely elective 
regime is comparatively small. Our 
chief concern lies not with the fact, 
but with the underlying reason. Dr. 
Parkin, in discussing the Rhodes 
Scholarships, has pointed out that the 
surprisingly high ratio of failures on 
the part of American students to pass 
the Oxford University entrance tests 
holds good for the more modern sub- 
jects as well as for the classical lan- 
guages. "May it not be true," Dr. 
Butler asks, "that the American 
student resents the demand for the 
close and long-continued application 
necessary to an accurate knowledge 
of any difficult subject?" 

In the matter of the classics, it is 
a fair question how far the responsi- 
bility for numerical loss rests pri- 
marily with the r.tudent. In a country 
town in the Middle West, a few years 
ago, the study of Latin was saved, 
against an iconoclastic superintend- 
ent, by the insistent demand of boys 
and girls determined to study it. A 
few years ago a State Normal College 
west of the Alleghenies had a strong 
department of Greek, wholly on the 

elective basis, and the Greek play 
which it presented each year was one 
of the most distinguished events of 
the college calendar. The department 
died, not from loss of interest, but 
by peremptory edict of a new Presi- 
dent who, during the summer vaca- 
tion, before he had ever met the col- 
lege in session, countermanded the 
order for Greek text-books and an- 
nounced that the study would be 
dropped, as "unpractical." On the 
other hand, from within a few miles 
of Columbia University comes the re- 
port that a class in Greek has been 
organized in a New Jersey high 
school, at the urgent request of stu- 
dents desiring to enroll. Opposition 
to classical study in the public schools 
comes far more from educational 
theorists than from pupils, or par- 
ents, in search of the "practical." 
Fought by "modernists" on every 
hand, and a requirement for gradua- 
tion almost nowhere, Latin still has a 
very strong hold in the high schools 
in all parts of the country. If a fair 
proportion of students who have car- 
ried it successfully through the usual 
four preparatory years were to con- 
tinue it in college, there would be no 
talk of the decadence of Latin. In 
view of this fact, it may be questioned 
whether any great share of the loss 
• that occurs just at the point of en- 
trance to college is due, as President 
Butler suggests, to an aversion of the 
American student to "the close and 
long-continued application necessary 
to an accurate knowledge of any diffi- 
cult subject." Something must be 
granted to this influence, no doubt, 
nor can an unrestricted elective sys- 
tem ever free itself from the charge 
of encouraging such an aversion. But 
there are other influences at work 
which tend to deprive classical studies 
of an even chance in the mind of a 
freshman making up his schedule. 
Thus the faculty representatives of 
the newer subjects, as Dr. Butler says, 
often insist on programmes which 
make it difficult for the student to 
take an extended course in classical 

President Butler makes it evident 
that his own desire is for the building 
up and continued maintenance of 
strong departments of Greek and 

Latin in Columbia. Towards that end 
he suggests an increased striving on 
the part of teachers for a readier 
power of sight translation ; the bring- 
ing of the student more closely into 
touch with ancient ideas and ideals; 
political, moral, and social relation- 
ships ; and the development of courses 
having to do with Greek and Roman 
customs, and Greek and Roman art, 
architecture, etc. Friends of broad 
educational ideals will hope that this 
declaration of interest will be fol- 
lowed by a duly liberal financial 
policy in providing the material 
equipment required to carry out, with 
the fullest degree of success, the im- 
provements in method suggested in 
this report. 

Dr. Butler quotes and accepts Gil- 
bert Murray's statement that the 
study of the present alone isolates, 
while the study of far distant times, 
if they be really great, sets the stu- 
dent free. In every specialist walk of 
life, there are men to-day of the high- 
est competence and reputation who 
do not hesitate to assert that their 
calling is suffering from the failure 
of its devotees to broaden their men- 
tal vision, and their range of human 
interest, by studies of this kind. "I 
am going to be a scientist, and there- 
fore will not elect any studies in the 
classical departments," is a very gen- 
eral attitude of mind among incoming 
freshmen to-day. "My life as a scien- 
tist will necessarily tend to narrow 
my range of interests unduly, and 
therefore I will guard against the 
danger in advance by including a 
fair amount of the study of the great 
civilizations of the past in my course," 
would represent a far more promis- 
ing state of mind. 


A weekly journal of political and 

general discussion 

Published by 

The National Weekly Corporation 

140 Nassau Street, New York 

Fabian Franklin, President 

Harold de Wolf Fuller, Treasurer 

Rodman Gilder, Business Manager 

Subscription price, five dollars a year in 
advance. Fifteen cents a copy. Foreign post- 
age, one dollar extra; Canadian postage, fifty 
cents extra. Foreign subscriptions may be sent 
to Messrs. G. P. Putnam's Sons, Ltd., 24, Bed- 
ford St., Strand, London, W. C. 2, England. 
Copyright, 1920, in the United States of 

Janiiiirv 2i, 1920] 



Moscow's Campaign of Poison 

A FEW months ago the Executive 
Committee of the Bolshevik Gov- 
ernment in Moscow sent to its agents 
everywhere abroad a confidential 
circular of which the following is a 
translation : 

The revolutionary work of the Com- 
munist Party. 

The work of Bolshevist organizations 
in foreign countries is regulated as fol- 

1. In the domain of international re- 

(a) Assist all chauvinistic measures 
and foster all international discords. 

(b) Stir up agitation that may serve 
to bring on industrial conflict. 

(c) Try to assassinate the represen- 
tatives of foreign countries. 

(Thanks to these methods interior dis- 
cords and coups d'etat will occur, such 
agitation working to the advantage of 
the Social Democratic party.) 

2. In the domain of internal politics. 

(a) Compromise by every possible 
means the influential men of the country; 
attack people in office; stir up anti-gov- 
eramental agitation. 

(b) Instigate general and particular 
strikes; injure machinery and boilers in 
factories; spread propaganda literature. 

(Thanks to these methods destruction 
of governments and the seizure of power 
will be facilitated.) 

3. In the economic sphere. 

(a) Induce and sustain railroad 
strikes; destroy bridges and tracks; do 
everything possible to disorganize trans- 

(b) Interfere with and prevent if 
possible the transport of food supplies 
into the cities; provoke financial 
troubles ; flood the markets with counter- 
feit banknotes; appoint everywhere spe- 
jcial committees for this work. 

I (In this way total economic disorgani- 
!!ation will bring its inevitable catas- 
Itrophe and the resulting revolution 
iigainst the government will have the 
'sympathy of the masses.) 
, 4. In the military sphere. 

(a) Carry on intensive propaganda 
jimong the troops. Cause misunder- 
standings between officers and soldiers. 

ncite the soldiers to assassination of 
he higher officers. 

(b) Blow up arsenals, bridges, tracks, 
owder-magazines. Prevent the delivery 
f supplies of raw material to factories 
nd mills. 

(Thus the complete destruction of the 
rmy will be accomplished and the sol- 
iers will adopt the programme of the 
jcial democratic workers.) 

A later circular issued as Cam- 
paign Order No. 4, again for secret 
distribution in foreign countries, de- 
fines the methods to be pursued 
among the agricultural classes. "It is 
necessary to find out everything pos- 
sible about the living conditions of 
the farmers ; it is urgently necessary 
to know all those who are in debt or 
find difficult the payment of their 
rent. It is important to assist them, 
discreetly and prudently, and at the 
same time to explain to them that 
only revolution will put them on their 
feet. In this work, as in all others, 
it is necessary to work principally on 
the feelings of the women, and beyond 
this conversations should be carried 
on principally with young people, who 
are more susceptible to revolutionary 

These are merely samples of the 
secret orders that flow out from the 
poison spring in Moscow. It takes 
no very careful study of them to see 
that they represent no "great con- 
structive force," as is claimed by our 
American parlor bolshevists. It is 
clear that their authors care nothing 
for the interests of the proletariat, as 
is urged by certain sentimental Amer- 
ican paper-radicals and by the still 
undeported representative of Lenin 
in New York. Ideas such as these 
orders contain are brutal and brutal- 
izing; they are false and propagate 
falsehood ; they point to suffering and 
misery as an end to be sought. They 
are purely destructive in intent and 
give not even a hint of a constructive 
future. Tear down; destroy; create 
economic chaos; cause famine and 
cold; kill your fellow men — and to 
what end? To bring about revolu- 
tion! But surely modern man has 
sufficient mental and moral stature 
to realize that revolution is not an 
end to be desired ; that it is endurable 
only as a last resort to secure a great 
gain to civilization which is not 
otherwise obtainable. The danger of 
these circulars is that they are not 
intended to fall into the hands of 
those who have attained well-bal- 
anced mental and moral growth. They 
are not intended to educate the 

masses or to be read by the intel- 
lectual, but to instruct the dark and 
secret agents of destruction, all of 
them queerly abnormal people who 
have their prototypes in Russia — 
Lenin, a great force, an idealist who 
can not understand that ideals can 
be realized only through imperfect 
human agents and that realization 
before humanity is perfect must de- 
stroy their original purity, a man 
with a vision that reality has dimmed 
and necessity brutalized; Chicherin, 
a man of the upper classes, who has 
twice been confined in an insane 
asylum, who is incapable of thinking 
straight; Trotsky, intellectually pow- 
erful along the narrow path of his 
enthusiasm, morally a monster ; Zino- 
viev, a man of little mental and no 
moral capacity, but with an enthusi- 
asm that borders on madness and 
that makes his commonplace words 
ffame ; and the others, inevitably most 
numerous, who may better be name- 
less, who are of varying capacity and 
are Bolsheviks for sordid hope of 
plunder or of power. Into the hands 
of men similar to these the instruc- 
tions are carried by highly paid 
agents, and the instructions are 
passed on to the rank and file, not as 
they came, but in the form of specific 
orders to cause a strike here, to de- 
stroy there a factory, or to assassinate 
a man of influence and integrity. 
There are few crimes so dastardly 
that an excuse for them can not be 
found in some generally-worded in- 
struction, but the character of the 
specific deed is usually a reflection of 
the personality of the agent who 
issues the final order. 

These circulars, as has been noted 
above, are not in any sense propa- 
ganda. They are orders, issued to 
chosen individuals and not intended 
to be seen by others ; but such orders 
can not be carried out in a country 
where the ground has not been pre- 
pared by propaganda. Even in Rus- 
sia itself, where the vast proportion 
of the population shivers under the 
rule of an autocratic and blood- 
thirsty minority, the Bolshevist 
regime could not retain power if it 
admitted the truth. If it lies at home, 
why should it be truthful abroad? 
On November 8, Zinoviev said in a 



[Vol. 2, No. 37 

speech in Petrograd, "The White 
Army was followed by an American 
mission which pretended to feed our 
children in Gatchina, but the first 
thing it did was to rob the orphan 
asylum. When Gatchina was cap- 
tured a Jewish pogrom took place 
and the population received only a 
few herrings." This is a good ex- 
ample of Bolshevist defensive propa- 
ganda within the borders of Russia. 
The truth was that there was no po- 
grom in Gatchina and that the Amer- 
ican Relief Administration under- 
took immediately, and continued until 
the retreat of, the White Army, the 
daily feeding of three thousand 
starved children. In Russia the truth 
can be and is suppressed. Along the 
borders of Russia it can be and is 
partially suppressed, but this sup- 
pression becomes more difficult as 
operations must be carried on further 
from the centre. Hence, the further 
propaganda is carried from Moscow 
the more subtle it must become to 
be effective. Half truths and clev- 
erly manipulated whole truths must 
be substituted for lies, propaganda 
must be attuned to the instincts, sen- 
timents and desires of those to whom 
it is addressed, with the purpose of 
preparing as large a field as possible 
in which the seed of the definite 
orders may flourish and bear its red 
fruit. Propaganda in different coun- 
tries, therefore, varies widely in 
method and arguments employed; 
whereas the instructions vary almost 
not at all. 

Twice, so far, this subtly prepared 
propaganda has made possible the 
carrying out of the orders. In Hun- 
gary, which is essentially a conserva- 
tive country, Bolshevist propaganda 
was confined almost entirely to Buda- 
pest, because only in that city was 
there a nucleus of industrial workers 
— always more accessible to any form 
of propaganda because concentrated 
— and because the capital was the 
heart of the country. Supplies were 
short and therefore the opening of an 
avenue to "the limitless food stocks 
of Russia" was harped on continu- 
ously. The Karolyi Government made 
just enough half-hearted reforms in 
land tenure and in the education of 
workingmen to a knowledge of their 

due and of their potential power, to 
arouse the instincts of acquisition 
without recompense — in plain Eng- 
lish, "plunder" — but it was too weak 
to carry its reforms through to their 
logical conclusion. A peasant one 
day appeared at the ticket window of 
a local station and said to the ticket 
agent, the only visible government 
official, "I have come for my share." 
"Your share of what?" the agent de- 
manded. "My share of the money," 
the peasant aifswered. "Is not Hun- 
gary now a republic and in a republic 
do not all share alike?" The com- 
munists said to this man and others 
like him, "If you put us in power 
this belief of yours will come true. 
We will divide among you the prop- 
erty of the rich." But, in spite of 
ignorance and hunger, the Bolsheviks 
could never have gained the power in 
Hungary had they not appealed to 
the strongest passion of all, the in- 
stinct of nationalism, which is really 
the negation of all Bolshevist prin- 
ciples. When bordering states en- 
croached more and more on the 
boundaries defined by the torms of 
the armistice, and when it was clear 
that Karolyi could not get the ex- 
pected support from the Allies, the 
Bolsheviks seized the Government as 
champions of nationalism. Bela Kun 
was tolerated because he promised to 
drive out the invaders. When he 
failed in this and began to preach 
communist doctrines, the people 
drove him out. This Hungarian epi- 
sode is an interesting example of 
Bolshevist propaganda, because it 
succeeded by an appeal to local pas- 
sions through promises that were 
wholly false and based on principles 
wholly contrary to the dogmas of 
communism. It proves that the means 
are never considered so long as they 
seem to make possible the carrying 
out of the orders. 

In Bavaria, as in Hungary, Bolshe- 
vist propaganda made possible the 
temporary establishment of a com- 
munist Government. In Munich, as 
in Budapest, war-weariness and hun- 
ger prepared the ground. In Bavaria 
propaganda pointed to the insincerity 
and the failures of the German Social- 
Democratic Government. It played on 
the fact that, although the war was 

over, living conditions were growing 
worse instead of better, and insinu- 
ated that the Entente intended treach- 
erously to destroy Germany through 
starvation, since it had been unable 
to obtain a real military decision. It 
again appealed to narrowly national- 
istic feelings, already irritated by the 
obviously centralizing tendencies of 
Weimar, by pointing out the danger 
of a bitter military domination of 
Bavaria by Prussia, by saying that 
communism would mean the complete 
severance of Bavaria from the Ger- 
man realm and consequent freedom 
from the State's share of the German 
war debt. Outside of the cities no 
one was convinced by these argu- 
ments, and Bavaria, being more gen- 
erally intelligent than Hungary and 
far more accessible to information 
from outside, tolerated its Bolshevist. 
Government for only a few days. 

In Switzerland radical propaganda 
has two distinct phases : that actually 
directed against the Federation and 
that sent into Switzerland or manu- 
factured in Switzerland for purposes 
of foreign distribution. Except in 
Basel and Zurich, industrial centres, 
the extreme Socialist following is 
small and, with the restoration of 
something approaching normal eco- 
nomic conditions, it will still further 
decrease, unless communism should 
gain temporary sway in surrounding 
countries. The increase of the num- 
ber of seats gained by the Socialists 
in the recent elections is not an indi- 
cation of party growth but is the 
natural result of a change in the elec- 
tion laws. The Socialist party itself 
defeated by an overwhelming popular 
vote the proposal to join the Third, 
or Moscow, International. Among the 
Swiss themselves propaganda clever- 
ly accentuates every misunderstand- 
ing between federal and cantonal 
authority; it aims at creating jeal- 
ousies between the French, German, 
and Italian speaking populations of 
the various cantons; it suggests to 
the townspeople that the farmers and 
dairymen are withholding food, and 
to the countryfolk that the towns are 
trying to force the sale of foodstuffs 
at prices ruinous to the producers. 
All this has had little effect, however, 
and when orders were issued to turn 

Januaiy 24, 1920] 


the Basel strikes into an insurrection, 
failure was immediate and complete. 
Switzerland has, on the other hand, 
been less successful in its endeavor 
to prevent the country from becom- 
ing a centre for the distribution of 
propaganda. In spite of drastic laws 
and thorough inspection at the fron- 
tiers, quantities of literature are 
brought in, and quantities, printed in 
Switzerland, are sent out into France 
and Italy. It is also only fair to 
Switzerland to admit that much 
literature with the imprint of Basel 
or Berne was actually printed in Ger- 
many. (This was recently proved in 
the case of a pamphlet intended to 
create disturbances in Alsace.) 

A keener edge is put on propa- 
ganda in France by references to 
Germany intended to incite national- 
istic feelings or to irritate by com- 
parisons. For example, this from 
another order that was probably 
actually prepared in Germany : "It is 
essential to make clear to our com- 
rades, especially to those who have 
had only a little instruction, that the 
victory of the Entente, that is, the 
victory of imperialism and capitalism, 
places the Latin worker in a position 
inferior to the German." It is fair 
to say, however, that although this 
sort of thing may appeal to some few 
people in France— and the recent 
elections seem to emphasize the nar- 
rowness of the appeal— the country 
ias a whole is too well aware of the 
continuing German danger, too con- 
scious that it is the negation of those 
principles for which France has suf- 
fered so bitterly, to be seriously af- 
fected now. Only if France should 
lose the cordial support of England 
and America, might it be willing to 
experiment with another revolution. 
Bolshevist propaganda in Germany 
is exceedingly difficult to estimate. 
How much of this propaganda, how 
many of the secret orders come from 
Russia, and what proportion origi- 
lates in the German communist 
3arty? It seems clear that the Ger- 
nan Reds are less formally under 
)rders from Moscow than are the 
^eds of the smaller adjoining coun- 
ries, also that their association is 
lore intimate. It is the expressed 
'Pmion of Moscow that Germany, in 


securing a Socialist Government, has 
progressed further than other coun- 
tries, and that the benefits resulting 
from this modified Socialism will 
make the people demand more and 
more. Lenin knows, also, that the 
Germans consider themselves the 
"original Socialists" and that obvi- 
ous interference from outside would 
offend their pride of proprietorship 
of the idea. He can, therefore, only 
point out that it is the Independent 
Socialists who hold fast to the doc- 
trines of Marx in their pristine pur- 
ity. This party was and is the hope 
of the Bolsheviks. Under the leader- 
ship of Hugo Haase, it proved im- 
possible to lure the Independents as 
a party to the extreme left. After 
Haase was killed, the extremists 
gained control, and during its recent 
convention the Independent Socialist 
party went over bag and baggage 
to the communists. This action 
establishes in Germany a strong, 
recognized Bolshevist bloc, a party- 
grouping pledged to the Third Inter- 
national and having the closest 
affiliation with Moscow, a group 
believing in direct action and in the 
dictatorship of the proletariat on the 
Russian model. 

The probable effect on Germany 
need not be discussed here except to 
note that the political situation be- 
comes more explosive and that at the 
same time the more conservative, re- 
constructive parties have exchanged 
for a hidden and secretive foe, one 
who must in the future fight in the 
open. There is probably no formal 
or binding understanding between 
the Berlin and the Moscow Govern- 
ments. When the German Govern- 
ment wishes to communicate with the 
Soviet it does so through a group 
of former German prisoners con- 
verted to Bolshevism and now living 
in Moscow. These men are a con- 
venient medium because they have 
no recognized diplomatic standing 
and can be repudiated if need arises ; 
but they are sufficiently official to 
satisfy the Soviet. Through them 
Lenin corresponds with the German 
Government, but how far that Gov- 
ernment consciously plays into his 
hands and how far it is his dupe is 
an open question. Germany is obvi- 

ously trying to steer a middle course 
that will leave it the friend of Rus- 
sia, whatever the outcome of the Rus- 
sian internal struggle. When a gov- 
ernment is as weak as is the present 
German Government, a middle course 
is generally not actually this but 
rather an erratic veering from one 
side to the other of the stream. So 
the German ship of state sails in 
meaningless zigzags because there is 
no competent helmsman. Its captains 
—for they are many and all inefficient 
—publicly refused to comply with the 
Entente request for a blockade of 
Soviet Russia. At the same time they 
supported the formation of an Army 
in Courland to attack Soviet Russia 
and then permitted that army- 
stated, of course, to be insubordinate 
—to attack the Letts at a moment 
when the attack necessitated the 
withdrawal of Esthonian forces from 
the anti-Bolshevist front of Yude- 
nitch, just when the situation was 
critical for the Soviet. German offi- 
cers in the Ukraine assisted Petlul-a 
to attack the rear of Denikin just as 
Denikin was driving the Bolsheviks 
back on Moscow. There are two really 
strong groups in Germany, the reac- 
tionaries and the communists. On 
international policy they are at op- 
posite poles, but so far as Russia is 
concerned it is often expedient for 
them to unite. The communists want 
to aid the Soviet on principle; the 
reactionaries are willing to aid the 
Soviet whenever there seems a chance 
that forces of law, order, and democ- 
racy, favorable to the Entente, may 
definitely secure peace and stability 
for the country. Between these two 
forces the German Government is 
helpless and bewildered. In propa- 
ganda, also, the two extremes co- 
operate. The communists freely re- 
ceive, manufacture, and distribute 
their propaganda in Germany, where 
the reactionaries feel themselves 
strong enough to combat it ; and the 
reactionaries assist the communists 
in their distribution of propaganda 
and secret orders abroad, because it 
is in the interest of all Germans to 
cause industrial unrest in foreign 

In the United States, as well as in 
Europe, this propaganda is active. 



[Vol. 2, No. 37 

Even the orders of the Soviet reach 
our radical chiefs and are interpreted 
as seems expedient at the moment. 
Last summer a circular was issued 
giving a detailed programme of dis- 
orders in this country. A steel strike 
was to take place in October; this 
was to be followed by a coal strike in 
November and a sudden railroad 
strike in December. The circular 
stated frankly that this series 6f 
strikes would cause such suffering 
and consequent disorders that by 
Februarj- the country would be ripe 
for insurrection against a "capitalist 
government" unable to prevent such 
deplorable conditions. The circular 
•was not dictated by Moscow, because 
the Russians are willing to leave de- 
tails to their lieutenants, but it might 
well have been, because it contained 
nothing whatever beyond the purely 
destructive philosophy of the Soviet. 
In the way of Bolshevist propaganda 
the United States suffers from an 
influx of Russian ideas sedulously 
propagated by German agents. Our 
pro-Bolsheviks disclaim the accusa- 
tion of pro-Germanism, but how 
many of them can be found who did 
not hinder recruiting, who did not 
condone — or deny, as being more con- 
venient — the German atrocities in 
Belgium? Forwaerte, the mouthpiece 
of the German Government, recently 
stated that it was important for Ger- 
many to destroy competition by creat- 
ing industrial unrest abroad, "espe- 
cially in England and the United 
States." Lenin said a few days ago 
that the communist system could not 
at this time be permanently estab- 
lished in a largely agricultural coun- 
try like Russia, but that its real 
future lay in the more educated, 
highly industrial nations of the west. 
The Soviet admits that it wants peace 
primarily so as to be able to send its 
propagandists freely to all parts of 
the world. 

We in America are too prone to 
sigh with relief when a few Reds are 
arrested, and perhaps deported, and 
to think that this is sufficient. A few 
individuals are of little enough im- 
portance in the face of a determined 
propaganda, carried on with Russian 
fanaticism and German thorough- 
ness; a propaganda that is insidious. 

cleverly compounded of truth and 
lies, fashioned to make its s ecial 
appeal wherever there is sentim atal- 
ity or distress. To save itself and to 
save civilization the American Gov- 
ernment must steer a firm course be- 
tween reaction and capitulation. It 
must not be a zigzag middle course 
like that of the German Government, 
but straight, with the pilot eternally 
vigilant, with its route carefully 
charted, with its aim so clearly de- 
fined that all the people may approve 
and support it in every crisis. 

The Bolsheviks have one great 
argument. It is this : "The war has 
cost the world over two hundred 
billion dollars. Perhaps five per cent, 
of this amount has been paid for. 
The rest of the war was fought on 
credit. It will take the world, espe- 
cially the poor people of the world, a 
hundred years to pay off this enor- 
mous debt. This means sorrow, suf- 
fering, incessant labor. Bolshevism 
will wipe all debts from the slate. 
The world can begin afresh a new, 
finer life of justice." What wonder 
that this appeals, that there are Bol- 
shevist agents in all lands who can 
elaborate these themes ! And only the 
man who thinks on a groundwork of 
robust intelligence understands that 
the plan, if carried out, would lead 
the world back to the times of the 
cave-dwellers, that with the crash of 
credit would come also the crash of 
civilization with all that it has given 
us of good as well as of bad — the end 
of education, of art, of literature, of 
everything that makes life attractive 
to rich or poor. 

I went into a bookshop the other 
day to get a magazine. It was one of 
those little highbrow bookshops that 
have recently sprung up in our cities, 
the kind that has nothing for the 
tired business man, that deals only 
in books with a moral — generally a 
very bad moral. I asked for the 
Review. The polished proprietor re- 
gretted that he did not keep it. He 
offered me the New Republic but I 
told him that I was tired of Bolshevist 
propaganda. He looked a little disap- 
pointed and offered me the World To- 
morrow, a journal, as he pointed out, 
that is working for a Christian world. 
I took it because I had never heard 

of it. The first article I read was a 
defense of Bolshevism — in a journal 
working for a Christian world! — a 
defense of a system which prohibits 
the Bible because the Bible dares to 
speak of God as a being superior to 
man. This was a trivial thing but 
deeply suggestive. We Americans 
must defend ourselves not only 
against the blatant propaganda of the 
yellow press but against the far more 
insidious propaganda of the highbrow 
bookshop. Russian fanaticism, Ger- 
man thoroughness, working together, 
the one actuated by idealism gone 
stark mad, the other by selfish ma- 
terialism ! 


The Government of. 
India Act 

Now that a semblance of peace 
has superseded the European 
state of war, the attention of the 
world is turning towards that part 
of the globe the control of which was 
the deeper-lying cause of the conflict. 
Germany's support of Austria in the 
Balkans was dictated by the wish to 
secure for herself a firmly guarded 
corridor to Constantinople and Asia 
Minor through which Berlin was to 
launch its trains for the far-off goal : 
Bagdad. Once in control of that Bal- 
kan route and with Turkey reduced 
to a vassal state, she saw the way 
open, via Bagdad, into Persia and 
India, for German enterprise and po- 
litical expansion. And while thus 
stretching one tentacle across Tur- 
key and Persia towards Great Brit- 
ain's Asiatic possessions, she hoped 
to lay another on the Netherland 
East Indies by forcing the kingdom 
of Holland to become merged in the 
super-state of Middle-Europe. Fried- 
rich Naumann, in estimating the fu- 
ture area of that economic state, 
arrived at an extent of about 9.3 rail- 
lion square kilometres, "if we claim 
all European and Asiatic Turkey and 
venture to count in, to a, it is true, 
somewhat arbitrary extent, the over- 
seas possessions of neighboring 
states which have not yet joined us." 
Thus, in the last resort, the world 
war was a struggle between Ger-| 

January 24, 1920] 



many and England for the economic 
control of India. 

The danger, though averted by 
England's victory, has during its 
long imminence aggrandized another 
since long astir vi^ithin. The intel- 
lectual elite of the native population 
did not withhold its support from the 
Government, but it reckoned on a 
fair return for its loyalty in exten- 
sion of its share in the government 
of the country. The danger was not 
in the necessity of complying with 
that request, but in the unrest which 
insistence upon it aroused among 
the totally ignorant and politically 
immature masses, which echoed with 
less patience and no comprehension 
of the difficulties involved in the de- 
mands of their political leaders. 

The Government of India Act is 
intended to meet these wishes for 
home rule. It is not extorted from 
the Government, as the tendency to- 
wards granting the native element 
political responsibility was manifest 
before 1914. In the Netherland East 
Indies, whose native population could 
not base its claim of self-rule on any 
deserving role played in the war, the 
Dutch Government has anticipated 
the British by the introduction of a 
transitional form of administration. 
The war has only in so far influenced 
the legislative procedure as it has 
accelerated its course. 

It would require much space to 
give a detailed comparison of the dif- 
ferent ways in which the British and 
the Netherland Governments intend 
to inaugurate a democratic form of 
colonial administration. The Dutch 
plan is, obviously, modelled on the 
parliamentary system at home; the 
British one has no counterpart in do- 
mestic institutions and seems an orig- 
inal attempt to initiate self-rule by 
setting up a dual form of administra- 
tion, nicknamed Dyarchy by its op- 

The Hollanders have created a 
People's Council (Volksraad), the 
majority of which is appointed by 
the Government, the native minority 
being elected by an extremely limited 
electorate, the members of the provin- 
cial and local councils, who themselves 
are mostly appointed by the Govern- 
ment. This "Volksraad" is one day 

to become the legislative power of 
Indonesia, but in its probation pe- 
riod it is entrusted with only an ad- 
visory function. It is consulted on 
the budget and appropriation bills, 
on the negotiation of loans, the im- 
posing of military duties, and on all 
questions on which the Governor- 
General deems it desirable to hear 
the Council. The former, in draw- 
ing up the provisional budget, is 
obliged to abide by the Council's ad- 
vice; it is only the Minister of Colo- 
nies and the Parliament at home 
which, in the last resort, may disre- 
gard it. 

This primitive frame-work for the 
construction of a central autono- 
mous government of the future is a 
copy, on a larger scale, of the provin- 
cial and local councils inaugurated 
in 1903 with a view to turning 
the provinces and the larger local 
communities into semi-autonomous 
organisms. In these, as in the Volks- 
raad, there are appointed and elected 
members whose function is limited 
to the control of the budget and ap- 
propriations. It is in these local 
councils, first of all, that the native 
will be educated to the knowledge of 
political administration and a sense 
of his personal responsibility for the 
conduct of affairs which is involved 
in his new right to control them. 

The Government of India Act, 
which has recently passed through 
the two Houses of Parliament, is a 
much more radical scheme in so far 
as it gives the native element, at the 
outset, an active part in the adminis- 
tration. It splits the Government in 
each province into two sections: on 
the one hand, the Governor with his 
official colleagues in executive council, 
on the other, the Governor with Min- 
isters drawn from the legislative as- 
sembly. To the former will be re- 
served the administration of the 
heavier duties of the state, such as 
the maintenance of law and order, 
and those functions which require a 
great deal of technical knowledge 
from the functionaries, such as the 
administration of universities, in- 
dustries, harbors, land revenue, for- 
ests, irrigation. To the other section 
will be transferred the remaining 
duties, such as the control of local 

bodies, primary education, sanita- 
tion, agriculture, excise, roads, and 
bridges. The Governor will be the 
link between the two sections of his 
Government, and has the difficult 
task devolved on him of seeing to it 
that the two, while each remains fully 
responsible within its own sphere, 
shall collaborate with a common pur- 
pose and an harmonious policy. After 
a ten years' trial, a parliamentary 
committee will go out to India and 
advise on the success of the experi- 
ment. If its report is favorable, fur- 
ther subjects will be transferred to 
Ministers. And so the process will 
go on until full responsible govern- 
ment is established, the official half 
of the administration disappears, and 
the transitional system of dualism is 
superseded by a unified popular ad- 
ministration. The Act further pro- 
vides for a two-chamber system of 
legislature at Delhi, and abolishes the 
maximum of eight, and most of the 
statutory qualifications, for the Vice- 
roy's executive council, with a view 
to a larger appointment of Indian 

The success of these reforms de- 
pends largely on the attitude of the 
native intellectual leaders. On their 
side, there must be an earnest will and 
endeavor to cooperate with the Eu- 
ropean officials in the task of educat- 
ing their own people to a clear sense 
of what this incipient measure of 
autonomy involves. Criticism of the 
new course, both in Holland apd in 
England, is chiefly based on a disbe- 
lief in the necessary support from 
that side. The masses are ignorant 
and wholly incapable of realizing that 
reforms of this nature can not be 
brought about with the miraculous 
swiftness of an Arabian Night meta- 
morphosis. Ambitious leaders can 
acquire an easy popularity by refus- 
ing to remind their followers of the 
necessity of a probation period. In 
both the Netherland and British 
Colonies there are extremists who 
clamor for a speedy and complete 
surrender of the Government to the 

"Insulinde," a strong organization 
of radical nationalists in Java, has 
much in common with the left wing 
of the British Indian Home Rule 



[Vol. 2, No. 37 

League, which condemned the 
Chelmsford-Montagu reform scheme 
before it could even have taken cog- 
nizance of its bearings. In the In- 
dian National Congress held in Delhi 
in December, 1918, where the Ex- 
tremists were all-powerful, great im- 
patience was displayed at speeches in 
English, and the tone of the discus- 
sions was one of defiance. The mod- 
erates, who realize that an immediate 
assumption of full responsibility of 
government would lead to chaos, have 
their own organization in the Na- 
tional Liberal League, a political 
counterpart of the Javanese "Boedi 
Oetomo" (Noble Aspiration). But 
neither group has such a strong hold 
on the masses as have the extremists 
of the Home Rule League and Insul- 
inde. Both are always more likely to 
veer round towards radicalism under 
pressure from below than the radi- 
cals are to be brought to moderation. 
The British Indian leaders made a 
move in the direction of the extrem- 
ists' views when, in reply to Lord 
Chelmsford's statement that "we 
have carried the advance right up to 
the line beyond which our principles 
forbid us to go," they declared the 
proposed reforms to be "an irreduci- 
ble minimum." 

The Mohammedan population of 
British India, organized in the All 
India Moslem League, had a twofold 
reason for opposing the scheme. In 
the first place, they were afraid of 
Hin(}u domination after the reforms 
had been introduced, and, secondly, 
the "Young" Mohammedan elements 
saw in opposing them a welcome 
means of wreaking vengeance on 
Great Britain for the humiliation of 
Turkey and the Sultanate. Loyalty 
to the Caliph thus made them allies 
of the Hindu Home Rule Leaguers, 
the very party whose domination they 
feared. In the Malay Archipelago, 
with its preponderantly Mohamme- 
dan population, the "Sarekat Islam" 
(Islamic Union) is not withheld by 
any fear of Hinduism from giving 
its support, though by no means un- 
qualified support, to the Netherland 
Government's reform programme. 
The British Colonial Government, 
therefore, is faced with a more diffi- 
cult task, the problem how to edu- 

cate the people to autonomy being 
crossed by the no less difficult ques- 
tion how to do this without sharpen- 
ing religious jealousies. The distinc- 
tions of caste are an additional cause 
of trouble to the Government at 
Delhi. The Non-Brahmin Commun- 
ity of Southern India feared, as a 
consequence of the proposed reforms, 
a reimposition, with all its ancient 
weight, of the yoke of the Brahmins, 
whose ambitions are voiced by the 
Home Rule League. 

These are the conflicting forces — 
race hatred, religious intolerance, 
caste antagonism — which have to be 
reconciled by one system of legisla- 
tive reform. It is only natural that 
many English at home and in India, 
realizing that no law, however per- 
fect, could ever successfully cope with 
that task, are anxiously inquiring 
whether the continuance of the old 
bureaucratic system would not have 
been preferable to this democratic 
departure, which, if it fails to answer 
the natives' expectations, will cause 
more discontent and unrest than the 
approved administration is responsi- 
ble for. The riots of Amritsar and 
Ahmedabad, the culmination of a 
long campaign of discontent and race 
hatred, are ominous symptoms of 
what will happen if disappointed 
illusions should look towards Soviet 
Russia for their realization. 

However, it would have been wrong 
policy, unworthy of the British Em- 
pire, either to give in to the wildest 
demands of native demagogues in 
order to take the wind out of the Bol- 
shevist sails, or to refuse to the Mod- 
erates the inch they justly claim from 
a fear lest the extremists should take 
an ell. To admit a fear of having 
one's justice abused is only a confes- 
sion of weakness. It requires less 
strength and courage to deny a just 
demand than, having granted it, to 
stem any attempt to take undue ad- 
vantage of the concession. It was not 
fear, but rather self-reliance, which, 
in the course of the debate on the 
second reading, made Mr. Montagu, 
the father of the Act, tell the House 
of Commons that "You dare not and 
ought not to do less than we propose 
in this Bill." 

A. J. Barnouw 


What Shall We Do to Be 
Saved ? 

To the Editors of The Review: 

The present political outlook is cer- 
tainly not encouraging. Both of the 
great parties are so deficient in real 
leadership as to make them appear al- 
most hopeless. All of the bungling of 
the party in power is met by equal, if 
not worse, bungling by the opposition. 

Even citizens who were ardent sup- 
porters of the Democratic party are 
greatly dissatisfied with its conduct of 
affairs. It has shown great faults and 
shortcomings in handling larger matters, 
and at every point where the administra- 
tion of affairs touches the individual it 
has been bungling and stupid beyond be- 
lief, and constantly irritating. The policy 
almost appears to be to make it as hard 
as possible for the individual to live with 
his Government. 

If one may judge from the talk of the 
average man, regardless of political 
affiliations, the country is eagerly and 
impatiently awaiting the opportunity for 
a change. But where can we look for 
improvement? Certainly not to the Re- 
publican party, unless some miraculous 
change shall take place in its leadership, 
and there is at present no evidence in 
sight of any tendency in that direc- 

Thoughtful citizens are in a great 
dilemma. What shall we do to be saved? 

I have been able to see but one hope, 
and that is to nominate Herbert Hoover 
on an Independent ticket. Mr. Hoover, 
it seems to me, could unite the conscience 
and intelligence of the country, and 
could draw enough votes from both par- 
ties to be sure of an election ; and, if 
elected, would be free to draw upon the 
best and most capable elements of both 
parties for the support of his Adminis- 
tration. Mr. Hoover seems to be the 
one man in sight who would be likely to 
give our present problems the sane con- 
sideration which they need; he is the 
one man in the public eye whose every 
word and act has been thoroughly sane; 
who commands the respect and admira- 
tion of the entire world, and who has 
to his credit what is perhaps the great- 
est piece of administrative work in his- 

I was an ardent supporter of Mr. 
Wilson in his first campaign, and should 
have voted for Hughes at the last elec- 
tion, had his conduct during the cam- 
paign permitted it. As it was, I re- 
frained from voting, for the first time 
in my life in a Presidential election. 

M. L. 
Philadelphia, January 16 

January 24, 1920] 



No Pilot at the Wheel 

To the Editors of The Review: 

For several months our country has 
had a chief executive in name only; is 
it not time that we provided ourselves 
with one in fact? Since the President 
was struck down in the early fall he 
has seen almost no one but his wife, his 
doctor, and his private secretary. We do 
not know the nature of his affliction. We 
do not know what reports of the state of 
the nation are made to him. But we 
do know beyond all doubt that the coun- 
try is entering upon a critical period of 
its history which even threatens the 
stability of its form of government; the 
ship of state meanwhile is drifting 
through these perilous waters with no 
one at the wheel. Dr. Grayson tells us 
the President is progressing steadily. 
We all hope that he is; but let us not 
delude ourselves into thinking that he is 
likely ever to recover completely from his 
stroke. ■ Rest and freedom from strain 
of all kinds may in time bring back the 
semblance of normal health, but nothing 
can restore the vigor of mind and body 
needed to meet the coming struggle. Let 
us consider frankly : can the Government 
continue much longer without a chief? 
,1, for one, doubt it. The Constitution 
provides for such an emergency. Let us 
avail ourselves of this provision. 
I Francis Rogers 

'New York, January 6 

Queries Concerning the 
"Social Unit" 

jTo the Editors of The Review: 

! The article "The Social Unit at Cin- 

pinnati," and your remarks thereon, are 

'ertainly thought-provoking. I find one 

)r two matters of rather fundamental 

mportance on which Mrs. Tiffany gives 

!io information. Is the Social Unit a 

epresentative government, or do the 

'oters have direct control? That is, do 

he seven members of each "Council" 

lave a fixed term of office, or are they, 

ike the Soviet delegates, bound by threat 

'f "recall" to carry out the behests of 

^heir constituents ? And have those who 

sit on the Central Citizens' Council" a 

' xed term of office, giving them a reason- 

ble freedom to use their own (presum- 

bly) expert knowledge, or are they bound 

y threat of "recall" to carry out the 

olicies of the "Councils" that elected 

|hem? And the same question may be 

flised in regard to the "Occupational 

iouncils." If the latter alternative is the 

me one, the Social Unit is not repre- 

'Jntative government, and is against the 

hole spirit of our political order. We 

1 not mean to govern directly by the 

aople; we— in theory at least — select 

)ecially qualified men to govern us, and 

agree to abide by their judgment, 
making them, of course, responsible 
in the end to the people. Ours 
is a compromise-system between rule by 
the expert and pure democracy, or rule 
by the people; and its virtue lies in this 
compromise character. But if the So- 
cial Unit gives no independent power to 
its elected Councils, then it would seem 
to be uncompromising, unqualified de- 
mocracy, and essentially like the Soviets 
— omitting the class-war and murderous 
methods. And if that is the case, it 
would be potentially a thing of evil; for 
it would kill the very spirit of leadership 
and independent thought which it pro- 
fesses to foster. We hear much of com- 
munity spirit, community organization, 
and the like, in these days, and we must 
beware lest these things become a fad 
and fashion, blindly accepted because of 
their humanitarian or democratic color. 
Let us have, as you put it, "a careful 
study of possible tendencies and pur- 
poses." And accordingly I (and doubt- 
less many others) would be glad to be 
informed on the above points. 

WiLMON H.Sheldon 
Hanover, N. H., January 9 

Intervention in Mexico 

To the Editors of THE Review: 

One of the most puissant — and vener- 
able — arguments against American in- 
tervention in Mexico is that the rest of 
the Latin-American nations will say: "I 
told you so. See ! The Monroe Doctrine 
is a sham; the Americans are hypo- 

And yet, when we intervened in Cuba, 
they said the same thing. When we 
withdrew from Cuba, they were dumb- 
founded. They could not understand 
American altruism, or, better, enlight- 
ened self-interest. There must be some 
hidden motive for such an extraordinary 

Our second intervention (to restore 
order) explained the whole situation. 
Of course it was a grab game, cunningly 
camouflaged by a temporary retirement. 
"I told you so," again. 

Our final retirement from Cuba prob- 
ably has never been understood by the 
Latin-American mind. That a powerful 
nation should voluntarily and in accord- 
ance with its word of honor relinquish 
conquest was to them, and many other 
nations, it must be confessed, inconceiv- 
able. Yet it is an historical fact. The 
United States did retire from Cuba after 
assisting her to self government, did 
intervene to restore order, and after 
order was restored, did retire and leave 
the Cubans to govern themselves so long 
as they should refrain from revolutions. 
We insisted that ballots rather than 
bullets should decide who was to be the 
next President in Cuba. Voild, tout! 

Expressed in the crudest terms the 

attitude of the United States towards 
Cuba has been about this: "You have 
our best wishes. Go ahead and govern 
yourselves. We will guard you against 
outside interference. We look to you to 
be decent in internal affairs. If you 
start a roughhouse, we shall turn the 
hose on you. Adids, amigos." 

We intervened in Cuba because the 
political conditions of our next door 
neighbor were an intolerable nuisance. 
We abated the nuisance and then re- 
tired, retaining the right to abate a 
similar nuisance should occasion require. 
Those are the plain historical facts. 

Since the days of Porfirio Diaz politi- 
cal conditions in Mexico have been a 
nuisance which we have tolerated for 
the sufl!icient reason that we have been 
otherwise occupied. International obli- 
gations have been openly and flagrantly 
disregarded, contracts broken with the 
most sinister disregard of alien rights, 
systematic persecution of American na- 
tionals fomented. As far back as 1907 
and 1909 when I was living in Mexico I 
could see the German machinations 
against American trade, American con- 
cessions, and American citizens. 

