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BRANDEIS UNIVERSITY
LIBRARY

Gift of
National Women's Committee
In Honor of

Mrs. Rosalyn Shulman

Life Member - Greater Miami Chapter

BRANDEIS UNIVERSITY
NATIONAL WOMEN'S COMMITTEE

Palestine during the War

BEING ^ RECORD OF THE
PRESERVATION OF THE JEWISH
SETTLEMENTS IN PALESTINE

LONDON
ZIONIST ORGANISATION

77 GREAT RUSSELL STREET, W.C.i
1921

PRICE ONE SHILLING NET

\=^

Palestine during the War

BEING ^ RECORD OF THE
PRESERVATION OF THE JEV/ISH
SETTLEMENTS IN PALESTINE

From the Report presented to the Ticelfth Zionist Congress
at Carlsbad^ September^ 1921.

LONDON

ZIONIST ORGANISATION

77 GREAT RUSSELL STREET, W.C.i

I 92 I

CONTENTS

A. 1914—1917.

/. — Palestine before the War.

. PAGE

(i) The Palestine Office ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 5

(2) Immiigration ... ... .,. ... ... ... ... ... ... 6

(3) Economic Expansion ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 6

(4) Hebrew Education ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 7

(5) Public Life ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 8

n.— Outbreak of War.

(i) Suspension of the Capitulations ... .., ... ... ... ... 10

{2) Economic Isolation ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 10

(3) Self-Help Committees ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 12

(4) The American Relief Work ... ... ... ... ... ... 14

III. — Palestine under Turkish Military Rule. .

(i) Turkey's Declaration of War ... ... ... ... ... ... 18

{2) Jemal Pasha and his Subordinates ... ... ... ... ... ... 18

{3) Persecutions under Jemal's Rule ... ... ... ... ... ... 21

(a) House Searches in Tel Aviv ... ... ... ... ... 21

(b) Prohibition of National Fund Stamps ... ... ... ... 22

Closing- of the Bank ... ... ... ... ... ... 22

Inhibition of Remittances ... ... ... ... ... 22

(d) Trials 23

(4) Ottoman Naturalisation ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 27

{5) Military Service ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 28

IV. — Work of the Palestine Office during the War.

(i) Preservation of the Yishub ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 31

(2) The Economic Catastrophies ... ... ... ... ... ... 33

(a) The Locusts. ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 33

(b) The Depreciation! of the Currency ... ... ... ... 31

{3) Distress in the Towns ... ... ... .. ... ... ... 36

4932S7

V. — End of the Ttirkixli Ride.

I'AGK

(i) Evacuation of Jaffa ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 37

(2) The Last Persecutloins in Judea ... ... ... ... ... ... 38

(3) Persecutions in Samaria ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 3^

VI. — Relief IVork in Dainasciis and Constantinople.

(j) Damascus as Centre for Palestine ... ... ... ... ... ... 41

(2) Palestine Work in Constantinople ... ... ... ... ... ... J^.z

B. 1917—1919.

/. — Tlie Occupation of Judea bv tlie British.

(j) ITie Position in Judea ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 45

(2) Special Committee ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 43

(3) Arrival of the Zionist Commission ... ... ... ... ... ... 44.

//. — AviaJgamaiion of the Zionist Commission and the Palestine Office.

(i) Division of Functions ... ... ... ... ... 45:

77/. — The Ori^anisins: of Palestine Jeivry.

The Jewish Communal Representation in Jeru.salem ... ... ... 47

Vaad Hazmani ... ... ... ... ... ... ... .. ... 48

Asefath Hanivcharim ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 48-

A. 1913—1917.

PALESTINE BEFORE THE WAR.

(i) The Palestine Office.

At the outbreak of the war the colonisation of Palestine had just entered on a
period of soimewhat quickened development. The Palestine Office, which had been
founded by the Zionist Orgfanisation at the beg-inning- of 1908, had overcome its
initial difficulties, and was commencing^ to become a focus of all efforts directed
towards the colonisation of Palestine. Hopes had been entertained of a rapid
expansion of the Palestine Office, and with it of the w'hole work of colonisation,
from the Turkish Revolution, which broke out a few months after the Office was
opened. These hopes, it is true, were not realised. The Young Turks, as it
turned out, adopted an imperialistic policy, and aimed at establishing a Turkish
state with the suppression of other nationalities, sO' that the Jews could not look
to them for fulfilment of their national aspirations. To counterbalance this, how-
ever, it was soon found that they were just as feeble as the previous Turkish
Government, and consequently were not able permanently to hinder the progress
of determined national efforts. In spite of the pronounced nationalist-imperialist
tendencies of the leaders the officials in the country did not differ materially from
their predecessors. It was always ix>ssible to get round the individual official with
the aid of a little artifice. The Turks were far more vehemently opposed to the
Arabs than to us, and there was actually a disposition on the part of some of the
leaders to play us off against the Arabs, and on that account to encourag"e oiur
efforts. The Arabs on their side reserved their whole hostility for the Turkish
Government, and did not yet display any towards us. Strong- protection was
afforded to us by the Capitulations. ."Vctivities which might otherwise have met
with opposition from the Turkish authorities were rendered possible by the
protectioin of foreig-n consuls.

A new impulse to the colonisation movement was given by the Vienna Zionist
Congress in 191 3, which led to a strengthening and expansion of the Zionist
Organisation in general. At this Congress, which took place just a year before
the outbreak of war, the conflict which had gone on for years between the advocates
and the opponents of the idea of immediate practical work in Palestine was amicably
settled. A ccmplete scheme of practical colonisation was presented in the Report
of Dr. Arthur Ruppin, who as responsible representative of the A.C. had been at
the head of the Palestine Office since its inception. After this Congress the vast
majority of Zionists were convinced that the realisation of the Zionist idea could
be brought about only bv persistent and self-sacrificing work, and by solid and
substantial achievements in the fields of economic development, education and
oriranisation.

(2) Immigration. '

Progress in Palestine now beg^an to manifest itself in a number of ways. The
most conspicuous sig-n was the great increase in immig-ration. In the period
between the Vienna Congress and the outbreak of the war over 6,000 Jews came
into the country. Not all, it is true, were able to become absorbed in it, and many
of themi drifted away ag"ain; but a portioin remained and took root. Especially
notable was the increase in the number of young- men who came to help in opening
up the country by the labour of their hands. These were scions of the young Jewish
movement which had commenced with the Russian Revolution in 1905, and had
become a spiritual power in the Jewish life of Palestine and also of the Diaspora.
Their settlement was greatly facilitated by the fact that employment of a nature
suited to their requirements was available on the farms of the Jewish National
Fund and in the undertakings conducted by the Palestine Land Development
Company and the other companies directed by the Palestine Office. These young
workers combined tog-ether in workers' organisations, and began to form a solid
labouring- class which continually inceased in numbers and power.

There was also' a continuous increase in the number of persons of means
who broug^ht their belongings here in order to settle or to invest their capital.
Some of these went into the professions, others contributed to the expansion of the
export trade, while others again, settlings in the towns of Jaifa and Haifa, acquired
property and plantations, opened workshops, built houses, and laid the foundations
of a new commercial life. It was these settlers who> did most for the expansion of
Tel Aviv, and who began to found there a new commercial organisation which
exercised a strong- influence on the whole of the Yishub. The progress Of this
section was displayed most conspicuously in the increase of land purchase and of
the sums devoted to this purpose.

This class also furthered the development of the colonies, where they acquired
property, built houses, laid out plantations, promoted commerce, and took an
active part in the public life which was ripening there.

A special class of immigrants was formed by the school children, who were
either sent by their parents alone to Palestine in order to receive there a national
education, or for whose sakes the parents themselves came over. The best
testimony to the attraction of Palestine for the studious youth of Jewry is afforded
by the rapid g-rowth of the Hebrew Gymnasium^ in Jaffa, alongfside of which should
be mentioned the Modern School in Haifa, the Hebrew High School in Jerusalem,
and the "Bezalel" Arts and Crafts school in Jerusalem, as in these also there were
a number of pupils from abroad. The Jaffa Gymnasium had in 191 4, the eighth
year of its existence, 750 pupils, who' brought 50,000 francs monthl}- into the
country. The yearly expenditure of the Gymnasium, three-quarters of which was
defrayed from the fees of the children from abroad, amounted to 125,000 francs.
The financial importance of this immigration is further shown by the fact that in
addition to the fees about 50,000 francs came into the country' from abroad for the
maintenance of these children.

(3) Economic Expansion.

The growing- interest in Palestine to which the inflow of capital bore witness
was shown particularly by the increase in the sums devoted to land purchase. This

branch was the special concern of the Plantation Companies (Achuzoth) which were
formed abroad for the purpose of the joint purchase of land for settlement. The first
of these companies was founded by S. Goldman in St. Louis. The idea on which
he worked was soon taken up extensively, and in a few years a whole number of
Achuzoth came into being in America and other countries. Russia especially, with
its hundreds of thousands of well-to-do Jews, appeared to offer an inexhaustible
reservoir of men and money for Palestine, and before the war broke out a whole
number of these companies had already put themselves in communication with the
Palestine Office regarding^ land purchase. No better example could be found both
of the keen interest which was taken in the acquisition and development of land
in Palestine before the war, and of the disastrous effects of the outbreak of the
war in this direction also, than the case of the property in Emek Jezreel. On the
day when war was declared, the Palestine Office was on the point of purchasing
140,000 dunam of the best soil in this fertile portion of Palestine. The Russian
Jews Brodsky and Halpern on the one side, along with a number of other wealthy
persons in Kiev who up till then had shown no particular interest in the practical
building up of Palestine, and Baron Rothschild on the other side had guaranteed
the money for this, the most important transaction of its kind which had yet taken
place in the history of our colonisation. The consent of the Vali of Beyrout had
already been obtained for the purchase. The outbeak of war shattered the
transaction when on the eve of completion, and at the same time shipwrecked a
whole list of colonising schemes which were connected with this big purchase.

The great interest in Palestine which has been aroused all over the world
show«)d itself also in the large number of tourists who came from all parts to see
Palestine for themselves and to judge of the prospects of settling there.

The position of the banks was another proof of the gratifying way in which
the country was expanding. The resources of the Jewish National Fund increased,
while the bank strengthened its position, augmented its turnover, and showed in
its balance sheets a constant growth of deposit accounts.

This favourable situation gave birth to a whole .series of industrial projects,
the investigation, working out and experimental testing of which was taken up by
the Palestine Industrial Syndicate. These projects included : —

The cuiltivation of sugar beet and the manufacture of sugar.

A cement and brick factory.

An eng-ineering workshop.

The transforming of the Baths of Tiberias into an attractive health resort.

The draining of the swamps of the Lake of Merom.

Telephone installations in toiwn and country.

(4) Hebrew Education.

It was in this period of general expansion that the Hebrew school system of
the Zionist Organisation was founded. Originally the Zionist Organisation had
on principle excluded all educational work in Palestine from its programme. The
Hebrew school system developed independently in the Jewish colonies, in which
schools had existed from the commencement, and it was consistenitly promoted by
the Chovevi Zion Committee in Odessa, which had maintained the excellent girls'

school in Jaifa. Special committees were responsible for the maintenance of the
Hebrew High Schools in Jaffa and Jerusalem, and the Bezalel Arts and Crafts
School, althoug-h in all these institutions it was prominent Zionists who' were the
leading spirits and chief workers.

The HilfsvereinI der deutschem Juden had done very useful work in the field of
Palestine education. In contrast to the Alliance Israelite it had introduced into
its schools modern pedagogic methods. It also did miuch for Hebrew teaching by
engaging competent instructors and having a large part of the subjects taught in
Hebrew. It refused, however, to accede tO' the demand which in view of the
progress of Hebrew education was put forward by the teachers and other
nationalists, that Hebrew should be constituted the sole language of instruction in
the schools. It preferred tO' have part of the subjects taught in German ; and this
language began toi gain ground more and more at the expense of Hebrew. This
tendency asserted itself with very unpleasant force when the question arose of
determining the language of instruction at the Technicum in Haifa, an institution
towards the founding of which the most diverse Jewish circles had contributed;
and this manifestation gave the occasion for an exit en masse of teachers and pupils
from the Hilfsverein schools.

This fight over the schools in Palestine was the immediate cause of the Zionist
Organisation taking the educational work in hand. Side by side with the schools
mainitained by the Hilfsverein, purely Hebrew schools were founded, the direction of
which was assumed by the Zionist Organisation. An educational committee — the
Vaad Hachiiniuch — was formed, composed of the Hebrew teachers and Jewish
hoiuseholders in the towns and colonies. In a short time this bodv itself raised
44,000 francs for the expenses of the newly founded Hebrew schools — mostly '.n
Palestine. The whole expenditure of the schools for the first year was 160,000 francs
which was guaranteed by the Zionist Actions Committee. These schools included
the Boys' and Girls' school in Jerusalem, the Teachers' Seminary in| Jerusalem, the
Boys' School in Jaffa and the Modern School in Haifa, as well as some kinder-
gartens. Thus was the foundation laid for a school system which from now^ on was
maintained by the Zionist Organisation, and which in the course of ai few years
expanded tO' such an extent that about 140 schools with over 500 teachers and
11,000 pupils (i.e., two-thirds of the school children of the whole country) were
kept going.

