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UNIVERSITY 
OF  PITTSBURGH 


LIBRARY 


IP^^I^EHS 


NEW  HAVEN  COLONY 


HISTORICAL    SOCIETY 


T 


TOL.    VIII 


NEW   HAVEN: 
PRINTED     FOR     THE     SOCIETY 

1914 


THE  TfTTLE,  MOKEIIOISE  A-  TAYLOK    IT.ESS 


(Tontcnts 


PAGE 

Prefatory   Note    iv 

List  of  Officers    v 

Committees vi 

List  of  Members    vii 

Papers : 

I.  Connecticut  in  Pennsylvania;  by  Simeon  E.  Baldwin   ....  1 

II.  An  Almost-Forgotten  New  Haven  Institution;    by  Chakles 

PvAY  Palmer    20 

III.  Eli  Whitney  Blake:    Scientist  and  Inventor;    by  Henry  T. 

Blake    30 

IV.  Rev.  William  Hooke,  1601-1678;    by  Charles  Ray  Palmer  56 

V.  The  Seal  of  Connecticut;    by  Simeon  E.  Baldwin    82 

VI.  The  Battle  of  Lake  George    (Sept.   8,   1755),  and  the  Men 

who  Won  it;    by  Henry  T.  Blake   109 

VII.  An  Old  New  Haven  Engraver  and  his  Work:    Amos  Doolit- 

tle;    by  WILLIAM  A.  Beardsley    132 

VIIT.    The  Congregationalist  Separates  of  the  Eighteenth  Century 

in    Connecticut;     by   Edwin    P.    Parker    151 

IX.  Robert   Treat:     Founder,    Farmer,    Soldier    and   Statesman; 

by  George  H.  Ford    162 

X.  Early  Silver  of  Connecticut  and  its  Makers;    by  George  M. 

Curtis     181 

XL       "The  Microscope"    and  James   Gates   Percival;     by   James 

KixGSLEY  Blake    215 

XII.  The    Fundamental    Orders    and    the    Charter;     by    Samuel 

Hart    238 

XIII.  British    Prisoners-of-War    in    Hartford    during   the    Revolu- 

tion ;    by  Herbert  H.  White   255 

XIV.  The  Fenians  of  the  Long-ago  Sixties ;    by  Laurence  O'Brien         277 
XV..      Thomas  Green ;    by  Albert  C.  Bates   289 

XVI.  The  Old  New  Haven  Bank;    by  Theodore  S.  Woolsey 310 

XVII.  The  New  Haven  of  Two  Hundred  Years  Ago;  by  Franklin 

B.  Dexter    329 

Inscriptions  on  Tombstones  in  New  Haven  prior  to  1800;    edited 

by  Franklin  B.  Dexter   351 

Index    357 


lprefatoi\>  Bote 


The  New  Haven  Colony  Historical  Society  lias  published  eight  volumes 
of  its  papers;  Vol.  I,  in  1865;  Vol.  II,  in  1877;  Vol.  Ill,  in  1882;  Vol. 
IV,  in  1888;  Vol.  V,  in  1894;  Vol.  VI,  in  1900;  Vol.  VII,  in  1908;  and 
Vol.  VIIT,  in  1914. 

The  Society  does  not  consider  itself  committed  to  the  support  of  the 
positions  taken  in  any  of  the  papers  thus  published.  For  the  statements 
or  conclusions  of  each,  the  author  is  alone  responsible. 


WILLIAM  A.  BEARDSLEY, 
HENRY  T.  BLAKE, 
SIMEON"  E.  BALDWIN, 
WILLISTON  WALKER, 
THEODORE  S.  WOOLSEY, 


Publication 

Committee. 


©mccrs  of  the  IRew  Maven  (Tolonv^ 
Mistorical  Society 

1913*1914 


President : 
WILLIAM  A.  BEARDSLEY. 

First  Vice  President:  Second  Vice  President: 

ELI  WHITNEY.  BURTON  MANSFIELD, 

Secretary:  Assistant  Secretary: 

HENRY  T.  BLAKE.  THOMAS  M.  PRENTICE. 

Treasurer : 
GEORGE  A.  ROOT. 

Advisory  Committee 
(Constituting  with  the  above  named  a  Board  of  Directors)  : 
Arthur  T.  Hadley,  President  of  Yale  University,  ex-officio. 
Frank  J.  Rice,  Mayor  of  the  City  of  New  Haven,  ex-officio. 
Frederick  E.  Whittaker,  Town  Clerk  of  New  Haven,  ex-officio. 

Honorary  Directors  in  Permanency 
(With  power  of  voting  in  Board  of  Directors) 
Arthur  M.  Wheeler,  George  B.  Adams, 

Henry  F.  English,  Henry  L,  Hotchkiss, 

WiLLisTON  Walker. 

Directors  for  One  Tear: 
Theodore  S.  Woolsey,  Rutherford  Trowbridge, 

Charles  R.  Palmer,  Henry  H.  Townsend, 

F.  Wells  Williams. 

Directors  for  Two  Years: 
Edward  E.  Bradley,  Benjamin  R.  English, 

Edward  A.  Bowers,  George  D.  Watrous, 

Francis  B.  Trowbridge. 

Directors  for  Three  Years: 
Simeon  E.  Baldwin,  William  S.  Pardee, 

Livingston  W.  Cleaveland,  Leonard  M.  Daggett, 

Talcott  H.  Russell. 

Librarian  and  Curator: 
Frederick  Bostwick. 

Colonial  Hall,  the  building  of  the  Society,  is  open  to  the  public  daily, 
except  holidays,  from  9.30  a.  m.  to  12.30  p.  m.,  and  from  2  p.  m.  to  5  p.  m.; 
in  the  winter  months  closed  at  4  p.  m. 


Telephone :    1700. 


StanMmj  Committees  for  1913^1914 


Executive  Committee : 
The  President, 
The  Seceetaby, 
Edwaed  E.  Bradley, 
Henry  F.  English, 
Burton  Mansfield. 

Finance  Committee  : 
Benjamin  K.  English, 
Rutherford  Teowbeidge, 
Eli  Whitney. 

House  Committee : 
Edwaed  A.  Bowers, 
Arthur  M.  Wheeler, 
Simeon  E.  Baldwin, 
Henry  F.  English, 
Leonard  M.  Daggett. 


Library  Committee: 
The  President, 
Frederick  Bostwick, 
Edward  A.  Bovvers, 
Francis  B.  Trowbridge, 
William  S.  Pardee. 

Committee  on  Placing   Memorial 
Tablets: 
Henry  T.  Blake, 
Simeon  E.  Baldwin, 
Taxcott  H.  Russell. 

Committee  on  Relics: 
Thomas  M.  Prentice, 
George  B.  Adams, 
Livingston  W.  Cleaveland, 
Rutherford  Trowbridge, 
Francis  B.  Trowbridge. 


Puhlication  Committee: 
The  President, 
The  Secretary, 
Simeon  E.  Baldwin, 
Williston  Walker, 
Theodore  S.  Woolsey. 

Committee  on  Papers  to  be  Read: 
The  President, 
The  Secretary, 
George  D.  Wateous, 
Arthur  M.  Wheeler, 
F.  Wells  W^illiams. 

Committee  on  New  Members: 
Henry  H.  Townshend, 
Thomas  M.  Prentice, 
Wilson  H.  Lee. 


Ladies'  Auxiliary  Committee: 
IVIiss  Geraldine  Carmalt, 
Mrs.  Arnon  A.  Alling, 
]\Irs.  William  A.  Beardsley, 
Miss  Fannie  A.  Bowers, 
Mrs.  Frederick  F.  Brewster, 
Miss  Mary  B.  Bristol, 
Mrs.  Henry  Champion, 
Mrs.  Henry  F.  English, 
Mrs.  Joseph  M.  Flint, 
Mrs.  H.  Stuart  Hotchkiss, 
Mrs.  George  Harrison  Gray, 
Mrs.  Burton  Mansfield, 
Mrs.  Talcott  H.  Russell, 
]\fRS.  J.  B.  Sargent, 
Miss  Mary  E.  Scranton, 
Miss  Edith  Walker, 
Mrs.  Arthur  M.  Wheeler, 
Mrs.  Eli  Whitney. 


fiDembere  of  tbc  Society 


Ibonorar^  /Iftembcrs 

Epher  Whitakeb,  SoutJwld,  N.  T.      Samuel  Hart,  Middletoion,  Conn. 
William  C.  Winslow,  Boston,  Mass.  Edwin  S.  Lines,  Neivark,  N.  J. 

CorresponDinci  /iftembers 

L.  Vernon  Briggs,  Hanover,  Blass. 


%\tc  /Bbembcrs 


Roger  S.  Baldwin, 
Simeon  E.  Baldwin, 
L.  Wheeler  Beeelier, 
Hiram  Bingham, 
Frederick  Bostwick, 
Miss  Fannie  A.  Bowers, 
Edward  E.  Bradley, 
Ericsson  F.  Buslmell,  N.  1 
William  H.  Carmalt, 
Franklin  B.  Dexter, 
Henry  F.  English, 
Mrs.  Henry  F.  English, 
Henry  W.  Farnam, 
Frederick  B.  Farnsworth, 
Franklin  Farrel,  Jr.,  Ansonia, 
George  H.  Ford, 
Edwin  S.  Greeley, 
Edward  A.  Harriman, 


■  Henry  L.  Hotchkiss, 

Henry  Stuart  Hotchkiss, 

Miss  Susan  V.  Hotchkiss, 

Miss  Mary  S.  Johnstone, 

William  S.  Pardee, 

Edwin  Rowe, 

Charles  B.  Rowland,  GreemoicJi, 
City,         Mrs.  Charles  B.  Rowland,  Grcenioich, 

Mrs.  Joseph  B.  Sargent, 

Joel  A.  Sperry, 
i  Mrs.  Elizabeth  Pratt  Stevens, 
I  Henry  K.  Townshend, 

Rutherford  Trowbridge, 

William  R.  H.  Trowbridge, 

Mrs.  Robert  B.  Wade, 

Eli  Whitney, 

Arthur  W.  Wright. 


annual  /llbembers 


Wilbur  C.  Abbott, 

George  B.  Adams, 

Nelson  Adams,  Springfield,  Mass., 

Frederick  M.  Adler, 

Max  Adler, 

Mrs.  W.  F.  Alcorn, 

Arnon  A.  Ailing, 

Arthur  N.  Ailing, 

David  R.  Ailing, 

John  W.  Ailing, 

Joseph  Anderson,  Woodmont, 

Charles  M.  Andrews, 


George  L.  Armstrong, 
Henry  B.  Armstrong, 
Ricardo  F.  Armstrong, 
Frank  G.  Atwood, 
Samuel  R.  Avis, 
Harry  L.  Babcock, 
Leonard  W.  Bacon, 
Mrs.  Henry  Baldwin, 
Amos  F.  Barnes, 
Thomas  R.  Barnum, 
George  J.  Bassett, 
Mrs.  Samuel  A.  Bassett. 