Shibboleths and formulas have a tre- 
mendous effect on the human mind. But, 
after all, a formula expresses, often im- 
perfectly, public opinion or aspiration 
formed on existing conditions. But con- 
ditions in this world are constantly 
changing, and the formula of yesterday 
does not always fit the conditions of to- 
day. In strict accordance with our 
ancient and favorite political formulas, 
what right had we to impose the Piatt 
Amendment on the Cubans? What right 
to interfere and restore and compel law 
and order in the affairs of San Domingo 
and Hayti? Clearly none at all. 

And thus doubtless we shall sooner or 
later be compelled to ignore ancient for- 
mulas and to interfere in Mexico to re- 
store order and respect for international 
obligations. The task of control of the 
country will be enormous, and recon- 
struction still more difficult. A fanatical 
crew akin to our ante-bellum pacifists 
will raise a howl and will invoke ancient 
gods. But in the end Mexico will be in 
the condition of Cuba, peaceful, prosper- 
ous, and self-governing. It will be worth 
the price. In the beginning the Latin- 
Americans will raise their eyebrows, will 
shrug their shoulders and say, "I told 
you so. The Yankees are hypocrites ; the 
Monroe Doctrine is a camouflage for ag- 
gression." But when we go out of 
Mexico without confiscation of territory, 
the Latin-American perhaps will begin 
to understand that the United States 
really means what we say and that there 
is no hypocrisy about us. The lesson to 
the rest of the world will be of incalcu- 
lable value in international affairs. 

E. L. G. Morse 
Chicago, III, December 26, 1919 



[Vol. 2, No. 37 

Book Reviews 

The Tragedy of von Tirpitz 

My Memoirs. By Grand Admiral von Tirpitz. 
In tTo volumes. New York: Dodd. Mead 
& Company. 

THE bright red dress of these volumes 
was not appropriately chosen. The 
color belongs not to the mood or the 
words of Admiral von Tirpitz, sitting in 
sorrow at Zabelsberg and penning the 
recollections of a disappointed life, as it 
looks through the clouds of the past five 
years A better dress would have been 
the twilight gloom of an overcast sea, 
with a bedraggled German flag for a 
cover design, flapping on a mast-head 
peering out of the brine of Scapa Flow, 
over the grave of a German dreadnought. 
In the first fifteen chapters, the author 
traces his own history from boyhood, 
through the Naval Cadets' Institute, to 
officer's rank in the navy, and on through 
increasingly responsible commands, with 
growing influence, until at the outbreak 
of the war, in 1914, he was not only 
Grand Admiral of the German navy, but 
more than any other single man the 
creator of that navy as it then stood. He 
had developed the torpedo arm, and he 
had been the most powerful factor in the 
victorv of the "battle fleet" policy over 
that of a fleet of cruisers. Back in the 
'eighties, he had been in close touch with 
his kinsman Caprivi, then at the head 
of the Admiralty, whose constant state 
of mind he sums up in the words, "Next 
year we shall have a war on two fronts. 
And thev had planned together how von 
Tirpitz was to run a torpedo division 
into Cherbourg the moment war was de- 
clared, to be followed at once by the 
battle fleet and a bombardment. By 
training and temperament he was fully 
prepared to be a leader in actual war. 
And at last "the war," always lying 
as a possibility just under the horizon, 
loomed up into view. From that moment 
on, von Tirpitz sees in the official con- 
duct of his country little but a continued 
succession of deadly blunders. The war, 
he thinks, could and should have been 
avoided. Germany had all but reached, 
without war, the point where it would 
have required no war to establish and 
maintain her supremacy— in other words, 
though he is careful not to put it in 
just that form, the point where she could 
have dominated the world by making it 
prohibitively dangerous for any nation, 
or feasible combination of nations, to 
challenge her power. The superman was 
just about to have his superiority gen- 
erally admitted. And just at that point, 
the superman began the four-year series 
of blunders and follies and general in- 
efficiency which finally saw the German 
army hastening back to, and over, the 
Bhine, with the Allied forces at its heels, 

the HohenzoUern dynasty shattered, the 
Emperor an exile, and the fleet, the pride 
of the Grand Admiral's life, wallowing 
beneath the waves of Scapa Flow, sunk 
in bitterness and littleness of spirit, by 
its own commanders. 

Though holding that Germany blun- 
dered into a war which by wise diplo- 
macy she could have averted, he is still 
quite sure that the guilt of bringing on 
the war belongs elsewhere. "The com- 
plete absence of instinct with which the 
Chancellor proceeded" was not so grave 
an oif ense against international morality, 
in his view, as "the vagueness of Eng- 
land's attitude during the crisis," a 
vagueness persisted in by the British 
Cabinet, "though it was well aware of 
Bethmann's love of peace and his whole 
nature." Of course this means that if 
England had made it certain that she 
\vould be a participant, Germany would 
have avoided the conflict. But did any- 
body outside of Germany doubt, during 
those days of crisis, that if the storm 
was allowed to break England was sure 
to be there? The judgment of wn 
Tirpitz against England is that "the 
ca^lia rcmota of the world war lies, ac- 
cording to the judgment of all honest 
observers of European events— the Bel- 
gian Ambassador, for example— in the 
English policy of encirclement 'which 
originated in the 'nineties in trade 
jealousy, then hid behind pretexts 
(Transvaal, Navy), poisoned the press 
of the world, linked up all the anti-Ger- 
man forces in the world, and created a 
tense atmosphere in which the slightest 
mistake could cause a most terrible ex- 
plosion." All this, if true, would prove 
a very high degree of efficiency in that 
nation which the superminds of Berlin 
had so often pictured as hopelessly effete. 
But the war once irrevocably let loose. 
Admiral von Tirpitz is sure that the one 
and only correct policy required an im- 
mediate attack, in full force, upon the 
British fleet. Delay meant loss of pres- 
tige to the navy outside, loss of morale 
within, and steady gain in relative 
strength to the British. Furthermore, 
is not the history of naval warfare full 
of instances in which the lesser fleet, 
better managed, has conquered the 
greater? But from start to finish his 
advice was not taken, he could not get 
the confidence of authorities higher up, 
he had no freedom of action, not even 
the poor privilege of resigning his official 
station and taking his humiliation and 
chagrin out of the public gaze. "Here 
I sit and do nothing!" he wails again and 
again, all the more bitterly because of 
his unshakable confidence in his own 
ability to make things go better. "Has 
Ingenohl the genius of a conqueror? 
Pohl certainly hasn't. . . . Obviously 
the Kaiser is prejudiced against me. 
Apropos of which I feel, where these 
questions are concerned, that I have more 

in my little finger than Pohl in his whole 

anatomy." ^ 4. n . 

The submarine warfare was fatally 
mismanaged, he thinks, at every point. 
It was a bad blunder to shock America 
with such an act as the sinking of the 
Lusitania at the start. American opinion 
should have been worked up gradually 
to the point where it could have stom- 
ached such strong food without revulsion. 
But, the blunder once made, there should 
have been no drawing back, or even ap- 
parent admission that any real wrong 
had been committed. The submarine 
campaign should have begun with some- 
thing which it could really accomplish, 
such as the blockade of the Thames, 
which he officially advised. But "I was 
not consulted at all" he says, "the cam- 
paign being started over my head and 
against my will, and in a form which 
did not promise success." The ground 
yielded to Wilson in the Sussex note was 
the beginning of German capitulation; 
"from the time of this decision we went 
downhill." And when the submarine was 
again taken up with vigor, it was ar 
equal blunder, for it ivas then too late. 

The Admiral sees little but gloom ai 
he peers into Germany's future. He ii 
unable to "shake off the fear that Ger 
many has lost her last chance of risinj 
to the rank of a great power." At an; 
rate, she must first "come to her sense 
and recognize her old traditions and th 
forces which made her great." But h 
can not believe that this can happe 
under a republican government. "Ou 
breakdown is not due to any defects i 
our old state system, but to the inad( 
quacy of the persons who tried to ru 
it." But those inadequate persons— an 
they appear to have been all but tl 
Admiral himself, in his own judgment- 
were brought to their positions by tl 
normal working of that old state sy 
tern; so there you are. Human natu 
evolves a race of supermen, and organiz 
them into a superstate, only to tear tl 
latter down through the blundering i 
efficiency of the former. 

These volumes are intensely interes 

ing, mistaken to the point of absurdi 

sometimes in judging of outside mattei 

but richly profitable as a study of t 

state of mind that plunged Germany in 

a war which that same state of mi 

made it impossible that the world shoi 

ever allow her to win. The tragedy 

von Tirpitz, doomed to see his own li: 

work, without fruition, sink in dishor 

beneath the brine of Scapa Flow, 

merely a replica in little of the m( 

stupendous tragedy of modern Hohenz 

lernism. Fame and fortune await \ 

dramatist who has the genius and co 

age to break away from present drama 

habit, and put either the lesser or ' 

greater of these two tragedies into 

form which Aeschylus or Sophocles wo 

have chosen. 

January 24, 1920] 




Ecstasy : A Study ok Happiness. By Louis 
Couperus. Translated by Alexander Teix- 
eira do Mattos. New York: Dodd, Mead 
and Compan\'. 

September. By Frank Swinnerton. New York : 
George H. Doran Company. 

"T?CSTASY" considerably antedates 
Hi the four "Books of the Small Souls," 
by Couperus, which have recently been 
rendered into English by Mr. de Mat- 
tos. It is the third of his novels, written 
in the early nineties when he was con- 
sciously one of a school of Dutch novel- 
ists who styled themselves "sensitivists." 
An English (or English-writing) critic 
of the time defined this "sensitivism" of 
theirs as "a development of impression- 
ism grafted upon naturalism." Stepping 
delicately away from this slough of 
-isms, after a hasty acknowledgment of 
its depth, let us look at our small res- 
cued object. It belongs to the period of 
languid-intense ingenuities, of over-ripe 
ffistheticism to which the term "deca- 
dence" attached itself. Holland, like 
France and England, was bored with the 
usual thing, the ordered tempestuous- 
ness of the romantic mode as well as the 
ordered beauty of the classic mode. 
There remained the relatively unex- 
ploited beauties of dubiety, ugliness, and 
decay, flickeringly illumined, in default 
of any constant star, by phosphorescent 
gleams of emotional and temperamental 
yearning towards the unattainable. Cou- 
perus' people impress us first with their 
unescapable fellow-humanity. Dutch in 
name and tongue and habitat, they are 
in substance, in their real being, 
strangely familiar. Friends? neighbors? 
Cousin this or that? Why, ourselves! 
Ourselves ingeniously denuded and ex- 
posed to minor but persistent torments, 
suffering subtly but intensely; creatures 
held in life as in a cage, by ties of blood, 
social convention, personal habit. Selves 
by no means despicable, yet rarely able 
either to seize a bold happiness or to 
rise above plaintiveness and self-devour- 
ing melancholy to the higher tragic 
plane. "Small Souls" — such are the 
beings by whom, in Couperus' eyes, the 
modern world — that is, the end-of-the- 
century world — was peopled. 

In "Ecstasy" he has not yet developed 
the later formula whereby his sensitiv- 
ism, though it never leaves the scene, 
does yield the foreground to a realism 
less feverish and somewhat more robust. 
There is a brooding plaintiveness in all 
of Couperus' work. The only happiness 
he can apprehend is a happiness of illu- 
sion; and it is of this kind of happiness 
that the present novel is a study. It is 
a story of two persons. The woman is 
by chance a widow with two children, 
but still "unawakened;" a girl dreaming 
contentedly enough of she knows not 
what: "It was the dreaming of one on 
whose brain lay no obsession either of 

happiness or of grief, the dreaming of 
a mind filled with peaceful light; a wide, 
still, grey Nirvana, in which all the 
trouble of thinking flows away and the 
thoughts merely wander back over form- 
er impressions, taking them here and 
there, without selecting." She languidly 
cares for her children, reads a little, 
keeps a diary in which are luxuriously 
recorded her tiny emotional and aesthetic 
reactions. But day-dreaming is her 
chosen state: "I only feel myself alive 
when I am doing nothing," she confesses, 
with a tolerable degree of complacency. 
Now, of course, all a young woman in 
this mood needs is, as it were, the jolt 
of love. Our Cecile gets it at the hands 
of the masterful Quaerts. In their 
matching of egotism, active and passive, 
he wins, hands down. For him, over- 
experienced in carnal love, a spiritual 
passion chances to be in order; poor 
Cecile is to be both its object and its 
victim. She takes too literally his pro- 
testations of disinterested idealism, and 
throws away the real man in order to 
keep the empty phantom of his worship. 
All this in a strain of well-nigh excru- 
ciating sensibility, or should we say sen- 
sitivity? — a sensibility refined and intel- 
lectualized to the point of deliberate 

Henry James's method (bred of the 
same period) was akin to this, though 
so much cooler emotionally and keener 
intellectually; and so, in some of his 
work, at least, is the method, the more 
characteristic process, at least, of one of 
England's newest among "new novel- 
ists," Frank Swinnerton. It achieved its 
own kind of perfection in "Nocturne," 
which seemed to sustain its extraordi- 
nary pitch and vibrancy without effort. 
In "September," with its larger scale 
and necessarily more variable mood, the 
effect is less certain. Here are a well- 
bred English pair, fifteen years married, 
no . longer lovers, and not yet content 
with wedded friendship. It is the peril- 
ous "mid-channel" phase so often inter- 
preted in recent drama and fiction. Are 
youth and its happiness really past, or 
may not one more taste of it be some- 
how snatched, even now, from unchari- 
table time? The husband is a natural 
philanderer, and the discovery of his pas- 
sion, at forty-nine, for a young girl, 
arouses contemptuous pity rather than 
any more poignant emotion in the wife. 
It is with her discovery that she her- 
self is capable of a similar lapse, or re- 
awakening, that we are chiefly con- 
cerned. At thirty-eight, with her beauty 
only beginning to fade, she is a natural 
object for chivalrous adoration on the 
part of an imaginative youth of twenty- 
six. What happens in the end to these 
four people is by no means astonishing 
or even novel, as fact and fiction go. 
The real action takes place in the heart 
and mind of the wife Marian. In her 

person, as it were, a person concealing 
beneath its notably calm and even cold 
surface a temperament of extreme sensi- 
tiveness, we suffer the quivering torments 
of a passion acknowledged and cher- 
ished, yet never revealing itself even to 
its object. And we seem to share her 
heroic yet inevitable sacrifice to youth and 
its rightful emoluments. Mr. Swinner- 
ton's sensitivism, if the term may prop- 
erly be applied to him, is on the side 
of the angels. Unlike many of his con- 
temporaries, he does not throw decency 
overboard because hypocrites exist, or 
exalt impulse over principle. This is a 
study of character triumphing over tem- 
perament. His concluding sentences, 
with their frank didacticism, would be 
unimaginable from a Cannan or a Mac- 
kenzie : 

Marian was now very composed and reso- 
lute, and entirely mistress of herself, as she 
had always been and as she always would be. 
She had been able to feel sympathy and under- 
standing because she had the power to give 
inexhaustibly; but her reward thenceforward 
was to lie in the love and trust of her fellows 
rather than in any satisfaction of her own 
passion for happy experience. If Marian could 
have prayed for a gift, she would have de- 
manded joy in her life. Instead, nature had 
given her as compensation the strength and 
courage to endure her own pain and the ability 
to imagine and soften the distress of others. 
If it is not the first of gifts it is among those 
most rarely bestowed upon poor mortals, and 
is without price. 


Hard-Boiled Poetry 

Yanks. .A.. E. F. Verse. Originally published 
in the Stars and Stripes, the official news- 
paper of the American Expeditionary 
Forces. New York : G. P. Putnam's Sons. 

TVTAR brings out the distinction be- 
W tween "rare" poetry and poetry 
hard-boiled. Rare poetry is precious. Of 
hard-boiled poetry the quality is not 
strained nor the diction restrained, and 
it falls pitilessly on the just and on the 
unjust. It is the poetry of the hard- 
boiled guy, who accepts only that which 
expresses his own moods and experience 
in his own phrase. Since as a rule he 
does not swagger gracefully (he is apt 
to be muscle-bound), such sentiment as 
it has is usually without glamor or ro- 
mance. It is the iron ration of literature, 
warranted to withstand any climate and 
all the exigencies of war and for the time 
being to sustain emotional life. It has 
no pride of birth nor consciousness of 
its heritage. Mr. Kipling achieves it; it 
eludes Mr. Serviss as an ideal; but for 
the most part it emanates from men who 
normally scoff at the very name of poetry, 
which they give to everything they dis- 
like in literature and then kick it about 
the floor— in contradistinction to the op- 
posite party who give the name poetry 
to whatsoever they love and discard all 
else. In time of peace, we have it in 
cowboy songs, railroad songs, sailor 
chanteys and all such, but, like eggs 



[Vol. 2, No. 37 

cooked in the crater of the volcano, it is 
at its best when it tastes like — war. 

"Yanks" is a collection of the hard- 
boiled poetry of the war, and as such it 
is distinguished from other anthologies 
of war poetrj'. To the young veteran 
the first pleasure of the book will be that 
of the fireside return to the memory of 
hardship. "Forsan et haec olim memi- 
nisse juvabit" was a frequent mood in 
the A. E. F., usually expressing itself 
in the form of allusions to future ses- 
sions about the cracker barrel and the 
stove of the comer store, or in rocking- 
chairs on the veranda "when we join 
the Soldiers' Home — A-h-h-men-n !" In 
these verses the "soldier come from the 
war" greets old friends who were with 
him in the thick of it. He recalls where 
he met them last, not long ago, to be 
sure, but still distant enough in time and 
space to have become part and parcel of 
his sentimental past. He recalls the day 
when the Stars and Stripes came into 
camp. He always tried to reach the 
Y. M. C. A. hut in time to get one, and 
turned first to about page 7 for Wall- 
gren's comics, then to page 4 for the 
"Army Poets" — then it would be "Say, 
fellows, listen to this: 

Rations ? Oo-la-Ia ! and how we love the man 
Who learned how to intern our chow in a 

cold and clammy can. . . . 
Mess kits flown the coop, cups gone up the 

spout ; 
Use your thumbs for issue forks, and pass the 

bull about. 

Here it is now on page 121 — and here's 
the one Bill had pasted up in his bunk; 
and here's the one Mac always sprung 
when you tried to graft anything off 
him; and here's the one Blondy wrote 
and would never have sent in if we 
hadn't told him it had the others skun 
a mile — and look at it now! He finds 
many old favorites, but looks for others 
in vain. Where is that profound truth 
about a chance meeting with a poilu 
which ended 

rie left at last with a gay "Bon chancel" 
And all the cigarettes I had? 

There were some little gasps in free 
verse that one would not willingly let die : 

An' she (She's my girl) 
An' she said 

And a wail about 

Sick of the smell of billets, 

Sick of the chow. 

Want to leave France and put on long 

Want to go now ! 

Of course the editors could not print all, 
but if they could have taken a plebiscite 
of the readers of "The Army Poets" 
column as a basis for their selection, 
they might have made the book even 
more interesting than it is to both reader 
and student. 

The mood of "Yanks" is the mood 
of the A. E. F., serious of deed and light 
of speech. Sentiment where it occurs is 
first of all sincere, then broken across by 

a flash of realism or of humor. The 
bugler who can no longer blow taps since 
he played his buddy off ends his con- 
fession with a pun; 

I can't blow taps no more . . . but say I 

I tapped a German skull the other day, 

And that squares me! 

It shows again in "Me — an' War Goin' 

Me, that ain't a poet, growin' poetic . . . 
Me- — a-murmurin' a prayer for Maggie, 
An' stoppin' to laugh at Slim, 
.^n' shoutin' "To the right of the road for the 

Swoi-zant-canze !" 
Them babies that raise such hell up the line, 
An' marchin', 
."Vn' marchin' by night. 
An' sleepin' by day, 
An' France, 
An' red wine, ' 
An' me thinkin' o' home; 
Me — a-leadin' a column, — 
An' war goin' on I 

which gives us also the rarer mood in 
which the conscious artist has stepped 
outside the man and each wonders at 
the other. Again we find the artist 
conscious but not self-conscious, his 
mood truly lyric, and the product any- 
thing but ballad-like: 

The wise years saw him go from them. 

Untaught by them, yet wise ; 
He had but romped with the hoyden years, 

Unwitting how time flies ; 
Whose laughter glooms to wistfulness 

At swift, undreamt good-byes. 

We with the war ahead, 

You who have held the line, 
Laughing, have broken bread, 

And taken wine. 

If these are not hard-boiled, neither are 
they so rare as one might suppose, nor 
specially significant. A body of men like 
our army overseas has its lyric poets, 
and its scholars as well; he who writes 
of "The Old Overseas Cap" seems to 
know his Marlowe no less than his 
Homer: Helen went a. w. o. 1. to Paris, 

Shipping boards gave no trouble with quarrels 

or slips: 
The beauty of Helen had launched all the 


But most of this verse is like folk-lore 
in that it is lyrically anonymous, express- 
ing none but communal feelings in the 
communal phrase. There is little of the 
"hero stuff," nothing of pomp and cir- 
cumstance. For the most part it is rou- 
tine turned into literature. The dough- 
boy finds himself in 

A world of 

Hizzing (sic) bullets, 

And mustard gas. 

And cold, sleepless nights, 

And no food for days, 

And huns who cried 

"Kamerad !" 

(When their ammunition was gone), 

And filthy clothes, 

And cooties. 

And cooties, 

And cooties. 

There he expresses in racy idiom his re- 
action to the things that are real to him : 

reveille, pie, mud, the girl at home, 
camions, corn-willy, mother, the "8-40" 
train, R. T. 0., kid sister, the bugler, 
the guns, the censor, the campaign hat, 
the little towns, the orphans of France. 
For the most part, it was the folk who 
made the poetry of the army in France, 
and if students of balladry do not collect 
and study the product they miss their 
opportunity. The editors of the Stars 
and Stripes sifted it first for the news- 
paper, and now again for the book, and 
for the general reader it is better so. 
But the student of American popular 
poetry would find in the heap of chaff 
much to interest him. These pieces are 
homeless, nameless, parentless waifs and 
strays that drifted through camps and 
trenches. A few of them have found 
their way into print, many circulated 
in manuscript, others, especially the 
"high-kilted" ones, lived in memory and 
passed by word of mouth, and the col- 
lector gathered them as best he could 
from oral rendition. Songs of the vari- 
ous branches of the service are fairly 
well-known : 

The Ordnance, the Ordnance, we play with 

T. N. T. 
Dynamite is our delight, we take it with our 

We play baseball with hand grenades, and cans 

full of H. E. 
We all drink nitro-glycerine when we go on 

a spree. 
There are those which celebrate the vari- 
ous organizations, as that of "The Shock- 
ing 144th," which declares that when 
the news of its arrival in the trenches 
reached Berlin 

All the Reichstag tore their whiskers — 
"Mein Gott ! the beans are spilled I" 

More of the true ballad is in "The 
Koamer's Romance in France," unsophisti- 
cated, though with occasional journalistic 
turn of phrase, as, in speaking of the 

We need not describe her beauty, for her 

looks were rare to find, 
As her eyes reflected loveliness were smiling 

as they shined. 
Her appearance favored America's type, for 

not many years before 
She had resided there and journeyed here in 

the early days of war. 

As an example of such sentiment as hard- 
boiled poetry allows itself, we have the 
lyric burst which ends 

Just kindly remember wherever you roam 
That Shakespeare was right, kid, there's no 

place hke home. 

Why keep me feeling lonesome, why keep me 

feeling blue, 
When you know that the thing that will cheer 

me up is only a line from you? 

Probably none exceeded in popularity 
that which described how 

With vigorous hop we go over the top 
In the terrible Battle of Paris . . . 

But say, on the square, I'd rather be there 
On the Somme, on the Marne, or at Arras ; 

For with vin blanc a snootful itis hard to be 
In the famous Battle of Paris. 

Jamian- 24, 1920] 



From veterans of the battle this senti- 
ment receives hearty endorsement ; 

Why six months here with conscience clear 

would surely rate the Legion ; 
Eight months or so the D. S. C. for fighting 

in this region. 
Of medals known for war alone you've seen 

the great selection ; 
If we survive the female drive we'll rate the 

whole collection. 
All was grist that came to the mill, from 
the medical officer's prescription, 

"Here's a cure for all your ills, 
(Iodine and C. C. pills). 
Just take this and you'll feel fine 
(C. C. pills and iodine)." 
down to the discharge papers : 

As Willy-with-the-Wallops. 

As Boy-that-Took-a-Chance, 
You put a dozen scallops 

In Kaiser Billy's pants . . . 
And so we do not need you, 

'Tis sad, hut even so ; 
It cost a lot to feed you, 

And we must let you go. 
So, knowing this condition. 
And with a silent sob, 
We hand you our permission 
To hustle for a job. 
In such as these, there is little of high 
seriousness, but they ring true, and that is 
what they have in common with the best 
of the verses in "Yanks." It is fitting 
to close with lines from Pvt. Baukhage's 
"November Eleventh," the last poem in 
the volume. 

We stood up and we didn't say a word ; 

It felt just like when you have dropped your 

After a hike, and straightened up your back 
And seem just twice as light as any bird. . . . 

If you had listened then I guess you'd heard 
A sort of sigh from everybody there. 
But all we did was stand and stare and stare. 
Just stare and stand and never say a word. 

Though this stands above the level we 
may accept it as true to type, for unde- 
niably it is hard-boiled, and beyond ques- 
tion it is poetry. 

Robert P. Utter 

The Art of the Etcher 

Etchers and Etching. Chapters in the his- 
tory of the art, together with technical ex- 
planations of modern artistic methods. By 
Joseph Pennell. (The Graphic Arts 
Series.) New York : The Macmillan Co. 

"TO" PENNELL is nothing if not al- 
,1 ways interesting, instructive, stim- 
ulating — and combative. These qualities 
are in evidence whether he is engaged in 
a newspaper controversy or writing a 
book of technical and historical instruc- 
tion such as the present one. Aggres- 
siveness in the service of one's beliefs 
may be an exceedingly useful quality, 
and it often is with Mr. Pennell. But it 
may also engender a temperamental 
habit, with a suspicion of querulousness, 
which runs to the facile picking out of 
minor errors (as in the remark re W. C. 
Brownell on page 6) and to a disconcert- 
ing want of coherence, of balance. And 
the obvious is at times stated with the 
aplomb of a challenge. 

Our author tells us that he has often 
been' criticised for making statements 
strongly, but that if one writes "what 
one knows and believes, one cannot 
write too strongly." Quite true, and 
that's just why, when all is said, one 
would not have missed reading the his- 
torical portion of this book. But writ- 
ing strongly is different from proving a 
point by a downright inconsistency. In 
one place, Diirer's "Cannon" and Rem- 
brandt's "Three Trees" are contrasted in 
order to make a comparison between 
etching and engraving. Mr. Pennell 
hastens to admit that "some say The 
Cannon is etched, not engraved." But he 
continues: "To me it looks like an en- 
graving. Feels like it." Then, on page 
145, comes the serene statement: "The 
Cannon is said to be engraved, but I 
have the courage to doubt it — the line is 
so vital, so superb." Of course, the mat- 
ter is really of no consequence, and the 
Dlirer plate will be enjoyed one way or 
the other. 

Elision of names from the list of 
etchers worthy of a place in the book 
has been practised to a point described 
in a statement overheard: "There is no 
god but Jim, and Joe is his prophet." 
However, the author's iconoclasm usually 
has some basis of reason, even if not 
fundamental. One cheerfully under- 
scores objection to the over-rating of 
artists of the past whose chief distinc- 
tion is their antiquity. But to-day, also, 
etching is to more than one an all too 
facile affair. Here, too, to use Whis- 
tler's phrase, art is "chucked under the 
chin" by the passing artist-gallant. 
That's the trouble with not a little etch- 
ing to-day. Such passing flirtation will 
not disclose the finer nature of etchir<^ 
to the artist. 

Mr. Pennell's preface is a true over- 
ture; it sounds the keynote of the opus 
that follows. One notes, with satisfac- 
tion, the admonition to the student to 
start "by looking at good art intelli- 
gently." That is the best sort of advice. 
Good hand-books are necessary for him 
who looks for guidance in the appreci- 
ation of etching. They help him "get 
there" (if they are the right kind), as 
the guide-book does the traveler. But 
the ultimately necessary thing is to 
see for oneself. Montaigne's dictum is 
applicable here, too: "A mere bookish 
learning is a poor, paltry learning." In 
a postscript to the preface, written at 
the end of the four years during which 
publication was held up by the war, Mr. 
Pennell states a fact which many do not 
yet realize — that new inspiration in art 
is not to be hoped for from the war. 

It was to be expected that so very able 
a craftsman would lay due stress on the 
qualities of the medium, on the funda- 
mental necessity, for the artist, of un- 
derstanding its limits and possibilities. 
"A work of graphic art," said Bracque- 

mond, "must bear on its face, undis- 
guised, the character of the technique 
by which it was produced." That is a 
truth which well bears repetition, and 
Mr. Pennell's inevitable insistence on it 
naturally leads to the second and rather 
more important part of his book. In 
that he places the rich fruit of his 
knowledge and experience before the 
etcher, offering him a technical guide of 
real value. Processes and tools (ground- 
ing, re-grounding, needles, biting, print- 
ing, ink, paper), allied processes such as 
aquatint, sand-paper method, mezzotint, 
monotypes, are described in a practical 
and helpful manner, illuminated by the 
author's illustrations. There are divert- 
ing whacks, aside, at the "system" of 
trials and states, as also at cataloguers 
and curators and other little things that 
get in Mr. Pennell's way. 

The proofreading has apparently been 
carefully done, and the book does not 
show the typographical errors which 
marked both editions of the very useful 
volume on "Lithography" in this same 

As a piece of book-making the volume 
bears evidence of great care, and the 
reproduction of the prints (the photo- 
gravures are all carefully credited to 
F. A. Ringler & Co.) is exceedingly well 
done — an American achievement that 
need not fear European competition, and 
that fills one with a pardonable satisfac- 

The Run of the Shelves 

a porcher. "Porcher" is a new 
word. Why should not the English lan- 
guage put forth a new tendril, particu- 
larly when it is engaged in the vine-like 
function of twining ornamentally around 
porches? Miss Scarborough divides her 
time between New York and Virginia. 
If any one complains that New York is 
uncomfortable and 'Virginia unexciting, 
the answer is plain : Miss Scarborough's 
comfort in New York is to idolize Vir- 
ginia, and her excitement in Virginia is 
to abominate New York. She has writ- 
ten a book. The instant disquiet which 
that solemnity called a book awakens in 
all right-minded people is allayed by the 
publishers (G. P. Putnam's Sons of that 
City of Destruction, New York) in a 
note which affirms that the book is a 
"book of whimsy," and that the author 
"loafs." Other comforts await us in the 
"Foreword." It makes one's mouth 
water to be told that, the book has been 
"written with tongue acheek." It breaks 
every rule of "unity, coherence, and con- 
tinuity," as all books that have virtue 
enough to be wicked should do. Rules 
are like those paper-filled hoops in the 
circus whose only end and aim is to show 
the dash and grace of the equestrienne 



as she plunges headlong through their 
ruptured tissue. 

Miss Scarborough is the most amiable 
of women. She has angers now and 
then, but they are only the irresistible 
little rages of a golden-hearted person 
whose slumbers on the porch have been 
interrupted by love-parleys on the part 
of inconsiderate young people. She 
loves Virginia (its beauty "wrings" her 
heart); she loves landscape; she loves 
birds; she loves even reptiles, at which 
word the shy reviewer lifts his head m 
proud reciprocation of her smile; she 
loves negroes; she loves negro songs, and 
their pleasant, glistening lines strew her 
pages like streaks of maple syrup on the 
hot cakes, smoking from the griddle of 
which this toothsome book undoubtedly 
consists. Speaking of eating— but who 
can speak of eating but Miss Scarbor- 
ough? She eats on the porch where, 
amid other viands, she "devours the dew- 
washed morning." "The joyous birds 
slip singing down (her) throat," like Gi- 
rondists singing on the way to execu- 
tion. She recommends that the inspira- 
tion of poets should be gastric, and her 
playfulness on the nourishment of corpses 
is simply irresistible. "The city person 
is dead when he eats, and a corpse never 
does properly assimilate his victuals.' 
But this is not enough. As if to add 
the last touch of diabolic completeness 
to her equipment for the bewitchment 
and bedevilment of her kind, she eats 
slices of tvatermelon in her bath. 

The examples already given suffice to 
prove that Miss Scarborough is the jol- 
liest person left on this woe-begone 
planet. Her book is a "joyous, irre- 
sponsible jumble" of things she likes, 
and she has frisks and pirouettes that 
are inimitable. "Lucia is the kind of 
girl for whom everybody likes to do 
things— particularly trousered every- 
body." Such archness and such discre- 
tion! "If either of you saw my ankles," 
said the agreeable Miss Mowcher to 
James Steerforth and David Copperfield, 
as she jumped upon the table, "I'll go 
home and destroy myself." It is impos- 
sible to take leave of a volume that has 
all but made farewells impossible without 
reiterating that it is the rosiest, coziest, 
raciest, laziest, craziest, sunniest, fun- 
niest, gypsiest, tipsiest book that the 
bounty of destiny has ever permitted 
the author of this note to meet. 

The difficulty with which books are 
published in our time is remarkable. 
Hardly less remarkable is the ease with 
which they are published. On our table 
is a book by Mr. Robert Cortes Holliday, 
entitled "Broome Street Straws," to 
which the publishers (George H. Doran 
Company) have been generous in the 
accessories of thick paper, wide mar- 
gins, and large print. The author of 
these stories, sketches, and critiques, is 

far from a stupid or brainless person. 
Like many of us, he is bright when he 
is lucky; and, again like many of us, he 
is lucky sometimes and unlucky often. 
The point is that he is like the rest of 
us and why he should be lifted to the 
rank of an accredited entertainer or in- 
structor by the enshrinement m a book 
of his casual and fleeting journalism is 
a mystery which possibly only cashiers 
could solve. As journalism these sketches 
were flanked by work from other hands, 
and they are the sort of sketches to 
which the neighborhood of other work is 
valuable. The hazards of continuity are 
great. Why give us unmixed Holliday .' 
There is good sketch-work in the "Ro- 
mance of Destiny," and respectable, if 
rather desultory, criticism in "Tarking- 
tonapolis." There are also gayeties 
which amuse without surprising us, and 
serious critical dicta, like those on Mr. 
Belloc and 0. Henry, which surprise 
without amusing us. Mr. Belloc writes 
the "best English now going in Eng- 
land" ; 0. Henry's failure was "amazing. 
The two assertions may keep each other 
in countenance. 

Mr Holliday calls Mr. Stephen Lea- 
cock a "rotten bad critic." We pass the 
discourtesy, more regrettable perhaps on 
Mr Holliday's account than on Mr. Lea- 
cock's. We pass "rotten" merely as 
slang without objection, since that ob- 
jection would be received by slang-users 
as inverted homage. But we should like 
to point out that "rotten" in the collo- 
quial sense is slang decaying, slang worn 
out, and as such should be obnoxious to 
lovers of novelty in its own field. Slang 
is the repudiation of antiquity; it is 
often singularly blind to its own age. A 
man may wear a circus suit, if he likes, 
instead of the ordinary street costume, 
but a circus suit is the very last costume 
in which one can afford to be visibly 
threadbare and dingy. 

"L'Amiral de Grasse" (Paris: Pierre 
Tequi) is interesting for two reasons. 
The first, because it was Admiral de 
Grasse who contributed largely to the 
success at Yorktown, and the second be- 
cause it brings out the little-known fact 
that the Count's four daughters fled to 
America at the time of the Terror, mar- 
ried here, and, according to the list at 
the end of this volume, have left over 
two score descendants in the United 
States, among whom are members of 
such well-known families as the Living- 
stons and Schuylers. The following un- 
published letter from the author. Canon 
Max Caron, of Versailles, gives evidence 
that the old dislike for Lafayette still 
exists in conservative circles in France. 
Here is how I happened to write this life 
of the great sailor. During a number ot 
years chance, or Providence rather, caused me 
to spend my two-months' vacation in the 
Chateau de Tilly, which belonged to the Ad- 
miral, and where he spent his closing years. 

In the church of the village of Til y was de- 
oosited as was asked in his will, the Counts 
heart So, naturally, I was led to examine 
into the career of this man, as everything in 
the chateau and the church spoke to me of 
him And the result was that I arrived at 
this conclusion— that it is much more to Ad- 
miral de Grasse than to General Lafayette 
that the United States owe their liberty. And 
vet everybody celebrates the latter and nobody 
speaks of the former! The real truth lies 
here— the then Minister of Foreign Affairs 
Vergennes, conceived the thought of an armed 
intervention on the part of France in aid of 
the insurgent Americans; Louis XVI tar- 
nished the means and Count de Grasse car- 
ried out the plan. If I have succeeded m 
proving this, as I think I have, I have done 
a good thing for my country and for America. 

It may be the vogue of the rhymed 
advertisement— those little verses about 
somebody's soup and somebody else's 
cough lozenges which so delightfully 
sing themselves into one's memory— 
that has led Mr. Emile Berliner to put 
forth in the interest of hygienic im- 
provement some illustrated "Health Jin- 
gles" under the title of "Muddy Jim" : 

A naughty lad was Muddy Jim, 

He hated soap and water, 
Nice little girls wouldn't speak to him, 

Tho' he wished and thought they ought to. 

Jim, it appears, was rather too— too Bol- 
shevik in his personal habits. But to our 
thinking the treatment which the nice 
little girls meted out to Jim was pre- 
cisely calculated to confirm him in his 
evil tendencies. Their behavior will in 
all probability goad him on to violence. 
Further on in the book, germs are held 
up to scorn and derision. Very danger- 
ous. Who can say what harm germs may 
be capable of if they are treated in this 
contumelious fashion? Then comes a 
picture of a trim housemaid sweeping 
a room. Why put such absurd notions 
into a child's head? It leads to things 
like this : 

Mother, will you tell me why 
We are told to "swat the fly"? 
Yes, my dear, because it brings 
Dirt, disease, and filthy things. 

How much better to tell the child that flies 
should be reasoned with, not "swatted"? 
Indeed, we are quite prepared to find 
near the end of the book a column 
of smart-looking soldiers following the 
American flag. This is the sort of result 
such misguided propaganda inevitably 
leads to. Or, last picture of all, accom- 
panied by an apparently innocent verse 
in praise of sleep, behold the fairy. Cap- 
italism, lulling a child-like society into 
forgetfulness of its wrongs. We are 
hopeful that so reactionary a volume will 
be suppressed before it has the effect of 
bringing in the revolution. 

For those who like literature written 
in the "Spearmint" dialect the first pari 
of Ring W. Lardner's "Own Your Owr 
Home" (Bobbs Merrill) is funny. Thert 
is an unfailing source of humor, if oti( 
chooses to look at it that way, in th( 

Fanuary 24, 1920] 



ribulations that beset the man who pays 
he bills and does the worrying inciden- 
al to the building of a house. And 
lere the language helps. But the latter 

part of the story recounting the efforts 
of a detective to break into society are 
not very funny. All, however, of Fon- 
taine Fox's little illustrations are. 

Our American Shoe Men 

{By a Staff Correspondent) 

WE produce like gods and distribute 
like brutes," says an English 
s^riter, with whom I do not agree, for I 
hink that we do neither. Rather, I 
hink, our organization for distribution, 
vlthough less consciously developed than 
;hat of production, is on the whole quite 
IS good through its being a survival of 
nyriads of individual instances of the 
jxercise of common sense in the adapta- 
ion of means to an end. 

But we must all agree that the problem 
)f distribution is well up-stage and 
learing the spotlight. It is not surpris- 
ng, therefore, that a gathering of retail 
iierchants like that of the National Con- 
•ention of Shoe Dealers at Boston last 
veek drew to the big hall of Mechanics' 
building a considerable number who 
vere not of the calling. 

One must become a little accustomed 
the convention jazz of electric lights, 
if badges, and of the clatter of group- 
ngs and greetings before it is possible 
' eally to take notice, for this visible glare 
!nd audible clamor is not the conven- 

They are not themselves so par- 
icularly well-shod, these shoe dealers — 
pparently all that is shoe .selling is not 

There is a programme, of course, 
eard throughout by earnest souls, and 
ireated with the utmost respect by all: 
liey take their programmes seriously, 
lese conventions of American business 
len, but a little stiffly, somewhat as the 
ewiy rich take their evenings at a 
eethoven concert. There are thought- 
i\ papers, thoughtfully discussed, but 
le programme is not it. 
I One might judge from all the boom- 
jig of localities by patriotic sons that 
lie next year's meeting place was the 
rime object of the convention. Or, 
jjain, one might think that the election 
l' next year's officers was the principal 
iterest. These certainly had their 
lace in the sun, but were not it. 
The palpable effort of manufacturers 
create a nice, optimistic buying spirit 
inong these kings of the fitting parlor, 
ho hold our feet if not our fates in 
e hollow of their hands, was also suf- 
iiently in evidence — but still was not it. 
JThe something that was the spirit of 
lis convention refuses to admit that 
•'y of these brass-band elements are 
JDre than adventitious. Slowly it takes 
^irm in our minds as a message ■ — a mes- 
*.?e gathered from impalpable things, 
hm the general atmosphere of integ- 


rity, from the careful explanations of 
the processes of shoe-making and shoe- 
machine making, of methods of jobbing 
and of retailing — a message to the Amer- 
ican people that American business is 
sound at the core, and that it may be 
counted on to meet its problems with 
courage, honesty, and good sense. 

Now, shoe manufacturing and selling 
happens to be one of the most highly or- 
ganized of American industries. No- 
where have the triumphs of American 
inventive genius been greater, American 
superiority of method and process more 
manifest, and nowhere are the manifold 
phases of industry more finely correlated 
— shoe-machine making with shoe man- 
ufacturing, shoe manufacturing with 
jobbing, jobbing with retailing. And, 
very significantly, a subject prominently 
discussed at this convention was that of 
possible closer relations between the re- 
tailers of different industries; that is to 
say, more and better organization. 

There has been, and is, a persistent 
group of agitators in American life who 
would convince us that all of this organi- 
zation is bad, that it defies law, fosters 
an insatiate corporate greed, and ex- 
ploits the public. The facts do not seem 
to bear out this contention. 

War prices, and (what is worse) post- 
war prices that have given us our new 
swear-word, profiteering (we may soon 

be writing p g, as we write d — n; 

•for we are enunciating it with increasing 
sulphurosity), are the results of factors 
too numerous and too complicated to be 
glibly ascribed to this or that single 
cause. Admitting that the term infla- 
tion covers most of the underlying sin, 
there is still a goodly portion from 
Adam's fall in other forces, and in none 
more certainly than in the disorganiza- 
tion of business that has resulted from 
the sudden entry and sudden departure 
of governments as customers. 

Regular profits are lucrative — more 
so in the long run than irregular ones — 
but they tend toward a perpetual paring 
down of excrescences. The regular or- 
ganization of business automatically 
tends to increase service, reduce costs, 
limit margins of profit. It is in the 
state of disorganization that speculation 
flourishes, and with it that sister of un- 
certainty, our prcfane friend, profiteer- 
ing. A return to normal organization 
carries with it a quick death to specu- 
lation, and a rapid return to normal 
service and prices. 

