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Illinois State Historical Society 
Papers in Illinois history 




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Foreword ix 

John Wentworth: His Contributions to Chicago 1 

Ann Steinbrecher Windle 

Impressions of Lorado Taft 18 

Trygve A. Rovelstad 

The Mississippi River as an Artistic Subject 34 

Lucius W . Elder 

Virgin Fields of History 43 

Henrietta L. Memler 

congregationalists and presbyterians in the early 

History of the Galesburg Churches 53 

Hermann Richard Muelder 

Phases of Chicago History: 

I. Writing A History of Chicago 71 

Bessie Louise Pierce 

II. The Land Reform Movement 73 

Joe L. N orris 

III. The Temperance Movement, 1848-1871 82 

Herbert Wiltsee 

IV. The Radical Labor Movement, 1873-1895 92 

Dorothy Culp 

V. Summary 100 

Herbert A. Kellar 


vi papers in illinois history 

The Russian Community of Chicago 102 

Thomas Randolph Hall 

Illinois as Lincoln Knew It: A Boston Reporter's 

Record of a Trip in 1847 109 

Edited by Harry E. Pratt 

Campaign Lives of Abraham Lincoln, 1860: An Annotated 
Bibliography of the Biographies of Abraham Lincoln 

Issued During the Campaign Year 188 

Ernest James Wessen 

Official Proceedings, 1937: 

Report of the Secretary 223 

Annual Business Meeting 227 

Meeting of the Board of Directors 229 

Officers and Directors 230 


John Wentworth 4 

Lincoln-Douglas Debate, Quincy 24 

The Pioneers, Elmwood 26 

Black Hawk, Oregon 28 

Alma Mater Group, Urbana 30 

Abraham Lincoln, Urbana 32 

St. Louis 42 

Galena in 1856 42 

Cave-in-Rock 42 

Carondelet, Missouri 42 

Moline 42 

Quincy 42 

Quincy 42 

Bound Down the River 42 

Loading Cotton 42 

Cotton Boat 42 

Fort Armstrong 42 

St. Charles, Missouri, on the Missouri River 42 


vu1 papers in illinois history 

Kaskaskia, on the Kaskaskia River 42 

Nauvoo 42 

Alton 42 

Cairo 42 

Lake Street, Chicago, about 1852 121 

Buckingham's Route 129 

Peoria in 1846 134 

Illinois State House, Springfield 144 

St. Louis Levee, 1850 160 

Planters House, St. Louis, 1865 162 

Mormon Temple, Nauvoo 170 

Nauvoo 172 

Galena Lead Mine Region 178 

The Wigwam Edition 190 

Lincoln's Letter Disclaiming Responsibility for a 

Campaign Biography 210 

Earliest State of Page 32, Scripps's Life of Lincoln 212 

Second State of Page 32, Scripps's Life of Lincoln 214 


Since 1900 the Illinois State Historical Society has been issuing 
an annual volume devoted in part to the official record of its an- 
nual meeting and in part to the publication of papers relating to 
various phases of Illinois history. 

Without exception, these publications have been entitled Trans- 
actions of the Illinois State Historical Society — a title hardly likely 
to attract the attention of any appreciable number of readers. 
Their appearance, moreover, has generally been no less uninviting 
than their title. The combination has naturally repelled many 
readers who would have been delighted with the contents of these 
volumes had they had the hardihood to penetrate beyond the 
official reports with which each commenced. 

The present volume is an attempt to eliminate these disadvan- 
tages. The title, at least in its short form, is believed to be less for- 
bidding than formerly, and also more accurate as a description of 
the book as a whole. Official reports have been relegated to the 
last pages, where they can be found by those interested, but where 
they will not discourage the casual reader. Two features of pre- 
ceding volumes have been omitted — the Society's constitution, and 
the annual list of acquisitions in genealogy. The former is always 
available; the latter has been compiled, and will be sent to in- 
quirers in mimeographed form if an appreciable number of requests 
for it are received. Besides these changes, the physical appear- 
ance of the book has been greatly improved. 

Most of the papers published in this volume were presented at 
the Society's annual meeting at Galesburg, May 13, 14 and 15, 
1937. The exceptions are the articles "Illinois as Lincoln Knew 
It: A Boston Reporter's Record of a Trip in 1847," edited by Harry 
E. Pratt, and "Campaign Lives of Abraham Lincoln, 1860," by 
Ernest J. Wessen. These are contributions to Illinois history too 
long for publication in the Journal, but too important not to be 
made generally available. 

Paul M. Angle, Editor. 




To outsiders, in the year 1882, Chicago boasted three major 
attractions — the new three million-dollar courthouse, the Palmer 
House barber shop with its silver dollar floor, and "Long John" 
Wentworth. The elaborate architecture of the courthouse and the 
shining splendor of the silver dollar floor, however, paled into in- 
significance in the eyes of a boy visitor, when he caught his first 
glimpse of the man who had dominated Chicago's landscape for 
upwards of fifty years. Editor of Chicago's first successful daily 
newspaper, six times congressman from Chicago, and twice-term 
mayor, John Wentworth looked the part he played in the role of 
a Chicago Titan. William Campbell, who was later to become his 
private secretary, found Wentworth in the very center of his 
domain, the rotunda of the old Sherman House. Towering head 
and shoulders above the group of newspaper men who swarmed 
about him, he presented a striking figure. His colossal height of 
six feet, six inches, was well set off by a suit of finest broadcloth. 
He wore the well-known claw hammer coat with pointed tails, the 
low cut vest, showing an expansive pleated shirt bosom, a gold 
watch chain several feet long suspended from his neck, and, top- 
ping all, an enormous black felt hat. The massive features beneath 
the hat, the sharp, penetrating gray eyes, the large, determined 
mouth, and the square, smooth-shaven chin, revealed a nature, 
proud and intelligent, forceful and intellectually curious. 

His dignified mien and commanding presence were Long John's 
birthright. His English ancestry dated back to one Reginald de 


Wynterwade, mentioned in the Domesday Book, in 1066, as pro- 
prietor of the Wapentake of Strafford in the West Riding of York- 
shire. The family was a prominent and distinguished one, count- 
ing among its members Thomas Wentworth, Earl of Strafford. 
The first Wentworth to emigrate to America, the man from whom 
all of the American Wentworths are descended, was William, the 
Elder. Among the first settlers in Exeter, New Hampshire, he was 
one of the signers of that document known as the Exeter Com- 
bination, a fact which proves his arrival in America by the year 
1639. Ten years later he established a permanent home in Dover, 
New Hampshire. Here he acquired much land, and became a 
leader in the community, frequently being chosen as one of the 
selectmen. He was the ruling elder in the church. At the age of 
seventy-three, he won lasting renown by a feat of which many a 
younger man might boast. In 1689, an Indian raid was made on 
five garrison houses. All were demolished except the one in which 
Wentworth lived. Wakened by the skirmish below, he dashed 
down the stairs, routed out the Indians, and lay on his back, set- 
ting his feet against the door of the stockade until help came. 

From the year 1717, when John Wentworth, the grandson of 
William the Elder, was appointed Lieutenant Governor of New 
Hampshire, on through the period of the Revolution, the name of 
Wentworth signified in that state what the name of Winthrop sig- 
nified in Massachusetts. Belonging to a family of statesmen and 
soldiers, Long John's own grandfather, John Wentworth, Jr., was 
a member of the Continental Congress and one of the signers of the 
Articles of Confederation. At the same time, his maternal grand- 
father, Amos Cogswell, served as a colonel in the Continental 
Army under the command of General Washington. Interest in 
local and national welfare, combined with an intense family pride 
and feeling of superiority above the rank and file of men which ran 
in all the Wentworth blood, was carried on to Long John. By an 
hereditary right, John Wentworth became Chicago's greatest 
"Democratic Aristocrat." 

His own birthplace was an unpretentious New Hampshire farm- 


house. His parents, Paul and Lydia (Cogswell) Wentworth owned 
a farm just outside the town of Sandwich, in Strafford County, at 
the foot of Mount Israel. Here young Wentworth spent the 
greater part of his youth, gaining the hardihood which thrives on 
the rigors of New England climate and discipline alike. News of 
the Battle of New Orleans reached the Wentworth farm the day 
of John's birth, March 5, 1815. In 1827, educational institutions 
being as inefficient as the mail service, Wentworth went to Gilman- 
ton, to attend the Academy of Asa Emerson Foster. In 1828, he 
changed to the Academy at Wolfeboro, where he uttered his first 
piece of oratory, declaiming Webster's eulogy on Adams and Jeffer- 
son. Thus his lifelong plea for "Liberty and Economy" had its 
youthful origin. He proved to be a precocious student, early be- 
coming a facile reader in the classics, and he was an outstanding 
leader in the debating and literary societies of every school he at- 
tended. At the age of sixteen, he dropped his studies for a year to 
teach in a school at New Hampton, later resuming them at the 
Academy of South Berwick, Maine. Upon his graduation in the 
spring of 1832, he gave the valedictory address, and in the follow- 
ing autumn he entered Dartmouth College. An individual thinker 
and a fighting spirit, he clashed more than once in the next four 
years with those members of the faculty whose ideas were not in 
accord with his. His mind was not that of the average immature 
undergraduate, nor was it so considered. He was already taking 
an active interest in politics, and was made a delegate to the county 
convention to nominate a Democratic candidate for senator. He 
was appointed Chairman of the Committee on Resolutions, and 
his reports were highly praised by delegates and press alike. 

In October, 1836, following his graduation from Dartmouth, 
this highly endowed young man set off across the Green Mountains 
to make his way in the great and unknown West. He carried with 
him several letters of recommendation from prominent New Hamp- 
shire men, and 3100 in his wallet. From Schenectady to Utica, 
Wentworth took his first ride over a railroad. Going on to Tona- 
wanda by canal boat, and to Niagara Falls by stagecoach, he 


traveled on a steamer from Buffalo to Detroit, where he hoped 
to find a position as school teacher. Receiving no replies to his 
advertisements in the Detroit Free Press, he made long walking 
trips to Ann Arbor and Ypsilanti. These met with the same ill 
success. He returned to Detroit, put his trunk aboard the brig 
Manhattan bound for Chicago, and took the stage for Michigan 
City, arriving there the afternoon of October 22. The next day- 
he set out on foot for Chicago. With some twenty companions 
he spent the night in a shanty on the lake shore. Again continuing 
his march along the sandy beach, he rested the second night in 
Calumet. The following morning, October 25, 1836, John Went- 
worth walked into Chicago. 

The picture of this tall, rangy youth, trousers tucked in his 
muddy boots, and wearing a brown hickory shirt and a great slouch 
hat as he made his entry into the town he was to grow up with, is 
best recreated in Wentworth's own words: 

Could you have been on the sandhills between here and 
Michigan City on the southern shore of Lake Michigan in 
the fall of 1836 you would have seen me stretched out like 
a leather shoe string tied up, just after wading a prairie 
marsh — all length and no breadth — leaning over the country 
at an angle of 45 degrees, with all my clothes under one arm 
and a jug of whisky under the other with which to bathe 
my blistered feet. 

Upon his arrival, the first person he met was an old friend and 
former schoolmate from Northfield, New Hampshire, Matthew S. 
Maloney, of the leading mercantile house in town — Wild, Maloney 
& Co. Wentworth was advised by him to take up lodgings at the 
United States Hotel, on the southeast corner of Lake and Market 
streets. Originally, this had been the Sauganash Hotel owned by 
Mark Beaubien, but was now kept by John Murphy. On that 
first day, Wentworth dined at Mrs. Murphy's table, and from that 
day until his death he made it a point, whenever possible, to have 
dinner with "Mother" Murphy on each anniversary of his arrival 
in Chicago. 

John Wentworth 


His first step was to make arrangements to study law under 
Henry Moore, one of the town's leading lawyers; but shortly after 
Wentworth's arrival, Moore was forced to return east on account 
of poor health. At this time, the Chicago Democrat, a weekly, was 
changing hands. John Calhoun, who had established the Demo- 
crat in 1833, as Chicago's first newspaper, was negotiating to sell 
it to Horatio Hill of Concord, New Hampshire. Hill, who was 
part owner and editor of the New Hampshire Patriot, was unable 
to remain in Chicago and was looking for someone to run his paper, 
when, happily, Wentworth walked into town. Within a month, 
the twenty-one year old boy had assumed the editorship of the 
Chicago Democrat. 

He immediately set about to make it the leading paper of the 
Northwest. His first job was to move the office from its original 
site in the Jones, Walker & Company Building on North Water 
Street to the three-story wooden building at 7 North Clark Street. 
Having, usually, a shortage of hands, the physical work of printing 
a paper often fell to Wentworth. Even as late as the summer of 
1838 he was turning out posters for Stephen A. Douglas with his 
own long arms, while the "Little Giant" inked the presses. With- 
in a few months after he took over the Democrat, he had reorgan- 
ized the subscription list and had increased the number of sub- 
scribers by more than two hundred. In his spare hours he attended 
to the literary side of the newspaper. His editorial policy, which 
aimed to avoid any factional prejudices within the party, stood for 
party usages, regular nominations and "pure democracy." His 
scourging editorials denouncing "wildcat" currency attracted the 
attention of readers all over the state. 

Meanwhile, he was taking time off to attend the meetings held 
in the Old Saloon Building to discuss applying to the legislature 
at Vandalia for a city charter. The application was granted, and 
Wentworth was given the order to print the charter, thereby mak- 
ing a profit of twenty-five dollars for the Democrat, as he boasted 
in a letter to Hill. He was instrumental in the election of William 
B. Ogden as the first mayor of Chicago, and he was made the secre- 


tary of the first political meeting ever called in the first ward. In 
1837, the Council appointed him first corporation printer of the 

The date of John Wentworth's arrival in Chicago marked the 
passing of the pioneer stage of the city's history. He came just in 
time to catch the final reverberations of that romantic era. One 
of Wentworth's signal contributions to the future citizens of Chi- 
cago was the preservation of the spirit and legendary quality of 
that day in his notes, since published in the Fergus Historical 
Series. His young and active imagination was caught and held by 
the fragments of that early period, on whose trail he had so closely 
followed. Among his earliest recollections was one of seeing a line 
of caskets protruding from the ground along the beach, vivid re- 
minders of the Black Hawk War and cholera siege of 1832. The 
cutting of the sand bar for the harbor had caused the lake waters to 
encroach and wash away the earth in which they had been buried. 
On December 29, 1836, Wentworth witnessed the final evacuation 
of Fort Dearborn : 

I saw the last sentinel withdrawn from the entrance, and 
the last soldier march out, and I heard the last salute fired 
from Fort Dearborn. For a while we missed the cannon's 
discharge at sunrise and sunset. And soon sunrise and 
sunset lost their significance in the measurement of Chicago 

Although most of the Indians had departed for their reserva- 
tion at Silver Lake, Shawnee County, Kansas, a few still roamed 
around the town prior to the final exodus. With the three 
most renowned Indians of the Middle West then living, Went- 
worth made fast friends: Billy Caldwell, known as Sauganash 
(the son of an Irish officer and a Potawatomi girl), a friend of the 
whites, and secretary to Tecumseh; Robinson or Chechepinqua, 
chief of the United Potawatomi, Chippewa and Ottawa; and 
Chamblee, the Ottawa who was at Tecumseh's side when the latter 
fell in battle. Wentworth spent many a long evening with these 
three before the fire in the log tavern of his hotel, listening to their 


description of battle after battle, including the massacre at Chicago 
and the Battle of the Thames, and their narration of personal in- 
terviews with, and characteristics of Tecumseh, General Harrison 
and General Wayne. 

Keenly interested in all of the unusual figures of the commu- 
nity, Wentworth himself gave a heightened life and color to the 
rapidly growing town. An analogy between this struggling, daunt- 
less, mud village and the bold, obstinate youth, just emerging 
from adolescence, was recognized by Wentworth in later life, when 
he told a newspaper man: "When I came to Chicago, I was a very 
small man. There was almost nothing of me. ... I have grown 
with Chicago." He seemed to possess the key to the city's register. 
Chicago liked him. When the crowd gathered at the post office for 
the long awaited mail, Long John was frequently delegated to read 
the newspapers aloud while the letters were being sorted. His 
powerful voice made him a general favorite, and many a time he 
was escorted to the cracker box to match his vocal cords against 
the winds off Lake Michigan. 

Chicago early discovered that Wentworth's mind was equal to 
his voice. Early in 1838, he was appointed school inspector, the 
first of his lifelong activities in connection with the Chicago School 
Board. He was one of the first and most arduous proponents of 
the common school system in the West. The following year, he 
was made one of Governor Carlin's aides-de-camp, from which 
office he derived a mingled satisfaction and embarrassment. An- 
ticipating the fun his journalistic enemies would have at his ex- 
pense, Wentworth stole a march on them by publishing the first 
cartoon ever to appear in a Chicago newspaper. It depicted Went- 
worth a gangling, beplumed warrior, astride a lean and paltry nag, 
surrounded by his political foes. The "balloons," which issued 
from their mouths, enclosed the same disparaging remarks they 
would have been expected to make in such a situation. 

Within three years Wentworth had purchased the Democrat for 
32,800, and he owned it free of all indebtedness. On February 24, 
1840, appeared the first issue of the Democrat as a daily paper. 


That same year he began his stump speaking throughout the state, 
and prepared an exhaustive article upon the relation of banks to 
government and their reciprocal duties. This article created wide- 
spread interest in the author. 

Meanwhile, Wentworth had continued his study of law. In 
the spring of 1841 he went east to attend law lectures at Cam- 
bridge, with the intention of remaining a year. Hearing, however, 
that there was a strong possibility of his being nominated for Con- 1 
gress, he returned in the late fall of the same year. Soon after- 
wards, he was admitted to the bar. Because of the failure of the 
legislature to district the state, the election which should have 
taken place in 1842 was postponed until the following year. In 
May, 1843, Wentworth was the unanimous choice as Democratic 
candidate for Congress, and in August he was elected by a large 

December 4, 1843, he took his seat in the House of Representa- 
tives; he was the youngest member of the congressional body, being 
then only twenty-eight years old. His, the fourth district of Illi- 
nois, covered an area of 250 by 100 miles, comprising all the land 
from Wisconsin on the north to the Springfield district on the 
south, from the Indiana state line on the east to the Rock River 
Valley on the west. He was the first congressman ever to be| 
elected from north of central Illinois, and the first who resided on 
the shores of Lake Michigan. 

Before enumerating Wentworth's specific contributions to his 
community, while in Congress, it would be valuable to attempt an 
estimate of the far-reaching influence he wielded. His appearance 
in Washington immediately turned the spotlight of attention on 
Chicago. What kind of town had elected this young giant with 
such command of expression and fluency of tongue to speak for her? 
Wentworth did not wait long to answer. Chicago was the City of 
the Future, the gateway to the great Northwest. Prophesying that 
the South would ultimately yield first place as source of the nation's 
wealth, Wentworth predicted that Chicago, with its vantage point 
at the foot of one of the Great Lakes, would become the distribut- 


ing center for that vast hinterland which swept from the Rocky 
Mountains to the very back door of the city. The prosperity of 
the United States, he pointed out, was dependent upon the facility 
with which western produce could be shipped, not only to various 
parts of this country, but also to foreign lands. 

During his terms in Congress from 1843 to 1851 and from 1853 
to 1855, Wentworth's efforts to modernize and render safe trans- 
portation on the lakes and rivers of the Middle West were unceas- 
ing. His first official act toward this end was almost coincidental 
with his entrance into the House. On December 20, 1843, he 
opened his congressional career, in behalf of Chicago, by giving 
notice that he would ask leave to bring in a bill to establish a port 
of entry in Chicago. From that day forward he was the chief 
agitator for harbor improvements, the erection of lighthouses and 
ports of entry on the Great Lakes, and the establishment of 
marine hospitals. 

As a result of President Polk's veto of a bill for the improve- 
ment of rivers and harbors of the West and Northwest, he con- 
ceived the idea of the celebrated National River and Harbor Con- 
vention, which convened in Chicago, July 5, 1847. As Chairman 
of the Chicago Committee, which included George Manierre, J. 
Young Scammon, Isaac N. Arnold and Grant Goodrich, Went- 
worth drafted an address to the people of the United States, urging 
them to send delegates. In the closing paragraph he stated: 

Although the construction of harbors and the improve- 
ment of rivers will be the prominent subject before the Con- 
vention, yet, whatever matters appertain to the prosperity of 
the West, and to the development of its resources, will come 
properly before it, and all plans and suggestions will be 
freely entertained. 

In response to Chicago's invitation, 3,000 delegates, represent- 
ing eighteen of the twenty-nine states in the Union, assembled in 
the huge tent which had been erected on the Courthouse Square. 
The immediate effects of the convention proved of little value. 
But its tremendous significance was recognized by Thurlow Weed, 


who called it "undoubtedly the largest deliberative party that ever ; 
assembled." The presence of such men as Abraham Lincoln, , ; 
Erastus Corning, Horace Greeley and Tom Corwin, gave a sparkle 
to this page of Chicago's history. A Convention City had been I 
established. John Wentworth had brought the nation to Chicagol 

In Washington, his absolute integrity and constant attention fl 
to his congressional duties were winning him a reputation among I 
the capital's leaders. Chicago could not have boasted an abler 
or more striking representative on the floor. He was an ardent 
champion for preemption and homestead laws, and was the first 
western congressman to introduce a bill advocating the bonded I 
warehouse system. He was the chief instrument in passing the I 
land grant bill for the Illinois Central Railroad through the House 
of Representatives. Stephen A. Douglas, continuing the work 
of Sidney Breese, had put the bill through in the Senate. 

Probably no other man had the opportunity to view at close 
range so great a span of the nation's growth from the beginning 
of the nineteenth century on through the crisis of the Civil War. 
Two of the men with whom Wentworth was associated in Con- 
gress — John Quincy Adams and Benjamin Tappan — were born 
before the tea was thrown overboard in Boston Harbor. The 
former was fond of remarking that his earliest recollection was I 
that of hearing the report of the guns at the Battle of Bunker 
Hill. During his six terms in Congress, Wentworth attended 
sessions with two members who served in President Monroe's 
cabinet, one in President J. Q. Adams', three in President Jack- 
son's, one in President Van Buren's, five in President Harrison's, I 
four in President Tyler's, four in President Polk's, four in President 
Taylor's, seven in President Fillmore's, four in President Pierce's, 
five in President Buchanan's, and six in President Lincoln's. He 
served with four future presidents of the United States — James 
Buchanan, Abraham Lincoln, Rutherford B. Hayes, and James A. 
Garfield. Four great statesmen of the period — John C. Calhoun, 
Daniel Webster, Henry Clay and Thomas H. Benton — were 
counted his personal friends. His sketches of these men, found 


in his Congressional Reminiscenses, show keen observation and 
analysis of character, and possess historical and literary value. He 
was an eyewitness to many of the dramatic events of his day. 
He was in Congress the day that John Quincy Adams fell in the 
House, and he was one of the committee appointed by Speaker 
Robert C. Winthrop to escort his remains to his home in Massa- 
chusetts. He was a delegate to the 1844 convention in Baltimore, 
which nominated James K. Polk for President, and also a delegate 
to the convention of 1848 which named Gen. Lewis Cass of 
Michigan as a presidential candidate. He was present at the 
inauguration of several presidents of the United States, including 
that of Abraham Lincoln. At Lincoln's death, he was one of the 
committee to receive his remains in Chicago. 

At the close of the Thirty-third Congress, in which, under the 
census of 1850, Wentworth had represented a new district, the 
second, Chicago could no longer induce him to run again. It was 
during this term that he lost faith in the Democratic Party. In 
his estimate, the idea of the formation of the Republican Party 
originated in the House, when Colonel Benton made his great 
speech against the repeal of the Missouri Compromise in December, 
1853. Following the passage of the Kansas-Nebraska bill, Went- 
worth, with other Democrats such as Judd, Palmer, Baker, Allen 
and Koerner, left the party to join forces with those Whigs and 
Abolitionists known as Anti-Nebraska men. From then on, the 
Chicago Democrat sounded the Republican cause, and through its 
channels Wentworth spread the antislavery creed. He supported 
the senatorial campaign of Abraham Lincoln, in 1858, and his 
presidential campaign in 1860. 

Chicago recognized Wentworth's power and talent for leader- 
ship. Having reached the prime of life, he had acquired the 
characteristics this thriving, expanding, turbulent city needed. 
With firsthand knowledge and understanding of local and national 
issues, he was the man best suited to cope with the financial, 
social and political problems that faced Chicago. Possessing the 
suavity and dignity of a diplomat and the shrewdness and rough 


wit of the boisterous politician, he was big enough to be fervently 
admired and forcibly hated — altogether, the right man to control 
and direct the actions of so mixed a population as Chicago had. 
In 1857, Wentworth was nominated for mayor on a Republican 
Fusion ticket, and on March 3 of that year, in a hotly contested 
election, he won the office by a majority of over eleven hundred. 

His first official act was to appoint a board of engineers to 
establish the grade of the city. He introduced the first steam 
fire engine into Chicago, appropriately named after him, the 
"Long John." Illustrative of his dispatch of executive duties 
was his prompt and decisive raid upon "the sands." This dilapi- 
dated section fronting on the lake shore was the most notorious 
part of the city. In one day Wentworth leveled it to the ground. 
Advertising a dog-fight on the outskirts of the city, he attracted 
most of the male inhabitants from the spot. Immediately, a 
deputy sheriff, accompanied by thirty policemen, began tearing 
down five of the disreputable shanties, and by four-thirty in the 
afternoon a fire had razed six more of the buildings. 

In 1860, Wentworth was elected to a second term as mayor. 
Two more fire engines were introduced, the "Liberty" and the 
"Economy," the watchwords of his career. During this term he 
succeeded in rubbing off the word "deficit" from the records of 
the city treasury and writing the word "surplus" in its stead. 
His most spectacular act in 1860 was that of bringing the Prince 
of Wales to Chicago. He made the trip to Montreal to assure 
the Duke of Newcastle that if the Prince visited Chicago, he would 
receive a royal welcome. Wentworth personally superintended 
all the arrangements, and the visit was avowedly a tremendous 
success. After the Prince's departure, Wentworth received a 
letter of thanks from the Duke of Newcastle, and also a pair of 
Southdown sheep for his farm in Summit. In later years, asked 
by a young friend if he did not feel proud to be seated beside a 
future king of England as they rode in a carriage drawn by four 
horses through the streets of Chicago, his characteristic reply was: 

I was not sitting beside the Prince. He sat beside me. 


I felt no undue elation and the acclamations of the crowd 
were intended for me as much as for him. You are a good 
American citizen, and as such and on this principle, I should 
take more pride in having you as a carriage companion than 
if Queen Victoria sat by my side and the King of England 
on my knee. 

At the close of his second term as mayor, Wentworth felt 
it was also time to bring to an end his long journalistic career. 
On July 24, 1861, he published in the final issue of the Democrat 
his farewell address to the patrons he had served for a quarter 
of a century. With the agreement that he would not publish a 
paper until after March 1, 1864, he sold to the Chicago Tribune 
his subscription lists, advertising, job work, and his patronage and 
good will. 

Chicago, however, continued to call upon the services of 
Long John. In 1861, he became a valuable member of the Board 
of Education, and during the next three years strongly opposed 
all extravagance, and resisted the attempts of the banks to avoid 
the payment of par money for the School Board deposits. He 
was the originator and staunch defender of the Dearborn School, 
the first brick schoolhouse ever built in Chicago. When it became 
necessary for Illinois to revise her state constitution, Wentworth 
was made a delegate to the convention. In 1863, he made a 
dramatic and effective police commissioner. In this capacity, 
his tact and judgment averted two serious uprisings. 

Aware that the speech of Clement L. Vallandigham, the 
antiwar Democrat, would arouse the anger of all Union men, he 
granted to him police protection; but when in turn the crowd 
called for Long John on the Courthouse Square, he prevented 
an interruption from the rebel sympathizers by reminding them 
of the courtesy their champion had received. He then broke into 
an impromptu speech, which, while adopting the sure-fire psy- 
chology of a Marc Antony, nevertheless contained a ringing 
challenge to the defenders of the Constitution. The following 
extract contains the political philosophy of Wentworth in regard 
to the Civil War: 


If we want peace then, let us conquer. If the South 
want peace, let them lay down their arms and cease war. 
Then will I be willing to deal with them justly and generously. 
Then will I try to forget the rivers of Northern blood they 
have shed in their unholy struggle for slavery. . . . But while 
an arm wields a sabre, while the Constitution is defied and 
the laws laughed to scorn, I will uphold the authority whose 
solemn oath was, that the Constitution should be preserved 
and the laws maintained. 

In that same year of 1864, Chicago was alarmed by the 
rumored uprising of the antiwar Democrats, known as the "Sons 
of Liberty." The plot to release 8,000 Confederate prisoners 
from Camp Douglas and to set fire to and pillage the city was 
disclosed in time, and with the assistance of Wentworth, Colonel 
Sweet was able to check the intended raid. 

In 1865, Wentworth defeated Cyrus H. McCormick for the 
Thirty-ninth Congress. Under President Andrew Johnson, he was 
Chairman of the Ways and Means Committee, and was an 
advocate of the immediate resumption of specie payment. This, 
his final term in Congress, marked the close of his active political 
life, except for one year, 1880, when he was made Vice-President 
of the Republican National Convention. 

Retirement from public life, however, did not mean in John 
Wentworth any decrease of interest in the city he had helped to 
build. Impressed by such estates as Mount Vernon and the 
Hermitage, and having a feeling in his own bones for the land, 
he had bought 4,700 acres at Summit, in Cook County, just 
fifteen miles from the Chicago Courthouse, on the banks of the 
Illinois and Michigan Canal, with a view to making it a refuge 
for his later years. But the activity and excitement of the city 
held too great a fascination, and the great stock farm remained 
unoccupied by its owner. Chicago, itself, was Wentworth's 
home. He knew no other. On November 13, 1844, Wentworth 
had married Roxanna Marie Loomis, the daughter of Riley 
Loomis, of Troy, New York. They, however, had never owned 
a home in Chicago. Always in delicate health, Mrs. Wentworth 


died in 1870. Of their five children, Roxanna was the only one 
who survived her father. 

The later years of his life were spent at the Sherman House, 
except for the months of July and August, when he vacationed 
at Fountain Spring House at Waukesha, Wisconsin. He was 
a strong advocate of hotel life, declaring that there was the only 
place where the liberty bell was to be found. These were his 
words : 

I never was one of your bell-livers. I never did and 
never will live on time. Got no use for call-bells, dinner- 
bells, or alarm clocks, and I believe they do more for the 
general slaying of health and killing of people than either 
gluttony or intemperance. Now, my doctrine is this, eat 
when you're hungry, drink when you're thirsty, sleep when 
you're sleepy, and get up when you're ready. 

Wentworth's manner of ordering his meals was original. 
The most desirably located table in the dining room was reserved 
for him. Though it had a seating capacity for five, it served 
Long John alone. Planning his menu in his room, he placed a 
cross before each dish that he desired, usually thirty-five to forty 
of them, and when he was ready to dine, he stalked into the 
dining room, expecting to find all the dishes on the table. Cold 
broth and melted ice cream did not matter; he insisted on every- 
thing being placed before him. If a desired dish was beyond his 
reach, he whirled the table around until it came within his radius. 
His favorite beverage was brandy, and his daily consumption 
from a pint to a quart. 

His interests and hobbies were many. In 1867, he received 
a degree of Doctor of Laws from Dartmouth College, and in 
1882-1883 he served as president of the Dartmouth Alumni Asso- 
ciation. His greatest literary work was a three-volume Wentworth 
Genealogy, published in 1878. The subject closest to his heart, 
however, was the work of the Chicago Historical Society. The 
great sorrow of his life was his loss of manuscripts and papers, 
including a complete file of the Democrat, in the Chicago fire. 


He made continuous efforts to collect information and anecdotes ; 
from the old settlers, in an attempt to reconstruct a picture of 
early Chicago for her future citizens. 

John Wentworth's devotion to Chicago was twofold; he loved 
it as an actor in its development, and as a historian, evaluating 
its position in time. In his address on Fort Dearborn, he said: 

Chicago has ever been noted for its sensations, and that 
is one of the reasons why I have never liked to leave it. You 
can not find any other place that has so many of them. Why 
travel about when there is so much of interest transpiring 
at home? 

The city quenched his thirst for drama and activity. His 
fundamental nature, however, responded to something deeper 
than mere excitement. A few lines from his Reminiscences of 
Early Chicago prove that: 

We often hear of different men who have done much for 
Chicago, by their writings, their speeches, or their enter- 
prise. But I have never heard of a man who has done more 
for Chicago than Chicago has done for him. God made Lake 
Michigan and the country to the west of it; and, when we 
come to estimate who have done the most for Chicago, the 
glory belongs first to the enterprising farmers who raised a 
surplus of produce and sent it here for shipment; and second, 
to the hardy sailors who braved the storms of our harborless 
lakes to carry it to market. All other classes were the inci- 
dents, and not the necessities, of our embryo city. Chicago 
is but the index of the prosperity of our agricultural classes. 

As his own life stretched out behind him, fifty years of which 
were coeval with the first half-century of Chicago's corporate 
history, Wentworth had glimmerings of what the future metropo- 
lis might be. Early in the fall of 1888, his health began to fail 
rapidly. The doctors could attribute the cause to nothing more 
definite than the general breaking down of the once powerful 
physique. Early on the morning of October 16, 1888, he died 
in his room at the Sherman House, surrounded by his family — his 
only daughter, Roxanna, his nephew, Moses J. Wentworth, his 


two brothers, Joseph and Samuel, and his sister, Mrs. Mary F. 

The body lay in state at the Sherman House, where hundreds 
of Chicago citizens came to pay final tribute. Following the 
funeral from the Second Presbyterian Church, on October 18, 
the remains were taken to Rosehill Cemetery. A granite shaft, 
fifty-five feet in height, marks the final resting place of the man 
whose life was so entwined with Chicago's growth — John Went- 
worth, the outstanding actor in the annals of that city. 



When I was asked to speak on the subject of Lorado Taft 
and his work, my mind reverted to a memorable day in the fall 
of 1922, when, in the Midway Studios in Chicago, I met the 
sculptor for the first time. I have often thought, since then, 
that I should like to give my impressions of Taft to the public, 
but in all probability I should never have done so had not the 
Illinois State Historical Society invited me to appear on this 

Previous to my entry into the happy life of the Midway 
Studios, under Lorado Taft's able guidance, I had just received 
a glimmering of an idea of what sculpture was all about. This 
happened in the library at Elgin, Illinois, where I usually went 
during the extra moments of my lunch hour while attending 
the high school. Among the volumes on the Chicago Columbian 
Exposition of 1893, I found the first brilliant evidence of this 
man's work. Later I was fascinated by illustrations of "The 
Fountain of Time" which accompanied an article by Delia 
Austrian in the International Studio Magazine for March, 1921. 
Later, as I became personally interested in sculpture and ite 
mysteries, my mother called my attention to an article in the 
American Magazine of April, 1922, by Neil M. Clark. This 
article, indirectly, gave me courage, later, to approach Mr. Taft 
in his famous studios. 

In the meantime, I had attempted, in a naive sort of way, 
to conquer the difficulties of modeling. I recall that one of 
my first attempts, in miniature form in clay, was that of a head 


of Lincoln. Following this came attempts, in the medium o* 
plastilina, at a rearing horse, and also a copy of a primitive man 
I saw pictured in some history book. Later, happy chance sent 
me, with my small collection, to the estate of Mrs. Nellie Fabyan 
at Geneva, Illinois, and under her interest I attempted a larger 
conception of a doughboy, with rifle and fixed bayonet in one 
hand, and a torch in the other. 

Just about this time I packed my suitcase and headed for 
Chicago, with the idea of finding work of some sort or another 
in this line. My first attempts were a failure. Unfortunately 
I approached a decorative plasterer, who was very considerate, 
but who had nothing for me to do. I have since recalled how 
very fortunate I was to have been refused work of this kind, 
for fate had a kinder surprise in store for me. 

I believe it was on my third trip into Chicago that I arrived 
at the Midway Studios. Conquering whatever timidity I felt, 
I opened the folding doors into this interesting combination home 
and studio. I had with me, of course, my suitcase, filled with 
plaster pieces which I had painstakingly worked out. Mr. Taft 
happened to be in one of the inner studios. I do not recall at 
the moment, whether he was at work, or whether he was just 
reviewing some of his work. At any rate, he was informed of 
my presence by his secretary, and I was introduced to him. 

I do not retain much of a first impression of the man, because 
I was too frightened to do more than open my grip and take out 
some of the plaster pieces. He looked them over with a twinkling 
eye, and the first few words which he spoke, and which I still 
remember, to the joyful recollection of my mother, were to the 
effect that a nude woman which I had copied at the Fabyan estate 
was a lady with a painful pose. I should like to have a picture 
of this figure, but perhaps it is as well that I have not. I was 
under the impression that Mr. Taft, although not impressed with 
my sculpture, realized that the same had taken a certain amount 
of patience. At least he went as far as to ask me if I was entering 
the profession for the money end of the same. As such an inquiry 


had been presented to me before, and as I was not particularly- 
interested in the practical application of the art, I immediately- 
answered to that effect. The result of this brief interview was 
an invitation to come and visit the Midway Studios for a week, 
and so to see how I should like the studio family, and how it 
would like me. 

It was a happy day, and I returned home joyfully to tell 
my family the news, and to pack my things and return as soon as 
I could, to take advantage of this kind offer. The Midway 
Studios, at this time, were located on Ellis Avenue, with the main 
entrance back from the street. The inner court was down four 
or five steps below the level of the street. After passing through 
the main portals, one descended these steps through another door 
to the main court, in the center of which there was a fish pond 
sunken below the surface of the concrete, and flanked on either 
end by miniature copies of "The Fish Boy." This pool was of 
some interest to me later, for several of the studio cats had great 
sport jumping for the gold fish, sometimes successfully. 

At the far end of this court was the heroic plaster model 
of "The Fountain of the Great Lakes," back of which, in a unique 
situation, was the studio kitchen. On either side of the court 
were groups from "The Thatcher Memorial Fountain" — Courage, 
Learning, and Love. On either side also were the main entrances 
into the various studios and adjoining rooms. It was in this 
court that I first met Lorado Taft. 

One of the first figures of sculpture to impress my memory- 
was in an adjoining studio, that of the heroic head of Labor, 
which adorns the "Alma Mater" group on the University of 
Illinois campus at Urbana. Mr. Taft caught me in the midst 
of my admiration of this piece. Some years later, when the 
group was being finished for bronze, I was asked to pose several 
times for this head. 

As I have stated, the article in the American Magazine by 
Neil M. Clark gave me one of my first written impressions of 
Lorado Taft and his works. Perhaps I should also add it gave 


me something of the man himself in visual form, for one of the 
plates or cuts photographed the sculptor beside one of the heroic 
groups, "The Fountain of Time." A tall man with gray hair 
and beard, wearing a long smock — he stood by this spirited 
work. I recall that I pondered much over the picture. What 
were those huge figures all about, and what kind of man could 
he be who could create them? Lorado Taft has been something 
of a mystery and an enigma to most people. He had many 
friends, but I believe that there were very few who comprehended 
the real depths of his imagination, from which sprang the wraith- 
like figures and fantasies of "The Fountain of Time" and "The 
Fountain of Creation," and the numerous other allegorical works 
in bronze and in marble. 

My stay in the Midway Studios lengthened from a week to 
a month, and then to nearly a year. If you can imagine your- 
self transformed into a place people call Heaven, that will give 
you some idea of how I felt. My dream had been realized. 
I was now working, not only amongst a happy group of people, 
but under a famous sculptor. I recall at this time that Lorado 
Taft was building up the first model for the work at Elmwood, 
Illinois, his home town. This was a pioneer group. 

In a very friendly manner he asked me to pose for one of 
the figures in this group. Thus my acquaintance with his broad 
way of working and of handling a situation developed. Later 
I was asked to carve a small wooden gun for this group. Mr. 
Taft was so well satisfied with my crude carving, that he asked 
me later to do the enlargement for the full-sized group of the 
same weapon. I can recall the very kindly way in which I was 
treated at this time. There were no commands or orders. If I 
desired to do a thing, I could do so of my own free will. In a 
very thoughtful manner, I was later given a pay envelope, much 
to my suprise, for I had saved a small amount for an emergency, 
and even stood willing to pay for such an opportunity. 

You can see, from this brief introduction, that my impressions 
of Lorado Taft were more in spirit form than in actual physical 



contact or memory. Most of you, no doubt, are acquainted with 
the early facts in Lorado Taft's life, beginning with his birth in 
Elmwood, Illinois, in 1860. In 1873, the Illinois Industrial 
University, now the University of Illinois, through the interest 
of its president, Doctor Gregory, and the professor of geology 
who was Lorado Taft's father, became interested in the subject 
of art, especially sculpture. I am now giving a brief resume of 
the above-mentioned article in the American Magazine entitled, 
"A Wonderful Thing Happened to This Boy." Doctor Gregory 
asked for a subscription for a proposed museum, for which Mr. 
Taft, the father of Lorado, contributed fifty dollars a year from 
his meager salary. A total of $3,000 was raised, with which 
Doctor Gregory went to Europe to buy copies of famous sculpture. 

When he returned with the shipment, many of the pieces 
were found to be badly broken. Young Taft's son was present 
at the time the boxes were opened, and watched his father and 
Doctor Gregory clumsily trying to fit the parts together. Finally 
he tried it himself, and did it very successfully. "I'm going to 
be a sculptor," he announced to them. 

Thus began the career of Lorado Taft when he was only 
thirteen. In 1879, he was graduated from the Illinois Industrial 
University with the best academic record ever made by a student 
there up to that time. Having an insufficient amount of money to 
study in Paris, where he longed to go, he stayed at the University 
and studied for his master's degree. By Commencement night 
in 1880, he had saved up $200, and with this and some more money 
which he borrowed from his father, he set out for Paris, where he 
entered the Ecole des Beaux Arts. 

Many were the hardships and limitations that he had to 
endure in Paris. I can hear him now, telling us how he and a 
friend used to accept with considerable pleasure the invitation of 
an elderly lady out for lunch. He must have cut his allowance 
down to the limit, for food as well as for other necessities, because 
he stated that his expenses at the end of the first year had been 
only $252. He remained in Paris for three years, and then, after 


a short visit at home, he went back for two more years. Return- 
ing to America, he settled in Chicago, where he managed to live 
by commission work and odd jobs, making numerous copies or stat- 
uettes of famous sculpture, and selling them to people who could 
not afford the originals. He tried competing his work, entering 
numerous designs into various competitions, but failed in all 
of them. 

He also told us, laughingly, that he made a few soldier's 
monuments, and was quite thankful afterwards that he did not 
sign them. He spoke one time of building up a soldier's figure 
for an old gentleman who asked him to do the commission; after 
the first contact, he was never seen again, thus leaving Mr. 
Taft with the work on hand and no one to pay for it. Those 
were trying days for him. I recall that he told us that at this 
time he hit upon the idea of making a full cast of a model, which 
could be done in several hours, thus saving the many hours it 
would take for the model to pose. This casting was quite con- 
venient, although he was somewhat criticized for using it. In 
the older Midway Studios we had many of these casts of legs 
and arms and other sections of the body, hung up in a certain 
part of the studio called the morgue. 

For a Hallowe'en prank one night several of the boys and 
myself took a cast of a leg and placed it in the entry of one of the 
stores in such a manner that the leg protruded. We stepped 
back from the entry, waiting to see the impression it would have 
on our first victim when he sighted the grotesque object. Much 
to our delight, a man who was somewhat intoxicated came along 
and seeing the leg, veered out to the outer rim of the sidewalk, 
until apparently he grasped the idea that it was just a joke. 

This first experiment of Mr. Taft's to save money and the 
patience of a model rested for many years in the basement of 
the Midway Studios, where I saw it often. It was cast in a posi- 
tion of despair. I believe it was the figure that he was working 
on one day when he received a visit from the Director of the Art 
Institute of Chicago. At this time his funds were characteris- 


tically low, but he refused to give this impression to the Director 
until at last he was obliged to confess that things were not going 
so well. 

The Director asked him if he would like to teach at the Art 
Institute. He accepted, and this was a position which he held 
for many years, first as an instructor and afterwards as a lecturer. 
In later years he saw a great deal of the United States, as well 
as Europe, while lecturing. It was my good fortune to be one 
of his last assistants on the demonstrative clay talk which he 
gave; he told me that he had given this lecture over a thousand 
times, visiting practically every state in the Union. During the 
years 1928-1929, lecturing twice a day, we gave talks before 
more than forty different schools in the city of Chicago alone. 

Mr. Taft's first real opportunity came with the World's 
Columbian Exposition. This was in the building of two large 
groups, flanking the entrance of the Horticultural Building. One 
was called "The Sleep of the Flowers," and the other "The 
Awakening of the Flowers." I can still remember one of the 
small models as it stood in the entry of the Midway Studios 
when I first arrived. Following that, contributions were made 
for the exhibitions at St. Louis — two groups with outstanding 
figures representing "The Mountain" and"The Prairie." 

In the meantime, other works developed. One of these, 
which he told us happened more or less by chance, was the heroic 
group entitled "The Solitude of the Soul." This very beautiful 
group, which has stood many years in the Art Institute, depicts 
four figures, two male and two female, weaving their way in 
and out of the central core of the marble. Groping through 
eternity, they find each other's hands; thus we find, here and 
there along the pathways of life, our many or few friends. The 
next work was the design for "The Fountain of the Great Lakes." 
The model for this group was built up by pupils of his in the Art 
Institute. In fact, several years after I met Lorado Taft, I 
worked for one of these men. My understanding of the event 
was that each one of the best students was honored by the op- 


^ ^ 

1 • j 


: gg 


portunity to do one of these figures, thus lending an application 
of his studies to practical work. 

One instance of heroism in this work was displayed by Lorado 
Taft. Someone had built up the armature or interior structure 
for the heroic figures in such a way that a certain point was 
weak. With many tons of clay thrown upon the work it began 
to sag, and would have fallen had not Mr. Taft stepped into 
the breach, placed his shoulder under the terrible weight, and 
held it up until someone, by means of a bit of engineering, released 
the weight from that section of the work. Only a sculptor can 
realize what it would mean, after many weeks of modeling, to 
have one's work come tumbling down. But Mr. Taft saved the 
day. I can imagine how the workmen who built up this struc- 
ture must have felt at that moment. Later I witnessed the dis- 
astrous effects of a poorly constructed armature, from which 
many pounds of clay fell every other day, much to the modeler's 
disgust and Taft's expense. 

The design of "The Fountain of the Great Lakes" is very 
beautiful. It contains the figures of five nymphs grouped on 
a pyramid of rocks, and pouring water from shells. At the 
summit is the nymph of Lake Superior, who pours water into 
the shells of Michigan and Huron below her, who in turn send 
their streams to Erie and Ontario at the base, whence the flow 
goes to meet the waters of the sea. 

This group was erected by the Ferguson Fund, and now 
stands, in bronze, on the north side of the Art Institute. I can 
recall many happy hours spent in the older Midway Studios 
beneath the model of this group, where the cook, whom we teased 
for pastry, or whose pantry we "poached" in the later hours of 
the day, had her wee, small kitchenette. Elizabeth was a good- 
matured soul, and her cooking was excellent. I have forgotten 
to tell you of our noon-day lunches, in which each person in the 
studios participated at one long banquet table in one of the side 
studios, with Lorado Taft presiding. This was a rather painful 
occasion for me the first few times, as I was rather shy and not 


used to meeting so many people at once; but later, when I became 
acquainted, I enjoyed these occasions very much. During the 
latter part of my stay at the studios, it was my pride to take 
Mr. Taft's place at the head when he was out on a lecture tour. 
Sometimes there were as many as twenty-five or thirty people 
at this table; some of them were visitors of note, some were 
friends of the Taft family, and others our own personal ac- 

The boys and myself, that is Mr. Taft's students and assistants, 
lived across the alley from the main studio in what we called 
the Monastery. The girls, or women folks, inhabited a part of 
the main studio called the Nunnery. A bridge was constructed 
across the alley from the Monastery to the main studio. This 
formed a sort of sleeping porch, where I spent some of my time. 

Following the completion of "The Fountain of the Great 
Lakes," came the group of "The Blind." This group has never 
been cast in permanent form, and still stands in the dark room 
in the Midway Studios, in plaster form. I do hope that at some 
time some individual, or group of people, will be inspired to 
bring this group out into the light, in bronze or in stone, and 
place it in some suitable surroundings where one can peacefully 
contemplate his thought and be inspired by this work as Taft 
was inspired to make it from Maeterlinck's great drama. Mr. 
Taft stated: 

After I had read the play, that wonderful tragedy whose 
symbolism expressed the great longing of all humanity for 
light in life, the group shaped itself in my dreams. It 
refused to vanish, and as it exhibited the concentration of 
a powerful emotion within the canons of sculptural compo- 
sition, I made a small model to see how it would appear in 
the clay. 

In the Maeterlinck drama, a company of the blind, old and 
young, men and women, sane and mad, are gathered in an asylum 
upon an island, watched over by nuns and an ancient priest. 
The latter takes his sightless wards to walk in the forest, and 

The Pioneers, Elmwood 


becoming weary (for he is very old), he seats the men on one 
side and the women on the other. Placing himself near them, 
he falls into eternal sleep. As the night comes on, members of 
the forlorn company question one another in a trivial manner, 
just as men so often deal with the problems of life. As the night 
grows chill and the snow begins to fall, the blind rise, and groping 
toward one another find the leader among them cold in death. 
The cries of the infant in the arms of the young blind mad woman 
awaken them to hope. They remember that the child cries 
when it sees the light, and the young mother, whom they call 
beautiful, exclaims: "It sees! It sees! It must see something, 
it is crying!" And grasping the child in her arms she pushes 
before the anxious ones seeking relief, and holds it aloft above 
their heads, that it may give token when help is near. Mr. 
Taft stated: 

It does not point to the hopeless note of Maeterlinck at 
the close. The hope that a little child shall lead them is one 
that all gladly accept as it keeps alive the light of faith that 
the race renews itself in young. It was a greatly absorbing 
creation. I felt for them, I experienced the deepest emotion 
while modelling the faces of the blind. The pathos of the 
helpless individual in the posture of the figures, the hands 
reaching upward into empty air, appealing to the great 
God above for guidance. 

Following the group of "The Blind," came "Governor Ogles- 
by," "General Logan" (Public Library, Chicago), then the 
colossal statue of "Washington" (University of Washington, 
Seattle). I do hope that at some time they will raise this figure 
upon an appropriate pedestal, for it is a grand conception of that 
broad-minded individual. I often saw this heroic conception of 
the father of our country while a student at the University of 

Mr. Taft remained in the Art Institute as an instructor and 
lecturer from 1886 to 1907. He was a lecturer in the University 
Extension Department of the University of Chicago from 1892 
to 1902, and a non-resident professor of art at the University 


of Illinois from 1919 until the time of his death. In 1903 he 
published The History of American Sculpture. Of this book, 
the Chicago Evening Post said: "[It is] a story of the deepest 
significance to American art, and one which as told by Mr. Taft 
is of fascinating interest." 

The next two pieces he conceived were "The Funeral Pro- 
cession" and "A Scene in the Temple." I should have stated 
that according to lists of Taft's works, "Black Hawk," the colossal 
concrete Indian statue for Oregon, Illinois, came after the pur- 
chase of "The Solitude of the Soul" by friends of American art 
in 1911. Following this, and previous to the completion in 
bronze of "The Fountain of the Great Lakes," came also the 
"Columbus Memorial Fountain" for Washington, D. C, in 

Most of you, no doubt, are familiar with the "Black Hawk" 
statue, or have heard something about it. While planning this , 
speech I received a telephone call from Mr. John Persuhn, 
superintendent of the erection of the heroic fifty-foot figure in 
its present location, under the direction of Lorado Taft. The 
following day, April 18, we visited the site of the statue and 
took some moving pictures, which I am going to show you at 
the end of this talk. 

When I first visited the site of the "Black Hawk" statue, 
I was much impressed, not only with the majesty of the figure 
but with its location, high up on the bluffs of the Rock River, 
miles of beautiful Illinois scenery extending far to the west of 
it. A number of years ago while Mr. Taft was watching work- 
men build a reinforced concrete chimney at the Chicago Art 
Institute, the thought occurred to him of the possibilities of 
making a heroic statue with the same material. With this pro- 
cess in mind, a subject plausible for such material presented 
itself. For a number of years he had had a summer home and 
studio at Eagle's Nest, Oregon, Illinois, the summer place for 
the Chicago art colonies. Standing for the hundredth time at 
the highest point on the cliff, he remembered that it was here 

Black Hawk, Oregon 


that Black Hawk was finally driven out of Illinois, so he decided 
to immortalize this famous Indian chief. 

One who knows the story of Black Hawk's last stand and 
who has viewed from this site the vast lands of Illinois territory 
which thi6 Indian chief and his tribe had to give up, can realize 
the significance of Lorado Taft's heroic figure. The statue is 
immensely conceived and broadly treated, with the heavy folds 
of the garment surrounding the figure suggesting the anatomy 
beneath it without closely following its lines. With folded arms 
the Indian stands, head erect, the dignity, the stoicism, and the 
bitterness of the vanquished race in his face as he gazes across the 
river — a fitting memorial to a race that has passed from power. 

This heroic statue was a gift of the sculptor to the people 
of Illinois, the expenses for it, it has been my understanding, 
having been raised by Mr. Taft through some of the first of his 
illustrated lectures or clay talks, of which the American public 
seemed so fond. The statue was unveiled in July, 1911. 

While I was in Washington, D. C. in 1935, at work on the 
passing of our Elgin Pioneer Memorial coinage issue, I saw for 
the first time the "Columbus Memorial Fountain," standing 
before the Union Depot of that city. It was my first trip to 
Washington, and I was viewing the sights from the so-called 
"rubber-neck" or excursion bus. On the occasion of this brief 
glimpse of the fountain, among all of the other interesting and 
beautiful features of our capital, I was much impressed. Later 
I had a chance to view it more closely. Its design is charac- 
teristic of the sculptor's broad treatment of stone and bronze. 
As the story goes, it was one of his successful competitive pieces 
in later life. An assistant of his at the time, who is now quite 
a prominent sculptor at the Midway Studios, told me some- 
thing of this work in its model form. She revealed to me that 
Mr. Taft was much discouraged about his model for the compe- 
tition, but, as it happened, she had learned through influential 
sources that the committee was in favor of giving the commission 
to a midwestern sculptor. Naturally, this would be Lorado 


Taft. So, as she stated, she kept him at the small model, working 
with him on it under his instruction, late at night, until the 
model was completed and ready for submission to the Wash- 
ington Committee. 

The design, of course, was accepted, and today we have in 
the heart of our capital city this most significant fountain. The 
principal feature of the fountain is a stone shaft about forty-five 
feet high, surmounted by a globe of the world. It forms the 
background for Columbus, who is represented as standing on the 
prow of a vessel, with arms folded, in an attitude of meditation. 
The figure is treated with grandiose dignity, throwing about it 
a great cloak, after the fashion of the discoverer's day. 

Just below the statue of Columbus is the figurehead of a 
ship, a beautiful female figure of ample form and dignity, typi- 
fying the spirit of discovery. Below is the basin of the fountain 
with its abundant flow of water. On either side of the stone 
shaft are massive figures portraying the new and old worlds. 
The sculptor portrays the New World as represented by the 
figure of an American Indian, reaching over his shoulder for an 
arrow from a quiver. The Old World is represented by a figure 
of a patriarchal Caucasian of heroic mold and thoughtful mien. 
There is more to the composition of this design, but you must 
go to Washington yourselves sometime to see it. I spent many 
thoughtful and inspiring moments there under the two enormous 
lions which occupy the ends of the palisade. 