VUl 


MEMBEES   OF  THE   SOCIETY, 


Vernal  W.  Bates, 

John  K.  Beach, 

Miss  Elisabeth  M.  Eeardsley, 

William  A.  Beardsley, 

William  Beebe, 

William  S.  Beecher, 

Mrs.  Philo  S.  Bennett, 

Thomas  G.  Bennett, 

Miss  Emily  Betts, 

Frank  L.  Bigelow, 

Louis  B.  Bishop, 

Mrs.  Timothy  H.  Bishop, 

Henry  T.  Blake, 

Charles  W.  Blakeslee,  Jr., 

Burton  L.  Blatchley, 

Clarence  B.  Bolmer, 

Edward  A.  Bowers, 

Andrew  E.  Bradley, 

Edward  M.  Bradley, 

Frederick  T.  Bradley, 

Mrs.  Frederick  T.  Bradley, 

Miss  S.  L.  Bradley, 

Frederick  F.  Brewster, 

John  W.  Bristol, 

Miss  Mary  B.  Bristol, 

Samuel  L,  Bronson, 

Isaac  W.  Brooks,  Torrington, 

Mrs.  Robert  A.  Brown, 

Fred  B.  Bunnell, 

George  F.  Burgess, 

Charles  E.  Burton, 

George  E.  Burton, 

Winthrop  G.  Bushnell, 

Timothy  E.  Byrnes,  Boston,  Mass., 

Eugene  A.  Callahan, 

Walter  Camp, 

John  H.  Cannon, 

LeGrand  Cannon, 

Lester  Card,  Ansonia, 

Mrs.  Henry  Champion, 

John  N.  Champion, 

Edwin  L.  Chapman, 

Horace  F.  Chase, 

Minotte  E.  Chatfield, 

F.  Joseph  Chatterton, 

Herman  D.  Clark, 

Livingston  W.  Cleaveland, 


George  E.  Coan, 

Ward  Coe, 

Miss  Augusta  J.  Cooper, 

Miss  Harriett  J.  Cooper, 

Frank  Addison  Corbin, 

Louis  C.  Cowles, 

John  D.  Coyle, 

George  M.  Curtis,  Meriden, 

Mrs.  T.  W.  T.  Curtis, 

Franklin  A.  Curtiss, 

David  Daggett, 

Leonard  M.  Daggett, 

Mrs.  Leonard  M.  Daggett, 

Edward  S.  Dana, 

Clarence  B.  Dann, 

Harry  G.  Day, 

Miss  Mary  E.  Day, 

Osborne  A.  Day, 

Charles  S.  DeForest, 

Eugene  DeForest, 

Samuel  C.  Deming, 

Eobert  C.  Denison, 

Fred  W.  Dietter, 

John  H.  Dillon, 

William  H.  Douglass, 

Miss  Eliza  deForest  Downer, 

John  I.  H.  Downes, 

Timothy  Dwight, 

Mrs.  Daniel  C.  Eaton, 

Benjamin  E.  English, 

James  English, 

Lewis  H.  English, 

Miss  Olivia  H.  English, 

Alexander  W.  Evans, 

Henry  W.  Farnam,  Jr., 

Miss  Katherine  K.  Farnam, 

Miss  Louise  W.  Farnam, 

Thomas  W.  Farnam, 

William  W.  Farnam, 

Mrs.  William  W.  Farnam, 

Max  Farrand, 

Bruce  Fenn, 

Wallace  B.  Fenn, 

Harry  B.  Ferris, 

William  T.  Fields, 

Irving  Fisher, 

Samuel  H.  Fisher, 


MEMBEES  OF  THE   SOCIETY. 


IX 


John  B.  Fitch, 
Charles  J.  Foote, 
Ellsworth  I.  Foote, 
Pierrepont  B.  Foster, 
John  S.' Fowler, 
Henry  Fresenius, 
Nathaniel  L.  Garfield, 
George  W.  F.  Gillette, 
Charles  E.  Graham, 
*Mrs.  George  M.  Grant, 
Frederick  D.  Grave, 
Arthur  C.  Graves, 
Mrs.  George  Harrison  Graj^, 
Mrs.  Mary  F.  Woods  Greist, 
Mrs.  Mary  T.  Gridley, 
Frank  W.  Guion, 
George  M.  Gunn,  Milford, 
William  H.  Hackett, 
Arthur  T.  Hadley, 
Miss  Elizabeth  M.  Hall, 
Henry  A.  L.  Hall, 
Edwin  Hallock,  Derhy, 
James  A.  Hamilton, 
Charles  S.  Hamilton, 
Alfred  E.  Hammer, 
Adoniram  J.  Harmount, 
Mrs.  Lynde  Harrison, 
William  F.  Hasselbach, 
William  T.  Hayes, 
James  S.  Hemingway, 
Samuel  Hemingway, 
Nathan  W.  Hendryx, 
John  Henney, 
James  Hillhouse, 
Mrs.  James  Hillhouse, 
Carleton  E.  Hoadley, 
Mrs.  Horace  P.  Hoadley, 
Clarence  E.  Hooker, 
Thomas  Hooker, 
Hobart  L.  Hotchkiss, 
Justus  S.  Hotchkiss, 
Philip  Hugo, 
William  H.  Hull, 
F.  Thornton  Hunt, 
Samuel  W.  Hurlburt, 
JMrs.  Charles  L.  Ives, 
Hobart  B.  Ives, 


L.  Erwin  Jacobs, 
Allen  Johnson, 
Joseph  C.  Johnson, 
Moses  Joy, 
John  B.  Judson, 
John  C.  Kebabian, 
Andrew  Keogh, 
Frederick  J.  Kingsbury, 
Mrs.  William  L.  Kingsley, 
Cornelius  L.  Kitchel, 
Isaac  L.  Kleiner, 
H.  M.  Kochersperger, 
George  T.  Ladd, 
Lyman  M.  Law, 
Wilson  H.  Lee, 
George  W.  Lewis, 
C.  Purdy  Lindsley, 
H.  Wales  Lines,  Meriden, 
Harry  K.  Lines, 
Samuel  Lloyd, 
Edwin  H.  Lockwood, 
Seymour  C.  Loomis, 
Walter  E.  Malley, 
Burton  Mansfield, 
Mrs.  Burton  Mansfield, 
Edward  F,  Mansfield, 
Louis  A.  Mansfield, 
Stanley  Mansfield, 
John  T.  Manson, 
Mrs.  John  T.  Manson, 
Mrs.  George  A.  Mathews, 
A.  McC'lellan  Mathewson, 
Charles  B.  Matthewman, 
Charles  M.  Matthews, 
Oscar  E.  Maurer, 
John  P.  McCusker, 
James  E.  McGann, 
Virgil  F.  McNeil, 
Thomas  F.  Meagher, 
Adolph  Mendel, 
Charles  S.  Mellen, 
Eli  Mix, 

Phelps  Montgomery, 
James  T.  Moran, 
Samuel  C.  Morehouse, 
Elliott  H.  Morse, 
James  A.  Munro, 


'Deceased. 


MEMBEES  OF  THE  SOCIETY. 


Charles  H.  Nettleton, 

"■•'Henry  G.  Newton, 

Laurence  O'Brien, 

Norris  G.  Osborn, 

Arthur  D.  Osborne, 

Lewis  Osterweis, 

Samuel  K.  Page, 

George  L.  Paine, 

A.  Oswald  Pallman, 

Theodore  D.  Pallman, 

Charles  Ray  Palmer, 

Frank  W.  Pardee, 

Henry  F.  Parmelee, 

George  Leete  Peck, 

George  W.  Peck. 