And after all, what but organization 
do our overheated uplifters and social- 
ists desire? Surely, that, and that only, 

but with this important difference: 
They desire a form of organization 
drawn up on paper (by themselves, of 
course), an artificial rule-of-three or- 
ganization to replace one which has 
grown up through the generations of 
our free industrial life. That is as if 
we should cut down all our growing fir 
trees and replace them with those little 
made-in-Germany Christmas trees of 
waxed paper and wires — how regular 
their branches, and how very green their 
leaves! But I am sure that America 
will always prefer the free-growing 
type that has its roots in our own soil 
and is not German-made, nor grown in 
the hotbeds of European discontent, and 
whose branches are always moist with 
the sap of new growth and healthy vigor. 

Of this higher type of organization 
the shoe industry of America is an ef- 
fective example. A clerical gentleman 
once differentiated two denominations of 
Christians by saying that the one car- 
ried on its national concerns in the spirit 
of a village parish while the other car- 
ried on its village parishes in a national 
spirit. The shoe industry is of this lat- 
ter type — largely, I suppose, because of 
the permeating influence of that great 
industrial organization by which its 
shoe-making machinery is manufactured, 
leased, kept in order and always abreast 
of the inventive skill of the age. Out 
of this continuing relation a spirit has 
developed that creates a living organism 
rather than a paper-made organization. 
Before we go to displacing this growth 
of years, with its silent but effective dis- 
ciplines, let us be very sure that we 
understand and appreciate it. Possibly 
We may come to the conclusion that it is 
as much better than anything we could 
sit down and draw up on paper as the 
Constitution of England is better than 
More's Utopia. 

But we are arrived at ladies' night, 
and the motor sight-seeing tours; the 
place for the next annual meeting is se- 
lected; the officers for the coming year 
are all chosen; the jaded hotel clerks and 
bell-boys are listless and lazy; only the 
bill-clerk is very busy and very smiling, 
and the home-going is near. The con- 
vention is over, but we have learned a 
lesson. We have sat in with five thou- 
sand as sensible, as brave, as honest- 
souled business men as the world ever 
bred and — blow hot, blow cold— we are 
not to be panic-stricken by the rantings 
of the business-baiting press. And shoes 
will come down in price? Well, these 
men no more than others can re-create 
in a day the wastes of war, or set at 
naught the effects of world-wide infla- 
tion; but this much in all soberness may 
be said — the organization of the shoe in- 
dustry in America is such as to give rea- 
son to believe that it will be among the 
first to pass on to the public the benefits 
of bettering conditions. 



[Vol. 2, No. 37 


French Plays— Carlo Liten 
and "LesBleus del' Amour" 

NEW YORK has not yet awaked to the 
value of the five-week season of 
French and Belgian plays which M. Carlo 
Liten is producing in the original tongue 
at the Lenox Little Theatre at 52-54 East 
78th Street. The repertory ranges from 
Verhaeren's "Cloitre," which has bulk 
and significance, through Richepm's 
"Flibustier" which has bulk (in modera- 
tion) without significance, and Maeter- 
linck's "L'Intruse," which has signifi- 
cance without bulk, to Halevy's "L'Ete 
de la Saint Martin," which possesses 
neither bulk nor significance. All these 
plays, I hasten to add, have a place in 
literature; I restrict the term "signifi- 
cant" to works that illuminate the march 
of tendency. Personally, I should have 
thanked M. Liten if he had given us 
either six full-length and full-strength 
classic masterpieces or six modern plays 
of the originality and distinction of 
Verhaeren's "Cloitre." 

"Le Cloitre" is a play which, in the 
process of gestation, seems to have un- 
dergone something akin to a change of 
species. The feeling which I expressed 
some time ago stays with me to this 
hour: that this play is a comedy which 
has been seized and carried off by a 
tragedy or melodrama. The comedy is 
the more valuable, even the more inter- 
esting, of the two; but the tragedy or 
melodrama has the physical force on its 
side, and the spectator is caught up and 
swept along in its train. It is as if a 
man were looking at some fine etchings 
when a conflagration, breaking out in the 
next street, lit up his windows with its 
feverish glare. He might sincerely pre- 
fer the etchings, but against his will his 
eyes would be held by the conflagration. 
"Comedy" in this case must be taken 
in a rather special sense— the sense of a 
play, not humorous, but satirical, and 
tending only by accident to a catastrophic 
issue. Verhaeren has painted a worldly 
cloister; he has charged it with the con- 
tentions, jealousies, ambitions, master- 
ships, proper, though not peculiar, to the 
world. The world is, after all, an emana- 
tion from our hearts, and the cloister, 
in shutting the world out, shuts the heart 
in. Verhaeren has done this thing in a 
high way. His severity is respectful; 
his exposure is considerate. These men 
have behind them a lofty past symbolized 
in a noble dwelling, and the dignity which 
has forsaken their aims still clings to 
their manners. Respect does not stop 
here. The ancient high spirit persists 
in a young brother called Mark, a recluse 
from the world within the cloister no 

less absolutely than from the world with- 
out. In Dom Mark's voice, insisting that 
civil crime shall answer to the civil law, 
the cloister judges and condemns its own 
sophistications. As Spenser, following 
Du Bellay, said, "Only Rome o'er Rome 
hath victory." 

So much for the high comedy— the 
satire. An upheaval throws the play out 
of balance. One of its elements, which 
is. or should be, merely illustrative or 
instrumental, mutinies, as it were, and 
draws to itself the mastery and head- 
ship of the play. One of the monks in 
this cloister is a parricide, who has al- 
lowed an innocent man to be executed 
in his place. The interest of his .remorse 
and confession, though cheap beside that 
of the satire, is insistent and overwhelm- 
ing; Verhaeren himself is subject to its 
deflecting force. There is in his own 
eloquence a streaming quality, a quality 
suggestive of flame in wind, to which 
the appeal of convulsive terror and re- 
morse is irresistible. 

The other plays may be treated more 
briefly. Edmond Rostand is captivating 
in the one-act piece, "Les deux Pierrots," 
which means a gay and a sad Pierrot 
who agree only as to the desirability of 
Columbine. The smile and the tear have 
each its gleam, and Rostand could catch 
gleams anywhere. The one-act play "Le 
Caprice" shows Alfred de Musset at 
once in his most virtuous and his most 
frivolous mood. Was virtue a levity for 
Alfred de Musset? "Polypheme," in 
two acts, by Albert Samain, is one of 
those neo-classic pieces which give more 
pleasure to Frenchmen than to Anglo- 
Saxons. The climate of Versailles is 
more auspicious for these things; in 
Windsor Park or Central Park, the' 
classic deities shiver. 

The company is able. M. Liten's con- 
trol of an exquisitely modulated voice 
is absolute. Tone is fitted to feeling, 
like word to meaning, like glove to hand. 
An objector in an acrid moment might 
grumble that the whole process resembled 
a trying-on of gloves ; but even that pro- 
cess has its witchery when the hand is 
shapely and the glove delicate. The point 
of the criticism would lie in the implica- 
tion that M. Liten is a student of emo- 
tions rather than of characters. So far 
as I could judge (the pursuit of the 
hurrying French tongue by the laggard 
American ear is a race between hare and 
tortoise) he was even better in the reci- 
tation of lyrics than in the impersonation 
of men. His Balthazar was an affair of 
vivid culminations and passive intervals. 
His Polypheme, strong in its look of 
ravage and desolation, was almost too 
mobile, in mind and voice, for a Cyclops. 
Mile. Yvonne Garrick of the Comedie 
Frangaise quite conquered me in two of 
her three roles; she made laughter ex- 
quisite in Pierrot, and her Galatea was 
an embodied April. M. Andre Chotin's 

portrayal of Dom Mark had the single- 
ness and purity of a star. 

M. Romain Coolus is a playwright who, 
in "Une Femme passa," showed ability 
and even conscience. In "Les Bleus de 
I'Amour," a recent offering at the The- 
atre Parisien, the conscience absents 
itself, and the ability is— unobtrusive, 
touched with unconcern. M. Coolus is 
not testing his rivets ; he is not tighten- 
ing his knots. Comic virtue is evident 
in certain passages, and the wit is redo- 
lent of Paris. It is an idle, shifting, 
strolling life which the three acts repre- 
sent, and the temper of M. Coolus is for 
the moment in exact harmony with his 

This assertion may seem questionable 
in the light of the fact that the play 
centres in a French countess who, child- 
less herself, may be briefly classified aa 
an amateur of eugenics. The family 
must be continued; her niece must marry 
her nephew; the marriage must be pro- 
ductive. Sureties must be obtained be- 
forehand for the fertility of a younj 
man who is a rougher Hippolytus, de 
lighting in the chase and ignorant ol 
women. When this young man decline 
to respond to various suggestions of hi: 
aunt, the last of which is that he shal 
seduce her own maid, she contrives i 
plan for sending him to Paris under th 
escort of an actress of doubtful reputa 
tion, whom, in the furtherance of thes 
amiable projects, she invites to her ow 

The American observer of Frenc 

manners is prepared for much, but h 

is unable to view, with perfect equf 

nimity, this interest of highborn Frencl 

women in what Mr. Chesterton one 

pointedly called the "human stud, 

There was a time when French coui 

tesses were the exemplars of breeding i 

another sense. These are grave depa 

tures, and the only excuse for departur( 

is — arrivals. One should go all the wa 

The countess refuses to make prelim 

nary tests of the fertility of her niec 

I submit that a woman who sacrific 

convention to science in the case of tl 

male, but allows convention to 

science in the more uncertain and ther 

fore more important case of the femal 

is neither a genuine French countess n 

an honest stockbreeder. Taken serious! 

the countess's plan becomes farcical; 

M. Coolus, on the other hand, propoun 

it as a mere joke, I am lucky or unlucl 

in an ancestry and training which obli 

me to take that joke rather serious 

It is impossible for me to view it 

a whimsicality among other whimsica 

ties. I can not laugh at it between r 

laugh at the rusticities of a provinc 

hunter and my laugh at the polite acerl 

ties of a submissively protesting stewa; 

This matter is for me a strong liqu^ 

a sort of wood alcohol, which, if serv 

(Continued on page 92) 

January 24, 1920] 




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(Continued from page 90) ^ 
at all, can not be properly served on 
the same tray with the lemonade and the 

^"riiTeVresence of other material and the 
light and tripping gait of the perform- 
ance relieve these crudities m some de- 
cree. The acting was generally satis- 
factory M. Gustave Degreziane as 
SiJIJd was happy in a smile tha 
avowed and disavowed a thousand errors , 
M Andre Franky was a good woodsman; 
and M. Robert Casadesus brought dex- 
terity and moderation to the portrayal of 
the crabbed steward. Bjgo^ne. ^^^^^^ 


The Chicago Opera Season— 
• 'Zaza' ' at the MetropoHtan 

THE death of the distinguished man- 
ager of the Chicago Opera Associ- 
ation, Maestro Cleofonte Campanmi, will 
not iA any way prevent the execution of 
til Sans he had made. Under the man- 
agement of Mr. Herbert Johnson an 
American, and with the artistic aid of 
Maestro Marinazzi, formerly of the 
Scala, on Monday next the smgers 
and musicians of the company will begin 
another season at the Lexington-a sea- 
son which, at least in some respects, bids 
fair to be of quite unusual brilliancy. 

For the first night we are to have a 
ereat revival of Bellini's "Norma. In 
days gone by this "Norma" was as pop- 
Sir as "Carmen," "Faust," and "Lohen- 
grin" were later. Those who imagine 
that its former spell is gone may be as- 
tonished (as I was one night in Venice, 
a few years ago) to find that, rightly 
sung, with such an artist as Raisa in the 
title part, it can still thrill one. Few 
singers have the qualities required for 
the chief role in "Norma," which calls, 
not for the graces and embellishments ot 
the coloratura style, but for sustained 
and lovely singing and great dignity. 

Of the three novelties announced tor 
the first crowded week at the Lexington, 
one is the "Madame Chrysantheme of 
Andr6 Messager. The story which Pierre 
Loti told so cruelly forms the foundation 
of the libretto. It was invented long 
before the "Madama Butterfly" we love 
80 well. And Messager was younger-- 
at his best, indeed— when he composed 
his score. The part of the poor, touch- 
ing little heroine, the forsaken Geisha 
girl, will be interpreted, in the right 
way, the Japanese way, by Tamaki 

Hard on the heels of "Madame Chrys- 
antheme" will come another long- 
awaited work— "L'Heure Espagnole, of 
which the translated title should be 
"Spanish Time," of Ravel, best known 

here by his popular concert works, and 
more especially by his "Sheherazade" 

°^A sad significance attaches to the 
promise of the third novelty amiounced 
for the first week, the "Rip Van Winkle 
of the late Reginald de Koven. This 
"Rip Van Winkle," like the operetta of 
Lecocq, is said to take liberties with the 
legend That may not matter much, 
though, if the English words and Amer- 
ican plot devised for the libretto by 
Percy MacKaye prove to be suited to the 
purposes of opera. 

Besides all these new works we shall 
have"Pelleaset Melisande." "Paghacci, 
"L'Amore dei Tre Re" (with Mary Gar- 
den, for the first time here as the ro- 
mantic heroine), "Un Ballo m Mas- 
chera," and "Madama Butterfly. The 
Metropolitan will have to guard its lau- 
rels if this programme is carried out. 

Among the other works we may expect 
in the succeeding month of opera at 
the Lexington may or may not be Mon- 
temezzi's latest effort (with d Annun- 
zio's book) "La Nave," Camille dEr- 
langer's "Aphrodite," Halevy s La 
Juive " Meyerbeer's "L'Af ricaine, Mas- 
senet's "Herodiade," "Le Jongleur." and 
"Thais " Carpentier's ever-welcome 
"Louise." Verdi's "Falstaff." Ambroise 
Thomas's "Hamlet." Gounod's Faust 
and "Romeo et Juliette," Bizet s Car- 
men " Leroux's "Le Chemineau." Henri 
Fevrier's "Monna Vanna" and two new 
ballets by American composers, the "Bou- 
dour" of the critic, Felix Borowski, and 
"The Birthday of the Infanta" (after 
Oscar Wilde) of John Alden Carpenter. 
To interpret this startling and exact- 
ing repertory the Chicago company will 
bring us far-famed singers. Among 
them will be those two admirable bari- 
tones, Titta Ruffo, long a god of the 
Italians, and Carlo Galeffi. who is said 
to rival him; Edward Johnson, an Amer- 
ican tenor who. under the stage name 
of Giovanni, has become popular at the 
Scala; that master of bel canto, Ales- 
sandro Bonci, whom some have ranked 
above the great Caruso; Mary Garden, m 
her own field still unequalled; Rosa 
Raisa, of the full and mighty tones; 
Galli-Curci, the best coloratura soprano 
living, and Alessandro Dolci, an enga- 
ging tenor. 

The most recent addition to the reper- 
tory of the Metropolitan is the "Zaza' 
of Leoncavallo (who, with no small skill, 
adapted the libretto from the once well- 
knovra play produced by Mr. Belasco). 
This "Zaza," though it has no great im- 
portance, will appeal to those who love 
life and movement, wit and humor, 
on the stage, varied by pathos and occa- 
sional violent outbursts. The composer 
has, in a humble way, made use of 
music as a handmaid of drama and com- 
edy on the "Falstaff" plan. In his first 
act (which, by long odds, is the best) he 

has the deftness which delights us in the 
"Segreto di Susanna" of Wolf-Ferrari. 
His second act is rather tame and color- 
less The third and fourth acts both con- 
tain effective episodes. But nowhere does 
this work approach the level reached, at 
times, in "Pagliacci." 

The appeal of "Zaza" will be made here 
by the play (for it is really a good play— 
of a bad kind, maybe— set cleverly to 
music). The plot is largely an unvar- 
nished tale of harlotry. And in the cen- 
tre of it stands the striking figure of 
the painted "heroine." She is an "ar- 
tist" of the vulgar music halls, a crea- 
ture of whims, of passionate freaks and 
impulses. As an exponent of this mere- 
tricious drab (she is that or nothing) 
Geraldine Farrar fairly took ones 
breath away. She was as contenting 
(or distressing) in her stormy moods as 
in her courtesan coquetries (which lef 
little to the imagination) . In the much 
talked-of scene for Zaza and the chih 
of Dufresne, her lover, she awoke need 
less sympathy. Her attitudes and pose 
were audacious— now and then, mdeec 
too audacious for the opera boards. Am 
when the chance occurred, she sang me 


Charles Henry Meltzer 

Reginald de Koven 

THE sudden passing of Reginald ( 
Koven, a few days ago, came as 
shock to those who liked him as a ma 
and to a host whom he had pleased : 
a composer of light songs and operas, 
was my privilege in other days to sha 
with him, as dramatic critic of t 
World, the work of chronicling the d 
ings of the stage. His field was mus 
In later years I helped him in his fight 
a long, hard fight— for the employme 
of our English tongue in opera. Both 
the theatre and in the press-room ' R< 
gie" de Koven, as we called him, h 
warm friends. . 

Neither as critic nor as musician did 
pretend to be a futurist, or even a m- 
ernist. To him the Schoenbergs, J 
Stravinskys, and the Regers of th 
restless times were puzzling prob ei 
To him good music meant above all ' 
thing— melody. , . . , 

It is chiefly as a writer of tunt 
songs that most will think of him. 

His most successful work was Ko 

Hood " The production of that cha 

ing comic opera, in 1890, did more t 

vastly more ambitious efforts to impi 

the public taste. By "Robin Hood, v 

its old English flavor, he may live h 

for some time to come; not by his i 

terbury Pilgrims." his one claini 

fame as a composer of "grand oper 

Toward the end of his career. Keg 

de Koven was a persistent advocat 

the creation in this country of that m 

(Continued on page 94) 

January 24, 1920] 



for Books" 

— The Review 

"Winter evenings- 
the world shut out— 
with less of ceremony 
the gentle Shake- 
speare enters." 

We think of Charles 
Lamb as a man im- 
mersed in books every 
month of the year. 
Yet winter was his 
real time for reading,— 
"the world shut out." 

In warmer weather 
he makes this note: 
"Walked sixteen 
miles yesterday. I 
can't read much in 
summer time." 

Associate Editor of the Survey 

Will lecture on the following subjects: 


Reaction: Res'olution: Reconstruction 

Remedies and Proposals 

True and False 

For dates and terms address Miss Brandt, 
Room 1204, 112 E. Nineteenth St., New York 



National Weekly 

It is read in every part of the United States. Its circulation is 
increasing rapidly. 

THE REVIEW is on news-stands throughout the United 
States. If you or your friends ever experience difficulty in se- 
curing copies of THE REVIEW at any important news-stand 
in the United States, the fact should be brought to the atten- 
tion of the Circulation Manager. All news-stands within 
twenty-four hours of New York should be supplied by Satur- 
day each week; under no circumstances should such stands 
be supplied later than Monday. In cases where this is not 
done, exact information will be appreciated. 

No matter where you live, you cannot afford to miss seeing 
THE REVIEW regularly. 

The Organ of Sane 
American Progress 

THE REVIEW, 140 Nassau St., New York: 
Please send me THE REVIEW for one year. 


Address . .' 

$5 a year 

Attractive offerings are made during the Midwinter Book Season. 



[Vol. 2, No. 37 

(Continued from page 92) 
needed institution, a National Conserv- 
ator>'- For ^^^^ ^^^ ^^^^'^ things we 
owe him thanks. 

Though he was not, in any sense, a 
great musician, he had his place in the 
wide field of music. His death, soon 
after the production of his "Rip Van 
Winkle" by the Chicago Opera Com- 
pany, has left the world a little poorer 
for his loss. 

C. H. M. 

Books and the News 

The Theatre 

IN the middle of the theatrical season it 
may be pleasant to see some sugges- 
tions for reading about the theatre — 
criticism, general information, and rec- 
ollections of the always golden past. 
These books are mainly about the Amer- 
ican stage. 

To begin with memories of older days, 
Mj^rj' C. Crawford's "The Romance of 
the American Theatre" (Little, 1913) 
will be found interesting, as will the 
volumes by two veterans, J. R. Towse's 
"Sixty Years of the Theatre; An Old 
Critic's Memories" (Funk, 1916), and 
William Winter's "The Wallet of Time" 
(Moffat, 1913). The alliterative title 
of "The Diary of a Daly Debutante" 

(Duffield, 1910) ought to be attractive; 
it is by Dora Knowlton Ranous. Those 
to whom the names of William Warren 
and Annie Clarke mean anything will be 
glad to be reminded of Kate Ryan's "Old 
Boston Museum Days" (Little, 1915). 

For general criticism and comment 
there is Richard Burton's "The New 
American Drama" (Crowell, 1913), not 
light reading; and, for contrast, George 
J. Nathan's "Comedians AH" (Knopf, 
1919), which may be named as a sample 
of his books about the stage, in all of 
which there is a little meat and a great 
deal of tabasco sauce. Despite Mr. Na- 
than, the leading American writers on 
the technique of the drama are Brander 
Matthews and George P. Baker. The 
former's newest volume is "The Prin- 
ciples of Playmaking" (Scribner, 1919). 
Prof. Baker's "Dramatic Technique" 
(Houghton) appeared last year. Gordon 
Craig writes essays on all kinds of the- 
atrical subjects in "The Theatre 
Advancing" (Little, 1919). Another, 
by Mr. Craig, "upon a special sub- 
ject, is "On the Art of the Theatre" 
(Browne's Bookstore). Walter Prich- 
ard Eaton's "Plays and Players" (Stew- 
art & Kidd, 1916) has some general 
essays on the theatre, as well as com- 
ments upon certain plays. Ludwig Lew- 
isohn in "The Modem Drama; An Es- 
say in Interpretation" (Huebsch, 1915), 

Archibald Henderson in "The Changing 
Drama" (Holt, 1914), A. B. Walkley in 
"Drama and Life" (Brentano, 1908), 
and Clayton Hamilton in "Problems of 
the Playwright" (Holt, 1917) deal in 
all manner of subjects about the theatre, 
but chiefly in dramatic criticism. It is 
hardly necessary to remind the read- 
er of James Huneker's "Iconoclasts" 
(Scribner, 1905), a book about great con- 
temporary figures among dramatists. 

Persons interested in special develop- 
ments in the theatre will find these de- 
scribed in Thomas H. Dickinson's "The 
Insurgent Theatre" (Huebsch, 1917), 
with its essays on the little theatres, the 
"dramatic laboratories," etc., in Con- 
stance Mackay's "The Little Theatre in 
the United States" (Holt, 1917), Percy 
Mackaye's "The Civic Theatre" (Kenner- 
ley, 1912), Alice M. Herts's "The Chil- 
dren's Educational Theatre" (Harper, 
1911), and Huntley Carter's "The The- 
atre of Max Reinhardt" (Palmer, 1914), 
David Belasco's "The Theatre Througl 
Its Stage Door" (Harper, 1909) is va^ 
ried and entertaining. Montrose J 
Moses in "The American Dramatist' 
(Little, 1911) has written a book of ref 
erence that is also readable, with its 
chapters on early playwriting in th( 
United States and discussions of th( 
work of the present. 

Edmund Lester Pearson 

BRENTANO S recommend 

Seldwyla Folks 


A collection of three of the best tales of this famous 
Swiss writer selected because of their idyllic charm and 
literary distinction. Gottfried Keller, artist, scholar and 
author, is renowned throughout Europe as the foremost 
Swiss writer. Americans will welcome this opportunity to 
become acquainted with him at first hand. $i.75- 

Tales of a Cruel 

Author of "Set Down in Malice" 
These are rugged tales of a rugged country. Mr. Cum- 
berland knows his Greece, having lived there. He has instilled 
into his stories the beauty of Ancient Athens and the mena- 
cing ruthlessness of barren hills and jagged mountains. You 
will find here naked life, wild and untamed, and dominated 
by passion. A man's book. $1.75- 

At all bookstores. Postage extra. 

Publishers Brentano's 

27th St. and 
5th Ave , N.Y. 

Richard Aldrich in "The New York Times" 

"A charmingly easy and persuasive style ... his views 
are consistently squared with high ideals . . . much of 
. little known anecdote that is extremely entertaining . ._ . 
complete, organically continuous, vivid and informing. 

H. T. Finck in "The Post" 

"Invaluable for reference . . . entertaining to all lovers 
of opera." 
W. J. Henderson in "The Sun" 

"The mass of information in its opulent pages . . . its 
clear, simple and merciless arraignment of the sinister 
powers ... an array of incontrovertible facts." 

J. G. Huneker in "The World" 

"He mixes his facts with his lovable personality . . . 
He knows opera in New York as no one else." 
W. H. Chamberlain in "The Tribune" 

"Rich in personal reminiscences and anecdotes ... a 
monumental achievement" 

More Chapters 
of Opera 

With 40 portraits, full repcri yrics and index, 
xvi + 474 pp. Larcjc limo. $3-50. 

Henry Holt & Co., new york 

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Vol. 2, No. 38 

New York, Saturday, January 31, 1920 



Brief Comment 


Editorial Articles: 
Hoover 98 

New York's "Town Meeting Hall" 99 
Holland and the ex-Kaiser 100 

Still Fumbling with Russia 101 

A Glimmer of Hope for Ireland.- By 

Herbert L. Stewart 102 

Can Germany Recover? By Dr. Paul 

Rohrbach 104 

Correspondence 105 

Cooperating with the Cooperatives. 

By Jerome Landfield 107 

Book Reviews: 

Beneficent Results of a Wicked War 108 

Kipling — First and Last Impressions 109 

Folks and Folk 111 

Beyond the Fields We Know 111 

The Run of the Shelves 112 

The New French President. By Othon 

Guerlac 113 

Einstein and the Man in the Street. By 

Arthur Gordon Webster 114 

Music : 
The New York Opera War — Hints 
to Librettists. By Charles Henry 
Meltzer 115 

Books and the News: 
Spiritism. By Edmund Lester Pearson 118 

jTN the public mind, as distinguished 
*- from the schemes and combina- 
tions of political managers, the two 
'names that are far and away fore- 
most in the Presidential field at this 
time are those of General Wood and 
Mr. Hoover. In this circumstance 
;here is ground for genuine comfort, 
iit a time when comfort in the con- 
;emplation of our political state is a 
/ery scarce article indeed. For, what- 
ever else may be said about either of 
hese candidacies, they both rest fun- 
lamentally on great and rare achieve- 
nent. It was General Wood's admi- 
■able work in the regeneration of 
Juba that was the basis of his subse- 
Kuent career, as well as the primary 
iause of his high place in public 
fsteem. And his hold on that place 
jvas signally confirmed by the invalu- 
'ble part which his foresight, energy, 
nd efficiency played in giving the 

country some degree of preparedness 
for its entry into the great war. Mr. 
Hoover's emergence as a possible 
candidate for the Presidency arises 
still more distinctly from the exertion 
of splendid administrative powers in 
momentous work successfully accom- 
plished. In contrast with the night- 
mare of political impotence exhibited 
by both parties at Washington, these 
things shine out with special lustre, 
and it must be a solace to all patriotic 
Americans to think that they are ade- 
quately appreciated by the nation. 
That both the men were from the 
outset staunch supporters of the 
Allied cause in Europe is an addi- 
tional reason for satisfaction, and one 
by no means without importance in 
its bearing upon the future. 

"pETTER late than never is the 
■'-' thought that comes uppermost 
when one has read the sober, concise, 
and straightforward statement made 
by the Secretary of Labor on the sub- 
ject of deportations of members of 
the Communist Party of America. If 
such a statement had been made by 
Attorney General Palmer at the time 
of the recent wholesale arrests, a 
great deal of mischief would have 
been averted. The worst of the raid- 
ing business, when it is conducted in 
a sensational way, is that nobody 
knows where it is going to end. With 
no definite indication of the legal 
basis of the proceeding, and with 
many outward signs of high-handed- 
ness and lack of discrimination, it 
encourages both the extremists who 
favor a policy of ruthless repression 
and the opposite kind of extremists 
who acclaim it as proof of the accusa- 
tion, which they have long been mak- 
ing, that we are already guilty of 
oppression that puts America into 
the class of the Russia of the Tsars. 
Secretary Wilson's statement shows 
that the proceeding against the mem- 

bers of the Communist party was 
strictly in accordance with the law, 
and it gives everyone the means of 
knowing what he must do to avoid 
coming into collision with the law. 
Nevertheless, the question remains 
whether the best judgment was exer- 
cised in the application of the law, 
and also to what extent, in the prose- 
cution of the cases, administrative 
discretion should temper its execu- 
tion. No statute of this nature is in 
practice carried out with literal ex- 
actness. The matter is one of polit- 
ical expediency quite as much as of 
law. If enough is done to serve for 
warning and prevention, the purpose 
of the legislation is achieved. 

CEVERAL weeks ago, we referred 
^ to "definite and serious charges 
of misconduct" made by Harvey's 
Weekly against Norman Hapgood, 
late Minister to Denmark. Shortly 
after that, Mr. Hapgood replied to the 
charges in a full and straightforward 
statement of the facts in the case. 
The rejoinder to this statement made 
by Harvey's Weekly fails to sustain 
the charges either by adducing any 
substantial evidence of its own, or by 
pointing out any untruthfulness in 
Mr. Hapgood's statement. The sinis- 
ter interpretation which it seeks to 
put on the facts admitted by him we 
see no reason whatever for accepting. 

"T BELIEVE," says George Wash- 
-*- ington, in a statement which ac- 
companies an editorial in a New York 
newspaper pouring forth its denunci- 
ation of our "iniquitous treaty" for 
many reasons that are vague, but one 
that is explicitly stated ("because it 
refused self-determination to peo- 
ples"), "I believe it is the sincere 
wish of United America to have noth- 
ing to do with the political intrigues 
or squabbles of European nations." 
The credo, just as it is stated, is as 



[Vol. 2, No. 38 

good to-day as on the day it was 
uttered; but it does not seem to 
occur to the newspaper in question 
that if there is a single situation in 
Europe which at the moment deserves 
to be described as a squabble it is 
precisely that Irish business into 
which some more or less American 
noses are so fond of obtruding them- 
selves. On the other hand, it is absurd 
to pretend that everything that hap- 
pens in Europe is by definition "polit- 
ical intrigues and squabbles" with 
which we have no concern — the war 
and its consequences, for example. 

TF American statesmen knew Bol- 
■*• shevik Russia as well as Bolshevik 
statesmen know America, how simple 
it would be to set everything to 
rights ! Look at this admirable state- 
ment, in a note sent by Commissar 
for Foreign Affairs Chicherin to 
President Wilson October 24, 1918: 

In your country, Mr. President, the banks 
and the industries are in the hands of such a 
small group of capitahsts that, as your personal 
friend. Colonel Robins, assured us, the arrest 
of twenty heads of capitalistic cliques and the 
transfer of control, which by characteristic 
capitalistic methods they have come to possess, 
into the hands of the masses of the world is 
all that would be required to destroy the prin- 
cipal source of new wars. 

Just how much of the merit of this 
wonderful summary of American eco- 
nomic conditions is to be ascribed to 
Chicherin and how much to Ray- 
mond Robins, it is impossible to say. 
The prosperity, not only of a jest, 
but also of other interesting com- 
munications, lies in the ear of him 
who hears it. But while in this 
instance the ear was a good one, it 
is safe to say that the tongue did its 
fair share. After breathing for a 
year or two the stifling atmosphere 
of America, Colonel Robins will 
doubtless feel that it is impossible he 
should ever have said anything like 
what Chicherin states that he did; 
but to appeal from Philip drunk to 
Philip sober is not always a conclu- 
sive way of arriving at the truth. 

TJANS VORST, well known for his 

"■ excellent contributions on Rus- 
sian affairs to the Berliner Tageblatt, 
has published in that paper extracts 
from a letter written to him by a 
professor in the University of Tomsk 
who belongs to the party of the Men- 

sheviki (i. c. Minority Socialists), 
adherents of the so-called Plekhanov 
group. This man's testimony to the 
high character and patriotism of 
Kolchak is worth quoting as, coming 
from that side, it forms a strong 
refutation of the slander of which 
the Admiral has been the victim both 
in Europe and this country. The 
Siberian professor says: 

The Government of Kolchak has rendered 
extraordinary services to Russia, whatever the 
revolutionaries and their hangers-on may say 
of him. He had to work under the most try- 
ing circumstances and absolute lack of money 
and personnel. His Government has made no 
few mistakes and often veered to the Right — 
but on the whole it has steered the course of a 
democratic government which wishes to re- 
unite the divided parts of Russia and establish 
law and order in the place of Bolshevist 
tyranny. All the talk of the reactionary tend- 
encies of Kolchak's Government is down- 
right slander. Kolchak was perfectly loyal 
and his Government recognized its chief duty 
to be the reunion of Russia and the convocation 
of the legislative assembly. 

"WTE print in other columns cor- 
" respondence from Berlin by 
Dr. Paul Rohrbach, a well-knovni 
writer on German politics and, before 
the war, a prominent advocate of 
Germany's economic and colonial ex- 
pansion. We are glad to give him 
this opportunity of stating his coun- 
try's present case, which must afford 
bitter reflection to a man who had 
dreamed of quite a different future. 
But we can not help feeling that his 
appeal for material aid and mitiga- 
tion of the peace terms would have 
impressed us more if the writer 
could have assured us that, even more 
than by their physical sufferings, the 
Germans are tormented by the con- 
sciousness that, but for the crime 
against civilization to which they 
were parties, Germany and the rest 
of Europe might now be enjoying the 
continuance of old-time prosperity. 

TT is difficult to define the full bear- 
■■- ing of the Pyrrhic victory by 
which M. Millerand obtained the 
Chamber's vote of confidence in the 
entire Cabinet. Leon Daudet's attack 
on Jules Steeg, the new Minister of 
the Interior, was obviously a prelimi- 
nary skirmish by which the opposi- 
tion meant to test the strength of the 
new Government and, perhaps, to as- 
certain on what auxiliary forces they 
could reckon for the full onset that 

is to follow. It is a very heterogene- 
ous group by which the Millerand 
Cabinet is challenged. There are first 
of all the Socialist members whc 
naturally will join any opposition 
against a Government formed by the 
Bloc National. By helping to defeat 
it they would take revenge for theii 
recent discomfiture at the polls. The 
extreme Right, as whose spokesman 
Leon Daudet led the attack, will not 
be withheld from repeating the 
assault by fear of playing into the 
Socialists' hands. The latter are toe 
few in number in the new Chamber 
as compared with the representatior 
of the Bloc, to derive any substantia' 
gain from the overthrow of the 
Cabinet. These two extremes are 
strengthened by several deputies oj 
the Bloc National, who owe the n^w 
Premier a grudge for not having 
offered them or their friends a place 
in the Government. 

'T'HE personal element has always 
■'- been a strong factor in Frencl 
politics, and now that the Germar 
danger is past it reasserts itself wit! 
fresh vigor. The Frenchman's in 
terest in the contest of parties ii 
stimulated by his realistic tendencj 
to transpose the clash of abstraci 
principles into a conflict betweer 
ambitious politicians. The present 
crisis is a case in point. Behind the 
opposition looms the powerful figure 
of Briand, who, if he succeeds ir 
ousting Millerand, will be the chiel 
gainer. It was Briand who manipu 
lated the election of Paul Deschane 
to the Presidency, and in the eveni 
of the fall of the present Cabinet 
Briand will be charged by the new 
President with the formation of « 
new one. It would, therefore, have 
availed Millerand but little if he hac 
waived insistence on M. Steeg's beinj 
excluded from the vote of confidence 
in the Government. The attack or 
the Minister of the Interior was onlj 
a means to an end, and the end is 
the ousting of M. Millerand himself 
The latter's position is the more pre 
carious as he has no definite pro 
gramme to offer on which a stronj 
majority of the Chamber could h 
brought to agree. The cement of th' 
Bloc National is a negative formula 

Jami.ary 31, 1920] 



There is no unity of design between 
its various fractions as to the best 
plan for the economic reconstruction 
of the country. The financial policy 
to be adopted will be the supreme 
test of the Cabinet's vitality. The 
new Minister of Finance, Frangois- 
Marcel, has denounced the work of 
his predecessor, M. Klotz, as "inco- 
herent and altogether incapable of 
meeting the present needs of France." 
But he will soon find out the diificulty 
of steering a course which must not 
only meet the needs of France but 
must also meet with the approval of 
such an incoherent body as the Bloc 

nnHE Ohio State Bar Association, in 
■'■ annual session at Dayton last 
week, listened to a very vigorous dis- 
cussion, by Hon. John A. McMahon, 
of the attitude of labor organizations 
towards what they are pleased to call 
"government by injunction." The 
speaker showed that the injunction 

1 is an ancient familiar remedy, de- 

! veloped as a means of enabling courts 
of equity to protect citizens in their 
legal rights. "Its area of jurisdiction 
is as wide as that of human rights 
invaded by unscrupulous men." It 
has been a very common resort of 
the poor and the weak against at- 
tempts at ruthless encroachments by 

I wealth and power. Only a small per- 
centage of the cases of its use have 
had anything to do with labor con- 

j troversies. In no case has a court as- 

' sumed the authority to enjoin strikers 
simply as strikers, but only as partic- 

I ular circumstances involved them in 
the illegal infraction of the legal rights 
of others. "There is no recorde^jj case 

I where workingmen have been com- 
pelled to return to work by the order 
of any court." While admitting that 
individual judges might err in the 
discretion necessary to the use of 
such a means, the speaker argued 
very earnestly that the injunction is 
a bulwark of human right and justice 
which we can not afford to weaken. 
In the Ohio campaign for the adop- 
tion of a long series of amendments 
to the state constitution, in 1912, a 
Iproposition was submitted separately 
which limited the use of the injunc- 
tion, in cases involving the employ- 

ment of labor, merely to the protec- 
tion of physical property from vio- 
lence. It was defeated by over six- 
teen thousand votes in the State, and 
through a campaign of education led 
by Mr. McMahon it was beaten by 
more than eleven thousand in the 
counties containing the great manu- 
facturing centres of the Miami 

'T'HE slogan "1919 has been the 
-*- radicals' year, 1920 belongs to the 
sane thinkers" may represent only 
a pious hope, but it is a hope worth 
holding up before men as one 
that is at least possible of realiza- 
tion. Some recent publicity of the 
McGraw-Hill publications, appearing 
under the above caption, suggests 
large possibilities in the use of ad- 
vertising space for the purpose of 
teaching the fundamental economic 
truths in a plain and forceful way. 
The plain citizen may be pardoned if 
he feels that in his economic diet he 
must perforce choose between some 
pretty raw east wind and a simoom 
that may be heating but is not sus- 
taining. Like plant foods in the 
ground, economic truth exists in 
abundance, but for most mortals it 
is not in "available" form. In such 
a possible campaign of education, 
quite as important as explaining what 
is true, would be the effective dem- 
onstration of what is not true, or 
is characterized by the possession of 
a mere dangerous fraction of the 
truth. Indeed, it is the things that 
seem to be true that are the chief 
source of danger. The things that 
are palpably false will be seen 
through, sooner or later, by even the 
plainest citizen. But he needs to be 
put on his guard against the mischief- 
breeding half-truths and possible 
falsehoods with which he is con- 
stantly confronted. 

THE plan for a general final exami- 
nation of candidates for degrees 
at Harvard is connected by President 
Lowell, in his annual report, with the 
feeling that the individual student, 
rather than the individual course of 
study, should be treated as the unit 
in education. The general examina- 
tion is to cover the field in which the 

student has "concentrated," a tech- 
nical term in Harvard which happily 
avoids some of the suggestions of the 
more common word "specialized," or 
of the ill sounding "majored." The 
system begins with the present Fresh- 
man class, but is not obligatory on 
any department against its will. All 
departments except those of mathe- 
matics and the natural sciences have 
so far voted to make the experiment. 
Perhaps the greatest advantage of 
these examinations will be their in- 
fluence in extending and systematiz- 
ing the student's collateral reading, 
which examinations in single courses 
can not control, and which, with the 
multiplicity of present-day college 
distractions, is taken for granted far 
oftener than done. 

'T'HE suggested unionization of col- 
•*• lege and university teachers is 
discussed by President Lovejoy, of 
the Association of University Profes- 
sors, in his recently printed annual 
message to the Association. He gives 
three very forcible reasons for oppos- 
ing the scheme. In the first place, it 
is certain that a large part of the pro- 
fession would refuse to join an organ- 
ization affiliated with the American 
Federation of Labor. Again, the trade- 
union usually is, and is generally un- 
derstood to be, preponderantly eco- 
nomic in its aims and methods. It is 
not wise that the professional organ- 
ization of university teachers and in- 
vestigators should exist, in fact or 
in popular opinion, primarily for the 
purpose of increasing the salaries of 
its members, or that its characteris- 
tic business should be the application 
of economic pressure for such ends. 
Rather, its first concern should be to 
enable its members to discharge their 
distinctive function in the economy 
of modern society with the highest 
possible degree of competency and 
serviceableness. Finally, that part of 
the profession which is engaged in 
teaching the "social sciences" should 
avoid, in the interest of a suitable de- 
tachment, entangling alliances with 
any of the purely economic groups 
now struggling to retain or increase 
their share of the "social dividend." 
There is little ground to apprehend 
much dissent from this reasoning. 



[Vol. 2, No. 38 


THE New York World's courageous 
declaration in favor of Hoover 
for President has awakened an enthu- 
siastic response. It would be impos- 
sible, we believe, to find any parallel 
to the announcement, by a newspaper 
generally acknowledged to be the 
most powerful organ of its party in 
the country, that it will support a 
particular man whether he be nomi- 
nated by the Democrats or by the 
Republicans or by an independent 
movement, provided only that the 
platform on which he stands is sound 
in its fundamental character. And 
the applause that the World has 
received has come from Democrats 
even more than from Republicans, 
though there has been a great deal 
from both. 

It is being widely asserted that the 
Hoover boom, to which the World's 
announcement has given so sudden 
an impetus, has been industriously 
fostered by strong political and other 
interests. To attempt to determine 
the facts as to this aspect of it would 
be a futile undertaking. But what- 
ever may be the truth as to the exist- 
ence of any factor of this kind in the 
case, there is no question at all as to 
the existence of another factor so 
powerful as of itself to account for 
the spread of the Hoover idea — a 
factor without which the machina- 
tions of politicians and cliques would 
have been impotent to produce it. 

Without urging of any sort, the 
thoughts of thousands of citizens 
have turned to Hoover as the man 
who possesses in a unique degree 
qualifications singularly suited to the 
needs of an extraordinary situation. 
People turn to him after much the 
same fashion as in other days repub- 
lics in time of stress were wont to 
turn to "the man on horseback" as 
the only possible "savior of society." 
A republic threatened with imme- 
diate and possibly fatal convulsion is 
prone to overlook all other considera- 
tions in the presence of the overmas- 
tering need of safety. In such a situ- 
ation the one strong man whose name 
is a synonym for safety — and he is very 
apt to be "the man on horseback" — 
outclasses all competitors. Our coun- 

try is in no such plight. Neither the 
evils with which we are already con- 
tending, nor the evils that we appre- 
hend, forebode any sudden convul- 
sion or overturn. But they are of a 
seriousness unexampled in our his- 
tory; and nowhere is there any sign 
that they will be vigorously and ef- 
fectively grappled with. The pro- 
found economic disturbance brought 
on by the war enormously aggravated 
all forms of social unrest ; and to-day, 
fifteen months after the armistice, 
our reasons for anxiety as to this sit- 
uation are not less, but far greater, 
than they were when the clash of 
arms came to an end. To do what 
can be done for the betterment of 
these conditions is the one supreme 
need of the moment; and it requires 
nothing more to explain the underly- 
ing cause of the Hoover boom. For 
Hoover is the one man whose achieve- 
ments and character mark- him out as 
signally qualified to meet that need. 