About the time that I entered the Midway Studios, the model 
for "The Fountain of Time" had been standing just opposite 
from where the original is now. It was about this time that the 
Robert Early process of casting in concrete with a granite chip 
finish was brought before the public. The matter of completing 
"The Fountain of Time" in permanent form was then much under 
discussion. Robert Early, I recall, had several samples of this 
casting process made up for Mr. Taft and on exhibit in the 
studios. I also recall that a casting or piece mold had already 
been made from the plaster form of the fountain. For this 

Alma Mater Group, Urbaxa 


reason it was no longer necessary to allow the plaster models 
to remain out on the Midway under destroying conditions of 
the weather, where they had been for several years. So Mr. 
Taft set three or four of us to work taking down the models — 
that is cutting them up in pieces and storing them away in the 
alley behind the studios, under shelter. It is interesting for me 
to recall this time, as I had ample opportunity to study the 
great models, even though we were more or less in the process 
of the destruction of them. The opposite side of the Midway 
was, of course, to hold within a few months, the duplicate in the 
finished concrete, as done by Robert Early. 

Most of you know the lines from which the inspiration for this 
great fountain was conceived. They are from the poem by Austin 

Time goes, you say? Ah, no! 

Alas, time stays; we go! 

Mr. Taft said: 

These words brought before me a picture which speedily 
transformed fancy into a colossal work of sculpture. I saw 
the mighty crag-like figure of Time, mantled like one of 
Sargent's prophets, leaning upon his staff, his chin upon his 
hands, and watching with a cynical, inscrutable gaze, the 
endless march of humanity — in a majestic relief in marble, 
I saw it swinging in a wide circle around the form of the 
one sentinel and made up of the shapes of hurrying men 
and women and children in endless procession, ever impelled 
by the winds of destiny in the inexorable lock-step of the 
ages — theirs the fateful onward movement which has not 
ceased since time began. But in that crowded concourse, 
how few detach themselves from the grayness of the dusky 
caravan; how few there are who even lift their heads. Here 
an overtaxed body falls, and a place is vacant for a moment; 
there a strong man turns to the silent shrouded reviewer, 
and with lifted arms, utters the cry of the old-time gladia- 
tors — "Hail Caesar! We who go to our death salute thee!" 
— and presses forward. 

Those of you who go to Chicago should make a point of 
going out on the Midway to see for yourselves this great group. 


It is my personal regret that this famous sculpture could not 
have been carved into stone or cast in bronze, but as Mr. Taft 
said, it would have taken many more thousands of dollars and 
hard work to complete it in that material. The fountain, as it 
stands today, is quite impressive. I should like to see the South 
Park Board give it some night-lighting treatment. That would 
make it extremely effective during the evening hours to the 
thousands of motorists who are continually passing this attractive 
spot in Washington Park just off the Midway. If you are by 
chance driving there you will know what I mean. 

The erection of the fountain was sponsored by the Ferguson 
Fund of the Art Institute, which fund, I understand, was aided 
materially by Lorado Taft's lectures and educational work in art. 
The fountain is about 112 feet in length and contains over 100 
figures. Instead of signing this fountain, as is customary, Lorado 
Taft modeled among the figures in the rear, his own portrait, 
marching among the throng, with his hands behind his back, 
and his head bowed in thought. Behind comes Jellsomeno, his 
janitor, bent beneath the burden which is borne on his back. 

Lorado Taft had a beautiful dream idea for the Midway 
Plaisance; this land became famous during the World's Co- 
lumbian Exposition, under its landscape architect, Frederick 
Law Olmstead, who so named it. This was the same Mr. Olm- 
stead who designed Central Park, New York. This proposed 
plan of Mr. Taft's consisted principally of three monumental 
bridges across the Midway, which at one time contained a canal 
running through its center. These bridges were to be ideals of 
grace and beauty. One was to be the bridge of Sciences, one 
of the Arts, and one of the Religions. They, as well as the walks 
of the Midway, were to be decorated with statues of the world's 
great idealists. I won't attempt to name them as the list is 
long. The other end of the Midway was planned for an ac- 
companying fountain to "The Fountain of Time." This other 
fountain was to be called "The Fountain of Creation." Separate 
groups of this are still in the Midway. Some of them have been 

Abraham Lincoln, Urbana 


carved in sandstone. I have been fortunate enough to record some 
with my camera. 

I should like to tell you more of Mr. Taft's work — of the 
"Shaler Memorial Angel" for Waupun, Wisconsin, completed in 
1923; of the "Foot Memorial" for Jackson, Michigan; of the 
"Lincoln" for Urbana; of "The Pioneers" for Elmwood; of the 
important "Alma Mater" group for the University of Illinois; 
and many other examples of Mr. Taft's inspirational sculpture. 
I should like to go into some detail as to the "peep shows" he 
made of the famous sculptors of the past, and to tell something 
of his dream museum. But my time is drawing to a close. I 
should like also to tell you of the good times we had in the 
Midway Studios, of the parties and plays, and the bits of pag- 
eantry with which Mr. Taft delighted in entertaining his guests. 

Lorado Taft died on October 30, 1936, and with his passing 
the world lost one of its great men. My last visit to Lorado 
Taft's studios was while he was at work on a relief of Lincoln 
for Quincy, Illinois. I had brought to him, for approval, my coin 
design for the Pioneer Memorial Half-Dollar. Mrs. Taft was 
in the studios at the time, and I remember with joy the interest 
that this great man and his wife took in my work. 

My last letter from Lorado Taft was received while I was 
in the East, just after the occasion of the passing of our coinage 
bill and its signing by President Roosevelt. I had written to 
Taft of its passage, and thanked him in turn for a letter of 
introduction to one of our senators, which, no doubt, was 
instrumental in its passage. Here is the message I received: 

The Midway Studios 
6016 Ingleside Ave. 
Chicago, Illinois 
June 27, 1936 
Dear Trygve: 

Good for you, Tryg! You do not know when you are licked! 
I wish I could look back upon anything so brave in my career. 

Faithfully yours, 

Lorado Taft. 



The Mississippi River is a variable experience, depending on 
the manner in which it is approached. The traveler by train or by 
automobile crosses it by a bridge far above the water and catches 
a glimpse of only a limited expanse. The scene is complete in itself, 
no doubt. But it gives no impression of the totality, no feeling of 
the size and power of the river. A different experience awaits one 
who stands on the bank at water level; or one who sails out upon 
the current in a boat either great or small; or one who emerges 
from a tributary into the wide reaches of the main stream. 

The extent to which, amid these variations of contact, there 
may be an experience of artistic value to the individual is a specula- 
tive problem which is difficult to answer. Explorers, pioneers and 
early settlers along the banks of the Mississippi may conceivably 
have felt its natural beauty in a restricted view or may have been 
awed by a realization of the sublimity inherent in a vast phenome- 
non of Nature. The fact that beauty and awe may unconsciously 
exert their proper stimuli on the emotions of men may not be over- 
looked nor denied. It may not be denied that many perceptions 
of beauty never come to expression. We are now, however, de- 
pendent on such evidence in verse or in sketch as may be as- 
sembled, to estimate the artistic value of the river for the pioneers 
and early settlers in the immediate vicinity of the great river. 

Any assumption that the Mississippi River should, by some 
inherent power, or by like disposition of individual character, evoke 
artistic expression will be upset by results in the case of verse in- 


spired by the river; and only moderately confirmed by rather more 
positive results in the field of pictorial art. These two phases of 
the theme must be dealt with separately, and with recognition of 
the fact that those Europeans who first explored the Mississippi 
were not engaged in a quest for beauty; and those who first built 
towns on its banks were primarily concerned with the means for 
securing mere existence. 

The early explorer in the valley of the Mississippi came, un- 
doubtedly, with an imagination fired by zeal in a great adventure: 
his objective was ease in economic relations, political power, or im- 
perialistic grandeur, or some such temporal achievement. In the 
background of his mind there may have lurked memories of fairy 
tales concerning talismans and lost hordes of treasure; and in some 
cases we might be able to adduce the evidence. But certainly the 
exercise of the creative imagination in art would be quite foreign 
to his moods when engaged in exploration. There was, indeed, 
some feeling for the natural conditions of the prairie and the 
wooded banks of the river; some might see in the Mississippi Valley 
a paradise for the unspoiled child of Nature. Others might sense 
the opportunity for the metamorphic power of love and religion to 
raise the native to a higher level of civilization. These, and other 
great aims, depending on the times, and on the conditions whence 
the explorers came, must have predisposed them to a fairly fixed 
attitude toward Nature in this region. 

We find an occasional adjective, in the written works of the 
original explorers, used with something more than rhetorical force. 
Father Marquette describes some things as grand or fine; La Salle 
had the size and beauty of the river which he had not yet seen 
described for him; and Hennepin refers to the Mississippi Valley 
as "the delight of America" and "nothing like it in the world." 
What we may infer from such references, however far extended, 
must be clarified by the reasons why the scenic value of Nature 
did not inspire them much further. Explorers coming from Europe 
in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries would understand 
Nature when conventionalized; they would appreciate wild Nature 


as an abstract idea but they would hardly see artistic value in the 
vast, untamed reaches of river, prairie, or forest. 

If the early explorer was able to see a vision of future empire in 
terms of Paris ruled over by a benign emperor, we may deduce that 
whatever was grand or fine in the scene had a large admixture of 
civilized resources. The scene had possibilities in spite of the tribu- 
lation of actual exploration; in spite of marshy stretches along the 
margins; in spite of nostalgia and illness. It is perhaps for just 
this reason that a legend of the West became more influential than 
any perception of natural beauty could be. 

Pioneer civilization in the Mississippi Valley had to combat 
conditions which were recalcitrant and impervious to the artistic 
imagination. Travelers from the old world to the new, and es- 
pecially those who, like Mrs. Trollope, penetrated to the West, 
deprecated the lack of softening and refining influences in this 
region: the lack of books, music, and similar expressions of the 
spiritual life. Not forgetting that Cincinnati, New Harmony, or 
St. Louis had these things in limited measure, Mrs. Trollope's re- 
mark about the ubiquitous newspaper had a large element of truth, 
no doubt. Pioneers were more likely to read newspapers than 
poetry: but that is still true. The literary development of the 
West has been told by Rusk and others and need not be repeated 
here. The one point that commands attention in this story of 
literary development in the Mississippi Valley is that pioneer days 
developed an era of oratory — an era that has faded away within 
our own memory. To recognize that the pioneers lived in an age 
of oratory is but to give the contemporary political structure of 
life its due emphasis. 

The labor of clearing the soil, like that of pioneering in general, 
requires a type of mind, a physical vigor, and other qualities in 
keeping. It certainly could not be true that the early settlers were 
all of a rough and tumble type, both physically and mentally. At 
the same time, the testimony of such a man as Peter Cartwright, 
in his Autobiography , might lead one to infer that life was a battle 
with the rowdy and the trouble-maker. Peter Cartwright, a 


preacher, was able to hold his own amid the lawless and turbulent 
elements of pioneer society; but whether the artistic soul was 
equally successful is another question. Conditions demanding a 
definite type of character for successfully meeting life in general 
are found in the case of boatmen and coureurs de bois. They indeed 
had their songs, of which some examples have been cited by Hall. 
But we know too little about this subject to speak in general terms. 

Specific cases of literary production, when we can cite them, 
stand out as sporadic examples. One such case is the "Chanson de 
VAnnee du Coup" the famous song of Jean-Baptiste Trudeau in 
the year 1780. It was written in French; and, as so often happens, 
stands at the beginning of a national literature in a language other 
than that which finally prevails. The story of this song belongs to 
the colonial history of St. Louis; and you may take its prophetic 
value for whatever it is worth. Two other omens of literary de- 
velopment in the Mississippi Valley are startling but equally lack- 
ing in subsequent results. 

John Keats, the poet, writing to his brother George in America, 
prophesied that the child of his brother, as yet unborn, would be 
the bard of the western world. That prophecy may be read in the 
poem beginning: " 'Tis the witching hour of night." The story of 
George Keats in America has not been completely told, I think; 
but it is at least correct to say that no fulfillment of the prophecy 
occurred. The male issue of George Keats is extinct, and the bard 
of the western world will not, perhaps, bear the name of Keats. 

The second prophetic example is the proposed literary asso- 
ciation of Edgar Allan Poe with E. H. N. Patterson at Oquawka. 
The proposal was abortive by reason of the untimely death of the 
former. This is not the place to tell that story; but the promise 
that, by their projected partnership in a literary journal, Oquawka 
might have become a great literary center, is a pleasant topic for 
speculation. The Oquawka Spectator, under Patterson's editorship, 
provides us with a fairly clear picture of what journalism could be 
on the banks of the Mississippi. And because its pages contain 
contributions in verse by local writers, some idea of the literary 


level of the region is provided. A glance through its pages will turn 
up a number of poems inspired by the river. Some candidate for 
a doctor's degree might find a thesis in so doing. In the course of 
a desultory search, I find a homesick cry from New Iberia, Louisi- 
ana, where even the majestic steamers do not relieve the uncon- 
genial shores. In the issue for March 9, 1848, the ever-flowing 
river suggests pride and exaltation in freedom. On May 17, 
1848, a poem appears in which Neptune asks the Mississippi 
why his waters are so muddy. The answer involves Miss Missouri 
and Miss Ohio in a somewhat bigamous relation; or, at best, in 
a confused poetic figure. Several examples could be cited in 
further illustration. 

One more oddity may be noted. Charles Mead published in 
Philadelphia in 1819, Mississippian Scenery; A Poem, Descriptive of 
the Interior of North-America. The book called forth a notice 
in the North American Review for January, 1820, in which the re- 
viewer said: "[It is] a production altogether without merit. . . 
which has no other claim to protection than that of insignifi- 
cance." I wish he had not been so frank; or at least not so harsh. 
The book has no value as poetry, it is true; but it has the value 
of showing, by a modern voice, what some of the early explorers 
may have dreamed. I find nothing of the author or the book 
in the bibliographies and hence we must take it as it stands. 

The difficulty which versifiers found in using the river as ma- 
terial is a rhetorical one, in the main. No fundamental image 
which brings the river as a whole to the mind of the reader is 
any more real and perceptual than is the actual experience of the 
object itself. Since one must acquire an idea of the object piece- 
meal or by a succession of experiences, the immensity of the 
Mississippi is a difficult concept. The same is pretty largely 
true of any other quality. One local poet likened the river to 
"some great thought Omnipotence has awakened in its depths" 
and so on. Such similes are really beyond the scope of fancy. 

Longfellow's solution of the difficulty facing the poet of 
Nature seems to me satisfactory and final. In his Kavanagh, 


Longfellow embodies a piece of literary criticism in an interview 
between Mr. Churchill and Mr. Hathaway, the latter demanding 
a national literature commensurate with Niagara Falls — some- 
thing stupendous. "We want a national epic," Mr. Hathaway 
demands, "that . . . shall be to all other epics what Banvard's 
Panorama of the Mississippi is to all other paintings." Mr. 
Churchill holds his fire until the end and answers: "A man 
will not necessarily be a great poet because he lives near a great 
mountain. Nor, being a poet, will he necessarily write better 
poems than another because he lives near Niagara." If this 
principle has any merit, we may infer that the Mississippi River 
would not necessarily create poets, nor inspire poets; and the 
extent to which it would do either, on occasion, would depend 
not so much on the direct influence of Nature on man, as on the 
revelation which takes place in the spirit of man in reaction to 
Nature. For, as Mr. Churchill says later: "Literature is rather 
an image of the spiritual world, than of the physical." 1 

Relatively little can be said in words, then, of the grandeur 
of Nature: verbal description fails to interpret adequately except 
when employed by the highest art; and persons endowed with 
the highest art certainly were not prevalent in the western world 
at large. Nature can, however, be drawn with the pencil or 
painted with the brush of the pictorial artist. This is exactly 
what happened not only in the Mississippi Valley, but also in 
other parts of the country during the first half of the nineteenth 
century. The bibliography of illustrated travel books is enor- 
mous; and it indicates a widespread attempt to visualize, for the 
public, the glories of natural scenery and man's habitations in 
the midst thereof. As towns developed along the rivers, and 
steamships made travel even easy and comfortable, albeit at 
times extremely dangerous, attempts to show the growth of the 
country by picture developed amazingly. The human element, 
man and his works, gave needed inspiration to the pictorial 

1 Kavanagh, Drift-Wood {The Prose Works of Henry Wadsworth Longfellow. 
Ill, rev. ed., Boston, 1866), 115-16. 


draughtsman; and the duplication by the lithographer and en- 
graver made publication possible. Mere natural scenery of cliff 
and lake, island and river, was not neglected either. The artistry 
displayed is also of great range: some crude, and some of great 
excellence. Some work is highly individualized and expresses the , 
interpretative power of the artist; other work, transformed by the 
lithographer or engraver, tends to become conventionalized in 
the technique of mechanical reproduction. 

As an example of the crude but vivid illustration of the river, 
I refer to Lloyd's Steamboat Directory, 2 wherein wood engravings 
of New Orleans, Cairo, and St. Louis will be found. The glory 
of the book, however, is the series of cuts picturing explosions, 
sinkings, capsizings and burnings of steamships. Explosions are I 
most satisfactory and complete; but undoubtedly the lugubrious I 
tone of all of them rightly interprets the horror of disaster. The I 
pictorial value of the river receives kinder treatment in the litho- 
graphs of Currier and Ives, several of which attempt to capture 
the color, sentiment and activity of life on the main current or I 
on the bank. The steamboat race gives the artist his chance ; 
in dramatic force; and the views of steamboats, while not ac- i 
curate in detail, express the human interest in the stately design | 
of these craft. It is needless to cite examples: they must be seen. I 

The work of two men, Bodmer and Lesueur, goes further in i 
illustrating the Mississippi, for they are artists in their own 
right. Charles Alexandre Lesueur (1778-1846) spent some years 
in America between 1816 and 1837. His drawings, made during I 
that time, constitute some important early documents so far as j 
the history of the lower Mississippi settlements is concerned. 
He was a draughtsman with the minute and accurate technique I 
of the engraver, but more economical of line and more selective 
of detail. Charles Bodmer accompanied Maximillian, Prince of 

1 James T. Lloyd, Lloyd's Steamboat Directory, and Disasters on the Western 
Waters, Containing the History of the First Application of Steam, as a Motive 
Power: the Lives of John Fitch and Robert Fulton, Likenesses tff Engravings of 
their First Steamboats. Early Scenes on the Western Waters, from 1798 to 1812. ... 
(Cincinnati, 1856). 


Wied, in the years 1832-1834 on his expedition through the 
upper Missouri Valley. From the sketches made by Bodmer as 
the official artist of the expedition, some eighty large engravings 
were published. Little of the work of Bodmer on this expedition 
is strictly pertinent to the Mississippi; but he did make a number 
of drawings of Mississippi scenery (such as that of Tower Rock) 
which have pictorial value. It is difficult to evaluate the work 
of an artist when it can be seen only through the medium of the 
engraved copy. In this respect, some of Bodmer' s work gives 
the impression of being "over-exposed" to the engraver's tools. 
Some of his plates, on the other hand, approach the delicacy 
of Lesueur. I offer such judgments as these solely as attempts 
to relate these pictorial documents to the actuality of river 
scenery: they are not intended as critical dicta. I have, never- 
theless, a predilection for the substantial truth of their work. 
Both lived for a time at New Harmony, Indiana; and both ac- 
tually saw the Mississippi as it was a hundred years ago. 

The era of the panoramas followed that of the expeditionary 
artists. I wish the works of Banvard, or of Lewis, if indeed 
they are still extant, could be recovered. In the storeroom of 
some museum, fragments of these panoramas or of some others 
may yet be turned up. Since the subject has so recently been 
covered by Bertha L. Heilbron in her account of motion picture 
making in 1848, 3 I have no need to enter into detail here. At 
present the nearest we can come to a recovery of the work of 
either is the series of lithographs made for Lewis: Das Illus- 
trirte Mississippithal, first published in Dusseldorf (1857), and 
reprinted in Leipzig-Firenze (1923). 

We must conclude, then, that the Mississippi River did not 
inspire the pioneers to any great literary heights, since only 
scattered examples of such production can be found, but it does 
seem to have been a source of inspiration to a number of artists. 
Many an expedition into this great valley included among its 

8 Bertha L. Heilbron, "Making a Motion Picture in 1848: Henry Lewis on 
the Upper Mississippi," Minnesota History, Vol. 17, No. 2 (June, 1936), 131-49. 
On Banvard's panorama, see also post, 184. 


members, one who recorded the scenery of the region in pictorial 
form. We know, too, that there were some great panoramas 
painted of this region, portraying on vast stretches of canvas 
the succession of scenes to be found along the Mississippi River. 
It is to be regretted that these great panoramic works have dis- 
appeared, but fortunately, due to the work of lithographer and 
engraver, many of the above-mentioned sketches of the nine- 
teenth century artists are available to us today. 4 

4 At the conclusion of the address, the Society was invited to view exhibit* 
of material illustrating the pictorial art of the Mississippi River. The main 
exhibit was made possible by the courtesy of Edward Caldwell of New York and 
consisted of a series of engravings arranged, in part, as a panorama of the river 
from Dubuque to New Orleans; the maps provided a cartographic history of the 
development of Illinois; and the portfolios of engravings by Bodmer and the 
drawings of Lesueur were on display in the Library of Knox College. The 
Currier and Ives lithographs were drawn from the Preston Player Collection, 
and the books on exhibit were from the Finley Collection founded by Edward 


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Possibility of using the history of a small town, a small com- 
munity, or a particular locality as a field for research has, until 
very recently, either been overlooked or neglected by all but a 
few historians. History departments of most universities and 
high schools have seldom suggested such local history as a proper 
field of research for the thesis or term-paper writer. The 
broader fields have always seemed preferable despite the diffi- 
culties and expenses involved in gathering material from sources 
which are likely to be widely separated. 

As a result of this tendency the student of history has found 
the reference books and secondary materials of libraries his most 
promising field of research, rather than the fresher and infinitely 
more interesting sources which lie around and about him that 
have been hitherto untouched. This condition has existed, ap- 
parently, because students and teachers have failed to realize the 
possibilities, advantages, and actual values which accrue from a 
study of purely local history. They have been unaware of the 
vast amounts of material which are available for such a study 
and have failed to consider the possibility of doing valuable 
and comprehensive research on a subject which is strictly limited 
in its scope to one small locality or area. 

Once one attempts to write the history of a locality, he dis- 
covers that both a quantity and variety of sources are available 
to him. The quantity is entirely sufficient to enable him to make 
a complete and comprehensive history, and the variety is as 
great as will be encountered in the study of a much broader 


subject. These sources may be rather roughly divided into two 
groups: the printed and public sources, and those which are 
more personal in their aspects. 

In considering first the personal sources, it is well to begin 
by mentioning tradition, an extremely valuable source when 
properly used. Every locality has its traditions and one can be 
fairly sure that back of each tradition lies some fact. A fine 
experience in using the methods of historical criticism is afforded 
the student who endeavors to trace a story back through the 
generations until he arrives at the fact from which the tradition 
has sprung. The fact, when thus proved, oftentimes could be 
found in no other source and may prove invaluable in creating 
a complete history of the locality. 

Together with tradition might well be mentioned the other 
oral source which is available in the memories of the residents 
of the community. In many communities will be found older 
persons who can remember back almost to the first days of 
settlement of their part of the state. So many towns in upper 
Illinois are celebrating their centennials in this decade, and a 
veritable treasure-house of information will be lost if the octo- 
genarians and nonogenarians are allowed to slip away without 
recording their very vivid recollections of the pioneer days of the 
state. In many localities it is possible to find an old-timer who 
has retained full use of his faculties and whose memory of early 
dates and early events proves almost infallible as far as careful 
checking will show. Necessarily, careful checking and re-checking 
with other sources is imperative, just as in dealing with pure 
tradition; but what funds of information as to political sentiments 
and social habits and customs can be found in such a source I 

Another personal source is that of the letters, diaries, and record 
books of one sort or another which have been handed down 
from generation to generation in the families of the community. 
A diary is, of course, a priceless source of information on all 
subjects, if the student is fortunate enough to find one in the 
locality. Interesting side lights are thrown on the social, eco- 


nomic, and political development of the people which never 
could be gleaned from newspapers or other public sources. Old 
letters are, perhaps, more often found than diaries, and even an 
isolated letter may contain valuable information; but a series 
of letters, consecutive over a period of time, is indeed a find for 
the local historian. Such sources are usually dependable as to 
facts, although the possible prejudices of the author should be 
carefully examined when dealing with controversial subjects. 

Record books or household account books which have been 
kept over a period of years bring many interesting facts to light. 
In one instance, when using such a book, it was possible for a 
student to learn what materials the ladies were using in their 
dresses some seventy-five years ago, and how much they were 
paying per yard; what luxuries were being served on the family 
dinner table and how much they cost; the magazines to which 
the family subscribed through the years; how much it cost to 
go by stagecoach to the county seat; and even how much that 
particular family was contributing toward the support of the local 
church. By then establishing the fact that this one family was 
not one of extreme wealth, nor yet one of extreme poverty, the 
historian could be fairly sure what the average family of moderate 
income was eating, wearing, reading, and doing during those years. 

Records of the various firms and business houses which have 
operated in the community at one time or another may also 
prove to contain valuable materials for the local historian. For 
instance, the volume of trade and business of the town would 
be fairly well shown by the account book of a grocery store. A 
comparison of the number of charge accounts and the amount 
of cash business done by the store from year to year would be 
an index to the business prosperity and growth of the community. 

Many interesting details may also be found in such a source, 
details which help to complete a well-rounded history of the 
village. For instance, when examining the account book of a 
store in a small farming community in Peoria County, a his- 
torian discovered such interesting facts as the date on which 


canned fruit was first handled in the local grocery, when the 
first oysters were sold, and what was apparently the first ap- 
pearance of commercial candy in the village. 

Years ago in the same town an old mill had been operating, 
and, by writing to the last surviving member of the family which 
had owned the mill, it was possible to gain access to the account 
book of the firm. To the modern resident the amount of business 
which had been transacted there and the distance from which 
people came to have their grain ground at that mill was astound- 
ing. Through those records one could trace the growth of the 
business until it became the leading industry of the village. 
Then, with the advent of the railroad, the automobile, and im- 
proved roads, a sharp decline in the volume of business was 
clearly evidenced. The mill finally went into the hands of re- 
ceivers and the building itself was torn down, after once having 
housed the main industry of the town. The history of similar 
business ventures could doubtless be duplicated in many an 
Illinois farming community of today. 

Occasionally for political history, but more often for social 
history, the local historian can go to actual remains as sources. 
Heirlooms and antiques prove valuable for period history. It 
is also interesting to trace the various styles and types of archi- 
tecture which have been used in the locality from year to year; 
and how better could this be done than by examining the re- 
mains — the homes, schools, churches, and other public buildings 
which have been erected through the years? The social his- 
torian might want to trace the styles in clothing, perhaps to see 
how his own particular community has kept abreast of the pre- 
vailing style trends through the years. How better could this 
be done than by going to the remains themselves, the remains 
in this case being the old wedding gowns, hats, suits, and 
dresses which have been stored away in many an attic through 
the long years? 

Frequently the student can pick up interesting bits of infor- 
mation from a visit to the local cemetery. The birthplaces of 


the residents could there be established and hence the direction 
from which migration to that settlement was coming. By 
comparison of dates one might discover that at one time a dread 
disease struck the community and carried off a large percentage 
of the population. Or, if time and effort were expended, the life 
expectancy of the early pioneers might be established with 
some degree of accuracy through a comparison of dates. 

In listing some of the more important printed and public 
sources which are available to the local historian, mention might 
first be made of the histories which have been written of the 
respective counties throughout the state. They are, of course, 
a help in establishing primary facts, although one must be 
exceedingly careful in checking for inaccuracies. Their chief 
advantage to the writer of local history, however, lies in the 
biographies of early residents of the county which these volumes 
almost invariably contain in conjunction with the history itself. 
It is here that the student is able to find the family names which 
are connected with the early history of his community, and it 
is only when one has such names that it is possible to start the 
long and tedious search for many of the personal sources. 

To find the printed sources, obviously the student should 
visit a library. There it would be well to examine first of all a 
general history of the state, so that the student might get a 
background against which to paint the picture of his own com- 
munity. The proceedings of the general assembly of the state 
could be examined to good advantage. If the particular locality 
which is being studied has at any time sent one of its own resi- 
dents as a representative to the legislature, the student should 
by all means follow closely the stand taken by him on public 
questions, as his ideas would doubtless correspond to the ideas 
of the majority of the people from his community. If writing 
in certain areas of the state, the Military Bounty reports should 
be examined and, if dealing with a war period, the student 
should not overlook the Adjutant-General's reports on our 
nation's wars. The census reports, those comprehensive sta- 


tistics compiled periodically by our government, should afford 
facts and figures not only on the growth of population, but 
for social and economic history as well. Travel accounts, biog- 
raphies, and all such kinds of material are available from the 
printed sources in any good library, and many others will be 
encountered by the local historian as his work progresses. 

For unprinted public sources, it would not only be interesting 
but absolutely essential for the local historian to pay a visit to 
his county courthouse. There he might first go to the office of 
the recorder where will be found on file the plats of the com- 
munity in question. In connection with these might also be 
used the plats to be found in the office of the county surveyor, 
were one interested in checking as to how heavily forested the 
land was originally, what land was prairie land, where the settle- 
ment was made in relationship to forest and prairie, or where 
the first paths and roads were laid out. 

At the courthouse can also be found old wills which have 
been placed on file. By using the names which have been found 
to be connected with the history of the locality, it is frequently 
possible to make use of the index and to locate old wills of early 
settlers of the community. The value of such documents does 
not appear on the surface, but these old wills may throw more 
light on social customs than almost any other available source. 
Many of them list the entire household equipment from the 
walnut four-poster bed upstairs, to the grandfather's clock in 
the sitting room and the six pewter plates in the kitchen. After 
reading such a will one can almost picture the household and 
its furnishings, as well as the residents themselves with their 
respective likes and dislikes as indicated by the bequests of the 
will. It proves to be an extremely interesting and valuable 
source in constructing social history, and is one which has been 
too often neglected or overlooked. 

Many counties also have an index to the records of court 
proceedings which are on file at the courthouse. By expending 
no little time and effort, and again by use of family names, it is 


not at all improbable that the local historian may locate some 
court cases which pertain to the community which he is studying. 
Frequently, information regarding certain periods of social or 
political development may be gathered from such a source. 

It is often worth-while for the student to endeavor to locate 
and examine the abstracts to the land on which his community 
is situated, as interesting and important facts may sometimes 
be learned from documents of that nature. For example, when 
studying the abstracts to a portion of the land of a central 
Illinois village, a student stumbled upon the fact that originally 
a town had been platted one-half mile south of the site of the 
present village. It was apparently laid out purely for the pur- 
poses of speculation. Sale of the lots waxed strong for a period 
of about eighteen months, some of the speculators realizing as 
much as 31,500 to $2,000 in two months' time from the sale 
thereof. The larger portion of the lots was sold to individuals 
in New York, Pennsylvania, Missouri or Kentucky, only a few 
going to actual residents of Illinois. So far as the records would 
show, no buildings were ever erected in the village; it was a 
"phantom" town existing only on paper in the office of the 
county recorder. Yet at one time a prospectus was printed 
which showed boats loading and unloading goods at the wharves 
of a flourishing city on the Tiber River — the Tiber River being 
a very small creek, not at all suited for the purposes of naviga- 
tion! It is when the local historian stumbles upon facts such 
as these that the generalizations of most histories regarding the 
period of land speculation in the West become much more real 
and vital. 

There should also be available to the historian of most locali- 
ties a type of source which would pertain solely to that particular 
community. For example, if writing the history of a small 
town, one should have access to the village records and ordinances. 
For establishing specific facts and dates such sources are price- 
less, and they also make valuable contributions to social and 
economic history. When the student reads the ordinances 


against dueling, ordinances closing the local saloon at 10:00 
p. m., or ordinances forbidding the too rapid trotting of horses 
through the streets, he can picture a day far different socially 
from his own. The records of the tax levies and the lists of 
delinquent taxes may be interpreted to some advantage for 
economic history. There, too, it is possible to watch the coming 
of modern improvements to the village. In the minutes will 
be found the records of the bond issues to the various railroads 
which at one time or another proposed to run through the village, 
as well as the granting of charters to the first electric light and 
telephone companies. 

Another purely local source would be the minutes of the 
various organizations which have had members in the town. It 
is not at all unusual to find that such groups as the Grand Army 
of the Republic, the Modern Woodmen of America or the 
Knights of Pythias have kept a record of their proceedings 
from the time of their organization. The minutes of the Protes- 
tant churches may also be open for inspection. Such sources 
give added details, all of which go to complete the picture of 
the town's development. 

The last to be mentioned, yet doubtless the most important, 
and the source from which the larger portion of the material for 
a local history will be taken, is the newspaper. Newspapers 
vary considerably in their value as historical material and the 
student will learn — perhaps to his sorrow — that what a newspaper 
prints as news is no more reliable than the source from which 
it comes. Nevertheless, it is from such a source that the frame- 
work of a local history can best be erected, the other materials 
being used to fill in the framework and to bolster it up at certain 
essential points. Practically every word printed in the local news- 
paper will prove of value to the student, if properly studied, criti- 
cized, and interpreted. The editorials, the voting returns, the 
social items, market reports, and even the advertisements them- 
selves will yield invaluable information. 

Obviously, in writing local history, national events and move- 


ments cannot be entirely ignored. The effect which such events 
and movements have had upon the persons of the community 
can clearly be traced through the columns of the local newspaper. 
The ordinary general history would list the results of the Civil 
War in the North as being rising taxes, booming prices, increased 
demand for farm machinery, etc., and would overlook entirely 
the personal element; but when the scope of the study is closely 
limited to one small area it is possible to see how the lives of in- 
dividuals themselves were affected. The student sees the sor- 
rowing of some, the anxious waiting for news from the front, 
the little patriotic services of those who knitted, rolled bandages, 
or planted war gardens. He discovers to his surprise that what 
he had always thought of as a national event was simply a part 
of the everyday lives of the people in the community. From 
this perspective he will see movements of great historical moment 
gradually taking place entirely outside the realization of the 
individuals among whom they are happening. Perhaps the local 
historian will thus be better able to comprehend the issues and 
movements of his own time and to acquire a more accurate 
historical sense, and so to be a more constructive citizen of a 
rapidly changing democracy. 

The writer of local history must be extremely careful not to 
become so interested in the personalities with whom he becomes 
well-acquainted as his work progresses that he will cease to 
write history and write only a series of biographical sketches. 
Names must be used only when history is being made — but the 
student will find history always in the making in his community, 
small though it may be. It is from the local newspapers that 
one will often see the small beginnings of movements which 
have later become sectional demands or even national issues. 
How better could one approach the true inception of the Grange 
movement than by tracing the agitation of the farmers in some 
Illinois community through the columns of the local newspaper? 
There can be found the reports of their local meetings, the articles 
which they submitted to the paper, the reaction of the editor to 


their ideas; and there, too, can be traced their gradual alignment 
with other county groups, and so on to merge with the larger 
sectional movement which is so well-known. It was not the 
entire group of farmers in a whole section who arose as if one 
man and voiced the demands which finally came to be the rallying 
point of a large political group with its hundreds of thousands 
of members. On the contrary, it was a small group of farmers 
in a small locality who came together to discuss their common 
problems. There, in that small meeting, the program of the 
Grange movement was first voiced. Doubtless many small 
groups of farmers made the same demands at approximately 
the same time, but it is when we can almost see the minds of those 
farmers working, as we read of their local activities, that we 
can reach the true beginning of the movement. All big move- 
ments have small beginnings, and one of the chief values of the 
study of local history is in searching out the origin of the issues 
which were later to loom so large on the national horizon. 

From the sources mentioned above, it should be apparent 
that vast quantities and many varieties of material are available 
to the student interested in local history. It should also be 
increasingly obvious that strictly limiting the scope of one's 
study has many valuable results. The advantage to many 
students in being able to work with original sources which lie 
all around him, and the consequent saving of time and expense, 
is one which should not be overlooked. 

To the question, "Has anything of value been accomplished 
when a local history has been completed?" the answer should 
unhesitatingly be "Yes" — providing, of course, that the work 
has been well and carefully done. There could be no better 
history of Illinois than a composite history of all the communities 
which make up the state and the individuals who have made up 
the communities. True history rests not upon nations or states, 
but upon individuals, and the local historian, by so limiting his 
study, is enabled to probe deep into the lives of individuals and 
hence to approach more nearly the production of an ideal history. 





It is hard to think of any phase of American life during the 
first half of the nineteenth century which is more complicated 
than the relations of the Congregationalists and the Presby- 
terians. Investigation of the intricacies of those relations, 
however, amply repays research. It reveals not merely the 
details of sectarian history, not only the devious distinctions of 
a forgotten theology, but also the process by which Puritan 
traditions were transferred to the physically and socially 
hostile frontier. In the issues of church government that were 
aggravated by the federation of these two denominations it 
is possible to discern that spirit of Jacksonian Democracy which 
not only disturbed civil institutions but troubled, as well, each 
of the larger sects. Furthermore, the connections between 
these Puritan bodies affected the religious sectionalism that 
eventually divided North and South. 

Attention to local church history is particularly necessary 
in studying this problem. Congregationalism, which has never 
enjoyed the well-integrated national system developed by most 
of the other denominations, was, in the West, submerged in 
institutions which it shared with the more highly organized and 
aggressive Presbyterians, until the fourth decade of the nine- 
teenth century. Its emergence as a distinct denomination, there- 
fore, depended to a large extent on the action of the individual 
churches. Many churches which had been organized as Pres- 


byterian during the thirties had become Congregational by the 
time of the Civil War. 1 One of them was the church established 
by the Galesburg colony in 1837. 

Study of the relations of the two sects in the Galesburg 
church is especially worth-while because its founders had in 
the East been intimately associated with such reformers as 
Charles Grandison Finney and Theodore Dwight Weld, 2 and 
in the West its founders at once became important figures in 
the early stage of the abolitionist movement. 3 Moreover, the 
pastors of the church and the presidents of Knox College, with 
which the church was connected, were very prominent clergymen 
in the two denominations; four of them were moderators of the 
New School Presbyterian Synod of Peoria, which comprised all 
northern Illinois, in the seventeen years of its history before 
the Civil War. 4 

Before analyzing the history of the Galesburg church, it is 
necessary to describe briefly the connections which existed at 
large between the Presbyterians and Congregationalists at the 
time it was founded. Since the opening of the century, what 
amounted to a religious federation had existed between the two 
sects. Until the thirties, the Presbyterian General Assembly 
and the Congregational associations of New England exchanged 
"corresponding delegates," who were not only allowed to sit and 
deliberate in the bodies to which they were admitted, but were 
also allowed to vote. Similar arrangements were also made 

1 G. S. F. Savage, "Reminiscences of Early Congregational Ministers and 
Churches in the Fox River Valley," Illinois Society of Church History, Congre- 
gational, Historical Statement and Papers, 1:67; J. E. Roy, "History of Congre- 
gationalism in Illinois," ibid., 24; Alonzo M. Swan, Canton, its Pioneers and 
History, a Contribution to the History of Fulton County (Canton, 1871), 38; 
Prairie Mayflower (Mendon, Illinois), Nov. 17, 1883; History of the Presbytery 
of Peoria and its Churches, from 1828 to 1888, by a Committee of the Presbytery 
(Peoria, 1888), 27. 

* Photostatic copies of letters from George Washington Gale to Finney (in 
the collection of Oberlin College); Letters of Theodore Dwight Weld, Angelina 
Grimki Weld and Sarah Grimkt, 1822-1844, edited by Gilbert H. Barnes and 
Dwight L. Dumond (New York, [1934]), passim. 

' See post, 61-65. 

4 Records of the Peoria Synod (MS), passim. 


between other Congregational associations and some of the 
Presbyterian synods. One of the results of such close communi- 
cation was the formation of common denominational agencies 
for missions and education. Thus, the benevolent activities of 
both sects were merged in the following bodies: the American 
Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions; the American 
Home Missionary Society; and the American Education Society. 
Moreover, after 1801, there was in effect between the two denomi- 
nations an important ecclesiastical treaty, the Plan of Union. 
The purpose of this agreement was to facilitate the establish- 
ment of Presbyterian and Congregational churches in the West 
by avoiding wasteful duplications and by compromising dif- 
ferences in church government. According to the Plan of Union, 
Presbyterian ministers could serve Congregational churches, or 
Congregational ministers could serve Presbyterian churches, yet 
both parties to such an arrangement still retained their denomi- 
national affiliations with all the rights and privileges that were 
involved. Churches with a dual polity might also be organized, 
connected with presbyteries and synods on the one hand and 
with Congregational associations on the other. In some instances, 
Congregationalists were even sent as delegates to the Presby- 
terian General Assembly. 

Nowhere was the connection between the two denominations 
more complicated than it was in New York, for there a sup- 
plementary Plan of Union in 1808 had resulted in the absorp- 
tion by the Presbyterian tribunals of churches that remained 
Congregational in all but name. 5 The Galesburg colony was 
projected in this region. The leader of that colony, George 
Washington Gale, epitomized the confusion of the two sects. 
While still a young man he was delegate to a presbytery mostly 

* Minutes of the General Assembly of the Presbyterian Church, 1808, p. 404; 
'The Records of the Middle Association of Congregational Churches of the State 
of New York," Journal of the Presbyterian Historical Society, XI:20-38, 49-68 
(1921-1923); P. H. Fowler, History of Presbyterianism Within the Bounds of the 
Synod of New York (Utica, 1877), 62-63; S. J. Baird, History of the New School 
and of the Question Involved in the Disruption of the Presbyterian Church in 1838 
(Philadelphia, 1868), 160-65. 


composed of Congregational churches. His ministerial labors, as 
a missionary on the New York frontier, were among what he 
termed members of the "Presbyterian, or rather the Congrega- 
tional Church." He was ordained by a presbytery containing 
pastors of Congregational churches which still retained connec- 
tions with Congregational associations, and his first regular 
pastorate was of the same description. He did persuade it to 
change its polity to the Presbyterian form, yet when he wanted 
a young man in his charge to be licensed to preach, he took him 
not to a presbytery but to a Congregational association, because 
the latter would not be restricted in its action regarding a can- 
didate short on formal education, by a rather rigid denominational 
government. In this association Gale sat as a "corresponding 

The labels of the two sects were quite independable, and 
certainly were not mutually exclusive. The word Presbyterian 
became especially ambiguous. 7 The first church in Galesburg, 
for example, had, by 1857, deliberately severed its Presbyterian 
ties and formally dropped the word Presbyterian from its church 
name; yet its property was held until 1869 by the "Society of 
the Presbyterian Church." 8 

The alliance between the two denominations contributed 
much to their western expansion. Without their Presbyterian 
connections the Congregationalists were entirely regional in their 
organization, but in union with Presbyterians they enjoyed the 
aid of a well-organized and centrally directed ecclesiastical 
machine as well as the assistance of the national mission and 
educational enterprises which were operated in conjunction with 
the Presbyterians. The latter, on the other hand, profited by 
the consequent relaxation of their governmental system, the 
rigidity of which had aggravated the first unfortunate experi- 
ences of Presbyterians on the middle western frontier. The 

* George Washington Gale, Autobiography (MS). 

7 Report on Knox College, Presented to the General Association of Illinois, 
May 24, 1861 (Quincy, 1861 [?D, 31. 

8 Minutes of the Society of the First Presbyterian Church in Galesburg (MS). 


two schisms, in Kentucky and in the Cumberland Valley, during 
the decade of the Great Revival, were in large part due to the 
failure of the Presbyterian polity to adjust itself to the frontier. 9 

Had willingness to cooperate continued, perhaps the com- 
plicated connections between the two sects might have been 
simplified by complete coalescence. But the spirit of compro- 
mise which had generally characterized the first thirty years 
of the century gave way during the next three decades to a dis- 
position for controversy. The time had not yet come when 
peculiarities of polity were regarded with indifference, and during 
the era of Jacksonian Democracy, church governments were 
especially subjected to the critical forces of democracy. 10 There 
were still those with sincere Congregational convictions who 
would not overlook the fact that Presbyterianism, though 
representative in its government, was not democratic; who 
objected that its lay officers had life terms; who complained 
that members of churches had only an indirect voice in the con- 
duct of their affairs, legislative or judicial; and who disliked 
the powerful central tribunals of Presbyterianism. Presbyterians, 
on the contrary, feared the principle of independency practiced 
by their critics. They declared that it tended to popular gov- 
ernment by mobs, was likely to be anarchical in large bodies, 
lacked means to discipline radicalism or heresy, and did not 
guarantee rights of individuals and minorities. 11 

After about 1820, Presbyterianism contained two contending 
parties, Old School and New School, differing somewhat over 
nice distinctions of Calvinistic theology, but more often over 
issues on polity. The chief of these last, due to the close con- 
nection with Congregationalism, was the intrusion of certain 

8 Hermann R. Muelder, "Jacksonian Democracy in Church Organization" 
(doctoral dissertation, University of Minnesota, 1933). 

" Ibid. 

11 Minutes of the General Assembly, 1837, p. 460; Lew Cheeseman, Difference 
Between Old and New School Presbyterians (Rochester, N. Y., 1848), 208; 
G. N. Judd, History of the Division of the Presbyterian Church (New York, 1852), 
passim; S. Sawyer, Presbyterianism Proved by Revelation, Providence and Reason 
(Knoxville, 1852), 15, 25, 30; George Duffield, American Presbyterianism 
(Philadelphia, 1854), 20. 


democratic and popular practices contrary to the Presbyterian 
constitution. The Old School feared that the power of the 
denomination to supervise and discipline its communicants was 
being weakened by decentralized or virtually independent units 
that had been formed within the sect. In short, they alleged 
that their denomination was being congregationalized, and they 
wished, therefore, to repudiate the Plan of Union and to desert 
the mission and educational agencies that had been shared with 
Congregationalists. The New School, on the other side, tolerated 
some of the changes that the polity was undergoing, and insisted 
on maintaining the alliance with the other sect. 12 

In 1837, the year that the Galesburg church was established, 
the Old School, having a majority of the General Assembly, 
pruned away certain presbyteries and synods in New York and ; 
the Western Reserve which were especially tainted with Congre- 
gationalism. This action led, in 1838, to the scission of the 
denomination and the formation of two separate denominations, 
one Old School, the other New School. The recently published 
Weld letters furnish further evidence that the slavery question, 
while it certainly did not cause, did aggravate the schism. Lyman 
Beecher expressed the opinion that the South was neutral in 
the controversy until the antislavery activities of New School, 
partisans alarmed that region, and that it then cast its strength' 
with the Old School. Significantly, the tribunals of New York 
and the Western Reserve, which were expelled on grounds of i 
polity in 1837, were also those in which the most vigorous aboli- 
tionism prevailed. 18 

The independent New School continued the connections with 
Congregationalism. Furthermore, it decentralized its own or- 
ganization by taking away the judicial powers of the General As- 
sembly and by having it meet triennially instead of annually as 
had been the rule before. By 1842, a New School Presbyterian 
could declare that the modifications of the constitution had taken 

11 Muelder, "Jacksonian Democracy." 

1J Autobiography, Correspondence, etc. of Lyman Beecher, edited by Charlei 
Beecher (New York, 1865), II: 427-29, 514. 


from Presbyterianism "some of the prominent objections which 
were urged against it, and will enable the Presbyterians and Con- 
gregationalists to act more efficiently together than they ever could 
before." 14 

At this very time a movement was under way in Illinois to make 
the confederation of New School Presbyterians and Congregation- 
alists even closer. In 1842 the New School Synod of Illinois urged 
a special Plan of Union with the Congregational Association of 
Illinois. 16 The Peoria Synod, set off from the Illinois Synod in 
1843 to comprise Northern Illinois, continued the cordial relations 
with the other denomination. Dual membership of ministers in 
presbyteries and Congregational associations was specifically ap- 
proved. 16 When a religious paper was proposed it was suggested 
that it should assume "grounds common to orthodox Congrega- 
tionalists and Presbyterians." 17 In 1848, it was resolved to unite 
in a friendly correspondence with the Congregationalists and to 
send three delegates to the General Association of Illinois, George 
Washington Gale being appointed to the first delegation. 18 

In 1846, the presbytery of the Peoria Synod, to which the Gales- 
burg church belonged, adopted a resolution revealing a strong feel- 
ing for the closest possible relations with Congregationalists: 

The Presbytery of Knox, having had under consideration 
the importance of a greater measure of union between the 
Presbyterian and Congregational churches, feel called upon 
to express their conviction that the cause of religion would 
be greatly promoted by a greater degree of unity among those 
denominations. While we are not prepared to say that the 
time has come in which a formal union may be effected, yet 
we hope that, by frequent interchange of labors, by more 
frequent attendance upon each other's ecclesiastical meet- 
ings, and by cooperation in all good and holy efforts to pro- 
mote the cause of religion, a greater measure of real union 
and of brotherly love may be attained; and the time be 

" New York Evangelist, I: no. 18 (May 5, 1842). 

18 Ibid., no. 3 (Jan. 20, 1842). 

18 Records of the Peoria Synod, Oct. 12, 1844. 

» Ibid. 

18 Ibid., June 10, 1848. 


hastened when a union in form as well as in substance may 
be consummated. 19 

When this resolution was adopted, forces were already forming, 
however, which strained the relations of the two sects. How cor- 
dial cooperation eventually gave way to conflict may be studied 
through analysis of what happened in the Galesburg church. It 
will help clarify the following discussion if the chief incidents in the 
history of that church are first briefly sketched. 

It was organized in 1837, but almost immediately had to alter 
its ecclesiastical connections because of the schism of the Presby- 
terian denomination in 1838. In 1845 it adopted a compromise 
on church government. That same year, after the compromise, 
the Rev. Jonathan Blanchard came as president of Knox College, 
and from that time on the relations of the two denominations, not 
only in Galesburg but throughout the state, were influenced by his 
activities. In 1851 a large party left the Galesburg First Church to 
form a congregation of their own with a purely Presbyterian polity. 
Four years later another group left the mother church to form a 
purely Congregational organization. Within a few months of the 
last event the First Church itself severed the Presbyterian connec- 
tions which it had maintained since its founding, retaining only the 
Congregational affiliations which it had assumed at the time of the 
compromise of 1845. Each of these developments will now be 
analyzed in greater detail. 

The first church in Galesburg, as established in the spring of 
1837, was wholly Presbyterian in polity. Most of the projectors 
of the colony who originally settled the village, founded Knox Col- 
lege, and organized the church were Presbyterians, but in the 
highly modified sense that they belonged to the New School — 
which meant that they desired alliance with Congregationalists 
and were not sticklers on the details of Presbyterian government. 
Though George Washington Gale used his influence against those 
who preferred the Congregational mode, he declared that he him- 
self cared little for anything in the Presbyterian system above the 

11 History of the Presbytery of Peoria, 61. 


presbyteries. He argued that the church had better agree to the 
name Presbyterian because it was "in better odor" in the East and 
would help bring aid to the college. 20 The Congregationalists were 
persuaded that the preference of the other sect should be heeded 
because it had taken the lead in forming the colony. 21 Finally, it 
was unanimously resolved that it was "expedient" to organize 
"fully" as Presbyterian. 22 

Almost at once the denominational split of 1838 was upon them. 
The Galesburg church sided with the New School, left the Old 
School Schuyler Presbytery 23 under which it had been organized, 
and joined the New School Presbytery of Knox which was con- 
stituted by order of the New School Synod of Illinois, in a meeting 
at Galesburg on November 7, 1838. 24 

At the beginning the church was agreed on an antislavery 
attitude. As soon as the colony was settled, some of its leaders, 
including Gale, became prominent figures in the Illinois Anti- 
slavery Society, which was organized the same year as the 
church. 25 Antislavery principles were a condition of member- 
ship in that congregation. 26 It is impossible to determine the 
degree to which their New School partisanship was provoked 
by simple ecclesiastical liberalism, and how much of it was 

10 Rights of Congregationalists in Knox College: Being the Report of a 
Committee of Investigation, of the General Association of Illinois', with an 
Appendix (Chicago, 1859), 66. 

21 H. E. Hitchcock to George Churchill, Feb. 11, 1887, Semi-Centennial of 
the First Church (Galesburg, 1887), 132. 

n Records of the First Church (transcript of MS), Book A, pp. 3-4. 

23 George Washington Gale, Articles of Faith and Covenant of the Presbyterian 
Church in Galesburg . . . to Which is Appended a Sketch of the History of the 
Church (Galesburg, 1849), 36. 

2 * History of the Presbytery of Peoria, 26, 33; Peoria Register and North- 
western Gazetteer, Oct. 27, Nov. 17, 1838. 

26 Carrie P. Kofoid, "Puritan Influences in the Formative Years of Illinois 
History," Transactions of the Illinois State Historical Society for the Year 1905 
(Springfield, 1906), 303-307; Peoria Register and Northwestern Gazetteer, July 17, 
1840; June 17, 1842; Norman Wright Harris, The History of Negro Servitude in 
Illinois and of the Slavery Agitation in that State, 1719-1864 (Chicago, 1904), 146; 
Verna Cooley, "Illinois and the Underground Railroad to Canada," Transac- 
tions of the Illinois State Historical Society for the Year 1917 (Springfield, 1917), 87. 

26 Galesburg Republican-Register, March 5, 1887, p. 3; Records of the First 
Church, Book A, p. 11; ibid., Book B, pp. 75-76, 126. 


prompted by their antislavery sentiments, but a letter received 
by Gale from the Rev. John Frost throws some light on the 
problem. Frost had been, with Gale, the co-founder of Oneida 
Manual Labor Institute, the school attended by Theodore Dwight 
Weld and many of the other "Lane Rebels" before they went to 
Cincinnati. Frost, referring in this letter to the separation of 
the New School from the Old School which was already under 
way, expressed his joy at the prospect that the liberated New 
School could now become a tremendous antislavery influence. 
It is evident that he revealed this feeling to one whom he regarded 
as a sympathetic correspondent. 27 It is also significant that 
when the Knox Presbytery was instituted at Galesburg on Novem- 
ber 7, 1838, the fact that the day was the first anniversary of 
Lovejoy's death was noted, and the event commemorated with 
strong antislavery resolutions, including a declaration that the 
denomination ought to "take speedy and decisive measures to 
purify itself from this long continued and enormous evil." 2 * 

Nothing more can be uncovered concerning the denomina- 
tional relations of the local church until the middle forties. 
Then dissension attended the long delayed completion of the 
church building. 29 The Congregationalists asserted that in view 
of their large representation in the church, the polity should be 
modified somewhat in their favor. What brought the issue to 
a head is not clear. For a few months in 1844 a Congregational 
minister had served as the pastor, and in 1845 another clergyman 
of the same sect, Lucius H. Parker, became the minister. 30 Such 
pastoral arrangements were, however, quite common in New 
School Presbyterian churches. Whether Parker stimulated the 
discontent, or merely represented it, cannot be determined, but 
he did identify himself with the discontented element as over 

» J. Frost to G. W. Gale, June 29, 1837, Report on Knox College, Presented 
to the General Association of Illinois, May 24, 1861, 47. 

" Peoria Register and Northwestern Gazetteer, Feb. 2, 1839. 

M Semi-Centennial of the First Church, 134; A. L. Bergen to J. P. Williston, 
July 16, 1845, Report on Knox College, 38. 

,0 Gale, Articles of Faith and . . . History of the Church, 19. 


against the Presbyterians led by Gale. 31 Finally a compromise 
was arranged along the lines suggested by the Plan of Union of 
1801 for mixed churches. The internal organization became both 
Congregational and Presbyterian, and dual denominational con- 
nections were established. 32 

It is possible, though not at all capable of proof, that the 
basic issue of church polity may have been complicated in this 
compromise of 1845 by the slavery question. The Reverend 
Mr. Parker was one of the "Lane Rebels" and a strong abo- 
litionist. His father-in-law, William Holyoke, was the most 
prominent antislavery man in the community at that time and 
active in the Liberty Party. Perhaps the Congregational pre- 
dilections of these men, and others like them, may have been 
strengthened by the action of the Congregationalist General 
Convention of Illinois, which in 1844 had made antislavery 
principles a condition of membership. 33 Such rather ruthless 
action the New School synods of Illinois, however antislavery 
their attitude, were not able to take without previous legisla- 
tion by the General Assembly. 