(5) Public Life.

An important sign of the progress of Palestinian Jewry in the period before

the outbreak of the war was the improvement in social organisation throughout the

country. A strong communal life pulsated in all the cololnies, with results that

in some places, and especially in Tel Aviv, were truly admirable. In Judea the

colonies formed an association called "Hithachduth Moshevoth Jehudah," with

a single executive, which looked after the common economic and general interests

of the colonies. In Lower Galilee also there arose a joint body representing

all the colonies with a Bureau which did fruitful work on their behalf. The

workers formed themselves into two main political parties, Hapoel Hazair, which

was fundamentally a nationalist party with the securing of employment for its

chief aim, and Poale Ziom, which was essentially a Socialist org-anisation. There
was also am association including- all agricultural workers without distinction of
party. The Palestine Office, as representative of the Zionist Org-anisation, became
gradually the centre of all endeavours tO' improve organisation. Although
it was responsible only to the Zionist Actions Committee, yet it endeavoured to
consult in all important political questions with the leaders of public life in the
V'ishub. By the side of the Palestine Office was formed a standing council, the
Vaad Temidi, which consisted of representatives of the colonies, of the workers,
of the most important colonising institutions and of the towru dwellers, and which
deliberated on affairs of moment. These promising beginnings were cut short by
the declaration of war between the European Powers, which put an abrupt end to
all our hopes and expectations.

II.

THE OUTBREAK OF WAR.

(i) Suspension of the Capitulations.

The outbreak of the war plunged Palestine intO' a condition such as the Yishub
had never before exp>erienced. Turkey, it is true, was still neutral, but a state of
war had already been declared, the Turk showed an obvious inclinatioin to side with
the Central Powers, and the political sky was overcast and threatening. Through
the suspension of the Capitulations the security of life and property which the
Palestine Jews had hithertoi enjoyed, thanks to the protection of the Consulates
against the arbitrariness of Turkish officials, was materially impaired. Even
befoire the official suspension of the Capitulations an endeavour was plainly to be
discerned on the side of the Turkish officials to shake off their tutelage and to set
aside entirely the power of the foreign represenitatives — an endeavour tJiat was
naturally watched with great uneasiness by the Jews in Palestine, who were under
the protection of the government of their country of origin. When the suspension
of the Capitulations was proclaimed, many faimilies in the countn,' felt themselves
deprived of their chief safeguard. Tbe unrest among the Jews, as also' among the
Christians, was heightened by ,the propaganda set on foot for a Jehad, or Holy "War.
When, to-day after the end of the war we survey its effects on Palestine, we
find that, in spite of the sacrifice of human life and the heavy material losses which
it entailed, it has not on the -whole been so destructive as at first had been
feared. This is chiefly due* tO' the fact that Palestinle was only toi a minor
extent one of the actual theatres of war. Not till the last twoi years of the
war did the country become the arena of military operations. When they did
commence, the ad^rance of the English (from Gaza to Jerusalem, Chanukah 5678)
and the conquest of Samaria and Galilee (Succoth 5679) took place with such
rapidity that the Turks fortunately had no time to' carry out their plans of destruc-
tion. The only places where military operations caused really serious damage were
the colonies of Petah-Tikvah, Kfar Sabah, Ain Ganim and Benshemen.

(2) Economic Isolation.

The uncertainty of the political outlook was aggravated by the economic
insecurity which the w ar immediately brought in its train. The population, which
depended entirely on its communications with the outside world, found itself
suddenly completely isolated. This situation was no less threatening for the new
than for the old Yishub. The old Yishub with its charitable institutions and its
Chalukah system had up to then maintained relations with all foreign countries,
especially Russia and Galicia. About 3,000,000 francs used tO' flo'w into the country

annually and from this sum a whole croiwd of people derived their livelihood. The
new Yishub depended on foreign countries chiefly for its foodstuffs. The colonies
depended for the most part on the export oif their produce. Before the war about
eig-hty per cent, of the orange crop, averaging about 30,000 boxes of a vaJue
of one and a-quarter to one and a-half million francs, seventy f>en cent,
the almond crop, to the value of 400,000 to 500,000 francs and fifty per cent,
of the vintage to the value of 800,000 to 1,000,000 francs used to go
abroad. Now that the country was cut off from the outer world, there were no
longer any purchasers for the produce of the plantation colonies, and their exis-
tence seemed to be seriously endangered. It was only later that an internal market
was created for the requirements of the military, and this suffered from bad trans-
port arrangements. A large number of families in the colonies and towns whose
money was still invested abroad, as they had not yet had time to liquidate their
businesses there, found themselves suddenly deprived of their remittances.
Their fate was shared by the young people who were being brought up in
Palestine educational institutions, and who were supported by their relatives
abroad. Teachers and officials also the moftey for whose salaries was raised abroad
suddenly saw their livelihood threatened. In theor\', it is true, Turkey still
maintained its relations with other countries, but in reality intercourse was so
seriously interrupted that the Yishub saw the main arteries of its economic life
severed. On top of this came the declaration of a moratorium, through w hich for a
time all commercial intercourse was brought to a stop. The situation pressed with
especial hardship on the Bank — the Anglo-Palestine Coi. For the population of
Palestine this was the central institution to which everyone first turned for financial
assistance. It had to satisfy its depo'sitors, and yet, in consequence of the uncertain
political situation, it could not be much more accommodating to its customers than
the other banks in the country, nor could it do more than it was absolutely obliged
to do.

Business came to a standstill. The colonies not only lost all opportunity of
exporting their products, but were unable even to imp)ort the most indispvensable
materials, especially petroleum for driving motors. The question of the food
supply soon became urgent everywhere, especially in the towns. The Jews, who
were for the most part town-dwellers, or at any rate grew little corn, were exposed
to the danger of starvation in a higher degree than the other sections of the
f)opulation. Only in the Jewish agricultural colonies was the population able not
only to provnde for itself, but, in consequence of the scarcity in the towns and other
colonies, to dispose of a portion of its corn there at advantageous prices.

AppeaJ to Foreign Countries : In this desperate situation the representatives
of the principal institutions in Palestine — the director of the Palestine Office, the
director of the Bank, and the representative of the Chovevi Zion — issued an app>eal
to prominent Jews abroad whose interest in Palestine was well known. This appeal
was responded to with particular energy by the leaders of the Zionist Organisation
in Russia and Messrs. Rosoff and Naiditsch. They managed to raise money, and,
so long as there was direct or indirect communication between Russia and Palestine,
to send it thither. In the countries of Central Europe, with which intercourse was
maintained much longer, the appeal met with a far feebler response. The war had

produced such a paralysis of effort there that in a short time the societies! which
supported the institutions in Palestine had to send word that their resources were
exhausted.

(3) Self-Help Committees.

In view of the theatening situatio'n, the new Yishub in Palestine determined on
a comprehensive scheme of self-help. The example was set by the organisations
created in Jaffa and the Jewish colonies. In Jaffa the representatives of all classes
— the labourers' organiisatiom, the traders' organisation, etc., met together and
formed a " Coimmittee for Alleiviating the Crisis " (Vaad Hakalat Hamashber).
The President of the Vaad of Tel Aviv, Dizengoff, was placed at the head of this
committee, and devoted his whole energy to the work. He received the full support
of all classes ; particularly to be mentioned among his coadjutors are the Jaffa
residents, Bezalel Jaffe and A. Lew. Communal kitchens were erected, which
provided meals at cost price. All kinds of devices were adopted to make the situa-
tion more tolerable. When after the declaration of the moratorium the ordinary
circulating media disappeared from the country, recourse was had to the issue of
bank cheques, and also of small circulating bonds, issued by the Vaad of Tel Aviv
and the Flour Committee. The J.N.F. farms administered by the Palestine Office
placed their corn stocks at the disposal of the Relief Committee, thus contributing
materially to avert the famine with which some places were threatened.

The Vaad Hakalat Hamashber joined hands with the gemieral comimittee of
the Jaffa community. It drew up a budget, drafted a scale of taxes to be paid by
the inhabitants and collected contributions amonir them. A number of committees
were founded, each with a particular function : a co'mmittee for emergency works,
for providing flour and bread, for communal kitchens and tea rooms, for assisting
the sick, etc. These! committees worked in part independently, in part in| conjunc-
tio'U with the Committee for Alleviating the Crisis,

After receiving the money from the American Relief Fund, the Committee was
able to extend considerably its efforts for alleviating the crisis. It occupied itself
particularly with providing bread, flour and other necessaries. For this purpose
relief committees fro'm the various Jewish conDmunities were formed in Jaffa, with
the task of investigating the position and, under the supervision of the Coimmittee
for Alleviating the Crisis, of distributing- nioney or food to the needy. ITie Jewish
communities in Jaffa also formed three special ccimmittees : of the Yemenites, of
the Sephardim, and of the Ashkenazim.

Emergency KUcJieiis : Besides distributing- bread and flour, the Committee for
Alleviating the Crisis displayed great activity in establishing and maintaining
kitchens. A definite sum was assigned to the Committee in order to distribute
food, whether gratis or on credit, to workers who could not find employment. In the
kitchen founded by the Joint Committee, 120 young persons and forty to fifty
families were regularly provided with meals. This kitchen was, however, closed
when in consequence of the expulsion a large part of the Jafl"a workers left the
country, while others dispersed among the colcnies, or found employment on public
works in Jaffa. Fro^m that time the situation of the workers in Jaffa improved

to such a degree that kitchens ol this type were no longer necessary. Along with
the workers' kitchen a tea room was opened where anyone in need could obtain
either gratis or for a small payment two glasses of tea and an okie (275 grammes)
of bread twice daily. In this tea room about t\\ Oi hundred persons on an average
received their rations.

Flour Committee: In spite of the fact that in peace time the produce of Palestine

had sufficed to feed its inhabitants, and even to allow of export abroad, the town
of Jaffa was at the very beginning of the crisis threatened with a great increase in
the price of bread. The cause of this was the commandeering of a large part of

the corn for military purposes, and tlie difficulties ol communication in the country.

It became impossible to bring corn from the north of Palestine and from Hauran to
the soiUth of Palestine. To' relieve the bread scarcity a Flour Coimmiittee was founded
with the task of procuring sufficient quantities of corn for the maintenance of the
Jewish population and of selling it at reasonable prices. A few persons combined
forces for this object, and received from the Anglo-Palestine Co. on the strength
of private guarantees sums considerably in excess of the usual run of loans. This
money was used to purchase large quantities of corn throughout the country,,
which were ground into flour. The great boon conferred by the Flour Committee
consisted not merely in the fact of its selling itself bread and flour cheaply, but in
its being able, through the large quantities of corn which it had at its command,
to keep the corn prices on the Jaffa market constantly at a low figure. In this wav
it was found possible to a certain extent tO' protect the public against speculation.
The activities of the Flour Committee were important also for other institutions
and committees. The numerous public kitchens, several schools and their kitchens,
the Committee for Alleviating the Crisis, and certain trade unions received tlicir
flour from this committee, and it was only through the low prices which it demanded
and through strict punctuality in the delivery of the flour that the institutions and

the Committee mentioned were able to meet the demands made on them. AVhen
the committee had larger stocks than it required, it sold them to the colonies,
which it thus saved from a scarcity of food supplies. .Altogether the committee
bought 5,282 sacks of corn for about 206,000 francs.

The Flour Committee had bread baked in various bakeries and sold the loaves
itself, in order tO' prevent the bakers raising the price of the bread, and in order that
people who' could not bake at home might still be able tO' buy bread at the same
price as before. The bread was sold to. private people at cost price, so that for
a full year the price of bread was kept at the same level at which it had stood before
the war. The Flour Committee supplied about 20 per cent, of the bread consumed,
and reduced the ruling prices by 25 per cent. The amount saved in this way to the
Jaffa community may be put down at 33,000 francs.

The fact that most of the corn was bought fro^m the farms conducted hx the
Palestine Office made the transactions much easier. The business was con-
centrated in Jaffa, where the cheques of the A.P.C. were current. In purchasing
the flour the cheques of the A.P.C. or bills of the Committee of Tel Aviv could be
utilised. Had the corn been brought from Hauran there would have been the
dang-er that the Government would commandeer large quantities purchased by Ihc

Committee and pay for them in Turkish pa:per money. This actually happened on
one occasion, and meant to the Committee a loss of 50 to 70 j>er cent, of the
purchase price.

(4) The American Relief Work.

In spite of all efforts made in Palestine to cope with the situation, the Jewish
population would have succumbed had not financial help arrived from America.
From the day when war broke out Palestine had appealed to America for help.
America was at that time the one country which through its political and financial
position was able to save Palestine permanently from going- under. It was
stimulated to do so by the deep interest in Palestine which of recent years had been
awakened in American Jewry.

The Zionist Organisation in America at once recognised the duty imposed on
it by the circumstances of the time, and the need of saving the central Zionist
Organisation and its institutions. There happened to be at the critical moment
in America a me;mber of the Inner Actions Committee, Dr. Schmarya Levm,
Through his efforts, combined with those of the more energetic members of the
American Zionist Organisation, the " Provisional Committee for all Zionist
Affanrs " was founded, with Louis Brandeis at its head.