The great foundation for this belief 
in his achievements and his character 
is his work in the rescue of Belgium. 
A private citizen, a man not thereto- 
fore connected with any great philan- 
thropic enterprise, he undertook a 
task before which all the world 
shrank appalled, and he achieved it. 
Not only on the economic side, but on 
its manifold human sides, he grap- 
pled with all the difficulties of an 
unexampled situation and overcame 
them. To awaken his countrymen to 
a duty of which they were slow to 
appreciate the magnitude, to enlist 
and to retain the devoted cooperation 
of the ablest assistants, to institute 
methods which brought to devastated 
Belgium the maximum of assistance 
with the minimum of pauperization — 
these were the aspects of his work 
which soon became apparent, and 
which excited the admiration and 
gratitude of all the world. It was 
only later that we came to understand 
by what combination of firmness and 
tact, of vigilance and foresight, he 
succeeded in maintaining livable rela- 
tions with the German authorities, 
while yielding nothing of the prin- 
ciple that every ounce of the help that 
he provided for the Belgians, and of 
the self-help which he made possible 
to them, was to count for their good 

and not for that of their conquerors. 
History records no more splendid 
example of the consecration of great 
powers to the service at once of 
humanity and of liberty. 

Mr. Hoover's work in Belgium was^ 
followed, when our country went into 
the war, by administrative work on a 
still greater scale, for which he was 
chosen by President Wilson because 
of the preeminent ability and energy 
which he had exhibited. In the exe- 
cution of these tasks he has mani- 
fested the same quality of practical 
insight combined with breath of vis- 
ion, as well as that perfect command 
of detail, and that genius for organi- 
zation, which were essential to the 
success of his work in Belgium. And 
he has never lost sight of the human 
elements without which even tha 
highest organization is incapable of 
achieving great ends. He did not 
underestimate, as many men of the 
merely engineering instinct might 
have done, the immense potentialities 
of voluntary cooperation at a time 
when a whole people are deeply 
stirred to a sense of patriotic duty. 
Nor has he failed, at each of several 
notable conjunctures, to say a ring- 
ing word that has had conclusive 
potency. Without in the least coun- 
tenancing preposterous notions of the 
punishment to be inflicted upon Ger- 
many, such as were fomented by 
Lloyd George in his electioneering 
campaign after the armistice, he put 
his foot down firmly when senti- 
mental pleas for the relief of the 
Germans were filling the air while 
our undivided attention was required 
for the rescue of populations that had 
been crushed in the mire by the Ger- 
man power; and when the downfall 
of Bela Kun was followed by what 
looked like a recrudescence of the 
Hapsburg idea, a few forthright 
words from Hoover gave what was 
generally regarded as the coup de 
grace to that unfortunate project. 
Preeminently a man that "does 
things," Mr. Hoover is not much of 
a talker; but when he does speak he 
hits the mark. 

To a man of this type it is natural 
that the country should turn when it 
stands in crying need of relief from 
evils in which the economic and the 

January 31, 1920] 



human elements are equally involved. 
We are not going to straighten out 
the troubles between labor and capi- 
tal either by an appeal to lofty gen- 
eralities or by the application of 
merely economic remedies. We are 
not going to deal successfully with 
the grievances that have arisen from 
the enormous advance of prices by 
exhorting men to be more high- 
minded or unselfish, nor can we do 
so by looking hither and thither for 
means of artificial legal restraint 
upon the processes of business. In 
so far as anything can be done by 
the Government for either of these 
ends, its action must be animated by 
just that combination of broad-mind- 
edness and practicality which, in the 
fields in which he has thus far been 
engaged, Mr. Hoover has so signally 
exhibited. Accordingly we believe it 
to be true that his advocates will be 
found in about equal proportions 
among those who are adherents of 
Mr. Wilson because of the loftiness 
of his idealism, and among those 
who oppose and condemn Mr. Wilson 
because of the disastrous vagueness 
of that same idealism. Men of the 
latter class are ready to welcome with 
profound relief a change from glam- 
orous generalities to concrete help- 
fulness; and we feel quite sure that 
by this time even men of the former 
class, whether they admit it to them- 
selves or not, have had a surfeit of 

So much for the case in favor of 
Mr. Hoover as a possible President 
of the United States. But strong as 
it is, it is very far from being an 
adequate case. Before we can as 
sober citizens of a self-governing 
nation declare that he is our man, 
we must know much more about the 
kind of President Mr. Hoover is likely 
to make. It has been announced by 
a friend of Mr. Hoover's that a state- 
ment will soon be forthcoming, in 
which he will lay down his views on 
the issues of the time. This may go 
far towards determining the inherent 
merits of his candidacy, even if it 
still leaves wide open the question of 
his possible nomination by either 
party. In the meanwhile, it is proper 
to point out some of the vital consid- 
erations, other than those involved !n 

his personal ability and character, 
which must be taken into account by 
the nation. 

The term of the next President will 
begin not to-morrow, but more than 
a year hence; it will end more than 
five years hence. During these five 
years great national concerns will be 
affected, other than those which at 
this moment are pressing so heavily 
upon us. The ship of state is in 
stormy waters, but, whoever is Pres- 
ident, she will right herself. She is 
not going on the rocks. It is ex- 
tremely important that we should get 
through with as little injury as pos- 
sible, but we are not reduced to the 
necessity of electing a merely emer- 
gency President. In the main, the 
salvation of the country from the 
immediate evils in the contemplation 
of which we are now absorbed must 
come from the sound sense and the 
fundamental virtues of the people 
themselves. On the other hand, the 
political and economic structure of 
the country may undergo very great 
changes, even in the course of a few 
years, through the action of those 
whom the people choose to carry on 
their Government. 

Even before the advent of Presi- 
dent Wilson, the presidency had grad- 
ually come to be a political force so 
dominant as, in the hands of a strong 
man, to overshadow all other factors. 
Whatever other issues there may be 
in the presidential campaign, one 
issue is bound to run through it, 
whether explicitly formulated or not. 
We are either going to stand by the 
fundamental principles of the Amer- 
ican political and economic system, or 
we are going to drift away from them. 
It may or may not be that Mr. Hoover 
has profound or well-defined convic- 
tions on these principles; it may or 
may not be that he realizes the essen- 
tial importance of surrounding him- 
self with men who are devoted to 
them. We can not afford to be saved 
by a wonder-worker, a superman. 
We want to get the benefit that such 
a man is capable of conferring on us 
in a time of great and extraordinary 
need, but we do not want to pur- 
chase those benefits at the sacrifice 
of the permanent character of our 
institutions. In a word, we must 

know what the election of Hoover 
would mean politically, before we can 
decide whether he is the man that 
we ought to have for President. 

New York's "Town 
Meeting Hall" 

npHE League for Political Education 
•*■ was founded twenty-five years 
ago by a little group of public-spirited 
women, of whom the late Mrs. Henry 
M. Sanders was the leader. Its 
growth has been quiet, unobtrusive, 
and steady. It is now to have a cen- 
trally located building, of ample di- 
mensions and suited to varied uses. 
If the tributes paid to its past by men 
of such diverse views as Bishop 
Burch on the one hand and Rabbi 
Wise on the other may be accepted as 
a token of the future that lies before 
it, the civic and social activities which 
are to be centred in the new building 
will in the years to come exercise an 
important influence, which will be 
felt not only in New York but 
throughout the nation. 

Not the least of the reasons for 
such an anticipation is that feature 
in its history and purposes which was 
especially dwelt upon by Mr. Robert 
Erskine Ely, to whose energy and 
devotion as its administrator the 
other speakers ascribed the chief 
share in its success. It has relied for 
its growth not upon the munificence 
of a few individuals, but upon the 
hearty cooperation of many hundreds, 
each of whom gave his or her help 
without the special urging of any- 
thing like an organized "drive." By 
way of emphasizing the point, Mr. 
Ely declared that if the $1,250,000 
needed for the new building, whose 
corner-stone was laid last Saturday, 
were to be offered to him in a single 
check, he would feel obliged to de- 
cline the gift. In the new career now 
opening for the institution, it should, 
and probably will — like the City 
Club of New York — have imitators 
throughout the country, and it is 
important that these should be in- 
spired by the same idea of self-help 
and spontaneous cooperation. 

Of the building the most conspicu- 
ous feature will be what is formally 



[Vol. 2, No. 38 

called the "Civic Auditorium," but 
what is by preference referred to as 
the "Town Meeting Hall." The 
friends of the project love to think of 
it as offering in some measure a 
revival of the New England town 
meeting. The town meeting, how- 
ever, as everybody knows, can play 
no such part in a world-city of six 
million inhabitants of the utmost con- 
ceivable heterogeneity as it did in 
the New England town of six hun- 
dred, or six thousand, transplanted 
Englishmen. Indeed, as we under- 
stand it, there are two quite distinct 
objects for which the Civic Audito- 
rium is to be established. The regu- 
larly planned lectures and discussions, 
under the auspices of the League for 
Political Education, will there have 
access to large audiences, instead of 
the comparatively small ones which 
they have hitherto reached; but dur- 
ing the greater part of every week 
the hall will be available for public 
meetings of miscellaneous character. 
The League will do well to keep 
clearly in mind, and to keep clearly 
before the public, the distinction be- 
tween these two functions. The prin- 
ciple of free speech has its bearing 
on both, and the principle of intelli- 
gent speech has its bearing on both. 
But the emphasis on freedom and the 
emphasis on intelligence should be 
different in the two. It will be a 
great thing to have a recognized 
centre where opinions and sentiments 
of almost every possible shade can 
find vent without the sponsorship of 
any organization; and accordingly 
the League should be as sparing as 
possible of any censorship of the pur- 
poses for which its hall may be used 
as a place of general assembly. On the 
other hand, a League for Political 
Education is bound by its very title 
to see to it that the matter which is 
presented under its own auspices shall 
be educative. There is a superstition 
of free speech, just as there is a 
superstition of bigotry. It may be 
right to let wild or ignorant people 
talk nonsense, but it is silly to suppose 
that such talking is educative, or 
that it is sure to be harmless. The 
views set forth by speakers for a 
League of Political Education need 
not be in accord with what the offi- 

cers of the League think just or 
desirable, but they must fulfill one 
condition — that of being the result of 
sober and competent thought. To be 
a lecturer for such an association is 
not a natural right, but an acquired 
privilege. Undoubtedly, it has been 
upon this principle that the League 
has proceeded 'in the past; but once 
it gets into the limelight in its larger 
sphere of operations it will be likely 
to meet with much sophomoric criti- 
cism if it continues to adhere to it. 

Another of the uses to which the 
building is to be put appeals to us 
perhaps even more strongly. It will 
house a club for men and women, to 
which admission will be easy, and of 
which the annual membership fee is 
to be only fifteen dollars. There ought 
to be a score of such clubs in New 
York, and every city should have one 
or more of them. To a large class 
of women especially it would supply 
something the absence of which it is 
pitiful to contemplate when one thinks 
how easily it might be provided. 
There are in New York tens of thou- 
sands of women living solitary lives 
of hard work, women of education 
and refinement, whose life would be 
transformed by the mere possibility 
of such human contact as a club of 
this kind would furnish. In many 
cases the effect of this contact would 
be to open opportunities for civic or 
social usefulness which these women 
would eagerly welcome, and from 
that standpoint alone the existence of 
the club would be more than justified. 
But it is the benefit to the individuals 
themselves — men as well as women, 
but women most because they need it 
most — to which we attach the highest 
value. The civic or public side will 
be peculiar to such a club as is to be 
housed in the League's building; but 
if this should prove a success, lesser 
clubs, clubs of a neighborhood char- 
acter, ought to find their cue in it. 
Without any aspiration for larger re- 
sults, such clubs would do their share 
in filling a need not less acute than 
that for social or political reform — 
the need of a livable life for thousands 
of individual men and women op- 
pressed by the utter bareness and 
unfriendliness of their social sur- 

Holland and the ex- 

TN its note to the Netherlands Gov- 
-*- ernment demanding the extradi- 
tion of the ex-Kaiser, the Supreme 
Council expressed the opinion that 
"Holland would not fulfill her inter- 
national duty if she refused to asso- 
ciate herself with the Entente Powers, 
within the limit of her ability, to 
pursue, or at least not to impede, the 
punishment of crimes committed." 
The Council has thus, in anticipation, 
condemned Queen Wilhelmina and 
her Government as lacking in duty 
to the rest of the world. It seems 
open to doubt whether it is in accord- 
ance with that high international 
policy in whose name the demand for 
extradition was made to force, by 
the threat of a stigma, the Kingdom 
into fulfilling its alleged duty. A com- 
pliance with the request, since that 
menace was made, would, whether 
justly or not, have been explained as 
due to Holland's fear of the conse- 
quences of a refusal. Holland was 
thus given only the choice between 
fulfilling a new-sprung duty without 
receiving credit for her moral sense 
and satisfying her own conscience by 
a strict adherence to the laws of the 
kingdom and national tradition. 

The decision, though thus facili- 
tated for Holland by the threat of 
the Powers, would not have fallen 
out otherwise if they had simply 
appealed to her "respect for law and 
love of justice." It is on these very 
principles that Queen Wilhelmina has 
based her refusal ; respect, indeed, for 
the laws of the kingdom and love of 
that justice which is embodied in na- 
tional tradition. Those two were the 
only principles by which her Govern- 
ment could let itself be guided, as no 
international law exists on which the 
demand of the Powers could be based. 
There is greater force in that argu- 
ment than in the plea, put forward 
by French editors and politicians, 
that the demand is founded on a new 
moral law which, by its application 
to the ex-Kaiser's case, would be 
carried out of the sphere of theory 
into that of international practice. 
THe prestige of the International 

Janiiaiy 31, 1920] 



Code of Law would suffer from this 
novel mode of enactment, contrary to 
the juristic principles of all civilized 
countries. Taking this point of view, 
which seems to us unimpeachable, the 
Government of the Queen declared 
that "if in the future there should be 
instituted by the society of nations 
an international jurisdiction, com- 
petent to judge in case of war deeds, 
qualified as crimes and submitted to 
its jurisdiction by statute antedating 
the acts committed, it would be fit for 
Holland to associate herself with the 
new regime." 

The Dutch press seems to be unani- 
mous in its approval of the Govern- 
ment's attitude. We should wrong 
the Hollanders if we ascribed their 
satisfaction to any love for the exile 
of Amerongen or to a wish to con- 
done the many crimes committed in 
his name. If they could, without 
prejudice to their national honor, get 
rid of the intruder, they would gladly 
see the last of him. Those who re- 
fuse the Kaiser's extradition would 
be more glad of a justifiable reason 
for delivering him than the Allied 
Governments probably would be of 
receiving him at their hands. The 
Dutch reply must have brought a 
sense of relief to the Cabinets in 
Paris and London. The fear lest the 
failure to enforce one provision of 
the Treaty of Versailles should in- 
validate others has small basis. It is 
not the German Government which 
raises the obstacle, but a Power which 
can, and does, claim as a reason for 
refusing the Council's demand that 
it is not a party to that treaty. 

The two parties chiefly concerned 
have good cause, therefore, to thank 
Queen Wilhelmina's Government for 
its decision: the Entente Powers, 
which are barred from the dubious 
honor of establishing a new interna- 
tional law which would set up the 
accuser as judge in his own case, and 
the Dutch nation, which has the satis- 
faction of seeing its respect for law 
and tradition prevail over its aversion 
to the guest who, little to his honor, 
abuses that feeling for his own safety. 
It is only the ex-Kaiser himself who, 
j if he were the man he has so long 
pretended to be, should regret a con- 
clusion which prevents him fro^-" ris- 

ing out of his present obscurity into 
the full glare of the world's stage, 
to make his exit as a martyr. 

Still Fumbling with 

A NNOUNCEMENTS in recent offi- 
-^ cial Soviet Government newspa- 
pers, as well as from the Soviet 
authorities themselves, confirm the 
statement made in our last week's 
issue that the Russian Cooperative 
organizations were under control of 
the Soviet Government, and that to 
trade with the Cooperatives as pro- 
posed in the announcement of the 
Supreme Council is to deal with the 
Soviet Government. 

The real meaning and intent of the 
announcement are still far from 
clear. Three possible explanations 
have been suggested. The first is that 
Alexander Berkenheim, sometime rep- 
resentative of the Central Union of 
Consumers' Cooperatives, had taken 
in the Supreme Council and led them 
to believe that it was possible to deal 
with the Russian people through the 
Cooperatives independently of the 
Soviet Government; in other words, 
that it was possible "to go over the 
heads of the Government to the peo- 
ple." The cryptic remark in the an- 
nouncement concerning "the report 
of a committee appointed to consider 
the reopening of certain trade rela- 
tions with the Russian people" may 
refer to Berkenheim and his assist- 
ant, Krovopuskov. The latter has 
now admitted that the Cooperatives 
are completely controlled by the 
Soviet Government. A second view 
is that the announcement is a scarcely 
veiled proposal to enter into negotia- 
tions with and recognize the Soviet 
Government. This, however, seems 
unlikely in view of the categorical 
statement that the arrangement im- 
plies no change in the policies of the 
Allied Governments toward the Soviet 
Government, and also because the 
proposal has been coldly received by 
the Soviet authorities. A third sup- 
position is that Lloyd George put 
forth, for its political eifect upon the 
radical labor element in England and 
elsewhere, a proposal of which he 

knew well that nothing would come 
in practice, but for the failure of 
which he could place the blame on 
the Soviet Government itself. 

In connection with this, it is in- 
teresting to note that the pro-Bolshe- 
vist press charges a British i51ot to 
secure a favorable trade position, re- 
gardless of what develops in Russia, 
and to exclude America from similar 
opportunities. Attention is called to 
the fact that the action at Paris was 
taken after America had burned her 
bridges behind her by the deportation 
of the Russian "Reds" and by the 
publication of the State Department 
memorandum on Bolshevism. Mean- 
while the Allied policy toward Soviet 
Russia is a mass of inconsistencies 
and contradictions. Side by side with 
the proposal to trade with the Rus- 
sian people comes the recognition of 
the independence of Georgia and 
Azerbaijan and the promise of assist- 
ance to Poland in her struggle against 
the Bolsheviks. It must be reiterated 
that the announced policy of placing 
a "barbed-wire fence" around Bol- 
shevik Russia is fraught with great 
danger. Any proposal that threatens 
the unity and integrity of Russia 
tends to unite patriotic anti-Bolshevik 
Russians under the Bolshevik banner 
for the defense of the unity of their 
country, and discourages those forces 
which are making for revoljition from 
within. Nothing could be more dis- 
astrous to Europe than to have the 
war against Bolshevism transformed 
into a war against Russia. 


A weekly journal of political and 

general discussion 

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The National Weekly Corporation 

140 Nassau Street, New York 

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Copyright, 1920, in the United States of 






[Vol. 2, No. 38 

A Glimmer of Hope for Ireland 

TT would be premature to express 
-'• more than a tentative judgment 
upon the new proposals about Ire- 
land until we have the full text of the 
Government bill. So far we have only 
an outline of its broad principle, and 
there are immensely important mat- 
ters of detail which one still eagerly 
awaits. But some salient points at 
least are clear. 

Full recognition is to be granted to 
the claim that Ulster, no less than the 
rest of Ireland, shall "determine her- 
self." Mr. Lloyd George insists that 
no plan is admissible which does not 
rest on general consent, though his 
recommendations clearly imply that 
this consent may be the outcome 
rather than the prerequisite of a well- 
conceived reform. He has in mind 
Gladstone's central doctrine that pop- 
ular sympathy must in the end be en- 
listed by any constitution which is to 
succeed, and he will not limit the 
scope of this rule to one part of the 
island only. Whatever the causes, 
reasonable or unreasonable, which 
divorce public feeling from the ad- 
ministration, he realizes that these 
must be considered, and, so far as 
possible, removed. The obstacles 
which have their root in reason will, 
of covii-5c, be more manageable than 
those which spring from unreason, 
and Mr. Lloyd George's many 
speeches on Home Rule bills in the 
past leave us in no doubt that for him 
"Ulster" has been the seat of the 
more irrational obstinacy. But this, 
too, he is anxious to meet and to rec- 
oncile. The new scheme assumes 
that it is the melancholy discord 
among Irishmen themselves which 
now stands in the way of settlement, 
and that circumstances exclude the 
hope of overcoming this conflict by 
the mechanical imposition of a com- 
mon legislative assembly. Hence it 
is proposed to divide the country, at 
least for a time, into two areas, giv- 
ing to each a provincial legislature, 
and setting up besides a federal 
council to form, for certain carefully 
defined purposes, a connecting link 
between the two. The temporary 
character of this arrangement is em- 

phasized by the provision which the 
bill is to include for bringing the two 
provinces in the end more intimately 
together. It is to be within the power 
of the provincial legislatures them- 
selves, ivithout further reference to 
the Imperial Parliament, to decree 
their own fusion into a single House. 

Thus the bill makes room for the 
simultaneous acceptance of two prin- 
ciples hitherto deemed irreconcilable. 
It removes all ground of complaint 
on the part of "Ulster" that she is be- 
ing coerced, and it entrusts to Irish- 
men alone — uncontrolled by outsiders 
— the next step to a complete na- 
tional unity. No doubt the Ulster- 
men will protest that their chief 
weapon is to be forced from their 
hands when they are deprived of the 
power of appeal to English, Scottish, 
and Welsh support. On the other 
side the southern folk may feel 
aggrieved that for the purpose of the 
next negotiation, which can not be 
far distant, thirty per cent, of voters 
in the north is to be held equivalent 
to seventy per cent, in the south. 
But on the whole the plan seems a 
remarkable feat of ingenuity. 

The self-determination which is 
here acknowledged is something very 
different from that which to certain 
dreamers seems to imply an inde- 
pendent IrishRepublic. Constitutional 
nationalists, like the writer of this 
article, must welcome the unambigu- 
ous terms in which Mr. Lloyd George 
bids defiance to any such proposal. 
That in this respect, if in no other, 
they can join hands with even the 
most inveterate Ulster opponent is 
among the tokens, still too few, of a 
possible reconciliation. 

If Sir Edward Carson and his 
friends acquiesce in the new policy, 
they will have to abandon some 
of their most cherished arguments. 
They used to say, for example, 
that they had comparatively little 
fear for the interest of the "Planta- 
tion Counties" under Home Rule, for 
these would be well able to look after 
themselves, and that their chief 
anxiety was for their scattered 
brethren so hopelessly outnumbered 

in Leinster, Munster, and Connaught. 
These last, to use the old Ulster 
phrase, are to be "thrown to the 
wolves." But the southern and west- 
ern Unionists have, ever since the 
1916 Convention, voluntarily aban- 
doned their would-be protectors, and 
have distressingly avowed that the 
wolves have for them no terror at all ! 
Again, it used to be a Unionist con- 
tention that "Ulster" means the 
whole geographical entity of nine 
counties — an idea obviously in the in- 
terest of those who urged it, so long 
as the northern province was ex- 
pected to remain in parliamentary 
union with Great Britain. Will this 
view be retained when the fate of 
the northern province is to be decided 
by its own inhabitants alone? Will 
Sir Edward Carson agree to have an 
autonomous province which contains 
some fifty per cent, of Home Rulers? 
Or will he devise a new zigzag 
boundary line, in utter neglect of that 
geography about which we once heard 
so much, and cutting out an irregular 
but homogeneous area of his own 
pledged supporters? Some humorist 
has already suggested "Carsonshire" 
as a name for the strange province 
that would thus be created. But to 
accept this would be to introduce a 
permanent hindrance to the amalga- 
mation that the bill contemplates. We 
must wait to see how this very essen- 
tial point is determined when the full 
text of the measure is before us. On 
the principle of division the Prime 
Minister's introductory statement 
was far from definite. He spoke of 
tracing out "homogeneous areas," 
and there was more than a hint that 
homogeneity was to be determined 
by religion. But we must wait to see 
whether he really meant so disas- 
trous a scheme of cleavage. 

Meantime we have much reason to 
hail some features of unusually rich 
promise in the plan as we have so far 
been allowed to know it. First of all, 
it is much to have resolutely faced 
the problem of the Irish schism, how- 
ever we may have to deplore its 
existence, and with whatever san- 
guine hope we may anticipate its ex- 
tinction. Such extinction will be best 
promoted by talking less of the 
grounds of variance in the past, and 

January 31, 1920] 



setting the discordant parties to work 
together, even under some disagree- 
able limits, in their own house with a 
common responsibility for the pres- 
ent. The late Mr. John Redmond 
once declared in ever-memorable 
words that almost any compromise 
should be welcomed which did not 
shut out the future chance of a really 
united Ireland. He was willing to 
accept even the plan of a local option 
by counties for a period of six years, 
after which the whole problem might 
be reopened, though he well knew 
that at least four counties were cer- 
tain to separate themselves from the 
rest. Things have moved fast and 
far since that statesmanlike conces- 
sion was defeated of its purpose. But 
the granting to "Ulster" of a legisla- 
tive exclusion, until such time as 
Ulstermen shall themselves decide to 
come in, is in exactly the same spirit 
of far-sighted conciliation. 

It is much, too, that the new bill 
will withdraw the ultimate settlement 
of Irish internal difference from the 
corrupting influence of party politics 
across the Channel. Perhaps the 
deepest source of the long difficulty 
has been the fact that Ireland has 
been the obvious and habitual tool 
for rival ambitions to exploit in in- 
terests quite apart from her own. 
Long before this her domestic feud 
night have been composed if it had 
lot served the turn of second-rate 
ooliticians elsewhere to intensify it. 
Jnder this bill she will be exposed 
that risk no longer. And to those 
vho fear that the first step of the 
outhern province as now dominated 
ly Sinn Fein would be to declare an 
ndependent republic the simple reply 
3 that the powers of the new legis- 
itures will be defined by the statute 
/hich creates them, and that a revo- 
itionary move of this sort is as easily 
rohibited as a corresponding move 
f-if such were conceivable — by Gn- 
jirio or Nova Scotia. To all, except 
n the one hand the irreconcilable 
inn Fein, and on the other the no 
ss irreconcilable Ulster Covenant- 
I's, Mr. Lloyd George's plan is full 
'" fresh possibilities for good. 
The smart critics say that previous 
ills satisfied somebody, but that this 
11 will satisfy nobody, and they take 

for granted that herein lies its suffi- 
cient condemnation. But is this a 
defect ? Is it not rather a conspicuous 
merit, without which one would doubt 
that a settlement was in sight? 

It is safe to guess that not one, 
even among the sub-committee re- 
sponsible for drawing up the provi- 
sions, is satisfied with every clause 
of them, and it is certain that Irish- 
men of all parties both at home and 
abroad can see much to justify their 
own discontent. One can understand 
how English critics hate to see self- 
government inaugurated at a moment 
of such intense passion between 
classes, when the voice of moderate 
men is drowned in clamor, and when 
the apostles of violence hold so great 
a part of Ireland in their grip. One 
can appreciate, too, how all genuine 
Irishmen revolt against an arrange- 
ment which will even for a time 
divide their kindred into hostile 
camps, revive old memories that 
should long since have been allowed 
to die, and oflficially acknowledge the 
wretched doctrine of "two nations." 
Still deeper must be the disgust of 
all who remember how needless and 
artificial are these hindrances, how 
political manoeuvering for place and 
power has found its ready instrument 
in envenoming a wound that had al- 
most healed, how many chances were 
m,issed for a settlement that promised 
well, so that the only chance still 
open is for a settlement that promises 
indifferently. Speaking as an Irish- 
man to my compatriots I would say 
that if we are mere disputants, 
wrangling about "who is to blame," 
we shall find it easy to dwell upon a 
dozen grounds for discontent with 
either this bill or any other bill that 
the wit of man can now devise. 

But we have something better to 
do than to recapitulate our case 
against the coercions and postpone- 
ments, the stupid misunderstandings, 
the wilful chicaneries, the Carsonism 
that inspired Sinn Fein, and the Sinn 
Fein that stooped to take its model 
from Carsonism. These matters will 
belong to history, and we leave it in 
confidence to the historians to do 
stern justice. It is for living Irish- 
men to take their own decisions for 
the future in the light of the present. 

The cool-headed are always a small 
group, but it would be idle to deny 
that they are dissatisfied too. What 
dissatisfies them is not, however, the 
fault of the proposed bill, but the 
lamentable circumstance that a better 
bill is not, in the light of the whole 
situation, at present practicable. We 
must not blame the unfairness of 
Ministers when the trouble lies in 
the desperate nature of the business 
they are trying to mend, and, even if 
we believe that some of them have 
themselves to thank for their diffi- 
culties, let us give them the credit 
of rising to a task which they have at 
length, though slowly, come to appre- 
ciate. Nothing is settled by invoking 
"self-determination" until one has 
defined the area that can be called a 
national self.' 

Mr. Lloyd George has come to un- 
derstand the truth of that old saying 
of Mirabeau that for men dealing 
with a national crisis there must 
often be a bold "swallowing of for- 
mulas." But in the present proposal 
about Ireland the formula of self-de- 
termination is being sanely though 
not slavishly kept in view. 

Not by pleasing those who think 
that they are not "self-determined" 
until they have got all they either 
asked or wished, not by deferring for- 
ever to those who refuse to see the 
need for a generous programme of 
give and take, not by taking seriously 
those who have sworn in advance a 
"Covenant" about what "under no 
circumstances" they will accept, will 
this problem be guided to a solution. 
What Ministers seem at last to real- 
ize is that they have been led to the 
present situation in part at least 
through their long delays, their dex- 
terous chopping and changing, in the 
vain hope that extremists can be 
cajoled into combining. The new 
scheme is not for the complete satis- 
fying of anyone, but for the estab- 
lishment of an order with which all 
reasonable men should, at least for 
the time, be satisfied. If Mr. Lloyd 
George will only preserve an impar- 
tial courage towards all the violent 
alike, whether they are his own elec- 
toral friends or foes, there is a glim- 
mering of hope. 

Herbert L. Stewart 



[Vol. 2, No. 38 

Can Germany Recover? 

THE other day I received a number of 
the Japan Financial and Economic 
Monthly, a periodical edited by Japanese 
but written in English. The editors had 
asked several leading politicians and 
strategists for their opinion as to the 
future of Germany. The answers all 
agreed in asserting that Germany's 
power of economic recuperation is not 
broken, and that she is destined to make 
rapid progress in social developments by 
which she will recover her former posi- 
tion among the nations. These Japanese 
prophets evinced a common tendency to 
reckon on this expected revival of Ger- 
many as a trump card which Japan can 
play out against the Anglo-Saxon na- 
tions. Dr. Misao Kanbe, a professor in 
the University of Kyoto, expressed him- 
self thus: "Germany is bound to create 
a new civilization, which will compete 
with the Anglo-Saxon world and its capi- 
talistic system." The Marquis Okuma, 
who was Prime Minister in the Cabinet 
which declared war on Germany, is of 
opinion that Germany, when peace has 
been concluded, will doubtless resume 
her economic life-and-death struggle 
with all the nations of the world. Espe- 
cially the English and Americans will 
experience that." 

Similar statements are made by Japa- 
nese residing in Germany. They are not 
to be shaken in their belief that the Ger- 
man nation will recover its strength and 
fix on a conscious policy for international 
reconstruction. Every foreigner who 
visits Germany is anxious to find out 
what are the real political intentions of 
Germanjf,_of the Government, and of the 
leading personalities among the nation. 
In the press of the Entente countries, 
especially of France, there is a great 
deal of talk about German plans and 
purposes against which the Allies should 
be on their guard. A French General in 
the Baltic region recently said to a Swed- 
ish interviewer that the refusal of the 
German troops to evacuate the Baltic 
Provinces had convinced him of the exist- 
ence of a Russo-German conspiracy 
against the peace of the world! 

To those who know the actual condi- 
tions in Germany, who have lived 
through the Revolution and have 
watched its further development, such 
notions seem either bitter irony or, if 
they are not, they afford an illustration 
of the levity with which lack of knowl- 
edge forms its opinions. Is it at all pos- 
sible that Germany will again become an 
economic force in the world? If the 
Peace Terms of Versailles are not altered 
in any way and Germany is left without 
aid in her present state of distress, there 
is no chance of her economic recovery. 
In that case Germany's political bank- 
ruptcy is inevitable, bringing in its 

train private bankruptcy and a terrible 
proletarisation of the whole nation. 

It is impossible for the German nation 
to maintain its life on the territory left 
to it by the peace of Versailles. Before 
the war about one-tenth of the necessary 
bread-corn had to be imported, and a 
similar proportion of meat had to come 
from abroad. 

It would seem as if, with increased 
economy, the nation would be able to 
live on the products of its own soil and 
land. But the experience of the war has 
shown that this is not possible. First 
of all, the maximum produce of agricul- 
ture, in spite of German kali, could not 
be maintained without a large supply of 
mineral manures from abroad. Manu- 
factured inventions can only partly re- 
place them, as there are no substitutes 
for phosphates, only for nitrogen. In 
the second place, agriculture needs a 
large stock of cattle and horses for ma- 
nuring and team-work. But our live 
stock has been reduced by the war, and 
the prevailing dearth of fodder precludes 
its extension. Thirdly, German stock- 
raising, before the war a flourishing 
trade, depended largely on foodstuffs im- 
ported from abroad, especially all kinds 
of so-called "Kraftfutter," residues of 
oil-refining and such like. With the ces- 
sation of their import, the cattle dete- 
riorated and produced less milk. With- 
out this foreign food the stock can not 
be maintained in sufficient numbers. 
And lastly, Germany could only remain 
self-supporting as long as the eastern 
provinces produced more corn than they 
consumed themselves. Of these gran- 
aries Germany has lost two almost en- 
tirely, Posen and West Prussia, and 
large parts of Silesia and East Prussia 
will also, probably, be taken from her. 
The result, in the present and the fu- 
ture, is such a large shortage of home- 
produced foodstuffs that, even with the 
utmost economy, Germany can not pos- 
sibly subsist on her own output. 

There are three possibilities left to 
her: imports from abroad, emigration 
of the population surplus for which no 
food can be provided, and gradual reduc- 
tion of the number of inhabitants by 
hunger and suffering. By a fair esti- 
mate, Germany, after the cession of the 
territory required by the treaty, will 
contain a little less than 60. million 
people. Before the war this number was 
67 millions, and, if peace had been main- 
tained, it would now have risen to over 
71 millions. It is difficult to make a guess 
at the number which Germany, reduced 
in size, will be able to maintain on her 
own resources; probably no more than 
40-45 millions. How will Germany pay 
for the foodstuffs which must be im- 
ported if the other 15 or 20 millions are 

to be kept alive? She has no raw mate- 
rials to export in return, except kali, 
part of which comes from Alsace, now 
ceded to France. Manufactures are the 
only means of payment left to her. But 
in order to engage in manufacture Ger- 
many needs raw materials: wool and 
cotton, metals, wood, caoutchouc, hides, 
etc. Without these supplies, Germany's 
economic life is paralyzed. The only 
great industry which, in that case, could 
still subsist is the steel industry; all 
other industrial concerns would amount 
to very little. And even the steel indus- 
try will be doomed if the mines in 
Silesia and Poland are to be ceded to 

It is clear, therefore, that Germany, 
of her own power, is not able to recover 
economically so as to keep the nation 
from starving. First of all, raw mate- 
rials must be obtained from abroad, so 
that the industries can start afresh. 
That can only be done on credit, as the 
German mark has lost all purchasing 
power. The scarcity of raw materials 
for all industries, on the other hand, 
forces prices to a fabulous height, and 
the buyers of such scanty products of 
manufacture as are on the market are 
mostly not Germans, but foreigners, who, 
in consequence of the abnormally high 
purchasing power of the dollar, can buy 
Germany empty at little expense. Half 
a year ago the price of a beautiful China 
dinner service was M. 1500, of a foun- 
tain pen, M. 30; of a small electric cook- 
ing apparatus, M. 50. To-day these prices 
have gone up to M. 3800, M. 70, and 
M. 120. When you inquire into the 
cause of this rise, the salesman will tell 
you that the material is growing scarce 
and that the foreigners pay any price, 
as at the present exchange rate the most 
exorbitant charges seem still cheap to 

The general aversion to work which 
came as a natural reaction after the 
hardships and deprivations of the war, 
and as a consequence of the new revolu- 
tionary "Liberty," lasted for about eight 
months. In the early autumn of 1919 the 
will to work began to come back to the 
people. To-day the majority are willing 
to exert themselves; only a terroristic 
minority opposes the return to labor, 
wishing to continue the revolutionary 
movement to the point of anarchy. But 
how shall the people be set to work with- 
out raw materials, and without sufficient 
food to make the masses physically fit 
for the task? The rich can afford to pay 
five or six times the price they formerly 
used to spend on the necessaries of life, 
but the masses can only subsist if the 
State, by paying the surplus on bread 
and meat prices, keeps them down at a 
normal level. How long will that last? 
There is still a small reserve stock of 
foodstuffs, especially of those suppliec 
>>v America at a time when the Germai 

January 31, 1920] 



mark had not yet abnormally depreciated. 
But in March or April a severe crisis is 
to be expected. The scarcity of milk is 
the gravest calamity. Berlin, before the 
war, consumed a million liters of milk 
a day. At present it receives a daily 
supply of only 150,000 liters, as a great 
number of cows have had to be slaugh- 
tered and the rest yield less milk than 
before. American powdered milk is sold 
at M. 10 a packet, a price which only 
few people can pay. The children, the 
sick, and the old people are the chief 
sufferers. The Entente insists on the 
j surrender by Germany of 140,000 more 
i milch-cows, which means, at their pres- 
ent abnormally low yield, a daily loss of 
about one million liters. 

Is it possible to organize the emigra- 
tion of 15 million Germans within a suf- 
ficiently short period to prevent a grave 
crisis of unemployment and starvation in 
the coming years? The question implies 
its own denial. Germany is still in a 
somewhat better condition than Austria. 
There hunger scourges the country, and 
people are dying in masses. The mor- 
tality figures of last year in Vienna 
reveal a terrible scene of suffering. The 
death rate is twice what it was in peace 
time, and child mortality has risen by 
300 per cent. In the clinics at Vienna 
new-born children are frozen to death, 
as the hospitals can not be heated. The 
price of firewood is prohibitive: two 
pounds of wet wood, which does not even 
burn, cost 154 to 2 kronen. Since the 
beginning of the cold season 90 per cent, 
of the Viennese population have not had 
a coal or a log on the hearth. The few 
pounds that can be procured are used for 
cooking the dinner, if food can be found. 
The people are shivering in their houses 
until they can creep into bed. Jewelry, 
furniture, etc., are sold to get money 
for food. The birth of a child means 
fresh terror. A sick child is a doomed 
child. A well-known Viennese physician, 
a well-to-do man, lost last winter three 
children who all died of hunger-grippe; 
i. e., they were so weakened by hunger 
that their constitutions could not offer 
any resistance to the disease. A fourth 
child remained alive, thanks to a few 
weeks' visit, in the preceding summer, 
at the house of some kindly people in 
Switzerland who let it eat its fill. 

But even worse than in Vienna is the 
sondition of the German districts of 
Bohemia. The reporter of a Hamburg 
paper, who, in an automobile of the 
Hoover Commission, made a tour through 
;he "German Hell," as the "Bohmisch- 
sachsische Erzgebirge" is now called, 
?ave the following description of his 
ixperience: "I saw the interpreter of 
he American Mission sob at the sight 
lit the babies; I saw an American hos- 
lital- nurse, whose nerves had been 
lardened by a five years' lazaret service, 
rop unconscious in the presence of the 

starved skeleton of an old woman ; I saw 
children of a year old who weighed less 
than at their birth; and I visited some 
large communities where 90 per cent, of 
the children were rachitic and do not 
learn to walk until they are three years 
old." Conditions as bad as these are as 
yet found only in a few parts of Ger- 
many. But they are indications of what 
will happen, if Germany is to be left 
without raw materials for her industries 
and the food supply from her own soil 
remains insufficient to feed the nation. 
The scarcity of both will have a paralyz- 
ing effect on German initiative and Ger- 
man hope. 

It is, therefore, quite out of the ques- 
tion that Germany could plan an active 
economic campaign abroad, as without 
foreign support she can not even avoid 
a domestic catastrophe. That support 
must be given in the form of an imme- 
diate supply of raw materials and food- 
stuffs, and by a mitigation of those terms 
of the Peace of Versailles which, apart 
from the present acute distress, tend to 
paralyze the country's vitality. First 
among these are the uncertainty as to 
the amount which Germany will have to 
pay, and the possibility that any Entente 
Power which should remain lastingly 
hostile to the German people may inter- 
fere in Germany's economic life with 
negative, obstructive, and confiscatory 
measures in carrying out the provisions 
of the treaty. 

Bolshevism has little chance of thriv- 
ing in Germany. It could only gain 
ascendancy if distress and despair rose 
to such a height as is unavoidable in the 
event of national labor being left with- 
out the means of recovery. The Gov- 
ernment can remain in control of the 
industrial masses only as long as it can 
secure them employment and a living 
wage, and if it possesses the means to 
keep a sufficiently large military force. 
German militarism is done for in con- 
sequence of the experiences and hard- 
ships of the war. The parties which are 
trying to revive the monarchical military 
aspirations of former days are actuated 
by the hope that such bitter need and 
unrest may develop as to cause the 
people, in their despair, to wish for a 
return of the old order. Neither is there 
any truth in the rumor that the Govern- 
ment is planning an alliance with Russia 
and a common Russo-German policy 
against western Europe. Such suspi- 
cions overestimate the energy and capac- 
ities of the men who are now at the head 
of the Government. The armed forces 
which Germany needs — and she needs 
more than the Entente will allow her — 
are wanted as a safeguard against inter- 
nal anarchical crises, which are unavoid- 
able if aid from abroad and mitigation of 
the peace terms are refused. 

Dr. Paul Rohrbach 
Berlin, December 23, 1919 


"Two-thirds of Both 

To the Editors of The Review: 

In your issue of the 17th inst. under 
the caption of "Two-Thirds of Both 
Houses," you well say with reference to 
the vote upon the so-called Eighteenth 
Amendment : 

The objection thus raised rests on no fine- 
spun or metaphysical view ; it is simply a ques- 
tion of fact. It was not "two-thirds of both 
houses," but only two-thirds of the members 
voting, that placed the Eighteenth Amendment 
before the Legislatures for ratification. The 
Supreme Court, when the case is brought 
before it, will have to pass upon the question 
whether two-thirds of the members voting are 
to be regarded as two-thirds of the House. 

But this question has been before the 
United States Supreme Court. It is true 
it has not been before it with reference 
to the requisites to initiating a proposed 
constitutional amendment, but in con- 
nection with the provision relative to 
the passage of a bill over the presidential 
veto, which is: 

If after such reconsideration two-thirds of 
that house (i. e., the place of origin) shall 
agree to pass the bill, it shall be sent together 
with the objections to the other house, by 
which it shall likewise be reconsidered, and if 
approved by two-thirds of that house, it shall 
become a law. 

The opinion in Missouri Pacific Ry. 
Co. V. Kansas, 248 U. S. 276, involving 
the so-called Webb-Kenyon Law with 
respect to inter-state traffic in liquor, 
handed down January 7, 1919, by the 
Court (with the same personnel as at 
present) interpreted this provision. 

In ruling against the contc«t!on that 
"two-thirds" as thus used means two- 
thirds of the entire membership, the 
Court prefaced its decision with the fol- 
lowing language (p. 279) : 

In view, however, of the importance of the 
subject, and with the purpose not to leave 
unnoticed the grave misconceptions involved 
in the arguments by which the proposition 
relied upon is sought to be supported, we come 
briefly to dispose of the subject, 

and supported its conclusions by analogy 
to the practice on constitutional amend- 
ments, saying (p. 281) : 

The identity between the provision of 
Article V of the Constitution giving the power 
by a two-thirds vote to submit amendments 
and the requirement we are considering as to 
the two-thirds vote necessary to override a 
veto make the practice as to the one applicable 
to the other. 