Gale seems to have expected the church to operate peacefully 
under the compromise of 1845. 34 Certainly if there had been 
any great abhorrence of Congregational influences, Gale would 
not have urged the coming of the Rev. Jonathan Blanchard as 
president of Knox College. The latter, though pastor of a Pres- 
byterian church in Cincinnati, had expressed his intention of 
joining a Congregational church if he came to Illinois. 36 In 
fact, Gale expected the new president to use his influence with 
Congregationalists in the East for the sake of the college, and 

31 J. W. Bailey, Knox College, by Whom Founded and Endowed (Chicago, 
1860), 56; J. Blanchard to G. W. Gale, Dec. 11, 1848, Report on Knox College, 49. 

32 Records of the First Church, Book B, pp. 59-61. 

33 T. C. Pease, The Frontier State 1818-1848 {Centennial History of Illinois, 
II, Springfield, 1918), 420. 

34 G. W. Gale, A Brief History of Knox College, Situated in Galesburgh, 
Knox County, Illinois with Sketches of the First Settlement of the Town (Cincinnati, 
1845), 4, 14; Gale, Articles of Faith and . . . History of the Church, 20. 

35 Bailey, Knox College, 52-54; Galesburg Free Democrat (weekly), IV: no. 33 
(Aug. 7, 1857). 


hoped he would be able to "unite the Presbyterians and Con- 
gregationalists in this part of the state." 16 

Blanchard no doubt proved to be more thoroughly Congre- 
gationalist than was anticipated. It was a matter of conviction 
with him that the day was at hand when there would be no 
more "crushing down anarchy with the ice-bags of human 
governments, and securing order by the frost work of law." 
He declared that "henceforth government must wax weaker and 
weaker, and truth stronger and stronger." 37 He preferred the 
weaker government of the Congregationalists to the firm govern- 
ment of Presbyterianism with its "principles of ecclesiastical 
power for the mastery of individual liberty in our churches."' 8 
Aside from its form of government, Blanchard approved of 
Congregationalism because of the more decisive stand which it I 
had taken against slavery." 

In Galesburg he soon espoused the cause of Congregation- 
alism so vigorously that strained relations between himself and 
Gale enlarged into a partisan quarrel including college and 
community. Basically, as Blanchard himself realized, the dif- 
ficulty arose from Gale's conviction that his opponent was 
"promoting Congregationalism to the detriment of Presbyteri- 
anism," but the antagonism on that score was aggravated by 
Blanchard's antislavery activities, which went so far as serving 
on the Free Soil ticket in 1848 as. presidential elector. 40 

Blanchard also engaged in a number of agitations, beyond 
the Galesburg scene, that so strained the relations of the two 
denominations throughout the state as to excite attention even 

" Gale to Blanchard, June 5, 1845, Report on Knox College, 36; Hiram H. 
Kellogg to Blanchard, Aug. 22, 1846, ibid., 33; Gale to Blanchard, Aug. 12, 1846, 
ibid., 41-42; Bailey, Knox College, 69. 

" Blanchard, "A Perfect State of Society," Knoxiana, IV: no. 5 (March, 

"Jonathan Blanchard to Salmon P. Chase, June 30, 1849 (MS, Library of 
Congress). Other references on his opinion of Presbyterianism: Blanchard, 
"Christ Purifying his Temple," Sermons and Addresses (Chicago, 1892); Report 
on Knox College, 43-44. 

" A Debate on Slavery . . . October, 1845, in the City of Cincinnati, Between 
Rev. J. Blanchard ...and N. L. Rice (Cincinnati. 1846), 62, 76, 422-24. 

40 Blanchard to Chase, June 30, 1849 (MS, Library of Congress). 


in the East. 41 Shortly before he came to Galesburg, he had 
affirmed the proposition that slavery was a sin; this was in a 
debate with an Old School Presbyterian which was later pub- 
lished and gave him national notoriety. 42 After he came to 
Galesburg he agitated vehemently for the principle that those 
guilty of the sin of slavery must be cut off from truly Christian 
churches. He earned nationwide prominence by leading the 
fight, in 1847, at the annual meeting of the American Board of 
Commissioners for Foreign Missions, to get that body to refuse 
to admit slaveholders into the mission churches. 43 He was very 
active in forwarding a national religious movement which had 
as a distinguishing characteristic the disfellowshiping of slave- 
holders, and in 1851 was elected president of the National 
Christian Antislavery Convention which was held in Chicago. 44 

In 1850 discontent manifested itself, among the more radical 
New School Presbyterians in the state, over the continued con- 
nection of their denomination with slavery, and certain clergy? 
men of that following met with Congregationalists in a state 
convention to consider union. Such action, it was intended, 
would "deliver those of us who are Presbyterians from our 
ecclesiastical connection with slaveholders, through the General 
Assembly, and enable us to withdraw Christian fellowship from 
them." 46 To the fore in the endorsement of this convention 
were Blanchard and the Rev. Flavel Bascom, who since 1845 
had been a trustee of Knox College and since January, 1850, 
the pastor of the Galesburg church. 

Such ruthless pursuit of antislavery principles was sure to 
injure denominational cooperation, for the slavery problem was 
much simpler as an ecclesiastical matter for the Congregationalists 
than for their New School brothers. The former had no central 
tribunal, like the New School General Assembly, which could 

41 Separate Session Records of First Church (transcript of MS), 7-9. 
48 This is the debate referred to, ante, n. 39, p. 64. 

43 A. C. Cole, The Era of the Civil War 1848-1870 {Centennial History oj 
Illinois, III, Springfield, 1919), 222. 

44 Ibid., 223-24. 
« Ibid., 223. 


be expected to enforce the scruples of one section upon another. 
Furthermore, there were virtually no Congregationalists south of 
the Mason-Dixon line. The New School did have a considerable 
southern membership and it had a judiciary to coerce their 
communicants. Placing fellowship on an antislavery basis in 
their case required expulsion of several thousand Christians 
with whom they had no difference other than that over slavery. 
In brief, excluding slaveholders had no effect on the Congrega- 
tional organization; to the New School it meant a division of 
their denomination. 46 

How the questions of church polity and slavery became 
entangled is clearly described by a report of the American and 
Foreign Anti-Slavery Society which was fostering the estab- 
lishment of benevolent agencies which had no slaveholding con- 
nections, and which cited an address on that need by President 
Blanchard. According to the report, the problems of church 
organization and abolitionism were thus combined: 

Had the Northern, or New School division, even then [at 
the time of the separation from the Old School in 1838] as- 
sumed a strong, decided, and firm antislavery position, it 
might have maintained its ground and become strong. But 
it failed to do this. 

The peculiar machinery of the Presbyterian polity, instead 
of being wielded against the sin of slavery, was more com- 
monly used to cripple and harass the opposers of slavery in 
the churches. By little and little, a disgust was created 
against the polity thus wielded. In large and important sec- 
tions, (as in Central and Western New York, in Northern 
Ohio, and in Michigan,) a gradual abandonment of Presby- 
terianism for Congregationalism has been the effect, till, by 
the action of the Convention at Albany, new forms of ec- 
clesiastical organization and activity, displacing to a great 
extent the old, have been witnessed. 47 

Examination of the records of the Peoria Synod shows clearly 
that on the New School side, so far as that body was concerned, 

48 History of the Presbytery of Peoria, 57. 

47 Thirteenth Annual Report of the American and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society, 
(1852), p. 87. 


the antislavery sentiment was less aggressive, and the concern 
for integrity of organization more apparent in the fifties than it 
had been earlier. 48 It is certainly true that in the case of George 
Washington Gale his antislavery sentiments moderated and at the 
same time his views on church polity became less broad. The 
man who in 1837 had professed indifference to most of the 
Presbyterian system was in 1850 publishing his conviction that 
the time for being lax about matters of denominational govern- 
ment was past, and that it would be better if New School Pres- 
byterians stayed close to their peculiar polity and deviated neither 
to left nor right. 49 He also changed on slavery, the alteration 
being noted by one of the early benefactors of Knox College 
whose contributions to that institution had been attracted by its 
antislavery stand. 60 In 1848 Gale had been a member of the com- 
mittee of the Peoria Synod which brought in resolutions to the 
effect that it wished to take such action as would clear it "of all par- 
ticipation in the sin and guilt of slavery," and therefore asked 
the General Assembly to use all of its power to relieve the denomi- 
nation from the just imputation of sustaining any such relation 
to the practice of holding slaves as "can fairly be regarded as 
implying approbation of it." 81 But in 1853 he was chairman 
of the committee which brought in what was decidedly the 
weakest resolution on slavery that the synod ever adopted. 62 
The petition of 1848, if fulfilled, might have split the church; 
that of 1853 was merely an expression of strong disapproval. 

Like all questions of motive, the problem of what caused 
the change in Gale is not demonstrable of proof. It may have 
been in part his coming to old age; it may have been partly the 
the influence of his third wife, whom he married in 1847. She 
was an Old School Presbyterian before her marriage, and her 

" Records of the Peoria Synod, June, 1849, p. 79; Oct., 1851, p. 127; Oct., 
1852, pp. 136, 141; Oct., 1853, pp. 161-62, 173. 
" Galesburg News Letter, Oct. 10, 1850, p. 42. 

60 J. P. Williston to Southwick Davis, July 27, 1857, Galesburg Free 
Democrat (daily), Aug. 6, 1857. 

61 Records of the Peoria Synod, June 10, 1848. 
" Ibid., Oct., 1853, pp. 150, 157. 


slavery opinions were such that she was admitted into the 
Galesburg church only after a special committee headed by 
Blanchard had investigated her case." Moreover, about 1850, 
Gale became interested in the project of a Presbyterian theo- 
logical seminary which he hoped to have connected with Knox 
College. Far from being antislavery, the seminary plan antici- 
pated representation of certain southern presbyteries on its 
board. 64 

During 1849 and 1850 a definite cleavage appeared, both in 
the college and church, over the alleged anti-Presbyterian activi- 
ties of Blanchard. The quarrel in the college was compromised,' 6 
but an attempt at reconciliation between Gale and his opponent 
was only partly successful, and the difficulties in the church 
continued. Two of the deacons refused to sign a minute denying j 
Blanchard's alleged antagonism to Presbyterianism. 66 Another 
member was tried by the church session (the Presbyterian unit 
in the church) for certain strong charges he had made against 
Blanchard, and was convicted and suspended. The session 
refused, however, to pass on the truth of what had been said 
against Blanchard; and the presbytery, on the ground that it 
should have taken such evidence, changed the suspension to a j 
rebuke. 67 

By that time a separation was under way within the church. 
In May, 1851, certain members of the church asked for a dis- 
missal to organize a church of their own. 68 The request was 
granted and a purely Presbyterian church, called the Second 
Presbyterian Church, was established. 69 

After the departure of this group the mother church became 
even more Congregational. Furthermore, a boom of the town, 
attending the coming of the railroad, caused it to become over- 

" Records of the First Church, Book B, pp. 75-76. 

M Rights of Congregationalists in Knox College, 27, 81. 

" Galesburg Free Democrat (weekly), Sept. 23, 30, Oct. 14. 1857. 

" Separate Session Records of the First Church, 17. 

■ Ibid., 33-41, 64. 

" Ibid., 47. 

» Bailey, Knox College, 58. 


crowded. 60 In 1855, another daughter church moved out of it 
because of this growth and organized as purely Congregational. 
The separation in this case was wholly amicable, and the new 
church, headed by a member of the famous Beecher family, 
maintained the most cordial relations with the original church. 81 

By the time that this second daughter church — the First 
Congregational Church as it was called — had been formed out 
of the original church, the latter was also in the process of be- 
coming wholly Congregational. The causing factor in this 
instance was clearly slavery. Since shortly after the departure 
of the more Presbyterian faction in 1851, the mother church 
had been urging the Knox Presbytery to make its continued 
connection with the General Assembly depend upon that tribunal's 
repudiation of slavery. 62 This the presbytery was slow in doing. 
Finally, in 1855, the session of the First Church decided to stop 
sending delegates to the presbytery while it was in union "with 
a General Assembly in which slave holders are in fellowship." 63 
On April 11, 1856, the Knox Presbytery erased the First Church 
from its rolls. The church thus ceased its dual denominational 
connections, retaining only the Congregational relations, and 
dropping the name Presbyterian from its title. 64 

Significantly, in 1856, the Knox Presbytery finally sent 
what amounted to a hint that it might not retain its connections 
with the General Assembly if it did not cut off slaveholders. 
The author of the memorial was the pastor of the Second Pres- 
byterian Church which had left the mother church in 1851. The 
reasons set forth in the memorial for the need of such action 
read throughout like a list of the troubles that had afflicted New 
School Presbyterianism in Galesburg. 66 

"Galesburg Free Democrat (weekly), Feb. 1, 15, Apr. 19, June 21, 1855; 
Galesburg Plain Dealer, Nov. 12, 1880. 

61 Semi-Centennial of the First Church, 91; Records of the First Church, 
Book B, pp. 160, 169. 

" Records of the First Church, Book B, pp. 138-39, 142-43, 145-46. 

•* Separate Session Records of the First Church, 77-78. 

M History of the Presbytery of Peoria, 31. 

•» Ibid., 57-58. 


The final and bitterest phase of the contention between the 
sects broke out in Knox College in 1857. Here again, Blanchard 
and Gale were leaders of the factions, and here again they were 
divided on denominational lines which were made the more sharp 
by the slavery issue. 66 The paper weapons manufactured for 
this war 67 were still being published when more serious war on 
a broader front made this conflict much less significant, and it 
eventually became obsolete. After the Civil War, the strained 
relations of Congregationalists and Presbyterians, no longer 
perpetuated, soon became only bitter memories. 

•• Scrapbook of clippings and notes on the college controversy and other 
matters, compiled by Prof. George Churchill. 

87 Rights of Congregationalists in Knox College; Report on Knox College; 
Bailey, Knox College. 




It is my purpose to outline very briefly the plan for the writing 
of a history of Chicago which has been going forward since the 
autumn of 1929. Other speakers will carry forward more specif- 
ically than I some of the aspects of research connected therewith. 
In the few statements which I shall make I shall therefore describe 
somewhat the background or history of the project which has 
been promoted by the University of Chicago Social Science 
Research Committee. 

This Committee was organized in 1923 and received a grant 
of funds to plan and direct the social science research activities 
at the University. It laid out for itself a unique field for investi- 
gation in that it held that with the metropolis of Chicago at hand 
that area could provide an ideal scene of cooperative investigation. 
It was recognized that the metropolitan area offered opportunity 
for all social scientists to carry on researches in their special fields 
of endeavor, and that it also provided suitable subjects for inves- 
tigation which could contribute to the whole pattern of social 
science. In this collaborative task the Committee felt that the 
historian played an important r61e. Besides dipping into sources 
which describe the backgrounds, the Committee believed the 
historian could cut across and synthesize the findings of all the 
other disciplines more specifically dealing with the contemporary 


scene and could demonstrate that the body of knowledge of all 
the social sciences is essentially the same. Because today the 
bulk of our population is shifting toward the great metropolitan 
centers, the importance of an understanding of the inner nature 
of cities becomes especially significant. 

In the autumn of 1929, research on A History of Chicago was ! 
started. In order to define limits and to devise some workable 
scheme, it seemed desirable to set off, arbitrarily, chronological 
periods for the research activites to be carried on chiefly in the ; 
primary sources commonly used by the historian. Therefore, 
the following periods were established: 1673 to 1848, 1848 to 
1871, 1871 to 1893, and 1893 to date. The Beginning of a City, I 
which is represented in Volume I, recently published, covers the 
period from the early explorations of the French and the estab- 
lishment of homes on the prairies by the first settlers down to 
the coming of the railroad. From 1848 to 1871, the period is 
representative of a growth of commercial life, until the fire laid 
low the city; this is the story which will be told in Volume II. 
The third period embraces the years 1871-1893, ending with 
the Columbian Exposition, which outwardly symbolized the 
attainment of an industrial competence. Since 1893, a fourth 
period shows the march toward leadership in all avenues of life. 

It is only about forty years ago that Prof. Frederick Jackson ; 
Turner pointed out the significance of sections in the national ' 
life. Within the memory of all of us the expansion of cities has ; 
gone on with such rapidity that it now seems desirable to break 
sections into smaller units and set these in their national setting. 
Throughout our study, the history of Chicago has not been 
treated as an isolated local fact. Many factors in the develop- 
ment of the city are common to the growth of all urban com- 
munities. Where there are unique features these have not been 
overlooked. Biographies as such have played little part in the 
narrative although the leaders of community development have 
not been ignored. On the other hand, the part that the common 
man has played in the weaving of the fabric of community 
development receives much attention. 


With these introductory remarks, I shall now ask three of 
the assistants who have been engaged in the search for material 
for the various volumes to present certain aspects of their study. 
Mr. Joe L. Norris who has assisted in the project since 1930 will 
discuss the land reform movement. Mr. Herbert Wiltsee will 
describe his researches on temperance and the humanitarian 
movement from 1841 to 1871, and Miss Dorothy Culp will set 
forth her conclusions regarding radical labor movements in what 
we have chosen to call our third period. 



The public land problem is an old one in the United States. 
No sooner had the national government come into possession of 
vast tracts of land than the question of their disposition arose. 
As it is not my purpose here to discuss the federal land policy, it 
will be sufficient to say that the system of surveying and opening 
the western lands to settlement did not keep pace with the west- 
ward movement of population. Many a family, at the time too 
poor to buy a farm, or impelled by a restlessness to move beyond 
the settled regions, squatted on unappropriated lands. In time, 
of course, these areas were surveyed and put on the market, and 
when such was the case the squatters began to demand preemption 

This problem was more or less satisfactorily settled by a series 
of preemption laws culminating in the general act of 1841. Such 
legislation protected the squatter but gave no permanent relief to 
those who wished to move westward, for in time the squatter had 
to pay for his land and speculators could still buy vast tracts and 
hold them for high prices. Even if the speculator did not own 
contiguous acres, the prospective buyer was, nevertheless, often 


dependent upon him for cash, since the government did not sell on 
credit. William B, Ogden, Chicago capitalist and frontier entre- 
preneur, often acted as agent for many easterners who had money 
to loan for such transactions. His favorite plan was to buy in his 
name, or that of the lender, the farm chosen by the would-be pur- 
chaser. The latter would then pay for each 160 acres, JS60 a year 
for three years and &260 the fourth year, after which time he would 
be given the deed. Although the speculator over a period of four 
years received a return of 110 per cent on his original investment, 
Ogden assured him that this in no way violated the state usury 
laws. The property was in the speculator's own name and as owner 
he could sell on whatever terms he pleased. It was a safe invest- 
ment, too, for should the buyer fail to meet his payments, the 
speculator still had the land. 1 

Thus to circumvent these evils and enable the poor man to have 
a piece of ground of his own and secure his ownership in it, there 
came the demand for land reform. The cry went up for free home- 
steads and land limitation. The movement gained considerable 
momentum after the panic of 1837. Free land for free white 
laborers was considered by many as a panacea for all the ills which 
led to the panic and the hard times following. Land reform soon 
became an integral part of the leading issues of the day — slavery 
extension, labor and capital, economic prosperity, and banks. 

From the Atlantic seaboard, where George Henry Evans first ' 
organized the National Reform Association, to the western terri- 
tones, the principles of free and inalienable homesteads and land 
limitation were adopted by portions of the Democratic, Whig, Free 
Soil, and Liberty parties. In the older sections of the country, the 
factory laborer and farm tenant accepted these ideas as a means of 
escape from the tyranny of employer and landlord. In the West, 
land reform was considered as a method whereby the newer sec- 
tions could be settled by freemen, and thus bring prosperity to the 
territory or state. With lands to be filled with people, the West 

1 William B. Ogden to Obadiah Sands, Sept. 27, 1839, William B. Ogden 
Letter Books (MSS, Chicago Historical Society), II: 212-13. 


was impatient with anything which checked its growth. Land 
monopoly, that is the holding of large tracts by speculators, was 
an evil of the most pernicious kind, said the editor of the Chicago 
Democrat. It rendered population almost stationary and checked 
the progress of agriculture. In fact, under its influence, the natu- 
ral increase in population tended to diminish man's happiness, and 
therefore, under such circumstances, celibacy could not be called 
an evil. 2 

Not only did land monopoly hinder the growth of population, 
but it and its sponsor, capitalism, were dangerous to democratic 
institutions. This John Wentworth pointed out in one of his edi- 
torials in the Democrat in which he said the "dominion of capital" 
t ended toward the "tenant system" under which "Republicanism" 
was impossible. It separated classes in society "to the annihilation 
of the love of country; and to the weakening of the spirit of inde- 
pendence." The tenant had "no country, no hearth, no altar, no 
household god." On the other hand, the freeholder was "the natural 
support of a free government." If the United States were to con- 
tinue as a republic, then the public lands should pass into the 
hands of the people. "Let us," he concluded, "give to those who 
are unable to buy, without money and without price, that which the 
fact of birth entitles them to. By this means, we strike at the last 
foothold of the 'Money Monopoly'— -THE MONOPOLY OF THE 
SOIL." 3 

At the Industrial Congress, held in Chicago in 1850, the ques- 
tion of land monopoly was one of the most talked of evils, and an 
address stressing its pernicious influence was finally adopted. In 
substance this address said that land monopoly was the foundation 
of all the wrongs which afflicted civilized society. 

[It causes] over toil, and the loss of opportunities for study 
and self improvement and consequent ignorance and degreda- 
tion; the poverty of the masses; the unjust accumulation of 
wealth and power by a privileged few; and the corruption of 

2 Chicago Daily Democrat, Oct. 10, 1848. 

3 Ibid., Jan. 22, 1848. 


the morals of the rich by luxury, pride and sensuality. ... [It 
produces! intemperance, both among rich and poor, among 
the rich by conferring wealth upon them without meritorious 
productive industry, and thus exciting a depraved taste for 
vicious and animal pleasures; and among the poor by creating 
a want for a preternatural and artificial stimulus in place of 
the healthful stimulants imparted by moderate labor, and by 
moral and intellectual activity, and the studies of philosophy 
and natural science. 

Lastly, it was the "root of the vast tree of selfishness and an- 
tagonism in society" which produced "the varied branches, flowers, 
and fruits of wickedness and discord and individual, domestic and | 
national wars and calamities" which darkened "the world and shed 
a poisonous miasm over the minds and hearts of men," and there 
was no "effectual remedy for these ills of society, short of the ex- 
tirpation of their great root and cause." 4 

Land reform, therefore, was not a farmers' movement, but was 
the common man's attack on uncontrolled capitalism, or — to use a 
more modern term — economic royalism. The engine of capital, 
explained John Wentworth, was the product of the commercial era. 
Through capitalism a privileged few of the present made possible 
an order worse than feudalism. "The fear of want does now," he 
said, "what the power of privilege did in former times."' Such 
conditions, of course, threatened the very existence of the nation. 
The tendency of money to accumulate in the hands of a few made 
the mere laborer the bondslave of the employer, and in times of 
stress the latter, in order to retain his profits, naturally reduced 
wages. This in turn "incited the poor against the rich, and stirred 
up revolutions" which threw down thrones and scepters. In Amer- 
ica, however, such conditions could be avoided by enabling "every 
man to secure himself a home in the unappropriated lands of the 
Republic." Thus, by this means, the capitalist lost "his last 
stronghold, the monopoly of the soil." The laborer was then given 

4 Chicago Daily Democrat, June 17, 1850. 
» Ibid., Jan. 22, 1848. 


a "security for the future" which would "forever place him in a 
position of impregnable strength." 6 

One must not think, however, that the land reformers were ad- 
vocates of destructive measures. They were not fire-eating radi- 
cals. Rather, they thought of themselves as trying to save the old 
agrarian order. Capitalism was the revolutionary movement, 
because it tended to change society and institute a rule of aristoc- 
racy instead of one by the people. "We labor to save, not to 
destroy," wrote Wentworth. "We fully believe that the safety 
and perpetuity of our institutions rest upon the equitable division 
of the fruits of industry; upon the fact that labor will eventually 
be rewarded in proportion to the services which it renders." 7 

Closely allied to the problem of capitalism was that of free labor 
and slavery. To the land reformer, the slaveholder was as much 
of a capitalist as the northern factory owner or great landlord. If 
labor, therefore, was to receive its just share of this world's goods 
and happiness, slavery must be destroyed. The extension of 
slavery would tend to deprive the free laborer of his dignity. 
Wentworth, writing in one of his editorials of the men who would 
profit by the nonextension of slavery, said: 

And last, though not least, there are the laboring men 
of the North — the hardy sons of toil, who know that it is to 
labor they must look for every earthly thing of value, and that, 
therefore, it is their policy, and they believe it to be their duty, 
to elevate labor by every means in their power. They cannot 
fail to see that slavery tends to degrade their calling, and that 
the more slavery is extended, the stronger will be that ten- 
dency. 8 

To the land reformers, however, the problems of labor and 
capital could be easily settled by limiting the amount of land any 
one man could own and by granting free homesteads. If the wes- 
tern lands would be opened on these principles, not only would the 
"pauper laborer" of Europe and the American worker in the "tariff 

6 Chicago Daily Democrat, March 29, 1848. 

7 Ibid. 

'Ibid., Apr. 11,1848. 


protected" establishments of the United States come into "the 
possession of their own," 9 but the whole question of slavery would 
also be solved. 10 But if capital persisted in its refusal to grant labor 
its just dues, Wentworth prophesied a great struggle. 11 

Although land reform was advocated as a means of aiding 
the laborer, the leaders and spokesmen of the movement them- 
selves did not belong to the mechanic or tenant farmer classes. 
Instead they were men of responsible position and moderate 
fortune, and occasionally of great wealth. They considered 
themselves, however, as a part of the common people and en- 
visaged a great free West, where every field was cultivated by 
its own proprietor and where every person who chose could 
become the owner of his field. 12 In addition to Wentworth, 
whom the New York Globe hailed as one of the greatest reformers 
in Congress, a a number of other Chicagoans espoused the cause 
of land reform. 14 

9 Chicago Daily Democrat, Jan. 22, 1848. 

" Ibid., Feb. 12, 1850. "We think also that the freedom of the public lands 
will do more to calm the slavery agitation than any act of Congress or any constitu- 
tional enactment of any kind which will not have public sentiment for its basis. 
Slavery is the result of certain social organizations which must be dissolved by the 
action of land reform principles." 

11 Ibid., Nov. 20, 1848. "Perhaps the most prominent feature of the present 
political agitation in the country is the question of the monopoly of the soil. The 
Wilmot Proviso is but a modification of the great principle, that the earth was 
given for the uses of man; and that, like the other essential elements to existence, 
no portion of its surface should be the subject of monopoly. 

"All, to a greater or lesser extent, as they have perceived the evils of the 
accumulation of large landed estates, have felt the injustice of the present system 
of land tenure, and expressed their convictions accordingly. But few have seen 
their way clear out of the web into which the errors of civilization have cast the 
world. . . . 

"Still no matter to what period of time the final issue may be delayed, 
from the question whether slavery shall monopolize the soil of the new States, 
to the question of monopoly by slavery induced by the power of concentrated 
capital, a great struggle is in prospect; and the merits or demerits of the principles 
advanced on both sides, are yet to be canvassed." 

" Ibid., Oct. 10, 1848. 

» Ibid., May 13, 1848. 

14 Dr. Carl A. Helmuth, editor of the Illinois Staats-Zeitung; James H. 
Collins, lawyer; Charles V. Dyer, physician; J. K. C. Forrest, of the Chicago 
Daily Democrat; Chauncy T. Gaston, printer; William B. Ogden, entrepreneur 
and president of the Free Soil League of Chicago; Fernando Jones, real estate 
operator and secretary of the aforementioned league; Nathan H. Bolles, real 


To the reformers the problem of providing homesteads for 
the landless was, of course, a simple one to solve, since there 
were millions of acres of unsold public lands. In 1848 these 
amounted to 1,549,322,599 acres, out of which 241,391,138 acres 
were already surveyed and ready for sale. 15 In Illinois there 
were still 15,693,076 acres to be disposed of at the beginning of 
1849— a little less than half the area of the state. 16 In the Chicago 
land district, there were 897,470 acres of public lands for sale on 
January 1, 1848. A year later Wentworth estimated that around 
700,000 acres were still left and he wondered why more land 
warrants were not located there. 17 

By the late forties, therefore, there was considerable agita- 
tion for homesteads. In the Chicago newspapers appeared nu- 
merous poems on the subject, of which the following is typical: 

A billion acres of unsold land 

Are lying in grievous dearth; 
And millions of men in the image of God, 

Are starving all over the earth; 
Oh ! tell me, ye sons of America, 

How much men's souls are worth ? 

Those millions of acres belong to man, 
And his claim is, that he needs — 

And his title is signed by the hand of God, 
Our God, who the raven feeds: 

And the starving soul of each famished man 
At the throne of Justice pleads! 

estate; W. B. Snowhook, dry goods merchant; John L. Scripps, publisher; 
William Sampson, real estate, and one of the vice-presidents of the Industrial 
Congress of 1850; and the Rev. William Barlow, pastor of the Trinity Episcopal 
Church. Chicago Daily Democrat, Apr. 29, May 19, 30, Sept. 8, 1848; May 9, 
June 7, 1850; Chicago Commercial Advertiser, Sept. 6, 1848. 

» Chicago Daily Democrat, March 17, 1848. 

" Ibid., Jan. 3, 1849. 

» Ibid., Jan. 16, 1849. 


Ye may not heed it, ye haughty men, 

Whose hearts as rocks are cold — 
But the time shall come when the fiat of God 

In thunder shall be told! 
For the voice of the great I AM hath said, 

That the land shall not be sold! 18 

In Congress, Wentworth and other members of the Illinois 
delegation constantly presented petitions and resolutions in favor 
of lands for the landless, and on December 27, 1849, Stephen A. 
Douglas introduced a homestead bill. 19 In fact, in March, 1849, 
the Daily Democrat claimed that more petitions had been pre- 
sented to Congress that session "in favor of the freedom of the 
Public Lands than for any other measure save cheap postage."" 
The question of homesteads and homestead exemption was even 
debated in the legislature, and during the session of 1848-1849 a 
bill was presented providing for exemption from "foreclosure and 
forced sale for any debt contracted after March 1, 1849" forty 
acres of agricultural land or a quarter of an acre of a recorded 
town plat. 21 The bill failed to pass the House, however, and the 
Democrat remarked that the only thing to do was to "pick the 
flint and try again." 22 

In Chicago numerous public lectures were given on land 
reform, especially in the year 1848. Among the most prominent 
lecturers was H. H. Van Amringe of Wisconsin. 2 * When the 
Industrial Congress met in Chicago in 1850, provision was made 
for popular lectures in the City Hall to be given during the 
sessions of the Congress. 24 

14 Chicago Daily Democrat, Jan. 10, 1848. 

» Ibid., Apr. 11, 13, 14, 1848; Feb. 7, 1849; Feb. 9, March 11, 1850; A. C. 
Cole, The Era of the Civil War 1848-1870 (The Centennial History of Illinois, 
III, Chicago, 1922), 90. 

" Chicago Daily Democrat, March 20, 1849. 

11 Ibid., Dec. 8, 18, 1848. 

" Ibid., Feb. 19, 1849. 

n Ibid., March 27, 1848 for example. Van Amringe was somewhat of a 
professional reformer and lectured also on women's rights, the ten-hour day, and 
other topics. 

" Ibid., June 7, 18S0. 


The first attempt to organize a National Reform Association 
in Chicago was in April, 1848," and the organization was com- 
pleted in May, with James H. Collins as president. 28 It was 
disbanded, however, after the presidential election of 1848, and 
was not reorganized until the time of the congressional election 
of 1850. 27 

At the convention of the Free Soil Party in Buffalo in 1848, 
the platform adopted did not satisfy many of the land reformers. 
In October, the Chicago National Reformers passed a long series 
of resolutions denouncing the Buffalo platform. 28 They put a 
ticket of their own in the contest, with Gerrit Smith for president 
and Charles C. Foote for vice-president, but the party polled 
only about a hundred and fifty votes in the whole state at the 
fall election. 29 

The land reformers, of course, met with some opposition in 
Chicago, chiefly from the Whigs. Alfred Dutch considered the 
movement as one led by "demagogues who spread their sales to 
catch every popular breeze in politics" and claimed it "hum- 
bugged" thousands "by the euphonious sound of free soil."** 
They were also accused of being Know-nothings, an accusation 
which they promptly denied, saying, however, that they did 
not intend that Sir John Murray, Louis Philippe, "and other 
foreign nabobs" should "hold land in this country, to speculate 
upon the same out of the hard earnings of the American la- 
borer." 31 The differences, however, between those who opposed 
and those who advocated land reform were not over the ends to 
be achieved, but over the methods. Dutch, chief of the oppo- 

» Chicago Daily Democrat, Apr. IS, 1848. 

»• Ibid., May 19, 1848. C. A. Helmuth was vice-president, Charles V. Dyer, 
treasurer; J. K. C. Forrest, corresponding secretary; and C. T. Gaston, recording 

" Ibid., Dec. 12, 1848; May 9, 18S0. The officers of the second association 
were: N. H. Bolles, president; C. T. Gaston, vice-president; William B. Snow- 
hook, treasurer; and John L. Scripps, secretary. 

" Ibid., Oct. 2, 1848. 

" Ibid., Oct. 9, Nov. 3, 27, 1848. 

30 Chicago Commercial Advertiser, Sept. 6, 1848. 

» Chicago Daily Democrat, March 31, 1848. 


sition, said the "attempt to get land, without an equivalent, by 
political management," and by the same process, limit the amount 
oi land others could hold, was "a much more difficult task, than 
to earn a sum to purchase it." 82 A better way to break the 
money monopoly, or capitalism, he held, would be to pass a 
sound banking law which would "augment" the "circulating 
medium, and create so much rivalry that the producing classes" 
would not "be compelled to pay all their earnings and profits 
for the use of a little paper money" which they themselves 
furnished "the means to keep in circulation." 83 

The last great burst of enthusiasm for land reform in Chicago 
was in 1850 at the Industrial Congress. Here were considered 
the questions of land limitation, homesteads, the ten-hour day, 
and equal rights for women (social as well as political and legal). 84 
After the Compromise of 1850 and the Kansas-Nebraska Act, 
northern and western fear of usurpation of power by the slave- 
holding oligarchy of the South tended to push land limitation 
and homesteads into the background and bring sectional issues 
to the fore. Although land reform principles were not forgotten 
from 1850 to 1862, it was not until the United States was engaged 
in the Civil War that the West was finally able to get its cherished 



In the 1830's and 1840's, the great Religious Awakening with 
which the names of Charles G. Finney and Theodore Weld are 
so closely associated, loosened the hold of orthodox predesti- 
narianism on the Calvinistic churches and substituted a spirit 
of humanitarian benevolence in its stead. The resultant impulse 

M Chicago Commercial Advertiser, March 1, 1848. 

" Ibid., Sept. 26, Oct. 3, 1849. 

** Chicago Daily Democrat, June 8, 10, 1850. 


for social reform was directed in succeeding years primarily 
toward Negro emancipation, but the spirit of reform overflowed 
and made all social ills seem easily curable. Foreign and home 
missions, Bible and tract societies, conversion of sailors, and 
temperance reform were only a few of the movements taken up 
under the influence of the Great Awakening. 

It is of importance to note that these reforms not only 
emanated from the churches, but that they were nurtured by 
and got their membership from the church element. And so 
close had become the intimate connection of temperance with 
revivals that the downfall of liquor and the conversion of the 
nation were a single object. 1 It was characteristic of the early 
temperance movement that its appeal was to earnest young 
people who were naturally predisposed towards high personal 
standards. Conversion for them involved a change of attitude 
rather than a change of life patterns, but the cause justified its 
existence in the eyes of its leaders "when it moved temperate 
people to denounce intemperance." 2 

In Chicago, during its first year of corporate existence, a 
movement was undertaken to control the sale of liquor. Growth 
in the number and strength of the evangelical denominations 
during the following years added the sanction which large num- 
bers can give. By 1848, for instance, at least two hotels, the 
Lake Street House, and the City Hotel, were advertised as 
temperance houses where "men of principle . . . [can find] company 
and comforts of the right kind." 3 The United States Hotel at 
the corner of Canal and Randolph streets, in 1851, was also a 
temperance hostelry. 4 And almost twenty-five years before the 
Hillsboro, and Washington Court House, Ohio, ladies — founders 

1 Gilbert Hobbs Barnes, The Antislavery Impulse 1830-1844 (New York 
1933), 18. 

1 Ibid., 25. 

8 Watchman of the Prairies, J an. 2, 1849. 

* Ibid., Apr. 22, Aug. 26, 1851. This hotel, run by D. L. Roberts, observed 
the popular religious prejudice against breaking the Sabbath by announcing: 
"Omnibuses always in attendance (Sundays excepted) to convey persons to and 
from the house free of charge." 


of the Women's Christian Temperance Union — conducted their 
prayerful picketing of local saloons and drugstores, certain of 
Chicago's druggists were advertising brandies and wines "Ex- 
pressly for Medical Purposes" or for communion services only. 6 
These, then, are but a few of the ways in which the growing 
temperance sentiment had forced a degree of conformity upon 
business as early as the beginning of the fifties. 

In their attack on liquor, the churches did not hesitate to 
stigmatize drinking as sinful. This, again, was characteristic of 
that humanitarian-evangelical movement for social reform which 
regarded compliance with the high ends toward which it strove 
as "right" and failure to act in this manner as "wrong." 
Tippling was condemned again and again as a sin which led in 
due course to death "or an even worse fate." Hence it was that 
the term "temperance" as used by most of the advocates of this 
reform was really a misnomer, for in reality total abstinence was 
their goal. 8 The so-called Temperance Committee of the Chicago 
Presbytery of the Presbyterian church, reporting in 1849, advo- 
cated continual weekly pulpit exhortation as the most effective 
means of obtaining total abstinence on the part of the youth and 
adults. They declared that the first "social glass" was merely 
the inviting entrance to the downward path toward the "drunk- 
ard's grave," and stated unequivocally: "No drunkard can 
inherit the Kingdom of God." 1 Calling on the clergy to stress 
the effect of liquor on the soul rather than upon the body, the 
editor of the local Baptist organ, who wielded a trenchant pen 
in the interests of antislavery, temperance, and other contempo- 
rary reforms, held that it was the welfare of the spirit that was 
placed in jeopardy by the use of liquor. 8 It was not long until 
advocates of the reform were attributing all forms of social 

1 Watchman of the Prairies, Jan. 8, 1850. 

• In his Lectures on Revivals of Religion (New York, 1835), 413, Charles G. 
Finney drew an analogy between "backsliding" after revival, and intemperance: 
"Nine-tenths of those who become drunkards, are led on from small beginnings 
The only security is in adopting the principle of TOTAL ABSTINENCE." 

T Watchman of the Prairies, Oct. 30, 1849. 

» Ibid., Feb. 12, 1850. 



unrest to the liquor traffic, fortified as it was "by law, and strongly 
entrenched ... in the indifference of . . . our citizens." 9 To the 
student of the more recent developments in temperance reform, 
cries that the depreciation of property values, the corruption of 
youth, depravity of public morals, and increase of taxation were 
the results of the liquor traffic, are singularly familiar. The 
extent to which the use of alcoholic beverages had become a 
moral issue can, perhaps, be best illustrated by quoting an 
editorial which appeared in a Methodist paper, admonishing 
housewives not to put brandy in their mince pies: 

It may revive the appetite for the poison in some one who 
is trying to get rid of it, or may form a taste for it in some one 
now innocent. . . . And who knows but that if one should eat 
your brandy pie he might be suspected of drinking brandy 
instead of eating it. Don't put the brandy in. 10 

To those who subscribed to the various temperance programs 
the liquor traffic had become "illicit" or "illegitimate," and the 
the use of spirits as a beverage had become a moral wrong. 

The churches of Chicago, in conducting their attack upon 
drinking, used a wide variety of expedients. In addition to the 
regular sermons from the pulpit, temperance meetings were held, 
more often than not in the church buildings. Those for mariners, 
for instance, took place in the Bethel Mission Church under the 
auspices of the Marine Temperance Society. 11 Among the tech- 
niques most commonly employed at such meetings was the use 
of testimony of reformed inebriates. Particularly at outdoor 
meetings and for street-preaching were these men featured, 
since it was felt that as erstwhile drunkards they would be able 
to appeal to the unchurched and unreformed. The summer of 
1848 saw a series of such sermons delivered on Chicago's main 
thoroughfares, and while it was believed "that much good was 

• Northwestern Christian Advocate, Feb. 16, 1853. 

" Ibid., March 23, 1853. 

11 Watchman of the Prairies, Jan. 4, 1848. Among those who spoke in favor 
of temperance at one time or another was P. T. Barnum, "the greatest showman 
•n the world." Northwestern Christian Advocate, Oct. 5, 1853. 


done, as access was had to the very class of men the temperance 
reform [was] designed to benefit," it is impossible to determine 
to what extent success attended their efforts. 12 

The periodic meetings of 1849 were similar to those of the 
year before, although the cholera epidemic of the later year 
excited many to try to obtain real curtailment of the liquor 
traffic. The spread of intemperance as evidenced by police court 
indictments, and the fact that the majority of dispensers were 
of foreign birth led many Protestants to despair of obtaining 
real results unless the Catholic church would undertake a tem- 
perance movement, or unless the Common Council could be 
prevailed upon to pass restrictive ordinances. Agitation for the 
accomplishment of both was undertaken. 13 It was with con- 
siderable regret, therefore, that toward the end of 1849, it was 
seen that in spite of "all the warnings which God has given to 
the intemperate during the past season by the cholera, this vice 
abounds here more than ever." 14 The failure of the temperance 
forces to obtain greater success during this epidemic year seems 
to have convinced them that legal restriction was the most effica- 
cious means of accomplishing their ends, moral suasion having 
been tried and found wanting. Thereafter greater emphasis was 
placed, both in temperance literature and on the platform, on 
the power of the ballot as the means by which the evils of the 
liquor traffic might be legislated out of existence. The meetings 
of the temperance groups, which began in the City Hall in April, 
1850, took the lead from the Rev. L. Raymond and advocated 
legal restriction on the sale of spirits. 16 

The passage of the first such restrictive law by the Illinois 
legislature in early 1851, a law which set a minimum sale of one 
quart of hard liquor, and allowed no sale to minors under eighteen 
years of age, was highly approved by the temperance forces. They 
regretted, however, that a more stringent law had not been passed, 

a Watchman of the Prairies, June 20, 1848. 
» Ibid., Jan. 2, 1849. 
" Ibid., Sept. 18, 1849. 
» Ibid. f Apr. 23, 1850. 


such as that of Wisconsin which made liquor retailers responsible 
for injuries resulting to purchasers. 16 

The great event of 1851, to temperance groups the country 
over, was the enactment in Maine of a law which wholly pro- 
hibited the sale of liquor. When, at the end of the first year 
that this law had been in force, it was seen that the results in 
decrease of crime and pauperism, as well as in the sale of liquor 
itself, were all that could be desired, groups in Chicago became 
highly ecstatic over the possibility of passing a similar law in 
Illinois. 17 When the Supreme Court of the United States upheld 
the Maine Law, and put an end to fears as to its constitutionality, 
real efforts began in Chicago. 18 Among the "hints" which one 
denominational newspaper of Chicago published to guide the 
arguments of the individual proselytizer was the following, of 
particular significance since a short two years before it had 
used the same reasoning to decry moral suasion and to defend 
restrictive legislation such as minimum liquor sales, or closing 
hours of saloons: "Raise no subordinate question, and be turned 
aside to no collateral issue. . . . Insist that under past legislation 
for partial restraint of the traffic in intoxicating drinks as a bev- 
erage, the evil has grown worse." 19 A similar stand was taken 
by the organ of the Congregational church when it first appeared 
in April, 1853. 20 

Up to and including 1853, the national temperance organiza- 
tion which had directed the reform activities, distributed litera- 
ture, and sent speakers around the Union was the Sons of Tem- 
perance, famed in the song and verse of the day along with the 
Washingtonian total abstinence pledge. Originally an organi- 
zation which sought to establish temperance through appeal to 
the individual and his conversion, climaxing in the signing of the 
"pledge," the Sons of Temperance, latterly, had been advocating 

16 Watchman of the Prairies, Feb. 18, 1851. 
« Ibid., Feb. iO, 1852. 

18 Ibid., March 16, 1852. 

19 Ibid., March 23, 1852; also issue of March 16, 1852. 
" Congregational Herald, Apr. 7, 1853. 


the wholesale methods of the Maine Law. When the National 
Division of the Sons, representing more than 300,000 members 
in the United States and Canada, met in Chicago in June, 1853, 
the Hon. Neal Dow, author of the Maine Law, dominated the 
entire proceedings. So completely had the Sons been won over 
that the many lectures which their representatives delivered in 
all parts of Chicago were categorically referred to as "Maine 
Law speeches." 21 During this assembly, Chicago had been 
thoroughly lectured on the fundamentals of the Maine Law, 
and meetings following the convention kept the subject before 
the people. It was Chicago, therefore, which took the lead in 
calling an interdenominational convention "of the friends of a 
prohibitory liquor law in the State of Illinois" to be held in the 
Clark Street Methodist Episcopal Church on December 7 and 8 
of the same year. Some two hundred and forty delegates, of whom 
more than two hundred were clergymen, from twenty-four 
counties, attended, and following lengthy discussions adopted a 
set of resolutions and set up the Illinois Maine Law Alliance 
which pledged its members never to vote for a candidate who 
was "not unequivocally pledged to the Maine Law." In addi- 
tion to adopting as their purpose "the entire suppression of the 
traffic in intoxicating drinks (as beverages) by efficient legal 
enactments," the Alliance set up a highly developed plan of 
organization for towns, counties, and the state. 22 A month later 
the local Cook County Maine Law Alliance was organized, the 
Chicago members taking the lead in the nomination of a 
temperance candidate for mayor in the forthcoming municipal 
elections. Their nominee, Amos Gaylord Throop, was badly 
defeated because of the concerted opposition (as a sympathetic 
Methodist paper explained) of the Catholic priests, the rum-sellers, 
Irish whiskey-drinkers, and German beer-drinkers. 23 To advertise 

11 Northwestern Christian Advocate, June IS, 1853; also Congregational 
Herald, June 18, 1853. A Cherokee Indian delegate was in attendance as the 
first representative of his race to attend a temperance convention. 

" Northwestern Christian Advocate, Dec. 14, 1853. 

" New Covenant, Feb. 13 (?), 1853; Northwestern Christian Advocate, Feb. 15, 
March 15, 1854. 


their activities, the state Maine Law Alliance began the publica- 
tion of a weekly newspaper, bearing the same name as the society, 
but this ill-starred venture, after several changes of management, 
was given up for want of subscribers. 24 

The political activity of the Alliance did not cease with its 
initial defeat, however, and with the election of Levi D. Boone 
as mayor on the antiforeign Know-nothing ticket in 1855, the 
city had an opportunity of witnessing the effect of enforcement 
of liquor restrictions. Sunday-closing laws and licensing or- 
dinances, affecting the German population of the city, caused 
the "Lager Beer Riots" of April 21, during the course of which 
one man was killed and several wounded. 25 The Alliance at 
the time was preparing for an appeal to the people on a referendum 
for a state law similar to the Maine Law, the voting to take 
place on June 4. The state organization sent a number of elo- 
quent speakers who addressed the citizens at weekly or daily 
meetings. With the hope of success near at hand, it is interest- 
ing to notice the extent to which the leadership of such meetings 
passed into secular hands. The clergy still appeared as speakers 
and were probably very important behind the scenes, but 
businessmen, editors, and politicians were selected as chairmen, 
secretaries, and other officers. Except for the participation of 
juvenile temperance societies, and their convention on June 2 
in Dearborn Park, these meetings differed in no wise from the 
ordinary political rallies and mass meetings. In the voting on 
the proposed law, the prohibition forces were defeated by a wide 
margin in Chicago and by a somewhat smaller one in the rest 
of Cook County. 26 With this defeat, the Maine Law Alliance, 
as a political force in Chicago, seems to have disappeared 

« Ibid., June 7, 1854; also Christian Times, Sept. 6, 1854. 
** Standard Encyclopedia of the Alcohol Problem, edited by Ernest H. 
Cherrington (Westerville, Ohio, 1925), II: 570. 

*• Daily Democratic Press, various numbers from April 27 to June 8, 1855. 
The issue of the last date gives the vote of June 4 as follows: 

In Chicago In Cook County 
For prohibition law 2,785 3,807 

Against prohibition law 3,964 5,182 



except for a union temperance movement which it sponsored at 
the time of the great revival of 1858 when practically every 
religious interest flourished. 27 That the friends of temperance 
had not given up hope of eventual victory is clear, however, for 
they continued their agitation until the eve of the war. In 1859, 
the Universalist organ, spokesman for the liberal element of 
Protestantism, demanded the embodiment in civil law of the 
responsibility of the liquor purveyor for all the damages oc- 
casioned through his "wicked traffic." 28 

While the Civil War diverted the attention of the entire 
country from customary concerns, it is certainly not true that the 
cause of temperance was deserted or that the moral censure of 
insobriety gave way to broad-minded tolerance while it was 
being waged. 29 Regular meetings of the societies such as those 
of the Chicago Temperance Legion continued to take place; 
new societies were set up, such as that at Bridgeport which had 
some two hundred members at its first anniversary in 1862; 
a number of Chicago churches cooperated with others in the state 
to hire the services of a famous lecturer and physiologist for 
temperance education; and when the Reverend Dr. Tiffany of 
Clark Street Methodist Episcopal Church got drunk while 
serving on Governor Yates's Sanitary Commission delegation 
after the Battle of Pittsburg Landing, the censorious cry which 
went up from the state and local secular press, to say nothing 
of the religious press, bespoke an aggrieved public opinion which 
was still highly sensitive to moral issues. 30 Relative to the high 

27 Christian Times, May 12, 1858. 

28 New Covenant, Feb. 5, 1859. 

29 Chicago Tribune, June 29, 1861. A movement was started at this time 
to solicit funds for distributing among the Illinois troops, copies of the Illinois 
Temperance Journal which were specially priced for this purpose by the editors 
at twenty dollars per hundred annual subscriptions. 

80 Bloomington [111.] Pantagraph, May 15, 1862; Chicago Tribune, May 17, 22, 
1862. Immediately after returning to Chicago, Dr. Tiffany resigned his pastorate 
and his position as secretary of the Chicago Sanitary Commission, and also gave 
up his membership in the Methodist Episcopal Church, requesting to be put on 
probation. The Pantagraph revealed his reasons in a highly caustic article and 
made the whole affair a public scandal. The Tribune took the position that 
Tiffany had suffered enough already and should not be persecuted. Subsequently 
he was readmitted to full membership and reinstated in the ministry. 


pitch reached before 1860, however, interest in temperance 
waned after that year, and did not regain its old strength until 
several years after Appomattox. 

In 1869, a temperance mass meeting was held in Farwell 
Hall, concerning which meeting it was said that "the friends of 
temperance are waking, and issues, dropped on account of the 
war, are again to be vigorously pressed." 31 At this meeting, 
the Reverend Dr. Hatfield prophetically declared that the 
political parties were due for a surprise on the temperance 
question, suggesting that reentry into politics, and on a national 
scale, must come. 32 The temperance interest, awakened this year, 
continued to grow as the old methods of revivalistic presentation 
were reintroduced. Saloon-preaching, for instance, came back 
into use when preachers invaded these places and prayed and 
preached for the besotted patrons. 33 In 1870, the perennial 
nonenforcement of ordinances restricting the hours and Sunday- 
opening of saloons, became a temporary focus point of which 
the temperance "host" availed itself. 34 When the mayor refused 
to close the saloons in accordance with the laws, and in spite of 
the petitions with 22,000 names which the temperance groups 
submitted, the salutary opposition which gave renewed vigor 
to the temperance movement appeared. The total abstinence 
i pledges which obliged the signers to "touch not, taste not, handle 
I not," were circulated in ever increasing numbers. Programs of 
: child education in the Sunday schools were undertaken, 35 and 
: temperance tract distribution went forward with a new impetus. 
Public meetings, such as those held each week in Farwell Hall, 
became the order of the day, and temperance "bars" where 
coffee and soup were available came into existence. 36 The 

» The Advance, Nov. 28, 1867. 

31 Chicago Tribune, Nov. 22, 1867. The Tribune, on April 14, 1867, warned 
the prohibitionists that they would go down in defeat if they tried to erect a 
political party on the Maine Law experiment. 

»» The Advance, March 19, 1868. 

M Ibid., Jan. 6, 1870; also The Interior, March 17, 1870. 

» Ibid., March 31, 1870. 

" Chicago Tribune, March 30, July 17, 1871. 


Washingtonian Home, founded in 1863, expanded its work of 
curing drunkards of their taste for liquor, its income from the 
sale of liquor licenses guaranteeing its existence. 37 

By 1870 or 1871, therefore, the temperance campaign was 
again well under way in Chicago. The fire of the latter year 
did not put a stop to this activity, for the "Fire-Proof" ticket 
on which Joseph Medill was elected mayor was pledged to enforce 
the laws restricting liquor selling. This was the last important 
political success of the temperance groups in the line of municipal 
regulation of the traffic in spirits, however, for the victory of 
the foreign groups, and particularly the Germans, in 1873, put 
an end to the effective enforcement of the restrictive ordinances. 
While the temperance movement grew in numbers and strength 
from then on, political developments did not reflect this growth 
until the turn of the twentieth century. 38 



Chicago, in the last quarter of the nineteenth century, was 
the scene of a radical labor movement interesting not only from 
the local point of view, but also from the national, which it 
epitomized. Against the dramatic background of a city rising, 
in fifty years, from a frontier town to the center of a great 
commercial empire, the problems of the working men were 
brought into sharp relief. It was no accident that the three 
great crises of the labor history of the late nineteenth century 
centered in Chicago — the railroad riots of 1877, the Haymarket 
riot of 1886, and the Pullman strike of 1894. 

What was this Chicago which was to be the scene of a move- 
ment which attracted national attention? In 1871 much of the 

37 Chicago Tribune, Jan. 14, 1868. 

38 Encyclopedia of the Alcohol Problem, II: 572. 


city had been destroyed by fire, and many people believed that 
the day of Chicago had passed, that some other middle western 
city would become the capital of the great prairie section which 
had looked to Chicago for leadership. 1 But the fire, terrible 
catastrophe though it was, proved but an impetus to a develop- 
ment even more spectacular than the previous twenty years 
had witnessed. In size Chicago grew, in the years between the 
fire and the World's Fair of 1893, from thirty-five to over two 
hundred square miles. Her population increased, in these two 
decades, from a little under three hundred thousand to more than 
a million people. 2 Such an increase would in itself have caused 
vexatious problems, but other factors made the situation even 
more serious. To a certain extent the growth in population was 
due to natural increase; a part resulted from expansion from 
more established communities of the United States; but a large 
part resulted from immigration into the United States. During 
the twenty years under consideration, the two main strains of 
the immigrant influx into Chicago were German and Irish, and 
these two racial groups alone accounted for over half of the 
city's population. 

Under any circumstances the adjustment of the immigrants to 
the new society would have been difficult, but the situation in 
Chicago only added to the complexity of the problem. Chicago 
had become by 1871 the commercial capital of the Middle West 
and was beginning to establish factories which were to make her a 
manufacturing center of equal importance. In this maelstrom of 
commercial and industrial activity, the immigrants found it diffi- 
cult to adjust to the ethics and basic idealism of the dominant 
middle class, whose will for power and quest for profit set the tone 
for urban American civilization. In spite of the difficulties in- 

1 A. L. S., John B. Carson to Elihu Washburne, Nov. 8, 1871, Elihu Wash- 
burne Papers (MSS, Library of Congress), Vol. 76. 

2 G. H. Gaston, The History and Government of Chicago: Its Expansion by 
Annexations (Reprint from the Educational Bi-Monthly, June, 1914), 10; Ninth 
Census, Vol. I, The Statistics of the Population of the United States (Washington, 
1872), 599; Eleventh Census, 1890, Part II: Vital Statistics (House Misc. Docs., 
52 Cong., 1 Sess., 1891-92, Vol. 50, pt. 18, Washington, 1896), 364. 


volved, the vast majority of the newcomers soon accepted the 
ideology of nineteenth century America — believing that within 
their reach or that of their children lay the possibility of attaining 
the comfort, security and power of the middle class. 