Henry  H.  Peck,  Waterbury, 

Milo  L.  Peck, 

Cyrus  Berry  Peets, 

William  Lyon  Phelps, 

Andrew  W.  Phillips, 

INiiss  Lina  M.  Phipps, 

Edwin  S.  Pickett, 

James  P.  Pigott, 

Mrs.  Amy  B.  Porter, 

I.  Napoleon  Porter, 

Miss  Martha  Day  Porter, 

Thomas  M.  Prentice, 

Miss  Lillian  E.  Prudden, 

Horatio  G.  Redfield, 

Mrs.  Edward  M.  Reed, 

Horatio  M.  Reynolds, 

Edward  D.  Bobbins, 

Charles  L.  Rockwell,  Meriden, 

Edward  H.  Rogers, 

Henry  Wade  Rogers, 

Edwin  P.  Root, 

George  A.  Root, 

Henry  B.  Rowe, 

Henry  C.  Rowe, 

F.  Howard  Russell, 

Talcott  H.  Russell, 

Thomas  H.  Russell, 

Mrs.  Edward  Elbridge  Salisbury, 

Charles  E.  P.  Sanford, 

Mrs.  Henry  B.  Sargent, 

Zeigler  Sargent, 

Emmett  A.  Saunders,  Mis]iawaha,Inrl., 


John  C.  Schwab, 

Miss  Ethel  Lord  Scofield, 

Charles  0.  Scoville, 

Miss  Mary  E.  Scranton, 

Morris  W.  Seymour,  Bridgeport, 

Mrs.  Sarah  H.  Seymour, 

John  O.  Shares, 

Harrison  T.  Sheldon, 

Simon  B.  Shoninger, 

Mrs.  F.  W.  J.  Sizer, 

Walter  C.  Skiff, 

Clarence  E.  Skinner, 

John  T.  Sloan, 

Charles  H.  Smith, 

Henry  H.  Smith, 

James  B.  Smith, 

E.  Hershey  Sneath, 

Levi  T.  Snow, 

H.  Merriraan  Steele, 

James  E.  Stetson, 

Willis  K.  Stetson, 

Ezekiel  G.  Stoddard, 

William  B.  Stoddard,  Milford, 

Anson  Phelps  Stokes, 

Mrs.  Frederick  B.  Street, 

S.  Fred  Strong, 

Thomas  H.  Sullivan, 

Edward  Taylor, 

John  H.  Taylor, 

Ezra  C.  Terry, 

Edwin  S.  Thomas, 

Clarence  E.  Thompson, 

Paul  S.  Thompson, 

Mrs.  Sherwood  S.  Thompson, 

John  Q.  Tilson, 

John  A.  Tinira, 

George  H.  Townsend, 

Joseph  H.  Townsend, 

Raynham  Townshend, 

Charles  F.  Treadway, 

Courtlandt  H.  Trowbridge, 

Elford  P.  Trowbridge, 

Francis  B.  Trowbridge, 

Frederick  L.  Trowbridge, 

Hayes  Quincy  Trowbridge, 

Mrs.  Thomas  R.  Trowbridge, 

Winston  J.  Trowbridge, 


Deceased. 


MEMBERS  OF  THE  SOCIETY. 


XI 


Charles  A.  Tuttle, 
G«orge  Henry  Tuttle, 
Roger  W.  Tuttle, 
Julius  Twiss, 
Victor  Morris  Tyler, 
Mrs.  William  R.  Tyler, 
Richard  H.  Tyner, 
Isaac  M.  Ullman, 
Louis  M.  Ullman, 
Mrs.  John  Ulrich, 
Addison  VanName, 
William  F.  Verdi, 
Charles  M.  Walker, 
Williston  Walker, 
Mrs.  Williston  Walker, 
Thomas  Wallace,  Jr., 
Frederick  S.  Ward, 
Mrs.  Henry  A.  Warner, 
William  A.  Warner, 
Herbert  C.  Warren, 
George  D.  Watrous, 
George  D.  Watrous,  Jr., 
Mrs.  George  H.  Watrous, 


William  A.  Watts, 

Mrs.  Francis  Wayland, 

Smith  G.  Weed, 

Jesse  D.  Welch, 

Pierce  N.  Welch, 

Mrs.  Pierce  N.  Welch, 

William  S.  Wells, 

Alfred  N.  Wheeler, 

Arthur  M.  Wheeler, 

Edwin  S.  Wheeler, 

John  Davenport  Wheeler, 

Oliver  S.  White, 

Roger  S.  White, 

Mrs.  Eli  Whitney, 

James  M.  Whittemore, 

Charles  W.  Whittlesey, 

Frederick  Wells  Williams, 
1  J.  Rice  Winchell, 
I  Arthur  B.  Woodford, 

Mrs.  E.  C.  Woodruff, 
I  Rollin  S.  Woodruff, 

Theodore  S.  Woolsey, 
i  Albert  Zunder. 


CONNECTICUT  IN  PENNSYLVANIA. 

By  Simeon  E.  Baldwin,  LL.D. 
[Read  September  23,  1907.] 


Connecticut  has  bad  controversies  with  each  of  the  neighbor- 
ing States  in  regard  to  the  extent  of  her  territorial  limits. 
Quite  a  sizable  book  has  been  written  about  them.^  They 
began  almost  with  the  birth  of  the  colony.  Two  years  before 
the  adoption  of  her  first  Constitution — the  Fundamental  Orders 
of  1639 — she  was  wrangling  with  Massachusetts  over  the  title 
to  what  is  now  Springfield.  But  the  only  boundary  dispute 
which  led  to  serious  consequences,  and  whose  history  was 
written  in  blood,  was  that  with  Pennsylvania,  a  century  or 
more  later. 

The  original  charter  from  the  Earl  of  Warwick  to  the  first 
proprietors  of  Connecticut  who  could  show  a  paper  title, 
bounded  their  grant  from  Narragansett  river  for  a  breadth  of 
forty  leagues  "as  the  coast  lieth  towards  Virginia"  .  .  "from 
the  Western  ocean  to  the  South  sea."  Among  those  who 
obtained  this  patent  were  John  Pym,  the  leader  of  the  Long 
Parliament,  and  John  Hampden,  whose  resistance  to  the  ship- 
money  exactions  of  the  Crown  did  more,  perhaps,  than  any 
other  one  thing  to  bring  Charles  I  to  the  block.  Another  who 
came  later  into  association  with  them,  and  thought  seriously, 
as  they  did,  of  settling  in  'New  England,  was  Oliver  Cromwell. 
Had  he  made  the  venture,  under  the  Warwick  Patent,  it  is  safe 
to  say  that  he  would  not  have  overlooked  the  fact  that  the 
Western  boundary  it  named  was  the  Pacific  ocean. 

The  charter  from  Charles  II,  granted  to  Connecticut  in 
1662,  after  her  purchase  from  Governor  Fenwick  of  the  title 

*  Clarence  W.  Bowen,  Boundary  Disputes  of  Connecticut. 
1 


2  CONNECTICUT  IN  PENNSYLVANIA. 

"under  the  Warwick  Patent,  while  less  generous  than  was  the 
latter  in  describing  her  northern  boundary,  made  no  change 
in  the  western.  The  charter  phrase  fixing  this  described  the 
limits  of  the  grant  as  ''in  longitude  as  the  Ijne  of  the  Massa- 
chusetts Colony,  runinge  from  East  to  West  (that  is  to  say) 
from  the  said  ISTa'rrogancett  Bay  on  the  East  to  the  South  Sea 
on  the  West  parte,  with  the  Islands  therevnto  adioyneinge." 

Two  years  later  the  same  King  issued  a  patent  to  the  Duke 
of  York,  under  which  he  claimed  title  to  all  lands  betw^een  the 
west  side  of  the  Connecticut  River  and  a  line  running  from  its 
head  to  the  source  of  the  Hudson  River,  thence  to  the  head  of 
the  Mohawk  branch  of  the  Hudson,  and  thence  to  the  east  side 
of  Delaware  Bay. 

It  will  be  perceived  that  while  this  carved  out  a  large  piece 
of  the  lands  previously  granted  to  Connecticut,  it  took  away 
from  her  nothing  lying  west  of  a  line  running  southerly  from 
the  head  waters  of  the  Mohawk.  Under  a  royal  commission 
appointed  to  settle  the  bounds  between  this  grant  (under  which 
ISTew  York  was  settled  by  the  English)  and  Connecticut,  a 
judgment  was  rendered  on  E'ovember  30,  1664,  with  the 
written  consent  of  authorized  representatives  of  Connecticut, 
"that  the  creek  or  river,  called  Momoronock,  which  is  reputed 
to  be  about  twelve  miles  to  the  East  of  West-Chester,  and  a 
line  drawn  from  the  East  point,  or  side,  where  the  fresh  water 
falls  into  the  salt,  at  high-water  mark,  ISTorth,  ISTorthwest,  to 
the  line  of  the  Massachusetts,  be  the  Western  bounds  of  the 
said  colony  of  Connecticut,  and  the  plantations  lying  West- 
ward of  that  creek  and  line  so  drawn  to  be  under  his  royal 
highness's  government,  and  all  plantations  lying  East  of  that 
creek  and  line  to  be  under  the  government  of  Connecticut."* 

In  the  official  returns  by  the  authorities  of  Connecticut  to 
the  Lords  of  Trade  and  Plantations,  during  the  first  half  of 
the  eighteenth  century,  the  colony  is  described  as  bounding 
westerly  on  iN^ew  York.'j' 

'^Trumbull,  Hist,  of  Coim.,  I,  558. 

t  Hinraan,  Letters,  351,  362.  In  1680  they  referred,  with  more  caution, 
to  their  patent  as  giving  the  western  boundary. 