As regards that practice. Chief Justice 
White said (p. 283) : 

The settled rule, however, was so clearly and 
aptly stated by the Speaker, Mr. Reed, in the 
House, on the passage in 1898 of the amend- 
ment to the Constitution providing for the 
election of Senators by vote of the people, 
that we quote it . . . "The question 
is one that has been so often decided that it 
seems hardly necessary to dwell upon it. The 



[Vol. 2, No. 38 

provision of the Constitution says 'two-thirds 
of both houses.' What constitutes a House? 
A quorum of the membership, a majority, one- 
half and one more. That is all that is neces- 
sar>- to constitute a House to do all the busi- 
ness that comes before the House." 

Now that somewhat similar language 
of the Constitution is before the Supreme 
Court for construction, it is necessary, 
if we are to reach a different result, to 
overcome the dictum of that tribunal in 
the course of its reasoning to sustain the 
validity of the Webb-Kenyon Act. More- 
over, the ruling of Speaker Reed has to 
be disapproved, and — what then is to 
come of the constitutional change with 
respect to the popular election of sena- 

The difficulty seems to have arisen 
from the fact that there is some uncer- 
tainty as to how many of the Congress 
voted in favor of the first ten amend- 
ments to the Constitution — The Bill of 
Rights — a most important feature of that 
instrument, itself appealed to for the 
overthrow of the Eighteenth Amendment, 
as violative of due process of law and the 
reserved rights of the States and those 
of the peoples of the States. These 
amendments were passed by the vote of 
two-thirds of those present — non constat, 
however, but that this vote was equiva- 
lent to two-thirds of the entire member- 
ship of both houses. 

The question first arose when the 
Twelfth Amendment, providing for a 
change in the method of electing the 
President and Vice-President, was under 
consideration. In the House the Fed- 
eralists objected to it as unconstitutional 
because instead of two-thirds the vote of 
the entire Senate, it had obtained the 
vote of only two-thirds of those present; 
but the S^neaker ruled against the objec- 
tion on the precedent set in the case of 
the first ten amendments (Ames, pp. 79, 
295). The question arose next in 1861 
when the so-called Corwin amendment, 
which sought to temporize with slavery, 
came up in the Senate, and the Chair's 
ruling that two-thirds of those present 
was sufficient was sustained by that 
body (Ames, p. 295). It did not arise in 
Congress again until the amendment 
which is the subject of the obiter 
remarks of the Supreme Court in the 
case of Missouri Pacific Ry. Co. v. 
Kansas, which has been previously 
referred to. 

Here then are two structural features 
of our Constitution initiated admittedly 
by less than a two-thirds vote of the 
membership of both houses, though of 
course by not less than two-thirds of 
those present — so that the decision of 
the validity of the Eighteenth Amend- 
ment may involve the present method of 
choosing the President, the Vice-Presi- 
dent and the Senate. 

Benjamin Tuska 
NcJ York, January 22 

Col. Lynch' s Catholicism 

To the Editors of The Review: 

I wonder if you have good authority 
for saying that Col. Arthur Lynch is a 
Roman Catholic. Such is not the impres- 
sion that I get from a striking chapter 
in his book, viz., "Priests in Politics." I 
spoke with him on Saturday night at the 
Economic Club of Portland, Me., and we 
both hammered the priests in the pres- 
ence of the Roman Catholic Bishop of 
Portland, Dr. Walsh. 

I feel very strongly that you are mis- 

George L. Fox 
New Haven, Conn., January 11 

[There have been good Roman Catho- 
lics in all ages who were not afraid of 
hammering the priests. Colonel Lynch's 
hostility to priestcraft is no disproof of 
our statement, which was based on words 
spoken by Colonel Lynch himself in the 
course of the address we referred to: 
"Remember," he said, "I am not a Prot- 
estant, but it must be borne in mind that 
some of the most glorious leaders of 
Irish freedom have been Protestants." 
It seems to us that if Colonel Lynch was 
a Jew or an atheist he would not have 
used the negative phrase, which sug- 
gests Catholicism as its alternative. 
—Eds. The Review.] 

An English University for 
New Jersey 

To the Editors of The Review: 

At New Brunswick, New Jersey, a 
great educational transformation is now 
under way and the foundation is being 
laid of what, in a few years, is destined 
to be one of the largest and most bril- 
liant of our Eastern university centres. 
The humanities are well intrenched at 
New Brunswick in that venerable insti- 
tution, Rutgers College, whose birth oc- 
curred ten years before the American 
Revolution, whose history has been wor- 
thy of the best of those fine old Colonial 
colleges, and whose present activities are 
so admirably directed by Dr. Demarest. 
Schools of civil, electrical, and mechan- 
ical engineering represent creditably the 
scientific side of learning. Agriculture 
is well looked after by the State Experi- 
ment Station and Agricultural College, 
with Dr. Jacob G. Lipman of Cornell at 
their head. The new woman is not for- 
gotten, for there is a very successful 
State College for Women, with Mrs. 
Douglass, of Barnard College, as dean, 
and there is even a long-established 
Theological Seminary with an admirable 
library, under the able management of 
Dr. John C. VanDyke. 

The movement to coordinate these 
more or less separate schools and to bind 
them together as a university runs the 

risk of repeating in New Jersey the same 
mistake that was made in Massachu- 
setts and in Connecticut, when two mod- 
est colleges were made to do duty for a 
great university organization, and what 
should have been called, and really made. 
New Haven University and Cambridge 
University, leaving Harvard and Yale 
Colleges parts of a larger whole, had to 
cope with a situation they were never in- 
tended to meet. 

What will make this course all the 
more inexcusable if it is finally entered 
upon at New Brunswick, springs from 
the fact that Rutgers College, which 
some would expand into Rutgers Univer- 
sity, is not the original name of the in- 
stitution. For half a century it bore 
that of Queen's College, in honor of the 
consort of George III, who granted 
the first charter, and continued to be 
known as such down to 1825, notwith- 
standing our two wars with England. 

Nor is this sentimental reason alone 
opposed to the proposed course. Ever 
since the Civil War the Rutgers trustees 
have been coquetting with the Legisla- 
ture at Trenton, until the college has 
been officially pronounced both the State 
College and the State University. It is, 
therefore, fully in the power of the board 
to develop a university on the lines it 
sees fit, without returning to Trenton 
for authority. 

If there ever was a form of university 
more suited to our genius and our 
ways, it is precisely that of Oxford 
and Cambridge, the only system known 
to John Harvard, Elihu Yale, Theodore 
Frelinghuysen, and the other promoters 
and founders of the early Colonial col- 
leges, who, I feel sure, would be the first 
to protest against the abortive fashion in 
which their creations were treated to- 
wards the end of the second third of the 
nineteenth century. And now we see the 
authorities of Rutgers hesitating and 
groping, and perhaps about to let slip 
the almost unique occasion of giving us 
in America at least one institution of 
superior culture moving on the fine old 
English lines laid down by Oxford and 
Cambridge, where a group of rich and 
independent colleges and halls, each with 
its own governing body, its buildings, 
its library, its teachers, and its students, 
come together through their heads, and 
form the university which meets the out- 
side world with united front, but which, 
within its own academic circle, never in- 
terferes with the entity of each of its 
component parts. How much more 
American is this plan than our present 
doubly autocratic form of university 
government, with its board of business 
men trustees and its all-powerful presi- 
dent, which has so often belittled and 
even disgraced our educational world! 
Theodore Stanton 
New Brunsivick, N. J., 

December 29, 1919 

January 31, 1920] 



Cooperating with the 

A LITTLE knowledge is a dangerous 
thing — especially when formulating 
foreign policy. The truth of this must 
have been borne in on Mr. Lloyd George 
by the developments of the week follow- 
ing the announcement of the Supreme 
Council at Paris with reference to the 
Russian blockade. To be sure, those 
who are wont to attribute to the Premier 
a Machiavellian subtlety of design will 
see in these developments the working 
out of a deep-laid plan to manoeuvre the 
Allies into the position of recognizing 
the Soviet Government, for the purpose 
of satisfying the desires of radical labor 
and of meeting the insistent demands of 
British commercial interests. But when 
one recalls his Bryanic gaffes in recent 
speeches, such as confusing Novgorod 
(in western Russia) and Nizhni Nov- 
gorod (on the Volga) and his allusion 
to General "Kharkov" (a large city in 
south Russia), one is forced to the con- 
clusion that his opportunist policy is 
due, not to knowledge of Russia, but to 
the lack of it. Indeed, the latest news 
indicates that Alexander Berkenheim, 
sometime foreign representative of the 
Central Union of Consumers' Coopera- 
tives, was successful in imposing on 
him an utterly false view of the present 
status of these Cooperatives in Russia, a 
view which he grasped as a straw when 
faced with the necessity of meeting the 
crisis at Paris presented by the Bolshe- 
vik military danger. 

Mr. Lloyd George is not alone in his 
confusion of mind concerning the Coop- 
erative movement in Russia. The public 
generally has but a vague idea of the 
social and economic significance of this 
development. The tendency indeed has 
been to draw unjustifiable generaliza- 
tions from insufficient data. 

First, it must be understood that there 
are three distinct kinds of Cooperative 
societies in Russia, each with its own 
origin and course of development. In 
recent years these have tended to draw 
together, and the great Cooperative con- 
gresses have brought about a certain 
unity and community of action, but in 
some vital features they remain differ- 
ent and separate. These three classes 
are the Producers' Cooperatives, the So- 
cieties of Mutual Credit, and the Con- 
sumers' Cooperatives. 

The Producers' Cooperatives are a 
peculiarly Russian institution, having 
originated in the artel, or primitive 
guild, which dates back to the Middle 
Ages. In the artel a group of work- 
men — fishermen, woodworkers, weavers, 
; blacksmiths, or other artisans — would 
band themselves together for a particu- 
lar task or for a special industrial under- 

taking, select their own foreman, carry 
on their work, and then divide the pro- 
ceeds of their labor. They might work 
for themselves or on a contract. They 
might even borrow capital. Naturally, 
under serfdom this institution did not 
have much opportunity to develop on a 
large scale; still, it persisted. But in 
1865, Mr. Nicholas Vereshchagin, a 
brother of the famous artist, who had 
devoted his life to agriculture and espe- 
cially to the development of the dairy 
industry, established on his estate a 
small cooperative creamery, a sort of 
model artel. This may be said to be the 
beginning of the modern Producers' 
Cooperatives. The idea did not meet 
with rapid success, but it was kept alive, 
and a generation later suddenly took a 
fresh start and made tremendous strides. 
The present century has seen it grow in 
the province of Vologda and in western 
Siberia until now it constitutes an enor- 
mous undertaking. To-day, the Union 
of Siberian Creamery Associations oper- 
ates some 2,380 cooperative creameries, 
conducts more than 2,000 stores, ware- 
houses, repair-shops, etc., produces over 
50,000 tons of butter a year, and handles 
millions of dollars' worth of other prod- 
uce for its members. These latter num- 
ber over 3,000,000. Hundreds of other 
Producers' Cooperatives sprang up, in- 
cluding flax-growers, tar-producers, poul- 
try-raisers, and numerous craftsmen's 
organizations. Slightly different, yet in 
harmony with the movement and based 
upon the same folk institution, were 
agricultural cooperative societies which 
started in the late sixties, and which 
began to receive special government 
encouragement at the end of the last 
century. The Consumers' Cooperatives 
had two strong points in their favor. In 
the first place they were not an artificial 
creation, but grew out of a natural Rus- 
sian institution. In the second place 
they had in general good management, 
since they were usually run by men who 
had been developed from the ranks, and 
who were therefore men of practical expe- 
rience. This to a large extent accounts 
for their stability and substantial success. 
Credit Cooperation may be dealt with 
very briefly, despite its importance. The 
idea of mutual associations of small cred- 
it came from Germany, and was first 
introduced into Russia in the sixties. Its 
purpose was the encouragement of peas- 
ant agriculture, and its first task was 
the education of the people to an under- 
standing of the benefits of cooperation 
in credit. Later the Government, which 
was in general suspicious of all such 
movements, recognized its value and 
issued laws establishing model charters 
and bringing to its assistance the sup- 
port of the State Bank. Out of the 
mutual credit movement grew the organ- 
ization in 1912 of the Moscow Narodny 
(People's) Bank, which became the cen- 

tral institution for financing all cooper- 
ative undertakings. 

The Consumers' Cooperative movement 
followed the other two. While it was 
based on the principles of the Rochdale 
system, there were two conditions par- 
ticularly favorable to its spread in Rus- 
sia. The first was the tendency towards 
cooperation in production as mentioned 
above. The second was the extreme sim- 
plicity of the peasants' wants, which 
limited the stocks required in coopera- 
tive stores to comparatively few articles. 
The demand for increasing facilities for 
distribution, especially after the famine 
of 1891, gave great impetus to the ex- 
pansion of the Consumers' Cooperatives, 
and in 1897 the Government issued a 
model constitution and by-laws for the 
organization of these cooperative so- 
cieties. In 1898, as a result of the first 
congress of consumers' societies, held at 
Nizhni Novgorod, there was founded the 
Moscow Union of Consumers' Societies, 
and this in turn was, in 1916, reorgan- 
ized into the Central Union of Consum- 
ers' Societies, familiarly termed the 

Up to the time of the war, the develop- 
ment of these societies had been normal 
and steady, but with the breakdown of 
private means of distribution under the 
strain of war conditions and in the pres- 
ence of the eager demand for manufac- 
tured goods of all kinds, the Consumers' 
Cooperatives took a sudden spurt for- 
ward and increased by thousands. This 
growth was abnormal, and with it came 
many irregularities and abuses. Two of 
these are noteworthy, the lack of expe- 
rienced and competent management, and 
the use of some of these cooperative 
societies for purposes of speculation and 
profiteering by the men who eained con- 
trol of them. So, for example, manu- 
facturers who had patriotically taken 
measures to prevent profiteering in the 
products of their factories and who, for 
this reason, sold almost their whole out- 
put to the Cooperatives, began to find 
that the managers of the latter were 
frequently turning over invoices of goods 
directly to speculators at 50 per cent, to 
100 per cent, profit. In the hands of 
clever and unscrupulous manipulators, 
these Cooperatives had departed far 
from the principles of mutual cooperation 
for the benefit of all their members. 

When the Bolsheviki came into power, 
they were confronted with the fact that 
these Cooperatives represented a mem- 
bership running into millions, and they 
hesitated at first to take steps, in accord- 
ance with their programme, calculated to 
antagonize them. It must be borne in 
mind that the peasant population of Rus- 
sia is not at all Socialistic and that 
the Cooperative movement was based 
on a purely capitalistic foundation, 
its object being merely to eliminate the 
middleman between the producer and 



[Vol. 2, No. 38 

consumer. After the Bolsheviki had con- 
solidated their authority and acquired a 
military force to carry out their will, 
they attempted to put into effect their 
programme of the nationalization of 
trade. In the cities, the Soviet stores 
took the place of the Cooperatives, but 
in the country their attempted organiza- 
tion fell down, and they were obliged to 
come back to the Cooperatives. They 
did not do so, however, without taking 
steps to turn these organizations to their 
own purposes, or at least to exercise a 
careful supervision over them. In De- 
cember, 1918, they seized the Moscow 
Narodny Bank and made it a division of 
their State Bank. Fresh decrees were 
issued with reference to membership in 
the Cooperatives, and gradually, although 
the Cooperatives in the country districts 
continued to do everything possible to 
supply local needs and. keep up the past 
traditions of the movement, they fell 
more and more under the direction of 
Commissars, until, a couple of months 
ago, the official Bolshevik press an- 
nounced with satisfaction that the Coop- 
eratives were entirely in Bolshevik hands 
and had become a Bolshevik institution. 
Considerable mystery surrounds the 
mission of Alexander Berkenheim, one 
of the officials of the Centrosoyuz, who 
was suddenly released from a Bolshevik 
prison in Moscow last year and permitted 
to go abroad as a representative of the 
Centrosoyuz. In this country he made 
overtures both to the Government and 
to business men, proposing to ship in 
goods to be distributed by the Coop- 
eratives independently of the Soviet 
Government. He was unable to give any 
guarantees that such goods would not be 
taken over by the Soviet Government 
and used fSr its own purposes to the det- 
riment of the civilian population, and the 
State Department refused to grant him 
permits for shipments to Bolshevik Rus- 
sia. In many circles there was a strong 
suspicion that he had an understanding 
of some sort with the Soviet authorities, 
who saw in his proposal a strong lever 
with which to force the lifting of the 

Later he went to England, where now 
he seems to. have had more success. It 
looks as if his interviews with Mr. Lloyd 
George and with English business men, 
greedy for Russian trade, had resulted 
in bringing about the announcement of 
the Supreme Council at Paris. The most 
remarkable feature of this is that, within 
a week after this announcement was 
issued, Berkenheim and his assistant, 
Krovopuskov, were constrained to admit 
the falsity of their earlier claims that 
it was possible to do business with the 
Cooperatives independently of the Soviet 
Government. It is impossible to say 
what the result will be. To be sure, the 
final paragraph of the announcement of 
the Supreme Council states definitely 

that no change in policy towards the 
Soviet Government is implied, but the 
hopes held out for the opening of Russia 
to trade have so whetted the appetite of 
businessmen that the announcement may 
prove but the opening wedge to recog- 
nition of the Bolshevik regime. In this 
connection, it must be pointed out that 
the statement issued by the authorities 
at Moscow places the Supreme Council 
between the horns of a serious dilemma. 
To Russians, even those who are most 
strongly anti-Bolshevik, it displays a 
dignity and assurance that appeals to 
their national pride at a time when they 
are smarting under the contemptuous 

and even insulting treatment accorded to 
them by the Allies. They believe that 
England and France are both interested 
in dismembering and weakening Russia, 
and they see in the despatch of British 
war ships to the Black Sea a plan to 
destroy the remainder of the Russian 
fleet under cover of the excuse of war 
with the Bolshevik forces. Two years 
of Allied diplomatic blundering have led 
to a menacing impasse, and it would 
seem that only some startling change 
within Russia itself could serve to avert 
a catastrophe. 

Jerome Landfield 

Book Reviews 

Beneficent Results of a 
Wicked War 

After the Whirlwind. By Charles Edward 
Russell. New York : George H. Doran 

THE behavior of the Socialists of the 
world during the great war was in 
some respects surprising and disap- 
pointing to themselves and to those who 
trusted in them, although it was not very 
different from what their wiser leaders 
had expected, and their keener critics had 
often predicted. For years they had done 
lip-service to internationalism, but when 
the storm burst this superstructure 
went by the board and they were carried 
along with their compatriots upon the 
tide of nationalism toward the rocks and 
shoals which they had detected so cleverly 
and charted with so much care. The 
German Socialists were especially disap- 
pointing, because they were so numerous 
— more than forty per cent, of the pop- 
ulation, according to some estimates — 
and because of their loud professions of 
pacifism and their fervent appeals to the 
solidarity of the proletariat in all coun- 
tries. Yet they voted for the extraordi- 
nary war credit of April, 1913; and in 
July and August, 1914, instead of declar- 
ing a general strike, they were almost, if 
not quite, as keen for war as the ignorant 
masses who made no pretensions to 
pacifism. Only a few fanatics, like Karl 
Liebknecht, tried to oppose the gen- 
eral movement and prophesied disaster, 
no matter whether Germany lost or won 
the war. 

Oddly enough, socialism was taken 
more seriously in other countries, and it 
almost looks as though it had been a part 
of German propaganda — a disease more 
virulent abroad than in the country of 
its origin. However that may be, many 
Socialists in the Allied countries opposed 
the war, and if their advice had been 
taken, Germany would have dominated 
the world, with a faint hope of social 
revolution as the only consolation of 

those who still believed in liberty and 
democracy. Certainly, Socialists in Italy 
came near delivering that country into 
the hands of the Austrians; Russian 
Socialists dealt a staggering blow to the 
Allies; and if the majority of American 
Socialists had had their way, the United 
States would not have entered the war, 
or, after going in, would have carried 
it on in a half-hearted way. 

Needless to say, Charles Edward Rus- 
sell was not of the majority faction 
in the Socialist Party. Together with 
Charlotte Perkins Gilman, William Eng- 
lish Walling, William L. Stoddard, Upton 
Sinclair, William J. Ghent, J. G. Phelps 
Stokes, and others, he signed a protest 
against the official action of the Socialist 
Party with respect to war and national 
defense, which was published in the New 
York Call on March 24, 1917. This docu- 
ment stated that Socialists do not con- 
demn defensive war, but realize that, as 
Hillquit says, it would be foolish and 
futile to preach complete disarmament to 
any nation while its neighbors and rivals 
are armed, and that each nation must be 
prepared to defend its integrity and inde- 
pendence against the rest of the world. 
Here are a few of the sentences of this 
fine manifesto: 

We feel that the present opposition of the 
Socialist Party to national defence is contrary 
to the interests of democracy and contrary to 
the hitherto accepted views of the interna- 
tional Socialist movement. We are for peace, 
but not at any cost; and believe that the sacri- 
fice of integrity and of general public and 
private self-respect is too high a price to pay 
for it. Although as a nation we are politically 
free, yet we are but a part of the social world, 
and as such we are glad that the isolation of 
our country is past. To refuse to resist in- 
ternational crime is to be unworthy of the 
name of Socialist. It is our present duty to 
the cause of Internationalism to support our 
Government in any sacrifice it requires in de- 
fence of those principles of international law 
and order which are essential alike to Social- 
ism and to civilization. 

Apparently, the minority Socialists of 
the United States and the majority of 
German Socialists were in the same boat 

January 31, 1920] 



in that they temporarily abandoned their 
internationalism. But if, as Mr. Russell 
believes, the German Socialists, deluded by 
their masters, were waging an unright- 
eous war, while the Socialists of America 
were defending the liberties of the world, 
the latter were the true champions of 
internationalism, and the former had de- 
nied the faith. Yet Mr. Russell does not 
blame them very much for their betrayal 
of democracy; nor does he blame the 
German people as a whole for blindly fol- 
lowing their unscrupulous leaders, but 
he does affirm that the German Govern- 
ment was the real culprit, and that it 
did not represent the German people. It 
is, of course, quite "unscientific" to 
blame anybody, but Mr. Russell does not 
pose as a "scientific" Socialist and does 
not say much about economic determin- 
ism. Yet he injects a little of that into 
his explanation of the war in that he 
mentions the enormous growth of Ger- 
many's population since 1870, her need 
of colonies as sources of raw materials, 
her desire for seaports on the Atlantic, 
and the tendency toward expansion of 
the Empire in Europe by the annexation 
of the small neighboring states. He ven- 
tures, too, upon a sweeping generaliza- 
tion in saying that the theory of Ger- 
man supremacy was no more than the 
logical ultimate of the theory of compe- 
tition endorsed and practised by all 

There were, then, according to Mr. 
Russell, at least two villains in the play — 
the mediaeval monarchy of Germany, 
with its aristocracy and its militarism, 
and the competitive economic system 
that served to choke the spiritual life 
and exalt the material — the former play- 
ing a conspicuous and magnificent role, 
the latter skulking in the background as 
the evil genius, suggesting, if not con- 
trolling, the whole performance. A third 
influence, subsidiary but not less potent, 
was the military success of Germany in 
'66 and '70, which gave the whole Ger- 
man people a feeling of superiority, a 
desire for power, and a belief in manifest 
destiny that could find complete satisfac- 
tion in nothing less than world dominion. 
:The very character of the people seems 
jto have changed; they acquiesced grimly 
Iwhile their Government prepared relent- 
lessly for the Day; and when the time 
was ripe a pretext was found and the 
dance of death began. 

It is not easy to follow Mr. Russell's 

argument because of his florid style and 

his frequent digressions and exhorta- 

pons, but such appears to be his concep- 

ion of the tangled skein of world affairs, 

which now, after the whirlwind, proceeds 

;o untangle itself in miraculous fashion. 

Germany has been defeated, and now, 

;hastened and subdued, her people have 

•enounced their vain ambitions, thrown 

iff their evil institutions, reformed their 

deals, and the world has nothing more 

to fear from them. No republic is a men- 
ace to the world's peace, nor could be, for 
secret plottings are impossible when the 
people rule. Of course, some remnants 
of capitalism are still there, but these will 
presently pass away in Germany and in 
all other countries. In France, Great 
Britain, and the United States, the Gov- 
ernments took control of the railways in 
order to win the war, managed them with 
marvelous efficiency and economy, and 
will never restore them to private own- 
ership. The income tax in various coun- 
tries is such a heavy charge on great 
incomes that private enterprise is dis- 
couraged and the Governments will have 
to take up the burden of saving and 
investment which capitalists are laying 
down. The laborers, who have played so 
noble a part in the war, will not relin- 
quish their power, nor will they patiently 
accept a lower standard of living. The 
shop-steward movement in Great Britain 
is an omen of a new day for labor in all 
countries, when labor will be consulted 
on all matters, and even be represented 
on the directorate of every industrial 
corporation. If the Federal Reserve 
Board can supply part of our banking 
needs, it can supply them all, and if the 
Government can lend to farmers, it can 
lend to merchants, manufacturers, and 
wage-earners. The remarkable success of 
the American Government in the conduct 
of the war gives reason to think that it 
can carry on all important industries far 
better than private owners, and when 
this is fully realized "the industrial sys- 
tem that has cursed mankind and 
blighted so many millions of lives will 
pass away with the other anomalies of 
the dead old Night." 

Mr. Russell must wish that he had 
been more cautious in his prophecies ; for 
already some of his predictions have been 
refuted by the logic of events, and others 
appear to have but slight foundation of 
fact. His thesis that most of the ills 
that flesh is heir to are to be attributed 
to capitalism must seem strange to the 
historian who finds evidence of human 
misery long before the advent of Cap- 
italism, and knows that the most 
wretched people in the world to-day are 
not those who live in the most civilized 
or capitalistic countries. Similarly, Mr. 
Russell's glorification of governmental 
efficiency must surprise himself as he 
considers his own observation and expe- 
rience of enormous waste incurred dur- 
ing the war — a waste which was probably 
justified by the absolute necessity of win- 
ning the war at any cost of life or prop- 
erty, but which would bring speedy ruin 
to industrial enterprise in time of peace. 
Efficiency, as has been often pointed 
out, is not to be defined in terms of 
service only, but as the rendering of 
a maximum of service at a minimum 
of cost. 

J. E. Le Rossignol 

Kipling— First and Last 

RuDYARD Kipling's Verse, Inclusive Edition, 
1885-1919. New York: Doubleday, Page 
and Company. 

ABOUT thirty years ago a young 
Anglo-Indian poet surprised the 
English-speaking world with a new 
brand of lyric energy. In power he had 
often been matched and overmatched, 
but in sheer force it was hard to name 
his equal. Men had to brace or arm 
themselves to listen; he aroused a con- 
sternation which turned into delight or 
recoil according to the stoutness of the 
temper which received the impact of his 
blows. That he was a poet it seemed 
hard to question. His subjects might 
disquiet; his diction might amaze; but 
lyricism is the heart of poetry, and speed 
is almost the heart of lyricism, and lyric 
speed was the essence and distinction of 
Mr. Kipling's verse. His knowledge was 
great, it was practical and technical to 
an extraordinary and disconcerting de- 
gree ; and the weight of his knowledge in 
relation to the energy of his movement 
made a powerful locomotive drawing a 
heavy goods train seem the precise and 
lively image of his genius. "This knowl- 
edge had its novel and special field; his 
filiation to England by race, to India by 
birth, gave him a divided loyalty which 
he could solidify only by making himself 
a citizen and votary of the British 

There are several first impressions of 
Mr. Kipling which later experience 
wholly or partly confutes. First of all 
comes the idea that he is a poet of things. 
Now Mr. Kipling is the poet of humanity 
in the gripe of things, but tht thing 
by itself and for itself harcflj' figures 
in his verse. At most, you will find a 
bell-buoy or a coastwise light taking 
form as an active — almost a living — part 
of the wardership and stewardship of 
the earth-belting British Empire. Go 
with him into the engine-room of a 
steamship in the famous "McAndrew's 
Hymn." He knows the apparatus like 
a mechanic, and his sole aim at first is 
apparently to deafen and dizzy you with 
the uproar of his technicalities; but this 
is appearance only; he is not studying 
that engine, he is dredging the soul of 
its engineer. The British Empire itself 
is valuable to him chiefly as a whetstone 
for British human nature. 

The second partly misleading thing in 
Mr. Kipling is the seeming imperiousness 
which consorts so well at the first glance 
with the task of the lyrist of empire. 
The word "peremptory" comprehends 
much of the surface man. The call to 
verse was peremptory, the nature of that 
verse is peremptory, its themes are 
peremptory necessities, and the gospel 
it enforces is peremptory in a superla- 
tive degree. But all this is half illusion. 



[Vol. 2, No. 38 

No man seems freer from the littleness 
of dictatorship. This imperiousness is 
sometimes associated with a high and 
proud humility of which the august 
"Recessional" is the deathless witness 
and example. But his disposition is 
evinced most clearly in his choice of a 
protagonist for his verse. That choice 
fixed itself, not on royalty or premier- 
ship or martial fame or domination in 
any form, but on Tommy Atkins, private, 
butt, drudge, and underling, shoved from 
land to land, till the enemy's ball and the 
friend's spade insure him an abiding 
rest. To this humility the high-mettled 
Kipling bows himself. Energy, in God's 
name, but energy in obedience — not 
Prometheus defying Jove, but Hercules 
serving Eurystheus in mighty labors — 
is the ideal of the singer of the "White 
Man's Burden." 

A third possible impression — and this 
time an entirely mistaken impression — 
in regard to Mr. Kipling is that he is an 
egotist. The literary evidence points to 
the conclusion that no man living is 
more self-forgetful. Lyrics, among all 
forms of literature, are the occasion, the 
excuse, almost the justification, of ego- 
tism. Yet here is a man who has written 
seven hundred and seventy pages of 
lyrics in which it is actually rather diffi- 
cult to find a poem which is strictly per- 
sonal or individual in its theme. It is 
always the -other man's feeling, or the 
feeling that he shares with the other 
man, that provides the inspiration and 
incentive for his verse. Mr. Kipling 
loved and married in America; we can 
well believe that "never man sighed truer 
breath." Yet who can point out the 
pioem in which that experience has 
shaped or tinged the verse? At long 
intervals, iKi some literary context most 
commonly, a dedication or an ode "To 
the True Romance," an allusion to him- 
self or a personal note sparingly reveals 
itself. After all, why not? In his broad 
outlook upon the English race through- 
out the "Seven Seas," even Rudyard Kip- 
ling deserves a passing glance. 

The fourth possible impression in re- 
gard to Mr. Kipling is that his view of 
life is blithe and heartening. He writes 
poems of adventure, and adventure sets 
our hearts aglow. He writes military 
verse, and military verse takes its key- 
note from the bugle. Yet if we discrimi- 
nate Mr. Kipling's words from his voice, 
I think we shall find that the voice alone 
is cheerful ; the words are sad. What is 
the most buoyant of his volumes, the 
volume that one would instinctively select 
if one sought to enliven a programme or 
a party? "Barrack-Room Ballads," un- 
doubtedly. What is the first of "Bar- 
rack-Room Ballads?" "Danny Deever" — 
the story of a heart-chilling hanging. 
What is the best of them? "Gunga Din" 
— the story of an Indian water-carrier, 
reviled by those he loyally serves, shot 

finally upon the battlefield. What is an- 
other of the best ? "Tommy" — a picture 
of British ingratitude and injustice to 
the private soldier. The "Song of the 
Banjo" should be a cheerful poem; it 
has a line that sears itself into the 
memory: "And the thoughts that burn 
like iron if you think." In the picture 
of army life, the facts are black, unless 
you presuppose the heroic temper in the 
spectator. Mr. Kipling treats them with 
a certain blitheness only because his 
temper is heroic. His philosophy is sup- 
posed to be superficial. In some respects 
the charge is just, but it remains true 
that Mr. Kipling from his earliest youth 
had grasped a basic principle of life and 
conduct which many people do not learn 
until middle or old age and which many 
more die without learning. That truth 
may be phrased thus: Life as datum, as 
mere material, is hard and raw, and the 
only means of extracting from it such 
happiness as it is capable of yielding is to 
relate ourselves to that hardness and 
rawness in some efficient, counteractive 
way. Pessimism plus heroism equals op- 
timism — that is the formula for Mr. Kip- 
ling, if you concede that he is optimistic 
at all. It is this that removes the boyish- 
ness from his notion of empire. Empire 
is not booty; empire is debt. Possession 
is the call to toil and sacrifice. 

The last of the possible mistakes in re- 
lation to Mr. Kipling is a mistake that 
has almost ceased to be possible; I have 
in mind the notion that he is immoral. 
At first sight, the breakneck pace had 
every appearance of a runaway; a little 
time showed that the driver kept his seat 
and his self-possession. In "Depart- 
mental Ditties," he reveled in cynicism. 
In early days Mr. LeGallienne deplored 
his militancy. The Nation called his 
"Truce of the Bear" his "retrocessional." 
When his soldier in "Mandalay" cried 
out: "Ship me somewhere east of Suez, 
where the best is like the worst," we 
forgot that the dropped scruples in the 
poem might pertain to Mr. Kipling as 
little as its dropped h's. The poet doubt- 
less errs in particular moral judgments 
like the rest of us, but in spirit he is the 
most moral of beings, since the subordi- 
nation of desires to necessities is not 
only his doctrine but his instinct. The 
cynicism was passing and partial; his 
calmness in the face of certain sexual 
misdemeanors was simply a part of that 
English good sense which views the in- 
evitable — anywhere — with calmness. In 
his political opinions he may be some- 
times partial and narrow, vehement and 
extreme; that will affect the soundness 
of his teaching, but will not threaten his 
place as the prophet and singer of re- 
sponsibility. Mr. Kipling is effectually 
west of Suez, and the call of Mandalay 
finds no response in the steadfastness of 
his maturity. 

Three things have made Mr. Kipling. 

The first is that simple, primal force, 
that Viking or Berserker energy, which 
made the man and all his words projec- 
tiles. The second was the consecration 
which this half-barbaric force received 
from its combination with sympathies 
and aspirations, which, if earthy in their 
content, were beautiful in their disinter- 
estedness. The third was the circum- 
stance — almost the accident — which sup- 
plied a novel field for the exercise of 
these capacities. That circumstance was 
Mr. Kipling's birth, the division of loy- 
alty between England and India with its 
resulting concentration of loyalty on the 
union and conflux of these powers in the 
British Empire. 

The collected edition of Mr. Kipling's 
verse will do nothing to dispel the pre- 
valent impression that his power as poet 
has materially abated. After 1893, the 
fertility shrinks, the range contracts, 
and the force dwindles. The descent has 
almost the gradation and regularity of a 
terrace. I know of no body of verse in 
which a date comes so close to being an 
estimate as the poetry of Mr. Kipling 
after the "Seven Seas." There is tactics 
— possibly there is tact — in an editorial 
arrangement which throws poems of all 
dates indiscriminately into one recep- 
tacle. One is reminded of those early 
formations in the late war in which 
Americans, supposedly weak, were set 
side by side with tried French and 
British troops who might cover and sus- 
tain their inadequacy. The Americans 
hardly needed that defense; some pro- 
tection, some convoy or escort, is un- 
doubtedly needed for the later poems of 
Mr. Kipling. Of course the inferiority 
is only comparative. Mr. Kipling to-day 
does not write like a dull man; he writes 
like other bright men. It is so much 
easier to be bright than to be Kipling. 

I do not understand this falling-off 
quite so clearly as I like to understand 
things, but one or two conjectures may 
be risked. Mr. Kipling is humanist, not 
materialist; yet the forms of humanity 
which appeal to him find their settings 
and promptings in a world of ardent 
physical endeavor. Now it is easier to 
write about Thor and Vulcan at twenty- 
five than at fifty. Again, his helpless- 
ness in the hands of Nature, which gave 
his earlier works almost the validity of 
a natural force, took from him all ca- 
pacity to adapt, to modify, to re-create 
himself. He uttered nothing but finali- 
ties; that was his strength; but it in- 
volved the disadvantage that these finali- 
ties for other people were ultimata for 
himself. He had spoken out with rare 
freedom and abundance in his marvelous 
youth; and in later years, no new India, 
no new Tommy, appeared to replenish 
the declining store of his incentives. But 
the main point is always the sum of 
worth in his entire product, not the dis- 
tribution of that value through the sue- 

Januan' 31, 1920] 



cessive periods of his life. If one feels 
age in the newer verses, the youth of 
the elder ones is unimpaired. I can not 
but feel that there is much in this volume 
which will lastingly interest our time, 
and that there are parts of it which the 
centuries will treasure. 

0. W. Firkins 

Folks and Folk 

Dust of New York. By Konrad Bercovici. 

New York : Boni and Liveright. 
Their Son : The Necklace. By Eduardo 

Zamacois. Translated by George Allan 

England. New York : Boni and Liveright. 
Lo, AND Behold Ye! By Seumas MacManus. 

New York : Frederick A. Stokes Company. 
Seldwyla Folks ; Three Singular Tales. 

By Gottfried Keller. Translations by 

Wolf Von Schierbrand, Ph.D. 

IN "Dust of New York," by Konrad 
Bercovici, we are aware of an ex- 
traordinary "saturation" in the color and 
atmosphere of polyglot New York. In 
its topography he is especially learned. 
"The map of Europe is reproduced in 
New York by the different nationalities 
living there; each nationality having as 
neighbor the same that it has in Europe. 
Thus, the Greeks, Turks, Syrians, and 
Italians are close neighbors in Europe, 
and also here. The same thing applies to 
the Russians, who are neighbors with 
the Rumanians, the Poles, the Austrians, 
and the Germans. And one must not 
think," pursues our commentator, "that 
love attracts them. They hate one an- 
other as whole-heartedly as only neigh- 
bors can hate one another. Perhaps this 
mutual hatred attracts them: Hatred is 
not as bad as we have been taught to 
think. One can, and generally does, love 
lower than himself, but no one hates 
lower than himself." These, after all, 
are surface facts, from which we pass 
to subtler matters of racial contact and 

Walk through Grand Street from Third 
Avenue to Clinton Street, which is not a long 
distance, and you have the types of the whole 
world before you. They are not in concen- 
trated form; they are diluted. But if you 
analyze, even hurriedly, you will soon be able 
to know the components of each one of them. 
... A remote Tartar ancestor of one of the 
push-cart peddlers is plainly seen in the small 
sunken black eyes. In another the straight 
line of the back of the head tells you that liis 
mother, or his grandmother, had lived once 
in Hungary. In another one the Slav type, 
the flat fleshy nose, is mixed with the Wal- 
lachian strong chin. Some Teuton blood calls 
out through the heavy cast of an otherwise 
typical Austrian Jew. A Spanish grandee, as 
if come out from a page of Cervantes, is sell- 
ing shoe laces and cuff buttons. And a Moroc- 
I can prince, ill at ease in European garb, is 
1 offering to the passerby some new Burbankian 
fig-plum-orange combination. 

Out of such materials the tales in this 
book are wrought. The striking and 
somewhat pathetic thing about them is 
that they are wrought over-cleverly ac- 
cording to the current fashion of the 

American "short story."' Strange portent 
of that literary melting-pot, the Ameri- 
can magazine, when names like Achmed 
Abdullah and Konrad Bercovici stand 
among the most skilful practitioners of 
the "0. Henry" method! Here are the 
snappy introductions and the punchy 
endings of that great original, the but- 
tonholing manner and the sentimental- 
cynical philosophy. Unluckily for the 
present teller of tales, something in him 
scorns the facile "happy ending" of 
Anglo-American prescription; and we 
have the anomaly of a Saturday Eve- 
ning Post style and a Continental pre- 
occupation with fact and with type at 
the expense of situations and endings 
as such. 

With two tales by Eduardo Zamacois, 
still another leader of the new Spanish 
literary movement is introduced to Eng- 
lish readers, a fresh prophet of the 
resurgimiento for us to put alongside 
Blasco-Ibanez and Baroja and Benavente. 
"This man," says the translator, "is a 
human dynamo, a revitalizing force in 
Spanish life and letters, an artist who 
is more than a mere artist; he is a man 
with a message, a philosophy and a 
vision." Rather oddly, we hear in the 
next breath that to his present in- 
terpreter, "Zamacois seems a Spanish 
Guy de Maupassant." In these exhibits, 
certainly, one finds more of the detached 
irony of the French story-teller than of 
philosophy or vision. "Their Son" and 
"The Necklace" are vivid and sardonic 
studies in minor tragedy, the overthrow 
of simple goodness or youthfiil idealism 
by the malice of fate. That goodness 
and idealism may be their own ultimate 
justification, and reward is not, at least, 

We may step back with frank relief, 
however, into the safe and comfortable 
zone of the folk-tale as rendered by Mr. 
MacManus. The author of "Ballads of 
a Country Boy" has had his honorable 
place in the poetic renascence of Ireland. 
But his most distinctive work is the 
series of volumes of folk-stories, of which 
"Lo, and Behold Ye!" is the latest. There 
we breathe clear of the somewhat musky 
symbolism which has so often hung about 
the "Neo-Celtic" muse, and are at home 
with the quaint and hearty humor of the 
Irish peasant who lives in the present 
without forgetting the past. Here once 
more is the chronicle, Hibernically fla- 
vored, of those deathless matters with 
which folk-fancy has always busied it- 
self; the triumph of cunning, the tri- 
umph of brawn, the triumph of young 
love and of clean blood, the overthrow of 
witches and dragons and giants and cruel 
kings; the fulfillment of prophecies and 
the voidance of unholy maledictions. But 
as the story-teller brings them to us 
fresh from his own sources, we forget 
their hoary age, or dimly welcome it as 
a sign of old beloved intimacy; and taste 

again with relish the dish with which 
our literary feast long since began. I 
have just read these tales to a boy of 
eight years, and don't know which of 
us enjoyed them most. 

Something of the same quality, though 
in more sophisticated form, belongs to 
the "Seldwyla Folks" of Gottfried Keller. 
"The Three Decent Combmakers" may 
be recognized as the story of the clever 
apprentice who outwits his fellows and 
marries the heiress; and "Dietegen" as 
the tale of the foundling who after many 
vicissitudes becomes master in the 
strange place of his adoption. "Romeo 
and Juliet of the Village," with its (in 
the conventional sense) unhappy ending, 
is upon less stable ground — the least 
effective of the three tales, as it happens, 
tedious in structure and relatively crude 
at least in its English form. Keller's 
work appears belatedly in English. He 
was a German-Swiss poet and story- 
teller born in 1819 and educated in Ger- 
many; author of several didactic novels, 
much verse, and "Die Leute von Seld- 
wyla," a series in two volumes of whimsi- 
cal studies of Swiss life from which the 
three stories here translated are taken. 
They belong to their century. If the 
deliberate and demure humor of "The 
Three Decent Combmakers" seems 
vaguely familiar, it is perhaps because 
of a certain kinship with our own liter- 
ary humor of that period — the humor, 
say, of the Sleepy Hollow Irving and the 
Tanglewood Tales Hawthorne. The trans- 
lator rather goes out of his way to insist 
that Keller was a Swiss and not a Ger- 
man writer. But though we may take it 
on his word that there is a strong Helve- 
tian twist to the original text, its genius 
is clearly Teutonic, as was ty^ 'oreeding 
of the author. He is, at air' events, a 
writer who should be known to readers 
who are extending rapidly, thanks to the 
new enterprise of our publishers, their 
hitherto provincial or purely racial 
knowledge of the world's treasures of 
imaginative fiction. 


Beyond the Fields We Know 

Tales of Three Hemispheres. By Lord Dun- 
sany. Boston : John W. Luce & Company. 