There were those, however, who could not accept the "great 
American dream," who could find no hope for themselves or their 
kind in the system they found in America. These men, largely 
German, espoused various of the anticapitalist theories current at 
the time and attempted to spread the teachings of these various 
schools of thought. There had been a socialist movement in Chi- 
cago even before the fire, but it remained for the panic of 1873 and 
the terrible distress which lasted for several years afterwards and 
found violent outlet in the railroad riots of 1877 to give the move- 
ment a degree of cohesion and the powerful motivating force of 
what Mr. Louis Adamic, with characteristic lack of delicacy but 
amazing aptness, calls "an underdog, belly-hunger movement."* 

The first organization of anticapitalist thinkers among Chicago 
workingmen was that of the Universal German Workingmen's 
Association, whose members, affiliated with the International, 
were followers of the doctrines of Lassalle. In 1874 another or- 
ganization of Lassalleans was begun under the name of the Labor 
Party of Illinois. Both of these organizations emphasized political 
action with but little success, and in 1875, discouraged by their 
failure to gain converts, they joined forces and turned their ener- 
gies to trade union action. Meanwhile, another organization was 
growing up which, after several vicissitudes typical of radical or- 
ganizations, emerged as the Socialistic Labor Party, and adopted 
a program of political action which had as its goal "to place the 
means of labor into the hands of the whole people, and thus es- 
tablish a system of cooperative industry, by abolishing the present 
wage system." 4 By 1880, two diverse factions had grown up in- 
side the Socialistic Labor Party, and the following year the trade 

3 Louis Adamic, Dynamite, the Story of Class Violence in America (New York, 
1931), 44. 

4 Report of the Special Committee on Labor, 39 Gen. Assembly 111. (Springfield, 
1879), 39. 


union faction split off from the political socialists. The new party 
formed by the trade union group came to be known as the Inter- 
national Workingmen's Association, and was thus described: "For 
a year and a half the character of this movement was very vague. 
There was loose talk of violence, dynamite, and assassination, but 
the party as a whole dangled self-consciously between Marxism 
and Nihilism, between theory and action." 6 The Chicago members 
of the group scoffed at the possibility of reorganizing society by 
political action, but they were perfectly willing to use this means 
of propagandizing their faith. 

At the same time that a small but vehement group in Chicago 
was becoming convinced that anarchism was the ideal system to 
replace the capitalistic chaos, another more widespread change was 
making itself felt. It seems characteristic of the American labor 
movement that there be periodic swings from a belief in the efficacy 
of political action to a dependence upon direct action. Such a 
change was visible in the Chicago labor movement in the eighties. 
It was partly due to the fiery criticism of political action by the 
anarchist leaders, August Spies, Albert Parsons and others, for 
there were many who, although they were unwilling to accept the 
anarchist system, were still ready to believe with the anarchist that 
the vote offered no solution to their problems. And the anarchists 
could in this case back their criticism with facts. It had for years 
been apparent that the working classes could hope for little from 
either of the major parties. Nor had the attempts to form special 
workers' parties been particularly successful. Their greatest 
strength came in 1879 when they cast over 10,000 votes in the 
Chicago mayoralty election/ Generally they were unable to com- 

'Adamic, Dynamite, 45. The national convention of the International 
Workingmen's Association in 1883 announced its belief in the destruction of 
class rule by "energetic, relentless, revolutionary and international action, the 
establishment of a free society based upon cooperative organization of productions 
without commerce and profit mongery; the organization of education on a popular, 
scientific and equal basis for both sexes; equal rights for all without distinction 
of sex or race, and the regulation of public affairs by free contracts between autono- 
mous communes and associations resting on a federalistic basis." Nathan J. 
Ware, The Labor Movement in the Unittd States (New York, 1929), 308. 

1 Lucy Parsons, Life of Albert R. Parsons (Chicago, 1903), xxvii. 


pete with the older established parties for important offices, and 
were successful only in securing the election of one or two aldermen, 
who found themselves impotent against the organized party ma- 
chines. The climax came, to the discontent of the radical workers 
for political action, with a particularly blatant action by which the 
Democratic machine in 1880 was able to prevent the socialist mem- 
ber of the council from taking his place in that body for almost the 
entire term for which he had been elected. After this time the 
number of votes cast for socialist candidates in Chicago steadily 
dwindled, until in 1884 they polled only some six or seven hundred 
votes. 7 This falling off was, of course, partly caused by the disgust 
of certain socialist groups with the possibility of attaining their 
goal by political action, and was partly due to the fact that with 
the return of comparative prosperity many workers who had previ- 
ously voted socialist as a protest and not as a means of indicating 
their belief in the constructive program of that group, now returned 
to their old-line affiliations. 

By 1885, anticapitalist thought in Chicago's labor circles was 
fairly well-advanced and divided into two schools: the old-line 
socialist and the anarchist. The Socialistic Labor Party and the 
Amalgamated Trades and Labor Assembly represented the former, 
and the International Workingmen's Association, the Progressive 
Central Labor Union and the Lehr and Wehr Verein, which were 
armed German drill organizations, represented the latter. 

Already, however, just as the anarchist faction was establish- 
ing itself and gaining strength, the movement was beginning 
which was to result in the complete silencing of the anarchist move- 
ment in Chicago. It is a curious anomaly that the eight-hour 
movement, which resulted in the Haymarket incident and the 
ruthless suppression of the anarchists, was adopted only after 
hesitation by the anarchist leaders. Late in 1885 the Central 
Labor Union, organization of the anarchist faction, adopted the 
program of agitation for the eight-hour day. An eight-hour league 

7 Report of the Senate Committee upon Relations Between Capital and Labor, 
48 Cong. (Washington, 1885), I: 585. 


was formed in which this Union cooperated with the Socialistic 
Labor Party and the Knights of Labor. Agitation was carried on 
by means of mass meetings and May 1, 1886 was set for the in- 
auguration of the campaign. May day passed without serious 
trouble, much to the surprise of the worthies of the city who felt 
sure that revolution and murder were imminent. But on May 3, 
after a meeting near the McCormick Reaper works, where the 
men were out on strike, there was a serious encounter with the 
police, in which six men were killed. Angered by what they con- 
sidered an unjustified assault upon a workers' meeting, the anar- 
chist leaders determined to hold a large meeting in the Haymarket 
which was to be at once a protest meeting against the McCormick 
outrage and a demonstration in favor of the eight-hour day. Of 
the events of that tragic evening, but little need be said. Parsons, 
Fielden and Spies addressed the crowd, giving speeches not unlike 
those that they had been giving for the past several years, advocat- 
ing the overthrow of capitalism and the achievement. of social jus- 
tice. As the crowd was beginning to disperse, overzealous police- 
men appeared on the scene and ordered the meeting to disperse. 
Immediately after the order was given, a bomb was thrown into 
the ranks of the police, killing several and wounding many others. 
Within the next few weeks, August Spies, Michael Schwab, Samuel 
Fielden, Adolph Fischer, George Engel, Oscar Neebe, Louis Lingg 
and Albert Parsons were arrested and charged with the murder 
of Matthias Degan, one of the policemen who had been almost 
instantly killed by the explosion. In an atmosphere of animosity 
which was almost hysterical, the trial of these men took place. 8 
One commentator expressed it: "There is not a shred of evidence 
to connect these men with the Haymarket bomb throwing. They 
were anarchists and had talked wildly of violence and revolution 
at one time or another, and on these grounds they were found 
guilty. It was a case of Society against Anarchy with revenge as 
the motive." 9 Viewed as a murder trial the case was a tragic 

8 Official Record of the Haymarket Trial (MS, Chicago Historical Society). 

9 Ware, Labor Movement, 315. 


travesty upon justice. It emerges as a more understandable event 
when we realize that in the eyes of middle-class America the anar- 
chists had — whether by deed or word is unimportant — destroyed 
the symbol of authority upon which their civilization rested. It 
was not to be expected that with the defense attorneys men of 
little experience, with both judge and jury at least predisposed in 
favor of guilt and with the added force of a hysterical public opin- 
ion, these men would be acquitted. Finally they were found guilty, 
one being sentenced to life imprisonment and the others to death. 
The sentences of Fielden and Schwab were commuted to life, and 
that of Oscar Neebe to fifteen years; Louis Lingg committed sui- 
cide in prison and the others were hanged. 

The hysteria which the Haymarket incident caused among 
substantial citizens did not soon die away. Prominent business- 
men of the city raised a fund of several hundred thousand dollars 
to convict the anarchists and to wipe out whatever survived of the 
anarchist movement. When Governor Altgeld pardoned the three 
surviving defendants, a storm of protest was unleashed against 
him, equalled only by the applause that came from those whom 
time had permitted to see the affair more objectively. 

The incident had several important effects. It did undoubtedly 
silence the anarchists. Their great leaders, the ones who had be- 
lieved sincerely in the constructive theory of anarchism, were im- 
prisoned or hanged. But it would be a mistake to think that the 
labor movement as a whole was so affected. On the contrary it 
emerged from the 1886 hysteria in many respects stronger than it 
had been before that time. The diverse elements of labor, and the 
different organizations and nationalities were all drawn together 
by the realization that their common cause was more important 
than factional differences and theoretical disagreements among 
themselves. Furthermore, the labor movement really gained in 
practical strength with the removal of the radical intellectuals. 

It was not until 1894 that labor in Chicago was faced with 
another such crisis as the one of 1886 which had been climaxed by 
the throwing of the Haymarket bomb. By this time the panic of 


1893 had caused a serious amount of unemployment, wage cuts 
were being made and whole industrial plants were being shut down. 
The trouble this time centered about the Pullman Palace Car Com- 
pany works. The paternalist system of Mr. Pullman's town, ex- 
cellent though it may have been in theory, caused great dissatis- 
faction among his workers. Consequently, they welcomed the 
opportunity to join the American Railway Union which had been 
organized in Chicago in 1893 under the leadership of Eugene V. 
Debs. Dissatisfaction caused by the refusal of the company to 
recognize the union came to a climax in May, 1894, when the 
company announced a wage cut. The men walked out, and 
the company retaliated by closing the plant — a step it was not at 
all averse to taking, since conditions made operation at a profit 
difficult. It is unnecessary to discuss the details of the Pullman 
strike, already so familiar to modern American historians. Eugene 
V. Debs emerged as the leader of the labor forces, and directed the 
strike until the employer groups made use of the formidable weapon 
of the injunction, and Debs and his lieutenants were arrested and 
the strike broken. 

These, then, are the highlights of the radical labor movement 
in Chicago in the years from 1873 to 1894. The period was one in 
which the organization of labor went forward at a rapid rate, when 
trade unions were increasing in numbers as well as in strength. At 
the same time a numerically small but vocal group was espousing 
anticapitalist theories, and in this group too, there was a period of 
organization and of definition. The course of the development is 
indicated by the mention of the great names of the labor move- 
ment of this period in the city — Parsons and Spies at the begin- 
ning and Debs at the end. As epitomized by these men, the so- 
cialist labor movement had changed from a thing of eloquent 
theorizing and idealism impossible of realization to the idea of 
evolutionary revolutionary socialism which Debs represented. 




The story of the development of Chicago may be told in 
many ways. It can be regarded as the growing center of a great 
inland empire, the activities of whose citizens have reached, 
and continue to reach, intimately into the lives of the people of 
half a dozen surrounding states and beyond, and are in turn 
influenced by these individuals, and others, dwelling outside 
the boundaries of the city. Again it might be revealed in the 
record of the achievements and failures of its leaders in many 
lines of endeavor, portrayed against the background of the 
destinies of the remainder of the population. In another sense 
it forms an Exhibit A of the long struggle of labor for rights 
and privileges, as opposed to the functioning of unrestrained 
laissez-faire capitalism. Still another is the changing relation of 
the English speaking and the foreign language groups. Here 
may be noted such phases as the initial economic, political and 
social dominance of the latter by the former; the gradual 
political emancipation of the foreign language groups brought 
about by cooperation and the ballot box; the use of political 
control as a means of challenging the remaining economic and 
social prerogatives of their opponents; and lastly the partial 
amalgamation of the two groups with the gradual emergence of 
a social viewpoint on the part of both. 

Suggestive is the fact that practically from the beginning of 
Chicago as an organized entity, three types of interest have been 
predominant, namely economic enterprise, intellectual activity 
along cultural and social lines, and concern with spiritual matters. 
Out of these has come at times a fourth phenomenon, the "I 
will" spirit, which has done so much to give Chicago her 
distinctive place among the great cities of her time. Tracing 
the individual growth and the relationship of these factors is 


fundamental to the understanding of the story of Chicago, past 
and present. So varied are the possibilities for analyzing and 
depicting the history of this great city that imagination con- 
tinues to suggest others, but the above will suffice to illustrate. 

The plan outlined by Dr. Pierce offers a further method of 
attack. Chronological division into periods and selection of 
topics within the period has obvious advantages, provided good 
judgment and imagination, as undoubtedly will be in evidence 
in this instance, enter into the choice of topics. In view of the 
emphasis placed upon the r61e of the common man, it would 
not be amiss to point out that impartial treatment would of 
course require that the mutual dependence upon each other of 
both leaders and the mass, should be duly shown. 

Mr. Norris, Mr. Wiltsee, and Miss Culp have each in turn 
indicated the interesting and important data that they are 
uncovering in their research. Judging from the types of sources 
which they have cited (and this thought should also be held in 
mind for the history of Chicago as a whole), newspapers, periodi- 
cals and books should be liberally supplemented with manu- 
scripts and other varieties of original material. 

The project in which Dr. Pierce and her associates are engaged 
is both intriguing and important for American and world history. 
May their product in finality, equal in quality the zeal and 
enthusiasm which they are giving to their chosen task. 



"The time has not yet come when the history of Slavic immi- 
gration can be written with any thoroughness. The preliminary 
work must be done by local antiquarian societies, state historical 
associations, writers of monographs, and mainly by members of 
the various nationalities themselves. Meanwhile, unless the 
work of collecting material is vigorously and systematically 
carried on, much will be irrevocably lost." 1 Little has been 
done in the period of some thirty years since Emily Balch made 
this appeal to the historical consciousness of American and Slav. 
The author, of course, could not foresee later developments, the 
prosecution of research projects on a large scale with public 
money, with the resulting preservation of sources too long for- 
gotten. 2 

Until the W. P. A. Foreign Language Project began its work, 
Chicago's Russian colony remained neglected by the student. 
There had been no attempt to set forth in any connected form 
the life of the second largest Russian community in America. 
A few, greatly interested in the life of their people, had stored 
away handbills, letters, and copies of newspapers. It was to 
trace down these sources that the Russian section of the Foreign 
Language Project was organized, sending its investigators into 
damp basements and dusty attics, only to find with heartbreak- 

1 Emily G. Balch, Our Slavic Fellow Citizens (New York, 1910), 205. 

i This paper is an attempt to give a general summary of the Russian colony 
as it appears from source material thus far collected by the W.P.A. Foreign 
Language Project of Chicago. It does not pretend to completeness, and is 
intended only to give students an idea of the problems which arise in connection 
with such a study. 


ing frequency that the junkman had been there before them, or 
that carelessness, aided by fire and dampness, had destroyed 
records which could not be replaced. When some stray file of 
papers was found, its possessor often had to be persuaded that 
his material would not be used against him, that it was not the 
police who wanted it. However, it must be placed to the credit 
of the Russians, that, almost without exception, they have 
appreciated the necessity of such researches if their history is 
to be preserved in written form. 

The early records of this Russian community are lost. The 
English language press informs us that a "Russian Mutual Aid 
Society" presented an address of welcome to President Cleveland 
upon the occasion of his visit to Chicago in 1887; there is to be 
found in the same source a reference to a Russian Literary So- 
ciety, Organized in 1890. 3 Beyond these there is little trace of 
the organized secular life of the Russians between 1871 and 1908. 
The Holy Trinity Orthodox Cathedral, founded in 1893, remains 
the oldest living Russian organization in the city. 

The heavy immigration of the first decade of the twentieth 
century gave Chicago, for the first time, a semblance of Russian 
community life. Hull House was the early center, but new 
organizations soon began to rent and furnish their own quarters. 
In the period, 1905-1916, the first Russian paper, The Russian 
in America, a weekly, was established, existing about one and a 
half years. 4 Other efforts were made by liberal and socialist 
groups to publish small magazines; without exception, all expired 
after a few issues. 6 

In this same period there came a great growth of benefit 
societies. Immigrants working in factories for low wages, and 
suspicious of the life around them, began to band together to 
protect their families and their future. Organizations devoted 
to revolutionary, artistic or intellectual aims made provision to 

3 Chicago Daily News (morning issues), Oct. 5, 1887; Nov. 21, 1890. 

4 Russkii v Amerike. 

5 The Foreign Language Project has records to date of nineteen newspapers 
and eleven magazines published in Russian in Chicago since 1891. 


pay their members sick and death benefits or to lend them small 
sums. The largest local society of this type, the Russian Inde- 
pendent Mutual Aid, was founded in 1912, following a quarrel 
among the parishioners of the Russian Orthodox Cathedral.* 
Around this society there has developed a church and a school. 
The Independent Church has become an intellectual center 
among the Russians of Chicago, vying with the Orthodox Church 
for leadership, and spreading its influence far beyond the city. 

Intellectual ferment was the product of the war and its after- 
math. Revolution in Russia was reflected in Chicago. Many 
saw their dreams come true and returned home to help build a 
new nation; those remaining behind in Chicago organized to give 
the Revolution moral and material support. The press grew 
rapidly. Several papers sprang up to debate the new Russia 
and the proper attitude of the colony toward it. There de- 
veloped during this time the schism which has hamstrung the 
colony ever since. A growing distrust of the extreme policy of 
the Soviet government, together with an influx of refugee immi- 
grants from the homeland, caused a majority of the community 
to cease their support of the new course of Revolution. Since 
1921, the anticommunist sentiment of the colony has grown, 
and unceasing warfare with the more radical minority has become 
more bitter. 

It is fitting that we draw the curtain with the year 1924. 
Events too recent cannot be seen in their proper perspective; we 
cannot yet correctly evaluate the effects of a decade of inter- 
necine strife. Clear it is, however, that the Russians of Chicago 
are erecting a new foundation for their community existence. 
Russians are entering the regular American parties in an effort 
to gain a foothold in the politics of city and state. At the same 
time an effort is being made to preserve the old traditions and 
transmit to the youth the language of their fathers. There is a 
lively consciousness, even among the more radical elements, of 

• Russkii Narodnyi Kalendar na 1929 god ("Russian National Almanac, 
1929"), edited by J. J. Voronko (Chicago, 1929), 78-81. 


the need for schools to give this training. 7 Among the young 
people there has arisen a movement to replace with English the 
Russian of the Orthodox Church service. In a word, the Russians 
are much nearer assimilation, though let us hope that they will 
be able to synthesize the traditions of two great nations. 

Sources of information for the more recent years, which are 
available to the Project, are much more abundant than for the 
early part of the century, although the newspaper files preserved 
are incomplete. The dozens of societies which flourished have 
left their record in handbills, announcements and resolutions 
which throw light on the reactions of the colony to events 
abroad and at home. 

The Russian press has been the Project's most difficult prob- 
lem. Russian journalism has never been highly successful in 
Chicago; lack of adequate finances, poor equipment, and un- 
trained personnel have been the greatest restraining influences. 
The Russian-American newspaperman is often a drifter who 
has been unsuccessful in other professions. Three types of 
paper have appeared in Chicago — the independent, the "front" 
or newspaper published to furnish prestige to its editor in 
politics, and that supported wholly or in part by an organi- 
zation. The latter has been most successful. The Independent 
Society financed the publication of Free Russia in 1917 and has 
supported, at least in part, every important paper which has 
appeared since that date. Despite this, it is obvious that the 
quality of Russian journalism is declining. Too often the printed 
page becomes the scene of obscure intellectual battles; the edi- 
tor's chief tool is a pair of shears, with which he acquires his 
daily budget of news from the local English language press. 

Journalism and every other civic activity has obtained its in- 
spiration from the "intellectual," and from the educated working- 
man. Semi-illiterate masses have been forced to look to this 
minority to conduct them through the maze of difficulties arising 

7 Novyi Mir ("New World"), Apr. 4, 1936. This newspaper is published 
in New York. 


from American urban life, for which the old ways furnish no 
precedent. The intellectual is usually a professional man, a 
physician, lawyer, editor, or engineer, occasionally a writer, 
more rarely a business man. Though his professional training 
may be, and, in fact, often has been obtained in America, the 
learned man generally enjoys a Russian university education. 
Many of the Russian intellectuals of Chicago fled to America 
for political reasons. Before the war they were the heart of the 
numerous revolutionary circles and bands, of every political hue, 
which flourished in the colony. The intellectual in those far-off 
days kept his eyes on the tsarist state and worked feverishly to 
convert his backward peasant countrymen to the doctrines of 
social change. 

Revolutionary reality greatly changed all this. Many, it is 
true, hurried home to join in the new life. Among them was 
Michael Berg who for almost a decade had been striving to 
educate the unlettered of his community. The world now knows 
him as Michael Borodin, adviser to Sun Yat-Sen, and mighty 
forger of revolution in China. He is the most famous of the 
scores who left Chicago to take an active part in the Revolution. 
The course of events and old political differences produced 
numerous quarrels among the leaders, the more conservative 
wing being strengthened by the influx of refugees between 1920 
and 1924. Since that time there has arisen an interest in purely 
American politics; Russians, under the influence of their leaders, 
are taking their place in American public life. 

All of the intellectual's talents have not been devoted to 
politics, however. No movement for the betterment of condi- 
tions among his people has failed to find him at the helm. Popu- 
lar lectures on hygiene, art, music and literature have engaged 
the attention of the best forces of the colony for over three dec- 
ades. Russian physicians conducted a campaign of education 
against venereal disease and quackery among their countrymen 
twenty years before these subjects became fashionable in the 
metropolitan press of Chicago. The Russian People's Uni- i 


versity of Chicago, founded in 1918, during its life of two years 
was a vital force in the intellectual and economic life of the 
entire community. 8 

It is tragic that these unselfish efforts have not been more 
successful. Unfortunately for the welfare of the colony, the 
Russian workingman's distrust of the learned has been much in 
evidence, and not entirely without justification. The tendency 
toward sectarian differences, personal quarrels and pettifogging 
has been prominent in Chicago. Many promising schemes have 
been ruined and the colony as a whole retarded by this suspicion 
of the well-educated. Until the level of the community as a 
whole is raised, no permanent solution of such serious problems 
as poverty and quackery can be attempted. 

The study of the Russian colony is not yet sufficiently ad- 
vanced to enable us to make any very definite pronouncements. 
The records available are so scanty that inevitably great gaps 
will appear in the complete story, particularly for the early 
periods. The years from 1924 to the present, however, will be 
well covered, and it will be possible to trace the recent history 
of the Russian settlement in full detail. 

Chicago's Russians are making a valiant fight to maintain 
their individuality. The cessation of immigration will result 
eventually in their complete assimilation; meanwhile those who 
knew the homeland are struggling to inculcate in their children 
a love for its language and culture. It is very difficult to awaken 
the poorly educated to the great traditions of the old home. 
Among the masses, living on a low scale, the daily problems of 
food and shelter appear all-important. 

Their failures in organization and community life are fully 
' recognized by the Russians. Other peoples, more numerous or 

* lxoestiya Russkago Narodnago Universiuta v Chikago ("News of the Russian 
People's University of Chicago"), No. 1, Chicago, 1919. This volume furnishes 
complete information as to the scope and influence of this institution. The Krasnow 
Scrapbooks, Vols. I and IX, owned by Dr. Henry R. Krasnow, 4601 N. Broadway, 
Chicago, 111., contain newspaper clippings, handbills, and other materials covering 
the past thirty years of the Russian colony. 


less torn by internal quarrels, have made a greater impression 
upon the city. So the Russians, unable to compete in numbers or 
in wealth, have been content to occupy an honorable place 
among the many nationalities that have had so large a part in 
the building of Chicago. 



Edited by HARRY E. PRATT 


J. H. Buckingham, son of the founder and publisher of the 
Boston Courier, came to Chicago in July, 1847, as a delegate to the 
River and Harbor Convention and as a reporter for his father's 
paper. That Convention, which Horace Greeley said was the 
largest meeting ever held in America up to that time, convened 
on July 5 and adjourned two days later. Its purpose was to reg- 
ister a protest against President Polk's veto of a bill making appro- 
priations for river and harbor improvement, and to strengthen the 
general cause of internal improvements by federal action. Chi- 
cago was an appropriate meeting place, because Polk's veto had 
deprived it of an anticipated 38,000 for the harbor improvement 
which had been in progress since 1833. 

One of the Illinois delegates to the Convention was Abraham 
Lincoln, who had been elected to the national House of Repre- 
sentatives the preceding year but had not yet taken his seat. So 
far as is known, this was Lincoln's first visit to the Illinois metrop- 
olis. Buckingham made no mention of Lincoln's short speech be- 
fore the Convention, but when they became fellow passengers on 
the stage between Peoria and Springfield a few days later, he was 
greatly amused by the Whig Congressman and described his antics 
in several of the most interesting passages of this narrative. 

Buckingham was fascinated by Chicago and the West, and 
decided to proceed to St. Louis. His route took him by stage and 
steamer through Peru, Peoria, Springfield, Jacksonville and Alton. 


Returning, he traveled up the Mississippi to Galena, stopping 
for a day at Nauvoo. His description of the famous Mormon Tem- 
ple is one of the most detailed on record. From Galena, he followed 
the lower route through Dixon to Chicago. 

Buckingham's letters to the Courier, which appeared at inter- 
vals in July and August, 1847, are first-rate travel literature. But 
they have a broader interest than most travel literature, for the 
state which they describe so accurately and vividly was the Illinois 
of Lincoln's time. Here are the towns as he saw them, the inns in 
which he slept, the people whom he knew — and, for good measure, 
a pencil sketch of Lincoln himself. 


July 5, 1847 

This city, with a permanent population of nearly twenty 
thousand inhabitants, is, to-day, occupied by at least forty 
thousand. It is a beautiful place, the most beautiful, at first 
sight, of any I have seen since I left New-England. Its streets 
are broad and long, and all lined with trees. It is bordered by 
the Chicago or Skunk River and Lake Michigan, and by a ten- 
mile prairie. The prevalent winds are from the North, blowing 
over the lake, and they keep everything healthy. 

To-day, the great, long-talked of, and very important River 
and Harbor Convention, met in this place, and this fact, with 
the additional fact that the day was set apart for the celebration 
of our National Independence, has caused a great crowd. All 
the hotels, — and Western towns and cities, are famous for the 
number, — if not for the excellence of their hotels and taverns, 
have been full to overflowing for more than a week. I arrived 
here yesterday morning, in five days from Buffalo, in the steamer 
Baltic, 1 with two hundred and fifty passengers, but no hotel 

1 The Baltic, Capt. A. T. Kingman in charge, had left Buffalo, New York, for 
Chicago on June 29, 1847; it remained there until July 8. It was an 825 ton steamer, 
launched in Buffalo earlier in the same year. It was 221 feet in length, and had a 
30 foot beam, with a 12 foot depth of hull. 


accommodations could be had that were comfortable, and we 
all, men, women and children, remain on board the boat, by 
invitation of Captain Kingman, who keeps temporarily a hotel 
for our accommodation. Five other large steamers are lying in 
the river with their passengers also on board, and in the same 
situation. The citizens have been very liberal, and have put 
themselves to great expense and inconvenience to accommodate 
strangers; — every private house where there is a spare bed, has 
been freely offered to the strangers who are here, and I under- 
stand that all the houses are full. I have just declined an invi- 
tation to a spare mattress on the floor of the office of a lawyer 
in Lake street, because I am well accommodated on board the 
Baltic, and have no doubt some stray stranger will be glad of 
it before bedtime. 

- At early dawn to-day, or rather at early dark last evening, 
crackers, and squibs, and guns "begun to be fired," and they 
have been "being fired" for at least twenty-four hours. I miss 
the merry sound of the bells which are used to usher in our sun- 
rise, noon and sunset, on such occasions in Boston; but in other 
respects the celebration of the day has been much as such cele- 
brations are wont to be all the world over. 

The procession was formed at nine o'clock, and escorted by 
a company of Light Artillery. Our Boston boys would have 
laughed to see the guns, which were longer and heavier than a 
majority of the volunteer militia of Massachusetts would be able 
to handle if they should try. But they looked as if made for ser- 
vice, and the men who carried them looked as if they were capable 
of doing service with them; there were no boys in this company, 
or if there were, they were boys with beards, and hard heads, 
and hard frames. 

Next followed the Fire Department, and a more tasteful, 
and in fact a handsomer show was never got up in the Eastern 
country. The Chief Engineer is a Boston Boy, and he has 
Boston tastes, much improved, and with views enlarged to suit 
the boundaries of this noble Western World. He got up the 


procession, or his part of it, in a manner that would do credit 
to any body. The engines were mounted on cars and drawn by 
six and eight horses; the members of the different companies 
were dressed in appropriate costume, and a band of music ac- 
companied each. The wheels and the brakes were garlanded 
with flowers, and while one was covered with a bower, another 
was covered with an open tent, and all had some appropriate 

Next followed the Illinoisans, marching by counties, with 
banners, — Long John Wentworth, seven feet in height, being in 
the front rank. 2 The Massachusetts delegation was formed at 
the head of the column of foreign delegates, and were twenty- 
eight in number. Then came the delegates from other states. 
After marching some distance, the escort opened to the right and 
left, and the foreign delegates passed into a large pavilion, fol- 
lowed by the rest of the procession, so far as was practicable. 
This pavilion was said to be calculated to seat three thousand 
people, and half the number of persons who were in the pro- 
cession could not get seats. The Mayor 3 of the city, in a brief 
address, gave us a welcome; and the Executive Committee, 
who have had the arrangement, the getting up of the Convention, 
then came forward and proposed Col. Barton of Buffalo as 
President pro tem. y and two gentlemen from the farther West 
as Secretaries. This being agreed to, we had prayer, and then 
the Committee proposed a plan of proceeding that was calcu- 
lated to facilitate the operations of the Convention. After some 
preliminary discussion as to the details of business, the Conven- 
tion adjourned until afternoon. 

1 John Wentworth, 1815-1888. He was born in New Hampshire, and was a 
graduate of Dartmouth College; he came to Chicago in 1836 and within a month 
had become editor of the Chicago Democrat. From 1839 to 1861, he was its sole 
owner, editor and publisher. He was admitted to the bar in 1841; member of Con- 
gress from 1843 to 1851, 1853 to 1855 and 1865 to 1867; and mayor of Chicago from 
1857 to 1863. In public, as in private life, his motto was "Liberty and Economy." 
He was influential in bringing the River and Harbor Convention to Chicago. Went- 
worth was a striking figure, being six feet, seven inches in height, and weighing some 
three hundred pounds. 

1 James Curtiss, a Democrat, was elected mayor on March 2, 1847. 


Among the arrangements of the morning was one, that in 
disputed votes, each delegation should be entitled to vote in 
states, and each delegation should choose a person to cast the 
votes. Another was, that each delegation should elect a person 
to act for it, and that the persons so elected should compose a 
committee to nominate officers for the Convention, and to make 
rules and orders and other arrangements to be observed. We 
chose B. B. Mussey of Boston as chairman, and authorized him 
to vote for the Massachusetts delegation. We chose Artemas 
Lee of Templeton as member of the nominating committee, and 
also elected a Secretary. 

The Convention then adjourned until four o'clock. This 
afternoon the nominating committee are in session, and at the 
time I am writing, six o'clock, have not agreed upon their re- 
port. In the mean time, the Convention itself is in session under 
its temporary organization, and speeches have been made by 
several gentlemen. I was not able, without too much trouble, 
to penetrate the mass, and so have not heard the talk of this 
afternoon; but I heard enough from Mr. Corwin of Ohio to be 
satisfied that he is for political action, and disposed to make 
political capital out of this Convention. 

People are here from all parties, but I cannot disguise the 
fact that the majority appear to be Whigs. They talk Whig, 
and they don't pretend to be any thing else than Whigs. What 
will be the effect, time will tell; but the West is aroused and will 
assert its right to a share of the public plunder — will have appro- 
priations for the improvement of its lakes and rivers, let who 
will be President. 

P. S. Since the foregoing was written, the committee has 
reported a list of officers, Judge Bates of Missouri being Presi- 
dent, 4 and each state having a Vice-President; William T. Eustis 
of Boston is one of the latter. When the report was made, a 

* Edward Bates, 1793-1869, was born in Virginia; he moved to St. Louis in 
1814. He was a Representative in the Twentieth Congress and presided over the 
National Whig Convention in 1856; a leading candidate for presidential nomina- 
tion in 1860; Attorney General of the United States, 1861-1864. 


member of the committee stated that the minority of the same 
was in favor of Thomas Corwin of Ohio for President of the 
Convention, and proposed his name in opposition to the name 
reported; but Mr. Corwin declined, and the Convention, as I 
think they would have done without his declination, voted down 
the proposition at once. 

The mail is about to close, and I will write you more for 

July 6, 1847 

In my hurried letter of yesterday, I could not give you one 
hundredth of the actual information with which I am burthened 
respecting this place, and the convention which is now in session. 
For particulars of the latter, I must refer to the newspapers, 
for without taking a reporter's desk on the platform, and working 
all the time, it would be impossible to give any thing like even 
a sketch of what is doing. 

There are men here who have come to make party capital, 
and there are men here who have come with a single eye to the 
professed objects of the gathering. But the majority is of the 
latter class, and the politicians find themselves trammeled, or if 
not trammeled, find that the leading sentiment is in opposition 
to all the professed Democratic doctrines of Mr. President Polk 
and his predecessors. The consequence is that while Whiggery, 
if I may use such a word, is predominant, the Locofocos feel a 
little uneasy, talk of their disgust at the "management," which 
they see so clearly, and try to mar where they cannot make. 

Clergymen, of all other classes of men, are the most unfit to 
be sent on political missions, and if they have not discretion 
enough to stay at home of their own accord, their friends and 
neighbors ought not to make other people suffer by sending them 
into conventions, where they are entirely out of place. New- 
England stands high in the estimation of the Western people, 
but yesterday she was rendered ridiculous, if not contemptible, 
by the intrusion of a clergyman, before the thousands of people 


assembled, with a written speech of adulation and praise for the 
Puritan fathers and their descendants. I am ready to render all 
due credit to the gentleman who placed New-England, and in 
particular the Massachusetts delegation, in such a mortifying 
position, for his honesty of purpose, and for his good intentions, 
but I cannot but regret, in common with others, that he did not 
keep his sermon for ears that could better tolerate self-glorifica- 
tion. When he concluded, Mr. Corwin of Ohio was called for, 
and the withering sarcasm with which that gentleman politely 
agreed to all the fulsome twaddle of the Rev. Mr. Allen, was 
enough to have killed any one not wrapped up [in] self-conceit as 
with a coat of mail. 

The greater part of the afternoon, yesterday, was spent in 
discussing some trifling matters of proceeding, and resulted in 
following the recommendations of the business committee. It 
was Mr. Charles King of the New- York Courier and Enquirer, 
who proposed to make Mr. Corwin the President of the Conven- 
tion, and his movement was one injurious to any desire that he 
may have to increase his political or personal influence. Mr. 
Corwin's friends were much disappointed, and in proportion to 
their disappointment is their tone of complaint. They even 
talk of ill-usage, and intimate that Mr. Corwin expected the 
situation, in consequence of promises held out to him in advance. 
Mr. Corwin made an able speech yesterday afternoon, and was 
listened to with great attention. 

To-day a committee of two from each state was appointed to 
draw up resolutions for consideration, and at half-past four 
o'clock they reported a long series, and much to the astonishment 
of every body the chairman stated that they had been agreed to 
unanimously. They are very strong, and were received with 
marks of favor, and were much applauded. When I left the 
tent, at five o'clock, Mr. J. C. Spencer of New- York was on the 
stand, explaining and advocating their passage. I see no reason 
| now, why the convention should not close its deliberations to- 
morrow forenoon. 


If I appear enthusiastic in my notices of the new world which 
has been opened to me, not only here, but in New- York state, 
I can offer no excuse, for I am rilled with the wonders and the 
capacities of the West. A person living in Boston, and having 
experience of our hard soil, and the hard work which the people 
of Massachusetts have to undergo to produce even moderate 
crops knows nothing of what is to be opened to us by the exten- 
sion of our railroad communications, without coming to see for 
himself. I consider that the Ogdensburg 6 Railroad is but joining 
us on to the string of western lakes, for it must be apparent to 
every one who looks at things as they are, that Boston is the 
natural market, on the Atlantic shore, for the whole country. 
New- York can never compete with us for this trade, to our in- 
jury, and while there must always be enough for both, we must, 
by force of natural circumstances, take the lion's share. It is 
incredible to me that we should so long have delayed building 
the road through Northern New- York, and it would be incred- 
ible to all our readers if I should show them what I know must 
be the immediate result of its being built at this present time. 
People are absolutely suffering for want of the accommoda- 
tions which we are about to offer them by that line, and when 
we can say that the cars are in running order, we shall wonder 
how they have lived so long without it. 

I saw to-day in the street casks of nails manufactured at 
Plattsburg, N. Y., which, on inquiry, I ascertained had arrived 
at this place after a long voyage down Lake Champlain, to 
Whitehall and Troy, thence through the Erie Canal to Buffalo, 
and then through the lakes to Chicago. Look at the map, and 
see how much of transportation would have been saved, if these 
nails could have come by railroad from Lake Champlain to 
Ogdensburg. As the newspapers say — comment is unnecessary. 

Chicago is destined, some day hence, and no very far-off day 
neither, to be one of the largest cities in the Union; and the 

s Ogdensburg, New York, located on the St. Lawrence River, is the termina' 
of deep water navigation on the Great Lakes. 


wisdom of its projectors, in laying out its wide streets, is every- 
where apparent. The streets are all lined with trees, and the 
Acacia and Maple and Elm are abundant; the Acacia, in par- 
ticular, grows very thrifty and beautiful. The soil, even in its 
worst places, after you go a few yards from the shore of the 
lake, is nothing but the richest garden earth to the depth of 
many feet, and its capacity for yielding produce is unfathomable. 

The latitude of Chicago is about the same as that of Boston 
and the climate, as regards heat and cold, is about the same. 
The prevalent breezes are from the North, and blowing over the 
pure fresh water of Lake Michigan, are very healthy and invig- 

To-day I stood in what is called the Old Fort, a spot occupied 
by barracks, with a square in the centre, the whole occupying 
not more space than the Common on Fort Hill, in Boston; and 
in that spot, in 1832, Gen. Scott collected for safety, and to 
protect them from the Indians, every inhabitant that lived within 
a circuit of thirty miles. In the space of that thirty miles, are 
now living nearly fifty thousand people! Twelve years ago, one 
hundred and fifty inhabitants was a large estimate for the census 
of Chicago, and to-day the residents are estimated at twenty 
thousand! 6 

A large proportion of the people of this city are of eastern 
origin, mostly from New-England, and one would hardly be aware 
in the intercourse with the town's people that he was not in 
a New-England village. But the persons who come into town 
from the country, and from other States, are strongly marked 
with the characteristics of the West. The procession of yesterday 
exhibited these hardy countenances and sturdy frames to great 
advantage, and if nothing else results from the Convention but 
a knowledge, by personal inspection, of the traits of character 
existing in each and all of the different classes of the East and the 
West, the North and the South, who are here assembled, enough 

1 Chicago had a population of approximately thirty in 1829; in 1835 the census 
figure was 3,265, and by 1847 it had increased to 16,859. 


will have been accomplished to pay for all the cost and labor of 
individuals, and of this community. 

The weather is intensely hot, and the roads are dusty. Chi- 
cago has no stone, and consequently the streets are not paved. 
Every street, however, to the end of its settlement — for some of 
them run out for miles into the prairie, beyond where there are 
houses, — is accommodated with a wide wooden sidewalk, which 
is pleasant to walk on. The crossings, too, are generally accom- 
modated with a plank foot path, which is very fortunate, as some 
times one might run the risk of getting lost by sinking into the 
rich and fruitful looking earth. The dust is not sand, and the 
mud is not clay, but it looks more like the soil of a hot-house 
garden bed, than like any thing else. 

July 7, 1847 
The Convention has adjourned, sine die, after passing the 
resolutions reported by the committee, voting thanks to the 
citizens of Chicago, and to the President, and listening to a long 
and eloquent speech from the President in reply. Judge Bates 
has acquitted himself during his term of office with great ability, 
and earned the respect of the thousands who have been in 
attendance. His speech this morning was singularly appropriate, 
modest, Christian and patriotic, and the three times three cheers 
with which he was saluted on concluding were well deserved. 
I must refer you to the Chicago papers for particulars of the 
proceedings, with the single remark that every thing has gone 
off harmoniously, and every body is now satisfied and pleased. 
The disaffections and the quibblings of a few Locofocos, to 
which I have before referred, appear to have been but the 
effervescence of a soda bottle, and better counsels, calmer judg- 
ment, soon settled all bickerings. I believe that now every body 
thinks that the Convention has done good, and I am satisfied, 
as I said yesterday, that the mere collection of so many people 
together, in this place, will be a national good, even if nothing 
results from our deliberations. 


After the Convention adjourned, the mass went into commit- 
tee of the whole, and we were entertained with speeches from 
different gentlemen from different places. You never saw so 
happy a multitude, nor so uproariously orderly and determinedly 
happy a set of men. They called for one after another of the 
prominent men known to be present, and would take no excuse; 
Western men wanted speeches, and speeches they would have at 
any rate. Among the rest, our friend Burlingame 7 was loudly 
called for, and the Badgers of Wisconsin, and the Wolverines of 
Illinois, would not be put off. He tried to turn them over to 
another gentleman of the Massachusetts delegation, but they 
would not be turned over to any body. They told him he must 
speak first, and they would hear his friend afterwards. He 
spoke for a few minutes in his usual eloquent manner, and his 
speech was received with great attention and most loudly 
applauded. He then introduced E. H. Allen of Boston, who 
made a short speech, which was well received, although it did 
not attract the attention it deserved. It is always unfortunate 
for a stranger to follow a known and popular speaker, and 
Burlingame is so well known to the boys of the West, that they 
were not attentive to any one else for some time. 

All day, forenoon and afternoon, the tent has been full, and 
one after another has been made to mount the stage and air his 
vocabulary for a while. The day winds up with a bright sky, a 
burning heat, and lots of fun of all kinds. An old-fashioned 
country muster never exhibited any thing to be compared to the 
scenes of the last three days, and nowhere else could such an 
occasion pass off so well and so noisily, so rowdyish and so good- 
naturedly, as here in the West. 

The more I see of Chicago, the more I am impressed with the 
value of its increasing trade with Boston, — for Boston is the 
Atlantic sea-port of this great country. Everywhere one meets 
with something new to astonish and delight him, and the only 

7 Anson Burlingame of Boston, who later became the celebrated American 
minister to China. 


wonder soon gets to be, that we have not sooner made efforts 
to secure it all to ourselves. To-day I have had a ride on the prairie, 
and although new to me, I was coolly told that I had seen nothing 
at all. The flowers growing wildly beautiful, the roads running 
through miles and miles of unfenced grounds rich with soft black 
loam, the young trees growing thriftily and luxuriantly, the tall 
grass, — all, I am told, are nothing. Well, we shall see in a few days, 
for I am off, to-morrow, for the interior of the state, where I am to 
find "something" worth looking at. 

I could write columns about Chicago, and give statistics upon 
statistics, to show that it is the greatest place of its age, and is 
destined to be still greater; but cut bonol You would not believe 
half I should tell you, and instead of writing notes from a plain 
diary, I should be set down as a romancer. This is a great place 
for the pork trade, in which article it is destined to rival Cincin- 
nati, and its beef is said to be the finest in the world. Our steamer 
is now taking on board, as freight, two hundred casks — hogsheads 
of hams, which are to go through the lakes and the Erie Canal to 
Troy, and perhaps to Boston. Hundreds of barrels of beef and 
pork are also going on board, all bound East. Even at this season 
of the year the store-houses are filled with produce, and I this 
morning went into one where there were stored twenty-eight thou- 
sand barrels of wheat. 

On one side of the river is the Lake House, 8 which was built in 
the "times of expansion," as they are called, of 1836 or 1837, for a 
public house. It is well kept, well furnished, and very comfortable. 
In its vicinity and for some distance around, are scattered numbers 
of elegant private dwellings, surrounded by gardens, and the 
streets are all wide and regularly laid out. One street on this side 
skirts the river shore, and has on it a few warehouses, and a large 
number of retail shops, mostly occupied by foreigners, — Dutch and 
Irish. On the other side of the river is now the principal business, 
and Lake-street is filled with retail stores of as much beauty of 

8 The construction of the Lake House was begun in 1835 and completed during 
the following year. 


arrangement, and with as valuable stocks of goods, as can be found 
in any city in America. In fact, Chicago is now, with its present 
population, as much of a business place as I know of, after our own 
city. Hundreds upon hundreds of wagons are in its streets, drawn 
by the finest horses in the world, and laden with every sort of com- 
modity. In the fall of the year they have their wheat brought into 
the city from the country in immense wagons, called prairie schoon- 
ers, which hold two hundred bushels at a time, and these may be 
seen stringing out through the roads for miles and miles. 

This is a great place for the lumber trade, although no lumber 
grows in this neighborhood. The boards, &c, are brought from the 
Sault St. Marie and Lake Superior, in different kinds of vessels, 
and stored in the lumber yards, to be transported by wagons into 
the country. A canal is about being built which will soon afford 
great facilities for internal transportation. 

One of the principal features in the procession of Monday, was 
the appearance of the fire department, and I have made many in- 
quiries concerning its composition. It consists of four hundred 
men, all volunteers, and they all pay their own expenses and the 
expense of their machines and decorations. The chief engineer is 
Mr. Gale, 9 a gentleman who served his apprenticeship with Hil- 
liard, Gray & Co. in Boston. There are four engines, to which are 
attached sixty men each, and a hook and ladder, and a hose com- 
pany. The department is limited in number, and none but the 
best and finest young men in the city are admitted into its ranks. 

The military escort for Monday's procession was a company 
of volunteer flying artillery, who came from Cleveland, Ohio, bring- 
ing their horses, cannons, &c, — a hardy set of men, who certainly 
must have felt much patriotism and great interest in the objects of 
the Convention, to come so far and at such an expense of time and 
money. To-day I saw them manoeuvre, going through the dif- 
ferent evolutions as practised by Bragg's and Ringgold's troops, 

9 Stephen F. Gale served as chief of the fire department from 1844 to 1847. He 
was the first president of the Fireman's Benevolent Association, and a member of 
the first Board of Directors of the Chicago, Burlington and Quincy Railroad. 


which we have all heard so much of. They certainly went through 
with their exercises with a rapidity that was astonishing. 

The drays used here are the short drays in the New York style, 
but they are drawn by good horses. In fact I have not seen a poor- 
looking horse in the place. The pleasure carriages, of which there 
are an extra number for a place of this size, are of the most ap- 
proved Eastern city style, and drawn invariably by such horses as 
would make envious our gentlemen and ladies of taste in Boston, 
where we generally have better carriage horses than they have in 
other places. 

The city is beginning to grow thinner, and the steamboats that 
left last night and to-day have gone crowded with passengers. But 
even in its desolation from the mob, it is a populous place, and the 
streets are filled with people who go about for pleasure and busi- 


History tells that many years ago, I believe in 1812, serious 
fears being entertained that the Indians would destroy the small 
party then resident at this place, the commanding officer con- 
cluded to move away, and join a larger party at Fort Wayne. 
Previous to going he destroyed all the stores on hand that he could 
not carry, and particularly all the spirit. The Indians were very 
much incensed, after his departure, that they could not find the 
rum, and took to drinking the water of the river, into which the 
rum had been poured, pronouncing it to be "very good grog." 
They could see for themselves that the waters of the river, and the 
lake into which it empties, do not amalgamate at once, and they 
may have thought that the rum remained. However that may be, 
it is very apparent that the waters remain of different color and of 
different taste, to this day. Chicago is so low that there is no good 
| water for drinking, except that which is brought from the lake, 
and the latter is very pure and wholesome; it is easily procured, and 
furnishes the drink for the inhabitants; the former, which is brown 
and muddy, is extensively used for washing, and for other ordinary 
domestic purposes. 


Our friend Degrand some years ago called the Worcester depot 
in Boston the end of "Worcester Longwharf." I know no reason 
why I should not christen the Fitchburg depot the "Chicago Long 
wharf," for by whatever channel of communication the trade from 
Ogdensburg reaches Boston, — whether by the Vermont Central 
or the Rutland route — it must all go to Boston, or most of it by 
the way of Fitchburg. The directors are in duty bound to make 
me and my family free passengers for the rest of our lives, for giving 
them so good and appropriate a name. Any one who looks at the 
map, and every one who comes out here and sees the business that 
is transacted on the lakes and in this part of the Western country, 
must be convinced that all this trade must go to Boston. A gentle- 
man who is extensively engaged on the Fox river, thirty miles from 
this place, tells me that now, round-about as it is, he sends all his 
supplies, even his New-Orleans sugar and molasses, from Boston, — 
now it comes through the Erie Canal; but when Ogdensburg Rail- 
road is completed, it will come more directly, and at a saving of 
some hundreds of miles of transportation. Perhaps I have men- 
tioned this latter circumstance before; but I write at great disad- 
vantage, with no opportunity to revise and correct, and as the 
printers are by this time satisfied, with no conveniences for sta- 
tionery. All I aim to do is to state facts, and if time and oppor- 
tunity were given me, I could multiply my record of facts almost 
innumerably. Never yet did Yankee go out from home with a 
more inquisitive disposition than myself, and I never saw but one 
man, and he was an esteemed member of the original party with 
which I left Boston, that asked so many questions. I shall be very 
happy if I ever become half as valuable a member of society, and 
retain but half as much statistical knowledge, as he is noted for. 

When our Massachusetts delegation assembled, on Monday 
morning, on board the steamboat Louisiana, for organization, 
there was a general feeling of regret as well as disappointment, that 
we had not one distinguished man among us, no capitalist, and no 
one whose name was known to the world. It was apparent that the 
Western people had expected to see some great man, and that 


Massachusetts was looked to particularly for something that we 
could not supply. But we put up with the disappointment as best 
we could, and determined to do our duty. The selection of Messrs. 
Eustis, Lee and Hobart, for prominent candidates for the offices we 
might be called upon to fill, was well and judiciously made, and 
gave satisfaction. Now that the Convention is over, and we have 
mingled with the thousands of strangers assembled here, I am not 
only disposed to give up my regret at the absence of those to whom 
we had a right to look for countenance on this occasion, but also 
to be rather glad of the result. As I said before, much was ex- 
pected of Massachusetts, and I doubt whether any delegation, 
from any part of the country, met with more consideration and 
respect than we did. Gentlemen were continually claiming intro- 
ductions, and continually offering their hospitality, and proffering 
their services to make known to us what we most wanted to know, 
to show what we most wanted to see. If we had had with us a 
prominent man, he would have absorbed a great part, if not the 
whole, of the attention which was now disseminated among the 
twenty-eight members of the delegation; and although the state 
might have been more distinguished, I have strong doubt whether 
as much good would have been effected. We had with us men of 
sound sense, men of business, and men with dispositions to en- 
courage and increase the general desire for greater intercourse be r 
tween the East and the West. We shall find hereafter that the 
association of intelligent men from different sections of the country 
is of quite as much advantage as the notoriety of a political or very 
rich delegation. 

The mass of strangers is now about separating, and although 
the hopes and the expectations of some may have been disap- 
pointed, there is the best feeling prevailing, the utmost satisfac- 
tion expressed by every body. Politics have been dropped, after 
an ineffectual attempt on the part of a few unquiet and ambitious 
aspirants to do something — they did not themselves know what; 
the resolutions adopted, which are mostly from the pen of Mr. 
John C. Spencer of New-York, if they are not as strong and as 


startling as some people expected, are expressive of sentiments in 
which all parties agree. The closing speech of Judge Bates, the 
President, is spoken of on all sides with great and undisguised ad- 
miration, and the subsequent speeches in the informal mass meet- 
ing, of which Horace Greeley was chairman, served to let off the 
gas with which many gentlemen were filled, as well as afforded an 
opportunity to the curious to hear the eloquence of those who, 
from circumstances, were not able to mingle prominently in the 
doings of the Convention. 

This place is the terminus of the Illinois and Michigan canal, 
of which so much has been said for the last twenty years. It was 
first surveyed in 1821, and in 1827 Congress appropriated a large 
quantity of the public lands in aid of its construction. Of its late 
history, the failure to complete it, its pecuniary troubles, &c, the 
capitalists of the country are well advised. Its fortunes have been 
chequered, and at times its fate has been doubtful. 10 But better 
days have come, and now there is a reasonable prospect of its 
speedy completion. It will not be long before the resources of the 
Illinois will be doubled by its means of easier transportation, and 
another link will be added to the chain which extends to the At- 
lantic market in Boston harbor. 

I could spend much time here, in learning the sources of wealth 
which are to be opened to our New-England people, and in enjoy- 
ing the hospitality of the inhabitants who are so closely connected 
with us by ties of the nearest kind. The business men are nearly 
all from our section of the country, and have brought with them 
and retained their New-England affections. The feelings and the 

10 In January, 1836, the legislature authorized the Governor to borrow $500,000 
on the credit of the state, to begin the Illinois and Michigan Canal. Ground was 
broken July 4, 1836. Loan after loan was authorized as the work progressed, but 
the money did not come in fast enough and work ceased. In 1845, three trustees 
representing the state and the bondholders were chosen, loans were secured, and the 
work advanced rapidly. On April 23, 1848, the General Thornton passed through the 
entire length of the canal. 

The state debt in July, 1847 was over $14,000,000. This amount was divided 
into Internal Improvement Debt, $8,000,000 and Canal Debt, $6,000,000. Be- 
tween the opening of the canal in 1848 and October, 1870, the receipts were 
$4,360,419, and the expenses $1,828,790. 


habits tend to connect them still with the places from which they 
emigrated, and Boston, as the head-quarters of business, must, by 
and by, be the recipient of most of their trade. 

I believe that there is not a single bank in Illinois now in ex- 
istence. There was a State Bank, located at the seat of govern- 
ment in Springfield, but it has shared the fate of many others, and 
now only lives to wind up its affairs. The money in circulation is 
of all sorts, including New- York, Canada, Wisconsin, and New- 
England bills; but there is money enough, and much more of the 
business is transacted for cash than would, under the circum- 
stances, be supposed. There are agents or brokers here, who draw 
on New- York and Boston when wanted, who are in good standing, 
and are quite able to supply cash drafts at all times. How far 
business would be facilitated by the establishment of local banks 
with small capitals, as in Massachusetts, I am not prepared to say, 
and that is a serious question, which is now undergoing consider- 
ation at a State Convention to revise the Constitution, which is 
now in session at Springfield. 

Springfield, Illinois 
[July 9, 1847] 

If any one had asked me, six weeks ago, to take a journey into 
the interior of Illinois, I should have hesitated, and should have 
been appalled at the task. Yet here I am, having been almost ir- 
resistibly led along from point to point, through states and lakes 
and rivers, and with a promise on my hands to go still further. A 
few hours, only, before the time appointed for leaving Chicago, on 
my way home, I was induced to join a party to this place, to in- 
spect the interior of the country, to see the Illinois canal, and to 
learn from personal observation whether the extravagant asser- 
tions, — for they appear extravagant to a stranger, — which are 
made by the people of the West, are borne out by facts. Accor- 
dingly, as the Baltic started to go in one direction, I started in a 
stage-coach to go in another. Our party was composed of nine 
persons inside, three of whom were ladies. Three only were ac- 
quainted — that is to say, two only were known to me, and they 


were strangers less than a week ago, and they knew no one else of 
the company. We get acquainted strangely on such occasions, and 
in this western country, quite readily. One lady was from Ver- 
mont, and lived at Dresden, in this state. She was traveling alone, 
fifty-six miles, to her present home. One man was a Bostonian, 
now residing in Wisconsin, who came away to seek his fortune with 
his young wife, eighteen years ago. His wife and her sister, both 
natives of Bangor, Me., were with him, having been on a pleasure 
tour to the lakes. They have neither of them been in New-Eng- 
land for more than five years. One was from Connecticut, one 
from New-Hampshire, and two from Massachusetts. All were 
from New-England, and I was the only one who had seen his native 
state for years. These facts came out in the course of the day. 