COISTNECTICUT    IN    PEI^NSYLVANIA.  6 

At  the  beginning  of  the  second  half,  however,  a  different 
tone  was  assumed.  It  had  by  that  time  become  generally 
known  that  there  was  good  farming  land  in  the  valley  of  the 
Susquehanna,  occupied  only  by  Indians,  which  fell  within  the 
limits  of  both  the  patents  named.  In  1753,  a  sort  of  syndicate, 
mainly  of  Connecticut  people,  was  formed  to  buy  up  the  Indian 
title  to  this  territory  and  plant  a  new  colony  there.  The  next 
summer  the  purchase  was  effected  from  the  Five  ITations  for 
£2,000.'^  The  other  colonies,  Pennsylvania  included,  seem  to 
have  viewed  it  with  a  friendly  eye,  as  setting  up  a  new  barrier 
against  Indian  attack;  and  at  a  congress  of  seven  colonies, 
including  Connecticut  and  Pennsylvania,  then  sitting  at 
Albany,  where  the  treaty  of  cession  was  negotiated,t  a  resolu- 
tion was  passed  that  Connecticut  and  Massachusetts  each  by 
charter  right  extended  to  the  South  sea,  although  it  was  recom- 
mended that  their  bounds  should  ''be  contracted  and  limited 
by  the  Allegheny  or  Apalachian  mountains. "y 

In  1755,  the  General  Assembly  of  Connecticut,  on  the  peti- 
tion of  the  syndicate,  then  consisting  of  about  850  persons, 
and  styling  themselves  the  Susquehanna  Company,  voted  to 
assent  to  their  intended  application  to  the  Crown  for  a  colony 
charter.  The  French  and  Indian  War  of  the  next  few  years 
made  any  movements  of  this  sort  inadvisable,  but  seven  years 
later,  as  it  neared  its  close,  a  number  of  people  left  Connect- 
icut for  the  Wyoming  Valley,  to  effect  a  settlement  under  the 
Connecticut  charter.  The  Indians,  who  had,  no  doubt,  by  this 
time  spent  the  money  which  they  received  from  the  syndicate, 
showed  an  unfriendly  spirit.  The  Pennsylvania  proprietaries, 
whose  charter  of  1681  covered  in  terms  this  territory,  exerted 
their  influence  at  court  to  check  the  immigration,  and  in  Jan- 
uary, 1763,  orders  to  stop  it  were  sent  from  England  to  the 
colonial  authorities  of  Connecticut.    A  delegation  of  Mohawks, 

*  Some  of  the  Indians  afterwards  asserted  tljat  the  tribes  never  consented 
to  tlie  sale,  the  treaty  being  merely  with  a  few  individuals  having  no 
authority  from  them.  Documents  relating  to  the  Colonial  History  of 
N.  Y.,  VIII,  624. 

t  On  July  11,  1754.     The  Susquehannah  Title,  44. 

%  Documents  relating  to  the  Colonial  History  of  N.  Y.,  VI,  885,  888. 


4  CONNECTICUT    IN    PENNSYLVANIA. 

led,  at  their  request,*  by  Guy  Johnson  of  'New  York,  appeared 
at  Hartford  to  protest  against  any  such  attempt  at  colonization, 
and  were  informed  that  these  commands  had  been  received,  f 

The  attention  of  Connecticut  and  of  the  Susquehanna  Com- 
pany was  now  given  to  endeavoring  to  secure  a  change  in  the 
policy  of  England.  The  company  sent  one  of  the  leading  men 
in  the  colony,  Col.  Eliphalet  Dyer,  to  London,  to  ask  for  a 
charter;    but  he  found  the  opposition  too  serious  to  conquer. 

By  order  of  the  King  in  Council,  a  line  was  settled  in  the 
fall  of  1768t  between  the  English  and  the  Indian  lands  in 
the  Wyoming  Valley.  The  Pennsylvania  proprietaries  then 
bought  up  the  Indian  title  to  part  of  the  lands  which  the  Eive 
ISTations  had  ceded  to  the  Susquehanna  Company  fourteen  years 
before.  Early  in  1769  a  new  immigration  from  Connecticut  set 
in,  to  find  their  grants  from  that  company  disputed  by  claim- 
ants under  the  Pennsylvania  authorities.  The  Connecticut 
settlers  were  thickest  on  what  was  then  called  the  East  Branch 
of  the  Susquehanna:  the  Pennsylvania  settlers  on  the  West 
Branch.  § 

A  petition,  somewhat  of  the  kind  reproduced  in  the  modern 
'^'initiative,"  was  now  presented  to  the  General  Assembly  of 
Connecticut  from  more  than  four  thousand  freemen  of  the 
colony,  praying  that  its  title  to  the  lands  in  dispute  should 
be  asserted  and  maintained.  There  were  then  but  about  ten 
thousand  freemen  in  all.  ISTone  of  the  signers  were  members 
of  the  Susquehanna  Company,  and  while  no  doubt  many  of 
them  were  secured  by  its  influence,  it  is  evident  that  there 
must  have  been  a  solid  public  opinion  back  of  it. 

The  claim  to  the  old  boundaries  of  the  colony  patent  was 
one  worth  contending  for.  The  swath  across  the  continent 
which  they  cut  out  for  Connecticut  comprehended,  west  of  the 
Hudson,  the  sites  of  what  are  now  Wilkesbarre,  Cleveland, 
Chicago  and  Omaha,  and  east  of  the  Hudson,  New  York  City 
fell  within  it.     New  York,  Connecticut  acknowledged  that  she 

""■  Documents  relating  to  the  Colonial  History  of  N.  Y.,  VII,  522. 
t  Winsor,  Narrative  and  Critical  History,  VI,  605. 
±  Boutell,  Life  of  Roger  Sherman,  71.  %  Ibid. 


CONNECTICUT    IN"    PENNSYLVANIA.  O 

had  lost.  She  could  not  contend  against  a  royal  duke.  To 
ISTorthern  Pennsylvania  her  people  were  disposed  to  cling,  and 
before  the  petition  had  been  presented,  the  General  Assembly 
had  appointed  a  committee  to  make  diligent  search,  both  in 
America  and  England,  for  all  grants  affecting  the  title  of 
Connecticut  to  her  charter  limits,  and  file  authenticated  copies 
of  such  as  they  might  find  with  the  Secretary  of  the  Colony.^ 
Subsequently,  after  the  coming  in  of  the  petition,  this  com- 
mittee was  directed  to  take  the  advice  of  counsel,  and  in  17Y1 
they  submitted  the  whole  question  of  the  merits  of  the  Con- 
necticut title  to  four  of  the  ablest  counsel  in  England,  Thurlow, 
then  Attorney  General,  afterwards  Lord  Chancellor;  Wedder- 
burn,  then  Solicitor  General,  afterwards  Lord  Chief  Justice 
and  Lord  Chancellor ;  Richard  Jackson,  long  the  agent  of 
the  colony,  and  Dunning,  afterwards  Lord  Ashburton.  They 
agreed  unanimously  in  a  favorable  opinion,  f  Commissioners 
were  then  (1Y73)  sent  to  Governor  Penn,  to  endeavor  to  obtain 
an  amicable  adjustment  of  differences,  or  else  a  reference  to 
the  Crown  for  a  settlement  of  the  boundary  line. I  ISTothing 
was  accomplished  in  either  direction,  and  thereupon,  in  1774, 
came  the  law  of  Connecticut  erecting  Wyoming  into  a  new 
town  by  the  name  of  Westmoreland,  and  annexing  it  to  her 
westernmost  county  (Litchfield). 

It  is  no  easy  task  to  trace  the  bounds,  at  any  particular 
period,  of  the  counties  of  Connecticut.  They  first  were  created 
in  1666.  §  Hartford  County  was  to  include  "the  Towns  on 
the  River"  and  ran  from  the  north  bounds  of  Windsor  and 
Farmington  to  the  south  end  of  "Thirty  Miles  Island" ;  jSTew 
London  County  from  "Paukatuck  River  with  IN'orridge"  to 
the  west  bounds  of  "Homonoscet  Plantation" ;  ISTew  Haven 
County  from  the  east  bounds  of  Guilford  to  the  west  bounds 
of  Milford;  and  Eairfield  County  from  the  east  bounds  of 
Stratford  to  the  west  bounds  of  Rye. 

*  Colonial  Eecords  of  Conn.,  XIII,   804,  366,   427,  518. 
t  Col.  Rec.  of  Conn.,  XIV,  445-460. 
tIMd.,  16,  461-482. 
§  Col.  Eec,  II,  34. 


O  CONNECTICUT    IN    PENNSYLVANIA. 

Under  this  arrangement,  Hartford  County  included  what 
is  now  Tolland  County,  most  of  what  is  now  Middlesex  County, 
and  part  of  what  is  now  Litchfield,  Windham,  and  ISTew  Lon- 
don counties.  Windham  County  was  incorporated  sixty  years 
later,  taking  in  part  of  I^ew  London  County.  A  quarter  of 
a  century  afterwards  Litchfield  County  was  incorporated, 
largely  out  of  !N^ew  Haven  County.  In  1774  it  received  the 
addition  already  mentioned  of  part  of  what  is  now  Pennsyl- 
vania, and  in  October,  1776,  by  one  of  our  first  acts  of 
independent  statehood,  this  accession  was  made  a  county  by 
itself,  under  the  name  of  Westmoreland  County.  Middlesex 
County  was  erected  in  1785,  and  Tolland,  a  year  later,  was 
carved  out  of  Hartford  and  Windham  counties. 

In  the  fall  of  1773  the  selectmen  of  each  town  in  the  colony 
had  been  directed  by  the  Assembly  to  take  a  census  of  its 
inhabitants.*  The  returns  were  tabulated  and  printed  in  1774, 
and  showed  that  of  the  ten  towns  then  constituting  Litchfield 
County,  Westmoreland  ranked  sixth  in  population.  It  num- 
bered 1,922  inhabitants.  Woodbury,  then  the  largest  town, 
had  5,224,  and  Winchester,  then  the  smallest,  had  but  327. 

Westmoreland  proved,  from  the  first,  strongly  attractive  to 
the  adventurous  spirits,  to  whom  the  "land  of  steady  habits" 
seemed  too  steady  and  unambitious.  It  was  there  that  William 
Judd,  removing  from  Farmington,  won  his  title  of  Major  (in 
the  24th  Connecticut  regiment)  and  began  the  active  career 
which  closed  with  his  impeachment  in  1804  for  having,  while 
a  justice  of  the  peace,  declared  that  Connecticut  was  without 
a  Constitution, — a  declaration  which,  as  much  as  any  other 
one  thing,  led  to  her  having  a  very  unmistakable  one,  fourteen 
years  later. 