IN the two hemispheres we know more 
or less about. Lord Dunsany pretends 
now and then to set his story. But Lis 
heart is in the Third Hemisphere — the 
Hemisphere at the Back of the Map, 
which lies beyond the Fields We Know. 
And, indeed, even when we think for a 
moment that we are in the high wolds 
beyond Wiltshire, or looking out on the 
Tuileries gardens, or checked short for 
a peep at the cloud-capped tower of the 
Woolworth Building, we are pretty sure 
to be in, before long, for a meeting with 
the Old Gods, the gods whom Time has 
put to sleep. It is as well for the world 



[Vol. 2, No. 38 

to maintain an ambassador to these 
courts; the old gods wake up now and 

Most assuredly Lord Dunsany gets an 
effect ; and an effect quite different from 
that wrought upon us by realms longer 
familiar that yet seem to brighten, dim 
and distant, on the horizons which he 
casts about us. Sindibad sailed here- 
abouts, but did not quite venture to 
touch on these shores. Somewhere be- 
tween here and there lies the land of the 
Prester John. Was it — sometimes we 
think it was — amid the desolate walls of 
Balclutha that we heard that note be- 
fore? Or was it struck from the dul- 
cimer by the narrow fingers of an Abys- 
sinian maid, when our hearts were hun- 
gry for Mount Abora? Certainly, some- 
thing very like it was a bit away to the 
left when we took the Thirty-Mile Ride 
to the brushwood pile— thetimeThey were 
after us, you remember? When we ven- 
tured into the Hall of Eblis by the side 
of young Vathek, or were with Shibli 
Bagarag when he shaved Shagpat, the 
son of Shimpoor, the son of Shoolpi, the 
son of ShuUum, as it is written by one 
who, for all he said he was making an 
Arabian Entertainment, had surely been 
aforetime a mabinog to one of his own 
Welsh bards — 

But it is useless to attempt a defini- 
tion of the Land of Dreams. You slip 
into it as into an habitual garment, or 
not at all. "It was evident," says Lord 
Dunsany, "that he had been drinking 
bak." Quite obvious, indeed. It could not 
have seemed a bit more natural if we had 
been assured that he had been drinking 
Woldery wine itself. We should have 
known it anyway, without being told. 
Driftinp-^fcjAn the Yann, drinking on 
occasion Uie captain's yellow wine "which 
he kept apart among his sacred things," 
listening to the prayers of the sailors and 
to their pleasant talk about fair Belzoond 
and the little neighboring cities of Durl 
and Duz, touching at Mandaroon, Per- 
dondaris (here you may read, in addi- 
tion, of the destruction of Perdondarls 
and how it was avenged), and so to Bar- 
wul-Yann, the Gate of Yann, one does 
not need, reading this, to have drifted 
in the flesh down the Irrawaddy, stum- 
bling upon jungle fowl among the ruins 
of Amarapura, viewing the spacious tem- 
ples of Pagan and the twin towns of 
Minbu and Magwe, in order to cry, "Yea, 
even so it all is." To say that the Yann 
is not the Irrawaddy is to be somewhat 
on the way toward saying what it is. 

Whoso does not already move about 
in this world of dreams with certain 
step and welcoming eye will not find his 
way thither for all Lord Dunsany's tell- 
ing. Whoso makes too much of a little 
matter of allegorical grit will not rightly 
enjoy his dish of strawberries and 
cream. Of such, the cat who dwells 
on the other side of Go-by Street may 

well ask: "What does he know about 
anything?" and answer, after a little 
pause, "Nothing." Very likely the cat 
will say that in either case. But one 
who cares not at all for these things, 
let him go fetch down high prices, or 
find out the truth about Russia, or catch 
a falling star, as he chooses— and can. 

The Run of the Shelves 

THE cover of Donald Hankey's little 
book, the "Cross" (Dutton), is a very 
pretty, but a pale, almost a pallid, blue. 
It is sky-color attenuated. That phrase 
is exactly descriptive of the quality of 
the contents of the book. The best words 
it contains, the only words that come 
home to us, are the following on a fly- 
leaf: Donald Hankey, Born at Brighton, 
1884, Enlisted August, 1914. Killed in 
Action October 12, 1916. However, let 
no one suppose that there is anything 
wrong or silly or even positively weak 
in the book. It is serene and humane; 
it is sound after a fashion; its sincerity 
is incontestable. But its soundness does 
not make it strong. Its sincerity does 
not make it strong. The ratification of 
that sincerity by its author's gallant 
death in battle does not make it strong. 
It is a book that will comfort and sustain 
the predisposed, but the problem of the 
world, which it attempts to solve, arises 
very largely out of the increasing rarity 
of the predisposition. The book which 
is very, very short, urges its readers to 
follow the self-sacrificing example of a 
man who, among other instances of self- 
forgetfulness, preached to his fellow- 
Galileans for nothing. The book itself 
costs seventy-five cents. 

"The Book of a Naturalist," a pot- 
pourri of articles, some carefully, some 
casually written, and many years apart, 
adds little to Mr. W. H. Hudson's lit- 
erary fame and detracts considerably 
from our estimate of him as a naturalist. 
The themes vary from cheap, bourgeois 
anecdotes, such as "The Heron as a 
Table-bird," to the exquisite essay on 
the "Serpent in Literature." We revel 
in the diction of his chapters on snakes, 
but we lament the logic of his explana- 
tion of the forked tongue, which he 
claims renders its owner visible to ap- 
proaching enemies, and invisible to the 
prey which the snake is stalking. 

The fifty-odd pages of uncompromising 
attack on the domestic dog is likely to 
invite attention. Hudson writes, "The 
dog's affection for his master . . . 
is in reality a very small and a very low 
thing," and again elsewhere, "I have a 
friendly feeling toward pigs generally, 
and consider them the most intelligent 
of beasts, not excepting the elephant and 
the anthropoid ape — the dog is not to be 
mentioned in this connection." Sentiment 
entirely aside, these are not the words 

of a sincere naturalist, but a statement 
of false psychology. Judged as an un- 
corrected assemblage of various news- 
paper and magazine articles it is far in- 
ferior to similar volumes by Ray Lan- 
cester, Arthur Thompson, and Harting. 
Hudson describes in inimitable lan- 
guage the museum something that was 
a snake; that "spiral-shaped, rigid, cylin- 
drical piece of clay-colored gutta-percha, 
no longer capable of exciting strange 
emotions in us— the unsightly dropped 
coil of a spirit that was fiery and cold." 
And then the living serpent, "not seen 
distinctly as in a museum or laboratory, 
dead on a table, but in an atmosphere 
and surroundings that take something 
from and add something to it; seen at 
first as a chance disposition of dead 
leaves or twigs or pebbles on the 
ground— a handful of Nature's mottled 
riffraff blown or thrown fortuitously to- 
gether so as to form a peculiar pattern; 
all at once, as by a flash, it is seen to be no 
dead leaves or twigs or grass, but a liv- 
ing, active coil, a serpent lifting its flat 
arrowy head, vibrating a glistening 
forked tongue, hissing with dangerous 
fury ; and in another moment it has van- 
ished into the thicket, and is nothing 
but a memory — merely a thread of bril- 
liant color woven into the ever-changing 
varicolored embroidery of Nature's 
mantle, seen vividly for an instant, then 
changing to dull grey and fading from 
sight." This is magnificent, but no man 
has a right to belittle the plodding scien- 
tist and exalt the field naturalist who has 
not submitted every ward to the censor- 
ship of their mutual goddess. No poetry 
of Maeterlinck or phrase of Fabre was 
ever the worse for truth. 

The man who can not laugh more than 
once in reading Oliver Herford's "This 
Giddy World" (Doran), and who doesn't 
chuckle all the time that he isn't laugh- 
ing, is fit for treason, spoils, and strata- 
gems. He does not deserve to be reck- 
oned a member of "the most moral and 
patriotic people in the world, [whose] 
army is second to none in bravery, and 
won the World War." As a work on 
geography it is as accurate and authen- 
tic as it is amusing. The only error 
we discover is a reference to Lief 
Ericsen. We seem to recall a verse in 
which that hardy navigator (Ericson, by 
the way) protests that he'd 

Just as lief you called it Leif. 

With this trifling reservation the treat- 
ise can be heartily recommended. 

"The Burgess Bird Book for Children," 
by Thornton W. Burgess (Little, Brown), 
is a very clever, delicately executed book 
of birds. The author has encased a re- 
markable amount of nutritious funda- 
mental fact in a sugar-coating of hu- 
manized wood-folk, which ought to give 

January 31, 1920] 



pleasure to hosts of children. Brer Rab- 
bit—here alias Peter Rabbit— is the 
chief character, who by his love of gossip 
and his friendship and interest in all 
the birds of the field and the woods is 
made to serve as a most engaging inter- 
preter or interlocutor. One reads easily 
through page after page of amusing dia- 
logue between Peter and Jennie Wren, 
or Winsome Bluebird, or Creaker Grackle, 
or Butcher Shrike, or Plunger Osprey, 
without realizing that there is being con- 
veyed a host of facts which deal with mi- 
gration, molt, food, nesting, song, color- 
ing, and instincts which, if presented 
as bare facts, would only repel childish 
readers. It is certain that many an older 
person will read this book on the sly, for 
it has not a little of the charm of "The 
Wind in the Willows" and the "Jungle 
Books," and higher praise could not be 
paid. There is a wealth of colored illus- 
trations by Mr. Fuertes, and a fair index 
with scientific names for accurate identi- 

"Un Soldat de France" (Paris: Plon- 
Nourrit) is composed of the letters writ- 
ten from the front by a young French 
surgeon, and is interesting as another 
example of the intellectual superiority of 
the youth of France, one of the few 
agreeable revelations of the recent war. 
Most of these letters are addressed to the 
father of the writer and perhaps the most 
remarkable of them, as it is surely the 
most touching, is the one in which this 
young man, not yet twenty-three, offers 
his friendship to his father, a curious 
example of a psychological and mental 
state that only such a war as this last one 
could produce; and all this goes to prove 
once more that Professor Rollo Walter 
Brown in his "How the French Boy 
Learns to Write" is quite within the 
truth in his general conclusion that the 
French lad's pen is facile princeps when 
compared with that of his American 

Captain Ernest Peixotto, one of the 
official artists of the A. E. F., was close 
to the fighting at Chateau-Thierry, St. 
Mihiel, and the Argonne, and observed 
also our occupation of the middle Rhine. 
His diary and sketches constitute a 
sober personal record which is perpetu- 
ited in a well-made book, "At the 
American Front" (Scribners). There 
are thrilling touches, and even a thrill- 
ing chapter— that which describes the 
spectacular assault on the Montfaucon, 
but in general the narrative, and the 
illustrations as well, singularly repeat 
the quiet and not too colorful method of 
Mr. Peixotto's well-known sketches of 
travel. We have the accurate and re- 
strained observations of a veteran trav- 
eler, and should be grateful for so 
much. For the romantic flavor of our 
military effort, one must look elsewhere. 

The Society for Pure English, which 
was just getting under way when the 
war broke out, has now resumed its 
activities. Its membership includes 
some of the most distinguished British 
men and women of letters and students 
of literature. Among them are enough 
philologists of standing, like Henry 
Bradley, W. A. Craigie, Sir James Mur- 
ray, H. C. K. Wyld, and Joseph Wright, 
to give color to the hope that the 
Society's tracts, which will be published 
by the Oxford University Press, will not 
be wholly dedicated to enthusiasms like 
those of Sir Robert Bridges or pedant- 
ries like those of the Fowlers. Indeed, 
the aims of the Society, as set forth in 
the prospectus, are modest and sensible. 
Such matters as the naturalization of 
foreign words, native word-coinage, the 
"regeneration" of neglected elements in 
the vocabulary, the protection of tradi- 
tional speech-cadences from the assaults 
of ignorant pedantry, are among those 
to which it will give attention. No doubt 
the pamphlets issued by the Society will 
be of unequal value, but eventually its 
work, if it is carried on in the spirit sug- 
gested by the prospectus, should grow 
into very great usefulness. Applications 
for membership may be sent to the Hon- 
orary Secretary, Mr. L. Pearsall Smith, 
11 St. Leonards Terrace, London, S. W. 3. 

Anyone who buys for his children a 
copy of Jean Henri Fabre's "Field, Forest 
and Farm" (Century) is likely to be first 
disappointed and then greatly puzzled. 
He will be disappointed at finding its 
vocabulary far beyond the reading of 
any child to whom the form would be 
acceptable, and he will be puzzled to 
guess for whom it is intended. Like 
others of the series, it represents "Uncle 
Paul" imparting to his nephews informa- 
tion about nature and its processes. But 
of what age are the nephews to whom 
he delivers such observations as this on 
sap: . . . "It is not yet a nutri- 
tive fluid for the plant; it becomes so 
in the foliage by a double process. First, 
on being distributed to the leaves, which 
furnish a vast surface for evaporation, 
it exhales its superabundant water in 
the form of vapor and thus concentrates 
its usable ingredients?" If this repre- 
sents their working vocabulary, they are 
too old to be lured by a form of dialogue 
as palpably didactic as anything in 
"Sandford and Merton" or the Rollo 
books. If in French the book is accept- 
able to children, as it comes to us it is 
only half translated, for no one could 
read it to a child without ransacking his 
mind, and his dictionaries, for intelligible 
circumlocutions for fully half the words 
and phrases in it. If he is wise he will 
keep it as a source of information for 
himself to deal out to the children in 
the presence of the facts and the actual 

The New French 

SOME twenty-five years ago, when M. 
Poincare was still writing in the 
newspapers, besides being a lawyer and 
a Cabinet Minister, he said of M. Paul 
Deschanel that he was a man about 
whom one might prophesy not that he 
would some day become a minister, but 
that he surely would be elected to the 
French Academy. This prophecy was 
verified a long time ago. M. Deschanel 
has never been in any cabinet, but he has 
been a member of the French Academy 
for the last twenty years, and now he suc- 
ceeds M. Poincare as President of the 
Republic, a circumstance, by the way, 
that M. Poincare did not and could not 

The reason of M. Poincare's emphasis 
on the French Academy is because of M. 
Deschanel's literary accomplishments, 
his singularly elegant oratory, the finish 
of his style and, taken all in all, the tone 
of distinction and refinement that char- 
acterizes all his parliamentary manifes- 
tations since the first time he entered 
the Chamber of Deputies, some thirty- 
five years since. 

His political enemies used to make fun 
of this dandy of politics who dressed his 
person as well as he dressed his speeches 
and whose eloquence seemed to attract 
to the galleries of the Palais Bourbon all 
the pretty ladies of Paris. They called 
him the "Delaunay of the Chamber of 
Deputies," Delaunay being at that date 
the popular matinee idol of the Theatre 
Frangais. They accused him of fastidi- 
ousness in the preparation of Mf> orations, 
which they found a bit R,l polished. 
They prophesied that he could not keep 
on repeating the oratorical successes 
which he scored every time he took the 
floor. They were mistaken. M. Descha- 
nel repeated them often, or at least as 
often as he chose to speak. He spoke 
only when he had something important 
to say, and that was about once or twice 
a year. And each one of his orations 
was notable for its power and literary 
charm. The training he received from 
his father, one of the distinguished writ- 
ers on literature of the 19th century, his 
association with the Journal des Debats, 
one of the most scholarly and distin- 
guished French newspapers, and his nat- 
ural talent and taste for good style gave 
him immediately a prominence univer- 
sally acknowledged as one of the leading 
men of the French Parliament. 

In the early part of his career, be- 
tween 1885 and the nineties, he was sat- 
isfied with discussing on the floor ques- 
tions of a nature that could not rouse 
party passions. His maiden speech on 
June 28, 1886, is still remembered by 
old parliament-' rians. it dealt with the 



[Vol. 2, No. 38 

tariff. The fanners wanted a tax of 6 
francs on wheat, and he treated this 
arid topic with such imagination and 
brilliancy that he left the Chamber both 
delighted and surprised. A year later 
we find him, with the same success, 
treating the Naval appropriations and 
the problems of France's protectorate 
over the Christians in Syria. 

Gradually, however, he approached 
questions of a more contentious nature. 
After the moderate party had been de- 
prived of its great leaders, Gambetta, 
Jules Ferrj', and also M. Ribot, tempo- 
rarily out of Parliament, the younger 
men had to take their place and carry 
on the fight against radicalism, which 
was growing stronger every day, and 
Socialism, which was just then making 
its entrance into Parliament with Paul 
Lafargue, Jules Guesde, and Vaillant, 
soon joined by Jaures, Viviani, and Mil- 
lerand. Among these young men the 
most prominent were Jonnart, Barthou, 
Poincare, and Deschanel. While the 
first three accepted cabinet positions in 
various ministries, Deschanel, for rea- 
sons best known to himself, remained in 
the ranks to fight the battles of the mod- 
erate party. 

He resented the injustice and the un- 
fairness of the extreme left, led by Clem- 
enceau and Pelletan, against the great 
leaders of his party; so he decided to 
give radicalism a little bit of its own 
medicine in the form of aggressive criti- 
cisms and virulent denunciations. 

Three times, in November, 1895, in 
April, 1896, and again in November of 
the same year, under the Bourgeois and 
Meline ministries, he attacked the radi- 
cal party with a sharp, incisive, and pet- 
ulant or<itc.ry, very different from his 
earlie v^raife academic style, and one 
which was quite as much of a revelation 
as his first manner. 

His talent had matured. His knowl- 
edge of political and economic science 
had been increased by continuous study, 
wide curiosity, and even a trip to the 
United States, from which he brought 
many observations often used in his 
speeches. He was one of the best- 
equipped members of the House, and to 
many of his colleagues whose knowledge 
hardly extends beyond local issues, his 
orations were as good as a university 
course in political science. Hence when 
he had to carry on controversies with 
the Socialists, he could not be satisfied 
with feeble platitudes and old-fashioned 
arguments. He had to argue against 
scholarly and well-informed Marxists 
like Paul Lafargue and Jules Guesde, 
crafty parliamentarians, powerful and 
passionate orators like Jaures, and clever 
debaters like Millerand, Viviani, and a 
half dozen others. 

Nothing has shovra more strikingly 
the openness of mind of that opportunist 
and conservative spokesman than the way 

in which he had not merely grasped the 
abstruse metaphysics of Karl Marx's 
"Capital" and the rest of modern Social- 
istic literature, but also accepted some 
of their legitimate claims, while fighting 
their doctrines in a spirit of fairness 
and, sometimes, of sympathy, that many 
of them readily acknowledged. 

His colleagues had come to look upon 
him as a man of keen intelligence, with 
a broad mind and a heart open to any 
appeal. That is why he shared the 
Speakership of the House with only one 
man during the first years of this cen- 
tury. When Henry Brisson died, Descha- 
nel was the only possible candidate. He 
has filled his position with tact, impar- 
tiality, and common sense. In a House 
that is often unruly and still oftener 
intolerant, he has stood for freedom of 
speech and for fair treatment of all. 
When a House has finished its career, no 
one knows better than Deschanel how 
to praise its accomplishments; and like- 
wise when the House reconvenes, he 
knows, without offending his colleagues, 
how to give them sound advice. His 
very duties as a president of the House 
have prepared him and made him more 
fit for his part as President of the 

The restricted body by which the 
President is chosen has one advantage: 
it knows exactly what is needed in the 
position to be filled and who best fits 
the requirements. The presidency is 
never given as a reward for services to 
a man who, whatever his other merits, 
has neither the temperament nor the 
special equipment required to perform 
its duties. A soldier without political 
experience or elementary knowledge of 
public affairs, a public man who has been 
all his life a fighter and a polemist, would 
be equally out of place in the presiden- 
tial position. 

The President in France must forget 
that he was once the man of a party ; he 
must become an impartial arbiter of all 
parties. That will be easy for Deschanel, 
who was elected by men of all groups 
and supported especially by those men 
whose doctrines are furthest from his 
own, the Socialists and the radicals. 
Since the President has many social and 
diplomatic duties, it is as well that he 
should be a man of pleasing presence, of 
distinction and charm of manner, of 
impeccable speech and sound views. 
M. Deschanel will have the distinction 
of being perhaps the best-looking of the 
French Presidents. 

Although elected as a conservative Re- 
publican, M. Deschanel is a staunch and 
almost fanatic Republican. He has no 
patience with those who speak ill of the 
parliamentary regime. He knows and 
has often said that with all its defects 
it is the only guarantee of popular lib- 
erties. He rebukes the idle and foolish 
critics who always slander the Assem- 

blies that they elect. During the war, in 
particular, he has rendered frequent and 
just homage to the work of supervision 
of the committees and their delegates at 
the front. To this man, whose father 
was an exile for his republican faith, the 
French Republic is something more than 
a form of government, it is almost a 
religion. He worships his country and 
he worships the republic. 

After the proclamation of the vote 
that made him President, some one said 
that this election shows the continuity 
of the French Republic and the conti- 
nuity of the ideals for which this war 
was fought. No other member of either 
House would have been more worthy 
than Paul Deschanel, not only to sym- 
bolize but to assure the continuity of 
the best traditions of the Third Republic. 
Othon Guerlac 

Einstein and the Man 
in the Street 

WHEN I was asked to write an article 
explaining the principle of rela- 
tivity to the man in the street I felt very 
much like quoting the words of Faust : 

So soil ich denn mit sauerem Schweiss 
Euch lehren was ich selbst nicht weiss? 

I do not entirely understand the principle 
of relativity and it is impossible for the 
man in the street to understand it. The 
explanations that I have seen in the daily 
papers do not in the least explain why 
rays of light should be bent by gravita- 
tional attraction, and yet I am disposed 
to make the attempt to throw a little 
light upon it without any mathematics 
and even without any diagrams. This 
is certainly no light task. 

Everybody knows that light takes a 
certain length of time to travel, like 
sound or waves on the surface of still 
water, and whereas sound travels only 
about 1,100 feet per second, light is 
known to travel with a velocity of about 
186,000 miles per second. Thus the delay 
caused in the case of a luminous signal 
of any sort, between its time of starting 
from any point and of arriving at an- 
other, is noticeable only when the dis- 
tances concerned are very great, such 
as are celestial distances. In order to 
explain the finite delay in the arrival 
of light the notion of the luminiferous 
ether was invented to denote the medium 
in which the light existed between 
the time of its emission at the source 
and its reception by the eye. The 
late Lord Salisbury wittily said that 
the noun "ether" was invented to be the 
subject to the verb "to undulate." If we 
drop a stone upon the surface of a pond 
we see a system of waves spreading out 
in the form of a circle of ever increasing 
diameter. If we fire a pistol we similarly 
have a wave of sound which spreads out 

Januaiy 31, 1920] 



in the form of a sphere of continually 
increasing diameter and nobody hears 
the sound until this sphere has grown 
large enough to reach his ear. Similarly 
with light. The light spreads out in the 
form of a spherical wave and nobody sees 
the light until the sphere has reached 
the eye. The case of the wave on water 
is simpler insofar as a plane contains 
only two dimensions, length and breath, 
so that the position of a point is deter- 
mined by giving its distances, say north 
and south from a given parallel and east 
and west from a given meridian. With 
the sound and light wave, however, the 
spreading is in three-dimensional space, 
and we require to fix the position of a 
point not two of these so-called coordi- 
nate distances but three, the third being 
the distance above or below some horizon- 
tal floor plane. I think it is pretty evi- 
dent that if we consider a circular cone 
with its axis vertical and cause it to rise 
through the level surface of the water, 
if its point rises with uniform velocity 
it will intersect the surface of the water 
in a circle, the radius of which increases 
with a uniform velocity, thus constitut- 
ing a circular wave. The height of the 
vertex of the cone above the floor plane 
of the water is then a measure of the 
time; so that if we were dealing with 
space of only two dimensions the time 
would be the third dimension for that 
space, as far as wave motions were con- 
sidered. Beings living in the plane would 
have the same diflJiculty in imagining a 
third dimension that we do for a fourth. 
Now it is somewhat more difficult when 
we are dealing with three-dimensional 
space to think of time as a fourth. But 
by a certain extension of the imagina- 
tion we are able to do it. In this sense 
the time is measured by the increase of 
radius of a spherical light or sound wave 
proceeding from a point. I do not say 
that this is all there is to the question of 
time as the fourth dimension, but it is 
sufficient for our purpose here. 

Let us now come to some of the physi- 
cal consequences of the notion of the 
ether as a substance which bears the 
light waves. It is, I think, very evident 
that if waves of sound go along with 
respect to the still air at a speed of 1,100 
feet per second, then, if the air is moving 
forward in the form of a wind, the waves 
are carried along so much faster by the 
amount of the velocity of the wind. If 
one is in a train moving towards a sound- 
ing whistle the waves proceeding from 
the whistle are encountered faster than 
if one were standing still and the pitch 
of the whistle accordingly rises. The 
same thing would be true if we were 
standing still and the whistle together 
with the air were coming towards us 
with a velocity of their own. I may in 
this case leave the whistle out of account 
and simply speak of the waves that are 
borne along by the air. 

Now the earth is going along through 
space at a great rate, moving in its or- 
bit around the sun with an average veloc- 
ity of about 19 miles per second, which, 
to be sure, is only about one ten-thou- 
sandth of the velocity of light, but still 
is very fast compared with ordinary 
speeds. If, then, ether acts like air and 
stands still in space, we shall have the 
effect of a sort of ether wind blowing 
against us with a speed of 19 miles per 
second. Such an effect was looked for 
about 30 years ago by the American 
physicists Michelson and Morley; the 
former, who is now Professor of Physics 
at the University of Chicago, has since 
obtained the Nobel Prize for this and 
his other optical researches. The result 
of the experiment was negative; that is 
to say, the ether did not appear to be 
in motion with respect to the earth. This 
was the beginning of the whole trouble 
and eventually led up to the invention 
of the principle of relativity in 1905 by 
Einstein, a young Swiss mathematical 
physicist who is now situated in Berlin, 
belonging to that talented race that is 
responsible for so much of our troubles, 
intellectual and other. 

Suppose again that we are moving 
along above the surface of still water and 
at a certain time we drop a stone into 
it giving rise to a circular wave as be- 
fore, only that now we move ahead. It 
is very obvious that at any subsequent 
time we are nearer to that part of the 
wave front that is ahead of us and which 
we are trying to catch up with than the 
part that is behind us which we are mov- 
ing away from. Thus the velocity of the 
wave with respect to us is not the same 
in all directions. 

The first question raised by Einstein 
is that of a criterion for the simultaneity 
of two events. If these events take place 
at the same place there is no difficulty. 
The clock must tell the same time for 
each of them. But suppose they take 
place in places a long way apart. The 
only way that an observer situated where 
one of these events takes place can tell 
when the other takes place is by the 
reception of some sort of signal, which 
must travel with the velocity of light. 
In order to set two clocks so that they 
shall correctly indicate the time we may 
suppose that a signal is given when the 
first clock shows twelve o'clock, and if 
the second clock is, we will say, 186,000 
miles away, when the signal reaches there 
the clock must show twelve o'clock plus 
one second, and if the signal is then re- 
flected back it must arrive at the first 
clock when that clock marks twelve 
o'clock and two seconds. If, then, the 
second clock shows a time which is half- 
way between those shown by the first 
clock on the departure of the signal and 
the reception of the reflected signal, the 
clocks are correctly set. But if the clocks 
are in motion, this will not be the case, 

because, as we have just shown, the ve- 
locity of the wave that is catching up will 
be different from that of the wave which 
is coming back. Consequently clocks in 
motion have a different criterion for 
simultaneity from what they would have 
if at rest. 

Now, Einstein's first postulate is, say- 
ing nothing about the ether, which we 
need henceforth not mention, that the 
velocity of light is the same in all direc- 
tions, irrespective of the velocity with 
which the source of light is moving. The 
principle of relativity may then be stated 
by saying that it is impossible by the 
observation of any natural phenomenon 
to determine anything more than the 
relative velocity of two points, the abso- 
lute velocity being entirely unknown. It 
is well known that this is true in me- 
chanics. For instance, it is quite im- 
possible to tell in a sleeping car which 
way the car is traveling as long as the 
velocity is unchanged, despite the fancies 
of particular passengers who wish their 
berths made up with the head facing for- 
wards or back. This is well shown in 
the case of persons passing through the 
Broad Street station in Philadelphia in 
the night who come out facing the other 
way without any knowledge of it. It is 
when the speed of the train is changing 
or is experiencing an acceleration that 
we are able to tell the direction of the 
change by means of the pressures be- 
ween ourselves and other objects. 

Now, although this dynamical principle 
of relativity has been known since the 
days of Newton, it was not supposed that 
phenomena such as the propagation of 
light or of electrical disturbances would 
be similarly independent of absolute ve- 
locity. Yet this is what Einstein pro- 
poses. '*/ 

In order to explain the Michelson- 
Morley result Professor Lorentz, the cele- 
brated Dutch physicist, following a sug- 
gestion thrown out by FitzGerald in Ire- 
land, suggested that all bodies in motion 
experienced a shortening in the direction 
parallel to that of the motion, and thus 
that the light traveling in the direction 
of the motion of the earth in Michelson's 
and Morley's apparatus had a different 
distance to go from that going in a direc- 
tion at right angles to the motion of the 
earth. Thus the result was satisfactorily 
explained. But this result was carried 
much farther by Einstein, who assumes 
that there is a fundamental relation be- 
tween time and space, such that, to put 
it simply, no one can tell what time it 
is until he knows where he is and he can 
not tell where he is until he knows when 
he is. The difficulty of measuring the 
length of an object such as a bar in mo- 
tion will be seen to arise from the fact 
that both ends must be compared with 
the ends of a fixed bar at the same time; 
for if we measure the coincidence of one 
end at one time and of the other at an- 



[Vol. 2, No. 38 

other, obviously we do not get the same 
length as if both were measured at once. 
Consequently, the question of length is 
seen to be connected with the question of 

These considerations were thus intro- 
duced by Einstein in 1905. As will be 
easily seen, they say nothing whatever 
about gravitation, and since then the 
whole theory has been remodeled. Ein- 
stein now introduces a new postulate hav- 
ing to do with accelerated motion, which 
I may illustrate by the motion of an ele- 
vator. If we stand in an elevator which 
starts up or goes upwards faster and 
faster, our feet press harder upon the 
floor and we should weigh more upon a 
pair of scales. It is obviously impos- 
sible to distinguish the effect of a sud- 
den increase in the pull due to the attrac- 
tion of the earth from the acceleration of 
the elevator, our so-called frame of ref- 
erence. Einstein's new postulate, then, 
is that it is impossible to distinguish the 
effect of a gravitational field or region 
where attraction takes place from an 
acceleration of our frame of reference. 
But this is not all. 

A set of waves possesses energy; that 
is, the power to do work. We know that 
waves of the sea may knock down a 
breakwater or cut away a cliff. Waves 
of sound may cause a phonograph needle 
to dig up wax. Waves of light were pre- 
dicted by Maxwell fifty years ago to 
exert pressure, which was experimentally 
demonstrated in this country by Nichols 
and Hull and in Russia by Lebedeff. But 
how can transverse waves, where the 
motion is at right angles to the direction 
of propagation, as is supposed to be the 
case with light, exert a pressure in the 
directifliipf propagation? Lord Ray- 
leir' >f^3 this by an analogy. Sup- 
pose that we have a ring sliding on a 
violin string which is vibrating trans- 
versely. In order to prevent the ring 
from being pushed along by the vibra- 
tions it will be necessary to hold it still, 
so that the transverse vibrations push 
the ring along endwise. In order to stop 
a set of waves and reflect them back, 
then, it is necessary to oppose a force, 
exactly as it would be to stop a ball, or 
make it reflect back. The waves act, 
then, as if they had inertia. In other 
words, a beam of light acts on a mirror 
just as a stream of bullets from a ma- 
chine gun acts on a target. We are ac- 
cordingly led to the notion that a beam 
of light possesses mass, using that term 
in the sense of inertia. But all ordinary 
mass has weight; that is to say, is pulled 
by gravitational forces that have their 
origin in other mass. 

Einstein now makes the further as- 
sumption that everything that has mass 
or inertia has gravitational mass, and 
that therefore a beam of light is acted 
upon by gravitation. He is thus able to 
show that a beam of light passing near 

the sun or other celestial body would be 
bent. This is a very extraordinary pre- 
diction. The amount of bending even 
in the case of such a strongly attracting 
body as the sun is very small. A beam of 
light that just grazes the sun would be 
bent by a very small amount, one and 
three-quarters seconds, of angle, and such 
an observation can be made only at the 
time of a total solar eclipse when the 
light of a star can be seen passing close 
to the edge of the sun when the sun is 
dark. In the eclipse that took place last 
spring such observations were actually 
made. On photographing the light of 
the same stars at the moment of the 
eclipse and at another time when the sun 
was not there, a displacement was ob- 
served of the order of that predicted by 
Einstein. This was hailed by the Eng- 
lish astronomers and physicists, includ- 
ing Sir Joseph Thomson, the President 
of the London Royal Society, as an ex- 
traordinary confirmation of the principle 
of relativity. When observed, the effect 
is extremely small. If we look at a let- 
ter an inch in height at a distance of 
about three miles from our eye, it sub- 
tends an angle of one second. Obviously, 
a powerful telescope must be used, and 
when the effect is so very small one may 
be pardoned a certain skepticism if one 
refuses to overturn one's preconceived 
ideas of the independence of t'me and 
space. Nevertheless, other phenomena, 
both celestial and terrestrial, have seemed 
to point in the same direction. It may 
be asked whether the ray of light is not 
bent by ordinary refraction in passing 
through the attenuated gases of the solar 
corona which we know extends to sev- 
eral diameters beyond the sun's disk. Un- 
doubtedly the English astronomers have 
taken care of this. 

Whether we believe it or not, the more 
closely we examine the principle of rela- 
tivity the more we must believe that it 
is a very wonderful conception, incapable 
of being appreciated in its consequences 
without profound mathematical appa- 
ratus, and involving at least four assump- 
tions which I have in a very rough way 
attempted to describe : First, that of the 
constancy of the velocity of light with 
respect to all directions and to any sys- 
tem moving with any velocity whatever 
with respect to any other system ; second, 
a relation between time and distance such 
that either of two bodies seems shortened 
in the direction of their relative motion 
by an observer attached to the other; 
third, that it is impossible to distinguish 
a gravitational field from the accelera- 
tion of the frame of reference; and 
fourth, that everything that has mass, as 
determined by inertia, has mass of the 
sort determined by weight or attracta- 

This is the best that I am able to do 
for the man in the street. 

Arthur Gordon Webster 


The New York Opera War — 
Hints to Librettists 

AGAIN we are in the throes of an 
opera war. Managers are pitted 
against managers, millions against mil- 
lions, and singers against singers. The 
crowd, night after night, packs two 
vast opera houses. "The excitement 
of the fight is far more evident at 
the Lexington than at the Metropolitan, 
which affects unconsciousness of its Mid- 
Western rivals. 

The more such wars we see, the more 
we like them. If they could last five 
months, and not five little weeks, we 
should not grumble. For, if competition 
is the soul of trade, in emulation lies the 
spur to art. The Metropolitan needs 
many spurs. Left to itself it sticks in 
ruts — and sleeps. 

And while the larger houses strive and 
strain, the struggle at the Park goes on. 
The fight there is, however, strictly 
limited. Its aim is to build up a per- 
manent home for opera of the light and 
lyric kinds, sung, not by foreigners, in 
foreign tongues, but by Americans in 
their own English idiom. 

If they had done no more than that this 
year and last, the American singers at 
the Park would have accomplished a good 
deal for art by proving that the English 
tongue in opera may be plain and musi- 
cal. But, incidentally, they have done 
something more. They have shown what 
good librettos mean in opera. Not in 
the obsolescent kind of opera, which was 
merely a vehicle for the display of virtu- 
osity, but in those modern works which 
are really plays with music. 

The demonstration I refer to has been 
made by the revival, at the Park, of 
Gilbert and Sullivan's delightful comic 
operas. Week after week large audiences 
have filled the theatre, not only to hear 
Sullivan's airs and glees, but, just as 
surely, to enjoy the quips and quirks of 
Gilbert's text. We have been told, by 
those who disbelieve in English as an 
operatic medium, that the success of the 
joint authors of "The Mikado," "Pa- 
tience," "The Pirates," "Pinafore," and 
"Ruddigore" was a phenomenon unique 
and unrepeatable. But, both before and 
since the partnership of Gilbert and Sul- 
livan, there have been other unions, 
possibly as fortunate. 

Of these the most remarkable was that 
which long linked Offenbach with Henri 
Meilhac and Ludovic Halevy, all three 
imbued with the same spirit of mad 
levity. In Italy, again, for years the 
triumphs of the operatic "Veritists" were 
chiefly due to the great skill of two 
^Continued on page 118) 

Januaiy 31, 1920] 




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[Vol. 2, No. 38 

(Continued from page 116) 
librettists — the romantic dramatist, 
Giuseppe Giacosa, and Luigi Illica. An- 
other even more apparent proof of what 
librettos mean in opera is found in what 
Arrigo BoTto did for Verdi. And, to 
come nearer to our day, I might quote 
Maeterlinck, who inspired Dukas and 
Debussy with his dream plays. 

Some years ago, before the production 
of "Francesca da Rimini," in Paris, I 
asked the late Maestro Campanini what 
he thought of Zandonai's latest work. "I 
have no opinion on the subject yet," 
said the conductor; "I have not read the 

The success or failure of the new 
works now being sung at the Lexington 
Opera House will, to a large extent 
(much larger than some think), depend 
on whether their composers had, or had 
not, good librettos. If "L'Heure Espag- 
nole," to name one work, should not be 
liked, Laparra, the composer of the score, 
will have himself to blame. For, like 
Charpentier, Wolf-Ferrari, and Dukas, 
he now insists on writing his own words 
in opera. The example was set long 
ago by Wagner. As time runs on, it 
may be widely followed. 

For those born librettists who inspire 
great lyric dramas grow rarer and rarer. 
And in some places they are sadly 
scorned. I do not speak now of the 
Broadway hacks, who grind out dull 
rubbish by the yard for "comic" operas, 
but of the few and well-intentioned men 
and women who have tried their hands 
here at the invention of ambitious opera 
"books." Among them, I may mention 
Bryan Hooker, who devised the words for 
"Mona," and Percy MacKaye, who twice 
collaborated with Reginald de Koven. 
Both did their best, but from the same 
wrong standpoint, and in the instances 
of "Mona" and of "The Canterbury 
Pilgrims," both good reading plays, both 
failed, and why? Because the method 
each preferred was purely '"literary," 
appealing chiefly to the brain and eye, 
but disdaining the much more important 
ear, which must be courted by the man 
who writes for opera. 

All good — all great — librettists know 
that truth. Boito, Gilbert, Meilhac, 
Halevy, and, to add three to the exclu- 
sive list, Barber and Carre, who assisted 
Gounod, and Henri Cain, who has signed 
many opera books, respected it relig- 
iously. So, though at times their verses 
may seem trite or tame, what they in- 
vented was at least quite clear. The 
most absurdly intricate of Gilbert's pat- 
ter songs is understandable, provided it 
is sung by well-trained singers. While 
when, forsaking "light for serious art, 
Meilhac and Halevy made a libretto out 
of Merimee's "Carmen," they gave us 
what still seems a little masterpiece, 
melodic, graceful, vivid, full of life, 
poetic, humorous, tragic — always sing- 

able. Boito rivaled them in his "Fal- 
stafT" libretto, and now and then in his 
arrangement of "Othello." Here we 
have models. 

Charles Henry Meltzer 

Books and the News 


THE word "Spiritism" seems almost 
to have displaced the older one, 
"Spiritualism," but if it ordinarily indi- 
cates bias either towards or against the 
belief, it is not so used here. Persons 
who work in libraries and book-shops 
can not doubt the extraordinary interest 
in the subject, and the lectures of M. 
Maeterlinck and Sir Oliver Lodge are 
increasing that interest. 

Books about it are mostly written by 
convinced believers, who seem, to skep- 
tics or agnostics, pathetically credulous; 
or by disbelievers, whose skepticism ap- 
pears to the convert to be a resolute 
refusal to open their minds to the truth. 
If there is in the world a person abso- 
lutely without prejudice upon this sub- 
ject, he will seek long to discover any 
book reflecting his state of mind. The 
most determined opponents are those 
who find the belief disturbing to ortho- 
dox religion. 

Sir Arthur Conan Doyle, a believer, 
says that as a course of reading "for 
an intelligent agnostic who knew noth- 
ing about psychic science," he would sug- 
gest the writings of J. Arthur Hill. Two 
of these are "Spiritualism; its History, 
Phenomena and Doctrine" (Doran, 1919) 
and "Psychical Investigations" (Cassell, 
1917). Sir A. C. Doyle's own writings 
are: "The New Revelation" and "The 
Vital Message" (Doran, 1918-19). It is 
hardly necessary to name Sir Oliver 
Lodge's "Raymond" (Doran, 1916) and 
"The Survival of Man" (Moffat, 1909). 
James H. Hyslop's "Contact with the 
Other World" (Century) is a compila- 
tion from his years of experience, his 
studies and conclusions. Hereward Car- 
rington's "Modern Psychical Phenom- 
ena" (Dodd, 1919) is one of many books 
by this author; its evidence about "spirit 
photography" must be overwhelming if 
it convinces any who have known the 
mischances of the amateur photographer 
and the surprises of the developing room. 
Basil King's "Abolishing of Death" 
(Cosmopolitan Book Corp., 1919) and 
Sir W. T. Barrett's "On the Threshold 
of the Unseen" (Dutton, 1917) are 
friendly to the investigations. 

Two important studies from, it is said, 
a scientific point of view, are W. J. Craw- 
ford's "The Reality of Psychic Phe- 
nomena" (Watkins, 1916) and his "Ex- 
periments in Psychical Science" (Dut- 
ton, 1919). An extensive and extremely 
interesting historical work is Frank 
Podmore's "Modem Spiritualism ; a His- 

tory and a Criticism" (2 vols., Scribner, 
1902). Theodore Flournoy's "Spiritism 
and Psychology" (Harper, 1911), Emile 
Boirac's "The Psychology of the Future" 
(Stokes, 1918), Hamlin Garland's "The 
Shadow World" (Harper, 1908), and 
Samuel McComb's "The Future Life in 
the Light of Modern Inquiry" (Dodd, 
1919) offer a variety of treatments of 
the topic. 

Johan Liljencrants in "Spiritism and 
Religion" (Devin, 1918) and D. I. Lans- 
lots in "Spiritism Unveiled" (Herder, 
1913) pay the compliments of the Church 
of Rome to the whole subject, while J. 
G. Raupert's "The New Black Magic" 
(Devin), from much the same point of 
view, admits the manifestations and 
seems to class them with devil-worship. 

"Some Revelations as to 'Raymond' " 
(Dutton, 1918), by "A Plain Citizen," 
is discriminating and by no means en- 
tirely hostile. It should be read with Sir 
Oliver Lodge's "Raymond." For an out- 
and-out opponent of spiritism, try Ed- 
ward Clodd's "The Question" (Richards, 

Edmund Lester Pearson 

Books Received 

Ben Jonson's Every Man in His Humour. 
Edited by Percy Simpson. Oxford University 

Fort, Charles. The Book of the Damned. 
Boni & Liveright. 

Living Waters or Messages of Joy. Intro- 
duction by Dwight Goddard. Brentano's. 
$1.50 net. 

Randall, J. H. The Spirit of the New Phil- 
osophy. Brentano's. $1.75. 

Beamish, R. J., and March, F. A. America's 
Part in the World War. Introduction by Gen. 
John J. Pershing. Winston. $3.00 net. 

Goddard, Dwight, and Borel, Henri. Lao- 
tze's Tao and Wu Wei. Brentano's. $1.25. 

Simonds, F. H. History of the World War, 
in five volumes. Volume IV — America and 
Russia. Doubleday, Page. 


Bullard, Arthur. The Russian Pendulum. 
Macmillan. $2.00. 

Cheng, Sih-Gung Modern China : A Polit- 
ical Study. Oxford University Press. 

Drake, P. H. Democracy Made Safe. Bos- 
ton: Four Seas. $1.25 net. 