We left Chicago at nine o'clock in the morning, and took our 
way across the prairies. At first the road was uneven, dusty and 
uninteresting, exhibiting some cultivated farms, and but little 
wooded country. Soon we came upon the line of the canal, which 
we followed, at a short distance, through its whole extent. I have 
not time, nor inclination, to give a description of the few places we 
stopped at on the first day, nor to tell of the gross deception, and 
swindling actions, and gross impertinences of the stage-drivers, of 
which I could, if so disposed, fill a column or two, and then not tell 
half. The public houses were worse than the worst taverns ever 
seen in New-England, — dirty, and ill-found in every respect. An 
old lady furnished, at short notice, a dinner of boiled eggs, fresh 
fried pork, and tolerable coffee, which was much more palatable in 
the participation than in the appearance. 

The prairie, where not cultivated, and in many places where it 
is, remains without fences, for wood is scarce for many miles after 
we leave Chicago, and the few houses to be met with are sadly 
lacking in many of the necessary boards and timbers. Corn and 
wheat grow luxuriantly, and large droves of cattle are to be found 
grazing at different places. Hogs are numerous, and I can easily 
conceive that Chicago may, by and by, become a great pork mar- 




Buckingham's Route 


ket. u When at Chicago, I learned that the beef of this country was 
very superior, and I had opportunities of testing its good quality. 
The cattle are large, and grow fat on the prairie grass, at little or no 
expense, except of the time which it takes to raise them to the 
proper age to be driven to market. At a small place, called by 
some name which I have now forgotten, we stopped to examine a 
boiling spring, the water of which is as bad to the taste, and as 
much filled with sulphur, as the most enthusiastic lover of water- 
ing-places could desire. At several places in the neighborhood the 
water bubbles up through white sand, and the pool into which it 
comes looks more like a boiling cauldron than any thing else; but 
the water is neither warm nor cold. The driver gave it freely to 
his horses, and the people of the house in the neighborhood use it 
altogether for all purposes. The driver said it operated upon his 
horses as a sort of gentle cathartic, and made them healthy. 

We came to no village until we arrived at Lockport, a place that 
is not laid down on any map that I have seen, where there are a 
number of stores and two or three taverns. Here is to be a large 
basin on the canal, and we had a fine opportunity to observe the 
construction of the great work, on which so many hundreds of 
thousands of dollars have been, and so many more are to be, ex- 
pended. The canal as far as this place is nearly level, and is, for a 
greater part of the way, already finished; it is faced on the inside 
with a yellowish stone, which is found at different points, and 
which appears to be a combination of lime and sand-stone; it is 
easy to work, and lies in the quarries in layers of unequal thickness, 
but none of it more than a foot or a foot and a half thick. The 
canal is not, however, built up of stone throughout its whole extent, 
although it is for the most of the route. At Lockport the canal 
must be about two hundred or two hundred and fifty feet in width 
at the bottom, and the locks and abutments are laid in smooth, 
handsome masonry, that would do no discredit to any part of our 
country; there are seven locks in this place, in a distance of a few 

u The exports of the port of Chicago in 1845 were: wheat 956,860 bushels, 
flour 13,752 barrels, beef 6,199 barrels and pork 7,099 barrels. 



We then passed over to a town called Joliet, which was named 
after an old Frenchman who originally settled here and owned a 
great part of the land. By some mistake it was originally called 
Juliet, 12 but the name was changed by act of the legislature a year 
or two ago, to conform to the proper title of the old original settler. 
Here are several blocks of stone stores, evidently built with a view 
to a large trade, which is to come at some future day. The village 
is laid out on a plain, and on the side of a hill, with a handsome 
stone bridge crossing the canal; and here, too, is a large, broad 
basin. The projectors of this canal, and the original directors and 
engineers, appear to have had in view the immense business which 
it will take and which it will create, or they must have been very 
extravagant in their notions. It is probable that they knew what 
they were doing, what the future was to accomplish; but they were 
then, in a manner, before the age; they spent too much money, and 
by their financiering, their want of prudence, involved themselves 
and others in difficulties from which better counsels are now re- 
lieving the state. Now it is certain that the canal will be finished, 
the bonds will be paid, and nothing that I can imagine, not even 
another revulsion in the financial condition of the country, can 
prevent the stock from being a paying investment, except some 
mismanagement take place before the work is finished. The pro- 
duce raised in the interior of the state is incalculable, and the pro- 
ducers must consume other articles in their turn, both of which, 
the exports and the imports, will, until a railroad is built side by 
side with it, pass through the canal to Chicago. 

From Joliet to Dresden 13 we had an interesting ride, and at the 
latter place we took supper, our Yankee landlady serving us up 
codfish as a luxury, and hashed potatoes. At a small place called 
Morris, at half past eleven o'clock, we again stopped to change 
horses, and remained an hour in the most uncomfortable place you 

12 The plat for "Juliet" was recorded in June, 1834, the name being that of the 
founder's daughter, Juliet Campbell; this name the town bore until 1845, when it 
was changed to Joliet by act of the legislature. 

13 "A town site near the junction of the Des Plaines and Kankakee, and on 
the line of the canal." J. M. Peck, A Gazetteer of Illinois (2nd ed.; Philadelphia, 
1837), 191. 


can conceive of; the tavern-keeper and all his people were in bed, 
but we succeeded, after some difficulty, in getting into the house, 
and had the luxury of two tallow candles, and a little water, which 
was warm, and not very palatable. On the opposite side of the 
road was another still smaller tavern, from which proceeded the 
sound of a violin. We walked over, and found about twenty per- 
sons assembled in a room on the lower floor, trying to learn to 
dance cotillions; the room was lighted by a solitary dip-candle; the 
teacher, who was also the musician, was in his shirt sleeves, and 
wore a shocking bad straw hat; the ladies were two little girls, two 
old women, and two or three fat, coarse-looking girls, about 
twenty; one of the male dancers wore a straw hat, two or three 
were without coats, and the one who was evidently the dandy of 
the place — for village it could hardly be called — wore a nankin- 
colored frock coat, and had his blue pantaloons strapped down so 
tight that he could scarcely move about. We amused ourselves 
for some time in witnessing the troubles and disasters which befell 
the instructor in his attempts to make the company go through 
correctly with the difficult figures of right and left, cross over, and 

The rest of our ride during the night was as uncomfortable as 
any enemy, if we had one, could desire. We made progress at the 
rate of less than three miles an hour; the weather was intensely hot, 
and not a breath of air was stirring; the horses and carriage raised 
any quantity of dust, which, of course, rose only high enough to 
fill the carriage; and we were nine inside passengers, a new one 
having been taken in to replace the lady we had left at Dresden — 
[illegible]. We arrived at Ottawa about six o'clock in the morning, 
having seen nothing of the country for many miles, but bearing 
about as indisputable evidence that the road had led through the 
same soft and fertile soil that we had had during the whole day be- 
fore. Ottawa is a considerable village, and has a large court-house, 
pleasantly situated in a square surrounded with thriving acacia, 
or locust trees, and a number of stores, besides some half dozen 
bar-rooms, independent of four taverns. 


I have spoken of the want of wood on the prairies. The acacia 
is easily cultivated, and grows very rapidly wherever it is planted; 
some people are beginning to appreciate its advantage, and when 
we come to any considerable settlement, we find that they have 
commenced setting out trees on the borders of the lots; in some 
places, large groves have been planted, which will, in a few years, 
be very valuable. Of bridges, we saw few during yesterday, being 
obliged to ford most of the streams; as we entered Lockport we 
forded the river Des Plaines, which is an eighth of a mile wide, 
although there is a ricketty bridge over it. The whole road from 
Chicago lies through a tract of country which is a sort of valley — 
if you can call that a valley where there are no hills on either side — 
which was once evidently the bed of a river. The prairie is in 
many places undulating, or rolling, and the waters of Lake Mich- 
igan once undoubtedly flowed uninterruptedly through to the 
Illinois river; the stones and rock formations show this, and the 
course of the former current is distinctly marked on the whole line. 
We forded a number of inconsiderable streams, which I am in- 
formed are sometimes — at the season of the year when the lakes 
and rivers are at the highest — almost impassable, and the greater 
part of the wood-land is on the borders of these streams. 

After breakfast we took up our line of march, for it could hardly 
be called anything else, at the rate of two or three miles an hour, 
on the borders of the Illinois river, and passing by the village of 
La Salle, arrived at the terminus of the Canal at Peru, about 
twelve o'clock. Peru is next to Lisbon, in St. Lawrence county, 
New- York, the most uninviting place I ever saw. It is destined to 
become a great and growing village, the head and centre of a great 
trade. It is at the head of the navigation of the river, and already 
there are a number of stores, grog-shops, a barber's shop, and two 
taverns. In the early days in the history of the Canal, it was built 
up with log huts and mud cabins, to accommodate the Irish mud- 
diggers, and they remain in all their primitive ugliness, and with 
increased nastiness, the larger part of the village — certainly the 
most peopled, if we count the dirty children and the independent 


hogs. I ought to state, however, that a little distance from the : 
bank of the river, on the high bluffs, are some good farms, and 
several nice dwellings; as I had little time to go into the interior 
from the main village, my remarks must be considered as applying 
to the terminus of the canal. Mr. Webster once owned a farm in 
this vicinity, where Mr. Fletcher Webster was a resident for some 
year or more, but I believe it has been sold to some one else. 14 

Springfield, Illinois 
[July 11, 1847] 
After waiting three hours at Peru, in the hope of finding a 
better conveyance, we embarked on board a small steamboat 
called the Dial, to come down the Illinois river. We were 
loaded with freight and crowded with passengers. The engine 
was out-doors, on the lower deck, and altogether the prospect 
of comfort was very small. The captain, however, did his best 
for the accommodation of every body, and the steward served 
up a very good dinner. A company of about fifty raw volunteer 
recruits for the Mexican army were desirous of coming on board, 
but the captain refused to take them, and thereby deserves our 
gratitude; for they were excessively noisy and very drunk. We 
stopped at several small places on the river, to take in more freight, 
particularly at Hennepin and at Lacon. At this latter place, 
our friends J. & N. Fisher of Boston, own considerable property, 
and carry on a large business in packing pork, &c. It is rather 
a pretty place, and will, like all other places of the kind, share 
the fate of all in this Western country, and be a place of great 
trade. We remained at Lacon for nearly three hours, and took 
on board two hundred barrels of flour and provisions, two hun- 
dred bags of wheat, and some wool. We started again after 
dark, and arrived at Peoria about two o'clock in the morning. 

14 Fletcher Webster, 1813-1862, was the son of the renowned Daniel Webster. 
He was graduated from Harvard in 1833. After studying law with his father, he j 
moved to Peru, Illinois in 1837, where he practiced for three years. He was his 
father's private secretary during part of the latter's services as Secretary of State; 
a member of the Massachusetts legislature in 1847; and surveyor of the port of 
Boston, 1850-1861. He was killed in battle in 1862. 


I have heard of flies, and mosquitoes, and bed bugs, and fleas, 
and sundry other nuisances that are said to infest the Western 
waters. I have heard of the same kind of troublesome vermin 
being rather numerous in Mexico, but I never could be brought 
to believe one half of what I experienced on board the Dial. 
The boat actually swarmed with them after dark. The heat of 
the weather and the heat of the boat, and the lights, brought 
them about us, and I should think that they were, in variety, 
countless as they were in number. The lady who lately so in- 
dustriously counted the seeds in a fig, and published the results 
of her labor in the newspapers, would here have been absolutely 
foiled. They came and they staid; they were brushed off and fell 
upon the deck, but their places were immediately supplied by 
an additional increased number. The seeds in a fig would not 
grow or increase during the process of counting, but the insects 
were multiplying from dark until daylight. The floors, the 
state-room partitions, the mast of the boat, the ceiling, the 
freight, the baggage, and the passengers, were literally covered. 
We had mosquito nets to our berths, but shutting out the winged 
insects seemed but to serve as a better chance to allow the creep- 
ing things to luxuriate. Some people slept! Happy immobility! 
I tried segar smoke on the upper deck, and it had a partial effect; 
but the enemy was invulnerable, and as soon as possible I took 
my baggage in hand and went ashore at Peoria, and laid down 
on the steps of the hotel at the top of the hill, to wait for 
daylight. 16 

Peoria is a beautifully situated town on the right bank of 
the river, and is already the seat of a great business. It com- 
mands one of the most grand and interesting views in the world, 
and is built or laid out something in the New-England style. It 
has a large extent of back country to supply, and has increased 

15 It is a river trip of sixty-seven miles from Peru to Peoria. The hotel in Peoria 
was either the Clinton House at the corner of Fulton and Adams, or the Planter* 
House at Hamilton and Adams streets. These hotels were only two blocks from the 
Illinois River. In 1847, the city did not extend much, if any, above Adams Street, 
so either may have been at the "top of the hill." 


within a few years almost beyond what it would be considered 
reasonable for me to state. In the little time I remained here, 
I had little opportunity to see its beauties or to learn of its trade 
and capacities; but as daylight came gradually on, I saw how it 
was situated, and soon took a walk around the more settled and 
business portion of the town. But everybody was asleep. The 
stores were shut, the night lamps were out or burnt dim, and the 
early morning dawn only exposed the silent beauties of a land- 
scape without showing vitality. It was a picture of still-life, 
which any painter might copy, and which, if copied, would be 
purchased and appreciated by the man of taste, as the richest 
of his collection. 

At four o'clock we took a stage coach for the interior, six 
inside, in a carriage built to carry but four, and drawn by horses 
that evidently knew their driver to be bent on making work 
easy and pay profitable. We crossed the river in a ferry-boat, 1 * 
and then all got out and walked up a long hill, turning every 
now and then to admire the beautiful scenery, which included 
the town of Peoria, the river and other objects of interest in the 

Our party was again changed. We had two members of 
Congress from the state of Illinois, one Whig and one Locofoco, 17 
and persons of other professions. Query, — Is a member of Con- 
gress a professional man or not? We started in a grumbling 
humor, but our Whig congressman was determined to be good 
natured, and to keep all the rest so if he could; he told stories, 
and badgered his opponent, who it appeared was an old personal 
friend, until we all laughed, in spite of the dismal circumstances 
in which we were placed. The character of the Western people 
is in every respect different from ours. Our Locofoco friend is 
a regular canvasser; he says that he has a way in his district 

M The ferry was owned by William L. May, a member of Congress from 1834 
to 1838. 

17 The Whig Congressman was Abraham Lincoln, and the Locofoco was Robert 
Smith of Alton, Illinois. Smith was a member of Congress from 1843 to 1849 and 
1857 to 1859. 


of bowing to everybody, of kissing every man's child, and making 
love to every man's wife and daughter; he regretted that he did 
not ask "Long John," as everybody calls Mr. Wentworth, how 
he should behave in Wentworth's district, because the force of 
habit is so great with him, he feared he might exceed the bounds 
of propriety — it may be that the fashion with Long John is more 
abrupt, and in that case he might be going contrary to estab- 
lished usage. For some miles we were in Wentworth's district, 
and a tolerably poor district it appeared to be. 18 

We breakfasted at Tremont, a very pretty village on a prairie, 
but the propriety of the name did not make itself manifest, as 
there were no three hills any where in the neighborhood; — all 
was level country. Tremont was about twelve years ago an 
uninhabited prairie, and a gentleman of our party stated that a 
friend of his, one winter, since 1835, entrusted his wife to his 
care to go to a town some miles further south. That friend had 
purchased largely of lands in the present town of Tremont, and had 
had a lithographic map prepared, exhibiting the squares, and the 
buildings, and the trees which might thereafter be erected and 
set out. The wife saw the map and wished very much to go 
through her husband's town; but when she arrived there she was 
of course disappointed, as no houses, no squares, no trees, no 
any thing, was to be seen, but a level and uninteresting prairie. 

Now there are houses; trees have been planted, and as every 
thing that is planted in this soil grows very rapidly, the squares 
and the streets are sufficiently marked; there is a meeting-house, 
and a tavern, lots of good farms, and a number of stores, and 
several mechanic shops, and a saw-mill worked by horse-power. 

After breakfast we were fairly launched on one of the great 
prairies of the state, and I must acknowledge that I did not see 
a prairie in the neighborhood of Chicago — that is, comparatively 
speaking. For miles and miles we saw nothing but a vast ex- 
panse of what I can compare to nothing else but the ocean itself. 

lt Buckingham was in error; the western boundary of Wentworth's district in 
1847 lay some miles to the east of the stage route from Peoria to Springfield. 


The tall grass, interspersed occasionally with fields of corn, 
looked like the deep sea; it seemed as if we were out of sight of 
land, for no house, no barn, no tree was visible, and the horizon 
presented the rolling of the waves in the far-off distance. There 
were all sorts of flowers in the neighborhood of the road, which, 
by the way, did not appear to be a road, and all the colors of the 
rainbow were exhibited on all sides, — before, behind, east, west, 
north and south, — as if the sun were shining upon the gay and 
dancing waters. We saw the white-weed of our New-England, 
the wild indigo, the yellow mustard, the mullen, the clover, red 
and white, the purple nettle, the various colored phlox, numer- 
ous yellow, pink and crimson flowers, and almost everything 
else that is beautiful, that we have ever heard of. Occasionally 
we passed a cultivated spot, where some person had purchased 
land from the government, and had made a farm, — cattle, too, 
are numerous, in herds, and horses in large droves, and swine 
uncountable. In the distance, we saw at intervals, groves of 
trees, which looked like islands in the ocean, and we learned 
that they were planted for the purpose of raising timber. Every- 
thing will grow in this state, and the soil is everlasting, never, 
wearing out, and never needing manure. 

Again we came to a settlement, or village, called Delavari, 
where there was a post-office and a tavern. We changed horses 
and ordered dinner. Two doctors had offices directly opposite 
each other, and each kept a sort of apothecary shop; but such 
shops I never saw before. I went into one of them, and found 
in one corner a bed, the sheets of which appeared as if they had 
never been washed. On one side of the room was a case of shelves,, 
on which were paraded half a dozen books, probably comprising 
the whole library of the worthy practitioner, and twice that num- 
ber of bottles, labeled — mirabile dictul — with understandable 
names, and two or three gallipots. In one corner was a pair 
of saddle-bags, and in another corner a saddle; but the doctor 
was off at a distance to visit a patient. I think I should be 
patient for some time before I should send for such a son of 


Esculapius — and yet he may be a patient, pains-taking, learned, 
and very charitable member of his profession. Appearances are 
often very deceitful, as has been remarked many hundred times 

We dined. And such a dinner! The table was set in a bed- 
room, which was neither plastered nor boarded up, the open air, 
if there had been any, coming through in all directions. If we 
had had a rain storm to encounter, we should hardly have been pro- 
tected from it, and for mid-winter there was nothing to keep out 
the snow. But the landlord was civil, his wife and daughter bare- 
footed and dirty, and he could only keep off the flies by waving 
continually over the table a bough which he had cut from one 
of his locust trees. The table-cloth was stained with the grease 
of many former meals, if with nothing worse, and his meat, which 
he called beef, was swimming in fat. The only things palatable 
were some fried eggs and some hashed potatoes, with some 
tolerable bread. However, we satisfied our craving appetites, 
and started in good spirits, with the hope of doing better next 

How we speed on our journey for the rest of the day, it is 
unnecessary to relate. It is sufficient to say that we came, in 
the course of the afternoon, to a more wooded tract of land, 
forded several streams, and saw more beautiful flowers, several 
groves of acacias, and in the distance, what appeared to be hills 
of trees or islands of forests. Towards Springfield the cultivated 
farms were more numerous, and we passed through miles and 
miles of tall corn, the bright and beautiful green of which was 
almost dazzling in the sunlight; some acres of wheat, tall as an 
ordinary man; and many fields of oats, with some of barley — all 
of which appeared ready for the sickle. 

We were now in the district represented by our Whig Congress- 
man, and he knew, or appeared to know, every body we met, 
the name of the tenant of every farm-house, and the owner of 
every plat of ground. Such a shaking of hands — such a how- 
d'ye-do — such a greeting of different kinds, as we saw, was never 


seen before; it seemed as if he knew every thing, and he had a 
kind word, a smile and a bow for every body on the road, even 
to the horses, and the cattle, and the swine. His labor appeared 
to be so great, that we recommended to our Locofoco friend to 
sit on the other side of the coach and assist in the ceremonies; 
but he thought that that would be an interference with the vested 
rights of his friend and opponent, and so he declined, although 
he was evidently much disposed to play the amiable to several 
rather pretty girls that we fell in with at one of our stopping 
places. It seems that as there is honor among thieves, so there 
is etiquette among Western Congressmen. 

On the road, during the afternoon, we met three large wagons 
loaded with wool, and drawn by three yokes of oxen each, on 
their way to Chicago, the wool being destined for the Boston 
market. Think of that. Look at the map. See what an extent 
of country that wool is to pass over, what will be the distance 
it is to be carried by water through the lakes, round over the 
northern part of Michigan, through the lake St. Clair, lake 
Erie, and thence by the Erie canal to Albany, and then by water 
down the Hudson and over Long Island Sound, or over our 
Western Railroad, and judge for yourself if the Ogdensburg 
Railroad would not, if it were now open, save something in 
time, if not in money, to the owner of that wool. 

I have spoken somewhere of the cheapness of butter and cheese 
and eggs and poultry, in Northern New- York. On our road to 
Springfield, we saw a first rate roasting piece of beef — the first 
cut of the rib — weighing sixteen pounds, which was sold to a 
tavern-keeper for jour cents a pound, and that was said to be a 
good price in this neighborhood. Think of that, ye housekeepers 
in Boston! Of vegetables we are now in the enjoyment of all 
the luxuries of the season, such as green peas, cucumbers, string 
and other beans, and new potatoes. Cherries and strawberries 
are among the things that were. 

We arrived at Springfield early in the evening, after the most 
fatiguing day's ride that, in all my traveling, I ever experienced. 


We were all tired and dirty, covered with dust and perspiration, 
and not in much better humor than we were when we started 
in the morning. The strangers in Buffalo complained of the 
impositions, the lies, and the impudence of certain steamboat 
captains, but I will put an Illinois stage agent or driver against 
any thing that ever I saw before, in Europe or America, and bet 
odds upon him for impudence and imposition. 

[Springfield], Illinois 
[July 12, 1847] 

Why should I date from Springfield, or from any other town 
or city, when what I have to say in this chapter of my Diary 
relates to every thing and every where? Last evening, after a 
ride of ten miles and back again, through a most excellent 
country, lined with corn-fields, and oat-fields, and hemp-fields, I 
was taken vi et artnis to the house of a new acquaintance, all 
dusty as I was, to supper. Remonstrance was useless, for he 
said that Western life and Western customs would excuse every 
thing. I am very much in the habit of accommodating myself 
to circumstances, and on this occasion I found little difficulty in 
making apologies for my personal appearance. The lady was, 
as she styled herself, a "Western girl," and she was not at all 
discommoded by her husband bringing home a stranger. We had 
a hearty meal, and after a long conversation separated for the 

The ride I have alluded to was through a wooded part of 
the country, up hill and down dale — but yet it could not be 
called woods as we talk of woods in New-England and as for 
hills, we actually rode over none that would compare with the 
ascent from Congress-street to Washington-street through Water- 
street. In this neighborhood there is to be found considerable 
bituminous coal, but it is not used much — in fact, it is not used 
at all in families, because it makes so much smoke. As far as 
I can learn, it is about equal in quality to the common sort of 
Sidney coal, which we use in Boston. 


About five miles from the city of Springfield, our old ac- 
quaintance, J. Vincent Brown, has established himself as a 
manufacturer of hemp. We passed by his place, but did not 
stop, as he was not at home. He has a contract to furnish hemp 
for the United States government, but his principal building was 
burnt a few weeks ago, and has not yet been entirely rebuilt. 
It is said that the hemp manufactured at his establishment is 
the best, and is packed handsomer than any that is sent from 
this part of the country. 19 

I have rode again on the prairies some ten miles and back, 
to the south-east, and have been where there are no roads, riding 
over the grass, and seeing the hemp, and the corn, and the wheat, 
and the oats, all of which grow without any cultivation, except 
that of sowing. With us, corn has to be hoed — but here on the 
prairies, the ground is ploughed up, the seed deposited, and when 
it comes up the plough is once more run through the field, and the 
corn ripens as it stands. Dry weather does not affect it injuri- 
ously, as there is moisture enough in the earth to sustain it, and 
with the least attention that can be bestowed upon it, the yield 
is from thirty to fifty bushels to the acre; on old farms, fifty 
bushels is a fair average crop. 

I said but little, nothing at all, if I recollect right, about 
the Illinois river. It is a narrow stream, presenting many pretty 
views, but nothing very striking, and little variety. The shore 
is well wooded, and the different towns or landing places which 
we passed, coming down to Peoria, were built high up on hills, 
having levees or slopes of land running down to the water-side, 
with no wharves; in every case where we stopped for freight or 
passengers, the boat was run bow on to the shore and a plough 

19 J. Vincent Brown had a three-year contract with the United States Navy 
for hemp. Having an aversion to sjave labor, Brown came to Sangamon County 
in 1846 and contracted with the farmers to raise 2,500 acres of hemp. He set up 
four steam rolling and breaking mills at a cost of S60,000. The building which 
burned was on Prairie Creek near the Beardstown Road, eight miles northwest of 
Springfield. Citizens of Springfield and farmers of the vicinity contributed liberally 
to the rebuilding of the structure. According to naval tests, hemp grown in Sanga- 
mon County in 1847 was the finest in the world, but the costs of production were 
too high for a profit-producing crop. 


run out, and when we started again the boat was pushed off by 
main force into the channel. This is said to be the worst season 
to see the prairies for the lover of flowers, but I have gathered 
many that were beautiful. We are now between the spring and 
autumn, when many of the most brilliant of the plants are 
generally in the perfection of splendor. I don't know what 
would become of my enthusiasm if I should be here at those 
periods, for I am all but enchanted now. 

To-day I visited the State House, to listen to the debates of 
the [Constitutional] Convention. 20 The President is not worth 
much as a presiding officer, for he understands, or at any rate 
practises, little of the etiquette necessary for parliamentary 
government; he seldom rises, never announces the names of the 
speakers, allows two of them to speak at once, and puts the 
questions in such a tone of voice that he can scarcely be under- 
stood. The chief clerk, 21 who has a tolerably clear intonation, 
stated the question when I was there this morning, and if it 
had not been for his assistance, I do not see how the members 
could have understood what they were voting for. A motion 
was made and carried, for the Convention to go into committee 
of the whole, and I expected something better from the new 
chairman, 22 but he seemed to know but little, if any thing more 
than the President, and was not any better than that officer in 
his manner of conducting business. The members of the Conven- 
tion are to appearance a much more intellectual body of men 

20 The Constitution of 1818 was sadly outgrown; in the election of 1846, both 
parties favored a revision by large majorities. One hundred and sixty-two delegates 
began the task on June 7, 1847, and adjourned on August 31. The new Constitu- 
tion, a series of compromises not too happily received by the leaders of either party, 
was ratified by a large majority at the polls in March, 1848. 

Buckingham's views on Newton Cloud, the presiding officer, were not those of 
the Illinois State Register, Springfield's Democratic newspaper. Commenting on 
his election it said: "Newton Cloud was the Speaker of the last House of Repre- 
sentatives, and distinguished himself for impartiality, rapid dispatch of business 
and thorough acquaintance with parliamentary rules and usages. A better pre- 
siding officer could not have been chosen." 

a Henry W. Moore of Gallatin County, the secretary or chief clerk, was Secre- 
tary of the Illinois Senate, 1846-1848. 

22 He refers to John Crain of Nashville, Illinois, who had served for ten years in 
the Illinois Senate and House. 


than the members of our House of Representatives; they have 
generally marked features, and much character. As for dis- 
cipline and etiquette, I cannot say much for them. Every 
member who spoke, rose and put one foot in his chair, and one 
hand in his breeches pocket, and more than half of the whole 
sat with their feet on the desks before them, tilting up in their 
chairs. They looked like sensible men, but they want training, 
from the President down. 

The State-House is at present an unfinished building, of 
stone, and intended to be well-arranged; but the architect has 
set it too low on the ground, so that it will never be any ornament 
to the place. 23 It has a cupola built of wood, and stands in the 
centre of a large public square. By and by it will have a portico, 
with several large columns, but the columns are to be laid in 
blocks like the pillars before St. Paul's Church in Boston and will 
never present an appearance corresponding to the design of the 
architect. The interior, even, is not finished, and we ascend to 
the Representatives' hall, where the Convention assembles, by a 
flight of temporary stairs. The halls of the two houses will be 
very pretty when they are finished, but I doubt whether they 
will not want much remodeling before they will give satisfaction, 
either to members or to the sovereign people, who wish to listen 
to the debates of their servants. 

Near the State-House is a much handsomer building, which 
was erected some years ago by the State Bank of Illinois: it has 
columns, and a porch in front, and looks quite classical. The 
business of the place is done in stores, which are arranged round 
and in the neighborhood of the square, and it is even now very 
considerable. A railroad is to be built from Springfield to 
Alton, 24 which will enable the farmers in the interior of the state 
to send their produce to a market; at present the only means 

" The State House, now the Courthouse of Sangamon County, was raised a 
story in 1901. Begun in 1837, the building was not completed until the early fifties. 

24 The first train on the Alton & Sangamon Railroad arrived in Springfield on 
September 9, 18S2. On July 30, 1854, the connection was made with Chicago. 


of transportation is by wagons, and this summer it has cost 
seventy-five cents to a dollar a barrel to send flour to Alton on 
the Mississippi, on its way to New-Orleans. Wheat cannot be 
sent, at present, at any price, as the cost of freight would absorb 
all its value, — the only way it can be sent to market, is in its 
manufactured state. 

The fields of corn — the miles and miles of corn to be seen 
here — would strike a Massachusetts farmer with astonishment. 
A farmer in this neighborhood thinks nothing of raising one 
hundred acres of corn in one lot, and it grows of itself without 
any assistance. There are large lots of hemp also raised here, 
as I have before stated, and its greenness at this season, while 
not so dazzling as the corn, is equally deep and beautiful. As 
may be supposed, this is a great country for raising cattle, and 
I am almost afraid to tell you that I saw yesterday, in one drove, 
eleven hundred head of cattle, besides several hundred horses, 
and some mules, which were on the way to the East for sale; — 
they were going by the way of Indiana and Ohio to New- York 
state, and probably some of them may be found at Brighton 
before they are slaughtered. Hogs, of course, are plenty, and 
it is for the purpose of fattening these that so much corn is raised. 
When I said that Chicago might one day rival Cincinnati as a 
pork market, I may have been thought extravagant, but the 
thought is not so very absurd after all, if you will look at the 
means of raising the material. The animals are marked and 
turned out into the open prairie, and they come home at night, 
like the cattle, of their own accord, to be fed with "something 
warm and comfortable," — something that they cannot get in 
their daily wanderings. 

In the neighborhood of Springfield, and in the city itself, 
for I believe it is a city, there are many beautiful residences, 
and one can hardly believe that fifteen years ago, the place con- 
tained but two houses, one of which was a common drover's 
tavern, — that there was, as lately as 1835, but one mail a week 
brought here from the South, and but one a fortnight from the 


North, — yet such is the fact. 26 

Jacksonville, Illinois 
[July 14, 1847] 

The weather has been so hot and dry, the crowd has been 
so intense, and the bustle so great, that I have not as yet gone 
out of the house to-day. The crowds of people — men, women 
and children — which have been moving into this town since five 
o'clock last evening, I cannot pretend to estimate. I am favored 
with a room fronting on the public square, and can see every 
thing that is going on. The numbers increase rather than di- 
minish, and the people are coming from every direction, and in 
all sorts of conveyances. Stage coaches are scarce, but large 
wagons are plenty. Women ride on horses and on mules. 
Whole families come in on large wagons, the travelers being seated 
on straw-bottomed country chairs. The females are dressed in 
all the colors of the rainbow; but white, or what was white when 
the dresses were clean, predominates. Parasols are as plenty as 
blackberries, and are only outnumbered by cotton umbrellas, — 
every other man, whether on foot or on horseback, and every old 
woman, of whom there are not a few, carrying one of the latter 

This day is devoted to the solemn duty of depositing in the 
grave the remains of Colonel Hardin, which have been brought 
from Mexico for that purpose. 26 The state Convention has 
adjourned, and came here from Springfield, for the purpose of 
honoring the dead with the presence of its members, who may 
be seen in the crowd with extravagant badges of black crape on 
the left arm of each. But it is in fact a gala day. There is no 
solemnity. A country muster in New England, in old times, 

" Buckingham overstated the rapidity of Springfield's growth, for more than 
twenty-five years, instead of fifteen, had elapsed since its founding. Springfield had 
perhaps thirty families in 1823, when the land was put on sale. The 1835 census 
listed 1,419 inhabitants, and this figure had increased to 3,900 by 1848. 

18 Col. John J. Hardin commanded the First Regiment of Illinois Foot Volun- 
teers. He was killed in battle at Buena Vista on February 23, 1847. The news- 
papers estimated that the crowd in attendance at his funeral numbered over 15,000. 


was as nothing to it. This is a temperance town, and no liquor 
is allowed to be sold in its precincts, but yet drunken men and 
boys are abundant, and noisy. Last night, a military company 
marched into town from Springfield, and to-day it has marched 
off to the strains of gay music, towards the former residence of 
the dead, to take up and escort the procession. The engine 
company is out with its banner. The masons are in full regalia. 
The Convention has assembled in a body, with black crape and 
blue scarfs. The square is over-run with mounted marshals, 
dressed with enormous white sashes, who are curvetting and 
galloping about in every direction, apparently with no other 
object in view than to show themselves off, and defeating that 
very object in a great measure, by raising such a quantity of 
dust, that it is difficult to see, sometimes, who kicks it up. 

After an absence of two hours the people have all returned 
from the residence of the deceased, in the neighborhood of 
which — in fact, in sight of its very windows — an oration was 
delivered and a sermon preached, and other ceremonies per- 
formed. At the head of the procession rode the chief marshal, 
on a very gay horse, into whose sides we could see the rider, 
every minute or two, sticking his spurs, in order to make the 
animal still more gay. The marshal was dressed in white panta- 
loons, having a black stripe down the legs, and a sheet tied 
round his body, and he rode with his hat in his hand, bowing to the 
multitude like a victorious general making a triumphal entry 
into the city. The infantry company followed, the band playing 
Pleyel's Hymn in quick time. After the masons and others, 
came the black hearse bearing the corpse, and then the horse 
of Col. Hardin, dressed in mourning. But what was all this to 
what followed? Next came the family coach, containing the be- 
reaved widow and orphans! I would not cast a word of censure 
upon any one who really sorrowed. And it is not for any of us 
to say who sorrows in this world, where the countenance and 
the actions so often belie the real sentiments; but what a mockery 
does this seem to be of grief, to parade it before thousands of 


strangers — to follow in a gorgeous pageant the decorated hearse, 
in a march of some miles, through dust and noise, and sur- 
rounded with mounted marshals and racing cavalcade! 

After marching all round the public square, the procession 
went to the burying-ground, where the body was deposited. 
After some recess, the multitude again assembled in a grove 
near Colonel Hardin's house, where a collation was served up to 
the public, and at which, after the manner of festive occasions, 
several speeches were made. Those of the returned volunteers 
who served under the deceased, and who belonged to the town, 
were treated to a collation at the house, by invitation of the 

And this is one scene connected with the Mexican war. It 
has been got up to gratify a spirit of military ardor, which is 
quite prevalent in this state, and it can result in nothing but 
the most incalculable mischief. More volunteers are called for, 
and regiments are now forming in Illinois. The fruit of to-day's 
pageant will be the enlistment of at least a thousand new victims 
to the insatiate ambition of our wicked and unprincipled gov- 
ernment. The streets are filled with the fathers and the mothers, 
the brothers and the sisters of volunteers, and yet the whole 
seem to be afflicted with the military mania. 

It is not in Jacksonville alone that this spirit prevails, but I 
see it in every town and village south of Chicago, and it is more 
apparent the further I penetrate into the interior of the state. 
It does not appear to be patriotism, but a sort of ambition to 
be some thing. I learn, that unlike the volunteers of Massachu- 
setts and some other states, those from Illinois, with some few ex- 
ceptions, have been from some of the most respectable families in 
the state. Those who first enlisted who have not died in Mexico, 
are now returning; but they express, at present, very little or no 
opinion at all as to their feelings — they have generally gone 
quietly to their homes, being for the present apparently satisfied 
with the glory they have achieved. 

Yesterday I met Lieut. Col. Weatherford, and a queerer 


specimen of a sucker never yet was seen; a daguerrian picture 
of him would have made a sketch that no one would believe 
could have been taken from nature. On him devolved the 
command of the regiment after Col. Hardin's death. 27 He is now 
a thin, tall man, very much emaciated by sickness, and darker 
colored than most Indians. He had on a coarse blue checked 
cotton shirt, with no collar, and no neck-cloth. He wore a 
dirty colored linen frock, which has seen much service, and was 
open in front like a common frock coat. His pantaloons were 
of the common cheap blue cotton, and were worn through in 
holes about where his legs probably touched the saddle in riding. 
He had on shoes nearly worn out, with large spurs strapped on 
around the instep. We have had descriptions of the uncouth 
appearance of the Mexican officers, but no description I have 
ever seen gave me any idea of such a poverty-stricken and 
miserable specimen of a commander as did the actual appearance 
of the Lieutenant Colonel of the first regiment of Illinois Volun- 
teers, on this his return from a successful and honorable (!) career 
in the present war. This is no fancy sketch, and it is not in the 
least exaggerated. 

The Lieutenant Colonel talked of the war, and of his deeds 
in arms, but withal was rather modest. He claimed great credit 
for his regiment, and expressed great admiration of the character 
of Col. Hardin. But it is plainly to be perceived, that he is a 
broken-down man, unfit for further service, and without much 
hope for the future. He will probably, with scores of others 
in similar situations, become, if he is not already, a violent poli- 
tician, an office-seeker and a demagogue. 

Whitehall, Illinois 
[July 15, 1847] 
After the festivities of yesterday were closed at Jacksonville, 
our party started, in an overloaded coach, for the Mississippi 
River. The country begins to lose that level appearance that it 

" William Weatherford was elected colonel at Buena Vista, February 26, 1847, 
to succeed Colonel Hardin. 


has exhibited before, and, as we proceed to the south, is more 
wooded, with more up-hill and down-hill. There is, however, 
still much prairie land to pass over, and the soil is, if possible, 
richer than it is farther north. Everything will grow here, and 
the settlers have taken some pains to plant trees, particularly 
the locust and the rock or sugar maple. In the valleys and on 
the hill-sides we find oak, and walnut, and the hazel-nut. On 
the hills are the blackberry and other bushes known in New- 
England — the mustard, the mullen, the whiteweed, &c. We are 
now in a part of the country that is "fenced in," and we behold 
on every side the most luxurious farms, good houses and large 
barns. As we proceed south, the corn grows, or has grown, 
taller and taller, with ears, in the silk, higher up in the air than 
a tolerably tall man can reach. The wheat is harvested, and the 
oats are about ready. We have seen some beautiful fields of , 
rye, and thick tall grass of the various descriptions. As we pass 
through a more generally settled district, we find the prairie 
grass is nearly run out, and in its place is the timothy, and the 
red-top, and the clover. This is surely a great country, and this 
is a glorious season for the farmer. 

We have stopped for the night at a very pleasant village* 
situated on a prairie, and at a tavern that would do honor to 
any good housewife in New-England. Every thing is neat and ! 
clean, every body is attentive, the supper has been well got up, 
and abundant in variety, as well as excellent in quality. The 
name of the landlord is Tracy, and he and his wife deserve to j 
be remembered, and to be made known to the traveling com- 
munity. May they become as rich as they wish, and be able 
to return to their native New-England, well rewarded for their 
toil and privations. 

Late in the evening a stage-coach from Alton arrived, con- 
taining several returned volunteers, who were met by about fifty 
personal friends, who were in waiting. Of course there was much 
boisterous gladness exhibited on both sides; but the volunteers 
did not exhibit marks of much prosperity, nor of much elas- 


ticity of spirit. They have "seen the elephant," and have very 
little to say about him. The war is a sorry subject to most of 
those who have been engaged in it. 

I think that it is a sort of duty that a traveler owes to his 
friends and acquaintances, to point out to them not only the 
best, but the worst, places on the route. It is not probable that 
many of my readers will ever find themselves in Jacksonville, as 
it is not on a direct route to any where that Boston people are 
likely to seek. But I must warn them to avoid the town until 
it has a good tavern. It has a hotel, which is not fit for a 
decently-dressed man to set his foot in, and a house, where he 
can find nothing comfortable. Although the town was full of 
people yesterday, both landlords left their boarders or guests to 
take care of themselves, and officiated all day as marshals to the 
procession. At the hotel we were overrun with women and 
children; the breakfast was absolutely nasty, so that I could not 
be prevailed upon to go to the table at dinner, which proved, I 
was informed, still more disgustingly dirty. 

It seems as if I were doomed to be a victim to the Mexican 
war, in one shape or another. I was sick of it in Boston, and 
glad to be absent from all discussions on the subject for several 
weeks. But now I have again got into a current, and every day, 
every hour, I hear something about it. We have been bored 
almost beyond endurance, for one whole afternoon, by a returned 
volunteer lieutenant, who has described over and over again the 
battles of which he was a spectator, and sickened with his non- 
sense about patriotism, and disgusted by his avowed principles. 
He says he had a brother and a brother-in-law killed by the 
Mexicans, and he considers it a duty, as well as a pleasure, to 
kill as many Mexicans as he can. The scoundrel talks, too, of 
religion, and claims that the present war is favored by the 
Almighty, because it will be the means of eradicating Papacy, 
and extending the benefits of Protestantism. I doubt whether he 
has any more Christianity than knowledge, and his whole talk 
proves him a fool and a liar. 


I give you a short letter to-night, for heat and dust, and the 
fatigue of incessant travel, have rendered me more fit for the bed 
than for my usual gossip. 

Alton, Illinois 
[July 16, 1847] 

We came into this place at a snail's pace, although the road 
was down hill. The hill was so steep that it would have been 
dangerous for all of us if the wheels of the coach had not been 
locked hard enough to oblige the horses to draw. On the top of 
the last hill I had my first glimpse of the Mississippi river — ap- 
parently a calm, sluggish stream, as smooth as plate glass, with 
a bright polish which reflected the rays of the burning sun with 
dazzling splendor — it was painful to look at it. I found after- 
wards, that it was not so sluggish, but that it ran at the rate of 
about four or five miles an hour. When one is on its banks, it 
is a much more attractive sheet of water, and although differing 
from the St. Lawrence in its whole character, is, perhaps, quite 
as interesting to contemplate. Opposite to the city is a large 
island which prevents a view of the Missouri shore, but on the 
bluffs one can see over the low land and its trees, and have an 
uninterrupted sight of the hills of the neighbor-state. 

This place is somewhat celebrated for the abolition riots which 
occurred here some years ago, 28 and my general impression was, 
that it was rather a rowdy city. But I find the people of an 
entirely different character. It is situated much like our New- 
England towns, and instead of having all the residences collected 
together near the centre of business, they are scattered all round 
among the hills, and over an extent of country embracing many 
miles. The principal portion of the inhabitants are New-England 
people, and many were originally from Boston — men who came 

28 On the night of November 7, 1837, the abolitionist editor, Elijah P. Lovejoy, 
was killed in attempting, with his friends, to prevent the seizure by a mob of his 
printing press, stored in the warehouse of Godfrey, Gilman & Company. The in- 
cident was broadcast by the press over the United States, many editors condemning 
the affair as an assault on the freedom of the press and speech even while they con- 
demned abolition. 


out to this country some twelve or fifteen years ago, and have, 
under all the fluctuations of trade, all the changes from rich to 
poor, and poor to rich, maintained their integrity, and are now, 
although Alton is not the thriving place it once was, doing good 
business, and are mostly well off in this world's goods. As a 
friend remarked a few days ago, Illinois, of all the states in the 
Union, is the poor man's country. Its resources are unbounded, 
and wherever an industrious man plants his foot, or digs the soil, 
he is sure to be remunerated for his trouble. The prairies once 
presented a vast expanse of waste land, covered with grass, and 
flowers of all the colors of the rainbow. Only a few years have 
been devoted to their cultivation, and now they are covered with 
corn and wheat, and oats, potatoes, hemp, and trees. Time was 
when there were no trees, except on the borders of the streams — 
now the locust is to be seen every where, and the farmers have 
planted that and many other descriptions of trees on the borders 
of their lots, in groves, and before their dwellings. There are a 
number of Dutch farmers settled in this neighborhood, and they 
have profited by the facility which the ground affords to become 
rich. As we approached Alton, the crops were more advanced 
than we had seen them in other places, and the large and sub- 
stantial barns, are getting to be well filled. The Yankee, how- 
ever, is the thriving man, all the world over, and where he is, 
there you see evidences of care and neatness, and plenty and 
prosperity; he may be laughed at, he may be scorned, he may be 
abused in various, or in all ways, but Jonathan is the man on 
whom the people, his neighbors, rely for every thing that is 
stable, every thing that brings or continues civilization, good 
government, good order, and lasting prosperity. 

The state of Illinois, some years ago, and not many years 
ago neither, was infatuated with a sense of its own natural ad- 
vantages, its own unbounded resources, and launched forth into 
the wildest scheme of internal improvement. 29 It projected rail- 

*• The Internal Improvement Bill became a law on February 27, 1837. Ap- 
proximately 310,000,000 was voted for river improvement and railroad building. 
Many enterprises were begun, but none of them finished. Within three years the 


roads and canals in every direction. It borrowed money that it 
could not pay. It commenced works that it could not finish. It 
employed engineers to lay out routes, who knew only in theory 
what the people wished to have constructed by practical men. 
The consequences are known to the world, and canals and rail- 
roads, half or quarter completed, some graded, some half built, 
are to be met with in different parts of the state. A better day 
is now dawning, and those who once thought the time for such 
gigantic operations had not then arrived — the men of reflec- 
tion — are now moving to accomplish the task which others too 
soon under took — are destined to reap the benefits which early 
cupidity came near losing. 

A railroad is now to be built from Alton to Springfield, which 
cannot fail to be an investment of great profit to the stockholders. 
The company has a very favorable charter, and the state gives 
its aid in the shape of a free grant, of such portions of a formerly 
graded road as they may need or can use to advantage. The 
road will have for its terminus the capital of the state, and will 
open to the towns and the farms of the interior a means of com- 
munication with the seaboard, or rather with navigation, which 
must be immensely profitable. All along on the line, and I have 
been over the whole of it, there is a country capable of producing, 
which does now produce enormous crops of every thing, almost, 
that will grow in any soil. Alton is so situated that boats of the 
largest class can come up to its levee and load at all seasons of 
the year; it is the head of navigation for freighting vessels, and 
the completion of this railroad will be the means of increasing its 
trade to an almost incalculable amount. The railroad as at 
present is intended to be built, will be eighty-eight miles in 
length; the engineers will undoubtedly shorten it about ten miles. 
It runs through a country very favorable for construction, and 
on almost a level grade for the greater part of the line. The 

craze had run its course, and the state faced a debt of about 315,000,000, with re- 
pudiation not an impossibility. No interest was paid on this debt from July 1, 1841 
to July 1, 1846. Measures enacted during the administration of Gov. Thomas Ford, 
1842-1846, looked toward the ultimate extinction of the debt. 


state has a road graded for ten miles at one end, and fifteen at 
the other, which will be taken by the company, and can be put 
in order at once for the rails at a trifling expense. 

I have, in a former letter, spoken of the Illinois and Michigan 
canal, which runs from Chicago to Peru. I am not as competent 
as some others to give an opinion, and it may be great imper- 
tinence in me to express one; but I think that every practical 
New-England man, who makes a personal examination of the 
route, will agree with me in wondering that the commissioners, 
who came out here for the English bond-holders, and induced 
them to advance more money for its completion, did not recom- 
mend turning it into a railroad. Since we have established it 
as a "fixed fact" in New-England, that transportation can be had 
cheaper on a railroad than on a canal, the expense of lockage 
and delay are things to be avoided if possible. It will not be 
many years before a railroad will be built on that route, that will 
be worth to the public more than fifty canals. 

Alton has, in its immediate vicinity, five extensive flour 
mills, and a large number of stores. The steamboats from the 
lower part of the Upper Mississippi are continually passing, and 
last night the snorting and belching of the engines, the ringing of 
the bells of the boats, was to be heard every four minutes. The 
ware-houses are built of stone and brick. There is an abundance 
of lime stone to be found in the town, close down to the edge of 
the river. The state penitentiary 30 stands on a high bluff over- 
looking the town, the river, and the neighboring part of the state 
of Missouri; the prisoners are employed now in manufacturing 
hemp, — they used to be engaged in all sorts of mechanical labor, 
but on a remonstrance to the Legislature, setting forth that they 
underworked the regular mechanics, a law was passed obliging 
the overseers to put them to a kind of work that would not in- 
terfere with the industry of more honest people. 

30 The penitentiary at Alton, authorized by the legislature in 1827, was com- 
pleted in the early thirties. It was used until 1860, when the prisoners were trans- 
ferred to the new prison at Joliet. 


Gen. Semple, 31 the author of the famous post-office report, of 
which the readers of the Courier have heard something before, 
lives at Alton, but I understand that he is disgusted with politics, 
and is now devoting his time and talents to the construction of a 
steam car, that he expects will travel over the prairies with or 
without the aid of roads. 32 I lost an opportunity to see this new 
machine a few days ago, in consequence of the forgetfulness of a 
friend; but I am informed that it is almost as visionary a thing as 
the report to which I have before alluded. It will probably be 
able to carry the mails through the Pacific Ocean, as soon as it 
is ready to carry passengers across the continent of America. 
The General hates President Polk and the whole administration, 
and is not by any means chary in his comments upon their want 
of foresight, in not appreciating his transcendant abilities suf- 
ficiently to give him either a high military or civil appointment. 

I rode out a few miles in the neighborhood, this afternoon, 
with a friend, to see the country. The continued dry and hot 
weather has made the roads very dusty, and every thing now 
appears to less advantage than usual; but the sites for dwellings, 
the houses and farms are improved, and the indications of pros- 
perous industry every where apparent, give one a favorable idea 
of what the citizens may become in a short time. North Alton 
is at a short distance, and besides being a place of considerable 
farming, is the residence of a great number of coopers, who make 

41 Gen. James Semple, 1798-1866, was born in Green County, Kentucky; he 
studied law in Louisville; moved to Edwardsville, Illinois in 1818 where he stayed 
only a short time, returning there again in 1828; Brigadier General in the Black 
Hawk War. Semple served several terms in the legislature and was twice elected 
Speaker of the House; he was Charge d'Affaires to New Granada, 1837-1842, and 
United States Senator, 1843-1847. He was enthusiastic over the acquisition of 
Oregon, and in the spring of 1846 brought in two reports to the Senate calling for 
the establishment of a mail route to Oregon. His second report detailed the possi- 
bilities of a route by way of the Isthmus of Panama. 

31 General Semple secured patents in 1845 on what he called a "prairie car." 
The car was very similar to the old-fashioned locomotive in appearance, but differed 
materially in its mechanical construction, having a broad wheel to enable it to run 
over the prairies. The car worked successfully, but General Semple did not have 
sufficient funds to continue experimentation. Forced to abandon the project, he 
left the car standing out in the prairie near Springfield, where it gradually fell to 
pieces and was pointed out to passers-by as "Semple's Folly." 


a large quantity of barrels for flour and provisions. It has two 
churches, which look rather out of character, for want of paint. 
In this village, on a pretty spot, is situated the college, which was 
endowed by the late Dr. ShurtlefF of Boston, and which bears his 
name. 33 It is a large brick building, but is not at present very 
prosperous, in consequence of the want of sufficient funds to pro- 
cure professors and teachers of the highest talent. 

Another regiment of volunteers for Mexico is quartered in 
camp in this village, — it is not quite full, but another company 
is daily expected, and as soon as it arrives the election of officers 
will take place. The most prominent candidate for Colonel is 
Mr. [Joseph B.] Wells, now Lieutenant-Governor of the state. 
Col. Baker, formerly member of Congress, who has already 
served with distinction, was a candidate, but he peremptorily 
declines, as he thinks he is entitled to a higher rank, and is now 
an applicant for appointment as Brigadier General. 

Yesterday, the packet-boat from St. Louis brought up the 
bodies of three Lieutenants belonging to this place, who were 
killed in battle in Mexico, and they were received with some cere- 
mony. Guns were fired by way of salute, the bells tolled, and 
a speech was made on the levee, to which nobody made any 
reply. A procession was then formed, and the bodies were carried 
to one of the churches, where they will lie in state for several 
days, after which there will be a celebration on a small scale, 
after the fashion of that which I saw at Jacksonville. Discharged 
volunteers, who have served their year in Mexico, are daily re- 
turning by the way of St. Louis, and on the arrival of every boat 
they are saluted by the firing of cannon, and other demonstra- 
tions of respect. A few nights ago, it was rumored that a number 
were on board one of the packets, — the guns were fired as usual, 
the crowd collected to see them land, and the chairman or spokes- 
man of the committee of reception mounted a woodpile and made 
a patriotic speech. But lo and behold! there was no volunteer 

33 In recognition of Dr. Benjamin Shurtleff's gift of 310,000 in 1835, the name 
of Alton College was changed to ShurtlefF College in 1836. 


on board, except a drunken Irishman, who was astonished, as 
well he might be, at the eloquence which had been so lavishly- 
thrown away upon him, and he exclaimed, with a hiccup, that 
it was "very affecting — it almost made me cry." 

St. Louis, Missouri 
[July 17, 1847] 

We took passage, at eight o'clock, on board the steamboat 
Luella, but did not get away from the levee until nearly nine. 
These levees are the banks of the river graded to a convenient 
slope, sometimes paved and sometimes left in their natural state, 
and are either dusty or muddy, according to the weather. 
Wharves there are none, in this part of the country — or rather 
there are very few. At Alton, as at other places that I have 
seen on the Mississippi and on the Illinois rivers, the boats pass- 
ing down always turn round and come to the levee with the 
bow upstream; this is done for the sake of convenience, and 
because there would be much trouble in stopping head-way if 
they attempted to come to with the force of the current in the 
same direction in which they are running. 

Our passage down the river was very pleasant, for there was 
a slight breeze blowing from the south. The scenery was beauti- 
ful. A short distance from Alton we came to the low land called 
the American Bottom — which at times, when the river is highest, 
is generally overflowed; it is rich soil, richer than any other in 
the world. This bottom-land extends on both sides of the river 
for nearly a hundred miles, and has proved to be inexhaustible — 
it never wears out. Other lands will yield large produce, but it 
is necessary to change the seed from year to year, from corn to 
wheat and from wheat to oats, &c. &c; but on the American, 
or as some people more appropriately call it, the Mississippi 
bottom, it has been proved that the same kind of crops can be 
produced every year; and at one place farther south, it is said 
that corn has been raised every year in succession for one hundred 
and fifty years. 


A few miles from Alton, I believe only three, is the mouth of 
the Missouri, a yellow-colored water, which empties into the 
Mississippi, but does not mix with it for miles and miles in its 
course. The difference in the two streams is marked so strongly, 
that while one is on the clearer waters of the latter, the waters 
of the other, running only a few feet distance from the boat, 
look like a sand-bar extended along the side. After we proceed 
some miles, the two become united; but after all it is like the 
amalgamation of milk and molasses, with a streak of light and 
a streak of dark. The Mississippi, however, never again becomes 
the clear, bright water that it is in the regions above. The bot- 
tomlands are well wooded, and the foliage of the trees is the 
most dense I have ever seen. I believe that oaks and elms, and 
maple and locust, and walnut, are the most abundant, although 
other varieties are interspersed. Occasionally you will see a 
lombardy poplar, but it is where somebody has planted it — it is 
not natural to the soil. There are no chestnuts and no pines. 