The  Pennsylvania  proprietors  also  submitted  their  case 
to  English  counsel.  They  selected  Charles  Pratt,  afterwards 
Lord  Chancellor  and  Earl  of  Camden,  and  he  gave  an  opinion 
in  their  favor.  The  judgment  rendered  by  the  royal  commis- 
sioners, in  1664,  in  settling  the  boundary  dispute  between  the 
Duke  of  York  and  the  Colony  of  Connecticut,  after  a  full  hear- 

*  Col.  Eec.  of  Conn.,  XIV,  161,  263. 


CONNECTICUT    IN"    PENNSYLVANIA.  i 

ing,  which  had  been  solemnly  assented  to  by  the  Colony,  in  Mr. 
Pratt's  opinion  deprived  it  of  any  claim  of  title  west  of  the 
west  bounds  thus  established.  The  Connecticut  claim,  on  the 
contrary,  supported  by  the  opinions  of  the  four  counsel  before 
mentioned,  was  that  the  west  bounds  were  fixed  merely  as 
regards  the  patent  of  the  Duke  of  York,  and  that  it  no  more 
cut  the  colony  off  from  her  charter  territory  south  or  west  of 
ISTew  York,  than  it  added  to  her  limits  the  plantations  on  the 
other  side,  in  Rhode  Island. 

The  response  of  the  Connecticut  General  Assembly  to  the 
petition  of  the  four  thousand  freemen  was  far  from  eliciting 
the  universal  approval  of  her  people. 

In  March,  1774,  a  mass  meeting  of  committees  from  twenty- 
three  towns  at  Middletown  adopted  a  warm  protest,  embodied 
in  a  petition  to  the  legislature.  The  title  to  the  lands,  they 
said,  was  contested.  It  might  prove  defective.  The  incorpora- 
tion of  Westmoreland  might  be  pressed  in  England  as  a  cause 
for  the  forfeiture  of  the  colony  charter.  Bloody  tragedies 
might  ensue  from  the  clashing  of  jurisdiction  between  those 
claiming  under  Pennsylvania  and  those  claiming  under  Con- 
necticut. Emigration  would  be  encouraged  on  the  part  of  those 
who,  should  the  title  of  the  colony  finally  be  determined  to  be 
invalid,  would  be  reduced  to  poverty,  and  return  to  their 
deserted  homes  only  to  waste  the  residue  of  their  lives  as  a 
burden  on  the  community. 

A  war  of  pamphlets  arose.  There  was  a  letter  to  J.  H. 
Esquire,  of  47  pages,  printed  at  Hartford,  in  1773.  Rev.  Dr. 
William  Smith,  Provost  of  the  University  (then  College)  of 
Pennsylvania,  with  the  aid  of  Jared  Ingersoll,  wrote  a  paper 
in  support  of  the  title  of  the  proprietaries  under  their  charter 
of  1681,  which  was  extensively  circulated  in  Connecticut.  Rev. 
Dr.  Benjamin  Trumbull,  in  1776,  published  a  voluminous 
answer. 

But  by  this  time  subjects  still  more  important  had  arisen 
to  engage  the  public  interest.  The  battle  of  Lexington  had 
been  fought.  There  was  but  one  cause  for  patriotic  hearts, — 
that  of  America.     In  the  fall  of  1776,  two  companies  for  the 


O  CONNECTICUT    IN"    PENNSYLVANIA. 

Connecticut  line  in  the  Continental  army  were  raised  in  AVest- 
moreland.  Enough  more  were  subsequently  added  to  make  up 
a  meagre  regiment  (the  24th  Connecticut). 

Connecticut  had  made  preparations  in  1774  for  applying  to 
the  King  in  Council  for  the  appointment  of  Commissioners  to 
settle  her  dispute  with  Pennsylvania,*  but  in  March,  1775, 
Governor  Trumbull  wrote  to  the  Colony  Agent  at  London  not 
to  press  the  matter  "in  a  day  of  so  much  difficulty  and 
increasing  distress  as  the  present  between  the  two  countries. "f 

In  the  fall  of  the  same  year  he  wrote  to  the  President  of 
Congress  to  express  the  hope  that  that  body  would  intervene 
in  the  interest  of  peace.  "It  is  far  from  our  design,"  he  said, 
"to  take  any  advantage  in  the  case  from  the  present  unhappy 
division  with  Great  Britain.  Our  desire  is  that  no  advan- 
tage be  taken  on  either  side ;  but  at  a  proper  time,  and  before 
competent  judges,  to  have  the  diiferent  claims  to  these  lands 
litigated,  settled  and  determined:  in  the  meantime  to  have 
this  lie  dormant,  until  the  other  all-important  controversy  is 
brought  to  a  close.  The  wisdom  of  Congress,  I  trust,  will 
find  means  to  put  a  stop  to  all  altercations  between  this  Colony 
and  Mr.  Penn,  and  the  settlers  under  each,  until  a  calm  and 
peaceable  day.  The  gun  and  bayonet  are  not  the  constitutional 
instruments  to  adjust  and  settle  real  claims,  neither  will 
insidious  methods  turn  to  account  for  such  as  make  them  their 
pursuit."! 

In  December,  1775,  the  Congress  devoted  considerable  time  to 
the  consideration  of  the  questions  thus  presented.  The  Pennsyl- 
vania delegates  insisted  that  their  colony  must  have  jurisdic- 
tion over  the  disputed  territory,  and  said  they  would  not  abide 
the  determination  of  the  Congress,  unless  this  were  conceded. 
At  last,  each  colony  having  proposed  a  vote  that  it  would  be 
content  to  accept,  that  of  Connecticut  was  passed  (December 
20)  by  six  colonies  to  four.  This  "recommended  that  the  con- 
tending parties   immediately  cease   all   hostilities,   and   avoid 

*  Col.  Rec.  of  Conn.,  XIV,  217-219. 

t  Stuart,  Life  of  Jonathan  Trumbull,   175. 

i  lUd. 


CONNECTICUT    IN    PENNSYLVANIA.  V 

every  appearance  of  force,  until  the  dispute  can  be  legally 
decided;  that  all  the  property  taken  and  detained  be  restored 
to  the  original  owners ;  that  no  interruption  be  given  by  either 
party  to  the  free  passing  and  repassing  of  persons  behaving 
themselves  peaceably  through  the  disputed  territory,  as  well 
by  land  or  water,  without  molestation  of  either  persons  or  prop- 
erty; that  all  persons  seized  and  detained  on  account  of  said 
dispute,  on  either  side  be  dismissed  and  permitted  to  go  to 
their  respective  homes;  and  that,  things  being  put  in  the 
same  situation  they  were  before  the  late  unhappy  contest,  they 
continue  to  behave  themselves  peaceably  on  their  respective 
possessions  and  improvements,  until  a  legal  decision  can  be 
had  on  said  dispute,  or  this  Congress  shall  take  further  order 
thereon;  and  nothing  herein  done  shall  be  construed  in 
prejudice  of  the  claim  of  either  party."* 

One  of  the  ISTew  Jersey  delegation  who  kept  a  journal  of 
the  proceedings  of  the  Congress  observes  that  "the  Delegates 
of  Penn^  were  very  angry  and  discontented  with  this  Deter- 
mination of  Congress. "t  The  next  day  they  offered  a  resolu- 
tion that  no  more  Connecticut  people  should  settle  at  Wyoming 
until  the  title  to  the  lands  was  adjudged.  Meanwhile  the 
General  Assembly  of  Connecticut,  moved  by  reports  that  an 
invasion  of  Westmoreland  by  five  hundred  armed  men  from 
the  West  Branch  of  the  Susquehanna  was  apprehended, 
fomented  by  British  influences,t  resolved  "that  all  the  present 
inhabitants  in  said  disputed  territory  shall  remain  quiet  in 
their  present  possessions,  without  molestation  from  any  person 
or  persons  under  the  jurisdiction  of  this  Colony ;  provided  they 
behave  themselves  peaceably  toward  the  inhabitants  settled  under 
the  claim  of  this  Colony;  and  provided  the  persons  belonging 
to  this  Colony,  who  have  been  lately  apprehended  on  said  lands 
by  some  of  the  people  of  Pennsylvania  be  released  and  all  the 
effects,  as  well  as  those  who  have  been  already  released  as  those 
now  in  custody,  be  restored  to  them.     And  all  persons   are 

*  Journals  of  Congress,  I,  279. 
■f  Am.  Hist.  Eeview,  I,  297. 
t  Col.  Ree.  of  Conn.,  XV,  179. 


10  CONNECTICUT  IN    PENNSYLVANIA. 

hereby  strictly  forbid  making  any  furtber  settlements  on  said 
lands  without  special  license  from  this  Assembly,  or  giving 
any  interruption  or  disturbance  to  any  persons  already  settled 
thereon.  This  temporary  provision  to  remain  in  force  during 
the  pleasure  of  this  Assembly,  and  shall  not  affect  or  prejudice 
the  legal  title  of  the  Colony,  or  of  any  particular  persons  to 
any  of  said  lands  in  controversy." 

A  copy  of  this  vote  was  hurried  off  to  Philadelphia,  and  on 
December  23,  1775,  was  read  in  Congress.  John  Jay  of  'N&w 
York  at  once  moved  that  it  be  recommended  to  Connecticut 
"not  to  introduce  any  settlers  on  the  said  lands  till  the  farther 
order  of  this  Congress,  until  the  said  dispute  shall  be  settled." 
Such  a  vote  was  passed  by  four  colonies  to  three.  The  Connect- 
icut delegates  protested  against  declaring  it  to  have  been 
adopted,  on  the  ground  that  it  was  not  carried  by  a  majority 
of  the  colonies  present,  but  their  objections  were  overruled.* 

The  conflicts  of  jurisdiction,  and  seizures  of  person  and 
property,  recounted  in  the  various  papers  from  which  quota- 
tions have  been  read,  had  been  attended  by  very  grave  dis- 
turbances. From  1769,  when  after  several  years  of  inaction, 
the  Susquehanna  Company,  which  now  comprehended  some 
Pennsylvanians  among  its  members,  sent  a  new  force  of 
colonists  into  this  valley,  and  found  ten  men,  headed  by  the 
sheriff  of  ISTorthampton  County,  established  in  a  block  house 
to  oppose  them,  to  the  close  of  1771,  there  was  a  constant 
succession  of  serious  hostilities. 