Gompers, Samuel. Labor and the Common 
Welfare. Edited by Hayes Robbins. Dutton. 

Harrison, Marie. The Stolen Lands : A 
Study in Alsace-Lorraine. Dutton. $2.00 net. 

Hillis, N. D. Rebuilding Europe in the Face 
of World-Wide Bolshevism. Revell. $1.50 net. 

Huang, Feng-Hua. Public Debts in China. 
Columbia University Studies. Longmans, 

McKenzie, F. A, Korea's Fight for Free- 
dom. Revell. $2.00. 

Thomas, H. C. The Return of the Demo- 
cratic Party to Power in 1884. Columbia Uni- 
versity Studies. Longmans, Green. 

Marcosson, I. F. Adventures in Interview- 
ing. Lane. $4.00 net. 

Mills, E. A. The Adventures of a Nature 
Guide. Doubleday, Page. 


Vol. 2, No. 39 

New York, Saturday, February 7, 1920 



Brief Comment 119 

Editoriat Articles: 
The Issues in the Fight at Albany 121 
America and the Plight of Europe 123 
Mr. Gompers vs. the Bolshevists 124 

What Are Colleges For? 125 

Abolishing the Political State. By 

W. J. Ghent 126 

The Human Cost of Living. By David 

Harold Colcord 127 

The Lady of the Violets. By Mary C. 

Francis 129 

Correspondence 130 

Book Reviews: 
France and Her Colonies 131 

The Old and the New 132 

On Our Way 132 

New Psychic Faculties 133 

The Run of the Shelves 134 

Music : 
Four Operas New to New York. By 
Charles Henry Meltzer 136 

Drama : 
The "Power of Darkness" at the 
Garrick. By O. W. Firkins 137 

Books and the News: 
Boys' Books. By Edmimd Lester 
Pearson 138 

YISCOUNT GREY'S letter to the 
' London Times on America's posi- 
tion in relation to the treaty recalls 
vividly to mind the impression made 
by the British White Book published 
in the opening weeks of the great 
war. The same lucidity, the same fair- 
ness, the same grasp of the actual 
needs of a crucial situation, which 
' marked his communications and 
statements as Foreign Minister, char- 
acterize his analysis of the present 
difficulty. It is not too much to say 
that the convincingness of the case 
presented in the White Book was a 
decisive factor in shaping American 
opinion and sentiment in 1914, and 
j was thus in a perfectly true sense 
one of the most powerful elements in 
, the winning of the war against Ger- 
j many. While of course no such com- 
manding importance can be attached 
to this plain though most weighty 
I utterance, it has the same kind of 
merit, and bids fair to produce, in 
its degree, an equally wholesome 

'T'HE signal importance of Lord 
■*• Grey's letter lies not in its argu- 
ments or explanations, admirable as 
these are, but in the peculiarly timely 
aid it brings to the prospects of rati- 
fication. It had begun to seem as 
though nothing could be injected into 
the situation which would have po- 
tency to break the spell of inaction. 
The time for effective argument with- 
in the Senate had passed months ago. 
The possibilities of negotiation based 
on mutual good will seemed likewise 
exhausted. Now comes this new force, 
directed not to the dicussion of minu- 
tiae, but to the allaying of controversy 
and to the impressive assertion at once 
of the supreme need and the entire 
practicability of an immediate settle- 
ment. There is every reason to be- 
lieve that Lord Grey's communication 
has the sanction of the British Gov- 
ernment, although of course he was 
careful to say that it represented only 
his own personal opinion as a private 
individual. But viewed even in this 
latter light it would, apart from its 
inherent merit, carry extraordinary 
weight. For it must not be forgotten 
that Lord Grey was one of the earliest 
and one of the most ardent advocates 
of a genuine League of Nations as the 
only hope of the world after the close 
of the great war. Coming from such 
a source, the conviction expressed by 
him that without America the League 
would be a failure, and that with 
America in it, in spite of the limita- 
tions set by the reservations, it holds 
out the promise of achieving its great 
ends, must go far towards settling 
the doubts of fairminded men. 

TLLUMINATING as Lord Grey's 
■■- analysis must be to most Europeans 
and to many Americans, it does no 
more than set forth in admirable 
form what has long been recognized 
by thinking people in this country 
who have not been blinded by partisan 

prejudice, or by the intensity of their 
devotion to President Wilson. Some 
of these latter are now urging that 
Lord Grey was precluded from saying 
what he really thought about the 
motives that lay behind the opposi- 
tion to unreserved acceptance of the 
Covenant, because to offend the Re- 
publican leaders would be to defeat 
the object of his letter. But these 
same people made no such allowance 
when they pointed the finger of scorn 
at every American protester as flying 
in the face of the laudation of Presi- 
dent Wilson and his programme 
which European statesmen were 
uttering last Spring. Surely those 
men were under much heavier bonds 
to keep well with Mr. Wilson than 
Lord Grey is to keep well with Sena- 
tor Lodge. 

"DEPUBLICAN leaders must bear 
■*-*■ the responsibility for the failure 
of Congress to carrry out Secretary 
Glass's well-considered recommenda- 
tion for the relief of starving popu- 
lations in Austria, Armenia, Poland, 
and other countries. Guilt would be 
a better word than responsibility, for 
we can not regard it as other than a 
crime to fail in such a duty. Mr. 
Glass has abundantly shown that he 
is no sentimentalist in such matters. 
His recommendation, and the state- 
ment made by Assistant Secretary 
Davis before the House Ways and 
Means Committee, went carefully 
into particulars both as to the des- 
perate need and as to the means by 
which relief could be safely and 
properly applied. President Wilson 
has written an urgent and moving 
letter in support of Mr. Glass's 
recommendation. No decent reason 
has been given for not providing 
through the United States Grain 
Corporation the $150,000,000 credit 
proposed. It now appears that $50,- 
000,000 is the utmost that Congress 



[Vol. 2, No. 39 

will sanction, and the Republican 
Steering Committee in the House 
sought to prevent the giving of any 
aid at all. It is a spectacle of which 
our country, overflowing with abun- 
dance while millions in other lands 
are suffering the agonies of famine 
in the depth of winter, has reason 
to be profoundly ashamed. 

WE can go far enough with the 
New Republic and The Nation 
to agree that the way to combat Bol- 
shevism and other dangerous teach- 
ings is to let them say their worst, 
and refute it by convincing argument 
on the other side. Of course their 
statement of the method implies their 
own intention to use it, and we await 
with unbounded eagerness the forth- 
coming of the argument which we 
assume that the editors of these pa- 
pers are busily preparing. If its 
solidity and lucidity, reach and grasp, 
comprehensiveness and impermeabil- 
ity, shall prove at all commensurate 
with the length of its period of in- 
cubation, it will certainly be one of 
the most effective logical assaults on 
error of all history. But life is short, 
and hope deferred maketh the heart 
sick. Feeling so sure of the effect 
of this impending attack, we are all 
the more distressed to be so unsure 
of the time when the signal to advance 
is to be sounded. 

IN the dispute over the Rev. Percy 
Stickney Grant, which has at- 
tracted nation-wide attention, it is 
essential to distinguish between two 
entirely different points. How meet- 
ings should be conducted within the 
walls of an Episcopal church — and, 
for that matter, whether meetings 
for controversial discussion or polit- 
ical propaganda should be held there 
at all — is a matter of church policy, 
of no special importance to the gen- 
eral public, unless the thing assumes 
a character that makes it something 
like a public scandal. This may have 
been true of Dr. Grant's "forum" in 
the Church of the Ascension at New 
York; at all events, the matter ap- 
pears now to have been settled by an 
arrangement accepted by him and by 
his bishop. But when we referred to 
the case of Dr. Grant, in a recent 

issue, as bearing on the principle of 
free speech, we were not in the least 
referring, either expressly or by im- 
plication, to the doings in his forum, 
but solely to his own expression of 
his own opinions. We are glad to 
observe that nothing whatever has 
come of this part of the charges 
against him; and we trust that the 
reason they were not pressed is that, 
when time was given for sober second 
thought, it was recognized that to 
suppress the opinions of a clergyman, 
or to discipline him for uttering them, 
is utterly wrong from the standpoint 
of policy as well as from that of 

SENSATION mongers are extract- 
ing a wholly unwarranted amount 
of gloom out of the answer^ to a ques- 
tionnaire recently distributed among 
farmers by some officer of the Post 
Office Department. No one will be 
frightened, however, who knows 
something of farmers and also some- 
thing of the tricky habits, tendencies, 
and temperament of the "question- 
naire," as a means of collecting mis- 
leading information. Of course the 
farmers are finding it hard to get 
laborers, and still harder to get them 
to labor. Of course they are dissatis- 
fied with the gap between the selling 
price of their products to the city 
consumer and the amount that comes 
back to the farm. Of course it nettles 
them when ill-informed critics throw 
the blame for exorbitant food prices 
wholly upon them. Of course a cer- 
tain proportion of them grow weary 
of the struggle with these difficulties 
and feel inclined to give it up, even 
though they may be making a good 
living. All these complaints mean 
something about actual conditions, 
for which farmers themselves, as well 
as others, are seeking and will con- 
tinue to seek suitable remedies. But 
the last thing in the world that they 
mean is that we are suddenly to be 
faced with a wholesale forsaking of 
the soil, and a disastrous slump in 
food production. 

pARTY leaders at Washington will 
■*- make a most serious mistake if 
they fail to favor a fairly liberal pro- 
vision for the development of the Air 

Service. Aviation is in its infancy, 
and it is intolerable that America 
should be hopelessly handicapped in 
the effort to have her share in the 
enormous advances which air naviga- 
tion is certain to record during the 
next few years. Because of the delay 
and uncertainty in Congress, many 
of the very best men in the service 
are leaving it for other occupations, 
and only long training will fit others 
to take their places. Apparently there 
are too many men in Congress who 
have not yet learned that real econ- 
omy does not consist merely in par- 
ing down the total of appropria- 

TN dealing with various revolution- 
■*- ary movements, the New Republic 
has frequently drawn comparisons 
between the "Red Terror" and the 
"White Terror." For the former it 
has great sympathy; for the latter 
it can find no excuse. In its own 
words, "revolution releases the hot 
passions of the young, counter-revo- 
lution the cold hatred of the old." 
Of course, no attention is paid to the 
fact that the Red Terror is the over- 
turn of all law and order and the 
venting of the passions of the mob 
and the criminal elements; or that 
the so-called White Terror, however 
wrong and deplorable, springs pri- 
marily from the impulse to punish 
those guilty of the crimes. 

In putting forward its emotional 
appeal along this line in a recent 
issue, the New Republic assumes that 
the "Lasko" mentioned in the press 
despatches as among those recently 
sentenced to death by the present 
Hungarian Government, is Latzko, 
the author of "Men in War," and 
presumes that the reason for his ex- 
ecution was his exposure of the rot- 
tenness of the Austrian military 
command and the shameless profit- 
eering and exploitation at home by 
the Austrian bureaucracy. The New 
Republic asks: "Must he be slain 
now because certain senile Hungarian 
bureaucrats tremble overmuch for 
their privileges and property?" 

As a matter of fact, the "Lasko" 
mentioned is almost certainly Laszlo, 
who, when Bolshevism broke out in 
Hungary, gave the order that all the 

February 7, 1920] 



imprisoned criminals should be re- 
leased. As political Commissar of all 
the revolutionary tribunals, he was 
responsible for these so-called courts 
of justice, and he was condemned to 
death for having deliberately insti- 
gated the murder of Dr. Joseph 
Stenczel and his companions on the 
ground that they were counter-revo- 
lutionists. What is interesting is the 
slant of mind that leads to such con- 
clusions as the one here noted. 

npHE mere threat at this time of a 
■■■ strike by the stationary heating- 
plant operators is so surpassingly 
ghoulish (even ghouls do not them- 
selves destroy the unfortunates on 
whom they fatten) that a community 
in which such a thing is possible can 
not afford to lose a day in taking 
stock of its resources to meet it. If 
it is impossible for the plain citizens 
of a city like New York to mine 
their own coal and produce their own 
vegetables and milk, it is not impos- 
sible for them to fire their own boil- 
ers and generate the heat without 
which life at this juncture would be 
intolerable. Modern society has been 
a bit heedless in allowing the speciali- 
zation of industry to reach the point 
where the men engaged in almost any 
branch of it can under certain condi- 
tions presume to regard their services 
as indispensable. Here is an oppor- 
! tunity to demonstrate, by means of a 
little good will and a little organiza- 
tion on the part of the public, that 
there is a sharp difference between 
the indispensability of an industry 
and the indispensability of the par- 
ticular individuals who engage in it. 
It would not be long before threats 
of such indescribable savagery as 
that which has recently been held 
over us would become a thing of the 
past. Meanwhile, the public may have 
been put in a position to discern a 
little more clearly the issues that are 
joined between closed shop and open 

''C'EW cities of Europe have suffered 
as much during the war as has 
the once prosperous city of Lille. Of 
every hundred men mobilized from 
Lille in 1914, only forty-three re- 
turned home to find their native place 

a scene of desolation. Out of 157 fac- 
tories in operation in Lille in 1914, 
only seven or eight are now working, 
the plants of the other mills having 
either been carried off to Germany or 
struck down, mangled, and ruined 
where they stood. The agricultural 
districts round about have been laid 
waste, and will not be able, for years 
to come, to yield any harvest to speak 
of. Food and milk are, consequently, 
scarce in Lille. Nine out of ten chil- 
dren show signs of consumption, ac- 
cording to Colonel Mygatt of the Red 
Cross. The hospitals of the city are 
crowded with them, and the funds are 
lacking for proper attention to their 
needs. The Abbe Ernest Dimnet, a 
well-known French scholar and es- 
sayist, has come to this country to 
make an appeal on behalf of the suf- 
fering population of Lille. He asks 
for $100,000, necessary to help the 
two Children's Hospitals, Saint An- 
toine and Saint Anne. Five hundred 
dollars pays for a bed, fifty for the 
medicine daily required in the clinics, 
one dollar keeps a child in the hospital 
for two days. Gifts sent to the Abbe 
Ernest Dimnet, in care of the Review, 
will be forwarded to him. 

TT is not entirely clear whether the 
-■- prize of 100,000 francs is offered 
by the French Academy of Sciences 
for the best plan of communicating 
with another planet or for the actual 
achievement of inter-planetary con- 
versation. On the latter supposition 
it is probable that the prize money, 
if put out at interest, will amount to 
a goodly sum before it can be 
awarded. Most of what we hear con- 
cerning the planet which we happen 
to inhabit tends to confirm a belief 
that any other planet that values its 
self-respect and peace of mind will 
refuse either to initiate or to respond 
to any efforts to establish a more inti- 
mate acquaintance with us. As a 
rather bright little planet with a 
faithful moon at heel, we dare say this 
world holds a respectable position 
among its fellows in the firmament, 
but for our part we love the rest of 
the universe too much to subject it to 
the disenchantment which a diminu- 
tion of distance would inevitably 

The Issues in the 
Fight at Albany 

jVrOTHING that has been disclosed, 
■^* or that can be disclosed, in the 
hearings at Albany concerning the 
Socialist Assemblymen can make the 
proceedings against them right. If 
we have reached a point at which the 
method of procedure in such a case 
is a matter of indifference to us, we 
have already gone a long way towards 
the repudiation of our political insti- 
tutions. The masterly presentation 
of the case in the brief prepared by 
a committee of the Bar Association of 
the City of New York leaves nothing 
to be desired in point of overwhelm- 
ing convincingness. We can think of 
no better service to public education 
in the fundamentals of representative 
government than would be furnished 
by the printing of a million copies of 
that brief and their broadcast distri- 
bution among the people. 

The central point made in that 
brief — and amply buttressed by argu- 
ments and citations which we can 
not attempt to reproduce — is that, 
whether or not the five Socialist 
Assemblymen might, upon investiga- 
tion, be found to be subject to expul- 
sion, there was absolutely no warrant 
for their suspension. It is a mistake, 
and a very grave one, to imagine that 
this is a mere technicality. The qual- 
ifications for membership in the Leg- 
islature are specifically laid down in 
the Constitution of the State, and the 
Assembly has no power to add to 
them. It is the sole judge of the 
question whether those Constitutional 
qualifications have been fulfilled, but 
if they have, the person elected is 
entitled to his seat. In spite of his 
having been seated, he may be ex- 
pelled for cause; but when so ex- 
pelled, his seat becomes vacant and 
his constituency thus has a fresh 
chance to fill it. A suspension, on 
the other hand, operates during the 
entire time of its continuance not 
only to deprive the member of his 
seat, but to deprive his constituency 
of representation ; and in the present 
instance all this was done at a mo- 
ment's notice and without the faintest 
pretense at any establishment of the 



[Vol. 2, No. 39 

charge. The only way to undo that 
wrong would have been to rescind the 
suspension as soon as its true charac- 
ter had been exposed. The members 
of the Assembly who endeavored to 
accomplish this in spite of their hasty 
vote in the first instance are deserv- 
ing of unstinted commendation. 

Important as this point is, we 
must turn away from it and consider 
the issues that have actually been 
brought out, as though bearing on the 
expulsion of the Socialist members. 
In the confused mass of facts, asser- 
tions, and accusations that have been 
brought before the Judiciary Com- 
mittee three distinct threads are dis- 
cernible. The case against the So- 
cialist members rests in part upon 
obligations alleged to have been as- 
sumed by them, as members of the 
Socialist party, that were inconsistent 
with their oath of office. It rests in 
part upon inferences drawn from 
declarations of that party and its 
members, and from declarations by 
other parties or bodies with which 
that party is alleged to be virtually 
identified. And finally it rests upon 
utterances of opinion or purpose 
by the accused members themselves. 

Of these three elements, as pre- 
sented, the first has most force. Yet 
even here the burden of proof on the 
prosecution to show the substantial 
character of the alleged obligations, 
and their inconsistency with the possi- 
bility of a faithful discharge of duty 
by the accused, is very great; and, 
so far as we can judge, it has not by 
any means been met. For instance, 
the mere existence in the Constitution 
of the Socialist party of a requirement 
that the members elected shall sign 
in advance a form of resignation of 
their office to be used when the party 
thinks fit, is certainly no ground for 
expulsion if the members in question 
have not actually signed it ; and even 
if they have, it is very doubtful 
whether anything more could be re- 
quired of them than a revocation of 
that signature. It may be very wrong 
— and indeed it is very wrong — for 
any man to sign such a paper ; but it 
is not a crime, it does not argue moral 
turpitude, and its existence in the 
past can hardly be regarded as a dis- 
qualification for the future. 

What on the face of it looks more 
serious is a clause in the Socialist 
party Constitution which binds all 
members elected to office to vote 
against all appropriations for mili- 
tary purposes. Yet upon a moment's 
consideration it will be clear that this, 
taken in itself, is even less a disquali- 
fication than the provision that we 
have just been discussing; for clearly 
it would be absurd to exclude from all 
legislative bodies any person who is 
on principle opposed to war, and who 
will accordingly vcte against every 
appropriation designed to make war 
possible. Whenever a majority of 
the people of the country are of this 
mind they have a right to have their 
way. The one thing that does give 
a substantial basis to this count in 
the indictment is the circumstance 
that the State Constitution requires 
the State to maintain a militia of at 
least 10,000 men. It may fairly be 
argued that the anti-militarist pro- 
vision in the Socialist party Consti- 
tution is thus in express conflict with 
the Constitution of the State; but it 
would surely be a grossly strained 
view which should regard a member 
of the Legislature as liable to expul- 
sion because some one of a multitude 
of provisions in his party's platform 
or Constitution runs counter to some 
one point in the State Constitution. 
Would it not have been absurd, in the 
days before the Civil War, to expel 
from Northern Legislatures every 
person who was avowedly opposed to 
the enforcement of the Fugitive Slave 
Law, or of the provision of the 
United States Constitution upon 
which it was based? Would it not 
be absurd to expel from every State 
Legislature to-day every man who 
might be avowedly opposed to the 
enactment of any State law enforcing 
the Eighteenth Amendment to the 
United States Constitution? 

We come now to the general atti- 
tude of the Socialist party, and espe- 
cially to its more or less direct asso- 
ciation with the attitude of Commu- 
nist parties in our own country, and 
of the Russian Bolshevists. Nothing 
is more certain than that within the 
Socialist party, as within every other, 
there exist all shades of conviction, 
opinion, and purpose. It is perfectly 

easy to point to extreme expressions 
in party declarations even within the 
Socialist party itself, and it is true 
that some of these imply great sym- 
pathy with the purposes of Commu- 
nist parties and of the Bolshevist 
regime in Russia. But to hold any 
one individual responsible for every- 
thing even in his party's platform, 
not to speak of less authoritative dec- 
larations, would be monstrous. To 
what excess this sort of thing has 
gone in the line of attack pursued by 
the prosecution, is sufficiently shown 
in this deliberate statement by Mr. 
Stanchfield : 

My argument runs along this line: that 
every declaration, every speech, every state- 
ment of every man who is affiliated or belongs 
to that party, is bound by the speeches, the 
sentiments, the writings, the books, the publi- 
cations of every other man affiliated with that 
association, whether they were present at the 
time when it was uttered or whether they were 

In its bearing on the decision of 
the Assembly, the third element of 
the case — the utterances of the ac- 
cused men themselves — is likely to 
play less of a part than the other two ; 
but from a broader point of view it 
is of the greatest interest of all. No 
speech or other expression of any of 
the five Socialist Assemblymen has 
been put in evidence that constitutes 
anything like direct advocacy of vio- 
lent or lawless methods of bringing 
about the political and social revolu- 
tion which the programme of the 
Socialist party undoubtedly contem- 
plates. Stray expressions, of which 
the language is violent or extreme, 
have indeed been cited, but to these 
no sensible person attaches any great 
importance. What is regarded as im- 
portant is the evidence of sympathy 
with Bolshevism, either Russian or 
other, and expressions of opinion to 
the general effect that unless a radical 
change is brought about peacefully it 
will some day or other be brought 
about by force. These things are 
very offensive to all of us who are 
attached to the existing institutions 
of the country, who take pride in its 
past, and who look forward to a fu- 
ture that shall be a worthy continu- 
ance of that past. But it is every 
man's right in a free country to de-| 
clare that he is dissatisfied with its 
institutions, and that he proposes to 

February 7, 1920} 



do his utmost by lawful means to 
change or even to abolish them. Nor 
can he, without violation of the fun- 
damental principles of free speech, be 
debarred from expressing his sym- 
pathy with people in other countries 
who resort to lawless or bloody means 
to accomplish objects which, as ob- 
jects, he holds to be desirable. 
Thousands of patriotic, loyal, and 
law-abiding Americans regarded as- 
sassination and bomb-throwing as 
justifiable means of attempting the de- 
struction of the Czarist despotism in 
Russia, throughout the long period of 
revolutionary agitation in that coun- 
try. It is true that sympathy with 
the Russian Bolshevists tends to en- 
courage Bolshevist plotting in this 
country ; but it is also true that sym- 
pathy with Russian revolutionaries in 
the Nineteenth Century tended to en- 
courage such assassinations as those 
of President Garfield and President 

If we are to preserve freedom of 
opinion, we must be prepared to 
maintain it in spite of its drawbacks. 
. We must not erect it into a supersti- 
tion; there is an essential difference 
between the free utterance of opinion 
and two other things which are often 
confounded with it — freedom to in- 
cite to lawless actions, and freedom 
to disseminate opinions in ways that 
are in themselves disorderly or inde- 
cent. Nothing of this kind is even 
alleged against the accused Assembly- 
men. If they really do sympathize 
with Lenin and Trotsky, surely no 
one can feel a greater abhorrence for 
their position than does the Review. 
But we have not reached the point 
where, for the sake of preserving our 
traditions of freedom and law, we are 
prepared to sacrifice one of the great- 
est of those traditions themselves. 
Americans are familiar with the fact 
that the most splendid intellects in 
the British Parliament at the time of 
our Revolution were undaunted cham- 
pions of the American cause; but it 
would be well if at this time they re- 
called the fact that one of the fore- 
most of them championed also the 
cause of the French Revolution. His 
advocacy of it caused a tragic sever- 
ance of friendship between him and 
his great intellectual leader; but his- 

tory does not record that Edmund 
Burke's profound abhorrence of 
Jacobinism led him to entertain any 
notion that Charles James Fox ought 
to be expelled from the House of 
Commons. It would be sad indeed if 
the America of the Twentieth Cen- 
tury should show itself more intol- 
erant than the England of George the 

America and the Plight 
of Europe 

^ Hoover, regards the European 
situation from an austere and logical 
standpoint. In his letter of January 
28 to the Chamber of Commerce of 
the United States he sets forth the 
fundamentals which must guide the 
world if it is to resume the paths of 
economic blessedness. While admit- 
ting the logic in both the Glass and 
the Hoover statements, the average 
man can not fail to have some reser- 
vation on the point of their generosity 
and sympathy towards Europe. A 
carping critic might even question 
the good taste involved in lecturing 
our Allies at a time when they are 
confronted by heavy responsibilities 
as a result of their long fight to pre- 
serve the civilization of the world. 
It may be true that the people of 
Europe are indulging in widespread 
extravagance; it may be that their 
statesmen are not imposing taxation 
as heavily as we think they should. 
But still one may be permitted to 
ask if it is our place to assert and 
declare ? Would not the limit of good 
taste be reached were our statesmen 
courteously to suggest? 

Much has been written on the pres- 
ent disorganization of the exchanges. 
It requires no reiteration to bring 
home the dangers of this situation: 
exports from the United States valued 
at nearly eight billion dollars during 
the calendar year 1919, against cor- 
responding imports valued at just 
under four billion dollars, leav- 
ing a balance due us for the year 
of approximately four billion dollars 
which our debtors can not promptly 
pay either in gold or goods. All this 
is very simple. It is easy to declaim 
about it. But we must not forget that 

the unprecedented disorganization of 
the world's economic machinery in- 
volves readjustments which can not 
be made at once. 

The fundamental considerations re- 
lating to the problem are absolutely 
simple; the trouble lies in the intri- 
cacy of the practical application of 
those fundamentals. There is and 
can be only one solution of the pres- 
ent international financial difficulties, 
namely, an increase in production and 
an increase in saving on the part of 
the people of every country of the 
world. This necessity can not be 
obviated by any economic scheme 
which human ingenuity can de- 
vise. In proportion as the world 
shall work and save, just in that pro- 
portion can budgets be equalized and 
inflation reduced. This remedy is 
simple and unspectacular; but the 
world will not believe in it promptly, 
nor set about practising it with vigor 
and persistence until many hard days 
have come upon us. Offer a man a 
spectacular stock and paint a picture 
of affluence — his face lights up and 
you have his attention, and perhaps 
his money. Tell him to tighten his 
belt and get down to work, ten hours, 
twelve hours a day for an emergency 
period — he will turn away from your 
gloomy counsel and seek pleasanter 

However, it is clear that the Ameri- 
can business public are getting much 
education in the more practical fea- 
tures of foreign finance. We are de- 
veloping some real international 
bankers. We may still be able to take 
up our share of the foreign trade 
which we shall be so eager for in the 
days to come. The cost of living in 
America may be lowered temporarily 
by a decline in exports from the 
United States at this time; but we 
shall do well to look forward to the 
time when the foreign countries 
which are now calling to us because 
of their necessities of reconstruction 
will be the object of our earnest solici- 
tation as a necessary outlet for our 
important exportable surplus. These 
markets may not always be friendly 
if we do not cultivate them now. 
There is more to foreign trade than 
mere facts and figures. 

The letter of Secretary Glass, to- 



[Vol. 2, No. 39 

gether with the pages on interna- 
tional finance in his last Annual Re- 
port, the letter of Mr. Hoover, and 
the memorial recently submitted to 
the Government and to the Chamber 
of Commerce of the United States 
suggesting an international financial 
conference, form part of the common 
law on the new international situa- 
tion. Their conclusions may be over- 
ruled by later experience; they may 
be confirmed by subsequent develop- 
ments. But the main thing required 
is continued clear thinking and a 
minimum of dogmatism. Even the 
greatest minds can afford to be 
humble in the presence of debts 
measured in units of scores of bil- 

What the future holds no one can 
say. It may be that private credit 
resources can be mobilized to meet 
the needs of European reconstruc- 
tion. This does not mean bank credits ; 
for the banks must keep their assets 
liquid to pay their depositors on de- 
mand. Does private action involve 
the sale of bonds to private investors? 
Will they buy? Is it sound to ask 
them to buy ? Will they come forward 
with sufficient funds without positive 
governmental sanction? Can the 
large investor be expected to respond 
under our present system of super- 
taxes on large incomes? Should the 
American people, who have a stake 
in the foreign situation represented 
by Government loans of nearly ten 
billion dollars, and private loans to 
foreign Governments and municipali- 
ties of a billion and a half, and com- 
mercial credits of two billions more, 
lend more to make safe the great 
sums already advanced? Has the 
Government a direct obligation of 
leadership in this situation? 

In answering these questions, there 
is no room for self-assurance and 
finality. Admittedly, the only remedy 
is the remedy of work and thrift. 
Debts must ultimately be paid with 
earned money, not promised money. 
If we will have patience a little longer 
we may see whether or not this fun- 
damental moral as well as economic 
principle is going to prevail. Such 
emergency measures as may be 
needed meanwhile can at best be but 
temporary. With patience and co- 

operation, with the return of peace 
and a working understanding among 
the great nations of the world, we 
shall make progress. 

Meanwhile millions will starve who 
could be saved from starvation if the 
tone of the Treasury letter is adopted 
by the people of America. It is very 
easy to carry over an aggressively 
asserted policy of governmental 
laissez-faire into a do-nothing private 
policy. America still has a heart, 
despite the more preponderant men- 
tality of some of its public men. And 
if there ever were human facts to 
touch the heart of America, they exist 
to-day in the starving areas of 
Europe. Nor is it clear that our 
part in the work of rescue should 
be confined to the alleviation of im- 
mediate suffering. 

And so we come back to our start- 
ing point. A world situation of ter- 
rible complexity confronts us. The 
strongest men in America are study- 
ing it from day to day, here and 
abroad. The answer is not clear. 
There never will be one all-inclusive 
answer. Meanwhile let us keep work- 
ing at this — and at other things — 
with a good courage; and let us be- 
ware of those who talk to us in tones 
of mastery and full knowledge of a 
problem which passes the understand- 
ing of any single human mind. 

Mr. Gompers vs. the 

"D Y judgment and temperament, Mr. 
-'-' Gompers belongs with the group 
of conservative labor leaders repre- 
sented at its best by the late John 
Mitchell. At heart a good American, 
devoted to American institutions, he 
realizes that no class would lose more 
by their subversion than that of the 
man who must make his living by the 
work of his own hands. The men 
over whom he has presided as head 
of the American Federation of Labor 
have both their extremist and their 
conservative elements, just as have 
other classes. While Mr. Gompers' 
record is by no means perfect as to 
his attitude toward lawless tenden- 
cies in labor organizations, he has 
given ample evidence of essential 

soundness on questions clearly involv- 
ing the fundamentals of American 

Fresh proof of this is furnished by 
his emphatic utterances of the past 
week in the editorial columns of the 
American Federationist. "We know 
about Russia," he says. "We know 
about Bolshevism. We know the pit- 
eous story of cruelty and intolerance, 
and we know the autocratic concept 
that underlies the minority dictator- 
ship which is hailed to the world by 
its dupes and advocates as the most 
perfect state of society yet devised. 
We know about it, and we condemn 
it, completely, finally, and for all 
time." There is no mental confusion 
in those words. Not often is con- 
demnation of a great wrong more 
lucidly and forcibly uttered. 

Mr. Gompers is aware of the propa- 
ganda streaming in from Russia, but 
he regards the danger from that 
source as comparatively limited. The 
greater peril is from sources not dis- 
credited by known or presumptive 
connection with the Russian pay-rolls. 
"It is doubtful," he says, "whether 
those publications issued more or less 
directly by Russian Bolshevist agents 
have as great an effect in America as 
those publications which style them- 
selves liberal, and which like to be 
known as journals of opinion, such 
as the Nation, the Dial, and the New 
Republic. In the same class with 
these are a number of newspaper and 
magazine writers who within the last 
two years have become more or less 
known as writers on the Bolshevist 
question." In these journals and 
writers of the "parlor Bolshevist" 
group, men and women who habitu- 
ally preface their apologies for Bol- 
shevists with a denial of personal be- 
lief in Bolshevism, Mr. Gompers 
finds "an air of tolerance, under the 
guise of which, however, support of 
the Bolshevist experiment has been 
at least generous." He can not ac- 
cept the claim of these journals of 
opinion that we are not yet suffi- 
ciently informed as to what is going 
on in Russia, and should suspend our 
judgment on Bolshevism for the pres- 
ent, awaiting further information. 
This plea, in his view, "is a last des- 
perate attempt to win favor from the ! 

February 7, 1920] 



American people for a system of gov- 
ernment which, by the confession of 
its own advocates and defenders, is 
foreign to every concept of the Amer- 
ican Republic." 

Mr. Gompers is under severe pres- 
sure at the hands of revolutionary 
agitators who care nothing for Amer- 
ican labor, but much for a possible 
opportunity to use the enormous 
power of the American Federation of 
Labor for destructive purposes. "Bor- 
ing from within" has been no mere 
newspaper phrase for him, but a very 
real and painful process, not simply 
undermining his influence with the 
Federation, about which he is old 
enough not to feel much personal con- 
cern, but endangering the vital wel- 
fare of the American laborer. His 
fight against this insidious influence 
is no sudden impulse, but springs 
from a clear conception of the dan- 
ger that threatens and a firm deter- 
mination to meet it with all the re- 
sources and energy at his command. 
To free organized labor from its revo- 
lutionary parasites would be the 
greatest possible service that he could 

It will be unfortunate for the em- 
ployers of labor, unfortunate for the 
consumers of the products of labor, 
unfortunate for sober-minded citizens 
of whatever class, if they do not real- 
ize that in this struggle the enemies 
of Samuel Gompers are their enemies. 
J Whether he has always been right 
i in the past is not now an important 
j question. His victory over the revo- 
' lutionary forces seeking to work 
his destruction will do more than any 
other one thing now attainable to 
keep the pathway open to a sane and 
just settlement of labor problems. 
No right-minded employer of labor, 
at such a crisis, should put ammuni- 
tion into the hands of the enemy by 
refusing or delaying any practicable 
and reasonable adjustment of griev- 
ances pending in his own portion of 
the labor field. The employer who in 
a time like this shows himself deaf 
or arrogant towards reasonable de- 
mands for amelioration does the one 
thing which is needed, in the mind of 
the laborer, to give the falsehoods of 
Bolshevism a dangerous semblance of 

What Are Colleges 

'T'HERE has been some fear lest the 
-*• war should result in an unfor- 
tunate narrowing of the educational 
aims of our colleges and universities. 
The work of the scientific specialist 
in war service was so brilliant in it- 
self, and lent itself so readily to news- 
paper publicity, that education along 
the lines of narrowly applied science 
seemed to many about the only thing 
worth while. The annual report of 
the President of Columbia, noticed in 
these columns a week or two ago, 
proved that no such idea is dominant 
there. And the trend of the Harvard 
report, by President Lowell, now be- 
fore us, shows that Harvard, too, has 
passed the point of danger. 

President Lowell takes direct issue 
with the view that the education of 
our young men should be "in the 
immediate problems of the day." It 
is not the problems of to-day, but of 
the future, with which the college 
student of to-day will have to deal, 
"and these are as little known and 
foreseen by us," he says, "as the 
questions now pressing were by our 
fathers, or theirs by an earlier gen- 
eration." To give the youth of to-day 
the ability to deal wisely with the un- 
foreseen problems of the future, Pres- 
ident Lowell is not afraid to say, as 
Harvard presidents of generations 
long gone were wont to say, that "we 
must lay a foundation large and solid. 
We must train our students to think 
clearly." They must learn breadth 
and tolerance from the study of past 
experience, and profundity from 
communion with the thoughts of 
great men, thereby enabling them- 
selves to distinguish the superficial 
or ephemeral from the fundamental 
and enduring. This, he holds, is the 
true meaning of the humanities, the 
study of what man has thought and 
done, not excluding what he is now 
thinking and doing, but not keeping 
the eye so closely upon the latter as 
to lose sight of the whole. 

President Lowell does not regard 
the obligation of a college to its 
undergraduates as limited "to offer- 
ing them an opportunity for self- 

improvement which they make take, 
neglect, or use in any way they 
please." The responsibility of the col- 
lege is fulfilled only by positively 
encouraging the student to take ad- 
vantage of his opportunity, and to 
develop his capacity for a useful and 
fruitful life. It is this feeling that 
has led to a system of distribution 
and concentration of studies in the 
student's individual course, under 
rules which place a very material re- 
striction upon the freedom of "elec- 
tion" previously existing in Harvard. 
And to the same principle of college 
responsibility for the student's proper 
development. President Lowell refers 
the Harvard plan of requiring all 
freshmen to reside in the college dor- 
mitories. In this way, he thinks, can 
be established a consciousness among 
the students that they are bound 
together by common ties, and have 
common sentiments, aspirations, and 
interests. In the esprit de corps thus 
attained he hopes to find a line of 
practical approach for the moral 
influence which the undergraduate 
needs. While unwilling to make dor- 
mitory residence a positive require- 
ment beyond the freshman year, he 
would be glad to see college dormi- 
tories so equipped and managed as to 
attract all students. Against the pri- 
vately owned dormitory he raises the 
objection that it inevitably aims to 
gather those who can pay well, and 
thus tends to segregate the students 
on the basis of wealth. 


A weekly journal of political and 
general discussion 

Published by 

The National Weekly Cokpokatiom 

140 Nassau Street, New York 

Fabian Franklik. President 

Harold db Wolf Fuller, Treasurer 

Subscription price, five dollars a /ear in 
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cents extra. Foreign subscriptions may be aent 
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Copyriffkt, 1920, in the United States of 




Associate Editors 

Harry Morgan Avres O. W. Firkins 

A. J. Barnouw W. H. Johnson 

Jerome Landfielo 



[Vol. 2, No. 39 

Abolishing the Political State 

BOLSHEVISM, however detestable, 
■'-' has taught us much that it is 
needful to know — much that will be 
of incomputable value in our task of 
remaking the world. It has brought 
vividly to our forgetful minds the 
eternal proneness of a part of man- 
kind, under the impulse of a fanatical 
creed or ideal, to inflict upon others 
the most savage cruelty. It has given 
us an illuminating example of the 
reflexes of that cruelty upon the 
minds and temperaments of other 
fanatics in other lands — particularly 
this land of ours. It has shown us 
again — what our optimism or our 
complacency has caused us to ignore 
— that Jesuitry and hypocrisy are 
monopolized by no age or sect; that 
they flourish now and here as they 
did in Victorian England or mediaeval 
Rome or ancient Egypt ; and that the 
self-righteous may still vociferously 
proffer, in the name of democracy, 
liberty, and justice, unctuous excuses 
for tyranny, repression, and robbery. 
Its lessons are many, and all of them 
useful. One lesson, not the least in 
importance, may be drawn from the 
contrast between the industrial Gov- 
ernment of revolutionary theory and 
the industrial Government of revo- 
lutionary fact. 

The term "industrial Government" 
is used in two very different senses. 
It may mean either a Government 
the functions of which are predomi- 
nantly industrial (if there is such 
a thing) or a Government which, 
whether predominantly industrial or 
political, is in the hands of the work- 
ing class. It is the former meaning 
with which I am here concerned ; and 
the question comes, "Is there such a 
thing as this industrial Government 
— Government which within consti- 
tutional limits is sovereign and yet 
which deals only or mainly with in- 
dustrial questions?" The first So- 
cialists of the Marxian school said 
that there would be such a thing with 
the triumph of Socialism. The capi- 
talist state of a half-century ago they 
regarded as wholly political, even 
though it had already begun to enact 
social legislation. This state, they 

said, would pass away; and in its 
place would come something they re- 
fused to call a state, but a corporate 
entity concerned only with the ad- 
ministration of industrial affairs. 
Frederick Engels, the lifelong com- 
panion and disciple of Marx, in his 
answer to Eugen Duhring, wrote as 
follows: "As soon as there is no 
longer any class in society to be held 
in subjection, there is nothing more 
to repress, nothing requiring a spe- 
cial repressing power, the state." In 
another place he wrote to the effect 
that with the triumph of Socialism 
the government of human beings 
would end and the. administration of 
things would begin. 

August Bebel, in his book on 
"Woman," has the following : 

"As the relations of master and 
servant disappear with the abolition 
of the present system of property, 
the political expression of the rela- 
tionship ceases to have any meaning. 
The state expires with the expiration 
of the ruling class." 

This concept of the disappearance 
of the political state and its succession 
by a power administering industrial 
affairs solely (because there would 
be no other affairs) was for a con- 
siderable time a commonplace in So- 
cialist and ultra-radical thought. But 
it failed to convince many, even 
among those who accepted it. It had 
its origin in Germany; and it came 
to be regarded by the moderates as 
merely an expression of the bitter 
reaction against the Prussianism of a 
half-century ago. As the great na- 
tions developed their policy of social 
legislation the moderates came to a 
new concept. It was seen that the 
state was not necessarily wholly polit- 
ical, not necessarily capitalistic ; that 
it could change with changing times, 
and that though it could fit itself so 
admirably to Prussian autocracy it 
might also fit itself to democracy and 
Socialism. As much as fifteen years 
ago Marxian Socialists in the United 
States were writing and speaking of 
the Socialist state. Socialists gener- 
ally, both in this country and in Eu- 
rope, had reached the position that 

the state was not to be abolished but 
to be transformed; and this concept 
steadily gained ground, at least until 
the Socialist party became tinctured 
with Bolshevism. Socialism would 
conquer the capitalist power at the 
ballot box, take over the state, con- 
tinue those of its functions which 
were socially useful and add new 
functions. If by political functions 
are meant, in the main, those in 
which individuals are dealt with as 
citizens, and by industrial functions 
those in which individuals are dealt 
with as producers and consumers, 
there was nothing to show that the 
Socialist state would be any less polit- 
ical than the capitalist state. The 
fundamental relationship between 
individual and state was political, and 
no matter how far the state went in 
directing the control of industry, the 
primacy of the political relationship 
would be unaffected. 

But the ultra-radicals would have 
none of all this. With communist 
anarchists, I. W. W.'s, S. L. P.'s, Bol- 
sheviks, as well as with a strong 
minority of doctrinaires in the regu- 
lar Socialist movement, the Engels 
concept and formula persisted. In the 
years just before the war it found 
expression in a rebellious movement 
in the American party, and in a simi- 
lar movement in the German Social 
Democracy, led by Anton Pannekoek, 
which advocated direct action, and 
which, fashioning a phrase, "the 
cretinism of parliaments," rejected 
representative Government as use- 
less to the working class and pro- 
posed the "industrialization of soci- 
ety." It has also powerfully affected 
the speculative divagations of an ex- 
ceedingly highbrow school, copiously 
represented in some of our "journals 
of opinion," which proffers a system 
so far unnamed, but which may fit- 
tingly be called the "Federationism 
of Experimental Allegiances." 

Perhaps even an I. W. W. or an 
F. E. A. would admit that any work- 
ing-class administration supreme in 
authority would have to deal with 
such problems as sanitation, schools, 
parks, and playgrounds, nationaliza- 
tion, the franchise, elections, and re- 
lations with other nations or societies. 
He might also admit, especially since 

February 7, 1920] 



Lenin has said that the main business 
of a proletarian regime is to crush 
out opposition, that such an adminis- 
tration would have to deal with the 
problems of penal codes, prisons, 
police, detectives, and the conscrip- 
tion of armies. It is hard for the 
ordinary person to see how the mere 
calling of these problems by the term 
"industrial" would alter their char- 
acter — equally hard to see how in any 
order of society they would be other 
than the same sort of problems that 
they are to-day. More difficult yet is 
to imagine them vanishing, or settling 
themselves automatically, through the 
mere transformation of capitalism 
into organized cooperation. 