At eleven o'clock, we arrived at St. Louis. 34 We have heard 
of a "forest of masts," but here, without seeing a mast, we were 
at once in the midst of a forest of chimneys or smoke-pipes. 
There may be sailing vessels on this river, but the commerce is 
carried on by means of steamboats. Like the people of every 
other place, the people here say we can see nothing now, — it is 
not the season, there is no business doing, and there are few 
boats here. But I see enough to surprise my unsophisticated 
Yankeeism. The number now, dull as the season may be, may 
very properly be named legion. 

The levee is high, with a very steep slope, and is paved with 
blocks of lime-stone. It is covered with all sorts of produce, and 
is lined on its upper side with immense warehouses; on its lower, 
with steamboats. The boats lie in regular order, close together, 
with their bows run on to the shore, as compactly as they can be 
placed, and discharge or take in freight and passengers from the 
bow. I believe there was not a boat lying broad-side to the lev 

34 The population of St. Louis in 1847 was estimated at 55,000. 


when we arrived, and we were obliged to come to along side of the 
stern of another steamer, and the passengers crossed her decks 
the whole length, in order to get on shore. 

When we landed, the sun was apparently doing his utmost to 
burn up all the life and energy that remained, after a week's sum- 
mer weather, in man and beast. The lime-stone, of which the 
pavements are composed, and the lime-stone soil of the unpaved 
streets, is light colored, almost white, and the reflection of the sun 
upon it is dazzling to the eyes. We have hotter weather in Bos- 
ton, occasionally, than they have had at St. Louis this summer, 
but it is only for a few days, and is even then occasionally relieved 
by intervals of east wind. But here, the heat comes on grad- 
ually, and is regular, affording no stopping places, so to speak, 
although the mercury in the thermometer may not be more than 
ninety or ninety-four, it is the same from morning to night and 
night to morning, day to day, burning on and baking the people 
as by a slow fire. I thought that the heat at Alton was tolerably 
severe, but at St. Louis I find it intolerable. 

The first thing that struck my attention, after the steam- 
boats, was the business-like character of the place. I am writing 
my first impressions, recollect, and therefore I may say something 
by and by, or hereafter, that will not correspond with what I 
say now. As Rochester, a small place, was more bustling to me 
than Boston, and Buffalo appeared larger and more of a business 
place than Rochester, so St. Louis, with only about fifty thousand 
inhabitants, would seem at first glance to do more business than 
New-York or Liverpool. On the levee were all sorts of goods, 
and in all sorts of packages. The warehouses are of great height, 
situated not only on the levee, but in the street above, or in the 
cross streets which run down to the river, and they all appear to 
be filled with goods of all descriptions. The drays are numerous, 
and the draymen, black and white, keep up a constant yelling 
and shouting that would stun a quiet man. 

Hot as it was, a friend induced me in the middle of the day 
to jump into his buggy and ride around the city, in order to obtain 


a sort of outside view of its magnitude and its character. We 
did not go off from the paved streets into the suburbs, but we 
rode round through the principal and some of the minor thorough- 
fares. The retail trade is extended over the whole city. Large 
blocks of many storied brick dwelling-houses are in all the streets. 
Churches and other public buildings are numerous. Hotels are 
all but uncountable, and bar-rooms are quite so. The sidewalks 
are paved with brick, and are wide and comfortable. The streets 
in the upper part of the city are wide and run at right angles, 
many of them being shaded with trees, which are planted on each 

Dinner time brought us to the Planters' House, where I have 
concluded to rest for a day, before I take up my line of march 
for a new and somewhat unknown region on the Upper Missis- 

St. Louis, Missouri 
My notes of St. Louis are meagre, for the heat of the weather, 
and the fatigue of the last week, rendered it necessary that I 
should remain in the house nearly all the time I have been 
here. The Planters' House, at which I am staying, is built after 
the plan of the Astor House, and is nearly as large. It is kept 
by Stickney & Scollay, both of whom, I believe, are Yankees. 
Its situation is the best and pleasantest of any public house in 
the city, and by favor of good friends, I was enabled to secure 
an upper room, with a southern aspect, which gave me all the 
comfort of breeze and freedom from mosquitoes that any one can 
obtain in St. Louis. The street in front is broad, and appears 
to be the Broadway of the city. An evening stroll on Saturday 
night was very pleasant, exhibiting the different retail shops, con- 
fectioneries, &c. to good advantage. The majority of the business 
streets are narrow and much cumbered with goods and people. 
Even in the day-time, and under a broiling sun, it appeared as 
if the people were all in the streets in the part of the city devoted 
to traffic. Taverns and grog-shops are abundant, and, like the 
boot and shoe shops of Montreal, appear to be a very large per 


centage of the whole number of places devoted to business in 
some particular neighborhoods. The streets devoted to wholesale 
trade, exhibit more bustle and activity than those of New- York or 
Boston, even at this dull season of the year, and one is irresistibly 
led to the belief that the trade of St. Louis is not only most 
flourishing, but must be increasing. A gentleman informs me 
that he has seen five hundred large steam-boats discharging and 
taking in cargoes at the levee at the same time. There is one 
cotton factory in the city, which was established and is kept in 
operation by a German house. 

There are several foundries and machine shops, which turn 
out the very best of work; it is said that some of the machinery 
manufactured in St. Louis is equal, if not superior, to any that 
has ever been made at the East. Within a few years, there have 
been some splendid boats built in this city or its neighborhood, 
and the improvements which are constantly made, in the strength, 
speed, capacity, and light draught of those which hail from this 
port, will, ere long, make this the place in the West for ship- 

On the square, next to the Planters' House, is the Court House, 
a most uncouth looking building at present; they tell me it is to 
be altered and improved. 35 It is built in the shape of a square 
cross, or a square building with four wings. The front of each 
wing is built as high as the top of the second story, of white 
limestone; the rest is of brick, including all the space above the 
second story window caps. It has the air in part of falling to 
decay, and in part of being unfinished. Good and substantial 
stone steps lead to the entrances, and an iron fence has been 
erected partly round the building. When seated in my chamber 
this morning, I heard the stentorian voice of somebody making 
a speech, for so long a time that I concluded that I would go 
down and see what it all meant. Following the direction of the 
sound, I soon found myself in the Criminal Court. Twelve 
jurors, most of them with their coats off, one apparently asleep, 

36 Little work was done on the courthouse in 1847. 


and all seated in such way as could make them most comfortable, 
were supposed to be listening to a one-eyed, shaggy-headed law- 
yer, who was arguing for the defence. The Judge was quite a 
young man, not more than thirty years of age, and the most 
gentlemanly looking of all in the room. 36 Three other persons 
were seated at the tables appropriated to counsel, and they were 
too much amazed, evidently, with the queer arguments of the 
person speaking, to talk or write. There were half a dozen spec- 
tators, and the whole number of persons present, judge, jury, 
counsel, prisoners, and spectators, did not amount to twenty-five. 
It was astonishing to see how a man could work so hard, and talk 
so loud, and chew so much tobacco, with the thermometer at 
ninety-six, and not a breath of air stirring. The gentlemen — 
for all lawyers are gentlemen, — appeared to be trying to make 
out a case of somnambulism in one of the witnesses, and told 
us of his having experienced dreadful sensations on several 
occasions, in consequence of suddenly waking at night, and 
fancying he saw sights which he did not see; he told how easy it 
was to be deceived by appearances, and to be frightened at noth- 
ing; and he put it to the Jury to say for themselves, whether they 
had not often made mistakes as to objects which they looked at 
in the dark. From all his arguments he deduced that the prin- 
cipal witness was half asleep when she saw what she had testified 
to, and was not half certain of that which she did see — therefore, 
he claimed an acquittal. Before he concluded I came away. 

There are many handsome public buildings in St. Louis, and 
many blocks of handsome and substantial private houses. But 
I am astonished to see that, with fifty thousand inhabitants, the 
streets are not lighted at night. 37 I regretted that I could not 
see the interior of some of the churches, and still more that I 
was unable to accept of several invitations of private hospitality, 
all of which must be deferred till circumstances, as strange as 
those which brought me unexpectedly here now, shall send me 
here again. 

36 Alonzo W. Manning was judge of the Criminal Court in 1847. 

37 The streets of the business section were first lighted by gas on Nov. 6, 1847. 


This is the first hotel I have seen, since I left home, where I 
could enjoy a breakfast. I have eaten breakfasts every day, but 
they have only been in the performance of a regular duty. But 
here, at the Planters' House, a man can come to the table and 
enjoy an hour in the morning, in comfort. So few people in this 
busy world know how to live, that half of those who do live only 
exist. Now men will tell us that every thing depends upon din- 
ner, for which they want "time;" therefore they are up early in 
the morning, swallow a cup of tea or coffee, bolt half a pound of 
beef steak or other meat, not properly cooked, a few hot cakes, 
and off they run to business; before noon, they are half starved, 
and while the stuff they put into their stomachs in the morning 
is still undigested, they take a hearty luncheon, that ought to 
serve a moderate man for his dinner, if it were fit for anybody 
to eat, and away they run again to business; before they have 
digested either the breakfast or the lunch, they go to dinner, 
and "take time for it" — that is, they perhaps sit half or three 
quarters of an hour at table, without any appetite, very dainty, 
and pretend to enjoy luxuries which their cooks know not how 
to prepare for the table, and which they are not in a fit state to 
appreciate. And yet such men live and grow rich, and before 
they are sixty, die of apoplexy or of indigestion. If a man would 
have a good constitution, and be in a proper state of body or 
mind to do business and enjoy a good dinner, he should spend 
an hour in the early morning, at his breakfast table, with his 
family and friends — not in eating and drinking, but taking his 
food in moderation, and sitting with his newspaper or his con- 
versation, or both, until his food begins to digest; he will then be 
fit for business or pleasure all the rest of the day. Let him avoid 
a lunch, for he will need none, and he will enjoy his dinner again, 
as his breakfast, and it will do him good, however humbly it may 
be served, however scanty or coarse, or devoid of luxuries and 
variety. Let no one say he has no time in the morning to waste 
at the breakfast table, for if business requires him to be early 
about, he can get up early enough to take all the time he wants. 


At the Planters', as at the Astor House, you can get a good break- 
fast, and take all the time you wish for. Of course, I recommend 
it to travelers coming this way, as a place where they will not 
be hustled out by hurrying servants, before they are half finished, 
nor entirely deserted by company. 

Mississippi River 
And this is the "mighty father of rivers'" He is like "linked 
sweetness, long drawn out," but he is a small father, after all, 
at this end, not being over a mile and a half to a mile and three 
quarters wide above St. Louis. Of course I know nothing of his 
rotundity below. From here upwards, he is slim and shallow. 
About twenty miles above St. Louis, the Missouri river empties 
in him, as I have already stated, and as the Missouri is the bigger, 
if not the better stream, it seems rather a mistake that it should 
lose its identity — it would be more appropriate to give the name 
Missouri to the whole river below, and to lose the Mississippi. 
But this is no affair of mine. 

We left St. Louis about half past seven o'clock in the evening, 
that is to say, we backed out from the levee at that time, but 
we stopped to take some passengers off from a boat just arrived 
from Ohio, and to take in some salt from another boat, and the 
consequence was that we actually did not get away until nine 
o'clock. The Western people are a queer people in some respects, 
and the delays and the stoppages that one meets with in traveling 
in their country are rather annoying to our more regular Yankee 
travelers. For instance — three steamboats were advertised to 
leave St. Louis on Saturday for Galena, and one on Monday. 
On Monday, neither of them had gone, and all were for taking 
in freight. By the advice of those who knew, I concluded to 
take passage in the Kentucky. The captain said he should start 
at noon, but, if he did not, he should certainly go at three, p. m., 
and he would send word to the hotel. Three o'clock came, and no 
message was sent. At half past four I went on board with my 
baggage, and, wishing to spend a short time with a friend, asked 
if the boat would be ready before the expiration of an hour; I 


was told that she certainly would. However, I went off and 
took an hour and a half, and came back and was obliged to wait, 
as I have said above, until seven and nine o'clock. Neither of 
the other boats were ready to leave as soon as we did, and the 
boat advertised to sail certainly on Monday, a "regular packet," 
we met about a hundred miles up the river on Tuesday, coming 

We stopped at Alton during the night, and took in two pas- 
sengers, but until morning there was not much to be seen, although 
the twilight was long, and I had my usual luck of traveling by 
moonlight. The bottom lands which lie along the river for nearly 
a hundred miles, are not interesting in the matter of scenery, as 
there is much sameness in them; after they are once seen, they 
only appear beautiful for their richness of soil and their beautiful 
supply of produce. The shore is generally bold — sufficiently so 
for the light draught boats to run up where it pleases the cap- 
tains, for any purpose whatever, whether it be to shake hands 
with a friend, to call on a sweetheart, to take in wood, or land 
or receive passengers, for all of which purposes many captains 
frequently stop. 

We have been five nights and nearly five days on the river 
between St. Louis and Galena. At the mouth of the Des Moines 
river, which enters into the Mississippi near a little village called 
Clarksville, on the Missouri side, we left some freight, and left 
also the shore of the state of Missouri. We now had on one side 
Iowa, and on the other Illinois, and I could not help thinking 
that there was a great difference between the appearance of every 
thing, — the houses, the barns, and the fields in the free states, 
and similar objects in the slave states. It may be all imagina- 
tion; but I have less philanthropy and less pretension than some ; 
other people, and yet I think that I have seen more frugality, 
more attention to the interest of the proprietors of the land by 
the laborers employed, more economy and more industry dis- 
played by all parties, — the men, the women, the children, the 
hired, the hirer, the owner, and the tenant — in free states, than 


I have ever seen in slave states. The Western people are not as 
frugal as their Eastern friends, of either time or money. Every- 
thing in this country grows so fast that a farmer can afford to 
idle away many hours that a Massachusetts man, or any New- 
England man, would be obliged to spend in toil and labor — the 
consequence is that he grows indolent. The Yankee who comes 
out to the West with the best principles and the most industri- 
ous habits, in a short time becomes rather careless of many of 
the niceties which he would have insisted upon at home. Still, 
you can always tell the farm of a Yankee settler. You can see 
that there is a difference between the thriftiness, and the care of 
buildings of a New-England emigrant, and those of a family who 
came into this country from the South, particularly from a slave 

At Keokuk, the next stopping place above Clarksville, we were 
obliged to discharge all our freight into lighters, as the waters of 
the Mississippi are falling, and it is rather difficult for any boat 
to pass over the rapids, which extend from this place to Montrose, 
a distance of about twelve miles. We staid at Keokuk about 
fifteen hours, and then, drawing only thirty-three and a half 
inches, the Kentucky had hard work to get over the rapids. She 
struck and struggled and rubbed on the rocks, her engines were 
put to their hardest work, the passengers and the crew were 
obliged to go from side to side every few minutes, in order, by 
their weight, to up her one way or the other. Finally, she pressed 
herself along, the steam belching and bellowing, snorting and 
wheezing, as nothing in this world except the steam of a high- 
pressure engine can do, and we were again safe in deeper water. 
While we lay at Keokuk, I took some trouble to see what sort 
of a place it is, but I was not much gratified. It must be eventually 
a great place, as it is at the foot of the rapids, and will be the 
headquarters of all the Southern produce which is to come up the 
river. It is now rather below par, as there is some dispute as to 
fhe title to lands, the Indians having sold out their rights to 
several companies, and squatters having come in and made use 


of lands that belong of right to other people. Pettifogging law- 
yers and greedy speculators serve to keep up the impression that 
no good titles can be obtained, and the consequence is that many 
persons, who might otherwise be disposed to purchase and settle 
at Keokuk, are deterred from doing so. 

A circus company was performing here this afternoon; and for 
the purpose of seeing the people of the country, I went to their 
tent, at the expense of fifty cents. There were about six hundred 
people present, of all ages, sizes and descriptions, mostly women 
and children, with a slight sprinkling of a country dandy or so, 
and it was amusing to witness their expressions of feeling at the 
performances. So far as the circus company was concerned, the 
performances were the poorest I ever saw, and the horses and the 
band appeared to be about equally stupid; but the audience was 
not only a delighted, but a delightful one — every body was happy, 
and every body was astonished; the clown could not make too 
stupid a joke, and the man who turned three summersets was 
pronounced the wonder of the age. How easy and how cheap it 
is to make people happy! 

I forgot to mention, in its proper place in my narrative, that 
we arrived at Quincy, in the state of Illinois, a town of much 
importance, at night, after all reasonable people had gone to bed. 
It was quite a disappointment to me, as I wished to see Quincy, 
and learn more of its trade and capabilities than I can learn with- 
out some personal examination. Soon after we again started; 
about two miles from the levee, the boat ran upon a sand-bar, 
and it took two hours of hard work, much scolding and consid- 
erable straining of the engines, to get us off. We did float, how- 
ever, and sailed along up river for about two miles further, 
when we were obliged to come to a stand still, in consequence of 
the pumps being choked with sand, so that they would not feed 
the boilers. This was in consequence of the wheels having 
stirred up the bottom of the river while we were on the bar, so 
as to make the water all muddy and thick. Another delay of 
five or six hours then took place, after which we started again 
and arrived safely at Keokuk. 


Nauvoo, Illinois 
The Holy City of the Mormons has always possessed a certain 
kind of interest in my mind, and I have had much curiosity to 
know something about it. But I never expected to spend a 
whole day in it. Newspaper accounts are generally unsatisfac- 
tory, and the events of the last two years have raised up a strong 
party in opposition to the Mormons, so that it has been almost 
impossible to learn any thing as to the past or present situation 
of Nauvoo. 88 The city is situated on the left bank of the Mis- 
sissippi, in the state of Illinois, on a lot of land gently and grad- 
ually sloping down to the water, but extending back over a 
prairie some two or three or more miles. It has had eighteen 
thousand inhabitants; it now has eighteen hundred, or at most, 
two thousand. It appears to have been laid out by somebody, 
originally, into streets running in squares, and each house is 
built with regard to the original plan. The families have erected 
each one their house on their own lot, and of course the dwellings 
are not compact, but are scattered over a large extent of ground. 
There is but one block of dwellings, or stores, in the whole city, 
and that appears to have been left unfinished. Most of them are 
of brick, two stories and a half high, and square, with a gable 
roof. There are, however, a number of buildings of wood, and 
some of them three stories high. Time was, and that not two 
years and a half ago, when every house was full, and every farm 
under good cultivation. Now, every thing looks forlorn and deso- 
late. Not half the buildings are occupied, and of these not half 
are half full. The stores are closed. The farms are running 
to waste. The streets are overgrown with grass. The inhabitants 

"The Mormons founded Nauvoo in 1838. In 1840, they voted the Whig 
ticket, in recognition of which the Whig legislature granted Nauvoo a charter of un- 
limited power. Opposition to the Mormons' political power, their practice of poly- 
gamy, the arrogance of their leaders, culminating in the destruction of the Expositor, 
an anti-Mormon newspaper in Nauvoo, brought the imprisonment of Joseph and 
Hyrum Smith in the jail at Carthage, Illinois. Here the brothers were murdered. 
Brigham Young then became the leader of the church. In January, 1845, the char- 
ter was repealed, and in February, 1846, the great trek of the Mormons to Utah 


look like any thing but an industrious people, and every thing 
tells of ruin instead of prosperity. 

Our first object, of course, was the far-famed Mormon tem- 
ple, 39 which stands upon the top of the hill, and can be seen for 
some miles up and down the river. The first sight we had of it 
gave us a pang of disappointment, for it looked more like a white 
Yankee meeting-house, with its steeple on one end, than a mag- 
nificent structure which had cost, all uncompleted as it is, seven 
hundred and fifty thousand dollars. But as we approached 
nearer, it proved to be something worth seeing. It is nearly a 
mile from the landing, the most conspicuous, in fact the only 
conspicuous object in the city. It is built of white limestone. 
The front is ornamented with sunken square columns of no par- 
ticular style of architecture, having capitals representing half a 
a man's head — the upper half — showing the forehead, eyes and 
the top of the nose, and crowned with thorns, or perhaps what 
was intended for the points of stars. Over the head are two 
bugles or horns, with their largest ends outwards, and the handles, 
on the upper side, forming a sort of festoon protection. On all 
sides of the temple are similar columns with similar capitals; the 
base of each column is heavy, but in good proportion and of a 
fanciful design, which it would be difficult to describe. There is 
a basement with small windows. Ten steps lead to the front and 
only entrance to the main building. Three arches enable you to 
enter into a sort of vestibule, from which, by. doors, you enter 
the grand hall, and at the sides are the entries to the staircases, 
to ascend to the upper apartments. 

The front of the temple is apparently three stories high, and 
is surmounted by an octagonal tower or steeple, which itself is 
three stories, with a dome, and having on four sides a clock next 
below the dome. There is a line of circular windows over the 
arched entrance, ornamented with carved work between each, and 

39 The cornerstone of the Temple was laid on April 6, 1841, in the presence of 
10,000 people. The Temple was destroyed by fire of unknown origin in November, 

p* Q 

O " 


over that again a line of square windows. In this upper row is 
a large square entablature, on which is cut the following inscrip- 
tion: — 


built by 



Commenced April 6th, 1841. 


A similar entablature is on the front [illegible] vestibule, over 
the doors of entrance, with the same inscription. The letters on 
each are gilt. 

The man in attendance demanded twenty-five cents each as 
fee for showing us the Temple, and asked every one to subscribe 
a visitor's book. I looked over this book, and saw but two names 
of persons hailing from Boston for the last six months, neither of 
which was familiar to me. We were then taken to the very top 
of the building, and enjoyed there, for some time, a view of the 
surrounding country, which, of itself, well paid for the trouble of 
ascending, as the whole valley of the Mississippi for miles and 
miles lay exposed to view on the north and south, while the 
prairie lands of Illinois, and Iowa, and Missouri, were to be seen 
at the east and west, overlooking the few hills lying near to the 
shore in the latter state, and showing the tortuous course of the 
Des Moines river for some distance. 

Coming down, we were ushered into the Council Chamber, 
which is a large low room, lighted by one large half circular 
window at the end, and several small sky-lights in the roof. On 
each side are six small ante-chambers, said to have been intended 
for the twelve priests, councillors, or elders, or whatever they 
may have been called. The chamber itself is devoid of ornament, 
and I was unable to ascertain whether it was intended to have 
any, if it should have been completed. 

In the entry, on each side of the door to the Council Chamber, 
is a room called the wardrobe, where the priests were to keep 


their dresses. On one side was a room intended for a pantry, 
showing that the priests did not mean to go supperless to bed. 
Under the Council Chamber was another large hall, with seven 
windows on each side, and four at the further end. 

On the lower floor was the grand hall for the assemblage and 
worship of the people. Over the windows at the end, was in- 
scribed in gilded capital letters— "THE LORD HAS BEHELD 
OUR SACRIFICE: COME AFTER US." This was in a circular 
line, corresponding to the circle of the ceiling. Seats are pro- 
vided in this hall for the accommodation at one time of thirty- 
five hundred people, and they are arranged with backs, which 
are fitted like the backs to seats in a modern railroad car, so as 
to allow the spectator to sit and look in either direction, east or 
west. At the east and west ends are raised platforms, composed 
of series of pulpits, on steps one above the other. The fronts of 
these pulpits were semi-circular, and are inscribed, in gilded letters, 
on the west side, P A P, P P Q, P T Q, P D Q, meaning, as the 
guide informed us, the uppermost one, President of Aronic Priest- 
hood; the second, President of the Priests' Quorum; the third, 
President of the Teachers' Quorum; and the fourth and lowest, 
President of the Deacons' Quorum. On the east side, the pulpits 
were marked P H P, P S Z, P H Q, and P E Q, and the knowledge 
of the guide was no better than ours as to what these symbolical 
letters were intended for. Like the rooms above, this was devoid 
of any but architectural ornaments. 

We next descended to the basement, where is the far-cele- 
brated font. It is in fact the cellar of the building. The font 
is of white lime-stone, of an oval shape, twelve by sixteen feet in 
size on the inside, and about four and a half feet to five feet 
deep. It is very plain, and rests on the backs of twelve stone 
oxen or cows, which stand immersed to their knees in the earth. 
It has two flights of steps, with iron banisters, by which you 
enter and go out of the font, one at the east end, and the other 
at the west end. The oxen have tin horns and tin ears, but are 
otherwise of stone, and a stone drapery hangs like a curtain 


down from the font, so as to prevent the exposure of all back 
of the four legs of the beasts. In consequence of what I had 
heard of this font, I was disappointed; for it was neither vast nor 
gorgeous; every thing about it was quite simple and unostenta- 
tious. The basement is unpaved, and on each side and at the 
ends are small alcoves, intended for robing rooms for the faithful. 

I don't know as I have been able to give an intelligent descrip- 
tion of this far-famed temple of the Mormons, but it is correct 
as far as it goes. The whole is quite unfinished, and one can 
imagine what it might have been in the course of time, if Joe 
Smith had been allowed to pursue his career in prosperity. 

After wandering about Nauvoo for some time, a small party 
concluded we would call on the widow of Joe Smith, the prophet, 
and dine with her — she now keeps a public house, at the sign of 
the "Nauvoo Mansion." We found her at home, and had con- 
siderable conversation with her. She is an intelligent woman, 
apparently about fifty years of age, rather large, and very good 
looking, with a bright sparkling eye, but a countenance of sadness 
when she is not talking; she must have been a handsome woman 
when some years younger. She answered all our questions as we 
sat at dinner, although perhaps some of them might have been 
rather impertinent under a strict construction of the rules of eti- 
quette, with great readiness and great willingness. Our dinner 
consisted of fresh fried fish and stewed mutton, with vegetables 
and pastry, to all of which we did full justice, for it was well 
cooked and cleanly served. After obtaining considerable infor- 
mation, and fully gratifying a not altogether useless curiosity, we 
separated, highly pleased with our visit. 

If any body should wish to go [to] Nauvoo, after this, we advise 
the taking of a skiff or a row-boat, from a steamboat, and crossing 
the river from Montrose, which is on the Iowa side directly oppo- 
site, rather than put up with the delays, the impudence, and the 
imposition, which are sure to be encountered by the fellow that 
manages the regular ferry boat. We advise, also, all strangers 
to walk over the city, rather than accept of any of the different 


conveyances for riding, that may be offered on landing. If the 
drivers or the ferryman insult you, let them know that you are 
at once able and ready to chastise their insolence on the spot, 
for if they think you are too tame, they will not cease their im- 
pertinences otherwise, from the time you start from the Iowa 
territory until you get back again. 

The history of the rise and progress of the Mormon delusion, 
of the causes of their downfall, and the means of their extermi- 
nation — for they are now as a race exterminated — will be, if it 
should ever be written, a romance of thrilling interest. No one 
can visit Nauvoo, and come away without a conviction that what- 
ever of rascality and crime there may have been among them, 
the body of the Mormons were an industrious, hard-working, 
and frugal people. In the history of the world there cannot be 
found such another instance of so rapid a rise of a city out of a 
wilderness — a city so well built, a territory so well cultivated. 
That they had bad men and bad women among them, is not to 
be doubted nor denied; but if the authorities of Illinois had acted 
in good faith, — if Governor Ford had had firmness and moral 
courage enough to do his duty and sustain the laws, which he 
pretended, and, I believe, intended to sustain, the race would not 
have been driven away by mobs to die of starvation, and di- 
sease, and of grief. A few are left at Nauvoo, and those are too 
poor to live honestly, too broken-hearted to work earnestly. 

Joe Smith, the prophet-leader, was, although an uneducated 
man, a man of great powers, and a man who could conceive great 
projects. One of his errors was the meddling in the politics of 
the state and country, and by alternately throwing the weight of 
the Mormon vote in favor of first one political party and then 
of another, he raised up enemies, who afterwards became embit- 
tered towards him, and when he was suspected of moral crimes, 
such as tampering with justice, projecting robberies, assisting at 
burglaries, &c. &c, he not only had no friends left out of his 
own sect, but became a sort of outlaw, against whom it was ap- 
parently a virtue for every man to raise his hand; for whom, 


when he died the death of a dog, by downright murder, no one 
had pity, and whose cause no one dared avenge. 

Galena, Illinois 
We made very good progress after we left Montrose, which is 
a town of not much importance, on the Iowa side of the river, 
opposite Nauvoo. The captains of the steamboats seem to think 
that the inhabitants of Iowa, in this section of the state, are not 
worth much, and they give Keokuk and Montrose a bad name 
for thievery and all other sorts of rascality; they are obliged, 
when the river is low, to spend much time at both places. We 
discharged all our freight at Keokuk into lighters, which were 
drawn up, for thirteen miles, over the rapids, by horse-power. 
There is no tow-path, but the water is so shallow that the horses 
wade along on the Iowa side, sometimes up to their bellies in 
the water, and occasionally on the shore, where there is a clear 
path along the beach, finding a dry passage. Our master of the 
Kentucky entrusted his freight to two lighters, but he put his 
first clerk on board of one and a trusty man on board the other, 
to protect the property from thieves, with whom it was possible 
the lightermen might be in connection, either directly or indirectly. 
The scenery on the river is pretty, but it is not particularly 
striking, and we occasionally met with large rafts of timber, &c, 
floating down. These rafts are very large, and have crews of 
from five to twenty men, according to their size; — they have four 
or six large sculls put out at each end, for the purpose of steering 
or warping them over to the different sides of the river, according 
to circumstances and the course of the channel. Sometimes they 
get hard and fast, while going over the rapids or over the sand- 
bars, and as they have no means of getting off again, they pull 
their rafts in pieces, and, wading in the water, form them again 
into new rafts, on the lower side of the shoals where they have 
run aground. We stopped during the next night after we left the 
rapids, to take in wood, and the scene was one of the most pic- 
turesque I ever saw. Large pine knots were stuck up on end on 
board the boat and on shore, and lighted so as to make torches. 


As no pine is to be had in this part of the country, these torches 
are manufactured for the purpose, by binding together several 
sticks of long wood, which the steamboat people obtain at St. 
Louis from the boats which arrive at that place from New-Orleans 
and other directions. At the spot where we stopped to wood this 
night, the lights and the dark shade of the trees, the half savage 
appearance of the woodmen, and the glare of light on the placid 
water of the Mississippi, made every thing appear quite romantic. 

About daylight, we arrived at Burlington, which is a pretty 
place of some importance and considerable trade. I regretted 
that for the two hours we were there, I could not meet with some 
friends who had expected to show me some of the advantages of 
the town, but it would have been cruel to call upon them at so 
early an hour in the morning. Every thing wore the appearance, 
in the early twilight, of peace and comfort, and the store-houses 
and shops evinced a prosperity which it is to be hoped will be in- 
creased with the increase of time, — the progress of civilization. 
Only eighteen years ago, this place was but a wilderness, and now 
it is a thriving, industrious and growing place of business. 

The most beautiful, — not the most grand and romantic, but 
the most strikingly pretty — scenery, is still further up the river, 
where are situated on the opposite sides, the towns of Davenport 
in Iowa, and Stephenson in Illinois. 40 We landed freight and 
passengers at both places, and I don't know which to describe 
as the most pleasant. Both are generally built of good substantial 
brick and wooden houses and stores. The situation of Davenport 
appears the prettiest as you look up the river upon it, and that 
of Stephenson the prettiest as you go up stream and look down 
river to it. Davenport, however, is the place of most business at 
present. Between the two towns is the island called Rock Island, 
where is a fort which was the scene of a hard contested battle 
with the British, in the war of 1812, 41 and where Colonel Daven- 

i0 The name Stephenson was officially changed to Rock Island in March, 1841. 
41 Fort Armstrong was established at the lower end of Rock Island after the 
close of the War of 1812. Its garrison was withdrawn in 1836. 


port was murdered a few years ago by a parcel of horse-thieves, 
for the sake of his money. The fort is deserted at present, and 
the public works are not in good preservation. The farm and 
farm-house of Col. Davenport on the island exhibit evidences of 
care, and are in good order. It will be recollected by some readers 
of the newspapers that Col. Davenport was alone in his house on 
one 4th of July, and he was attacked, murdered, and robbed of 
about two thousand dollars by several men, three or four of whom 
were afterwards caught and hung for the crime. 42 He was a 
singular man in his character, and was divorced from his wife; 
he afterwards married his wife's daughter, and the two wives or 
widows now live on the estate together. 

We arrived at Galena about eleven o'clock in the forenoon on 
Saturday, and found it a much larger, much more of a business 
place than we expected. The principal street runs along the bank 
of the river up into a valley, and houses are scattered along on the 
banks of the hills for some miles. This town is situated about seven 
miles from the Mississippi, on a shallow winding stream, called 
Fever River. The river runs in all sorts of directions, and is very 
crooked, — sometimes to the south, sometimes to the east, some- 
times west, and sometimes almost north again. At some seasons 
of the year it is not navigable, except for rafts or very light flat- 
boats, and about a mile from the village it is fordable at almost all 
seasons by cattle and persons on foot. Two ferries are maintained 
by the town, and the village is situated in a valley on both sides of 
the river. 

Our general impression of Galena is, that it is a rough mining 
town, with hardly any civilization, and no business, except that 
which naturally grows out of the wants of the miners. But it is a 
place of much trade, and the centre of what will by and by be a 
great agricultural country. The hills and fields are favorable for 
the growth of wheat, and the raising of cattle. A few years ago it 

42 Col. George Davenport, born in England, came to America and entered into 
trade with the Indians. He had lived on Rock Island for some thirty years, ac- 
quiring a fortune and a reputation among Indians and whites for his fairness, gen- 
erosity and kindness to all. 


was in reality a wilderness, but now it has a large number of stores, 
and several meeting-houses, good, substantial, fashionable looking 
dwelling-houses, and about a dozen good taverns, besides a dozen 
dashing-looking bar-rooms. The progress of civilization and the 
great increase of travel has induced farmers to settle in the town, 
and turn their attention to raising vegetables, fruit and poultry for 
market, for which they get good prices. 

As this is the lead region of the United States, from which so 
much wealth has already been accumulated, I was anxious to 
visit the mines. On the levee were piled up large piles of lead in 
pigs, which Were going on board several steamers, or waiting for 
opportunities for shipment to St. Louis. Procuring a guide, I 
started, after dinner, for the "diggings" and the furnaces. The 
country is composed of small hills and valleys, and on almost every 
mound we saw the yellow earth turned up in piles, showing where 
the miners had been at work. Being Saturday afternoon, few per- 
sons were engaged in the operation of digging, but I saw several 
holes where the men were hoisting with a common windlass the 
ore and earth from little wells. The land in this neighborhood has 
all been entered and become private property. The owners have 
no objection to any one coming on their land and digging for lead. 
If the operators succeed in striking a vein, they make a bargain 
with the owner to get out as much as they can, giving him a certain 
portion — the lion's share, of course — and receiving the rest for 
their own labor; if they are not successful, they abandon the work, 
and commence in another part of the lot, no harm having been 
done, except their own loss of time and money. Some laborers 
make a great deal by this operation, while others only get about 
enough to pay them their outfit and day's wages, while the owner 
is sure to become rich by their labor. 

Lead is a cash article, and is worth money the moment it is 
brought to the surface of the earth. There is no credit system 
allowed, for it sells for cash, and although not so valuable in market 
as silver or gold, is quite as readily turned into those commodities, 
or into bank bills. There are in the neighborhood several smelting 



firttf ham's 

Madflen's) •: 

%umtth ■'.&..■*;-. *f(l)jJl 
, Houfntireesi. ''~ '-'< *• v ' ,:'-" . 

%VJ V»*^;>; * ♦ P T'/iM 
i)ettm(itk(ijsfii%' 7}/f'?'/7t%-^ / v, - 

~ JjXlifc.kfp's ~ I'/ufjrftsRjirtn 


Galena Lead Mine Region 
From a map published by H. S. Tanner in 1841. 


houses or furnaces. The ore is so pure that it requires little work- 
ing to make it into pigs. In the furnaces there is no puddling, as 
there is with iron. The fire is built of charcoal, or wood, or both, 
and the earth thrown into the furnace; as it melts, the ore runs out 
as pure as silver itself, from the mouth, into a pot in front, from 
which it is scooped up in its liquid state and poured into moulds, 
from which it is taken as soon as it becomes cool or hardened, and 
thrown into wagons, to be transported to the river side. It ap- 
pears to be the most easy and the most rapidly transformed metal 
in the world. A large lot of dark blue earth, sometimes in large 
lumps and sometimes apparently nothing but sand, is shoveled 
into the fire, and it runs out pure lead, in a moment. There is a 
considerable quantity of dross taken out of the furnaces, from time 
to time, but it is not thrown away, — for that, in its turn, is again 
subjected to the heat in a differently constructed furnace, and 
yields, although not so plentifully, not so rapidly, a large quantity 
of the precious metal. At one furnace I saw ore, or earth, as I 
should call it, which yielded ninety-five per cent of pure lead, and 
dross which, it was said, would yield twenty to twenty-five per 
cent more after going through the second process. 

Chicago, Illinois 
Back again! This may be called the first mile-stone on my 
road home. When I left Boston, I had no intention of coming 
to Chicago; and when I came to Chicago, I had no expectation 
or intention of going any further West or South; but every day's 
experience proves that all human calculations are in vain, as has 
been said and proved millions of times before; and I am sure that 
it is best for us not to know "what a day may bring forth." I 
have seen a much larger portion of the state of Illinois than 
travelers for mere business or pleasure would be likely to see in 
a hundred journeys, as my wanderings have not been confined to 
the regular stage routes, nor to the direct roads from far-off points 
to far-off points. I have walked, and I have sailed, and I have 
rode, over farms, and prairies, and rivers, and on lakes; — I have 
not only met with all sorts of people, made acquaintance with 


all sorts of men, women and children, but I have fallen in with 
all sorts of relations. I traveled seven days with a gentleman 
who helped me to ravel out a tangled string of genealogy, and we 
found at last that we were actually relations; — it was in this wise: 
His wife was the daughter of a second cousin to my father's grand- 
mother, on the mother's side, and as her maiden name was the 
same as one of my three names, it must be that we were, in this 
extensive country, quite near relations; besides this, and to make 
the connection still more intimate, one of her nephews is a clergy- 
man in Boston, of whose church many of my relatives are members. 
Par consequence, as they say in France, we became quite intimate. 
Unfortunately, although my far-off relative is reputed to be rich, 
he has children to inherit his property, and there are so many 
between him and me, that I have no chance of gaining any pe- 
cuniary advantage by the discovery. 

Again, I was agreeably surprised, at a town where I had no 
acquaintances, by a gentleman who introduced himself, after seeing 
my name on the books at the hotel, as the brother-in-law to the 
brother-in-law of one of my connections, and I was not only 
pleased to make his acquaintance, but I received much benefit 
from the circumstance. Who would not have relations? And yet 
some men I have met with, are continually complaining that they 
have too many, because they cannot, in consequence of their 
relations, be as independent as they please. 

A party of seven contracted at Galena for a stage coach with 
nine seats to take us to Chicago, with the understanding that no 
one else was to enter or to ride on the coach. We traveled by 
what is called the lower route, through Dixon, Mount Carroll, 
across the Winnebago Swamp, the Big Rock, the Little Rock, the 
Fox River, &c, a distance of about one hundred and seventy-five 
miles. The country is not as interesting as that of the more 
Southern part of the state, because the prairies are not so exten- 
sively cultivated — there is more waste land; and because the crops, 
it being in a higher latitude, are not so far advanced. For the 
first ten miles from Galena we passed hills where there had been 


hundreds of "diggings," as they are called, for lead, many of which 
have been successful. Mount Carroll is a thriving village, with 
considerable water power, and a number of mills. At Dixon, 
which is a town of considerable pretension, as well as a county 
site, with a courthouse, we had a miserable breakfast, after a 
long and tedious night's ride; the place seems to be prolific in 
nothing but grocery stores and lawyer's offices. 

The prettiest town we passed through was Aurora, on the Fox 
River, and I was disappointed that we arrived too late in the eve- 
ning to make a more thorough examination into its resources and 
its advantages. Only nine years ago the country around this vil- 
lage was almost unsettled. At La Fox, as it was then called — 
now Geneva — were a few families, and within the circuit of per- 
haps fifteen miles there only lived about twenty families in the 
whole; now, in that same circuit there are six villages, with an 
average population of sixteen hundred inhabitants in each! The 
water-power on the Fox River is great, particularly for the Western 
country, and every day is adding to the wealth of those who set- 
tled in its valley a few short years ago. 

After a ride of two days and two nights we arrived at Chicago. 
We had fared better than I have fared on some other routes, 
and we ought to have done so, for the expense was higher; but 
the journey was a very tedious one, and I was glad to find myself 
once more in a comfortable bed, and undressed. There is nothing 
rests a man so much as undressing and getting between a pair of 
sheets, no matter if it be only for half an hour. Those who have 
travelled much, — and, as they say in the West, I have travelled 
some during the last twenty years, — know this, and always act 
on their knowledge when they can get an opportunity. 

We found Chicago the same interesting, busy, bustling place 
it was some weeks ago. The Convention and the traces of the 
Convention are gone, but there is nothing, it would seem, can 
deprive the city of its prosperity, its increase, its enterprise. 
Boats arrive and depart, produce comes in, and goods from the 
East are imported. The people are industrious, and the people 


multiply almost beyond belief, and the people must thrive. A 
gentleman told me to-day that only about ten years ago he had : 
on his hands a lot of Eastern land, which, during the times of 
speculation, he had taken up as other men did at that time, with 
the expectation of making a fortune out of it; of course it fell in 
value, and he considered it almost valueless. One day a stranger ; 
entered his office in Boston, and offered, nay entreated, to swap , 
a few lots on the Skunk River in Chicago, for his Eastern land. 
My friend asked, in his ignorance, where Chicago was, and had 
to look for some time on the map before he could find it. Finally I 
he contemptuously rejected the idea of throwing away even ! 
worthless lands in Maine for these lots in the West. He has I 
since sold his Eastern land for less than five hundred dollars, I 
and now that he has moved out to Chicago, finds that the despised I 
lots which he was offered in exchange for them are almost in the i 
centre of business, and cannot be purchased of the present owners 
for twenty thousand dollars. 

Chicago is the capital or shire town of Cook county. An arti- 
ficial harbor has been made by building out into the lake two 
long piers from the mouth of the river, but even now a dredging 
machine is needed to keep the entrance open sufficiently to allow 
heavy loaded vessels to enter at all times, and all seasons, andll 
all weathers. This will be remedied in time. Every thing cannot I 
be done in a day, although it appears as if every thing would i 
grow in a day in this country. Sand bars will grow, and so will 'I 
trees, and wheat, and corn, and pigs, and cattle, and babies, but I 
it appears that some things grow faster than they can be stunted. I 

Chicago, Illinois 
Before I leave this place for the East, I must put down a few 
matters relating to the great West, that I believe have escaped 
notice in other pages of my diary. The Great West is a term 
that I use in reference to that part of it which I have seen, but 
they tell me I have as yet seen nothing at all of it. Travelers 
who return from a voyage to any place whatever, whether it be 
in America or Europe, the East or West Indies, are always sure 


to be asked, on their return, if they have visited such or such a 
spot — have been to such or such a city. If the reply is in the neg- 
ative, they are sure to be told by some one that has, by accident, 
seen something that they have not seen, that they "ought to have 
gone there-" and the superior advantage of the traveled gentleman 
who has, by accident, been thrown in the way of some hitherto 
unknown curiosity, or unexplored section, is, in his own estima- 
tion at least, raised almost immeasurably. I have experienced 
this many times before, and expect to experience it again on my 
return, receiving the commiserating looks, if not the more directly 
expressed pity, of those who have preceded me in their visits to 
this part of the country. 

Before I left St. Louis, a gentleman advised me not to re- 
turn to Boston without visiting the Westl I told him that I 
was as far West as I thought proper to go at the present time. 
But he turned up his eyes in wonder at my ignorance, and said, 
with all the seriousness imaginable, that I had not yet commenced 
my travels to the West! On considering all the circumstances, 
I am inclined to think that he was more than half right. If this 
country goes on increasing in wealth and population a few years 
longer, the city of St. Louis will be nearly the centre, and we shall 
have to speak of New-England as the far off great East, in the 
same way that it is customary now all over the country, to speak 
of Missouri and Iowa, and other now almost unexplored regions, 
as the great West. One becomes lost in wonder in speculating on 
this subject, and cannot even imagine to what an extent of great- 
ness we may arrive before the expiration of another fifty years. 
Now the wealth and the power are on the sea-board — the Atlantic 
sea-board — and the cities of Boston, New-York, Philadelphia and 
Baltimore on that coast are metropolitan cities; but in that time 
they are destined to become provincial cities. The one great 
metropolis of the country, the centre of the wealth and the popu- 
lation and the power of the country, will be on the west bank of 
the Mississippi river, if not even further off than that. Arguing 
on these premises, I have not, as my friend said, yet commenced 
my travels to the West. 


I forgot what or how much I have said of the Mississippi 
river, but I was reminded today, on seeing Banvard's advertise- 
ment in a Boston paper, of his "three mile picture," of the wonder 
with which I listened to his description of its tortuosity. 43 He 
told us what we all knew before of its crooked channel — we could 
see by the map that it was crooked, — and I believe he told us 
of the number of times a boat was often obliged, in the course of 
a few miles, to cross directly from one point to another. I thought 
at the time that he might be telling rather an extravagant story, 
which might be excusable in one who was publicly exhibiting a 
picture on which he had expended so much time and labor. But 
now I am satisfied that he did not tell one half of what he might 
have told. What the navigation may be below St. Louis, I am 
not able to testify to, but I am sure that no vessel in head wind 
ever sailed more miles to beat up one, than I sailed in the 
steamer Kentucky, a few days ago, to get half a mile up stream. 
At times, we shot across to the left bank to within a few feet, 
hardly leaving us room to turn, and then went directly back 
again to within a few feet of the bank on the opposite side. 
Sometimes, by this crossing and re-crossing, we gained a little, 
and once, I believe, the channel was so twisted, that when we 
were on the right we were actually lower down the river than we 
were a short time before when over on the left. This was owing 
to the shallowness of the river and the sand-bars. 

The sand-bars in the Mississippi are continually shifting, and 
a pilot who does not constantly travel over the route is very apt 
to become unfitted for his business, and not by any fault of his 
own. Once we ran upon a sand-bar, which the captain said did 
not exist when he came down on his last trip. While the mate and 
engineer were getting the steamer off, the Captain and Pilot took 
a small boat and went out to take soundings, and find the channel; 
having found it, they planted buoys for the benefit of whoever 
might come after them, but without much hope that they would 

43 Banvard's panorama was a "magnificent unwinding depicting of the Father 
of Waters with the scenery along the banks from New Orleans to St. Louis, with all 
the accompanying incidents of trade and navigation." 


be of service for many days. This fact shows the necessity for 
some action of the national government respecting the Western 
waters. It is supposed that with a comparatively trifling expense, 
a clear channel might be kept open all the season, that would 
allow of much more rapid and safer communication than we now 

Travelers in the Western country — that is, the West of to- 
day, do not experience all the inconveniences nor meet with all 
the amusing incidents that were to be met with some years ago. 
The country is not so wild, nor are the people so unsophisticated 
as they were only as lately as 1832; there has been so much 
immigration that a certain degree of civilization has been attained 
in the country towns, and to a certain extent some luxuries may 
be found every where. But the whole people in the interior of 
Illinois are in a sort of transition state — between rude unsophis- 
ticated life and civilized comfort. Almost every where, I found 
the people had a plenty of ice, which is a luxury to every body, 
and a necessary article to those of us who have always been 
accustomed to it. I believe I have already spoken of the want 
of good taverns on the stage roads, but I have said nothing of 
the funny incidents which used to take place at log houses, where 
people slept all in one room, some on beds, some in blankets on 
the floor, and some on buffalo skins; because no such things came 
under my notice. But I have seen taverns, first rate taverns too, 
they were called, where there were four or five beds in the one 
solitary bed-room, — all double beds, as a single bed would be a 
luxury not dreamed of at present in those regions — where men, 
and women, and children are obliged, even at this day, to be all 
accommodated at once. 

The nearest approach to any thing like trouble that I met 
with, was at a tavern in quite a considerable town in this state, 
where, after I had got comfortably into bed, one night, the land- 
lord insisted upon my taking in as a companion, a stranger, to 
sleep with me. I refused, and he said it must be so. I told him 
I never yet had slept in the same bed with another man, and I 
never would. The man, too, was determined to come to bed, 


and mine was the only one in the house that had not two persons 
in it. So, rather than have a quarrel, I got up, and taking my 
great coat, laid down on the floor in the corner of the room, with 
my carpet bag for a pillow, and slept comfortably for the rest of. 
the night, while the landlord accommodated the stranger on my 
abdicated straw bed; both probably laughing at and despising my 

I had the impertinence, — I suppose some people will call it 
so, — to doubt, in a former chapter of my diary, the wisdom of 
those who advised the spending of a large sum of money to com- 
plete the Illinois and Michigan Canal. Further examination has 
convinced me that those who had the direction of that matter, 
would have done far better to have turned the Canal into a Rail- 
road. It is said now, that although the Canal is almost finished, 
it will not hold water after it is filled; for the work is so finished, 
and the soil is so porous, that the water will leech through. If 
this is the case, the money is thrown away, and a railroad will 
have to be built, on the same route, in order to accommodate 
the trade from the interior to Chicago. The projected railroad 
from Alton to Springfield will be built in the course of two or 
three years, and our Eastern people will not be long in seeing 
the advantages of connecting that link of communication with | 
Chicago and the lakes, thus securing to New-England the com- 
merce of all Mississippi north of St. Louis, and consequently all 
the northern trade of the state of Missouri. A canal cannot do 
the business, and a railroad could. 

The trade of upper Missouri, all of Wisconsin, nearly all of 
Illinois, as well as the northern part of Indiana, must, by and by, 
come through the lakes, and at the present time the people have 
all their sympathies and all their plans connected with the East, 
and in a great measure with New-England, of which Boston is 
the great head. Chicago is destined to be a place of great export 
for all the products of the states named, as soon as our facilities 
of communication are opened, as they will be, by the completion 
of the Ogdensburg Railroad. It will also be a place of much im- 


portance as the port of reception for much of the merchandise, 
the manufactured and foreign goods which are to be consumed 
in the West. I may be thought by some persons a little — perhaps 
a great deal — in advance of the times, in this my speculation, but 
as a certain noted politician says, "We shall see." 

I leave this place to-morrow for Buffalo, to go again through 
the lakes. 






The biographies of Abraham Lincoln which were issued as 
campaign documents in 1860, form the cornerstone of one of the 
largest branches of American bibliography. Those drab little 
books played an important part in the election of Lincoln to the 
presidency. It is to them that we must turn if we are to read the 
first published life of the greatest American. 

The publication of the campaign lives was not, per se, indic- 
ative of the obscurity of the candidate, as has so often been 
suggested. Neither in the number published, nor in the sparsity 
of their content was there anything unusual about them. In their 
preparation a simple and time-honored formula was followed: 
The brief sketch of the life of the candidate served as a vehicle 
to carry the speeches which had won him recognition. 

This type of campaign literature saw its heyday in that colorful 
"Log Cabin and Hard Cider" campaign of 1840, when over thirty 
different lives of William Henry Harrison had been published. 
Campaign lives were issued in all subsequent presidential cam- 
paigns, and by 1860 had become an established quadrennial 
source of income for enterprising publishers, and their hack 

Certainly 100,000 and possibly as many as 200,000 copies of 
Lincoln's biographies were distributed during the campaign of 
1860. Some were substantially bound in cloth, and are now 
quite common. By far the greater number were bound in paper 


wrappers — if bound at all — and comparatively few of these have 
been preserved. 

Advertised by the publishers as "Cheap Campaign" editions, 
these unimpressive little pamphlets and paper-bound books became 
so much campaign debris following the election, and were de- 
stroyed accordingly. For half a century, dealers and collectors 
have sought for and combed promising hiding places; yet, at this 
late date, several of the lives are known only because unique 
copies have turned up. The scanty supply of the more common 
ones is thinly spread out among a large number of private and 
public collections and no public or private library has ever con- 
tained a complete set. 

Hence, this bibliographical check list of the campaign lives of 
Abraham Lincoln could not have been prepared without the gen- 
erous cooperation of librarians and private collectors. I am 
deeply indebted to Mr. Paul M. Angle of the Illinois State His- 
torical Library, Miss Esther C. Cushman of the Brown University 
Library, Dr. Harry E. Pratt of the Abraham Lincoln Association, 
and last but not least Dr. Louis A. Warren of the Lincoln National 
Life Foundation. Judge James W. Bollinger of Davenport, Iowa, 
Mr. R. D. Packard of Cleveland, Ohio, and Mr. H. M. Povenmire 
of Ada, Ohio have also given most welcome aid. 

There is much to be said in favor of an alphabetical arrange- 
ment of the check list. On the other hand, dyed-in-the-wool 
Lincolnians will ask: "Which was the first of the campaign lives 
to be issued?" No discussion of these books would be complete 
without the introduction of that most controversial subject. I 
have spent considerable time in exploring available evidence bear- 
ing on the matter, and have succeeded in learning the actual dates 
upon which a number of the lives were published. By intercala- 
tion it is possible to place the others with a fair degree of accuracy. 
Accordingly, I have arranged the citations in the chronological 
order in which the first editions probably appeared. 



The "Wigwam Edition." / [Rule] / The / Life, Speeches and 
Public Services / of / Abram Lincoln, / Together with a Sketch 
of the Life of / Hannibal Hamlin, / Republican Candidates for 
the Offices of President and Vice- / President of the United 
States. / [Publisher's device] / New York: / Rudd & Carleton, 
130 Grand Street / (Brooks Building, Cor. of Broadway). 
/ M DCCC LX. [1] 

Collation: [1], blank; [2], portrait; [3], title-page; [4], copyright notice; [5]-117, 
text; [118], blank; i-ii, advertising matter. 


(A) A copy has been noted in Brown University Library with advertising 
matter on the verso of page 117. This, I believe, is a late issue. 

Binding: Paper wrappers. Noted in shades ranging from bright salmon to 
brown. Printed in black: "The Wigwam Edition" / Price] [25 cts. / The / Life, 
Speeches, and Public Services / of / Abram Lincoln. / [Portrait of Lincoln] / New 
York: / Rudd & Carleton, 130 Grand Street. / M DCCC LX. Spine printed: 
Life of Abram Lincoln. Advertising matter on verso of front wrapper, and on 
both sides of back wrapper. 

Page size: 7% by 4% inches. 

Upon the front wrappers of some copies the following additional imprints have 
been noted. The location of the associate publisher, followed by the name, is in 
a single line set immediately below the regular imprint of Rudd & Carleton: 

(B) Portland, Maine. Bailey & Noyes. 

(C) Boston. A. Williams & Co. 

(D) Chicago. McNally & Co. 

(E) Providence, R. I. D. Kimball. 
Publication Date: June 2, 1860. 

Rudd & Carleton were one of a half-dozen publishing concerns who announced, 
on May 19, the day after the nomination, that they had lives of Lincoln "in press." 
Among the firms making that claim were two who, we now know, had not so much 
as engaged their authors. Nevertheless, within a week every one of them was ad- 
vertising a life of Lincoln as "now ready" — misleading, but typical preliminary 
advertising of the period, designed not to sell books which did not exist, but to 
build up staffs of selling agents. In determining date of publication, little weight 
can be assigned to advance notices of this character. 


Price] . [25cte. 




NEW YORK: . - 


The Wigwam Edition 
The first campaign life of Lincoln. 