Under  the  Pennsylvania  title  the  valley  was  laid  off  into  two 
"manors,"  the  eastern  side  being  called  the  Manor  of  Stoke, 
and  the  western  side  the  Manor  of  Sunbury. 

The  Connecticut  settlers  put  up  a  rough  frontier  fort,  Fort 
Durkee,  which  was  attacked  by  the  Pennsylvanians  with  a 
four-pound  cannon.  A  capitulation  followed  on  terms  that 
the  Connecticut  title  to  possession  should  be  respected,  till 
the  pleasure  of  His  Majesty  should  be  known.  The  garrison 
marched  out,  and  most  of  them  returned  to  Connecticut;  but 
it  was  not  long  before  news  followed  that  their  houses  had  been 

*  Journals  of  Congress,  I,  283;    Am.  Hist.  Rev.,  I,  288. 


CONNECTICUT    IN    PENNSYLVANIA. 


11 


plundered  and  their  cattle  driven  away.  The  next  year  the 
Susquehanna  Company  retook  the  fort,  seized  the  four-pounder 
and  invested  a  block  house  in  which  fifty  Pennsylvanians  had 
established  themselves.  After  a  short  siege  a  capitulation  fol- 
lowed, stipulating  that  the  property  claims  of  the  garrison 
should  be  respected  until  the  disputes  were  settled  by  the  King. 
This  stipulation,  in  turn,  the  Connecticut  settlers  violated. 

General  Gage,  then  in  command  of  the  royal  forces  at  ISTew 
York,  was  called  on  by  Governor  Penn  for  aid,  but  refused  to 
interfere. 

Captain  Ogden  recaptured  Fort  Durkee.  Colonel  Stewart, 
one  of  the  Pennsylvanians  belonging  to  the  Susquehanna  Com- 
pany, surprised  and  retook  it  by  a  night  assault.  Ogden  built 
a  new  and  stronger  fort,  Fort  Wyoming.  The  settlers  under 
the  Connecticut  title  besieged  and  captured  it. 

Four  years  of  almost  undisturbed  peace  followed.  The 
Pennsylvania  proprietaries  made  no  serious  attempt  to  expel 
the  settlers  under  the  Connecticut  title.  Civil  government  was 
set  up,  at  first,  with  no  authority  from  Connecticut ;  afterwards 
by  virtue  of  the  Act  of  Assembly  of  1774  which  has  been 
already  mentioned. 

In  May,  1775,  she  constituted  the  town  of  Westmoreland  a 
Probate  District,*  and  in  October,  1776,  made  it  a  county  by 
the  name  of  the  County  of  Westmoreland,  with  a  county  court 
of  its  own.  The  Superior  Court  was  to  go  out  and  sit  there 
for  the  trial  of  capital  cases,  on  the  order  of  the  Chief  Judge, 
when  necessary,  t 

During  this  period  the  proprietary  government  of  Pennsyl- 
vania was  coming  to  its  close.  In  1776  it  gave  way  to  a  pro- 
visional government  of  the  people.  One  of  its  last  efforts  was 
the  unhappy  invasion  which  again  stained  the  valley  with 
blood,  on  December  21,  1775.  In  this  about  two  hundred 
were  engaged  on  each  side  and  several  killed.  President  Stiles 
of  Yale  College,  in  his  Literary  Diary,t  declares  that  it  was 
a  stratagem  of  the  British  ministry  to  excite  confusion,  pro- 

*  Col.  Eee.  of  Conn.,  XV,  11. 

t  Records  of  the  State  of  Conn.,  I,  7,  229.  + 1,  660. 


12  CONNECTICUT    IN    PENNSYLVANIA. 

moted  bv  Philadelphia  tories.  The  records  of  the  Governor's 
Council  in  Connecticut,  at  a  meeting  held  in  the  preceding 
month,  show  that  they  regarded  the  expedition,  which  was 
then  being  secretly  organized,  as  really  for  the  purpose  of 
expelling  the  Connecticut  settlers,  though  under  cover  of  a 
broader  design  to  prevent  a  union  of  the  colonies  against 
Great  Britain.^ 

Three  years  later  came  the  great  massacre  which  gave  the 
death  blow  to  Connecticut  in  Pennsylvania.  Tories  and 
Indians  to  the  number  of  about  a  thousand  invaded  the  valley 
in  July,  1778.  The  settlers  had  some  warning  of  their  coming 
and  in  June  had  applied,  though  in  vain,  for  aid  from  the 
Continental  army.  Of  the  able-bodied  men  a  large  part  were 
in  that  army.  Forty  or  fifty  more,  recently  recruited,  and  not 
yet  schooled  in  the  exercises  of  war,  who  were  still  in  the 
valley,  manned  the  defences,  with  such  assistance  as  could  be 
rendered  by  a  few  militia,  and  a  reserve  of  boys  and  old  men. 

The  story  of  the  battle  that  followed  has  been  often  told. 
The  settlers,  in  despair  of  reinforcements,  determined  to 
attack  the  enemy,  hoping  to  surprise  them.  They  found  them 
ready  and  in  line.  A  brisk  action  was  followed  by  the  total 
defeat  of  the  American  forces.  Among  those  who  fell  was  one 
of  the  two  representatives  of  Westmoreland  in  the  General 
Assembly  of  Connecticut,  who  had  just  returned  from  a  ses- 
sion of  that  body.  The  whole  number  killed  and  missing  was 
about  three  hundred,  f 

Thomas  Campbell,  the  English  poet,  made  the  massacre  the 
groundwork  of  his   "Gertrude  of  Wyoming." 

The  seeds  of  civil  war  had,  as  we  have  seen,  been  planted 
in  Wyoming,  long  years  before  the  outbreak  of  the  Revolu- 
tion. It  was  to  be  a  civil  war  arising  from  conflicting  rights 
of  property  and  jurisdiction. 

The  Revolution  itself  in  every  colony  meant  civil  war.  That 
was  a  civil  war  arising  from  conflicting  claims  of  allegiance 
and  conflicting  theories  of  political  liberty. 

*  Col.  Eec.  of  Conn.,  XV,  179. 

t  Stone,  Poetry  and  History  of  Wyoming,  192. 


CONNECTICUT    IN    PENNSYLVANIA.  13 

The  civil  war  in  Wyoming  might  have  been  avoided.  iSTot 
so  the  American  Revolution.  It  was  a  political  necessity. 
England  had  become — with  the  development  of  the  principle 
of  a  responsible  ministry, — responsible  to  the  House  of  Com- 
mons,— in  fact,  though  not  in  name,  a  republic.  She  had 
slowly  built  up  out  of  precedent  and  tradition  an  unrecorded 
but  all-compelling  scheme  of  government  which  in  fact,  though 
hardly  yet  in  name,  was  constitutional.  Yet  England  was  deny- 
ing to  her  sons  across  the  sea  the  privileges  which  this  scheme 
of  government  guaranteed  to  her  sons  at  home. 

"If,-'  wrote  Froude  in  his  life  of  Julius  Caesar,  "there  be 
one  lesson  which  history  clearly  teaches,  it  is  this :  that  free 
nations  cannot  govern  subject  provinces.  If  they  are  unable 
and  unwilling  to  admit  their  dependencies  to  share  their  con- 
stitution, the  constitution  itself  will  fall  in  pieces  from  mere 
incompetence  for  its  duties."  Or,  he  might  have  added,  the 
subject  provinces  will  throw  off  the  yoke,  and  vindicate  their 
independence. 

To  one  who  looks  with  eager  glance  towards  the  political 
future  of  the  United  States  to-day,  and  anxiously  asks  himself 
whether,  if  our  Constitution  was  framed  only  for  and  applies 
only  to  the  people  of  the  United  States  that  make  our  Union, 
and  carries  no  certain  assurance  of  personal  security  to  the 
millions  in  our  Asiatic  possessions,  we  can  yet  hold  them  indefi- 
nitely as  against  the  world,  and  as  against  themselves,  subjects, 
though  not  citizens,  these  solemn  words  of  a  great  writer  have 
a  new  interest. 

But,  in  principle,  we  do  not  stand  to  the  Philippines  as 
England  in  1776  stood  to  us.  She  was  governing  us  avowedly 
for  her  own  benefit.  We  are  not  governing  them  avowedly 
for  our  benefit,  l^or  are  these  children  of  the  Pacific  of  such  a 
stock  as  that  of  the  self-reliant,  sturdy,  strong-handed  American 
colonists  of  the  18th  century. 

Yet  even  to  them,  it  was  a  hard  thing  to  decide  upon  a  war 
for  independence.  There  was  everywhere  a  strong  division 
of  opinion.  It  was  the  obvious  policy  and  aim  of  the  British 
government  to  stimulate  and  strengthen  the  spirit  of  the  loyal- 
ists.    In  the  city  of  ISTew  Haven,   in   1776,  nearly  half  the 


14  CONNECTICUT    IN    PENNSYLVANIA. 

people  were  British  sympathizers.*  The  same  I  think  would 
be  true  of  Philadelphia. 

John  Butler,  who  led  the  invading  forces  at  the  battle  of 
Wyoming,  was  of  Connecticut  birth.  So  was  Zebulon  Butler, 
who  led  in  the  defence,- — a  commissioned  colonel  of  the  24th 
Regiment  of  the  Connecticut  line. 

There  have  been  riots  and  risings  against  lawful  authority 
from  time  to  time  throughout  American  history.  There  have 
been,  aside  from  the  Revolution,  but  two  civil  wars ;  that  which 
year  after  year  disturbed  the  valley  of  Wyoming,  and  that 
between  the  ISTorth  and  the  South. 