Great assistance was given by the American ambassador, Henry Morgenthau,
who had visited Palestine some months before the outbreak of the war, and had
promised his support tO' the director of the Palestine Office, Dr. Ruppin. Thanks
to the efforts of the Zionist Organisation and of men like Jacob Schiff, to whom
the Bank, the Palestine Office and the representatives of the Chovevi Ziou had
appealed, a large remittance of money — the first of many — was sent from America
to Palestine. On September 14th, 191 4, the Palestine Office received the following
telegram : " Ncav York, 3-9-14. In order to save the Zionist Organisation and its
Palestine institutions, there has been founded here through a special Zionist
Commiission a Provisional Committee which will work hand in hand with the KA.C.
Brandeis : Schm. Levin." This message of itself raised the drooping spirits of the
Palestinians. On October 6th, 191 4, the American warship " North Carolina "
landed in the harbour of Jaffa, and the envoy of Ambassador Morgenthau, M.
Wertheim, brought 50,0000 dollars. Half of this sum had been given by Jacob
Schiff, the other half by the Zionist Organisation with Nathan Strauss.

The arrival of this warship and of those that folloiwed it was quite an event in
the country. It raised the downcast spirits of the Jews, who saw that they were
not abandoned, but could reckon 00 help from their brethren abroad. These ships
also increased the prestige of the Jews in the eyes of the rest of the population and
of the local administration. People saw that the Jews through their connections
abroad were much more powerful than their numbers would have led one tO' expect.
These American ships continued their good services on behalf of the Jewish Yishub.
They brought money from time to time, and hospitably took on board the expelled
Jews and the other immigrants who fled from Palestine for fear of star\'ation and
persecution.

It was two Palestinians who did the most important part of this relief work.
Levin-Epstein, the treasurer of the Provisional Executive Committee, sent the

monev to Alexandria, and there S. Gluskin saw to its further transmission to
Palestine. The remittances at first were small. Later on they increased in
volume, as they included private remittances which American Jews sent tO' their
relatives in Palestine. The transmission of the mdney, which was a task
requiring- considerable address and scrupulous care, was carried out admirably.
Besides money, food alsoi came from America on a special ship, the " Vulcan.''
Altogether, from October, 1915, 3,522,930.03 francs was brought to Palestine in
thirteen American ships.

Of even g^reater importance perhaps for Palestine than the receipt of the
American money was its systematic distribution. This began w^th the first remit-
tance of 251,998.02 francs^ $50,000, which arrived on October 3rd, 1914, on board
the ship " North Carolina."

People g-radually settled down to the idea that the crisis had come to stay, and
realised that a definite method must be g-iven to the relief work. The remittances
which at first had been casual and irregoilar were tabulated in fixed budg-ets. The
g-eneral supervision and handling- of the accounts of the nine funds and the
arrangements for despatching the "Vulcan " were centralised in the hands of the
Palestine Office. The remittances can be divided into four periods, in each of which
the amount received equalled almost a quarter of a million francs.

Period.

A. October, 1914

Fund.

Date.

6/10/14

Amount.
Francs.

Total.

Francs.

251,998.02

B. January-April, 1915 ..

C. May, 19 1 5

D. Sept., 191 5 — Feb., 1916

., Vulcan

15/1/15 88,883.94

14/2/ 15 52,059-63

25/3/15 60,360.00

18/4/15 29,160.00

12/5/15

1/9/ 1 5 60,000.00

25/11/15 50,000.00

14/1/16 50,000.00

14/2/ 16 49,000.00

230,463-57
267,772.80

209,000.00

Total 959,234.39

In pursuance of the instructions broug-ht by Mr. Wertheim, who was in
charg^e of the money, it was handed over to a Central Committee, consisting- of
Messrs. A. Aaronsohn, Ephraim Cohen, and Arthur Ruppin. This Committee, in
conjunction with Mr. Wertheim and the American consul in Jerusalem, Mr.

Glazebrook, drew up at the meeting- of October 3rd the following rules for the
distribution of the sums mentioned : —

Palestine to be divided into three districts :

A. Jerusalem-Hebron-Mozah.

B. Jaffa and the Jewish colonies.

C. Haifa-Safed-Tiberias, the colonies of Lower and Upper Galilee, and

those of Samiaria.

The Fund to be distributed in the following proportion :

For District A, 47 per cent.
,, ,, B, 26 per cent.

,, ,, C, 2-j per cent.

The distribution in each district to be carried out by a member of the
committee, viz. :

In District A, by Ephraim Cohen.
,, ,, B, by Dr. .Arthur Ruppin.

,, ,, C, by A. Aaronsohn.

The Central Committee appointed local committees in every place and every
district, for facilitating the distribution of the money. Each member of the Central
Committee was chairman of the local committee in his district, or honorary presi-
dent of it, with power to appoint a deputy. If owing to illness or tO' being on a
journey the member of the Central Committee could not be present at the meeting,
he could send his deputy.

At the chief town in each district (Jerusalem, Jafifa, Haifa) the money had to
be handed over to the Anglo-Palestinei Co. and deposited in the name of the
niember of the Comimittee living there. From this depoisit the member of the
Central Committee withdrew such sums as were required fro^m time to time and
transferred them to his own current account as representative of the American
Fund. At the same time he had to enter the rest of the money as deposit account.

The money was handed over to the local committees to be distributed accord-
ing to their discretion, subject tO' certain general rules. The President retained a
right of veto regarding- the outlays decided on by the committees; but where
he exercised this veto the majority in such committee had the rig-ht to appeal to
the Central Committee, whose decision was final. The general principles in
accordance with which the American Committee desired to see the money dis-
tributed were as follows : —

(a) Twenty per cent, to be used as a fund for the purchase of food stuffs,
which should be sold at cost price.

(b) Forty per cent, (in the colonies only twenty per cent.) to be used for
distributing food to persons without money, or unable to work; for kitchens; and,
further, for distributing" food to Mohammedans in a proportion to be fixed by the
Committee.

(c) Forty per cent, (in the colonies sixty per cent.) to be utilised as a loan
fund for the purpose of enabling- private employers or public committees to give
employment to Jewish workers. As far as possible guarantees should be obtained
from the recipients of these loans that they would repay them not more than
three months after the expiry of the moratorium.

The members of the Central Committee had every two weeks to give reports
to the head of the Comimittee, Dr. Ruppin, on their activities, and monthly a
detailed account of the moneys that passed through their hands. Dr. Ruppin
was to send these reports and accounts to Mr. Louis Marshall in New York.
The members of the Central' Committee were to transmit to the American consuls
in their districts a list of the businesses and provision shops opened by the
American Fund. Immediately after their opening all necessary steps were to be
taken to secure the protection of the Government for these shops and businesses.

2 — Palestine. . _

III.

PALESTINE UNDER TURKISH MILITARY RULE.

/
(i) Turkey's Declaration of War.

On October 31st, the seriousness of the situation in Palestine was accen-
tuated by Turkey's entry into the war. Although this step had been anticipated
for some time, yet when actually taken it was felt as a terrible aggravation of
the existing difficulties, notably through the fear to which it gave rise that now
communication with the outer world would cease entirely.

Immensely overrating their own strength, the Turks at that tirtie believed
that the day had come when they could sweep all foreigners out of the Ottoman
State. In respect of the Jews, this purpose first revealed itself in a series of
persecutions and oppressive acts. The Zionist agency in Constantinople and the
Actions Committee in Berlin endeavoured immediately to counteract the oppres-
sive measures. Both bodies followed events in Palestine with the closest attention.
They laboured with foresight and energy, and managed time after time, with
the help of the representatives of foreign Governments, especially the German and
the American, to mitigate the hostile attitude of the Turks. Thanks to the efforts
of the Zionist representatives in Constantinople and Berlin, the Jewish com-
munity in Palestine was constantly enabled through diplomatic channels to furnish
timely and detailed information to the outside world regarding events in Pales^
tine, and so to find protection in the hour of need.

(2) Jemal Pasha and his Subordinates.

Jemal Pasha, who as Commander-in-Chief of the Fourth Army and Minister
of Marine, exercised supreme authority over the whole of Syria and Arabia,
came to the country with the idea of fully Ottomianising all Turkish provinces,
even those in which, with the exception of some officials, there were no Turks.
The object which he set before himself was to root out all foreign subjects and
replace them with persons more to the taste of the Turkish Government. He
was, however, of an incalculable temper, always acting on the spur of the
moment. His commands were self-contradictory. In the most important and
critical affairs he decided without consulting experts. His orders, which he issued
behind the backs of the army chiefs and experienced officials, were the incarnation
of disorder and the negation of discipline.

He had a certain appreciation for the educational work of the Jews, but he
was inflexibly opposed to the idea of an extension of the Jewish Yishub. On

this account, he issued a stringent prohibition of all sale of land and all transfer
of land through Ottomans to non-Ottoman Jews.

Jemal Pasha made a special point of persecuting the Zionists. He sought
to represent them as a revolutionary element, and tried to institute legal actions
against them in the same way as against the Arabs. With this object he appointed
a special official to conduct investigations.

One of the first acts of Jemal Pasha was to summon a number of Jewish
notables to appear before him in Jerusalem. He there announced to them that
the next day they would be sent with their families into the interior of Asia
Minor. Only through the intervention of Albert Antebi, the representative of
the lea and the Alliance in Jerusalem, was Jemal induced to change his mind,
so that instead of thirty people going to Broussa, thirteen finally went to Tiberias
*' for the benefit of their health." From this time onwards Antebi enjoyed a
certain influence over Jemal Pasha, until, like so many of Jemal 's favourites,
he incurred his displeasure and was sent by him with his family to Constantinople,
where he endured great hardships till his death. The whole period of Jemal's
domination was marked by similar exhibitions of caprice and arbitrary temper.

Among other things, he was seized with the ambition of introducing im-
provements into the coamtrj-. From these the Jewish population also profited,
and a number of Jews found employment on them. Among the persons whom he
attached to himself as experts there were a whole number of Jews, notably
Mr. A. Antebi, whose advice he eagerly sought in economic and general political
affairs; further, Aron Aronson, who at his instigation organised for a time the
fight against the locusts ; Ephraim Krause, who established an agricultural school
in Latroun on the model of the Mikveh Israel school of which he was the head,
and plantations south of Beersheba ; the engineer, Gregor Wilbuschewitz, who drew
up the plans for the imiprovement of Jaffa, Jerusalem, and Damascus; also Dr.
A. Ruppin, for whom he proc:ured access to the official archives in order that he
might prosecute his economic studies on Syria and Palestine. Besides these he
also used the assistance of a number of Jewish experts.

Jemal's period of office was marked by a whole series of Jewish trials.
Cases occurred of people being suddenly taken from their houses, and then being
shut up for weeks or months in prison, without even' being informed of the
charge made against them. Many of them were, after weeks or months of
detention, sent into the interior of- thei country. (Hankin, Israel Schochath.)

Belia-ed-Din : A true disciple of Jemal Pasha was Beha-ed-Din, who at the
beginning of the war occupied the post of Kaimakam in Jaffa. This man had been
trained for a position in .'Armenia, and he came to Jaffa armed w^ith definite
instructions, and with the object of instituting there a reign of terror like that
in Armenia. Immediatelv after his arrival he declared to the Chacham Bashi in
the hearing of a number of persons in his office that he was a determined opponent
of those Palestine Jewsi who called themselves Zionists. He had, he said, devoted
particular attention to this question while he was yet in Constantinople. He
knew the Jeivs, whose prayer book was full of "Zion, Zion. " They came now
in order toi acquire the land, and. founded "colonies" like the Romans, i.e., settle-

ments which were to form a State within a, State. But he would deal rigorously
with them. His first order was that Hebrew sigri-boards should be prohibited
(Hebrew was only allowed tO' take the third place along- with Turkish and Arabic,
and then only in small letters) ; that the street name-plates in Tel Aviv should be
removed; and) that Jewish guards of the Jewish quarter should be forbidden. He
further resolved not to> allow the Jewish subjects of foreign countries to land.
During Beha-ed-Din's period of office about fifty Yememite families came via
Egypt to Jaffa. According to Turkish law it was impossible to forbid their' entry,
as they were Ottoman citizens; nevertheless, Beha-ed-Din forbade them to land.
For a long time they remained out at sea in stormy weather in front of Jaffa,
until certain influential people by means of a little trickery obtained permission
for them to land; and then they were immediately locked up. They were only
released after wearisome negotiations, and after the police had made enquiries
as toi who had brought them,. The character of this Turkish despot is well shown
by his treatment of Miss M. Schochat, the Palestine woman worker. In compliance
with his invitation, she expressed her opinion in his presence with great freedom,
on the mismanagement of the Turks. He listened to her quite calmly, and then
handed her over to the court-martial and had her banished into the interior of
the country.

He brought his own career to an end by the great domiciliary search which
he instituted in Tel Aviv on November 5th, 1914. On December 17th, he projected a
mass expulsion of Jews from Jaffa, which caused a universal commotion. In
consequence of the great indignation roused by this action abroad, Jemal Pasha
.found himself obliged to remove Beha-ed-Din from, his post asi Kaimakam, though
he simply transferred himi to the post of head of the information sei'vice in the
staff of the Fourth Army.