Argument, however, is unneces- 
sary ; for in Soviet Russia we have a 
striking test of the theory. From the 
Bolsheviki one might reasonably ex- 
pect some approaches to this type of 
Government. They have the power, 
backed by the bayonet and the food 
decree, to enforce compliance. They 
have formally and bitterly repudiated 
modern Socialism, and they claim 
direct inheritance from Marx and 
Engels, with a doctrine uncorrupted 
by compromises with bourgeois 
thought. In Sovdepia therefore, if 
anywhere, should the observant look 
for the wiping out of political Gov- 

But he will look in vain. Soviet 
Russia has become the most rigorous 
political Government on earth. The 
"administration of things" has brok- 
en down at a thousand points, but 
the "government of human beings" 
has been extended and intensified to 
a degree heretofore inconceivable. 
The latest refugees are unani- 
mous in their testimony that not a 
day passes without the issue of new 
decrees. There must be the registra- 
tion of this, the surrender of that, 
payments must be made so and so, 
information must be given at such a 
place, in this or that manner, and 
with a stated frequency. On top of 
the denial or manipulation of the 
franchise and the suppression of 
speech, press, and assemblage, there 
is thus laid on the citizen the further 
tyranny of guidance by decree. Every 
movement of the individual is under 
executive direction ; and not to know 

the prohibitions, or knowing, to vio- 
late the least of them, is to land one- 
self in jail, 

"The state expires with the expira- 
tion of the ruling class," wrote Rebel. 
"As soon as there is no longer any 
class in society to be held in subjec- 
tion — there is nothing more to re- 
press, nothing requiring a special re- 
pressing power, the state." Well, it 
would appear that the bourgeoisie as 
a ruling class has expired. But the 
rest of the formula does not follow. 
The state, instead of expiring, waxes 
constantly more autocratic; it re- 
presses, with a brutal hand, those 
who disagree with it; and this re- 
pression is not of a class, but of 
dissident individuals of the same 
class (or mixture of classes) as that 
of the rulers. The bourgeoisie has 
indeed suffered; but the greater 
weight of Bolshevik brutality has 

fallen upon the Social Democrats and 
the Socialist Revolutionists. The 
abolition of the bourgeoisie has not 
abolished the political state; it baa 
resulted in a political tyranny which 
would be impossible under capitalism. 
All dogmas are to be viewed with 
suspicion. This one, the dogma of 
the disappearance of the political 
state by reason of the expropriation 
of capital, never had the slightest 
logical basis; it was an assumption 
arising out of a hatred of Bismarck- 
ism ; it was sweeping, audacious, and 
"revolutionary," and it captivated 
thousands of zealots who took it as 
an expression of prophetic wisdom. 
More reasonable beings sought to 
show its fallaciousness, but the 
zealots refused to listen. At the first 
touch of reality it has exploded and 
left not a wrack behind. 

W. J. Ghent 

The Human Cost of Living 

/^UR industries kill and maim over 
^-^ 1,600 persons daily — half as 
many as were killed on the Union 
side at Gettysburg. Every six months 
our industrial casualty list exceeds the 
fatalities of the United States in the 
Great War. In fact, it has been esti- 
mated that the hazards of modern 
industry are equal to those that were 
found in the trenches on the Western 
Front. The only difference lies in 
the manner in which we sense the 
carnage: bunch the list to represent 
the human sacrifice necessary to gain 
an objective in battle or to record the 
effect of a great catastrophe and we 
are horrified ; scatter it among ten 
thousand manufacturing plants over 
a period of six months and it scarcely 
causes a ripple on the surface of one's 

When one thinks of an industrial 
hazard, it is of the engineer on the 
Twentieth Century Limited swaying 
in his engine, plowing into the night 
at seventy miles an hour. One doesn't 
think of the marble-cutter at the 
corner shop unromantically hammer- 
ing hour by hour at the dusty stone — 
inhaling a powder that brings prema- 
ture death. 

The tremendous facts of experience 

are accepted and commonplace. We 
dress, shave, eat, walk, ride, work, 
play, and write checks to discharge 
our obligations. They are ours if we 
pay for them. But is there any 
medium of exchange and measure of 
value that pays for the human risks 
that are assumed in constructing the 
accepted things of our lives? Will a 
dollar pay for the steel of a jack- 
knife which was forged from a heat 
that burned alive three laborers when 
the ladle tilted and spilled? The 
human cost of living in civilized 
society ! 

Let us follow John Brown, of 
Detroit, as he is about to turn 
in, and see what a debt to his 
brethren of industry he is accumulat- 
ing. What is the human cost of John 
Brown's right to live? 

John starts to go to bed at 10 P. M. 
He snaps out the light. John, fifty 
years ago, would have blown out a 
chimney-smoked lamp or snuffed a 
candle. It isn't necessary to dwell on 
the comparative comforts of oil lamps 
and a system of indirect lighting — 
John has never known the inconven- 
ience of the former, neither has he 
realized the value of the latter; he 
accepts the electric light as his herit- 



[Vol. 2, No. 39 

age, paying for it at so much per 
kilowatt-hour. It might interest 
John to know that Edison, Westing- 
house, and Tesla devoted a major por- 
tion of their lives to perfecting his 
lights. Hundreds of experimenters 
and testers were killed from electric 
shock before the alternating current 
was made safe. To-day, the testing 
of generators, motors, transformers, 
and switchboards is a dangerous oc- 
cupation. Central station operation 
takes its toll in lives every year. 
Even John knows of at least one line- 
man who has met death repairing a 
live wire. Electricity to-day is com- 
paratively safe, but it has taken forty 
years of human sacrifice to make it 
safe enough so that John may snap 
out his light and go to bed without a 
twinge of conscience. Seventy per 
cent, of all the fatal accidents in 1917 
were caused by electric shock, John. 

Just a moment, John, before you go 
to bed ! It takes coal or water power 
to generate electric current. Coal 
mining is highly dangerous. Perhaps 
the current you burned in the last 
hour was generated from coal dug 
from the bowels of a Pennsylvania 
mountain that recently caved in, 
burying ten miners alive. Of course, 
they didn't risk their lives for you — 
they were after the tonnage — but 
whether they realized it or not, they 
were serving you, John, as faithfully 
and as courageously as your brother 
did in the trenches. 

The coal that generated the steam 
that turned the turbine that sped the 
armature that created the 1600 volts 
that were stepped down to 110 volts 
that entered your house through a 
safety switch and insulated wire that 
burned in a filament enclosed in a 
vacuum globe — that coal has another 
story. It was carried out of the mine 
on electric cars. Sometimes sparks 
from the wire ignited methane gas 
in the mine and blew the miner to 
fragments. It is loaded on cars and 
hauled to Detroit. Think of the men 
that have been killed and injured in 
the steam-railroad service getting 
coal from Pittsburgh to Detroit! 
Think of George Westinghouse and 
forty-five years of tireless devotion 
to the air brake that has made freight 
trains a mile in length safe! The 

coal was fed into the furnaces at the 
central station by automatic stokers 
— they are made of iron and steel. 
Need I tell that story? Need I tell 
the story of the thousands of girls 
that sit, day in and day out, winding 
the coils for the generators, or the 
story of the men with fingers gone 
and feet crushed that have built the 
transformers? John, you couldn't 
pay for one kilowatt-hour of your 
current even though you were the 
richest man in Detroit. 

Go on to bed and sleep — while the 
globe of the electric light cools and 
the carbon filament becomes gray. If 
you thought of the hours of life that 
were taken from the men that blew 
the glass for the small bulbs of your 
lights — in the intense heat of the 
glass oven — you could not sleep. 

John, when your house was built, 
the men who did the work assumed a 
risk for you. Climbing round on lad- 
ders and scaffolding isn't the safest 
occupation in the world. Ladder 
casualties cost Ohio in compensation 
last year $49,574. If all of the metal 
products that went into your house 
came from Pennsylvania in 1918, you 
can figure that you, with all other 
customers who bought the metal, 
were responsible for 6,218 burns and 
scalds. In fact, the total number of 
burns and scalds in all Pennsylvania 
industries in 1918 was 12,394. Burns 
and scalds are not confined to any 
particular class of accidents, but 
cover every phase of industrial effort. 

Modern industrial practice has pro- 
moted the traveling crane to first 
place as a mechanical conveyor, with 
an increasing danger to the working- 
man. Parts weaken with rough usage 
and constant impact, gears become 
worn, outside cranes are subject to 
pressure under high winds, foot- 
walks beneath the cranes are danger- 
ous, flying hooks strike workingmen, 
chains part, castings break loose and 
fall, operators inadvertently throw 
switches and start cranes with a re- 
pairman on the track, heat from 
spilled metal below cooks operators, 
and dynamic brakes fail to function. 
It costs in human life, John, to move 
the material that goes into your 

We have followed John Brown of 

Detroit from the electric-light switch 
to his bed. Already we find an in- 
dictment of John's indifference that 
is staggering. We have selected one 
of the simplest devices that contribute 
to John's comfort and find that thou- 
sands of lives have been sacrificed to 
achieve this sole modern convenience, 
the electric light. To continue to 
follow John on the morrow about his 
home, on the city street, in the office 
building, at the hotel, on the surface 
car and in the theatre, measuring the 
"human cost" en route would drive 
John mad. 

The whole conception is depressing 
in one sense, but in another highly 
stimulating. For it makes one feel 
that the drudgery and monotony of 
our day's work is not in vain, that 
the mite that we can do before we 
die to pay our debt to the civilization 
of yesterday is all too small. It is a 
dominant thread in the warp and 
woof of industrial relationship that 
relieves us of the pressure of crass 
materialism. After all, those who 
have contributed most to even our 
material comfort and well-being are 
very real heroes. The service of the 
men who have worked in the pit and 
the mine, in the machine-shop and on 
the wharves, in our offices and places 
of tremendous responsibility — ^the 
captains and privates of industry — 
these are heroes indeed. 

And yet, industries kill and maim 
1,600 persons daily! In a sense one 
can understand why our employees 
are crying aloud for a new industrial 
relationship — this carnage must be 
stopped ! But I doubt if it is humanly 
possible to do more than our great 
industrial organizations like the 
United States Steel Corporation, the 
General Electric Company, the East- 
man Kodak Company, or any one of 
a hundred others are doing to-day. 
The fight that the National Safety 
Council, the National Electric Light 
Association, and a score of safety- 
device companies, like the Square D 
Company of Detroit, are making to | 
protect human life is bearing fruit. ; 
They are dealing with "things as they I 
are." ' 

Even so, our industrial accident 
rate is disgraceful. Undoubtedly it ' 
provides great ammunition for the 

February 7, 1920] 



Reds, the I. W. W.'s, and Bolsheviks, 
and it takes a rather comprehensive 
understanding of the tremendous dif- 
ficulties of our accident problem to 
make one discount their ranting. To 
condemn the present economic order 
that has endured for centuries, and 
has at any rate worked, because its 
present complexity has so hidden 

the elements that we see only the 
driftwood of its progress, is super- 
ficial and unjust. 

Theoretically, the alternative — the 
nightmare— the Soviet Government 
— is a very beautifully conceived plan. 
I think there are no industrial acci- 
dents in Soviet industry. 

David Hakold Colcord 

The Lady of the Violets 

AFTER all, the East Side begins at 
Fifth Avenue, and somewhere be- 
tween the cool green-bordered spaces of 
the Park and the somewhat leaden 
waters of the East River there dwells 
a fair proportion of the two per cent, 
of the population which is said to own 
sixty per cent, of the country's wealth, 
and a rather large proportion of the 
remaining percentages of wealth and 
population. Wealth, it may be observed 
in passing, is somewhat more in evidence 
on the Avenue of Palaces, and population 
on the cluttered sidewalks and crowded 
fire-escapes nearer the river. 
Eastward one goes — Madison, severely 
i correct and a trifle depressing; Park, 
magnificent duplex apartments towering 
heavenward at dizzying rates; Lexington, 
a respectable shadow of former greatness. 
Lexington is the social Rubicon. Beyond 
. lies the proletariat. But as the mantle 
^ of equal franchise has now fallen upon 
all alike, one may encounter the mistress 
of a palace on the Avenue presiding over 
a drawing-room discussion of politics, 
and within the hour run into a little 
woman on Avenue A, her big dark eyes 
glowing under a shawl, also discussing 
I politics, and both are voters. 
j Voters both. For the Lady of the 
I Violets has voted, many of her, and will 
do so again in increasing numbers in 
this Presidential year, quite unmindful 
of the threat reiterated in two exhilarat- 
ing suffrage campaigns— "I don't care 
if you do force it on us, I will never, 
never vote," and later modified to "Oh, 
now Pve got to vote whether I want to 
or not. What ! Well, of course I don't 
have to, but you don't suppose we're 
going to let you run everything, do 

And vote they did, and not only that, 
but campaigned vigorously and with well- ' 
defined partisan adherence, which indi- 
cated at least certain inherited proclivi- 
ties. And it is a fact that many poten- 
tial executive types lurk behind the 
fronts of the palaces, waiting only the 
Ignition spark to leap into new but con- 
genial activities. No wonder that one 
candidate addressed his drawing-room 
audiences as "my only hope," and, judg- 
ing by the fact that he was elected, there 
may have been something in it. Of 

course one has a suspicion— just a tiny 
little suspicion— that some of the Violet 
Lady's enthusiasm was due chiefly to 
the fact that certain candidates were 
practically "favorite sons" of the Ave- 
nue, as indicated by the fair citizen who 
triumphantly declared that she had 
voted for that dear Mr. Blank, and 
hadn't put another solitary mark on her 
ballot! But only a mere carper would 
carp at such a trifle; rather one notes 
the whirlwind of interest, the Belgian 
King and Queen to be entertained, a 
battalion of the all-important debutantes, 
and politics; and politics ran a dead heat 
with the other two and landed in front 
of the field on election day. 

Gone indeed are the dear dead classic 
days of the hetaerae, whose intellectual 
and political companionship consoled 
their patrician friends beyond the nar- 
row confines of domesticity. Politics has 
landed plump in the bosom of the family. 
Voter Pere, Voter Mere, sons and daugh- 
ters, and incautious males are likely to be 
confronted by a buxom mother, of the 
politically overnourished type, oozing 
"welfare" bills at every pore, a number 
of said bills being doomed to be passed 
at one session of the Assembly only to 
be repudiated by their sponsors before 
the next at stormy club meetings that 
almost wreck the organization. 

Naturally, one observes a few trifling 
elisions amid all this fervor. For ex- 
ample, an examination of the primary 
lists with a high-powered magnifying 
glass reveals scarcely more than a trace 
of that soulful devotion known chiefly 
to the hard-boiled "regulars" who vote 
at the primaries even if they have to be 
carried there. Primaries are a trifle 
tiresome, don't you think, and, anyhow, 
nobody is ever really elected at them. 
But the onward movement now flows 
freely along the Avenue and its lesser 
satellites, and it is a matter of steadily 
increasing record that the Lady of the 
Violets, inspired perhaps by what Mrs. 
Siddons called a "desperate tranquillity" 
that always came to her before her 
greatest efforts, glides lightly through 
the ordeal, and is acclaimed to a waiting 
world in the morning press as having 
"voted like veterans." 
But, with democracy itself in the melt 

ing pot, there are strange digressions 
beyond party lines. Take, for example, a 
section of a city, "communityized" be- 
yond all resemblance to Jeffersonian de- 
mocracy, and functioning as a "unit" 
vaguely but disturbingly suggesting cer- 
tain familiar features of the Soviet, not 
the least insistent of which is the frank 
acknowledgment that the ultimate mis- 
sion of the "unit" is political control. 
Somehow all roads seem to lead to the 
ballot box sooner or later. Thus it is 
that while all the older, well-known lead- 
ers and the great majority of the rank 
and file of women citizens are taking 
their politics straight, many others on 
the hither side of the Rubicon are sip- 
ping daintily, with a little near-Bolshe- 
vism on the side. Anything, so it isn't 
regular Plymouth-Rock-Pilgrim-Father- 
and-Mother stuff. For imagine the polit- 
ical darkness of one who has never had 
a block head worker— no, that should be 
head block worker— a head block worker 
call and ask more questions than the 
income tax commissioner and the census 
man put together, to the end that the 
Chairman of the Central Advisory Coun- 
cil may tell you how to do all the things 
you have always known how to do all 
your life. The most terrifying part is 
that you are airily informed that we 
know all about you anyway! A false 
dawn of liberty indeed, a mockery of the 
decent privacies that protect the initia- 
tive of individuality in the organized 
channels of government. 

Yet the sinister propaganda goes on 
in myriad forms, questionable publica- 
tions financed, dubious doctrines mur- 
mured softly, now and then a multi- 
millionaire pledging the support of his 
fortune to ultra-radicalism as lightly as 
a Roman noble flung priceless pearls into 
a flagon of wine— and we are only deport- 
ing aliens ! Fortunately, clear voices are 
raised in the strident chaos. Some of 
them are women's voices. It seems some- 
thing more than a mere chance that next 
June in the city of Madrid, old Madrid, 
erstwhile citadel of mediaevalism, there 
will meet in conference the International 
Suffrage Alliance, delegates from our 
own seventeen millions of enfranchised 
women leading the representation of one 
hundred millions of women who are func- 
tioning politically, at least to some extent, 
in their respective countries. And there 
is an unmistakable unity of design be- 
hind it. It means that the spirit of the 
Middle Ages, mellowed by the interven- 
ing centuries, has met with the advanc- 
ing, conquering spirit of the Anglo- 
Saxon, firmly establishing the rights of 
men and women in constitutional govern- 
ment. And the Lady of the Violets will 
be there, a champion of law and order. 
The Red army can not make permanent 
headway against the massed sanity of 
the world. 

Mary C. Francis 



[Vol. 2, No. 39 


Radical or Conservative— a 
Perverse Dilemma 

To the Editors of The Review: 

In these days of social, economic, and 
political unrest, our estimate of social 
forces, tendencies, and aspirations readily 
becomes confused with extraneous and 
often wholly irrelevant considerations. 
Thus we observe that the concepts, radi- 
calism and conservatism, are well on the 
way toward replacing most other con- 
cepts involving social attitudes. Now, 
radicalism and conservatism, when looked 
at from the standpoint of their relation 
to civilization and to society, represent 
two inherent and equally basic charac- 
teristics of the social organism. Con- 
servatism, the guardian of the old and 
established, is of the very essence of 
civilization ; were it not for conservatism, 
the fluidity of civilization would result 
in inevitable self-annihilation. Radical- 
ism, on the other hand, is but the limit- 
ing concept which includes all that stands 
for change, for progress, for reform, for 
creativeness. The conservative and the 
radical thus representing functions in- 
herent in the very nature of society, have 
both their legitimate places, but the very 
legitimacy of these activities imposes 
upon their representatives the duty and 
the burden of knowing whereof they- 
speak, of a thorough and searching 
familiarity with that society of which 
they constitute themselves the guardians 
and the directors. 

On the other hand, it is ignorance, 
narrow-mindedness, snobbishness, and a 
selfish detachment from the vital prob- 
lems of the hour which transform the 
conservative into a reactionary, who is 
a menace and a nuisance, a burden and a 
drag upon society. The same is true of 
the radical. It is ignorance, crudeness 
of attitude, superficiality of concrete 
background, lack of social experience, 
hazy idealism, which transform him 
into that "red" and dangerous individual 
whose intentions, idealistic though they 
may be, are shattered on the rock of 
incompetence and fanaticism. Knowledge 
about society, saturation with the values 
of civilization, from which alone can 
spring a deep-rooted humanitarianism 
and an idealism steeped in the realities 
of life, these are the prerequisites which 
the conservative and radical stand equally 
in need of. It is, therefore, best fitting 
that at this time, when reconstruction 
of the very foundations of our civiliza- 
tion is at hand, a body of scholars, 
idealists and humanitarians, should find 
themselves united in the common pur- 
pose of making society and civilization 
the object of their study, their discus- 
sions, and their teachings. Such is the 

source from which springs The New 
School for Social Research. 

From the standpoint represented at 
the New School, radicalism and con- 
servatism are but two among many con- 
cepts applicable to tendencies of indi- 
viduals as well as groups in society. 
Neither of these concepts can claim to 
describe in any adequate way the aims, 
ideals, or methods of the New School. 
What it aspires to is to know and under- 
stand, and to impart to others the knowl- 
edge and understanding of the static and 
dynamic factors which hold and move 
that intricate fabric of actions, motives, 
ideas, and emotions which is our civiliza- 
tion. It seems thus both inaccurate and 
unjust to estimate, as has often been 
done, the significance of this new enter- 
prise in terms of what is but a perverse 
dilemma — radicalism and conservatism. 
The School is neifjer radical nor con- 
servative; but it wants to help the radical 
to guide and inspire social change rather 
than to fulminate and destroy, and it 
wants to teach the conservative wisely 
to safeguard the stability of essential 
principles and basic structures rather 
than stubbornly to hang on to antiquated 
ideas and institutions whose usefulness 
is no longer actual. 


The Neiv School for Social Research, 
New York, Janiuiry 22 

"Life or Death for the 

To the Editors of The Review: 

I have been charmed by the interesting 
experiment Mr. Woodlock attempts in 
last week's Review in discussing the 
railroads. In one column, to discredit 
government operation, he declares that 
the Government took over "a solvent sys- 
tem in reasonably good physical condi- 
tion." In the adjoining column, when 
another purpose was in his mind, he as- 
serts that when the Government took 
over the railroads they were a "carcass," 
from which the Government "was grad- 
ually but surely starving the last sparks 
of life." 

I believe the public is disposed to deal 
justly with the railroads, being fair- 
minded and having recovered from the 
entirely natural but disastrous reaction 
from the period when railroads con- 
trolled politics and grossly abused their 
control. But its state of mind will hardly 
be improved when its friends get their 
wires crossed so badly as Mr. Woodlock 
allowed his to become. 

Stillman H, Bingham 
Dvluth, Minn., January 14 

[The first of the sentences to which our 
correspondent refers was: 

As things stand at present it is not in the 
least degree an exaggeration to say that the 

Government, which took over at the end of 
1917 a solvent system of railroads in reason- 
ably good physical condition, is handing it 
back to owners in a state of physical deteriora- 
tion and financial insolvency. 

The second was : 

The Esch bill may be summed up in a word 
as the perpetuation of the miserable system of 
control of railroads which in 1914, when the 
war broke out, was gradually but surely starv- 
ing the last sparks of life from the carcass. 

There is no real contradiction between 
the two statements, though the pictur- 
esque emphasis of the language in the 
second may be open to objection. The 
"life" that Mr. Woodlock had in mind, 
and of which the "sparks" were being 
"gradually but surely" extinguished, was 
the life of enterprise, that kind of life 
which means the attraction of new cap- 
ital and the continuation of progress. 
Such a process of injury may go on for 
a long time without bringing about 
"financial insolvency," and without re- 
ducing the "physical condition" of the 
roads below the point where it may still 
be described as "reasonably good." — Eds. 
The Review.] 

Confiscation by Amendment 

To the Editors of The Review : 

At a public meeting in Yonkers on the 
evening of January 11, Professor Scott 
Nearing, a well-known Socialist, who had 
been advocating the nationalization of 
private property, was asked by one of 
his audience: "How do you propose to 
take property away from its owners?" 
His answer was: "In the same way that 
the property of the brewers and distil- 
lers was taken, by constitutional amend- 
ment. The prohibitionists have shown 
us the way by which property can be 
taken for public purposes without com- 
pensation to the owners." 

This frank admission that the Social- 
ists purpose amending the Constitution 
of the United States so as to enable them 
to confiscate private property without 
compensation, should arouse the Amer- 
ican people to a realization of the mo- 
mentous issues involved in the question 
of the validity of the Eighteenth Amend- 
ment, soon to be argued before the Su- 
preme Court of the United States. As 
is clearly shown in the pleadings filed 
in the test suit brought by us, if the 
Eighteenth Amendment is held to be 
valid it will be in the power of 180 mem- 
bers of Congress, 86 less than a majority 
of both Houses, to submit radical and 
revolutionary amendments to the State 
Legislatures. These amendments can be 
ratified by a bare majority of a quorum 
of the members of 36 Legislatures, less 
than 2,800 members being necessary to 
ratify. Thus less than 3,000 men can 
amend the Constitution so as to confis- 
cate the entire property interests of the 
country, even though the subjects of the 

February 7, 1920] 



amendments were never submitted to the 
people of the several States. 

Article 5 of the Federal Constitution 
provides that private property shall not 
be taken for a public purpose without 
just compensation. If the Supreme Court 
decides that an amendment destroying 
property values of $1,000,000,000 is 
valid, an amendment confiscating the 
railroads or steel industries would be 
equally valid. 

The American people should know that 
a decision sustaining the validity of the 
Eighteenth Amendment opens the way 
for Socialism, Communism, or Syndical- 
ism to abolish the right to private prop- 
erty, the basis of all civilized society, by 
the action of less than 3,000 persons. 

Chairman Executive Committee, The 

Vigilance League 
New York, January 19 

Public Schools and the 

To the Editors of The Review: 

I have read with great interest the 
comment in your issue of December 27 
on the good showing made at the colleges 
by boys from the public schools as com- 
pared with boys from the private schools. 

You rightly observe that this does not 
mean better training at public than at 
private schools, but it is because of the 
process of "sharp selection" on account 
of "natural ability" and "inclination to 
study." The boys at the private schools 
lack this incentive, feeling that they will 
get to college anyhow. 

There is something fundamentally 
wrong with such a situation, and in 
order to make our colleges a more vital 
factor in American life, some attempt 
should be made to improve conditions. 

Theoretically, the colleges should be a 
part of our system of free public educa- 
tion, and as it would be desirable to have 
only a comparatively small percentage of 
our youths sent to college, those who do 
go should be chosen by reason of their 
"natural ability" and "inclination to 
study," and not because of the financial 
standing of their parents. 

In the words of C. R. Mann, Chairman 
of the Advisory Board of the Committee 
on Education and Special Training of the 
War Department, when speaking of the 
methods of selection being put into prac- 
tice in the college S. A. T. C. units 
towards the close of the war, "As these 
methods come more and more into gen- 
eral use and as they are perfected, the 
schools will gradually achieve a system 
in which ability, rather than financial 
competency, will be the entrance require- 
ments for higher education." 

Unfortunately, political conditions at 
present preclude the idea of having our 

colleges managed by the State, but still 
a start could be made by properly di- 
rected effort. Why not point out to 
public benefactors the chance to form 
and endow an educational foundation to 
assist in the matter? Such a body need 
not undertake to establish colleges, but 
having made arrangements with certain 
colleges in various parts of the country, 
it could then provide free scholarships 
in such colleges to those worthy of them ; 
that is to say, to those who qualify by 
passing the required tests. 

Here, indeed, would be real equality of 
opportunity in education which at the 
present time does not exist. 

Walter H. Buck 
Baltimore, Md., January 5 

jThe "Cahiers de 


[The author of the following letter, a young 
French officer, is the eldest son of the poet 
and essayist, Charles Peguy, who was killed at 
the battle of the Marne, and who edited dur- 
ing a long term of years what was known as 
"Cahiers de la Quinzaine," a series of pam- 
phlets and volumes, which appeared from 1900 
to the breaking out of the war, forming a col- 
lection of about 230 separate publications, from 
writers known and unknown.] 

To the Editors of The Review: 

I have only just been discharged from 
the army. Demobilization has been very 
slow here in France on account of the bad 
temper shown by the Germans in carry- 
ing out the disarmament clauses of the 
treaty. All my spare time from military 
duties was devoted to trying to complete 
a set or two of the "Cahiers," not an 
easy task, as none of my father's friends 
are disposed to sell their sets, even at a 
high price. The fact is that only some of 
his very oldest friends really have com- 
plete sets, most of them lacking the first 
and second series, which appeared during 
1900 and 1901, and embraced contribu- 
tions from Romain Rolland, Jerome and 
Jean Tharaud, and other writers who 
have since become known. These two 
series were printed in a very limited edi- 
tion, and it is now almost impossible to 
find copies of some of the issues. I have 
succeeded, however, in discovering iso- 
lated copies in out of the way places in 
France and have bought them at a high 
price, so that I have finally brought to- 
gether two complete sets of the "Ca- 
hiers." But unless I can soon find a pur- 
chaser, I shall be obliged to sell them at 
a loss, the high exchange just now being 
the only way in which I can make any 
profit out of the bargain. In this affair 
I have used up all the money I saved on 
my army pay, and if I can not find a 
buyer in America, I shall have to sell 
them at a loss so as to get money to go 
on with my studies. 

Marcel Peguy 
18 rue Flatters, Paris, December 20 

Book Reviews 

France and Her Colonies 

Notre Force Future. Par Jean Dybowsld, 
Inspecteur General de I'Agriculture Colo- 
niale. Paris: Payot & Cie. New York: 
Brentano. 1919. 

FEW Americans are more than dimly 
aware of the fact that France con- 
trols a colonial territory of about ten 
times her oven area, and inhabited by 
native races surpassing her own popula- 
tion by one-third. Indeed, the author 
of this volume insists that even French- 
men themselves are not wide-awake to 
the fact and its present significance. It 
is the purpose of his pages to show what 
this significance is, and how its rich 
possibilities may be realized. In brief, 
his thesis is that the colonies of France 
are admirably adapted, by conditions of 
soil and climate, to render just the com- 
plementary aid to home production which 
is needed to lift the country out of the 
troubles brought on by the war and en- 
sure a prosperous future. He sees, of 
course, that France is in no position to 
send out colonies en masse. But the na- 
tive population already on the ground 
renders this unnecessary. France has 
already demonstrated her ability to get 
the confidence of the native, and start 
him on the upward path in many fields 
of productive efficiency. The effective 
presence on the battle front of hundreds 
of thousands of her colonial troops left 
no room for doubt on that point. To their 
successful use in the development of colo- 
nial agriculture, on a large and remu- 
nerative scale, two things are fundamen- 
tally essential, and these are simply 
humane treatment and intelligent direc- 

For the too-well-known method of com- 
mercial exploitation of colonial territory 
by the virtual enslavement of the native, 
he has nothing but unmitigated condem- 
nation. No possible temporary financial 
gain can counterbalance the probability 
of disaster towards which that path 
leads, under modern conditions of world- 
wide public sentiment. The native must 
not be forced, but must be led to labor 
by the assurance that he shall have his 
share in the fruits of that labor, and 
that his life shall thus be made happier 
and more secure. Very careful attention 
is given to the necessity of intelligent 
direction, if colonial possibilities are to 
be realized. Conditions in the colonies 
are widely different from those of France 
itself, and the successful farmer of the 
homeland is still in need of special 
knowledge and adaptability in order to 
repeat that success in Madagascar, Cam- 
bodia, or along the valley of the Niger. 
A system of special education for such 
work had already been inaugurated be- 
fore the war, and M. Dybowski insists 



[Vol. 2, Xo. 39 

that this must be greatly developed and 
strengthened as rapidly as possible. He 
also gives warning to the people of 
France that if the colonial source of aid 
in time of need is to be made available, 
it must not be hampered by home jeal- 
ousy of colonial competition. If the coco 
palms of the provinces can make a cheap 
and healthful addition to the expensive 
and insufficient butter supply of France, 
her legislators must not put a handicap 
on it through fear of the vote of the 
French dairyman. 

M. Dybowski writes from a point of 
view attained by a thorough scientific 
study of agriculture, in both theory and 
practice, and by many years of official 
connection with its application to the 
French colonies, all of which he has stud- 
ied in detail on the ground. The book 
should have a wide and deep influence in 
France, and is well worth the attention 
of American readers especially con- 
cerned with the intelligent development 
of agriculture. 

The Old and the New 

The Life and Letters of Lady Dorothy 
Nevill. By her Son, Ralph Nevill. New 
York : E. P. Button & Co. 

IF you took a cross section, so to speak, 
of the high-stepping eighteenth cen- 
tury and set it down in the sober circle 
of the nineteenth, you would have some- 
thing comparable to the life of this 
descendant of the Walpoles and friend 
of all the great Victorian families. Lady 
Dorothy's relations to the world were 
already pretty well known from her own 
memoirs, but this biography by her son 
tells things about her which naturally 
she he.-self would not say, and it adds 
to the piquancy of the setting by show- 
ing the social relics of a past age as they 
appeared to one coming upon the scene 
still a generation later. Mr. Nevill, we 
may hint, is not much of a writer : he Is 
not always clear when it comes to trac- 
ing the vast family ramifications which 
no doubt seem simple enough to him but 
to the outside barbarian are about as 
complicated as Kant's categories; he has 
an imperfect sense of order and construc- 
tion, but as a compensation he knew and 
understood his mother, and he is familiar 
with her world with all its scandals and 
eccentricities and humors and decorums 
and magnanimities and condescensions, 
and he makes it real and vivid to the 
reader — which is no small part of author- 
ship, after all. 

As for reviewing such a work, made up 
as it is of patches and pieces, there is 
nothing to do but gather together a few 
samples; it is a case where the house 
may be known from its bricks. Coming 
to the book as this reviewer does with 
a strong predilection for the oddities and 
originals of Horace Walpole's gallery, he 
confesses that he has been particularly 

delighted by the portrait of such a mon- 
ster of egotism as the Lord Clanricarde, 
whom Lady Dorothy used to meet at 
Christie's and found highly to her taste 
— or to one of her tastes. In his youth 
this scion of the nobility had been poor, 
and while an attache to Sir John Hudson 
at Turin saved money by arranging with 
the custodian of an arch to sleep in the 
small chamber where the pails and 
brooms were kept. He did his own tailor- 
ing, it was said; and still in his old age 
you could detect his handiwork by the 
rough stitching which held together a 
yawning coat or a battered hat. For 
release from poverty only left him a 
miser. At home his greatest gastronomic 
extravagance was a couple of eggs, about 
the size of which he was very particular, 
keeping in the kitchen an old hard-boiled 
egg to show his servant the minimum he 
would accept. As a smoker his habits 
were incredible. A cigar, he thought, 
was never at its best until the third time 
of smoking. To indulge in this refine- 
ment of luxury he would cut off the end 
when about an inch had gone and put the 
remainder away; at the second time of 
smoking he would cut off another inch, 
and keep the stump as a bonne bouche 
for some special occasion. 

Yet with all his stinginess and slovenli- 
ness Clanricarde had his touches of mag- 
nificence, even of coquetry. Though his 
tie might be secured about his neck by 
a piece of old tape, you would see in it 
a family jewel of great price. A favorite 
scarf-pin was a large diamond, at the 
back of which he would insert bits of 
paper colored by himself from a child's 
paint-box so as to obtain various eifects. 
Though, too, his manners in general were 
almost brutal — it might almost have been 
said of him, as it was actually said 
of one of his tribe, that he made it a 
rule to decline to be introduced to people 
he did not already know — yet withal he 
was unmistakably a gentleman by the 
secret signs, and could at will be very 
gracious. His talk was a repository of 
all dead and living scandals, but he spoke 
with the accent of a philosopher. He 
lives imbedded in Mr. Nevill's pages; 
imagine, if you dare, how he would have 
tricked himself out in the letters of the 
present biographer's ancestral cousin, 
Horace Walpole! 

We do not forget that we are review- 
ing the life of Lady Dorothy Nevill, 
and not that of Lord Clanricarde; but 
such, in part, was the atmosphere in 
which she lived — the eighteenth century, 
still refusing to die, was all about her. 
Nor would we have it supposed that this 
Whiggish society was entirely eccentric 
or egotistic; prouder names still resound 
through these pages — Chesterfields and 
Churchills and all the rest of the clan — 
some of them still doing large things, 
some of them courtly in their lives, some 
of them serving the state with a true 

and noble devotion; better men and 
women than the Clanricardes, though not 
necessarily so amusing to read about. 

And by the side of these inheritors 
of renown and — as some would say, but 
never this reviewer — of infamy, Lady 
Dorothy lived much in the pulsing life 
of her own century and its needs and 
achievements. The Darwins and Tenny- 
sons and Chamberlains, half the famous 
names in science, poetry, art, statesman- 
ship, are sprinkled over these pages ; and 
the bearers of them came to their hostess 
to consult her about the newest things 
that were stirring in the world. This 
contrast of the new and the old is one 
of the charms of the record, and these 
divided, but never conflicting, interests 
were what made Lady Dorothy so signi- 
ficant and so loved a figure in the society 
that has just passed away. 

Mr. Nevill's work is not perfect or im- 
portant; but it is entertaining, and it 
has some meaning for those whose out- 
look is wider than the circle of this 
weltering twentieth century. 

On Our Way 

Youth Goes Seeking. By Oscar Graeve. New 
York: Dodd, Mead and Company. 

The World of Wonderful Reality. By E. 
Temple Thurston. New York: D. Apple- 
ton and Company. 

A Woman's Man. By Marjorie Patterson. 
New York: George H. Doran Company. 

LIFE as a quest, we are always saying, 
is the root theme of all serious fic- 
tion; and the favorite story the world 
over is that of youth which goeth seek- 
ing. What it seeks, and how, remain 
questions which the story-tellers are free 
to answer in a thousand ways. Salva- 
tion, service, happiness, fame — any or 
all of these are among the common 
objects of adventure. But an adventure 
it must be. If we except the merely 
acquisitive industrious apprentices and 
Rockefellers of all ages and grades, youth 
does not choose to climb from surety to 
surety. Its primary impulse is less to 
build upon known good than to escape 
from known discomfort or tedium. 
Therefore, the romance of youth invari- 
ably begins with a violent dash of escape 
from dullness and smugness and routine, 
and fares on to the heroic-pathetic at- 
tempt at blazing an altogether new path 
to the stars, or at least to the given 
stripling's own private star. We must 
find the outlet first of all, whether to 
physical adventure, or the adventure of 
getting on, or the adventure of art, or 
the adventure of free relations, social 
and sexual and (as it were) intellectual. 
Bohemia! However age may laugh at 
it, or even deny it altogether, youth 
knows better. A poor thing, but youth's 
own. Riddled with conventions and 
shams? They are at least the conven- 
tions and shams youth itself has chosen 

February 7, 1920] 



for its make-believe. If liberty and license 
are not the same thing, we have only Age's 
word for it: Let's see for ourselves! . . . 
So reasons the Henry Baker of "Youth 
Goes Seeking": a complete type of the 
essentially decent young fellow who longs 
passionately to be something more than 
a cog in the wooden machine of respecta- 
bility and success. He lives with an 
uncle in Brooklyn, that dull and dominat- 
ing elderly codger who in current fiction 
still represents the "Victorian" attitude. 
He has a "fat sonorous voice" ; he bullies 
and blusters; he is grossly thick of wit 
and sympathy. Henry's schooling means 
something to Henry, and he wants to go 
to college. Not if the uncle knows it. 
Henry is to come into business with 
him, and, if he is good, to succeed him 
some day. Poor Henry is not interested 
in the manufacture of leather belting; 
but he knocks under. He shows some 
ability in the business. Unluckily, he 
has brought to it certain modern notions 
about the relation of employer and 
laborer — "unsettled ideas — dangerous 
ideas," cries the fusty old uncle. Henry 
is strong enough to have some of these 
ideas tried out — with small success. At 
twenty-five he is disillusioned of his 
roles as industrious apprentice and be- 
nevolent employer, and quite ready to 
cut loose and "see life." This means 
throwing up his job and flitting across 
the river to the purlieus of Greenwich 
Village. There he shares a satisfactorily 
shabby room with his boy-friend Bert, 
now a proudly Bohemian newspaperman ; 
and is presently engaged in those serio- 
comic feasts and love-feasts which are 
known to be the staples of life in all 
Bohemians. Ann Corcoran, the special 
partner of his freedom, is a well-drawn 
portrait of the modern virgin who, after 
much display of independence, sells her 
cold beauty to an old rich man. Henry 
has not failed to make modern youth's 
impassioned appeal to her: "I shall not 
interfere with your work," he pleads. 
"Marry me and things will go on just 
as they are — just as they are. You will 
retain your freedom — all of it. I shall 
only ask that I may creep up the back 
stairs to you once in a great while and 
offer you my love, dear — my heart to 
do with it as you will — to send it back 
empty if you wish, but happy with the 
glimpse of you — the look of you." Now 
Ann is properly touched by this worm- 
like devotion, but foresees that his view 
of the future is probably not so clear as 
it might be: he will be asking something 
more of her some day. There ensue 
certain emotional incidents which, ap- 
parently, reveal to Ann that she loves 
Henry and to Henry that he does not 
love Ann ; and Ann goes off with her old 
rich man, leaving Henry to marry the 
Sadie whom he has taken off the streets, 
and whom in due season the now 
chastened and enlightened uncle and aunt 

are to take to their bosoms and their 
Brooklyn mansion as Henry's fitting 
mate! Thus confusedly and ardently 
youth in the person of the author in- 
terprets or reflects the muddle of youth. 

"The World of Wonderful Reality" 
culminates in an analogous situation — 
the hero being disillusioned of his senti- 
ment for the damsel of higher degree 
who, for her part, is revolted by the actu- 
alities of his Bohemian existence and 
not unwillingly obeys the mandate of 
her father. (The father is a close run- 
ning-mate for Henry's uncle in his un- 
regenerate state.) And we leave him, 
our more or less hero, on the way to a 
permanent and satisfactory relation with 
a former mistress — a virtuous semi-pro- 
fessional pretty lady whom we are by 
no means to look down on because she 
chances to have served her fellow-men 
somewhat indiscriminately before "the 
right man" turned up. Far from us are 
the days when women might conveniently 
be classified as the good and the bad, the 
upright and the fallen. Now that we 
recognize them as the bond and the free 
or, in our weaker moments, as the ador- 
able and the tiresome, there is no marvel 
in our cheerful acceptance of heroines 
from all regions of the half-world and 
the nether world, ranging from the 
professionally expert pretty ladies of 
Messrs. Bennett and Cannan to the 
Sadies and Ambers and Sylvia Scarletts 
who are capable of deviating into virtue 
on occasion for the sake of the "right 
man. . . ." "The World of Wonderful 
Reality" is a sort of sequel to that "City 
of Beautiful Nonsense" which won a 
large sentimental public some ten years 
ago. Perhaps Mr. Thurston has been 
clever in estimating the swift change 
that has come about since then in senti- 
mental fashions; so that the Ambers 
may now safely be set in the foreground 
at the expense of the too-virtuous Jills 
whom, a decade since, we adored without 

"A Woman's Man" may therefore be 
held a reactionary document since, 
though the good woman of the tale re- 
mains throughout her life the victim of 
the "fallen" or semi-professional one, 
virtue does in the end receive its post- 
humous reward. Mr. Thurston's Jill is 
made morally shabby and even ridicu- 
lous, with all her technical purity; while 
the socially frail Amber triumphs 
through her essential virtue, in the 
larger sense of the word. But the "wom- 
an's man" who has spent so many of his 
years philandering and worse, casting 
away his work and his true love and his 
peace of mind for a Parisian vampire, 
does come at last to realize that all that 
has been good in his work as well as in 
his life, has sprung from the quiet un- 
felt influence of the wife who is now 
dead. This is a novel of much higher 
type and quality than the two with 

which it is here rather ineptly brack- 
eted. Upon a theme which might be 
rated as among the most hackneyed in 
fiction, and which is certainly among the 
most precarious, the author haa built a 
story of surprising dignity, both in sub- 
stance and in form. 


New Psychic Faculties 

The Mystery of Space. By Robert T. 
Browne. New York: E. P. Dutton & Co. 

THE sub-title of this book informB 
the reader that: "It is a study of 
the hyper-space movement in the light 
of the evolution of new psychic faculties 
and an inquiry into the genesis and es-