The  first  came  to  an  end  in  the  way  in  which  all  controversies 
between  independent  States  should,  by  submission  to  an 
impartial  court.  As  soon  as  such  a  proceeding  became  prac- 
ticable, by  the  adoption  of  the  Articles  of  Confederation  in 
lY81,t  Congress,  on  the  petition  of  Pennsylvania,  appointed 
Commissioners  to  decide  the  controversy  between  her  and  Con- 
necticut "relative  to  their  respective  rights,  claims,  and  pos- 
sessions" ...  as  to  "sundry  lands"  described  by  Pennsylvania  as 
"lying  within"  her  "JSTorthern  boundary."?  It  is  to  the  credit 
of  both  States  that  they  were  able  to  agree  on  who  should  be 
the  Commissioners.  They  selected,  and  Congress  confirmed  for 
the  position.  Judge  William  Whipple  of  ISTew  Hampshire; 
Welcome  Arnold  of  Rhode  Island,  a  prominent  merchant  in 
Providence;  William  C.  Houston,  Professor  of  Mathematics 
and  ISTatural  Philosophy  at  Princeton;  Cyrus  Grifiin  of  Vir- 
ginia, President  of  the  Court  of  Appeals  in  Maritime  Causes ; 
and  David  Brearley,  Chief  Justice  of  ISTew  Jersey. 

There  was  an  ample  array  of  counsel.  From  Pennsylvania 
came  James  Wilson,  afterwards  a  Justice  of  the  Supreme 
Court  of  the  United  States ;  William  Bradford,  afterwards 
Attorney  General  of  the  United  States ;   Joseph  Reed,  who  had 

*See  stiles,  Literary  Diary,  I,  540,  III,  111;  Boutell,  Life  of  Roger 
Sherman,  43. 

t  Pennsylvania  in  1779  had  proposed  and  Connecticut  had  declined  to 
anticipate  that  event,  and  proceed  to  a  reference  as  if  the  Articles  were 
in  force.     Rec.  of  the  State  of  Conn.,  U,  463. 

t  Journals  of  Congress,  VII,  338,  339. 


CONNECTICUT  IN  PENNSYLVANIA.  15 

recently  been  for  three  years  President  of  the  Supreme  Execu- 
tive Council  of  Pennsylvania ;  and  Jonathan  D.  Sergeant,  who 
had  been  Attorney-General  of  the  State.  Connecticut  selected 
William  Samuel  Johnson,  who  had,  and  well  merited,  the  hon- 
orary degree  of  doctor  of  civil  law  from  Oxford  University; 
Eliphalet  Dyer,  who  had  been  the  original  promoter  of  the 
Connecticut  settlements  in  the  valley  of  the  Susquehanna,  and 
the  representative  throughout  of  the  Susquehanna  Company; 
and  Jesse  Root,  afterwards  Chief  Judge  of  the  Superior  Court 
and  the  author  of  two  volumes  of  the  earliest  of  American  law 
reports. 

Connecticut  was  overmatched,  certainly  as  to  the  number 
and,  it  is  to  be  feared,  as  to  the  ability  of  her  representatives. 
The  trial  of  such  a  controversy  before  such  a  tribunal  demanded 
much  more  than  a  knowledge  of  the  governing  facts  and  the 
governing  law.  It  called  for  all  the  powers  that  forensic  ora- 
tory can  bring  to  the  aid  of  reason.  Johnson  had  them,  but 
Root,  if  we  can  judge  him  either  by  his  private  letters  or 
published  works,  had  a  diffuse  and  discursive,  not  to  say 
bombastic,  manner  of  expression,  and  we  have  the  word  of 
John  Adams,  no  incompetent  observer  of  men,  who  saw  much 
of  Colonel  Dyer  in  the  Continental  Congress,  that  he  spoke 
"often  and  long,  but  very  heavily  and  clumsily."  "Dyer,"  he 
afterwards  notes  in  his  diary,  "is  long-winded  and  roundabout, 
obscure  and  cloudy,  very  talkative  and  very  tedious,  yet  an 
honest,  worthy  man,  means  and  judges  well."* 

In  one  incident  of  the  hearing,  Johnson's  powers  of  oratory 
served  us  well.  One  of  the  lawyers  for  Pennsylvania  had 
occasion  to  refer  to  an  ancient  document,  recorded  on  a  long 
roll  of  parchment,  upon  which  Connecticut  placed  some  reli- 
ance. It  was  interlarded  with  passages  from  the  scriptures 
and  he  jocosely  alluded  to  it  as  a  specimen  of  puritanical 
fantasy.  Johnson  made  the  reply.  Taking  up  the  parchment, 
he  read  in  his  silvery  voice  and  in  a  tone  of  reverential 
solemnity,  the  same  phrases  which  had  just  been  ridiculed,  in 
such  a  way  as  to  impress  all  in  the  court  room  with  a  sense 

"Life  and  Works,  II,  396,  422. 


16  CONNECTICUT  IN  PENNSYLVANIA. 

of  awe.  Then,  suddenly  letting  it  drop  on  the  floor,  as  he  lifted 
up  his  hands  and  eyes  to  heaven,  he  exclaimed  "Great  God !  Is 
all  this  fantasy?"  One  who  was  present,  in  telling  this  story 
twenty  years  afterwards,  said  that  at  these  words  a  chill  went 
over  the  assembly  so  perceptible,  that  as  he  spoke  he  felt  the 
same  sensation  creeping  over  him.* 

The  case  for  Pennsylvania,  whatever  may  have  been  the 
merits  of  the  paper  titles,  had  the  support  of  grave,  practical 
considerations.  Would  it  make  for  American  peace  and  order 
to  have  one  sovereign  State  (and  in  1782  all  were  fully 
sovereign)  possess  and  administer  governmental  rights  in  terri- 
tory enclosed  by  the  dominions  of  other  sovereigns,  geograph- 
ically separated  from  her  own  by  long  distances  and  the 
interposition  of  other  States  ?  Would  it  not  become  for  Penn- 
sylvania such  a  sore  spot  as  a  British  Gibraltar  was  to  Spain, 
or  a  Portuguese  Macao  to  China?  Did  not  the  Connecticut 
claim  also  prove  too  much?  If  it  were  just,  would  not  she 
have  like  dominion  over  all  the  vast  territory  between  the 
western  bounds  of  ISTew  York  and  th^  Pacific  Ocean?  Had 
this  been  conquered  by  the  common  efforts  of  all  the  United 
States  for  her  sole  benefit? 

These  were  questions  not  to  be  ignored.  Answered  in  some 
sort  they  must  be  by  the  judgment  which  the  Commissioners 
were  to  pronounce.  The  hearing  was  a  long  and  fair  one,t 
the  court  sitting  from  ISTovember  12  to  December  30,  1Y82. 
The  end  was  a  brief  and  unanimous  decision  that  Pennsylvania 
had  "the  jurisdiction  and  pre-emption  of"  and  Connecticut 
no  rights  to  the  lands  in  controversy.'!  Many  years  afterwards 
it  came  out  that  the  members  of  the  commission,  before  enter- 
ing on   the  trial,   privately   agreed   that  the   decision   of   the 

"•■■  Beardsley,  Life  and  Times  of  William  Samuel  Johnson,  48. 

t  Connecticut  indeed  claimed  that  there  should  have  been  a  postponement 
to  enable  her  to  produce  important  papers  which  were  in  England,  but 
there  is  no  reason  to  doubt  that  the  Commissioners  had  reasonable  grounds 
for  ordering  the  hearing  to  proceed.  It  was  subsequently  claimed  by  those 
interested  in  the  Susquehannah  Companj',  that  Pennsylvania  had  and 
concealed  these  papers.     The  Susquehannah  Title,  21,  95. 

t  Journals  of  Congress,  VIII,  44-63. 


CONNECTICUT    IN    PENNSYLVANIA. 


17 


majority,  whatever  it  was,  should  be  concurred  in  by  all,  and 
that  no  reasons  for  the  judgment  should  be  announced. 

The  feeling  between  the  two  States  and  the  yet  delicate  con- 
dition of  the  settlement  probably  made  this  course  judicious. 
At  all  events,  the  Connecticut  claim  of  title  was  now  finally 
disposed  of.  There  was  never  more  to  be  a  Connecticut  in 
Pennsylvania.  JSTot  only  had  she  had  no  governmental  powers 
there,  but  all  conveyances  and  grants  under  her  authority  were, 
in  effect,  invalidated.* 

The  settlers  in  the  Wyoming  Valley  now  numbered  five  or 
six  thousand.  Most  of  them  held  through  the  Susquehanna 
Company.  When  the  claimants  under  the  Pennsylvania  title 
appeared  to  dispossess  them,  it  was  found  no  easy  thing.  Dis- 
affection was  general.  Everybody  was  in  the  sheriff's  way, 
except  when  called  upon  to  assist  him.  Pennsylvania  sent 
troops  to  assist  him.f  There  was  more  fighting.  As  Burke 
has  said:  You  cannot  indict  a  whole  people.  Some  of  them 
applied  to  the  legislature  of  Pennsylvania  for  relief  and  a 
"Quieting  Act"  was  passed,  providing  for  the  appointment 
of  Commissioners  to  inquire  into  the  merits  of  their  claims. 
After  a  few  years,  however,  it  was  repealed.  Many  lost  all 
their  possessions. t  Pinally,  in  1799,  and  1801,  came  legis- 
lation that  stood  because  it  was  bottomed  on  the  will  of  the 
local  majority.  The  holders  of  Pennsylvania  titles  were  bought 
off  by  the  State.  The  holders  of  Connecticut  titles  had  theirs 
confirmed,  on  payment  of  about  $1  an  acre.§ 

The  battle  of  Wyoming  is  better  known  to  historical  students 
than  is  the  territorial  dispute  of  which  it  was  the  fruit.     If 

*  Satterlee  v.  Matthewson,  16  Sergeant  &  Eawle's  Pennsylvania  Law 
Eeports,  172.  This  seems  a  logical  consequence  of  the  decision,  though 
it  is  doubtful  if  the  Commissioners  so  supposed.  See  letter  of  December 
31,  1782,  by  four  of  them  to  the  Executive  of  Pennsylvania,  given  in  The 
Susquehannah  Title,  99. 

t  Her  Council  of  Censors  "held  it  up  to  censure"  in  September,  1784. 
The  Susquehannah  Title,  107. 

tSee  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.,  7th  Series,  VI,  Part  2,  177;  Boutell,  Life  of 
Eoger  Sherman,  340,  341. 