Hassan Bey : The harshest and most cruel of all the Turkish officials was the
Commandant of the Jaffa district, Hassan Bey, who for a time was also Deputy
Kaimakam in Jaffa. He was the very type of an Oriental satrap. It would suddenly
come into his head to summon respectable householders to him after midnight, and
hours after they would return to their expectant families with an order to bring
him some object from their homes which had caught his fancy or of which he
had heard — an electric clock, a carpet, etc. Groundless arrests, insults, tortures,
bastinadoes — these were things eivery householder had to fear.

Like Jemal, he also had an ambition to beautify the towns. For this
purpose he suddenly had whole rows of houses pulled down without offering any
reason, and forced the owners to sign legal documients stating that they gave up
all claim to their property. Both they and the other inhabitants were compelled
to provide building materials and money. He forced the labourers under threat
of the lash to^ give work without payment. Agricultural labourers, tailors, boot-
makers, and other artisans were called on to work at road making and other
Government works.

Hassan Bey continually demanded from the Jewish institutions money for and
active participation in the execution of public works (building* of a mosque in
Jaffa, erection of the Mohammedan schools founded bv him, etc.). The Jewish

communal committees particularly excited his wrath. He openly called the members
of the Colony Committees "Komitadjes. " Every Jewish institution and building
was suspect in his eyes.

When Hassan Bey presented a demand to a colony, he usually reinforced
it with a threat to attack the colony with his soldiers and wipe it out if hisi request
was not fulfilled.

At the end of igi6 Hassan Bey was removed to Mosul. His intolerance of
all opinions other than this own had roused universal opposition against him.

With these Turkish leaders a host of other officials (Turkish) came into the
country, among- them men of friendly disposition who got on very well with
the Jews in every way. Such were, for instance, the deputy and namesake of
Jemal Pasha, the Commandant of an Army Corps and several military chiefs in
Jerusalem, who' to Oriental good nature added a liking- for Jewnsh society, and
who' on many occasions proved friends in need.

(3) Persecutions under Jemal's Rule.

(a) House Searches in Tel Aviv: The first official act of Jemal Pasha which
threw the Jewish population into a state of terror was the house search in Tel
Aviv and the arrest of Zionist leaders. This search was expected to provide proof
that the Zionists were pursuing Separatist aims, detrimental to the integrity ol
the Turkish State. The most convincing proof of their Separatist endeavours
was to be afforded by the institution of their own arbitration court, Mishpat
Hashalom. Accordingly Hassan Bey, who was in charge of the investigation,
examined with special minuteness all the members of the Court who were known
to him. A special political significance was attached by the officials of Jemal to
the circulation of Jewish National Fund Stamps. The material brought to light
by the officials engaged on the investigation was to be made the basis of an
important political trial. It was anticipated that in the case of some of the
accused it would be impossible to secure a condemnation, but it was hoped that
opportunity would be afforded of banishing from the country all who were known
as active Zionists. The names of Palestinian delegates to- Zionist Congresses,
especially the last Congress, were taken from the Congress minutes, and they
were put on their trial for high treason. Then there was a domiciliary visit.
One morning the residents of Tel Aviv woke up to find the whole quarter sur-
rounded by a cordon of soldiers, while policemen pressed into the houses and
began their search. Prominent individuals were arrested and sent to Jerusalem.
The search lasted about a week. Although it failed to yield the results expected
by the Turks, and although nothing was discovered which was against the law of
Turkey or dangerous to the security and welfare of the realm, yet most of the
accused were sentenced to exile.

On Novemiber 5th, 191 4, a second domiciliary visit was carried out.
B.eha-ed-Din had Tel Aviv encircled on all sides, posted guards at the cross-
roads, and began a minute search in the houses. He looked for money,
securities, and cheques on the bank. Some people were imprisoned for a time.

Rig-orous searches were carried out in several of the colonies. Firearms were
particularly looked for there. The search in Mikveh Israel lasted forty-eight hours,
and was accompanied by; gross insults to) the jews.

(b) Prohibition of National Fund Stamps: A further oppressive act of Jemal
was to forbid the use of National Fund Stamps on pain of death. This step created
extraordinary excitement in Palestine itself and abroad.

Closing of the Bank: An order followed to close all branches of the A.P.C.
in ten days. This order threw into consternation not only Jewish circles, but also
the numerous non-Jews who had business dealings with the Bank. Apart from
the important part played by this institution in the economic life of the country
in g-eneral, it was renderings particular assistance to the population at that time
by issuing cheques for fixed sums. At the beginning of the crisis coin disappeared
from the market, and the issue of these cheques was a good means of meeting
the need for currency tokens. The Committee of Tel Aviv and the Jewish Food
Committee in Jaffa also issued at the same time bills for small amounts. These
cheques and bills circulated among the Jews, and in many cases they were accepted
by the other inhabitants also, so that they contributtd considerably to the facilitating
of commercial intercourse in the country. The closing of the Bank and the
prohibition of the use of cheques only agg"ravated the crisis.

Inhibition of Remittances : One of the annoyances to which the Yishub was
subjected under Hassan Bey was the inhibition of the paying- out of the money
which had been brought by the American ship to Jaffa. Shortly after Hassan
Bey had announced his desire that all public moneys should pass through his
hands, a ship arrived with money at Jaffa. This was the first new money to reach
the country after a long- interval, and the head of the Palestine Office naturally
sougfht to transmit the money imimediately to the places for which it wasi intended.
A conference was held, as it was difficult to decide how to act. On the one
hand, the need for money, after a long cessation of remittances, was extremely
pressing, and the refusal to forward it would have thrown several institutions! and
private persons into the g-reatest difficulties. On the other side, there was the
dang"er that if the desire of the military commandant were complied with, a larg-e
part of the money would not reach Jewish hands. Negotiations went on for ten
days. The special intervention of the American ambassador with the central
authorities was requested. The Government in Constantinople communicated by
telegraph with Jemal Pasha. At length, the following arrangement was come to.
The money was to be transferred to the office of the American consul, and the
list to be submitted to Hassan Bey. The money was to be distributed under the
supervision of a committee composed of representatives of the Jewish community
along- with Government officials. In this way the money was rescued from the
hands of the Government. But the attempt of the Turkish Government to appro-
priate this money led the Entente Powers to refuse all further permission for the
bringing- in of money in this way, so that the inflow of remittances was stopped.

(c) The First Exodus from Jaffa: Beha-ed-Din's great coup was the expulsion
of Jews from Jaffa on December 17th, 1914. On that date at mid-day he suddenly
issued an order that all Jews who were subjects of foreign Governments and had
not yet become Ottoman subjects must leave the country by the boat which was
to come to Jaffa at 4 o'clock. Policemen and soldiers posted themselves in the
streets, beat and arrested men and women, old persons and children, and dragged
them to the police buildings. They were not allowed to take with them their things,
not even a change of clothing. Those arrested in the streets received no permission
tO' inform their families of their arrest and to secure provisions for the journey.
Without pity they were all dragged to the Customs House, and from there
transferred in the most unfeeling manner on to the ship in boats. The barbarity
of the officials who carried out this expulsion passed all bounds. Before their
eyes the boatmen dragged the exiles in the darkness of the evening out to sea.
They threatened with knives and struck the j>eople who refused to give them
what they demanded. The ship could not take in all the victims, and a large part
returned to the shore. Many families were separated; either the children remained
in the boat while the parents had already been put on board, or the children had to
depart while the parents remained behind. This expulsion was all the more
unexpected, as a decision w-as being awaited from Constantinople regarding the
naturalisation. Jemal Pasha, as Commander-in-Chief, had simply given the order
for expulsion without the Central Government knowing anything about it. The
Chacham Bashi of Jerusalem lodged a complaint about the cruelty of Beha-ed-Din
with Jemal Pasha, who, however, threatened him with deposition from his office
if he dared to meddle with matters that did not concern him. The continuance
of the expulsion was stopped by telegraphic order from Constantinople. The
fact of the expulsion and the manner in which it was carried out werel so strongly
commented on in foreign countries that the Turkish Government saw itself corrv-
I>elled to remove Beha-ed-Din from his post, though, as already mentioned, it
was only to transfer him to a higher one.

(d) Trials: Nothing contributed so much to depress and mortify the Jews
under the Turkish rule as the chain of trials of leading Zionists which extended
over the whole period. These trials gave a shock to the whole Jewish community,
and kept not only the accused but all the representatives of the Zionist Organisa-
tion in continuous agitation and unrest. In every case it was necessary to give
the accused legal, jx>litical, and financial assistance, and the Palestine Office in
particular was kept in a constant ferment. The whole of the trials had no other
object than to reduce to inaction persons who were kno\vn as representatives
of Zionism.

Trial of AcIidiitJi: For publishing a letter on the expulsion from Jaffa the
printing establishment and offices " Achduth," of the Workers' Party, Poale Zion,
were closed. The papers in; which the letter was published were confiscated. The
author, J. Ben Zwi, and the responsible editor, S. Aschuri, were handed over
to the law courts. After an examination lasting some months, J. Ben Zwi was

sentenced to imprisonment for two months and a fine of £Ti5 after he had already
been banished from the country for being a member of the Poale Zion Party
The same sentence was passed oa the responsible editor. The printing press and
office of " Achduth " were closed till after the war.

Trial of "Hapoel Hazair" : Similar proceedings were instituted against
"Hapoe.1 Hazair," alsoi arising out of the publication of a report on the expulsion.
As the editor, Joseph Aronowitz, had been sent away some time before the accusa-
tion, the responsible editor, J. Kaschdan, was put on trial. Although he was
acquitted twice, he was put on his trial a third time, and was in a most arbitrary
manner sentenced to two years' imprisonment and a fine of ;i£jT5o.

Trial Concerning the National Fund Stamps: On December 20th, 1915, Dr.
J. Thon, Feldmian, some officials of the Palestine Office, and Ephraimi Blumenfeld,
representative of the Workers' Fund in Palestine, were summoned before the
investigating judge in Jaffa. Investigations and enquiries lasting some days were
held regarding the National Fund Stamps, the place of their issue, and their
circulation in the country. The accusation rested on the following occurrence.
Seven years before thel trial, a boy who had served as messenger in the Palestine
Office had handed over to the police a number of National Fund Stamps, with
the remark that he had obtained them in the Palestine Office. At that time the
Turkish officials did not venture to make any use of this information; now, how-
ever, they thought the moment had come to institute a charge of high treason
against the head of the Palestine Office and his assistants on the basis of the
boy's remarks. The imprisonment of the accused was only avoided through
vigorous representations and the offer of bail. The State attorney assured the
accused that he understood the real circumstances of the case, and that there was
no ground for an accusation. Nevertheless, he made the following report : —

"It has been disclosed by the investigation that Dr. Ruppin, Dr. Thon, and
Messrs. A. Ulitzki, Ben David, J. Feldman, E. Blumenfeld, and Feingold, circulate
in Palestine the stamps of the Zionist Organisation which are printed in Cologne
and intended for national purposes. These stamps give the above-mentioned
organisation the form of a government which does charitable work as a screen
for political objects, and this is one way in which it seeks tO' achieve them.
According to the appendix to ' Par. 120 of the criminal code, published on
3 1 -3-1 329, this constitutes an offence of the second order, and accused
must present themselves before the military court in Jerusalem. 3 Ganun Jani

I33I-"

In consequence of the opinion thus rendered by the State Attorney, the accused
were sent under strict surveillance toi be tried by the military court at Jerusalem,
whither Dr. Ruppin was alsO' summoned. The investigation lasted fourteen days,
and was conducted by Ibrahim Bey, who was known to be a strict and harsh
judge. The trial was expected to^ prove that the National Fund Stamps were a
sign of participation in the Zionist movement, the object of which was the under-
mining of the stability of the Turkish monarchy. The accused were thus threatened

with a heavy penalty, as traitors to the country. Meanwhile, the thing- became
known in Constantinople, and under pressure from the Capital the judges chang-ed
their tactics, and construed the indictment to meani that the accused were charg-ed
with imitating- Government stamps. As, however, they lacked the essential sigri
of the Government stamps, viz., the "Tug-ra'' (the sig^nature of the Sultan), the
State Attorney proposed acquittal and the court agreed.

Trial of the Palestine Office for Conducting the Business of the A. P. C :
A few weeks after the members of the Palestine Office had been acquitted in the
matter of the National Fund Stamps, they were ag-ain put on their trial on another
charg-e. After the closing of the Bank, persons with claims on the Bank who had
been left without means received instalments from the Palestine Office on account
of their claims. This g^ave the administration ground for an mdictment, and a
searching investig-ation was set on foot in which the Commandant, Hassan Bey,
subjected the chief defendant, Dr. Thon, to every kind of torture in order to
obtain from him an admission that the Palestine Office had really carried on the
affairs of the Ang-lo-Palestine Bank after the Government had forbidden it. The
whole material was handed over to the military court in Jerusalem, with a denuncia-
tion of the Zionist Executive for its dang-erous conduct. The report ran as
follows : —

"To the Chief Commandant of the Fourth Army Corps. The enclosed letters
have disclosed the following- facts. After the Government had closed the Anglo-
Palestine Co., in Jaffa, Dr. Ruppin secretly opened a bank in his house in Tel
Aviv, where all kinds of money dealings were transacted, and where the work of
the bank was continued. As a result of the cross-examination of the heads of the
Bank, Messrs. Hoofien and Grasowsky, and the clerks, Goldberg- and Ulitzkin,
combined with entries in the books of Ostrowsky and the other clerks, and with
utterances of Dr. Thon, Dr. Ruppin, and Mr. Ostrowsky, it was established that
the persons mentioned were continuing the w^ork of the Bank which the Govern-
ment; had declared to be a hostile institution and had closed as such. They work
only in the interest of the Jews. In spite of the prohibition of the Government,
Dr. Ruppin presides over a Zionist committee, the members of which are enemy
subjects who have remained in the Turkish Empire. Their whole efforts are
directed to bringing- Palestine into the hands of the Jews through the realisation
of their plans. They use and circulate special stamps for the Jews, and thereby
cause great loss to the State treasury. In order to carry out their political
designs, they work hand in hand with the Zionists of America, who are doing
all they can for the idea of a Jewish State, and lay out thousands of pounds for
the thirty thousand Jews who live in Jaffa and the neighbourhood. The leader
and moving- spirit in this work is Dr. Arthur Ruppin. The above-mentioned
Bank is an example of the activities which he carries on in opposition to the
Government. We are awaiting- instructions to stop the continuance of a move-
ment which must excite the displeasure of the Government, as those who
participate in it take no heed at all of the Government. 23.11.1331. Chaled."