On June 2, Rudd & Carleton changed their tune. No longer did their adver- 
tisement read "now ready." In the New York Tribune of that date appeared 
their advertisement, reading: "Published this morning, The Wigwam Edition 
Life, Speeches, and Public Services of Abraham Lincoln . . . first in the field. . . ." 
In seeking evidence bearing upon this matter, a really intensive search has been 
made. Contemporary newspapers of Boston, New York, Chicago, and a number 
of other cities have been carefully examined. Everything which I have found 
lends support to the claim that the Wigwam Edition was indeed the "first in the 

Source: The author drew his material for the biography from an article 
which appeared in the Chicago Press and Tribune on May 19. There is every 
reason to believe that that article had been prepared well in advance of the nomi- 
nation, and sent out to Republican editors in much the same manner as the present 
day "political handout" is handled. On the same day, May 19, the article was 
printed in a number of eastern metropolitan dailies, and usually under one of the 
following captions: "Honest Old Abe," "The People's Candidate for President," 
"Rails and Flatboats," "Log Cabins and Hard Cider Come Again," "Biographical 
Sketch of Abraham Lincoln." Obviously the author spared no pains in his attempt 
to paint his subject as a true son of democracy. 

I believe that a variant of that release went out from Chicago — a version in 
which other catchwords, slogans, and diminutives were included, with the hope 
that they might catch on, and become popular. In the Chicago Press and Tribune 
version, as well as that which appeared in the New York Tribune, the Christian 
name "Abraham" was used throughout. On the other hand, in the articles printed 
in the newspapers of Detroit, Cleveland, and Columbus, there is a significant 
uniformity in the occasional substitution of "Abram" for "Abraham." These 
articles were published under the credit line of the Chicago Press and Tribune, 
and, identical in content, they show no evidence of local editing. The disgruntled 
Bennett published a highly condensed version in his New York Herald, and used the 
name "Abram" throughout. 

When writing his biography, the unknown author of the Wigwam Edition 
obviously had before him one of the versions in which both "Abram" and "Abra- 
ham" appeared. The publisher was pressing him for copy. He had to make a 
choice, and he chose the wrong name. The error has provided at least three 
Lincoln bibliographers with a little amusement. It does not seem to have occurred 
to them that the blunder in itself might have some bibliographical significance. 

On May 19, the firm of Derby & Jackson advertised the forthcoming Bart- 
lett life, and that announcement read "Abram" Lincoln. By Monday, May 21, 
they had learned the candidate's correct name, and changed their advertising 
copy accordingly. Consequently, Bartlett's life appeared with the correct name. 

Rudd & Carleton were top flight publishers. Surely they would not have 
permitted their book to appear with this glaring error had they learned of it before 


the book was "in press." The error is, per se, evidence of the hasty preparation 
and printing of the book. The publishers enjoyed the impetus given to the sale 
of the book, by reason of its having been "the first in the field." Within a week 
after its appearance 12,000 copies had been sold. And, despite the error, it en- 
joyed a brisk sale throughout the campaign. 

Undoubtedly the Wigwam Edition was the most popular life issued during 
the campaign. To this day it retains its popularity among Lincoln collectors, 
and is rightfully the keystone to any collection of Lincolniana. 


The / Life and Public Services / of / Hon. Abraham Lincoln, / 
by D. W. Bartlett, / Washington Correspondent of the New- York 
Independent and Evening Post / and Author of "Lives of Modern 
Agitators" Life of "Lady / Jane Grey," "Joan of Arc," etc. / 
[Rule] I New-York: / H. Dayton, Publisher, / No. 36 Howard- 
Street. / [Rule] I 1860. [2] 

(A) The book also appears with the imprint of Derby & Jackson, 498 Broad- 
way. Priority has not been established, and probably never will be. On the 
morning of May 19, 1860, both publishers announced their intentions of publish- 
ing a life of "Abram" Lincoln, to be written by the veteran political writer, D. W. 
Bartlett, and to be issued "in a neat duodecimo in cloth for one dollar." I am 
inclined to believe that they had engaged Bartlett, and arrived at a preconvention 
agreement to publish jointly the life of the Republican nominee, whoever that 
nominee might be. Dayton applied for the copyright. 

Collation: [i], title page; [ii], copyright notice; [iii], preface dated June 1, 
1860; [iv], blank; v-vi, contents; [15]-150, text. 

Binding: Paper wrappers, noted in the following colors: pale blue, buff, tan 
and light brown. Printed in black: Price Twenty-five Cents. / Life and Public 
Services / of / Hon. Abraham Lincoln / [Portrait of Lincoln] / by D. W. Bart- 
lett, / Washington Correspondent of the N. Y. Evening Post, and N. Y. Inde- 
pendent. / [Rule] I New- York: / H. Dayton, Publisher, / 36 Howard-Street. 
Advertising matter on verso of front wrapper, and upon both sides of back wrapper. 
Spine printed: Life of Hon. Abraham Lincoln. 

Page Size: 1% by *% inches. 

In the above-mentioned variant (A), published by Derby & Jackson, the 
imprint on the wrapper is as follows: New- York: / Derby & Jackson, / 498 Broad- 
way. The text of the advertising matter is different, covering, naturally, their 


own regular publications. The printing on the spine reads: Life and Public 
Services of Abraham Lincoln. 

Publication Date: June 4, 1860. 

In the columns of Harper's Weekly for June 9, 1860, Derby & Jackson ran 
a conspicuous advertisement under the caption, "first in the field." Naturally 
the copy for that advertisement had been placed ten or fifteen days prior to June 
9, and it so happened that the book they described as "one handsome 12mo, 
Gilt Back, Price 31.00" had not yet reached the market. Up to this time, neither 
publisher had mentioned an edition in paper wrappings. 

On June 4, both publishers were advertising the "neat duodecimo bound in 
cloth." Dayton promised it for delivery on June 11, and his associates, Derby 
& Jackson, announced that it would be ready on June 12. This was in the columns 
of the New York Tribune, and other metropolitan dailies. Strangely enough, on 
the same day, June 4, several selling agents were advertising Bartlett's campaign 
life as "on hand," and for sale at twenty-five cents. 

All of the several publishers who issued clothbound campaign lives suffered 
disappointing delays in getting their books on the market. With the Wigwam 
Edition enjoying a brisk demand, and with two other cheap campaign editions in 
the immediate offing, I believe that Bartlett's publishers issued this book in short 
form and in this format, in order to meet competition — if not to keep their agents 
appeased until the 31-00 edition was ready. Hence, I believe that the present 
book was in the hands of the agents on June 4. Three days later it was on sale 
in the midwest, according to an advertisement in the Cleveland Leader. 

The usual chapter on Hamlin was not included in this short-form issue; hence 
the book cannot be deprived of the distinction of being the first book devoted 
exclusively to Abraham Lincoln. 

Sources: Bartlett, like the unknown author of the Wigwam Edition, drew 
heavily upon the Chicago Press and Tribune article. The author of that article 
was, no doubt, John Locke Scripps. He had taken the so-called Fell autobiog- 
raphy of December 20, 1859, and added such anecdotes as would lend color to 
the biography. Among the anecdotes was the story of the loss of Lincoln's sur- 
veying instruments through a sheriff's sale. It has an important bearing upon 
the identification of at least two first editions; hence the excerpt below is quoted 
from the columns of the Press and Tribune: "He learned the art of surveying, 
and prosecuted that profession until the financial crash of 1837 destroyed the 
value of real estate and ruined the business — the result of which was that young 
Lincoln's surveying apparatus was sold on execution by the sheriff." 

In the Wigwam Edition the incident was covered as follows: "At this time 
he was a land surveyor, but so poor that in 1837 his instruments were sold under 
execution." Nothing particularly offensive in that. But, abjectly enough, Bart- 
lett copied the story from the Press and Tribune release, word for word. Hence, 
in this book appears the unadorned statement that Lincoln had once defaulted, 


and lost his property through sheriff's sale — the sort of thing which might prove 
to be loaded with political dynamite. 

Obviously some jittery politician must have felt that way about it; for the 
presses were stopped, stereotype plates changed, and the book was reissued with 
that story deleted. Bearing in mind that the publication of this book was a pri- 
vate venture, it would seem that powerful pressure must have been brought to 
bear upon the publishers or a valuable consideration offered, to induce them to 
make such a change in the midst of the campaign. 

It is interesting to note that about the time we believe the change was made, 
Horace Greeley took this book under his wing, and frequently listed it in his New 
York Tribune as an "authentic Republican campaign document." Further, it 
should be noted that the revised edition of the book bore the notation, "Authorized 

Note: Comparatively few copies of this book could have been issued before 
the revision was made, for that edition is quite rare. 


[Authorized Edition.] / [Rule] / The / Life and Public Services / 
of / Hon. Abraham Lincoln, / by D. W. Bartlett, / Washington 
Correspondent of the New- York Independent and Evening Post / 
and Author of "Lives of Modern Agitators" Life of "Lady / 
Jane Grey," "Joan of Arc," etc. / [Rule] / New-York: / H. Day- 
ton, Publisher, / No. 36 Howard-Street. / [Rule] / 1860. 

Note: It also appeared under the imprint of Derby & Jackson. 

Collation: Two white flyleaves; title page with copyright notice on verso; 
[15]-150, text. 

Note: The dated preface is not present in this edition. 

Binding: On copies bearing the Derby & Jackson imprint, the top line of 
the printed matter on the front wrapper reads: Price] Authorized Edition. [25 
Cents. In all other respects the binding is the same as that of the first edition. 

Page Size: 7 ]/i by 4 % inches. 

Publication Date: About June 15, 1860. 

Source: In revising the book, Bartlett had before him the third-person 
autobiography said to have been given to Scripps, by Lincoln, early in June. From 
page [15] to page 26, the text has been completely revised. The reference to Lin- 
coln's experience as a surveyor now appears as follows: "The surveyor of Sanga- 
mon offered to depute to Lincoln that portion of his work which was in his part 
of the county. He accepted, procured a compass and chain, studied Flint and 
Gibson a little, and went to it. This procured bread, and kept soul and body 

See No. 7. 



The / Life and Public Services / of / Hon. Abraham Lincoln, / 
of Illinois, / and / Hon. Hannibal Hamlin, / of Maine. / [Rule] / 
Boston: / Thayer & Eldridge, / 114 and 116 Washington Street. 
/ 1860. [3] 

Collation: Frontispiece; [1], title page; [2], copyright notice; [3]-5, table of 
contents; [6], blank; [7]-12, introductory; [13J-102, text; [103], second title page: 
Life and Public Services / of / Hon. Hannibal Hamlin, / of Maine.; [104], por- 
trait of Hamlin; [105]-106, introductory; [107]-128, text. 

Note: This, the first edition, is distinguished by running heads and page 
numbers at the tops of the pages. 

Binding: Green paper wrappers. Printed in black: Price 25 Cents. / 
Life and Public Services / of / Hon. Abraham Lincoln / of Illinois. / [Portrait 
of Lincoln] / and / Hon. Hannibal Hamlin / of Maine. / [Rule] / Boston: / Thayer 
& Eldridge, / 114 and 116 Washington Street. Advertising matter on verso of 
front wrapper, and on both sides of back wrapper. 

Page Size: 7 Y% by 4 % inches. 

Publication Date: June 7, 1860, or later. 

The nomination of Lincoln found this enterprising firm in no position to create 
production records in publishing his campaign life. They gambled heavily on the 
nomination of Seward — and lost. Their campaign life of Seward was so far ad- 
vanced in production that they could not abandon it. It was published, and ap- 
peared on the market before their Lincoln volume was ready. 

On May 28, 1860, Thayer & Eldridge announced, in the New York Tribune, 
that this campaign life of Lincoln was "now ready." I am afraid they were 
drawing a long bow, in their efforts to attract agents. The anonymous author 
quoted, on page 18, from an article in the Cleveland Leader, which did not appear 
in that paper until May 22. It is extremely doubtful if that article was in our 
author's hands before May 24. He was rather more leisurely than other authors 
in compiling his life of Lincoln. He quoted from a number of newspaper articles, 
and indulged in at least some original research. I do not believe that all of this 
author's copy was in the hands of his printer before May 28. 

A Boston agent advertised this book as "on hand" on June 7, 1860. Ap- 
parently an agent in Worcester, Massachusetts, and several in New York City, 
had the book in stock on June 9. If, as I believe, the book was actually pub- 
lished on June 7, then the production record was a creditable one. 

Parenthetically it may be noted that one writer 1 has held that the book was pub- 
lished on May 28, 1860, because that was the date upon which it was registered 

1 William E. Barton, "The Lincoln of the Biographers," Transactions of the 
Illinois State Historical Society for the Year 1929 (Springfield, 1929), 62. 


for copyright. Unfortunately, available copyright data has shed no light upon 
our problem. May 28 was the day upon which the publisher filed the title page 
of his projected work. Thus he was protected while the book was in the process 
of production. Under the then-existing law, that publisher still had ninety days 
in which to complete the copyright, and file the completed book. Obviously, the 
relation of the filing date to the date of publication depended upon the whim of 
the individual publisher. He not only could, but often did register a title page 
before the author had completed his work. On the other hand, the copyright 
was sometimes completed in a single operation by filing the completed book with 
the original application. 

Source: Here, again, was an author who had drawn heavily upon the Chi- 
cago Press and Tribune article. With the exception of a word or two, the story 
of the sheriffs sale was lifted without alteration. This author delved into old 
newspaper files, and he drew also from that mighty campaign arsenal, the Lin- 
coln-Douglas Debates. As a result of this research his book contained several 
passages which may have appeared dangerous to the captious politician. How- 
ever, as to the political impropriety of one passage there could be no doubt. 

On page 33, the resolutions which, our author tells us, were adopted at a 
mass convention in Springfield in October, 18S4, appear in full. Douglas had 
made the same error in the Ottawa debate. In that debate and some of those 
which followed, Lincoln had found the matter a bothersome one. It is well known 
that these radical resolutions had been adopted at a Republican meeting in Kane 
County, and were in no sense the resolutions of the Illinois Republican State Con- 
vention of October, 1854. They had no place in a campaign document issued 
in the interests of Abraham Lincoln. 

Once more came that pressure from a now unknown source, and this time 
the biographical section of the book was literally emasculated. The sketch of 
Lincoln's life was reduced to a pitifully scanty affair, requiring barely eight pages, 
and speeches were inserted to compensate for the deleted material. 


The / Life and Public Services / of / Hon. Abraham Lincoln, / 
of Illinois, / and / Hon. Hannibal Hamlin, / of Maine. / [Rule] / 
Boston: / Thayer & Eldridge, / 114 and 116 Washington Street. 
/ 1860. 

Collation: Frontispiece; [1], title page; [21, copyright notice; [3j-4, table of 
contents; [5]-8, introductory; [9]-101, text; [1021, portrait; [1031, second title page; 
Life and Public Services / of / Hon. Hannibal Hamlin, / of Maine.; [104], blank; 
[1051-106, introductory; [107J-128, text. 


Note: In this edition there are no running heads, the page numerals being 
in the top-center of the pages. 

Page Size: Same as first edition. 

Publication Date: Probably late in July. It is somewhat scarcer than the 
first edition. 

Source: See note under first edition. 

See No. 8. 


Caption Title: Abraham Lincoln, / His Personal History and 
Public Record. / [Rule] / Speech / of / Hon. E. B. Washburne, 
of Illinois. / [Rule] / Delivered in the U. S. House of Represen- 
tatives, May 29th, 1860. / [Rule]. In the lower margin of the 
first page appears the following: Published by the Republican 
Committee. Price 50 cents per Hundred. [4] 

Collation: [l]-8, text. 

Binding: Unbound. 

Page Size: In uncut state approximately 9 % by 6 )/% inches. 

Publication Date: Undetermined. The writer is in possession of a copy 
bearing an inscription dated: "Philadelphia, June 11th, 1860." It probably 
appeared at an earlier date. Washington printers were well-equipped, and were 
experienced in getting out pamphlets of this character upon short notice. 

Source: This, in subject matter the most meritorious of the campaign lives 
of 1860, was drawn partly from the Chicago Press and Tribune article, but prin- 
cipally from the author's own intimate knowledge of Lincoln's career. 

A warm friend of Lincoln, and a shrewd politician and seasoned political 
orator, Washburne saw no danger of political repercussions in the story of the 
sheriffs sale; so he wrote that Lincoln "was compelled to surrender up his mathe- 
matical and surveying instruments to the sheriff, to be sold on execution." 

Note: During the preparation of this work there arose the question as to 
whether this pamphlet could properly be considered a campaign life. Biographical 
in character, and sold as a campaign document, it is most certainly a campaign 
life of Abraham Lincoln. 


A / Republican Manual / for / the Campaign. / [Rule] / Facts / 
for / the People: / [Rule] / The / Whole Argument / in / One 
Book. / By I. Codding. / [Rule] / Princeton, Illinois: / Printed 
at the "Republican" Book and Job Printing Office. / [Rule] / 
1860. [5] 


Collation: [1], title page; [2], blank; [3], preface; [4], blank; [5]-94, text; 
95-96, index. 

Binding: Olive green paper wrappers, printed in black: A / Republican 
Manual / for / the Campaign. / [Rule] / Facts / for / the People: / [Rule] / The / 
Whole Argument / in / one Book. / By I. Codding. / [Rule] / Princeton, Illinois: 
/ Printed at the "Republican" Book and Job Printing Office. / [Rule] / 1860. 

Page Size: 8% by 5 inches. 

Publication Date: Undetermined. I am led by the text, however, to believe 
that this pamphlet appeared not later than the week of June 11. 

Source: The Chicago Press and Tribune article is reprinted in its entirety, 
and appears on the first six pages of the text. 

Note: Of extraordinary scarcity, a copy in the Illinois State Historical 
Library and another in my possession are all that I have been able to locate. 
Physically, a well-made, substantial pamphlet, it is difficult to account for its 
rarity. It cannot be dismissed as an ephemeral pamphlet issued for local con- 
sumption. On the contrary, the text clearly demonstrates that the author, a 
radical abolitionist, prepared this pamphlet for the purpose of attracting fellow 
radicals to the banner of Abraham Lincoln. He apologizes for Lincoln's stand on 
the subject of racial equality and presents a thorough treatise in support of abo- 
lition. Codding was one of the founders of the Republican Party in Illinois. 

I am inclined to believe that this work was suppressed. Is it not probable 
that fellow Republicans went to him and, pointing out that his radical views 
might be misunderstood and might alienate the votes of many who were inclined 
to support Lincoln, prevailed upon him to withdraw the book from circulation? 


Cover Title: The Life / and / Speeches / of / Abraham Lincoln, 
/ and / Hannibal Hamlin, / [Rule] / Edited and Published by / 
Reuben Vose, / No. 45 Maiden Lane, / New York. / [Rule] / 
Hilton, Gallagher & Co., Printers, / 24 & 25 Ann St., N. Y. [6] 

Collation: iii-li, text — at this point the publisher changed from Roman to 
Arabic numerals, and erroneously numbered the next page "42;" 42-71^2, text; 
blank page, not included in pagination; 72-118, text; four pages of advertising 
matter on same stock as the wrappers, and lettered A to D. 

Binding: Tan paper wrappers. Verso of front wrapper bears copyright 
notice. Advertising matter on both sides of back wrapper. 

Page Size: 4 Y% by 2 ^ inches. 

Publication Date: Week of June 11, 1860. 

On May 26, L. Shear's "Lightning News Express" advertised in the New 
York Tribune that Vose's life of Lincoln at fifteen cents would "be ready on May 


30th." (Ready within four days, although he had not yet determined the number 
of pages the book would contain!) 

In his efforts to attract agents, Vose advertised, on May 31, that 10,000 
copies were "now ready," and further, that the book would contain 128 pages, 
and sell at fifteen cents; and finally, that the "Irrepressible Edition" would "be 
ready June 5th, or 6th, at 20c." The "Irrepressible Edition" was also to contain 
128 pages, and one wonders what it had to offer for that extra five cents. We 
will probably never know, for no copy is known; in fact I do not believe it was 
ever published. 

Instead of increasing his publicity with the alleged appearance of the pam- 
phlet — as one would expect him to do — Vose does not seem to have advertised 
again until June 11, and then inserted only one or two brief notices. I believe 
that the few copies that were published appeared with the resumption of adver- 
tising, during the week of June 11. 

Source: Probably the Chicago Press and Tribune release. 

Note: Long the despair of the collector, this little book possesses nothing 
to commend it, aside from its great rarity. Copies are in the Lincoln National 
Life Foundation, and the Henry E. Huntington Library. A third copy is owned 
by a private collector who wishes to remain anonymous. 


The / Life and Public Services / of / Hon. Abraham Lincoln, / 
with a Portrait on Steel. / To Which is Added A Biographical 
Sketch of / Hon. Hannibal Hamlin. / By D. W. Bartlett, / Wash- 
ington Correspondent of the New- York Independent and Evening 
Post, / and Author of "Lives of Modern Agitators," Life of "Lady 
/ Jane Grey," "Joan of Arc," etc. / [Rule] / New-York: / H. Day- 
ton, Publisher, / No. 36 Howard-Street. / 1860. [7] 
Note: It also appeared under the imprint of Derby & Jackson. 

(A) A copy has been noted bearing, on the title page, the following imprint 
beneath that of H. Dayton: Indianapolis: Asher & Company. 

Collation: Yellow end paper; two white flyleaves; frontispiece; [i], title page; 
pi], copyright notice; [Hi], preface, dated June 1, 1860; [iv], blank; v-vi, contents; 
[15J-354, text; two white flyleaves; one yellow end paper. 

Binding: Cloth. Noted in the following colors: Black, olive green, and 
brown. Some copies have a blind-stamped conventional design on front and back 


Page Size: 1 X A by &A inches. 

Publication Date: June 12, 1860. 

Source: The section devoted to Lincoln's biography was printed from the 
same plates as were used in producing Bartlett's campaign life in wrappers (the 
first edition of No. 2 above). Accordingly, it was subject to the same criticism 
as that book and was rewritten. 


[Authorized Edition.] / [Rule] / The / Life and Public Services / 
of / Hon. Abraham Lincoln, / with a Portrait on Steel. / To 
Which is Added a Biographical Sketch of / Hon. Hannibal Ham- 
lin. / By D. W. Bartlett, / Washington Correspondent of the 
New- York Independent and Evening Post, / and Author of 
"Lives of Modern Agitators," Life of "Lady / Jane Gray," 
"Joan of Arc," etc. / [Rule] / New- York: / H. Dayton, Pub- 
lisher, / No. 36 Howard-Street. / [Rule] / 1860. 

Note: It also appeared under the imprint of Derby & Jackson. 

Copies have been noted with the following single imprints: 

(A) New York: / A. B. Burdick, / No. 115 Nassau-Street. 

(B) Cincinnati: / Broaders & Company, / 51 Fourth Street, Cor. of Walnut. 

(C) Philadelphia: / J. W. Bradley. (Note: I have not seen this issue; 
hence I am not certain that the imprint as recorded above is complete). 

(D) Indianapolis: Asher & Company. 

Collation: Yellow end paper; two white flyleaves; inserted frontispiece; title 
page; copyright notice; [v]-vii, contents; [viii], blank; [15J-354, text; one white 
flyleaf; yellow end paper. 


(E) A copy containing 357 pages has been noted. The letters of notifica- 
tion and acceptance appear upon the added pages. I have not seen this issue, 
but am reliably informed that no other change in collation is involved. It ha8 
been noted with the Dayton imprint only. There seems to be no reasonable 
ground for Fish's contention that this was "an earlier edition." 

Binding: Cloth. Noted in the following colors: black, blue, green, brown, 
tan, and maroon. Spine lettered in gilt: The Life of Abraham Lincoln. Vari- 
ous conventional designs are blind-stamped on front and back covers. 



(F) Copies have been noted with a varying number of pages of advertising 
matter following page 354, the end of the text. They have most interesting 
bindings, noted in the following colors: maroon, green, and brown pebbled cloth. 
The front and back covers are blind-stamped in a rustic design. On the spine, 
in gilt, appears: [Rule] / Honest Old Abe / [Rule] / Bartlett / [Rule] / [An axe] / 
[Portrait of Lincoln surrounded by a wreath] / Derby & Jackson. / [Rule]. 

Note: This variant has not been noted with the Dayton imprint. 

Page Size: Same as first edition. 

Publication Date: Probably early in July. 

Source: The section devoted to Lincoln's biography was printed from the 
same plates as were used in producing the second (revised) edition of Bartlett's 
campaign life, in wrappers. 


Wide-Awake Edition. / [Rule] / The / Life and Public Services / 
of / Hon. Abraham Lincoln, / of Illinois, / and / Hon. Hannibal 
Hamlin, / of Maine. / [Rule] / Boston: / Thayer & Eldridge, / 
114 and 116 Washington Street. / 1860. [8] 

Collation: Yellow end paper; white flyleaf; frontispiece; engraving on stee 
by Buttre (portrait of Lincoln); [1], title page; [2], copyright notice and printer's 
imprint; [3]-5, table of contents; [6], blank; [7]-12, introductory; [13]-102, text; 
engraving on steel by Buttre (portrait of Hamlin); [103], second title page: Life 
and Public Services / of / Hon. Hannibal Hamlin, / of Maine.; [104], portrait; 
1105]-106, introductory; [1071-128, text; [129], third title page: Speeches / of / 
Hon. Abraham Lincoln, / of Illinois.; [130], blank; [131J-320, text; white flyleaf; 
yellow end paper. 

Binding: Cloth. Noted in black, brown, green, and plum colors. Spine 
lettered in gold: Lives / and / Speeches / of / Lincoln / and / Hamlin / [Rule] / 
Wide Awake / Edition. / Followed by four blind-stamped, broad rules. Blind- 
stamped on the front and back covers is the publisher's device, "T and E" within 
a chamfered square. 

Page Size: 7 % by 4 % inches. 

Publication Date: June 25, 1860. On June 16, the publishers announced 
this book as "nearly ready." I find the advertisements of sales agents, announcing 
the book on hand, dated June 25, 1860. 

Source: The first 128 pages of this book are identical with those of the 
campaign life in wrappers, issued by these publishers (No. 3 above). Internal 
evidence indicates that, while the first edition of the life in wrappers was being 


run off from the original type forms, stereotype plates had been prepared from 
which the pages referred to were being printed. The book contains, of course, all 
of the objectionable matter found in the first little edition in wrappers. 

The original matter was padded with the addition of 200 pages of speeches. 
Steel engravings of both Lincoln and Hamlin were added, and the woodcut of 
Hamlin was permitted to remain on the verso of the second title page. This with 
the incongruous result that two portraits of the vice-presidential candidate were 
provided, and but one of Lincoln. 

Note: It is possible that the publishers revised the text as in the case of their 
campaign life in wrappers, and issued a second edition of this book. I have been 
unable to locate a copy of such an edition. 

Though not uncommon, the book is considerably scarcer than the clothbound 
books by either Bartlett, Barrett, or Howells. This fact leads to the conclusion 
that the book did not enjoy the popularity of the works by those authors. For 
this reason the publishers may have felt that they were not justified in issuing an 
emasculated second edition. 


Lives and Speeches / of / Abraham Lincoln /and / Hannibal 
Hamlin. / [Rule] / Columbus, O: / Follett, Foster & Co. / 1860. 


Collation: [1], half title page; [2], blank; [3], title page; [4], copyright notice, 
printer's and stereotyper's imprints; [5], list of illustrations; [6], blank; [7], index; 
[81, blank; [9], subtitle page: Life / of / Abraham Lincoln. / By / W. D. Howells. 
/ 2; [10], blank; [xi]-xii, preface; [xiii]-xv, contents; [xvi], blank; [17]-94, text; 
[95], blank; [96], woodcut of the Republican Wigwam at Chicago; [97], subtitle: 
Memorabilia / of the / Chicago Convention. / 9; [98], blank; [991-111, text; [112], 
blank; [113], subtitle: Speeches. / 10; [114], blank; [115]-153, text; [154], blank; 
[157J-170, text (Life of Hannibal Hamlin). 

Note: Though portraits of the candidates are listed, they were not issued 
in this edition. Pages 155-56 were omitted in all copies examined; however it is 
quite possible that copies will be found with a subtitle page at this point. 

Binding: Light buff-colored paper wrappers, printed in black: Life of / 
[Woodcut portrait of Lincoln] / Abraham Lincoln. / [Rule] / Columbus: / Follett, 
Foster & Co. / 1860. Advertising matter on verso of front wrapper, reading in 
part: 20, 416 Sold! The Debates in Illinois between Stephen A. Douglas, and 
Abraham Lincoln. 


(A) We have been unable to locate a copy of this book reported to bear, 
upon the front wrapper, the imprint, Cincinnati, Rickey, Mallory & Co., I860., 
in lieu of the above described imprint. 


Page Size: 7% by \% inches. 

Publication Date: June 25, 1860. 

Follett, Foster & Company published the Lincoln-Douglas Debates before the 
nomination. Indeed, on May 21, 1860, their advertisements announced that this 
book was then in its fourth edition. Certainly it was destined to become the 
"best-seller" of 1860. 

The demand for the Debates literally swamped the publisher's printing plant 
and bindery within a few days after the nomination. On May 23, they announced 
in the columns of the Ohio State Journal the acquisition of two new "Williamson" 
presses, and in the same paper they advertised for "feeders." Before the end of 
that week they had announced the preparation of two new sets of stereotypes. 

The Debates were advertised for sale in two formats: clothbound at fifty cents, 
and "stitched" at thirty-five cents. Today the "stitched" copies of the Debates 
are exceedingly rare, while the issues bound in cloth are very common — mute testi- 
mony to the willingness of their public to pay the additional fifteen cents for the 
cloth binding. And therein lay a production problem of major proportions. 

In every instance, there was a lag between the early announcements of publi- 
cation dates of clothbound campaign lives and the actual appearance of the books, 
amounting to anywhere from ten to thirty days. Seemingly the demand for cloth- 
bound campaign material was greater than the nation's binders were prepared to 
meet. Conditions were especially critical in the active publishing centers of Cin- 
cinnati and Columbus, Ohio. The many variant bindings of the Debates attest the 
fact that Follett, Foster & Company must have farmed out the work to all available 
binders. I believe it will be shown, beyond reasonable doubt, that this condition 
was responsible for the very existence of the edition of Howells' campaign life of 
Lincoln, now under consideration. 

The publishers were among those who, on May 19, advertised a campaign life 
of Lincoln as "in press." Specifically naming Howells as the author, on May 28 
his book was announced as "in press will soon appear." The book was described 
as being "bound in cloth. Price $1.00," and, in small letters, "campaign edition 
in paper at 25c." 

Generous buyers of advertising space in newspapers, probably their best avail- 
able medium was the use of advertising inserts in the rapidly selling Debates, and 
the enterprising publishers were not long in taking advantage of this. All but 
the very early issues and editions of the Debates have several pages of advertising 
matter bound in at the front of the books. One of these pages was always devoted 
to advertising Howells' volume. The earliest appearance of this advertisement 
read, in part: "Will have ready June 12th," and, towards the bottom of the 
page: "Also, a Campaign Edition, without the Speeches. Paper cover. 25 Cents." 

Shortly after this appearance of the Debates, the advertising matter in news- 
papers underwent an interesting change in the copy. No mention was now made 
of the cheap edition in paper. In the next issue of the Debates, the advertisement 


of Howells was changed to read: "Will have ready June 20th." But, of greater 
significance, the announcement near the foot of the page now read: "Also, a Cam- 
paign Edition of the Lives of Lincoln and Hamlin, entirely distinct from above. 
Paper Cover. Price 25 Cents." 

Apparently the idea of issuing Howells' volume in wrappers had been aban- 
doned. What had happened ? At this stage, the newspapers were announcing 9,000 
copies of Howells' book as being "already sold," although it had not yet emerged 
from the press room — or, at least, the bindery. Of course, the reference was to 
advance orders. With heavy advance orders for the 31.00 edition, the publishers, 
feeling that the sale of the cheap campaign edition would substantially reduce the 
demand for the more profitable $1.00 edition, abandoned the former. However, 
competition cried aloud for the publication of a "cheap, campaign edition." 

Close at hand was a young man vastly impressed with his own ability, one 
James Quay Howard, who had aided Howells in gathering his material. From 
what little I have been able to learn about Howard I am quite certain that he 
would be one to resent the use of his material by another. Though but a young law 
student, he felt quite competent to write his own campaign life of Lincoln, and under 
the circumstances experienced little, if any, difficulty in persuading Follett, Foster 
& Company to publish it. This is the life which I believe the publishers had in 
mind when they advertised in the Debates, the "Campaign Edition of the Lives of 
Lincoln and Ha mlin, entirely distinct from above," for these same publishers issued 
Howard's book — see No. 13 below. 

In the interim, newspaper advertisements continued to announce that the 
Howells life would be ready on June 20, but that day rolled around, and the adver- 
tising copy was again changed; this time it read, "will be ready, June 25th." In 
the meantime, various eastern publications were finding their way into the local 
markets. In the neighboring city of Cincinnati, the harassed publishers of Barrett's ! 
life were sparing no effort in trying to get their book on the market ahead of 
Howells'. The various selling agents for the Debates, who had enthusiastically 
signed up for the Howells volume must, by this time, have been clamoring for their 
books. Howard was nowhere near ready. His prefatory note is dated June 26, and 
bis book did not appear until weeks later. It is quite possible that there existed 
contractual obligations with some of the selling agents, which had to be met. 

Yielding to the attendant pressure, Follett, Foster & Company probably issued 
this edition of Howells' to meet a very real emergency. Although this book carries a 
stereotyper's imprint, it was not printed from plates. On the contrary, it was 
printed directly from the type from which the plates for the complete edition were 
made. In the copy before me the impression is so heavy as to puncture the paper at 

The complete Howells edition contains over 400 pages, while, as we have noted, 
the present book consists of but 170 pages. Nor is this the cheap campaign issue 
described by the publishers, in their early advertisements, as being "without the 
speeches," for a substantial part of this book is devoted to speeches. The pub- 


lishers removed as much material as was practicable from the original forms, reset 
the new pagination, and issued the book in great haste — unannounced. 

In the advertisements inserted by the publishers in the Ohio State Journal, 
mention was made of the number of copies of the Debates sold to that date. On 
June 25, the number sold was 20,416 copies, coinciding with the number given in 
the advertisement on the verso of the front wrapper of this book. 

However, of greater evidential value is the advertisement of Rickey, Mallory 
& Company, which appeared in the Cincinnati Daily Press on June 25, 1860, for the 
first time, announcing that they had "now on sale" a supply of Howells' life of Lin- 
coln, in paper, at twenty-five cents. 

See No. 11. 


Barrett's Authentic Edition. / [Rule] / Life / of / Abraham 
Lincoln, / (of Illinois). / With a Condensed View of His Most / 
Important Speeches; / Also / a Sketch of the Life of / Hannibal 
Hamlin / (of Maine). /By J. H. Barrett. / [Rule] / Cincinnati: / 
Moore, Wilstach, Keys & Co. / 25 West Fourth Street, / 1860. 


Collation: Yellow, or pink end paper; one white flyleaf (end paper and flyleaf 
not present in issue bound in wrappers); frontispiece; [i], title page; [ii], copyright 
notice; [iii], preface; [ivj, blank; [v]-viii, contents; 9-193, text; 194, caption: Sketch 
/ of the / Life of Hannibal Hamlin.; plate (lithographed portrait of Hamlin); 195- 
216, text; one white flyleaf; yellow or pink end paper (flyleaf and end paper are not 
present in issue bound in wrappers). 

Note: The lithographed portrait of Lincoln appears in its earliest state in 
those issues of this book which were bound in wrappers. In the first state, the im- 
print on the portrait reads: Middleton, Strobridge & Co. Lith Cin. O. In the 
second state, as issued in copies of the book bound in cloth, the imprint reads: 
Middleton, Strobridge & Co. In clothbound copies, intermediate states of the 
frontispiece are occasionally noted, in which evidence of the erasure of "Lith Cin. 
O." from the stone is visible to the naked eye. (The portrait of Hamlin appears 
only in its earliest state in the paper-bound issues of this book, while it appears in 
both states in the clothbound copies). 

Binding (wrappers): The earliest appearance of this book was in salmon- 
colored paper wrappers, printed in black: Life / of / Abraham Lincoln, / (of 
Illinois). / With a Condensed View of his Most Important Speeches; / Also, / a 
Sketch of the Life of / Hannibal Hamlin, / (of Maine). / By J. H. Barrett. / [Rule] 
I Cincinnati: / Moore, Wilstach, Keys & Co. / 25 West Fourth Street / 1860. The 
spine is printed: Barrett's Authentic Edition. Advertising matter appears on 
verso of front wrapper, and on both sides of back wrapper. 



Binding (cloth) : Various shades and textures of cloth. Blind-stamped orna- 
ments within triple-ruled border on front and back covers. Spine lettered in gilt: 
[Three parallel rules] / Life / of / A. Lincoln / [Rule] / Sketch of / H. Hamlin / 
[Rule] I Barrett / [Three parallel rules]. 


(A) A copy of the clothbound book has been noted with the following imprint 
on'its title page: Indianapolis: / Asher & Company . / Cincinnati: / Moore, Wil- 
stach, Keys & Co. / 1860. 

Page Size: In wrappers: 7% by 4% inches. In cloth: 7% by 4J^ inches. 

Publication Dates: In wrappers, probably June 27, 1860. In cloth, probably 
July 2, 1860. 

The publishers were among those who, on May 19, 1860, announced a forth- 
coming campaign life of Lincoln. On May 24, 1860, they advertised in the New York 
Tribune that they had a life of Lincoln "in active preparation." It so happened that 
on that very day their author, Barrett, and a photographer were engaged in obtain- 
ing a portrait of Lincoln. On May 31, 1860, the publishers promised that this life 
would "be ready in a few days." On June 8, they announced in the New York Trib- 
une that the book would be ready "next week." And, on June 12, the advertisement 
again read : "ready next week." All of this was publicity, designed to attract agents. 
For, if we are to accept the date on the preface of the book, the author did not com- 
plete his work until June 18, 1860. 

From the first the book had been announced to. sell: "In cloth, 50c. In paper, 
25c." It was advertised in the Cleveland Leader as on sale "at 25c" on June 27, 
1860. On the next day, the twenty-five cent book was being offered in Columbus 
and Cincinnati. No earlier offerings have been found, and I believe June 27 to be 
the day upon which the issue in wrappers was placed on sale. In Pittsburgh, one 
James McMillen offered the clothbound book on July 5, 1860. The earliest an- 
nouncement of the clothbound book by an Ohio retailer, which I have been able to 
find, was dated July 10. Copies of the book bound in wrappers are excessively rare. 

Source: Barrett had been a delegate to the Chicago convention, and seems to 
have been closely associated with Lincoln for several days after its adjournment. 
Years later he wrote: "He [Lincoln] readily gave such facts as my inquiries invited 
or suggested." 2 

Nor was Barrett content with the material which he obtained directly from 
Lincoln. He sought to provide an accurate background, and to this end turned to 
Filson's history of Kentucky, Judge Scott's gazetteer of Indiana, and to other 
source books. The result was a commendable work, the first of a long series which 
was to issue from the pen of this author. 

1 Joseph H. Barrett, Abraham Lincoln and his Presidency (New York, 1904), 



Complete Edition 

Lives and Speeches / of / Abraham Lincoln / and / Hannibal 
Hamlin. / [Rule] / Columbus, O: / Follett, Foster & Co. / 1860. 


Collation: Pink end paper; white flyleaf; [1], half title; [2], blank; frontispiece 
not included in pagination; [3], title page; [4], copyright notice, and imprints of 
printer and stereotyper; [5], list of illustrations; [6], blank; [7], index; [8], blank; 
[9], subtitle: Life / of / Abraham Lincoln. / By / W. D. Howells.; [10], blank; [xi]- 
xii, preface; [xiii]-xv, list of contents; [xvi], blank; [17] -94, text; [95], blank; [96], 
woodcut (the Republican Wigwam at Chicago); [97], subtitle: Memorabilia / of 
the / Chicago Convention; [98], blank; [99]-lll, text; [112], blank; [113], subtitle: 
Speeches; [114], blank; [115]-304, text; frontispiece to Hamlin section, not included 
in pagination; [305], subtitle: Life and Speeches / of / Hannibal Hamlin. / By / 
John L. Hayes.; [306], blank; [307]-406, text; two white flyleaves; pink end paper. 

Copies bearing the following imprints on the title page below that of Follett, 
Foster & Company have been noted. (In the case of these multiple imprints a 
minor correction has been made on the title page, a period being added to the abbre- 
viation for Ohio, thus: Columbus, O.): 

(A) Cincinnati: Rickey, Mallory & Co. 

(B) Boston: Brown and Taggard. 

(C) Chicago: S- C. Griggs & Co. Pittsburgh: Hunt and Miner. Cleveland: 
Ingham & Bragg. 

(D) Detroit: Putnam, Smith & Co. 

(E) Boston: Crosby, Nichols, Lee & Co. 

(F) New York: M. Doolady. 

Binding: Pebbled cloth of various textures, and in a wide range of colors. 
Among the colors noted are: black, red, several shades of brown, plum, green, blue, 
maroon, and tan. Lettered in gilt on the spine: [Four parallel rules] / Lives of / 
Lincoln / and / Hamlin / [Broken rule] / Howells & Hayes / Follett, Foster & Co. / 
[Four parallel rules]. 

In our discussion of the short-form edition of Howells' life 3 of Lincoln, we 
pointed to congested bindery facilities in Ohio. I believe that, because of this con- 
dition, books printed in that state were sent in sheets to W. A. Townsend of New 
York, and bound in that city. 


(G) Imprint: New York: / W. A. Townsend & Co., / Columbus: Follett, 
Foster & Co. / 1860. In this issue the end papers are lemon yellow, and the en- 

3 See ante, 202-205. 


graved portraits of the two candidates are gathered and bound between the front 
flyleaf and page [1], the half title. Lettered in gilt on the spine: [Rule] / The Lives 
/ and / Speeches / of / Lincoln / and / Hamlin / [Rule] / Illustrated. / W. A. Town- 
send & Co. / [Double rule]. 

Priority of Imprints: Undetermined. A copy with the single imprint of 
Follett, Foster & Company, and bearing an inscription dated July 8, 1860, is in the 
writer's possession. The Sam Parks copy 4 which, beyond reasonable doubt, was in 
Lincoln's hands in July, 1860, had the single imprint. It is probable that copies 
bearing the single imprint were issued locally, and also sent out to prominent Re- 
publicans, before those with multiple imprints were sent on to associate publishers. 

Copies are distinguished by certain typographical variants; however these are 
without evidential value. We know that the publisher worked from two sets of 
stereotype plates, and no one is qualified to say from which set of plates the earliest 
copies were printed. Uncorrected typographical defects simply demonstrate which 
was the earliest plate to be cast. 

For instance, the letter "i" is missing from the word "importance" in the last 
line of the text on page 46, in all copies bearing the single imprint. In copies bear- 
ing the multiple imprints, that letter "i" has been restored from another font of 
type of slightly bolder face. But, in the last edition of the book to be published, 
and under the single imprint of Follett, Foster & Company, that letter "i" is still 
missing, although textual corrections have been made. Obviously, the mat from 
which the plates were cast, and which, in turn, was used in the printing of the issues 
with the single imprint, was made before the absence of the letter was noticed. The 
letter was then missed and an "i" inserted by the founders and another mat drawn 
off, from which another set of plates was cast. All of which has nothing whatever to 
do with the vicissitudes of the sheets in the hands of the printers and the binders. 

Page Size: 7% by 4% inches. 

Publication Date: Published on July 5, 1860, and reviewed the following day 
in the editorial columns of Howells' own paper, the Ohio Slate Journal. 

Source: Among the letters of William Dean Howells, we find the author's own 
story : 

"It was the expectation that I would go to Springfield, Illinois, and gather the 
material for the work from Lincoln himself, and from his friends and neighbors. 
But this part of the project was distasteful to me, was impossible; I would not go, 
and I missed the greatest chance of my life in its kind, though I am not sure I was 
wholly wrong, for I might not have been equal to that chance; I might not have 
seemed to the man I would not go to see, the person to report him to the world in a 
campaign life. What we did was to commission a young law-student of those I 
knew, to go to Springfield and get the material for me. When he brought it back, 
I felt the charm of the material; the wild poetry of its reality was not unknown to 
me: I was at home with it, for I had known the belated backwoods of a certain re- 

See post, 210. 


gion of Ohio; I had almost lived the pioneer; and I wrote the little book with none 
of the reluctance I felt from studying its sources." 6 

That "young law-student" was James Quay Howard. Whether the material 
that he brought back from Springfield was too scanty, or whether Howells felt that 
it was a bit drab, does not appear at this late date. But of one thing we are sure: 
Howells did not stick closely to the material supplied Howard by Lincoln. On the 
contrary, he drew from previously published biographies; and, as we shall see, one 
story lifted from the Thayer & Eldridge life (see No. 3 above) got him and his pub- 
lishers into hot water. 

On June 8, 1860, Follett, Foster & Company advertised Howells' life of Lin- 
coln in the Ohio State Journal, under the caption: "Authorized by Mr. Lincoln." 
I have been unable to locate other advertisements carrying that claim; hence do 
not know how widely it was disseminated. If true it would mean a luscious plum 
for the publishers. Possibly Barrett's publishers, in Cincinnati, instituted some in- 
quiries; or maybe Republicans wondered if this personally authorized biography 
was to be adopted by them as official; in any event, the announcement seems to 
have created something of a stir in Columbus political circles. 

On June 15, Samuel Galloway, a prominent member of the Ohio Republican 
State Central Committee, wrote Lincoln, who replied on June 19, 1860. Because 
it provides us with an illuminating picture of Lincoln's attitude towards campaign 
biographies in general, the letter is quoted in full: 

Springfield, Illinois, June 19, 1860. 

My dear Sir: Your very kind letter of the 15th is received. Messrs. Follet, 
Foster & Co.'s Life of me is not by my authority; and I have scarcely been so much 
astounded by anything, as their public announcement that it is authorized by me. 
They have fallen into some strange misunderstanding. I certainly knew they con- 
templated publishing a biography, and I certainly did not object to their doing so, 
upon their own responsibility. I even took pains to facilitate them. But, at the 
same time, I made myself tiresome, if not hoarse, with repeating to Mr. Howard, 
their only agent seen by me, my protest that I authorized nothing — would be respon- 
sible/or nothing. How they could so misunderstand me, passes comprehension. As 
a matter, wholly my own, I would authorize no biography, without time and oppor- 
tunity to carefully examine and consider every word of it; and, in this case, in the 
nature of things, I can have no such time and opportunity. But, in my present 
position, when, by the lessons of the past, and the united voice of all discreet friends, 
I can neither write nor speak a word for the public, how dare I to send forth, 
by my authority, a volume of hundreds of pages, for adversaries to make points 
upon without end? Were I to do so, the Convention would have a right to re- 
assemble, and substitute another name for mine. 

8 Life in Letters of William Dean Howells, edited by Mildred Howells (Garden 
City, N'. Y., 1928), I: 36-37. 


For these reasons, I would not look at the proof sheets. I am determined to 
maintain the position of truly saying 1 never saw the proof sheets, or any part of 
their work, before its publication. 

Now, do not mistake me. I feel great kindness for Messrs. F., F. & Co. — do 
not think they have intentionally done wrong. There may be nothing wrong in 
their proposed book. I sincerely hope there will not. I barely suggest that you, 
or any of the friends there, on the party account, look it over, and exclude what 
you may think would embarrass the party, bearing in mind, at all times, that I 
authorize nothing — will be responsible for nothing. 

Your friend as ever, A. Lincoln.* 

Upon receipt of this letter, the publishers immediately changed the offending 
caption to read "accurate and reliable." It does not appear that Galloway followed 
Lincoln's suggestion to look it over and exclude embarrassing matter, for, from a 
political standpoint, a most serious blunder had been committed by Howells, and 
was allowed to appear in the early issues of the book. 

Thus forcibly brought to his attention, we may be sure that Lincoln carefully 
conned the first available copy. What must have been his feelings when, after 
noting several minor errors, he turned to page 74, and found that his emphatic re- 
fusal to sponsor the book had been fully justified ! For there appeared the same 
error, with reference to the Ottawa debate, which the unknown author of the 
Thayer & Eldridge life had made — an error out of which Douglas had made forensic 
capital, time and again, during the debates. "It is true," wrote Howells, "that a 
Mass State Convention, with a view to forming a permanent organization, had 
been held at Springfield, in October; but many anti-Nebraska men, who still ad- 
hered to old names, had not taken part in it. The following resolutions were adopted 

at this Convention " A bulletin of the Abraham Lincoln Association is devoted 

to a discussion of that priceless and most desirable of all campaign biographies, the 
copy of Howells' life which Lincoln corrected in his own handwriting, and gave to 
his friend, Mr. Samuel C. Parks. On the flyleaf of that copy, Mr. Parks wrote: 
"This life of Lincoln was corrected by him for me, at my request, in the summer of 
1860, by notes in his handwriting, in pencil in the margin." 7 

We cannot read the Galloway letter, and believe that Lincoln took it upon 
himself to correct a campaign life (it is his own unmistakable handwriting), and pass 
it on to an acquaintance as a mere gesture of friendship. I believe that Lincoln 
made those corrections, and turned the corrected book over to Parks — a trusted and 
prominent Republican worker — with the sole idea that the matter would be brought 
to the attention of the publishers, and the necessary corrections made. 

With a single exception — previously noted — none of the errors were of any 

8 Complete Works of Abraham Lincoln, edited by John G. Nicolay and John Hay 
(Gettysburg ed.; New York, 1905), VI: 40-42. 

7 Benjamin P. Thomas, "A Unique Biography of Lincoln," Bulletin of the Abra- 
ham Lincoln Association, No. 35: p. 4 (June, 1934). 



* i 

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political importance. The publishers took immediate steps to correct that error, 
but not until thousands of copies of the book had been distributed. 

Issue With The Errata Slip 

Title page, collation, binding, and page size: No changes. 

An errata slip is inserted at page 74, reading: 

'The resolutions said to have been passed at a Convention at Springfield, and 
found on page 74, were not passed. They were a political trick, intended by the 
Democrats, to defeat Yates, candidate for Congress. See Douglas and Lincoln 
Debates, pages 90, 97, 98, 182, 189, 195, 199, 200. The error, in the hurry of going 
to press, crept in. On page 75, it will be seen, Mr. Lincoln is shown to have had no 
connection with the resolutions." 

But two copies of this issue are known: one is in the collection of Gov. Henry 
Horner, Springfield, Illinois, and the other in the writer's possession. 

Note: Both of the known copies are of the issue bearing the single imprint of 
Follett, Foster & Company. 


Title Page: Variant B — Boston; Brown and Taggard. 

Collation: No change down to page 406; from there on the collation is: one 
white flyleaf; eight pages of advertising matter; white flyleaf; pink end paper. 

Binding: Brown cloth. 

Textual Change: The text at page 74, beginning with line 3, has been changed 
to read: "It was charged by Douglas that a Republican Convention met at Spring- 
field and passed the resolutions found below. This was an error. No Convention 
was held at Springfield, but the resolutions were offered at a small meeting in Kane 
County of which Lincoln knew nothing." 

The only known copy of this edition is in the collection of Gov. Henry Horner, 
Springfield, Illinois. 

See No. 9. 


Caption Title: Life / of / Abraham Lincoln. In the lower mar- 
gin of page [1], appears the following: Entered according to Act 
of Congress, in the year 1860, by the Chicago Press and Tribune 
Co., in the Clerk's / Office of the District Court for the Northern 
District of Illinois. [12] 

Collation: [l]-32, text, in double columns. The lower two-thirds of page 32 is 
devoted to advertising matter. 


Binding: Stitched, without wrappers. 

Page Size: %Y% by Wi inches. 

Publication Date: About July 15, 1860. A notice in the Illinois State Journal, 
July 24, 1860, reads: "We are in receipt of a copy of the Campaign Life of Lincoln 
written by Mr. Scripps and issued at the Chicago Press and Tribune. It is one of 
the best campaign documents we have yet seen." 

Advertising Matter: In the first edition of this life, the advertising matter, on 
page 32, is set in two columns, from the same agate type as is used in the text, with 
the exception of the captions; the latter are set in the usual display faces, then in 
vogue in newspaper composing rooms. The text of this advertising matter begins: 
"The Press and Tribune office is prepared to furnish to Republican Clubs and in- 
dividuals, the following important documents at the low rates annexed. . . ." At 
the end is the following: "Money in registered letters may be sent at our risk. 
Address: Press and Tribune, Chicago, Illinois." 

Typographical Errors: The last word in column 2, line 23, page 32, reads, 
"thel" and the last word in the following line reads, "wil." The terminal letter of 
line 24 had slipped up into the preceding line. It so appears in all editions of this 
work, thus proving that all were printed from stereotypes cast from the same type 

Source: Early in June, 1860, Scripps was given new biographical material by 
Lincoln. This, the so-called third person autobiography, is printed in full, in the 
Complete Works of Abraham Lincoln, edited by Nicolay and Hay, under the head- 
ing: "Short autobiography written at the request of a friend to use in preparing a 
popular campaign biography in the election of I860." 8 The actual date of this 
autobiography is unknown. Nicolay and Hay approximate its date as June 1; they 
are probably correct. Howard returned to Columbus, Ohio on June 7, and he either 
brought with him a copy of that autobiography, or notes drawn directly from a 
copy. Both Scripps's and Howard's principal, Howells, used a quaint phrase drawn 
from the autobiography: the store "winked out." So unusual was the expression 
that Howells felt called upon to explain it was the "idiom of the region." 


Caption Title: Tribune Tracts. — No. 6 / [Rule] / Life / of / 
Abraham Lincoln. In the lower margin of page [1] appears the 
following: Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 
1860, by Horace Greeley & Co., in the Clerk's Office of the / Dis- 
trict Court of the United States for the Southern District of New 

8 Complete Works of Abraham Lincoln, edited by John G. Nicolay and John Hay 
(Gettysburg ed.), VI: 24. 

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Earliest state of page 32, Scripps's Liff? 0/ Lincoli 
First Edition. 


Collation: [1J-32, text in double columns. The lower two-thirds of page 32 is 
devoted to advertising matter. 

Binding: Stitched, without wrappers. 

Page Size: %% by 5% inches. 

Typographical Errors: Same as in first edition, thus proving that these two 
editions were printed from plates cast from the same type forms. It seems a safe 
assumption that the advertising matter and Chicago copyright notice were removed 
from the forms, a mat was then made and sent on to New York where the new ad- 
vertising matter and copyright notice were patched in, and the plates for this edi- 
tion cast. 

Advertising Matter: This matter, on page 32, is set in a single column — full- 
page spread — under the caption: "The New York Tribune." Two captions, "The 
New York Semi-Weekly Tribune," and "The New York Weekly Tribune" are set 
in boldface, sans-serif, display type; this seems to have been a favorite in the com- 
posing room of the New York Tribune, for we find it frequently used in the advertis- 
ing columns of that newspaper during the year 1860. 


Title, Binding and Collation: The same as in the first edition. 

Page Size: Approximately the same as the first edition. 

Typographical Errors: The same errors persist in this edition, proving that 
this edition was also printed from plates cast from the original type forms. 

Advertising Matter: Here we find a radical difference between the two edi- 
tions bearing the Chicago imprints. In this edition, the advertising matter on page 
32 is set in a single column — full-page spread — and under the caption: "The Chi- 
cago Press and Tribune." The general layout closely follows that of the New York 
(second) edition; so closely, in fact, that I am quite convinced that both were prod- 
ucts of the composing room of the New York Tribune. 

More conclusive, however, is the character of the display type used in one of 
the captions. All of the type used in the captions of the advertising matter in this 
edition was characteristic of the New York Tribune, rather than the Chicago Press 
and Tribune. However, the type used in the lowest caption, "The Chicago Press 
and Tribune," was the same boldface, sans-serif, display type, which was noted in 
the two captions in the New York (second) edition. 

While this type — as has been pointed out — was used frequently in the adver- 
tising columns of the New York Tribune during the year 1860, not once during that 
period did it appear in the columns of the Chicago Press and Tribune. The Chicago 
composing room possessed an equivalent face, but the letters "S," "P," "R," etc., 
were slightly chamfered 9 while the same letters in the New York font were smooth- 
I ly rounded. All of this points to the inevitable conclusion that this edition, al- 

' See the name "S. W. Ripley" in the Chicago Press and Tribune, May 19, 
1860, editorial page, col. 9. 


though bearing a Chicago imprint, was printed in the plant of the New York 

Experienced typographers who have examined the copy of the first edition, 
now laying before me, are of the opinion that it was printed direct from type. Not 
all are in agreement on this point, however. If they are correct in their belief, then 
it would seem that the first edition was hurriedly printed from the type in Chicago, 
mats made and rushed to New York, and subsequent Chicago requirements supplied 
by the New York Tribune. 


The Life / of / Abraham Lincoln: / With / Extracts from his 
Speeches. / [Rule] / By J. Q. Howard. / [Rule] / Columbus: / 
Follett, Foster and Company. / 1860. 113] 

Collation: [1], title page; [2], copyright notice; [3]-102, text; one white flyleaf; 
eight pages of advertisements. 

Binding: Light buff, paper wrappers, printed in black: The Life / of / Abra- 
ham Lincoln: / With / Extracts from his Speeches. / [Rule] / By J. Q. Howard. / 
[Rule] I Cincinnati: / Anderson, Gates and Wright. / 1860. Advertising matter on 
verso of front wrapper, and upon recto of the back wrapper. On the verso of the 
back wrapper appears the woodcut of the Republican Wigwam at Chicago, which 
was used in Howells' life. 


(A) Persistent reports of copies bearing the imprint of Follett, Foster and 
Company, on the front wrapper, have been received, but I have been unable to 
locate such a copy. 

(B) The book was also issued with a portrait of Lincoln on the front wrapper. 
I have not seen this variant. Howard wrote a letter to McLellan which read, in 
part: "I have examined several copies of the book printed with and without the 
Cincinnati pictorial cover, and both seemed to me to be genuine." This letter it 
now in Brown University Library. 

Page Size: l h /% by 4% inches. 

Publication Date: Its appearance was first announced in the columns of the 
Ohio State Journal on July 26, 1860, to sell at ten cents. The late appearance of this 
life may have been due to the fact that Howard had incorporated in his copy some 
of the errors which he had passed op to Howells, and was required to rewrite the 
book. However, the preface is dated June 26, and thirty days was not a bad pro- 
duction record for his harassed and overloaded publishers. 

Discovery: The discovery of this life was one of the most colorful episodes in 
the history of Lincolniana. That genial and lovable veteran bookman, Charles P. 
Everitt, was operating a bookstore on Twenty-third Street, New York City, in the 

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Second state of page 32, Scripps's Lz/(? 0/ Lincoln. 
Second Edition. 


fall of 1901. During his absence one day, an unidentified man dropped into the 
store, and told the boy who had been left in charge that he would ship Mr. Everitt 
a box of books, providing that Everitt would pay the express charges. Such an 
agreement was made. From here on the story i9 best related in Mr. Everitt's own 

"A few days later I came in and found that the books had arrived and were un- 
packed. They were utterly worthless. I picked up the cover of a pamphlet, 
Howard's Life of Lincoln, and asked the boy what that was. That was the packing 
used to keep the books tight,' he replied, 'I threw the rest of them into the base- 
ment.' I told him to throw the books into the basement, and bring the packing 
upstairs. There were twenty-eight copies, two different imprints, and one copy in 
German. This latter was bought by Colonel McLellan, and is now in Brown Uni- 

Up until that time the book had been unknown. Howard certainly owed 
Everitt a debt of gratitude for dragging him out of obscurity. After considerable 
effort, Everitt located Howard working in the Library of Congress, and promptly 
wrote him inquiring as to the origin of the book. Howard replied: "I suppose you 
want my autograph, if so send two dollars." The still small voice of gratitude! 

Source: See No. 9. 


The campaign lives of various candidates, such as those we 
have described, were sold largely in metropolitan centers, by book 
agents, and from newsstands. Composite works, impartially set- 
ting forth the platforms of all parties and providing the biogra- 
phies of the different candidates, were prepared for distribution 
[ in thinly settled rural sections. They were, in brief, shotgun 
campaign documents, aimed to hit readers of every political faith. 
All such were published late in the campaign; in one instance a 
speech made as late as July 8, 1860 was quoted. 


Part I 

Wells' / Illustrated National / Campaign Hand-Book / for 1860. 

/ [Rule] I Part First. / [Rule] / Embracing the / Lives of all the 

Candidates for President and / Vice-President: / Including / 

i John Bell and Edward Everett, / Candidates of the National 


Union Party. / Abraham Lincoln and Hanibal Hamlin, / Can- 
didates of the National Republican Party. / Steph. A. Douglas 
and Herschel V. Johnson / Candidates of the National Demo- 
cratic Party. / John C. Breckinridge and Joseph Lane, / Can- 
didates of the National Democratic Party. / Sam Houston, / 
Independent Candidate for the Presidency. / With / Portraits of 
Each, / Engraved Expressly for this Work from Ambrotypes / 
Taken from Life. / [Rule] / 57 Illustrations. / [Rule] / New York: 
/ J. G. Wells, Cor. Park-Row and Beekman Street. / Cincinnati, 
Ohio: / Mack R. Barnitz, 38 and 40 West Fourth Street. / 1860. 

Part II 

Wells' / Illustrated National / Campaign Hand-Book / for 1860. 
/ [Rule] I Part Second. / [Rule] / Embracing a / Complete Com- 
pendium / of the / Political History of the United States. / From 
the / Original Formation of the Government / to the Present 
Time. / [Rule] / New York: / J. G. Wells, Cor. Park-Row and 
Beekman Street. / Cincinnati, Ohio: / Mack R. Barnitz, 38 and 
40 West Fourth Street. / 1860. [14] 

Collation (Part I): Yellow end paper; two white flyleaves; [3], pre-title; [4j, 
frontispiece; [5], title page; [6], copyright notice and printer's imprint; [7], table of 
contents; (8], blank; [9], list of portraits; [10], blank; [11], portrait; [12], blank; [13]- 
199, text; [200], blank. 

(Part II): [3], blank; [4], frontispiece to part II; [5], title page to part II; [6], 
blank; [7]-[8], contents; [9]-159, text; [160], blank; two white flyleaves; yellow end 
paper. Twenty-six plates. 

Binding: Black cloth. Spine lettered in gilt: Wells' / Campaign / Hand / 
Book / [Rule] / 1860. 

Page Size: 7% by i%. 


The Lives / of the Present / Candidates / for / President and 
Vice-President / of the United States, / Containing a Condensed 
and Impartial History of the Lives, / Public Acts, and Political 
Views of the Present Candidates, / with the Platforms of the 
Parties they Represent, Their / Portraits from Life, Their Letters 


of Acceptance, etc. / [Rule] / Cincinnati, — H. M. Rulison, / 
Queen City Publishing House, 141 Main Street. / Philadelphia, 
— D. Rulison, / Quaker City Publishing House, 33 South Third 
Street. / St. Louis — C. Drew & Co., / No. 125 Locust Street. / 
Geneva, N. Y. — J. Whitley, Jr., / Davis' Block, Water Street. 


(A) In Brown University Library is a copy with the following imprint: 1860 / 
Published by Mack R. Barnitz, / Book, Map and Chart Publisher, / 38 and 40 
West Fourth St. / Cincinnati. / Agents wanted. 

Collation: [i], title page; [ii], copyright notice; [3]-139, text; [140], blank; two 
pages of advertising matter, numbered [1] and [2]. 

Binding: Buff paper wrappers, printed in black like title page, but with a 
different border. Coats of arms of thirty-three states are on inside front cover, and 
on both sides of back cover. 

Page Size: 8% by i% inches. 


Portraits / and / Sketches of the Lives / of / All the Candidates 
/ for the / Presidency and Vice-Presidency, / for 1860. / Compris- 
ing / Eight Portraits Engraved on Steel, Facts in the Life of Each, 
/ the Four Platforms, the Cincinnati Platform, / and / the Consti- 
tution of the United States. / [Rule] / New- York: / J. C. Buttre, 48 
Franklin Street. / [Rule] / 1860. [16] 

Collation: [1], title page; [2], blank; plate (portrait of Lincoln); [3J-4, text; 
plate (portrait of Hamlin); [5]-8, text; plate (portrait of Bell); [9]-10, text; plate 
(portrait of Everett); [llj-13, text; [14], blank; plate (portrait of Douglas); [15]-16, 
text; plate (portrait of Johnson); [17]-19, text; [20], blank; plate (portrait of 
Breckinridge); [21]-22, text; plate (portrait of Lane); [23]-25, text; [26], blank; 
15-32, 10 text; two leaves of advertising matter. 

Binding: Buff paper wrappers. Printed in black: Price Fifty Cents. / Por- 
traits / and / Sketches of the Lives / of / All the Candidates / for the / Presidency 
and Vice-Presidency, / for 1860. / omprising [sic] / Eight Portraits Engraved on 
Steel, Facts in the Life of Each, / the Four Platforms, the Cincinnati Platform, / 
and / the Constitution of the United States. / [Rule] / New- York: / J. C. Buttre, 

10 The erroneous pagination at this point seems to have escaped the attention 
of bibliographers, for the book is usually described as having but thirty-two pages. 


48 Franklin Street. / [Rule] / 1860. Verso of front wrapper blank. Advertising 
matter on both sides of back wrapper. 

Page Size: V/ % by 5% inches. 

Note: On June 8, 1860, Buttre had the effrontery to advertise this book in the 
New York Tribune as "now on sale at all news-stands," although several of the can- 
didates had not then been nominated. This beautiful pamphlet was issued late in 

Buttre engraved the portraits for the Wide Awake Edition, and yet another 
set of plates was engraved and supplied to Follett, Foster & Company for HowelU' 
life of Lincoln. 


As a group, these are the rarest of all Lincolniana. So widely- 
distributed are the few surviving copies it has been impossible 
to make firsthand examinations of most of these rarities. The 
citations which follow are provided through the kind cooperation 
of the few fortunate owners. 


Das Leben / von / Abraham Lincoln, / nebst einer kurzen Skizze 
des Lebens von / Hannibal Hamlin. / Republikanische Candi- 
daten fur President und Vice-Prasident der Vereinigten Staaten. / 
[Printer's device] / Die Constitution der Ver. Staaten, Unab- 
hangigkeits-Erklarung, / und die / Platformen / der / verschei- 
denen politischen Parteien & c. / [Rule] / Chicago, 111. / Druck 
von Hoffgen und Schneider. / 1860. [17] 

Translation: The life of Abraham Lincoln, with a short 
sketch of the life of Hannibal Hamlin, Republican candidates for 
president and vice-president of the United States. The Consti- 
tution of the United States, the Declaration of Independence, and 
the platforms of the various political parties. 

Collation: Title page, verso blank; printed page, unnumbered, verso blank; 
4-108, text. 

Binding: The only known copy is in the Illinois State Historical Library. This 
copy is bound in mottled boards, with cloth backstrip and corners. The front wrap- 
per has been preserved; hence it is safe to assume that it originally appeared in paper 
wrappers. Printed in black: Das Leben / von / Abraham Lincoln / [Portrait of 
Lincoln] / nebst einer kurzen Skizze des Lebens von / Hannibal Hamlin. / Chicago, 


1860, / Druck der "Illinois Staats-Zeitung." Verso: quotation from Lincoln. 
Page Size: 6% by 4j^ inches. 

Das Leben / von / Abraham Lincoln, / nebst / Auszugen aus 
seinen Reden. / [Rule] / Aus dem Englischen von J. Q. Howard, / 
Uebersezt druch / Professor Wilhelm Grauert. / [Rule] / Colum- 
I bus: / Follett, Foster und Compagnie. / 1860. [18] 

Translation: The life of Abraham Lincoln, with extracts 
from his speeches. From the English by J. Q. Howard, trans- 
lated by Professor Wilhelm Grauert. 

Collation: [2], 57. 

Binding: Printed wrappers. 

Page Size : 7 by 4 % inches. 

Publication Date: First announced in the Ohio State Journal on July 26, 1860. 
There exists not a shred of evidence with which to support the contention that this 
was "the first Lincoln biography printed in any foreign language." Bartlett's life — 
see No. 19 below — was being offered for sale two weeks earlier. 

Note : But two copies are known : one is in the collection of Gov. Henry Horner, 
and the other in Brown University Library. 

Leben, Wirken und Reden / des / Republikanischen / Praesi- 
dentschafts-Candidaten / Abraham Lincoln. / Nach den besten 
amerikanischen Quellen: D. W. Bartlett, / Reuben Vose u. A. 
deutsch bearbeitet. / New- York, 1860. / Bei Friedrich Gerhard. 

Translation: Life, works and speeches of the Republican 
presidential candidate, Abraham Lincoln. From the best Ameri- 
can authorities. D. W. Bartlett and Reuben Vose. Translated 
into German. Rev. 

Collation: Pp. 106. 
Binding: Printed wrappers. 
Page Size: iy% by 4^i inches. 

Publication Date: On July 16, 1860, it was first advertised in various New 
York City newspapers, as being "on sale." 


Hanes Bywyd / Abraham Lincoln, / o Illinois, a / Hannibal 
Hamlin, / o Maine, / yr ymgeiswyr gwerinol am yr arlywyd- 
diaeth a'r islywyddiaeth; / yn nghyd a'r / araeth draddododd 
Mr. Lincoln yn Cooper's Institute, N. Y., / ar y 27 o Chwefror, 
1860. Hefyd, / yr esgynlawr gwerinol, yn nghyd a chan etho- 
liadol. / [Double Rule] / Utica, N. Y.: / David C. Davies, 
Argraffydd a Chyhoeddydd. / 1860. [20] 

Translation: Life history of Abraham Lincoln of Illinois and 
Hannibal Hamlin of Maine, the Republican candidates for the 
presidency and vice-presidency; together with the speech Mr. 
Lincoln delivered in Cooper's Institute, N. Y., on the 27th of 
February, 1860. Also the Republican platform with the election 

Collation: [1], title page; [2], song and music; [3]-16, text. A cut of Lincoln ap- 
pears at the beginning of the text on page [3J. 

Binding: Unbound, stitched. 

Page Size: 9% by S*/i inches. 

Note: The only known copy is in the Library of Congress. 

See No. 21 for Pottsville, Pennsylvania imprint. 

Hanes Bywyd / Abraham Lincoln, o Illinois, / a / Hannibal Ham- 
lin, o Maine; / yr / ymgeisyddion gwerinaidd am arlywydd ac 
islywydd yr Unol Dalaethau, / Erbyn yr Etholiad yn tachwedd, 
1860; / yn nghyd a / Golydiadau ac egwyddorion y gwerinwyr, 
&c. / [Portrait of Lincoln] / [Rule] / [Quotation] J [Rule] / Potts- 
ville, Pa.: / Argraffwyd gan B. Bannan, swyddfa y "Miners' 
Journal," / 1860. [21] 

Literal Translation: Life History of Abraham Lincoln of 
Illinois and Hannibal Hamlin of Maine, the Republican candidates 
for president and vice-president of the United States, for the elec- 
tion of November, 1860; together with the views and principles 
of the Republicans, etc. [Portrait and quotation]. 

Collation: [1], title page; [2]-16, text. 
Binding: Unbound, stitched. 
Page Size: %% by SY 2 inches. 




To the Directors of the Illinois State Historical Society: 


I present herewith a summary of the activities of the Illinois 
State Historical Society since the last annual meeting, May 15, 

The Society held its usual Illinois Day meeting in Springfield 
on December 3, 1936, with James A. James presiding. The 
speaker of the occasion was Dr. Joseph Schafer, Superintendent 
of the State Historical Society of Wisconsin, who took for his 
subject, "Was the Frontier a Safety Valve for Labor?" After 
the address, a reception was held in the Illinois State Historical 

A year ago I reported that the membership of the Society had 
dropped to the lowest point in many years — 697. I take pleasure 
in reporting the admission of fifty-three new members during the 
past year. After deducting losses by deaths and resignations, 
our membership shows a net increase, the first gain to be recorded 
in recent years. 

However, all indications are that we have barely begun to 
attract to the Society those who are potential members. In 
recent months the membership committee has been actively at 
work, and is planning to send out several thousand invitations 
during the coming fall. Directors and members of the Society 
can contribute to this end by furnishing the names of persons 
likely to be interested in membership. The committee believes a 
membership of 1,000 to be a goal which can be attained in the 
near future. The advantages which will accrue to the Society 
from an interested and growing membership are obvious. 

During the past year nine historical markers have been erected 
by the Society. This is a smaller number than was reported a 
year ago, but other demands upon the Secretary's time have been 


heavier, and besides, suitable sites for markers are no longer as 
numerous as they were at the beginning of this undertaking. If 
the experience of the past year is indicative of the future, little 
can be done on the Society's historical marker program unless 
one or two qualified persons are added to our permanent staff. 

The committee on popular publications, appointed at the last 
annual meeting, has made an investigation of the subject and has 
decided tentatively upon a list of titles, but two factors have 
prevented any further accomplishment. The first has been the 
difficulty of obtaining persons qualified to write both popularly 
and authoritatively, and inducing them to undertake to produce 
manuscripts for inadequate compensation; the other is the neces- 
sity of securing the approval of the Trustees of the Illinois State 
Historical Library, since funds for publication must come from 
this source. No difficulty is anticipated in this respect, but as yet 
there has been no opportunity to present the proposal to the 
Trustees. As to the merits of the plan, daily experience supports 
my conviction that almost nothing the Society could do would 
serve a better purpose or attract more favorable attention. Ex- 
perience, however, also indicates that to be successful these pub- 
lications must not be too restricted in scope; that in a word they 
must be truly "popular." 

You will remember that in 1932 the format of the Society's 
Journal was radically changed. The format adopted at that time 
has proved to be greatly superior to that which it superseded, 
but experience has shown that it also possesses disadvantages. 
A blue cover, for example, has a tendency to fade. Moreover, 
sometimes it has been impossible to obtain identical cover stock, 
with the result that we have used four different cover stocks in 
the past five years. In addition, there has been frequent criticism 
of the extended feature of the cover. The initial appearance is 
good, but it is easily defaced, and difficult to stand upright on 
book shelves. 

These disadvantages could be eliminated simply by substi- 
tuting a stock cover of a different shade, and trimming the edges 


flush with the text, but in my opinion, more substantial changes 
are desirable. In content as well as appearance I think the 
Journal could be changed with profit. At present it is a dignified, 
and sometimes dull, historical magazine of the traditional type, 
but I believe firmly that it can be made more sprightly and more 
interesting without lowering in the least the standard of scholar- 
ship which must characterize it. 

The publication of a state historical society should not be 
edited solely for the benefit of the academic historian; it should 
also be directed towards the person to whom the history of the 
commonwealth in which he lives is an avocation. This means 
that articles accepted for publication should deal with subjects 
having a fairly broad appeal, and should deal with them in an 
interesting manner. It means the inclusion of more illustrations, 
and perhaps the addition of one or two departments designed to 
catch the interest of a reader rather than to make a negligible 
"contribution" to an obscure point. The demands which such a 
publication make upon an editor are relatively heavy, and can 
be met only through the cooperation of a group of highly com- 
petent contributors, but the effort is worth making. 

The present format of the Journal hardly lends itself to the 
departures which I am recommending. Like every well-designed 
publication, its appearance fits its content perfectly, and if the 
content is changed, a certain lack of harmony will be immediately 
perceptible. I recommend that provision be made for redesigning 
the Journal, both to eliminate the practical disadvantages which 
I have outlined and to make it a more suitable vehicle for more 
varied and interesting content. 

I regret exceedingly the necessity of announcing the death, 
on January 15, 1937, of Paul Steinbrecher, one of our most faithful 
and active Directors. In addition to his connection with this 
Society, Mr. Steinbrecher was one of the Trustees of the Illinois 
State Historical Library, a leader in civic and cultural activities 
both in Chicago and the state, a discriminating collector of Ameri- 
cana, and an indefatigable student of history and literature. His 


death has meant a heavy loss to the Society and a personal be- 
reavement to many of its members. 

In the general membership of the Society, the following deaths 
have occurred during the past twelve months: 

Joseph B. Bacon Macomb 

John S. Felmley Griggsville 

O. A. Harker Urbana 

Sidney Kuh Chicago 

Tracy W. McGregor Washington, D. C. 

J. G. Mulcaster Hines 

Clifford R. Myers Charleston, W. Va. 

Louis Seidel Chicago 

W. E. Shastid Pittsfield 

Tryggve A. Siqueland Chicago 

William T. Vandeveer Taylorville 

L. 0. Williams Clinton 

Respectfully submitted, 

Paul M. Angle. 




The annual business meeting of the Illinois State Historical 
Society was held at the Henry M. Seymour Library, Knox Col- 
lege, Galesburg, on May 14, 1937. 

A quorum being present, the meeting was called to order by 
President James A. James. 

The Secretary read the minutes of the last meeting, which 
were approved as read. 

Dr. James notified the Society that the terms of five Direc- 
tors — Paul M. Angle, Carl E. Black, George C. Dixon, Theodore 
C. Pease, and Clint Clay Tilton — had expired. On the motion 
of Mr. East, seconded by Mr. Townley, these Directors were re- 
elected for three-year terms by acclamation. 

On the motion of Clint Clay Tilton, seconded by Mrs. English, 
Jewell F. Stevens of Chicago was elected a Director for the balance 
of the unexpired term of Paul Steinbrecher, deceased. 

Mr. East, from the committee on publicity and membership, 
reported that the committee had decided upon the form of a 
membership invitation to be sent to several thousand prospective 
members, but that in view of the fact that the invitations could 
not be ready for mailing before summer, it had been decided to 
defer further action until the fall. Various members present 
promised to supply lists of persons likely to be interested in join- 
ing the Society. 

Dr. Pease, from the committee on popular publications, re- 
ported that the committee had decided tentatively upon a list 
of titles, but that definite plans must await the decision of the 
Trustees of the Illinois State Historical Library, by whom funds 
for printing would have to be made available. 


Mr. Angle proposed that the format of the Journal of the 
Illinois State Historical Society be changed to eliminate a number 
of objections, and that certain changes be made in the content 
in an effort to make it of greater general interest. After discus- 
sion, the subject was referred to the committee on publicity and 
membership with power to act. 

On behalf of the McLean County Historical Society, Mr. 
Townley invited the Society to hold its next annual meeting in 
Bloomington. The invitation was accepted, subject to unforeseen 
contingencies which might make a different location advisable. 

There being no further business, the meeting adjourned. 




Present: James A. James, Paul M. Angle, Ernest E. East, 
Mrs. Henry English, John H. Hauberg, Henry J. Patten, 
Theodore C. Pease, Clint Clay Tilton, and Wayne C. Townley. 

By unanimous vote the Directors elected the following officers: 
President, James A. James; Vice-Presidents, Evarts B. Greene, 
New York City; John H. Hauberg, Rock Island; Frank O. Low- 
den, Oregon; Theodore C. Pease, Urbana; George W. Smith, Car- 
bondale; Frank E. Stevens, Springfield; Secretary-Treasurer, Paul 
M. Angle. 

The Directors adopted a budget for the next fiscal year, and 
then adjourned. 



OFFICERS, 1937-1938 

James A. James, George W. Smith, 

President Vice-President 

Theodore C. Pease, Frank O. Lowden, 

Vice-President Vice-President 

Evarts Boutell Greene Frank E. Stevens, 

Vice-President Vice-President 

John H. Hauberg, Paul M. Angle, 

Vice-President Secretary- Treasurer 


James A. James, Evanston Paul M. Angle, Springfield 

Laurence M. Larson,* Urbana Clint Clay Til ton, Danville 
Theodore C. Pease, Urbana Carl E. Black, Jacksonville 

Henry J. Patten,* Chicago Jewell F. Stevens, Chicago 

Logan Hay, Springfield John H. Hauberg, Rock Island 

George C. Dixon, Dixon Wayne C. Townley, Bloomington 

Cornelius J. Doyle,* Springfield Ernest E. East, Peoria 
Mrs. Henry English, Jacksonville 




Abolition riots (Alton) 152 

Abraham Lincoln Association 210 

Adamic, Louis 94 

Adams, John Quincy 10, 1 1 

Adjutant-general's reports 

source of local, history 47 

Allen, E. H 119 

Allen, George T 11 

Allen, William 115 

"Alma Mater" 20, 33 

Altgeld, John P 98 

Alton, 111. 

described 152-53,155 

levee 154, 158 

mentioned 109, 160 

Alton College 157n. 

Alton & Sangamon Railroad 


Amalgamated Trades and Labor 

Assembly 96 

American Board of Commissioners 

for Foreign Missions 55 

"American Bottom" 

described 158 

American Education Society 55 

American and Foreign Anti- 
Slavery Society 66 

American Home Missionary 

Society 55 

American Magazine 18, 20, 22 

American Railway Union 99 

Anarchists 95-98 

Anderson, Gates and Wright 214 

Angle, Paul M. 

annual report, Illinois State 

Historical Society 223-26 

mentioned 189, 227, 229, 230 

Anticapitalists 94-97, 99 


source of local history 46 

Antislavery movement. . .61-62, 63-65 

Arnold, Isaac N 9 

Art Institute (Chicago) 24, 27 

Asher & Company 200, 206 

Aurora, 111. 

described 181 

Austrian, Delia 18 

"Awakening of the Flowers, The". . 24 

Bacon, Joseph B 22 6 

Bailey & Noyes 190 

Baker, E. D 157 

Baker, Henry S 11 

Balch, Emily 102 

Baltic (steamer) 110, 111, 127 

Baltimore, Md 183 

Bannan, B 220 

Banvard, John 39, 41, 184 

Barlow, William 79n. 

Barnitz, Mack R 216, 217 

Barnum, P. T 85n. 

Barrett, Joseph Hartwell 

life of Lincoln 


Bartlett, David Vandewater Golden 

life of Lincoln 

. . . 191, 192-94, 199-201, 202, 219 

Barton, James L 112 

Bascom, Flavel 65 

Bates, Edward 

biographical note 113n. 

mentioned 118, 126 

Beaubien, Mark 4 

Beecher, Lyman 58 

Beecher family 69 

Beginning of a City, The 72 

Bell, John 

life of 215-16,217-18 

Benton, Thomas H : . 10, 11 

Berg, Michael 106 

Big Rock 180 


source of local history 48 

Black, Carl E 227,230 

Black Hawk 29 

"Black Hawk" 

statue by Taft 28, 29 

Blanchard, Jonathan 

antislavery activities 64-65, 66 

leads church faction 68, 70 

president Knox College 60, 63 

"Blind, The" 26,27 

Bodmer, Charles 40, 41, 42n. 

Bolles, Nathan H 78n., 81n. 

Bollinger, James W 189 

Bond issues 

source of local history 50 



Boone, Levi D 89 

Borodin, Michael 106 

Boston, Mass. 

trade 116, 119, 124, 126-27 

mentioned 117, 160,162,183 

Boston Courier 109 

Bradley, J. W 200 

Bragg, 122 

Bragg, Ingham & 207 

Breckinridge, John C. 

life of 215-16,217-18 

Breese, Sidney 10 

Broaders & Company 200 

Brown, J. Vincent 142 

Brown and Taggard 207, 211 

Brown University Library 


Buchanan, James 10 

Buckingham, J. H. 

delegate River and Harbor 

Convention 109-27 

tours middle west 127-87 

Buckingham, Joseph T 109 

Burdick, A. B 200 

Burlingame, Anson 119 

Burlington, Iowa 

described 176 

Buttre,J.C 201,217 

Caldwell, Billy (Sauganash) 6 

Caldwell, Edward 42n. 

Calhoun, John 5 

Calhoun, John C 10 

Campaign Hand-Book for I860, 
Embracing the Lives of all the 

Candidates, by Wells 215-16 

"Campaign Lives of Abraham 

Lincoln, 1860" 188-220 

Campbell, Juliet 131n. 

Campbell, William 1 

Capitalism 75, 76-77, 82 

Carleton, see Rudd & Carleton 

Carlin, Thomas 7 

Carthage, 111 169n. 

Cartwright, Peter 36 

Cass, Lewis 11 


source of local history 46-47 

Census reports 

source of local history 47-48 

Chamblee 6 

"Chanson de l'Annee du Coup" 37 


source of local history 50 

Chechepinqua (Robinson) 6 

Chicago, 111. 

anarchists 95-98 

described 116-17, 118, 123 

fire department 111-12, 122 

harbor 182 

Illinois and Michigan Canal 

terminus 155 

Industrial Congress in.. . .75, 80, 82 

labor movement in 92-99 

National Reform Association in 81 

nationalities in 93-94 

periods in history 72 

phases of development 100-101 

population 117 

River and Harbor Convention 

in 9-10, 109, 110-18 

socialists in ...94-97,99 

temperance movement in 82-92 

trade center 119, 120, 122, 

126-27, 128, 131, 145, 181-82, 186-87 

Wentworth in 1, 4-17 

Chicago Democrat 

Wentworth edits 5, 7, 11, 75 

Wentworth sells to Tribune 13 

mentioned 15, 80 

Chicago Press and Tribune Co. 


Chicago River HO 

"Chicago, Russian Community of 


Chicago Sanitary Commission.. . .90n. 

Chicago Temperance Legion 90 

Chicago Tribune 13 

Chippewa Indians 6 

Churchill, 39 

City Hotel (Chicago) 83 

Clark, Neil M 18,20 

Clarksville, Mo 166, 167 

Clay, Henry 10 

Cleveland, Grover 103 

Clinton House (Peoria) 135n. 

Cloud, Newton 143n. 

Codding, Ichabod 

life of Lincoln 197-98 

Cogswell, Amos 2 

Cogswell, Lydia (Mrs. Paul 

Wentworth) 3. 

Collins, James H 78n., 81 

Columbus, Christopher 30 


"Columbus Memorial 

Fountain" 28, 29-30 

Community plats 

source of local history 48 

Complete Works of Abraham 

Lincoln 212 

Compromise of 1850 82 

Congregational Church, First 

(Galesburg) 69 

"Congregationalists and Presby- 
terians in the Early History of 
the Galesburg Churches". . . 53-70 

Congressional Reminiscences 11 

Constitutional Convention 

(111., 1847) . . 127, 143-44, 146, 147 

Cook County, 111 .....182 

Cook County Maine Law Alliance 88 

Corning, Erastus 10 

Corwin, Thomas. . .10, 113, 114, 115 

described 132 

County histories 

source of local history 47 

Court proceedings 

source of local history 48-49 

Crain, John 143n. 

Crosby, Nichols, Lee & Co 207 

Culp, Dorothy 

article by 92-99 

mentioned 73, 101 

Currier, Nathaniel 40, 42n. 

Curtiss, James 112n. 

Cushman, Esther C 189 

Das Illustrirte Mississippithal. ... 41 
Das Leben von Abraham Lincoln 

[Anonymous] 218 

Das Leben von Abraham Lincoln, 

by Howard 219 

Davenport, George 176-77 

Davenport, Mrs. George 177 

, Davenport, Iowa 

described 176 

Davies, David C 220 

Dayton, H 192, 194, 199, 200 

Debs, Eugene V 99 

> Degan, Matthias 97 

' Degrand, 124 

i Delavan, 111. 

I described 138 

[ Democratic Party 74 

Derby & Jackson 

life of Lincoln 

191,192, 193, 199,200,201 

Detroit Free Press 4 

Dial (steamer) 134, 135 


source of local history 44-45 

Dixon, George C 227, 230 

Dixon, 111.. . .. 110, 180, 181 

Dobson, Austin 31 

Domesday Book 2 

Doolady, M 207 

Douglas, Stephen A. 

biography of 215-16, 217-18 

debate with Lincoln 1%, 210 

homestead bill 80 

Illinois Central Railroad bill. ... 10 

mentioned 5, 211 

Dow, Neal 88 

Doyle, Cornelius J 230 

Dresden, 111 131, 132 

Drew, C, & Co 217 

Dutch, Alfred 81 

Dyer, Charles V 78n., 81n 

Early, Robert 30, 31 

East, Ernest E 227, 229, 230 

Elder, Lucius W. 

article by 34-42 

Eldridge, see Thayer & Eldridge 

Engel, George 97 

English, Mrs. Henry. . . . 227, 229, 230 

Eustis, William T 113, 125 

Evans, George Henry 74 

Everett, Edward 

life of 215-16,217-18 

Everitt, Charles P 214, 215 

Exeter Combination 2 

Expositor 169n. 

Fabyan, Mrs. Nellie 19 

Fell, Jesse W 193 

Felmley, John S 226 

Fever River 

described 177 

Fielden, Samuel 97, 98 

Fillmore, Millard 10 

Filson, John 206 

Finney, Charles G 54, 82, 84n. 

Fischer, Adolph 97 

Fish, Daniel 200 

'Fish Boy, The" 20 

Fisher, J 134 

Fisher, N 134 

Follett, Foster & Company 



publish life of Lincoln 

. . .202, 203, 207, 208, 209, 210, 214 

"Foot Memorial" 33 

Foote, Charles C 81 

Ford, Thomas 154n. 

Foreign Language Project. . . . 102, 105 

Forrest, J. K. C 78n., 81n. 

Fort Armstrong 176-77 

Fort Dearborn 6 

Foster, Asa Emerson 3 

Foster, see Follett, Foster & 

"Fountain of Creation, The". . . .21, 32 

"Fountain of the Great Lakes, The" 

"Fountain of Time, The" 18, 21, 30-32 

Fox River 180 

Free Russia 105 

Free Soil League (Chicago) 78n. 

Free Soil Party 74, 81 

Frost, John 62 

"Funeral Procession, The" 28 

Gale, George Washington 

antislavery leader 61, 67 

desires theological seminary. ... 68 
founds Oneida Manual Labor 

Institute 62 

leads Galesburg colony 55 

leads Knox College faction 70 

leads Presbyterians 60, 63, 64 

mentioned 56, 59 

Gale, Mrs. George Washington.. 67-68 

Gale, Stephen F 122 

Galena, 111. 

described 177-78 

lead industry 178-79, 180-81 

mentioned 110, 175 

Galesburg, 111. 
first church in 54, 56, 58, 60, 65, 69 

Gale leads colony 55 

Illinois State Historical Society 

meets in 227 

railroad enters 68 

Galloway, Samuel 209-10 

Garfield, James A 10 

Gaston, Chauncy T 78n., 81n. 

General assembly proceedings 

source of local history 47 

"General Logan" 27 

General Thornton (ship) 126n. 

Geneva, 111 181 

Gerhard, Friedrich 219 

Godfrey, Gilman & Company. . . 152n. 

Goodrich, Grant 9 

"Governor Oglesby" 27 

Grauert, Wilhelm 219 

Greeley, Horace 10, 109, 126, 194 

Greeley, Horace, & Company 212 

Greene, Evarts B 229, 230 

Gregory, John Milton 22 

Griggs, S. C, &Co 207 

Hall, James 37 

Hall, Thomas Randolph 

article by. 102-108 

Hamlin, Hannibal 

biographies of 

190-92, 195-97, 198-99, 199-201, 
201-202, 202-205, 205-206, 207- 
11, 215-16, 217-18, 218-19, 220 

mentioned 193 

Hants Bywyd Abraham Lincoln a 

Hannibal Hamlin 220 ' 

Harbor Improvement Convention, 

National River and 9-10 

Hardin, John J. 

funeral 146-48 

Weatherford succeeds 149 

Hardin, Mrs. John J 147 

Harker, O. A 226 

Harrison, William Henry. . .7, 10, 188 

Hatfield, Robert M 91 

Hathaway, 39 

Hauberg, John H 229, 230 

Hay, John 212 

Hay, Logan 230 

Hayes, John L. 

life of Hamlin 207-11 

Hayes, Rutherford B 10 

Haymarket riot (Chicago) 


Heilbron, Bertha L 41 


source of local history 46 

Helmuth, Carl A 78n., 81n. 

Hemp manufacture 142 

Hennepin, Louis 35 

Hennepin, 111 134 

Hill, Horatio 5 

Hilliard, Gray & Co 122 

Hilton, Gallagher & Co 198 

History, local, sources of 

adjutant-general's reports 47 

antiques 46 

biographies 48 

bond issues SO 

cemeteries 46-47 

census reports 47-48 

charters 50 

community plats 48 

county histories 47 

court proceedings 48-49 

diaries 44-45 

general assembly proceedings. . . 47 

heirlooms 46 

household account books 45 

land abstracts 49 

letters 44-45 

military bounty reports 47 

newspapers 50-52 

organization minutes 50 

recollections 44 

record books 45-46 

state histories 47 

tax levies 50 

tax lists, delinquent 50 

tradition 44 

travel accounts 48 

village ordinances 49-50 

wills 48 

'History, Virgin Fields of" 43-52 

History of American Sculpture, The 28 

History of Chicago, A 72 

Hobart, Aaron 125 

Homesteads 74, 77, 79, 82 

Horner, Henry 211,219 

Household account books 

source of local history 45 

Houston, Sam 

life of 215-16 

Howard, James Quay 

aidsHowells 204,209,212 

life of Lincoln 214-15,219 

Howells, William Dean 

letter of 208-209 

life of Lincoln 


Hull House (Chicago) 103 

Hunt and Miner 207 

Huntington Library, Henry E. . . . 199 


internal improvements 153-54 

products 131, 140, 141, 142n., 

145, 150, 153, 154, 158, 178-79 

travel experiences in 

128, 132, 134, 135, 136, 141, 158, 
165-66, 167, 168, 175-76, 184-86 


Illinois Antislavery Society 61 

'Illinois as Lincoln Knew It". .109-87 
Illinois Maine Law Alliance. . . .88, 89 
Illinois and Michigan Canal 
comments on 127, 130, 131, 155, 186 

history 126n. 

Illinois River 

described 142-43 

Illinois Staats-Zeitung 219 

Illinois State Historical Library 

rare books in 198, 218 

Trustees 224,225,227 

Illinois State Historical Society 

annual business meeting 227-28 

Directors 229, 230 

Journal 224-25,228 

Secretary's annual report. . . . 223-26 
'Impressions of Lorado Taft" . . .18-33 
Industrial Congress (Chicago) .... 

75, 79n., 80, 82 

Ingham & Bragg 207 

Internal improvements (111.). . .153-54 

International, The 94 

International Studio Magazine. ... 18 
International Workingmen's 

Association 95, 96 

Ives, James Merritt 40, 42n. 

Jackson, Andrew 10 

Jackson, see Derby & Jackson 

Jacksonville, 111. 

described 151 

Hardin funeral at 146-48, 157 

mentioned 109 

James, James A.. . .223, 227, 229, 230 

'John Wentworth: His Contribu- 
tions to Chicago" 1-17 

Johnson, Andrew 14 

Johnson, Herschel V. 

life of 215-16,217-18 

Joliet, 111. 

described 131 

penitentiary 155n. 

Jones, Fernando 78n. 

Judd, Norman B 11 

Juliet, 111 131 

Kane County, 111 211 

Kansas-Nebraska Act 82 

Kavanaih, by Longfellow 38-39 

Keats, George 37 

Keats, John 37 

Kellar, Herbert A. 



article by 100-101 

Kentucky (steamer) 165, 167, 175, 184 
Keokuk, Iowa 

described 167-68 

mentioned 175 

Keys, see Moore, Wilstach, Keys 

Kimball, D 190 

King, Charles 115 

Kingman, A. T 110n., Ill 

Knights of Labor 97 

Know-nothing Party 81, 89 

Knox College 

antislavery stand 67 

founders 60 

presidents 54 

quarrel among sects 70 

mentioned 65, 68 

Koerner, Gustave 11 

Krasnow, Henry R 107n. 

Kuh, Sidney 226 

Labor 76-78 

•Labor Movement, 1873-1895, 

The Radical" 92-99 

Labor Party of Illinois 94 

Lacon, 111 134 

La Fox (Geneva), 111 181 

'Lager Beer Riots" 89 

Lake House (Chicago) 

described 120 

Lake Michigan 110 

Lake Street House (Chicago) 83 

Land abstracts 

source of local history 49 

'Land Reform Movement, The" 73-82 
Lane, Joseph 

life of 215-16,217-18 

'Lane Rebels" 62,63 

Larson, Laurence M 230 

LaSalle, Robert Cavelier, sieur de 35 

La Salle, III 133 

Lassalle, Ferdinand 94 

Lead industry (Galena) 178-79 

Leben, JVirken und Reden des 

Lincoln, by Bartlett and Vose 219 

Lee, Artemas 113, 125 

Lehr und Went Verein 96 

Lesueur, Charles Alexandre 

40, 41,42n. 


source of local history 44-45 

Lewis, Henry 41 

Liberty Party 74 

Library of Congress 220 

Life of Lincoln, by Howard. . . .214-15 

Life of Lincoln, by Scripps 211-14 

Life of Lincoln; Also a Sketch 

of the Life of Hamlin, 

by Barrett. 205-206 

Life and Public Services of 


by Bartlett 192-94, 199-201 

Life and Public Services of 

Lincoln and Hamlin 195-97 

Life and Speeches of Lincoln and 

Hamlin, by Vose 198-99 


statue by Taft 33 

Lincoln, Abraham 

Buckingham comments on 

110, 136, 139-40 

debates with Douglas 196, 210 

at River and Harbor 

Convention 10, 109 

surveyor 193, 194, 197 

Wentworth supports 11 

'Lincoln, Campaign Lives of'.. 188-220 
Lincoln-Douglas Debates. . 196, 203-205 
Lincoln National Life Foundation 199 
Lincoln, His Personal History and 

Public Record 

by Washburne 197 

Lingg, Louis 97,98 

Little Rock 180 

Lives of Candidates for President 

and Vice-President of the 

United States 216-17 

Lives and Speeches of Lincoln and 

Hamlin, by Howells 


Lloyd's Steamboat Directory 40 

Lockport, 111 130, 133 

Locofocos 114, 118 

Longfellow, Henry Wadsworth 38, 39 

Loomis, Riley 14 

Loomis, Roxanna Marie (Mrs. 

John Wentworth) 14 

Louisiana (steamer) 124 

Lovejoy, Elijah P 62, 152n. 

Lowden, Frank 229, 230 

Luella (steamer) 158 

McCormick, Cyrus H 14 

McCormick Reaper Works 97 

McGregor, Tracy W 226 


McLean County Historical 

Society 228 

McLellan, Charles W 214, 215 

McMillen, James 206 

McNally & Co 190 

Maeterlinck, Maurice 26, 27 

Maine Law 87,88,89 

Mallory, Rickey & Company 


Maloney, Matthew S 4 

Manhattan (brig) 4 

Manierre, George 9 

Manning, Alonzo W 163 

Marine Temperance Society 85 

Marquette, Father Jacques 35 


delegates to River and Harbor 
Convention 112, 113, 115, 124-25 
Maximillian, Prince of Wied. . . .40-41 

May, William L 136n. 

Mead, Charles 38 

Medill, Joseph 92 

Memler, Henrietta L. 

article by 43-52 

Mexican War 148, 149, 151, 157 

Middleton, Strobridge & Co 205 

Midway Studios 

Rovelstad at 


mentioned 29 

Military bounty reports 

source of local history 47 

Miner, Hunt and 207 

Mississippi River 


152, 158, 159, 165, 166, 175, 183-85 
"Mississippi River as an Artistic 

Subject, The" 34-42 

Mississippi Valley 

artistic development in 39-42 

literary development in 37-39 

oratory in 36 

pioneer life in 35-36 

Mississippian Scenery; A Poem. . . 38 
Missouri River 

described 159,165 

Monroe, James 10 

Montrose, Iowa 167, 173, 175 

Moore, Henry 5 

Moore, Henry W 143n. 

Moore, Wilstach, Keys & Co 205 


comments on 174 

history 169n. 

Temple at Nauvoo described 170-73 
Morris, 111. 

described 131-32 

Mount Carroll, 111 180, 181 

'Mountain, The" 24 

Muelder, Hermann Richard 

article by 53-70 

Mulcaster, J. G 226 

Murphy, John 4 

Murphy, Mrs. John 4 

Murray, Sir John 81 

Mussey, B. B 113 

Myers, Clifford R 226 

National Christian Antislavery 

Convention 65 

National Reform Association. . . 74, 81 

Nauvoo, 111. 

described 169-74 

mentioned 110 

'Nauvoo Mansion" 173 

Neebe, Oscar. 97, 98 

New Hampshire Patriot 5 

New School Presbyterians 

antislavery views 62, 63, 65 

and Congregationalists . . .57-58, 60 
mentioned 61, 66, 69 

New York City, N. Y.. . 116, 162, 183 

New York Globe 78 


source of local history 50-52 

Nicolay, John G 212 

Norris, Joe L. 

article by 73-82 

mentioned 101 

North Alton, 111. 

described 156-57 

Noyes, Bailey & 190 

Ogden, William B 5, 74, 78n. 

Ogdensburg Railroad 

116, 124, 140, 186 

Old Fort (Chicago) 117 

Old School Presbyterians. . .57, 58, 61 

Olmstead, Frederick Law. 32 

Oneida Manual Labor Institute. . . 62 

Oquawka Spectator 37 

Organization minutes 

source of local history 50 

Ottawa, 111. 

described 132 

Lincoln-Douglas debate at 196 



Ottawa Indians 6 

Packard, R. D 189 

Palmer, John M 11 

Panic of 1873 94 

Panic of 1893 98-99 

Parker, Lucius H 62, 63 

Parks, Samuel C 208, 210 

Parsons, Albert 95, 97, 99 

Patten, Henry J 229, 230 

Patterson, E.H.N 37 

Pease, Theodore C 227, 229, 230 


Alton 155 

Joliet 155n. 

Peoria, 111. 

described 135-36 

mentioned 109, 134 

Persuhn, John 28 

Peru, 111. 

described 133-34 

mentioned 109, 155 

'Phases of Chicago History".. . .71-101 

Philadelphia, Pa 183 

Philippe, Louis 81 

Pierce, Bessie Louise 

article by 71-73 

mentioned 101 

Pierce, Franklin 10 

'Pioneers, The" 21, 33 

'Plan of Union" 55, 58, 59, 63 

Planters House (Peoria) 135n. 

Planters House (St. Louis) 

161,162, 164,165 

'Pleyel's Hymn" 147 

Poe, Edgar Allan 37 

Polk, James K. 

cabinet 10 

nominated for president 11 

vetoes harbor improvement bill 


mentioned 114, 156 

Porter, Mrs. Mary F 17 

Portraits and Lives of Candidates 
for the Presidency and Vice- 
Presidency 217-18 

Potawatomi Indians 6 

Povenmire, H. M 189 

'Prairie, The" 24 

'Prairie car" 156n. 


described 120, 128, 

133, 137-38, 142-43, 150, 153, 180 

Pratt, Harry E. 

article edited by 109-87 

mentioned 189 

Presbyterian Church, First (Gales- 

antislavery views 61 

Bascom pastor of 65 

drops Presbyterianism. . . .56,68,69 

founded 54,60 

Presbyterian Church, Second 

(Galesburg) ...68,69 

'Presbyterians in the Early History 
of the Galesburg Churches, 
Congregationalists and" . . . 53-70 
Progressive Central Labor Union. . 96 

Pullman, George A 99 

Pullman Palace Car Co 92, 99 

Putnam, Smith & Co 207 

Quaker City Publishing House 217 

Queen City Publishing House. . . . 217 
Quincy, 111 168 

'Radical Labor Movement, 1873- 
1895, The" 92-99 

Railroad riots (1877) 92,94 

Raymond, L 86 

source of local history 44 

Record books 
source of local history 45-46 

Reminiscences of Early Chicago 16 

'Republican" Book and Job Print- 
ing Office 197 

Republican Manual for the Cam- 
paign, by Codding 197-98 


Illinois 196,198,211 

Ohio 209 

Rickey, Mallory & Company 


Ringgold, 122 

River and Harbor Convention 

assembles 110 

delegates 109 

officers 113-14 

parade 111-12, 117, 122 

politics in 114,118,125 

resolutions 115, 125-26 

significance 9-10 

speeches 114-15,119 

River travel 
described 134-35, 158, 


165-66, 167, 168, 175-76, 184-85 

Roberts, D. L 83n. 

Robinson (Chechepinqua) 6 

Rock Island, 111. . . 176n. 

Roosevelt, Franklin D 33 

Rovelstad, Trygve A. 

article by 18-33 

Rudd & Carleton 190, 191 

Rulison, D 217 

Rulison, H. M 217 

Rusk, Ralph Leslie 36 

Russian in America, The 103 

'Russian Community of Chicago, 

The" 102-108 

[Russian] Independent Church. . . . 104 
Russian Independent Mutual Aid 104 

Russian Literary Society 103 

Russian Mutual Aid Society 103 

Russian Orthodox Cathedral 

(Chicago) ....103, 104 

Russian People's University of 

Chicago 106-107 

St. Louis, Mo. 

commercial center 160, 161-62 

court and courthouse 162-63 

levee 159-60 

Planters House 161, 164, 165 

mentioned 109, 158 

Sampson, William 79n. 

Sauganash (Billy Caldwell) 6 

Sauganash Hotel (Chicago) 4 

Scammon, J. Young 9 

'Scene in the Temple, A" 28 

Schafer, Joseph 223 

Schneider, 218 

Schwab, Michael 97, 98 

Scolly [Scollay], Leonard 161 

Scott, John 206 

Scott, Winfield 117 

Scripps, John Locke 

gets Lincoln autobiography. . . . 194 

life of Lincoln 211-14 

Lincoln article by 193 

mentioned 79n., 81n. 

Seidel, Louis 226 

Semple, James 

biographical note 156n. 

Seward, William H. 

life of 195 

'Shaler Memorial Angel" 33 

Shastid,W. E 226 

Shear, L 198 

Sherman House (Chicago) 

1, 15,16, 17 

Shurtleff, Benjamin 157 

Shurtleff College 

described 157 

Siqueland, Trygve A 226 

Skunk River 110, 182 

"Sleep of the Flowers, The" 24 

Smith, George W 229, 230 

Smith, Gerrit 81 

Smith, Hyrum 169n. 

Smith, Joseph 169n., 173, 174 

Smith, Mrs. Joseph 173 

Smith, Robert 136,140 

Snowhook, William B 79n., 81n. 

Socialism 94-97,99 

Socialistic Labor Party 94, 96, 97 

"Solitude of the Soul, The" 24, 28 

Sons of Temperance 87, 88 

Soviets 104 

Spencer, J. C 115,125 

Spies, August 95,97,99 

Springfield, 111. 

Constitutional Convention 


described 1^5 

population 146n. 

railroad to Alton 144-45, 154 

region described 139, 141, 145 

State House 143, 144 

mentioned 109, 140, 142, 147 

Stagecoach travel 

described 128, 132, 136,141 

State Bank (Springfield) 127, 144 

State histories 

source of local history 47 

State House (Springfield) 

Constitutional Convention in. . . 143 

described 1" 

Steamboats, see Baltic, Dial, Ken- 
tucky, Louisiana and Luella 

Steinbrecher, Paul 225, 227 

Stephenson, 111. 

described i76 

Stevens, Frank E 229, 230 

Stevens, Jewell F 227, 230 

Stickney, Benjamin I 61 

Strafford, Earl of (Thomas 

Wentworth) 2 

Strobridge, Middleton, & Co 205 

SunYat-Sen.. 106 

Sweet, Benjamin J « 



Taft, Don Carlos 22 

Taft, Lorado 

death 33 

education 22-23 

lectures at Art Institute 24 

makes casts of models 23 

Rovelstad visits 19 


"Alma Mater" 20, 33 

"The Awakening of the 

Flowers" 24 

"Black Hawk" 28-29 

"The Blind" 26,27 

"Columbus Memorial 

Fountain" 28, 29-30 

"The Fish Boy" 20 

"Foot Memorial" 33 

"The Fountain of 

Creation" 21, 32 

"The Fountain of the Great 

Lakes" 20,24,25,26,28 

"The Fountain of Time" 


"The Funeral Procession" 28 

"General Logan" 27 

"Governor Oglesby" 27 

"Lincoln" 33 

"The Mountain" 24 

"The Pioneers" 21,33 

"The Prairie" 24 

"A Scene in the Temple" .... 28 

"Shaler Memorial Angel" 33 

'The Sleep of the Flowers"... 24 
"The Solitude of the Soul" . 24, 28 
"The Thatcher Memorial 

Fountain" 20 

"Washington" 27 

Taft, Mrs. Lorado 33 

Taft, Impressions of" 18-33 

Taggard, Brown and 207, 211 

Tappan, Benjamin 10 

Tax levies 

source of local history 50 

Tax lists, delinquent 

source of local history 50 

Taylor, Zachary 10 

Tecumseh 6, 7 

Temperance Committee of the 

Chicago Presbytery 84 

Temperance Movement, 

1848-1871, The" 82-92 

Thatcher Memorial Fountain, 

The" 20 

Thayer & Eld ridge 

life of Lincoln 

195, 196,201,209,210 

Throop, Amos Gaylord 88 

Tiffany, O. H 90 

Tilton, Clint Clay 227, 229, 230 

Townley, Wayne C 228, 229, 230 

Townsend, W. A., & Co 207, 208 

Tracy, ISO 

Tracy, Mrs. 150 


source of local history 44 


comments on 116, 

124, 126, 140, 144-45, 155, 186 
Travel accounts 

source of local history 48 

Tremont, 111. 

described 137 

Trinity Episcopal Church 

(Chicago) 79n. 

Trollope, Mrs. Frances (Milton). . . 36 

Trudeau, Jean-Baptiste 37 

Turner, Frederick Jackson 72 

Tyler, John 10 

United States Hotel (Chicago) ... 4, 83 
Universal German Workingmen's 

Association 94 

University of Chicago 27, 71 

University of Illinois 27-28 

Utah 169n. 

Vallandigham, Clement L 13 

Van Amringe, H. H 80 

Van Buren, Martin 10 

Vandalia, 111 5 

Vandeveer, William T 226 

Village ordinances 

source of local history 49-50 

"Virgin Fields of History" 43-52 

Von Hoffgen, 218 ' 

Voronko, J. J 104n. 

Vose, Reuben 

life of Lincoln 198-99,219 | 

Wales, Prince of 12-13 j 

Warren, Louis A 189 I 

Washburne, E. B. 

life of Lincoln 197 j 

Washington, George 2 


statue by Taft 27 


Wayne, Anthony 7 

Weatherford, William 
described 148-49 

Webster, Daniel 10, 134n. 

Webster, Fletcher 

biographical note 134n. 

Weed, Thurlow 9 

Weld, Theodore Dwight 54, 58, 62, 82 

Wells, J. G. 

life of Lincoln 215-16 

Wells, Joseph B 157 

Wentworth, John 

ancestry 1-2 

associates 10-1 1 

biographical note 112n. 

characterized 11-12 

Chicago Democrat edited by 5, 7, 75 

in Congress 8-9, 10, 14,80 

death 16 

described 1,4 

early life 3 

farm 14 

hotel life preferred by 15 

mayor of Chicago 12 

monument to 17 

politics of 11 

River and Harbor Convention. . 

9, 10 

trip to Chicago 3-4 

views on capital and labor. . . . 76-78 
mentioned 6, 13, 14, 79, 137 

Wentworth, Mrs. John 

(Roxanna Marie Loomis) .... 14 

Wentworth, John, Jr 2 

Wentworth, Joseph 17 

Wentworth, Moses J 16 

Wentworth, Paul 3 

Wentworth, Mrs. Paul (Lydia 

Cogswell) 3 

Wentworth, Roxanna 15, 16 

Wentworth, Samuel 17 

Wentworth, Thomas (Earl of 

Strafford) 2 

Wentworth, William 2 

'Wentworth: His Contributions to 

Chicago" 1-17 

Wentworth Genealogy 15 

Wessen, Ernest James 

article by 188-220 

Whigs 74,81, 113, 114 

Whitehall, 111 149,150 

Whitley, J., Jr 217 

Wide-Awake Edition. Life and 

Public Services of Lincoln 


'Wigwam Edition." The Life of 

Lincoln 190-92, 193 

Wild, Maloney & Co 4 

Williams, A., & Co 190 

Williams, L. 226 


source of local history 48 

Wilstach, see Moore, Wilstach, 

Keys & Co. 
Wiltsee, Herbert 

article by 82-92 

mentioned 73, 101 

Windle, Ann Steinbrecher 

article by 1-17 

Winnebago Swamp 180 

Winthrop, Robert C 11 

Women's Christian Temperance 

Union 84 

W. P. A., see Foreign Language 

'Writing a History of Chicago". .71-73 
Wynterwade, Reginald de 1-2 

Yates, Richard 90,211 

Young, Brigham 169n.