This trial would have been followed by another had not the Governor of
Jerusalem interfered and cut it short while it was still in the preliminary stage.

2=;

He was ag^ainst the proceeding's being continued, as they could bring no honour
to Turkey.

The Thai Triai: At the beginning of 191 6, Mr. Thai, an employee of the
A. P. C. and a Dutch subject, received some books, such as Herzl'si and Nordau's
writings, from the Juedischer Verlag- in Berlin. The censor of the Post Office
in Jaffa notified the State Attorney of the arrival of the books, and the latter
considered the order sufficient reason for instituting legal proceedings. The
examination was carried on with the usual mehods, such as blows and tortures,
which often caused the accused to faint. Mr. Thai was three months in prison,
and twice he was on the point of being condemned to death as an agitator on
account of the receipt of books of Zionist character. Only through energetic
representations being made in Constantinople was the sentence quashed and the
accused set at liberty.

Trial of the American Relief Committee : In February, proceedings were
instituted against the members of the American Relief Committee because it had
ventured to receive money from abroad in order to relieve the distress in Pales-
tine. At the same time the branch of the Palestine Office in Jerusalem, where money
was paid out against the cheques of the Provisional Committee in America, was
closed. As a result of strenuous efforts made on the sp>ot, and on a hint being
received from Constantinople, the court contented itself with inflicting fines on the
members of the American Committee. The Committee was dissolved, and its
chairman, Mr. David Yellin, sent with his family to Damascus.

Dr. Thon was also condemned to leave the country, as being responsible for
the activity of the Palestine Office. He was first summoned to appear before
Jemal Pasha at Damascus. The latter, after a conversation with him, withdrew
his expulsion order, and gave instructions that from now on all payments shouJd
be made under supervision of a committee to be appointed by the Governor of
Jerusalem. There was no trial in which Jemal did not seek to involve the Pales-
tine Office, which consequently was always in trouble. It was clear to Jemal
Pasha and his subordinates that the Palestine Office was the centre of all Zionist
activity in Palestine. All the more annoying was it to them that they could not
fix any definite charg-e on it, as its head, Dr. A. Ruppin, was a German subject.
In their most arbitrary proceedings, the domiciliary search of Tel Aviv, the arrest
of Zionist leaders, etc., they had to leave the Palestine Office unmolested. As he
could not touch it directly, Jemal Pasha sought to obtain his end by indirect
means. Through the mouths of well-known Jews, especially Antebi, he gave it
frequently to be understood that he could not allow Ruppin, as a foreign subject,
to stand at the head of the Zionist work. He must, therefore, either give up his
post or adopt Turkish nationality. He did not venture to speak to Ruppin himself
for fear of the German ambassador. But he allowed it to be clearly discerned
that he would take his revenge on Zionist and Jewish institutions if Ruppin
remained longer at his post. This led the latter to promise him in the course of
a conversation in September, 191 5, that he would withdraw from Zionist work.
Jemal Pasha was anxious that Dr. Thon should take over the work and become

a Turkish subject. It was arranged that the work should have a purely economic
and not a political character. Ruppin remained another year in Jerusalem, and
was able to continue his studies on the economic conditions of Syria and Pales-
tine. This seemed for a time to pacify Jemal. In reality, however, he was not
satisfied, and a year later, in September, 1916, Ruppin had to g-ive way to him,
and leave Palestine. He went to Constantinople, where his activities, both political
and economic, were invaluable in keeping- the Zionist work in Palestine going.
The direction of the Palestine Office remained up to the end of the war and the
amalgamation of the Office with the Zionist Commission in the hands of Dr.
Thon.

(4) Ottoman Naturalisation.

On Turkey's entry into the war, an order was issued that all male subjects
of enemy countries should be sent into the interior. Women and children were
to be permitted to remain where they were. .As regards the Jews, through the
influence of the American and the German consuls, certain concessions were
secured by virtue of which the men received permission to naturalise themselves
and remain in the country. Whoerver refused to become an Ottoman subject
was to leave the country.

Even before the war several Zionists had endeavoured to become Ottoman
subjects. This, however, was a matter of great difficulty, as the consuls opposed
any efforts of the subjects of their respective countries to shake off their allegiance.
The Russian consul was particularly active in persecuting those persons who
tried to become Ottomans, spying on their correspondence, holding back the
remittances of money sent to them and so forth.

When the Jews of Palestine were officially given permission to became
Ottoman subjects and remain in the country, a large section of Zionists saw in
this the salvation of the Yishub. The men were, prepared to let themselves be
enrolled in the army if necessary, only so as not to have to leave the country.
But, as was usual with governmental orders in Turkey, this rescript also came
from Constantinople without proper explanations, so that roomi was left to the
officials to interpret it as they wished, and to proceed arbitrarily in carrying
it out. The line adopted in conferring the naturalisation varied according to
the character and inclination of the officials. In some places concessions w^ere
granted, in others, obstacles were raised. It was only after ref>eated telegrams
had been sent to the Chacham Bashi in Constantinople that in November, 1914,
the Kaimakam in Jaffa issued instructions to the Chacham Bashi m Jaffa regarding
the establishment of a registry to deal with naturalisation. People came in
crowds to apply at this office, but the difficulties in obtaining naturalisation were
still very great. The staff of officials and secretaries was quite inadequate to
cope with the rush, and the direction of the work was entrusted to a young
man without experience. The thing dragged on for months; people were sent
from one office to another, and the inhabitants of the colonies had to come to

Jaffa five or six times during- the p>eriod. It was only when the Jews managed
to g-et the business into their own hands that the naturalisation was at last
effected smoothly.

Exceptional difficulties attended the naturalisation of the women and children
who were living- in the country without their husbands, fathers, or guardians.
Hie Jewish community maintained that it was imix>ssible to naturalise women and
children without the consent of the head of the family, but the Turkish officials
would not listen to them, and insisted that even small children should become
naturalised or leave the country. People in charge of children whose parents
were away were in a quandary. To send them by ship, to Egypt and there let
them shift for themselves was out of the question. It was also a serious step
tO' naturalise themi without the knowledge of their parents. Accordingly the teachers
and committees of the various schools in which such children were being brought
up decided to deal with them as if they were their own children, and thus saved
many of them for' their parents and relatives. The children of the variousi schools
were naturalised eii masse under the auspices of the heads of the educational
institutions (Hebrew Gymnasium in Jaffa, Teachers' Seminary in Jerusalem, etc.).

Naturalisation Fees : The payment of naturalisation fees caused serious
difficulties. At first, just when money was most scarce, the fee demanded was
37^ francs, a sum with which a middle-class family in normal times and a poor
family at that time could have lived for a whole month. At this rate, a family
of five souls would have to- pay 185 francs, which would have been an impossibility
for most people at this time. It wasi calculated that there would! be 20,000 candi-
dates for naturalisation, requiring^ a sum of boo, 000 francs for feeis. Of this
sum, only a quarter could be looked for from the applicants themselves, the rest
w ould have to be pro\ided from public funds, which was quite impossible. Great
efforts were made in Constantinople to get the fee reduced, and these were iso
far successful that it was made payable not for each individual but for each
family, while the very poor were exempted from it altogether; in their case, how-
ever, large sums had to. be disbursed for stamps. The Palestine Office alone
expended about 50,000 francs in this work. This was provided from varioiis sources
chiefly from the American Fund, which was used for this purpose with the
consent of the American ambassador, Mr. Morgenthau. The number naturalised
amounted in Jerusalem to about five thousand persons; in Jaffa and the neigh-
bourhood to five thousand; and in Samaria and Galilee to about two thousand;
apart from those ^\•ho were naturalised throug-h the Jewish institutions.

(5) Military Service.

The most serious consequence of accepting Ottoman citizenship was the
obligation of military service which it involved. Before the Young- Turk Revolu-
tion, the duty of service under arms was on religious grounds confined to
^Mohammedans, while non-Mohammedans had tO' pay a military tax. The new

reg-ime introduced universal military service without distinction of creed. When
Turkey entered the war, Jews as well as Christians were held liable to active
service under armis. A difference, however, was made between Mohammedans
and the adherents of other religions as follows : —

(a) Jews and Christians of the same age classes as those in which Mohamm.-
dans were liable to active service could obtain exemption through payment of a
ranscm.

[b) Jews and Christians, with the exceptiom of those who had to serve only
a short period (like the one-year volunteer service m European States), were for the
most part not placed on active service but assigned to various labour battalioms.
The members of these battalions were the pariahs of the army ; their clothing ,
feeding" and g^eneral equipment was abominable, and they were treated worse than
slaves. The Jew w^culd sell his last stick in order to scrape togfether enoug^h monkey
to ransoim himi from the slavery of this battalion. But there were still many who
could not raise sufficient, and who had to serve in the labour battalions; and these
had to leave their families behind entirely unprovided for. The government, it is
true, had assigned separation allowances to families of soldiers, buit most of this
money remained in the hands of the officials.

A large part of the Jews in the workers' battalions never returned. They
fell victims to epidemics and starvation. A large part of the families of these
soldiers also perished from poverty and sickness. Those Jews who had become
naturalised before the order came from Constantinople had been allowed to post-
pone taking up military service for one year from their naturalisation by an express
stipulation made at the time. In spite of this, however, thev were called to the
colours before the expiration of a full vear.

The pupils of the Hebrew (gymnasium in Jaffa and of the Teachers' Seminarv
in Jerusalem, who under the existing- regfulations were privileged to attend the
military school in Constantinople in order to be trained there for officers, were the
first to answer the call to military service. These young- people suffered great hard-
ships under the command of Turkish officers ; nevertheless most of them by great
determination overcame all obstacles and distinguished themselves in the war.
In many cases exemption from military service could be obtained not by payment
of ransom, but by taking" shares in certain financial undertakings of the military
administration. For this purpose large sums were sometimes required which had
to be paid in monthly instalments, and many people were in this way reduced to
p>overty. Later on, instead of money payment a certain quantity of corn was
demanded. This method of securing exemption cost from ^^150 to £200. Only a
few could afford so much ; most sought to escape the labour battalions by taking
shares in the undertakings of the military administration. Naturally desertion
was rife in Syria and Palestine.

The treatment of the Jews on military service became most humiliating in the
fourth year of the war. On receipt of a secret order of March 191 8, the war
minister in Constantinople collected all Jewish soldiers and officers, and sent them

into the interior of Anatolia, where they were handed over to the command of the
3rd Army Corps. In this way the supreme Turkish Army Command desired
to show its mistrust of the Jews, as it had on other occasions shown its mistrust
of other subject peoples. This order affected not only the young f>eople who from
a feeling- of duty had saddled themselves with the Turkish yoke, but also high
officers who had already volunteered to serve in the Balkan war. It applied not
only to Palestinian Jews and new Ottoman subjects who were suspect as Zionists,
but also to Jews from other Turkish districts whose parents were Ottomans before
them, and whose patriotism the Turks had always been ready to acknowledge.

WORK OF THE PALESTINE OFFICE DURING THE WAR.

(i) Preservation of the Yishub.

Co-operation of Zionist bodies: In this war i>eriod, when any expansion of
the Yishub was not to be thought of, all energies had to be concentrated om the
task of conserving- as far as possible the moral influence and material p>osition
which had already been won. For this purpose it was essential that the Zionist
Organisation should preserve an attitude of strict neutrality. Realisation of this
fact led to the most harmonious co-operation between the principal offices of the
Zionist Organisation and the Central Office in Berlin, the Zionist Agency in Con-
stantinople and the Palestine Office in Jaffa, while the Bureau in Copenhagen and
the newly-formed Prcwisional Executive Committee of General Zionist Affairs in
New York also joined in. This co-operation made it possible to keep the whole
Jewish public fully informed, during the period of the blockade and of the Turkish
military censorship, of every movement of Jewish life in Palestine. In this way
opportunity was given to appeal for help from abroad on every occasion of serious
political or economic danger. Only through the protection thus afforded by the
Zionist Organisation can the fact be explained that the war period left the Yishub
in Palestine practically intact. The part played by the Palestine Office in bringing
this about may be described as follows.

Injormation Service: The first task of the Palestine Office was to take steps
for keeping the outer world well informed of affairs in Palestine, and for securing
protection and help in the country itself. It was essential that the news sent from
Palestine should be prompt and correct, and should above all avoid exaggeration,
in order not lose the reputation of reliability.

It was further of importance to' the Jews tO' be on a proper footing with the
authorities in the country, and not to appeal for protection against them; before
absolutely every hope of obtaining satisfaction in the country itself had failed. The
Palestine Office did its best to remain loyal to the Turkish Government, and to
confirm the Yishub in this sentiment, sometimes in the teeth of the greatest
provocation.

Dealings with Representatives of Governments : The Palestine Office had to
maintain relations not only with the Turkish military and civil authorities, but also
with the representatives of foreign countries who were still in Palestine.

Among the Consular representatives were several who during the whole period
of their stay in the country showed themselves always ready to help, and performed
valuable services for the Jewish Yishub. Especially deserving of mention are the

German vice-consul Schabing-er in Haifa, and the Consul Brrxle, who at the outbreak
of the war was head of the German Consulate in Jaffa, and subsequently after the
death of the well-kno\^n consul Schmidt became Genieraj Consul in Jerusalem. The
Jewish population also benefited by the presence of the head of the German military
mission, Colonel Kress van) Kressenstein, who om several occasions exerted his
influence oo behalf of the Jews. Extremely valuable help was given by the
American consular representatives, especially by the consul in Jerusalem, Mr.
Glazebrook, who always warmly supported Jewish interests, while consul Hardeg
was of g-reat assistance in; the forwarding- of the Arherican money remittances.
Special thanks are due to the Spanish consul, Count von Balobar, whoi supplied
accommodation to the American Relief Commiittee, and through whoise gaiarantee
Messrs. Hoofien, Meyuchas and Thoni escaped being- expelled from the countrv.
The Spanish representative Kuebler in Jaffa and the Austrian Consul Krauss in
Jerusalem frequently lent their assistance. The German officials in. general
received during- the war instructions from the Foreign Office iuid irom thei Embassy
and Military Mission in Constantinople to promote Zionist interests. These
instructions were on the whole punctually obeyed by all officials, no matter wheth'^r
as individuals they sympathised or not with Jewish aspirationis.

In this period the Palestine Office was a tower of strength toi all Jews in
difficulties, whether in public <r private affairs. In the sphere of finance it plaved
a most important role. It had not only to maintain all the institutions which it
had established or which stood in| connection with it, but toi provide support for
other institutions and persons in need, the number of whom had increased consider-
ably. On this account and especially through the fact that it had become the head
office for the American Fund, its sphere; of activity was suddenly extended far
beyond the confines of the new Yishub.

Great circumspection was required in order to meet all requirements with the
means available. Catastrophies followed one another in quick succession — the
locusts, the naturalisation, the expulsion from Jaffa, the depreciation of the Turkish
paper money — and it was often a riddle how the means required for parrying these
disasters were toi bei raised. Although therefore the calls made upon it were great
enough to drain its resources toi the last penny, yet it was always necessary toi keep
in the Palestine Office a small reserve fund to meet sudden emergencies A\hen
assistance could not be obtained quickly enough from abroad. Yet economy could
not be carried sO' far as to allow institutions or persons depending on the support of
the Palestine Office to perish. On the whole the Palestine Office performed its task
successfully. It managed toi preserve the main part of the Yishub through the
period of war, a feat which was only rendered possible by the devotion with which
all members of the staff threw themselves intoi their work.

Improvements in the Yishub: Although progress in colonisation was for the
time brooight to a standstill, yet it was found possible to make certain necessary
adaptations and to remedy some long-standing defects. Thus, for example, the
landworkers w-ere employed continually at the same place, and so were able to
become attached to their work and to the ground which they tilled. To impro\ e
the food supply, vegetable gardening and poultry-keeping were introduced,
branches the need of which had long been felt and which were of great benefit

to the settlers. The workers' kitchens, which had been badly managed for years,
were greatly improved. The emergency works were utilised for the carrying
out of operations w^hich had long been required in the country, e.g., the laying
down of roads, draining of swamps, amelioration of soil for plantations, etc.
Aft these things kept the Palestine Office busy ; and it was largely due to its
untiring activities that the catastrophies of the war exercised a far less devastating
effect on the Jewish Palestine than had been anticipated.

The necessity of providing from organisation funds for a number of schools
which formerly had been supported by private committees led to the creation
of a single school system embracing all the schools in the country, supported by
the Zionist Organisation. Thanks largely to this unremitting care for the schools,
it was found at the end of the war that the knowledge of Hebrew in the country
had increased considerably in all sections of the Jewish population. In the welfare
work, which assumed such increased dimensions owing to the war conditions, it
was always the particular endeavour of the Palestine Office to preserve the inde-
pendence of the recipients of relief, and on no account to give its work the
character of almsgiving. The Office therefore avoided as far as possible direct
dealings with individual applicants for assistance and made them form classes
and groups whose representatives were accorded a voice in the direction of the
welfare work. Of particular importance was the organisation of the labourers and
artisans of the colonies, which was greatly strengthened during the war. By
learning thus to work together, the various classes came to sink their differences,
and this contributed much to the preservation of the Yishub in the hour of danger.

(2) The Economic Catastrophies.

As if in itself the war was not a sufficient catastrophe, others, due partly to
natural and partly to human causes, came to aggravate it. Chief of these were
the plague of locusts and the depreciation of money.

Tlie Locusts: On Purim, 5678-1917, immense swarms of locusts suddenly
covered the heavens, and soon after settled on the earth. The population turned
out with tin vessels and sticks to chase them away. They had, however, already
fixed themselves on the trees and bushes, and could not be dislodged. The fight
against them was taken ifp with extraordinary energy, the whole Yishub joining
in. The schools A\ere closed, so that the children could be sent to the colonies
and farms. The work was tedious and exhausting. Innumerable locusts creeping
on the earth were killed, and the eggs which had been laid were dug out of the
clods. The fight was waged with peculiar intensity against the locusts that had
just been hatched. Canals were dug and fences were raised in order to bury
or burn them. This spell of energy was, however, succeeded by one of corres-
ponding slackness and despondency ; for, after the locusts had been removed from
,,the Jewish fields, new swarms came from the fields of the Arabs, who, in spite
of the orders of the Government, had done nothing to combat the plague. The
Jews in despair saw the plantations on which they had worked for decades ruined
in a few hours. Luckily, the new generation of locusts did not remain long hi
the country, and as soon as their wings grew, they flew away from Palestine.

3 — Palestine. \n

This was at the end of June. The locusts caused enormous loss in Palestine.
The vegetable fields were almost stripped bare, while the corn fields lost from
a quarter to a third of their crops. In the plantations, however, the trees remained
for the most part uninjured and were not spoilt, as had been feared at first. But
that year's crop was loist, and those of the succeeding- years suffered a diminution.

The amount of damage suffered by the Yishub may be estimated from the
fact that of 6,000 dunams of oranges in Petach Tikvah, only 1,700 remained
uninjured ; while of the orange groves in the neighbourhood of Jaffa only a few
were saved, the Montefiore orange grove near the German colony of Sarona and
the orange grove of Mikveh Israel.

The total loss may be put in figures, as follows : —

Francs,
Damage to winter and summer corn ... ... ... 150,000

Vegetables and fodder ...

Orange groves ...

Vineyards

Almond Groves ...

Cost of fight against locusts

150,000
1,700,000
530,000
225,000
200,000

2,255,000

Depreciation of the Currency : A further economic catastrophe befel Palestine
through the depreciation of the currency. Before the war the gold coins in use
were: The French Napoleon (20 francs), the Turkish pound (23.75 francs), and
the English pound (25.16 francs). The value of the Turkish metal coins was
fixed correspondingly. Turkish paper money was scarcely ever seen on the
market. At the beginning of the war Turkish banknotes began to appear. This
money was accepted by the public with undisguised reluctance. The inhabitant*
of the villages refused it altogether. In the first year of the war paper money
circulated only in limited amount and there was a plethora of gold, the quantity
of which was augmented especially by the consignments on the American ships.
The whole of this gold was placed on the market, as it was distributed in small
sums to private persons or used to assist various institutions and pay the salaries
of ofTicials and teachers. This gold came for the most part into the hands of
producers and circulated in large quantities on the market, In contrast to paper
money, which at first was used in small quantity only, and therefore was at no
great discount as compared with gold.

As soon, hoiwiever, as the American ships ceased to appear in the harbours
of Palestine, the quantity of gold in the country decreased. A similar decrease
took place in the quantity of the money which had flowed from various sources
into the hands of the Administration, which now sent it to Constantinople. Instead
of gold, the market was now flooded with a large quantity of paper money.

When ships ceased to call from foreign countries, money came from America
and other countries via Constantinople in the form of bank drafts to the Palestine
Office, and was paid out in Palestine in banknotes. Through this the value of

the Turkish banknote begfan to drop from day to day, and the fall was so pro-
nounced that in November, 191 7, only 7.3 bishlik (3.90 francs) was paid for a
Turkish pound, of which the nominal value was 22.75 francs (43.2 bishlik).

The drop in the exchange was accelerated by the shortag-e of small change.
Even in peace time the position in respect to small change had been unsatisfactory,
different rates of exchange prevailing in towns quite close to one another, so that
money-changers and all kinds of speculators were able to make big profits. A*
the beginning of the war the position was rendered still more acute by the pro-
hibition of the use of foreign coins, and the Government made matters worse by
issuing banknotes. The first banknotes were for five pounds; only with great
diflficulty could single pounds be obtained for them, so that a comparatively high
price had to be paid for changing, and this depreciated the value of the banknotes.
At length, after a long interval, the Turkish Government put small bank-
notes in circulation, but they came too late to be of any use.

In practice, the order to accept paper money at full value had no validity, and
was almost universally disregarded, both by private individuals and business
jnen. This was a new source of income for the officials. It was well known to
the public that any service could be obtained from an official if he was paid with
gold instead of paper.

The currency reached its lowest point in the winter of 191 6-19 17. The Jewish
consumers were the worst sufferers from this state of affairs. The producers were
for the most part non-Jews who used no paper money, but sold the products o<
their work only for gold. They made a further profit by paying their taxes to the
(jovernment in paper, which they obtained on the market for a low price.

People who made their living by trade and industry, such as merchants and
artisans, also demanded coin for their work. The Civil Servants, who received
their salaries in paper, obtained permission to buy provisions in the Government
stores. The chief sufferers were the people whose income came from abroad,
those who were dependent on some institution, and those who lived from thei''
bank deposits. These received their whole income in paper money, in expending
•which they lost considerably, sometimes obtaining only a fifth or sixth of the
nominal value. A person, for instance, who, in 1917, received from abroad money
in Turkish bank-notes obtained as the equivalent in bishliks or francs —

for 100 dollars=2o Turkish pounds 140 bishliks or 75 francs.
,, 100 marks =4.75 ,, ,, 32.25 ,, ,, 17.25 „

,, 100 kronen =2.95 „ ,, 20.65 ,, ,, 14.04 ,,

*
At the same! time the prices of all foodstuffs rose, and this brought all institu-
tions and public bodies into a critical position. They would not have been able
to survive had not in the meanwhile an opportunity presented itself of bringing in
money via Constantinople.

Help from Constantinople : The importation of gold in large quantities from
Constantinople through the agency of the German and Austrian military gradually
stabilised the bank-note and prevented its complete depreciation on the market.
The Palestine institutions were able, thanks to the presence of Dr. Ruppin in

Constantinople, to import gold, and this saved the schools and other Zionist
institutions from rum.

(3) Distress in the Towns.

Jerusalem and Jaffa: The distress caused by the war assumed its' worst forms
in Jerusalem. In that city the contrast between the old and the new Yishub is most
clearly apparent. From the begfinning- of the war the new Yishub in the colonies
and Jewish settlements braced itself to extraordinary exertions in order to cope
with the situation, whereas in Jerusaleim the efforts made were only feeble. The
contrast between Jaffa and Jerusalem in this respect is illuminating-.

In Jaffa all sections of the population, artisans, merchants, property owners,
each class within itself and the whole population together, fromi the very first
moment joined forces to stave off disaster. All were animated by a common desire
to save themselves by their own efforts and by mutual heilp, and all classes and
sections worked harmoniously tog-ether. But in Jerusaleim every attempt to
org-anise public activity came to g-rief through the indifference of the population.
Even in this hour! of stress its energy was wasted in petty quarrels. Every group
remained isolated, so that all efforts to alleviate the distress were greatly
hamipered.

In Jaffa every individual and the whole Jewish public collectively helped to
take care of the orphans and families in distress. When illnesses broke out a
systematic sanitary service was immediately instituted. In Jerusalem, on the other
hand, dozens of children lay starving in the streets without anyone noticing them.
Typhus and cholera carried off hundreds every vi^eek, and yet no' proper medical
aid was organised. The number of doctors who offered their services was too
small to meet the needs of the whole population. Through this lack of organisa-
tion a considerable portion of the Jerusalem population perished. The number
of orphans at the time of the capture of Jerusalem by the English Army was 2,700.

A certain improvement took place in the situation in Jerusalem after the
evacuation of Jaffa, as some important institutions with their leading men removed
to Jerusalem. Among them were the administration of the American Relief Fund
and the Palestine' Oflfice. These, in conjunction with the Jerusalem administration
of the German-Dutch Kolel, organised systematic relief for the population of
the town.

Safed and Tiberias: In Safed conditions were similar to' what they were in
Jerusalem; if anything, worse. Uneftiployment and poverty were even more rife
there, and led to a great exodus, especially of the members of the Austrian and
Hungarian Kolelim. The death-rate here also was appallingly high ; towards
the end of the war the number of orphans was five hundred. The removal to Safed
of the persons evacuated from Jaffa with their relief committees brought to this
town also a more liberal distribution of relief.

Tiberias profited by its situation in the midst of young productive settlements,
and through its business relations with these was saved from the distress of the
other towns of the old Yishub.

v.— END OF THE TURKISH RULE.

(i) Evacuation of Jaffa.

From the beginning- of the war Jemal Pasha had been resolved to
make Palestine Turkish. His intention was to send a large portion of
the inhabitants of the country into distant Turkish provinces, and to settle Turks
in their place in Palestine. With this end in view he was always expelling Arabic
and Jewish families. This was only a preliminary to the mass expulsion which
ho intended to order at the propitious moment. For the expulsion of the Jews, he
chose the moment when in March, 191 7, the British were preparing their first
serious invasion of Palestine. On March 29th, the order was issued that all
Ottoman inhabitants not of the Moslem religion, and all Jews without distinction
of nationality, must leave their abodes in Jaffa and the colonies of the Jaffa Ka-za.
This order was generally interpreted as the prelude to a repetition of the Armenian
massacres.

The Consuls of the neutral States and the German and Austrian Consuls
immediately lodged a protest. This caused Jemal Pasha to alter the form of the
order in such a way as to- reveal his real intention. According to the revised
text of the order all inhabitants of Jaffa without distinction of religion and nation-
ality had to leave the town, and only the agriculturists in the villages and colon-es
were allowed to remain in their abodes till after the harvest. In regard to the
main point, Jemal Pasha still remained inflexible. Every attempt to baulk his
intentions only made him more obstinate. All telegrams, even those of friendly
consuls to their Governments, were held back by him for some days.

Although the military situation in Palestine underwent such an alteration
during these days that there was no longer any strategical ground for the evacua-
tion of Jaffa, yet the expulsion order still remained in force. Some days were
allowed to the Jews of Jaffa to make their preparations, after which they would
have to leave their houses and businesses and go into exile. On the evening before
Passover the last train left the town. The inhabitants had to carrv out their removal
from the town at their own expense. Only very few railway carriages were pro-
vided for conveying the fugitives, so that hundreds of men, w'omen, and children
had to sit about on the stationi without protection from the weather and without
food, and to depend on the kindness of the station officials for any small comforts.

Help from Galilee: One trembles to think what the fate of the exiles would
have been, had not the settlers of Galilee come to their aid. The Committee which
had been formed for the purpose of helping those who had been evacuated in
Galilee placed dozens of railway coaches at the disposal of the Evacuation Com-
mittees in Jaffa and Petah Tikvah. These travelled day and night without inter-

ruptioii, and brought the persons evacuated from Jaffa to Galilee. They met with
a particularly hospitable reception in the new farms. Yet in spite of the fraternal
welcome which wais accorded them in the Galilean colonies, and in spite of the
great efforts to help them which were made, particularly at the beginning, by
the whole Jewish population, their situation became more and more desperate. As
a consequence of the conditions under which the evacuation had been carried out,
epidemics broke out which, along with lack of food, caused a serious mortality
amono- them!.

'i-

Results of the Evacuation: The terrible rise in the cost of food, especially of
bread, made it impossible for the Relief Committee, in spite of all efforts, to pro-
cure even a m.inimum of subsistence for the refugees. Through illness, lack of
housing and lack of food, many of them were doomed to a life of misery. In
this way the fifth part of the Jews of Jaffa perished. Of those who survived, many
became beggars.

Removal of the Palestine Office to Jerusalem : Afteir the evacuation of Jaffa
the Palestine Office removed its headquarters to Jerusalem, where Dr. Thon and a
number of his assistants took up their residence. There the Palestine Office con-
tinued to maintain its relations with the administration and the consulates, and
from there iti had the best opportuniy of keeping in touch with Constantinople and
the Zionist officials in other countries.

Branch in PetaJi Tikvah : The work of the Palestine Office in the neigh-
bourhood of Jaffa was taken over immediately after the evacuation of that town
by a branch in Petah Tikvah, of which Bezalel Jaffe, an old and tried friend of the
Palestine Office, took charge, supported by a number of assistants who removed
to Petah Tikvah with him. Here, too, was located at first the Central Com-
mittee for the Evacuated, of which Dizengoff was the head, and in which Bezalel
Jaffe also took an active interest. Agencies of the Palestine Office, chiefly for
managing farms and for looking after the workers, were established in Ben
Schemen (under Mr. Wilkansky), Haifa, Tiberias, and Safed; in the last two
places they were largely occupied with distributing money from the Relief Fund.
In Jerusalem itself, the Palestine Oflfice was suspect to the Government, and had
frequently to transfer its docuimentsi and account books from one place to another
surreptitiously. In spite of all difficulties, however, the integrity of the organisa-
tion Avas successfully maintained.

(2) The Last Persecutions in Judea.

Trials, for Espionage : In September, 1917, a young man fromi Rishon le Zion
was arrested on the Egyptian border as he was about tO' cross into Egypt.
It was disclosed in the examination, which lasted some months, that besides him
a number of people, including Turkish officials and Jewish and Christian inhabi-
tants, had made the attempt to transmit information fromi Palestine toi the British
Army, which the inhabitants of the country regarded as their deliverer.

38 '

This discovery gave Jemal Pasha and his subordinates a good opportunity to
proceed ag-ainst the whole Yishub. For several weeks the colonies Zichron Jacob,
Rishon fe Zion, and Petah Tikvah, the colonies of Lower Galilee and the Jewish
inhabitants, of Haifa and Tiberias were subjected to bitter persecution. Several
persons were arrested, including- the heads of the colonies, the members of the
various committees, the heads of the Federation of Jewish Colonies (D. Lubman
and M. Meirovitz), the leader of the g'uards in Petah Tikvah, Abraham Shapira,
and members of "Haschomer. "

Proceedings against those evading Military Service: Along- with these
arrests and examinations of persons suspected of espionage, Jemal Pasha
began to proceed with greater harshness against Jews liable to military service.
Repugnance to service in the Turkish Army was equally strong among all
sections of the population of Syria and Palestine — Mohammedans, Christians,
and Jews. In the third year of the war the number of deserters in Syria and Pales-
tine is said to have reached 100,000. Every Arab village harboured a large num-
ber of deserters. Most of thoise called td the colours escaped back to their villages
in a short time. Equally great was the number of deserters in the towns. The
officials who were charged with the search for deserters turned this activity into
a new so^urce of income for themselves. The Go\'ernment knew all' that was going
on, but could not do anything to prevent it. Only against the Jews were energetic
steps taken. In the last few weeks before the arrival of the English, when Jemal's
irritability and his fury against the Jews vi-ere at their height, these persecutions
became particularly sev^ere. Under the pretext of looking for shirkers, attacks
were made on the colonies, and the people there arrested in crowds. Those arrested
were tied to one another or to a horse and beaten mercilessly. Jerusalem was
filled with crowds of prisoners from the colonies, who came from all ends and
comers of Judea. The streets were empty. Everyone hid in holes and cellars,
in wells and garrets. For weeks together people did not venture to show them-
selves in the street.

(3) Persecutions in Samaria.

In Samaria the search for spies was placed under the charge of
the Kaimakami, who had also' learnt his trade in Armenia. One day
about midnight, he attacked Zichron Jacob with a company of soldiers. The
Aronson family was tortured in mediaeval fashion. The daughter, Sara Aronson,
was mercilessly beaten before the eyes of her aged father, and after three days
of the most terrible agony, found an opportunity of escaping from her tormentors
by committing suicide.

In Lower Galilee the military doctor, Hassan Bey, was put in charge of the
search for firearms. He also conducted it to the accompaniment of cruel tortuies
of old men and women. Hundreds of voung men were sent to Nazareth, and from
there to Damascus for a continuance of their examination.

Only the liberation of Judea and the capture of Jerusalem put an end to these
persecutions. But before it could take effect somie hundreds of young people were
sent to Damascus. They had to pass many days in closed railway carriages without

food aiid water. The dead and those suffering- from infectious diseases remained
among- the living and healthy. In Damascus a special cemetery, with sixty graves,
bears witness to the effects of this expulsion.

Several prominent Jews were sent away along with the heads of the
Christian communities. Another long list had been drawn up of persons to be
sent away, but owing to the conquest of the country it was left in abeyance.

By Chanukah, 191 7, this chapter of sorrows for the Yishub in Judea was
closed by the British occupation, whereas Samaria and Galilee remained under
the Turkish yoke about a year longer.

VI.— RELIEF WORK IN DAMASCUS AND CONSTANTINOPLE.

(i) Damascus as Centre for Palestine.

With the removal of the chief command of the Syrian army to Damascus,
this place became more and more important for the administration of Palestine,
and so for the fate of the Jews of that country. Again and again the representa-
tives cf the Evacuation Committee, Dizengoff and Kalvarisky, had to wait on
Jemal Pasha in order to induce him to countermand severities which had been
threatened by the officials, or to obtain concessions and facilities for the Evacua-
tion Committee. As time went on a group was formed in Damascus of prominent
public workers who had been expelled from Palestine and lived in exile in
Damascus, along with others who occupied posts there in the military or civil
administration. They found much to do in Damascus. A number of Jews
involved in the espionage trials had been dragged to Damascus, as also a large
number of young people charged with evading military service. Numbers of
Palestine Jews who were supf>osed to be going to Constantinople passed through
Damascus. All these had to be looked after.

A special tribute for their devotion, courage and address in carrying on th«
lelief work is due tO' Ben Jacob, member of the trade union of Deganiah, and
Herzfeld, member of the Central Committee of Agricultural Workers. Many
Palestinians who otherwise would have perished in military service, in hospitals,
or in distant provinces had to thank these young men for their lives.

After the conquest of Judea by the British, the Relief Committee in Damascus
had to keep the rest of Palestine in touch with Constantinople. This Committee
saw to the transmission of money for Galilee and Samaria, which were still
under Turkish rule, and of Zionist funds and other assistance for those who had
been evacuated and expelled, for emergency works and schools, and for farms
and other undertakings run by the Organisation. It also had to supply the
Zionist Agency in Constantinople with news of conditions in Palestine.

The Relief Committee under Dizengoff undertook at this time to work for
the Palestine Office in Galilee. It received devoted help from Joseph Bussel, of
Deganiah, whose premature death is still deplored, and Glickin, the head of the
farm Migdal; alsoi from Wilhclm Hecker, Daniel Auster, and Dr. Biram.
Special thanks are due to the German Consul, Graf von der Schulenberg, who
defended the interests of the Jews with great energy. Until the final conquest
of Galilee through the decisive victory of Allenby in September, 1918, Damascus
remained an important administrative centre of the Palestine Office, with branches
in Galilee and Haifa, and the expelled Jews found there a protecting hand.

(2) Palestine Work in Constantinople.

The political reasons for which the Zionist Actions Committee gave special
attention during- the war to its agency in Constantinople are; not far tO' seek :
Constantinople was the seat of the Government, and the place of residence of the
influential German and American embassies, to which appeal coiuld be made in the
hour of need. But on the economic side also the work done in Constantinople
for Palestine was of the utmost importance.

When Dr. Ruppin, in September, 191 6, had to leave Palestine in obedience
to the wishes of Jemal Pasha, he removed to Constantinople, where previously
to his arrival the Zionist Organisation had been represented first by Dr. Jaco'bson
and then by Mr. Lichtheim. When Mr. Lichtheim left Constantinople, Dr.
Ruppin remained there as sole Zionist representative. The situation in Palestine
became more and more threatening, and the difficulties in procuring money, especi-
ally on account of the constant depreciation of the Turkish currency and the
severing of diplomatic relations between America and the Central Powers,
became almost insuperable. To make matters worse, Constantmople was con-
tinually receiving fresh arrivals from Palestine in the shape of those who' had
been expelled or prosecuted in the courts or seized for military service or who
were passing through, and all these had to be looked after by the Zionist Agency.

Dr. Ruppin succeeded in establishing the most cordial relations with the
diplomatic representatives and the militarv missions. He found out the quickest
ways for transmitting money to Palestine, and in spite of all obstacles, the money
he sent used tO' arrive with great punctuality.

When the remittances from abroad were no longer able to keep pace with
the growing depreciation of the Turkish paper money, and fell far behind the
requirements of the country, Dr. Ruppin, in conjunction with the Central Office
in Berlin, obtained permission from neutral countries to transmit Zionist funds
in gold.

In this way the value of the money sent by the Zionist Organisation was
increased four- and five-fold. To this fact alone the Hebrew schools, all the
Zionist institutions, and the larger part of the Yishub, owed their survival at
a time when the fountain of relief seemed to have run dry.

B. 1917—1919.

I.— OCCUPATION OF JUDEA BY THE BRITISH.

(i) The Position in Judea.

The persecution to which the Jewish population of Palestine had been exposed
during the closing- period of the Turkish regime made them all the more thank-
ful for the liberation of the country by the British troops. The capture of
Jerusalem on the first day of Chanukah was hailed with particular delight, and
was celebrated by all the Jews in the liberated area as a national holiday. The
rejoicings were greatly heightened by the news of the Balfour Declaration of
November, 191 7, which reached Palestine while the advance of the English
was taking place.

The hopes, however, which were entertained of an immediate alleviation of
the distress, of free intercourse with England, etc., were doomed to disappointment.
Weeks and months went by without the arrival of any news from the Zionist
Executive, or of money or drafts for the Zionist institutions. The improvement
in the exchange was counterbalanced by the universal rise in prices. The general
distress was very great. In this crisis the money which the Palestine Office
had put aside from the drafts in Constantinople proved very useful, being drawn
on tO' defray the expenditure of the schools and other Zionist institutions, and
to relieve the most pressing cases of distress.

(2) Special Committee.

At this time news came tO' Palestine that a "Special Relief Committee'' had
been formed in Egypt. The fear that' this Committee, without authorisation from
the Zionist Executive and withoiut the consent of the population of Palestine,
might be entrusted by the Occupation Authorities with the administering of the
money sent for the Jewish Yishub, caused general concern. The representative
of the American Relief Fund, Mr. Hoofien, obtained permission to travel to
Eg^'pt, where he had conversations with the members of this Committee.
Negotiations were continued in Palestine by the representatives of the Special
Committee, Messrs. Jack Mosseri, Alexander, Pascal, Gluskin, and Judelovitsch,
and the representatives of the Palestine Office and the recently formed Com-
mittee for Judea, "Vaad Hazmani" : Dr. Thon, and Messrs. Hoofien, Bezalel
Jaffe, Meerowitsch, Eisenberg, Sverdlof, and Sprinzak. As a result, an under-
-standing was arrived at bv which the Palestine Office was recognised as the
administering centre for the Relief Fund. Only insignificant sums, however,
were for some time put into circulation, partly with the help of the British
Occupation Authorities. The situation was not materially changed till the arrival
of the Zionist Commission.

(3) Arrivaf of the Zionist Commission.

On April 4th, Prof. Chaim Weizmann arrived in Jaffa at the head of the
"Zionist Commission tO' Palestine" (Vaad Hazirim Erez Israel), a body which
had been invested with special powers by the British Government. After a
welcome from the representatives of all societies and organisations, a triumphant
reception was prepared for Dr. Weizmann and the other members of the Com-
mission (Joseph Cowen, Leon Simon, Dr. Eder, and Prof. Sylvain Levy) along
with Major Ormsby-Gore, who had been deputed by the British Government
to accompany the Commission, and Major Rothschild, by the whole Jewish
population of Tel Aviv. An address of welcome was delivered by the President
of the Vaad Hazmani and head of the Palestine Office, Dr. Thon, and was
answered by Dr. Weizmann and Major Ormsby-Gore and Major James Roths-
child in words which aroused the greatest enthusiasm among the assembled
multitude. A few days later many thousands of persons assembled to greet the
Commission on the University site in Jerusalem.

On Ijar 3rd, 5678, the first meeting was held of the representative body of
the Jews of Judea, "Vaad Hazmani," in which Dr. Weizmann spoke at length
on the origin of the Balfour Declaration, and on the powers and intentions of
the Zionist Commission, and Dr. Thon and Mr. E. Berlin spoike on the situation
in Palestine.

II.— AMALGAMATION OF THE ZIONIST COMMISSION AND THE

PALESTINE OFFICE.

(i) Division of Functions.

The Zionist Coanmission took over all the political work which previously
the Palestine Office had looked after as representing the Zionist Organisation.
According- to the programme which had been approved by the Foreign Office,
the Zionist Commission was to form the connecting link between the Jewish
population of Palestine and the British authorities in the country. The permanent
and principal function of the Zionist Commission was to defend the interests of
the Jewish population both at the headquarters (G. H.O.) of General Allenby
and with the subsequent administration of the occupied territory (O.E.T.A.),
and with the local officials and the heads of individual departments. Money from
the Executive of the Organisation, which hitherto had been sent direct to the
Palestine Office, was now placed in the hands of the Zionist Commission, and
this body passed it on to the Palestine Office, the finances of which it controlled.
The whole internal management of the schools, the agricultural work, the relief
funds, the information service, and the issue of forms for the collecting of
statistical material, remained under the charge of the Palestine Office. The
Central Office, along with Dr. Thon, was transferred back to Jaffa in the spring
of 1918. A branch was left in Jerusalem under the charge of the Hebrew writer
Mordecai ben Hillel Hacohen, who' was appointed to this post with the consent
of the Zionist Commission.

It was at this period that the schools of the Hilfsverein der deutschen Juden
were taken over by the representatives of the Zionist Commission. What with
this and the opening O'f new schools, as well as the taking over of the schools
in the colonies soon afterwards, the network of the schools under the Zionist
Comimission was soon extended \ery considerably, and embraced about three-
quarters of the Jewish school children of the whole country.

After the British conquest of Judea, preparations were made in the Palestine
Yishub for a great constructive effort which should realise the prospects held
out in the Balfour Declaration. This effort was continually deferred, owing to
the general situation. So long as Galilee remained in Turkish possession, Judea
was in close proximity to the theatre of war. The fear of a military counter-
stroke and the general uncertainty were of themselves sufficient to prevent the
inception of any constructive work on a large scale. After the liberation of
Galilee and the decisive victory of the Entente Powers, people waited for the
settlement of the political future of Palestine by the Peace Conference and the
assignment of the Mandate. The military administration of the country took up
the standpoint that according to international usage its whole duty in the occu-

pied district was toi maintain the status quo. The chief obstacle in the way of
constructive work was the impossibility of buying^ land and bringing- new settlers
into the country. The Land Registry Office remained closed till October, 1920^
and till then there was no legal possibility of acquiring land, as even private
transactions in immovable property were forbidden by the authorities. Immigra-
tion was confronted with great difficulties. Only the repatriation of Palestine
refugees was permitted. Other people received permission to enter Palestine
only exceptionally and after great trouble. The final settlement of the Mandate
question was expected in Palestine every month. Meanwhile, a demand was
raised that plans should be prepared by experts for constructive work in every
field. This was the cause of the Palestine Office at the beginning of this period
undergoing a complete internal reorganisation. Hitherto it had been conducted
by a single head with a number of expert assistants, now it ramified into a
number of departments with responsible heads, who, under the presidency of
the head of the Palestine Office, formed a Board. All school affairs were at
once placed under the charge of Dr. Turof, who was later succeeded by Dr.
Lurie. The agricultural department was placed in charge of Messrs. Oettinger
and Wilkansky, who had long been engaged in the Palestine Office; while for
engineering and scientific questions a separate department was formed under
Mr. Gregor Wilbuschewitz.

During the early period of the Zionist Commission's stay, the Palestine
Office represented the principle of continuity in the work of colonisation. This
point is important, as the Zionist Commission altered its personnel repeatedly
in a very brief space of time, and the changes in the views and inclinations of
its leaders and members gave occasion to frequent modifications and fresh starts
in its system and policy. Dr. Weizmann and his Secretary, Mr. Sieft (who' remained
longer than the other members of the Commission, Simon, Cowen, etc.), were
succeeded by Dr. Eder, with Mr. Jack Mosseri as Secretary; these were soon
followed by Mr. Levin-Epstein, who later was assisted by Mr. Gluskin; these
were soon replaced by Dr. H. Friedenwald and Mr. Robert Szold, from America,
who, again, were followed by Dr. Eder, the reins being finally taken in the
autumn of 1919 by Mr. Ussishkin. The existence during this period of the Pales-
tine Office — although its attempts to do positive work were hampered by internal
and external obstacles such as had never before been experienced — at least pre-
served the internal work from the utter disorganisation which otherwise womld
have resulted from the divergent tendencies of the leaders.

In October, 1918, the Palestine Office was finally amalgamated with the
Zionist Commission. All departments, with the exception of that for immigra-
tion, were removed to Jerusalem. The Zionist Commission, with Mr. Ussishkin
at its head, took the place of the Palestine Office as sole representative of the
Zionist Organisation in all affairs both internal and external.

III.— THE ORGANISATION OF PALESTINE JEWRY.

The Palestine Office had always cherished the idea of strengthening the organic
cohesicxn of Palestine Jewry by mieans of a truly representative council. The
favourable moment for this seemed to have arrived with the new order introduced
into the country thromgh its occupation by the English. The Palestine Office
joined hands with the most active elements in the Yishub, and sought to further
their efforts in this direction. The demand for a representative assembly was one
of the first put forward to the Zionist representatives by the leaders of the Pales-
tine Office, whoi were regarded as the spokesmen of the Yishub.

The Jewish Communal Representation in Jerusalem. — A few days after
the entry of the British into Jerusalem, members of various circles
in that city met together on the invitation of the Palestine Office and
determined to appoint a Committee for the purjx>se of drawing up rules for the
election of a Jewish Communal Representative Body, and of making prepara-
tions for the election, in which the whole Jewish population was tO' participate.
Dr. Thon and Messrs. Hoofiein and Meyuchas were chosen tO' preside over this
Committee. The task before the Committee was no easy one — to fight against
the tradition of the Kolelim, which had been firmly rooted for centuries, to over-
come the tendency of the community to split into disconnected groups, and to
arouse the interest of all classes in the creation of a common representative body.
In the attempt to unify the Jerusalem community, the most persuasive means
had to be used in order to avoid the arousing of bitter animosities. The repre-
sentatives of the Vaad Kol Hakolelim demanded the creation of separate com-
munities, Ashkenazic and non-Ashkenazic, the representatives of which should
meet from time to time for deliberation on definite matters. This proposal for
a division intO' Ashkenazic, Sephardic, Gruzian Jews, etc., was rejected, and
the vast majority of the population was won over toi the idea of a unified repre-
sentation. Out of some five thousand entitled to vote, over three thousand
actually took part in the election, and so was formed the "Vaad Hair Liyehudei
Jerushalaim." A coimmunal council of forty-five members was elected, represent-
ing, with one small exception, all classes of the old and new Yishub. Only a minority
of Ashkenazim, mostly from the Hungarian and Austrian Kolelim, held aloof
and formed an "Ashkenazic Committee" of their own. It is this same group
which to the present day has opposed every attempt at cohesion and union, and
which separated from the rest of the community in the elections for the Asefath
Hanivcharim, and the creatiom of a joint Rabbinate.

Vaad Hazmani. — Immediately after the liberation of thei Jewish colonies from
the Turks on December 31st, 1917, a meeting', presided over by Dr. Thon and Mr.
M. Meirowitz, was held in the Palestine; Office! of representatives of the colonies, of
the workers, of the town of Jaffa, and the most important public bodies, to
discuss the convening- of a constituent assembly of Palestine Jews. In this
meeting- a Provisional Committee (Vaad Hazmani) was chosen to prepare the way
for the Asefali Meyassedeth. As, contrary to expectation, Galilee remained
separated from Judea for another nine months, the idea of the constituent assembly
had tO' bei postponed. Instead, a second preliminary Conference was called tog^ether
in July, 1918, in which, besides representatives of Jaffa and the colonies, repre-
sntatives of the new Vaad Hair in Jerusalem also took part. Dr. Weizrpann and
Major Ormsby-Gore made speeches on the political situation. The Vaad
Hazmani was re-elected. After the union of Judea with Galilee, a Conference of
representatives of the whole of Palestine, 104 in number, took place. Even
the extreme orthodox section of Jerusalem was fairly well represented. At this
Conference Dr. Weizmann and Mr. Sokolow were chosen to represent the
Palestine Yishub at the Peace Conference at Versailles, and a special deleg^a-
tion, consisting^ of Messrs. Yellin, Berlin, Wilkansky, Eisenberg^, and Dizeng-oiff,
was sent to London to confer with the Executive of the Zionist Organisation
on the most important political questions.

Asefath Ha^iivcharim. — Owing- toi internal oppoisitlon, particularly otf the
orthodox section agfainst the woimen's franchise, and to the; prohibition of the mili-
tary administration, the constituent assembly was not able to be convened for a
long- time. Its prog-ramme meantime was considerably cut down. It was to^ be
merely an "assembly of deputies," "Asefath Nivcharim," the chief task of which
should be toi elect an officially recog-nised representative assembly. The .Asefath
Hanivcharim was not actually convened till after Sir Herbert Samuel had taken
up his office. It was opened on October 7th, 1920. About three hundred
deputies attended; in the election seventy-one per cent, of the Jews entitled to
vote had taken part. Sir Herbert vSamuel sent a letter of g-reeting- to the
assembly. The Asefath Hanivcharim has, after many struggles, effected the
unification of Palestine Jewry. In the Vaad Leumi, of which Messrs. Ben Zwi,
Yellin, and Thon are the presidents, the Jewish Yishub has an official repre-
sentative body. Prior to the Asefath Hanivcharim it had been represented pro-
visionally by the Vaad Hazmani, at the head of which stood for almost three
years the director of the Palestine Office, Dr. Thon, and in his absence, his
deputies, Messrs. Oettinger and Bezalel Jaffe.

Printed by the National Labour Press, Ltd.. 8/10 Johnson's Court. Fleet Street. London, E.C.4
(also at Manchester and Leicester) — 10701.

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