§  The  course  of  legislation  and  of  judicial  decision  in  Pennsylvania, 
consequent  upon  the  judgment  of  the  Commissioners,  is  fully  detailed  in 
Jones  on  the  Law  of  Land  Office  Titles  in  Pa.,  Chapter  XXVI. 


18 


CONNECTICUT    IN    PENNSYLVANIA. 


I  have  not  given  it  more  than  a  passing  notice,  it  is  not  because 
I  am  insensible  to  its  importance  as  one  of  the  memorable 
things  in  American  history. 

The  time  will  never  come  when  stories  of  battle  no  longer 
interest  mankind. 

A  man  on  a  field  of  arms  is  in  an  abnormal  position.  How 
will  he  act?  How  did  he  act?  These  are  questions  that  have 
the  attractiveness  always  belonging  to  the  unusual, — the 
importance  always  attaching  to  what  must  always  nearly  con- 
cern the  public  welfare. 

Personal  prowess  is  admired  even  when  it  is  displayed  for 
merely  private  ends, — when  it  is  shown  by  the  sportsman,  the 
matador,  the  boxer  or  wrestler.  Much  more  is  it  admired  in 
one  who  is  fighting  for  a  country,  or  a  cause. 

It  is  not  a  question  of  victory.  !N^othing  brings  more  of 
glory  than  a  glorious  defeat.  The  hopeless  struggle  at  the  pass 
of  Thermopylae  will  never  pass  from  human  memory. 

But  to  Americans  the  great  fruit  of  the  battle  of  Wyoming 
was  that  it  led  to  preventing  war.  In  its  ultimate  results  it 
showed  it  to  be  possible  for  two  States,  each  warmly  engaged 
in  defending  a  claim  having  at  least  strong  color  of  right,  to 
come  before  a  court  of  the  United  States  and  let  their  con- 
troversy go  to  a  final  determination  there,  precisely  as  if  it 
were  one  between  two  private  individuals.  The  Supreme  Court 
of  the  United  States,  with  its  jurisdiction  over  suits  of  State 
against  State,  was  erected  on  that  basis,  and  no  other  single 
cause  contributed  more  towards  the  adoption  of  that  feature  of 
our  judicial  system  than  the  sad  massacre  of  July  3,  1778. 

The  Wyoming  controversy  gave  rise  to  numerous  suits 
between  private  individuals.  Two  of  these  deserve  mention  in 
this  connection. 

One  was  entitled  Van  Home's  Lessee  against  Dorrance,  in 
the  Circuit  Court  of  the  United  States  for  the  District  of 
Pennsylvania,  heard  in  1795.""  The  plaintiff  claimed  title  under 
a  grant  from  Pennsylvania ;  the  defendant,  under  a  grant  from 
Connecticut,  confirmed  by  the  Quieting  Act  of  the  Pennsyl- 

*  2  Dallas'  Reports,  304. 


CONNECTICUT    IN    PENNSYLVANIA.  19 

vania  Legislature  in  1787.  The  trial  occupied  fifteen  days, 
before  a  jury;  but  at  the  close  the  court,  Mr.  Justice  Patterson 
presiding,  directed  a  verdict  for  the  claimant  under  the  Penn- 
sylvania title  as  a  matter  of  law. 

The  statute,  he  said,  assumed  to  give  a  title,  when  none, 
that  is,  no  valid  one,  existed  before.  It  was  an  attempt  to  give 
away,  by  law,  the  property  of  one  man  to  another  man.  It 
was  therefore  void  under  the  Constitution  of  Pennsylvania, 
and  it  was  the  duty  of  the  jury  to  find  a  verdict  for  the  plaintiff 
and  to  take  the  law  on  this  point  from  the  court. 

The  cause  was  appealed  to  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United 
States,  but  never  pressed  for  a  hearing  there. 

The  second  suit  arose  a  generation  later.  Pennsylvania  by 
this  time  had  passed  another  Quieting  Act.  Her  courts  had 
held,  in  1825,  that  if  one  claiming  lands  in  the  Wyoming  Val- 
ley under  a  Connecticut  title  executed  a  lease  of  them,  his 
tenant,  contrary  to  the  rule  in  other  cases,  could  dispute  his 
title.  The  Pennsylvania  Legislature  thereupon,  in  1826, 
passed  a  statute  that  such  a  tenant  could  not  dispute  his  land- 
lord's title.  A  law  suit  arose  on  which  this  statute  was  relied 
on  by  the  plaintiff.  The  Pennsylvania  courts  supported  it  as 
not  contrary  to  the  Pennsylvania  Constitution,  and  the  Supreme 
Court  of  the  United  States  supported  it  as  not  contrary  to  that 
of  the  United  States.* 

*  Satterlee  v.  Matthewson,  2  Pet.,  380. 


AN  ALMOST  FORGOTTEN  NEW  HAVEN 
INSTITUTION. 

By  Rev.  Chakles  Rat  Palmer,  D.D. 

[Read  February  17,  1908,] 


The  institution  of  which.  I  am  to  speak,  and  attempt  to 
revive  the  memory,  was  in  its  day  widely  known  as  ''The 
Young  Ladies'  Institute."  The  home  of  it  still  stands,  though 
somewhat  decayed,  and  now  transformed  into  a  block  of  tene- 
ments. It  is  located  near  the  middle  of  the  east  side  of 
Wooster  Square,  and  within  the  recollection  of  many  was  occu- 
pied by  General  William  H.  Russell's  School  for  Boys. 

I  am  indebted  to  Mr.  Henry  T.  Blake,  to  Mr.  Talcott  H. 
Russell,  and  to  Mr.  Oliver  S.  White,  for  aid  in  ascertaining 
the  record  of  this  property,  and  to  them  I  wish  to  make  grateful 
acknowledgments.  As  to  the  Institute  itself,  I  have  had  access 
to  documents  in  the  University  Library,  furnished  me  by  the 
thoughtful  kindness  of  Professor  Dexter;  to  a  memorial  dis- 
course commemorative  of  the  first  Principal,  furnished  me  by 
his  latest  surviving  daughter  a  few  years  since ;  to  Camp's 
History  of  ISTew  Britain;  to  the  Letter-Books  and  autobio- 
graphical recollections  of  the  second  Principal,  in  mj  posses- 
sion ;  and  to  some  other  and  minor  sources  of  information. 
Of  these  I  make  free  use  in  this  paper. 

I  propose  briefly  to  recite  the  origin  and  history  of  this 
institution,  and,  incidentally,  its  claim  to  be  remembered. 

Beyond  a  question,  the  originator  of  it  was  a  man  very 
noteworthy  on  other  accounts — Prof.  Ethan  Allen  Andrews, 
LL.D.,  a  distinguished  scholar,  and  a  lifelong  promoter  of  edu- 
cation in  various  ways.  He  was  a  native  of  what  we  now 
know  as  New  Britain,  formerly  a  part  of  the  town  of  Berlin. 


AN   ALMOST    rOEGOTTEN"    NEW    HAVEN    INSTITUTION.  21 

He  was  the  son  of  Levi  and  Chloe  (Wells)  Andrews,  and  was 
born  April  7,  178Y.  His  father  was  a  prosperous  farmer,  of 
excellent  character,  of  high  intelligence,  and  very  much 
respected  by  his  fellow-townsmen.  The  conditions  of  his  early 
life  were  very  fortunate  for  the  future  scholar.  'No  pains 
were  spared  in  his  education.  His  preparation  for  college  was 
commenced  in  Berlin;  continued  in  Farmington,  under  the 
instruction  of  Eev.  Dr.  'Noah.  Porter,  Senior,  and  Mr.  Samuel 
Cowles;  and  completed  in  Litchfield,  under  the  care  of  Rev. 
Dr.  Whiton.  He  entered  college  in  1806.  He  was  not  a 
robust  youth,  having  been  from  childhood  of  a  delicate  con- 
stitution, and  his  college  course  was  pursued  under  the  limita- 
tions of  continuous  ill-health,  attended  with  much  physical 
suffering.  But  his  high  aspirations  and  indomitable  will 
triumphed  over  these  disabilities,  and  he  graduated  in  1810 
with  the  highest  honors  of  his  class.  It  was  a  class,  moreover, 
which  contained  some  eminent  men,  including  Profs.  E.  T. 
Fitch,  Chauncey  Goodrich  and  Ebenezer  Kellogg,  Gov.  W.  W. 
Ellsworth,  and  Samuel  F.  B.  Morse.  At  first  he  gave  him- 
self to  the  study  of  the  law,  in  the  ofiice  of  his  former  teacher, 
Mr.  Samuel  Cowles  of  Farmington.  In  Farmington,  also,  he 
found  his  future  wife.  Miss  Lucy,  daughter  of  Isaac  Cowles. 
He  was  admitted  to  the  Hartford  Bar  in  1813,  and  his  earliest 
practice  was  in  I^ew  Britain.  Later  he  was  appointed  an  aid 
to  Governor  Lusk,  and  in  the  last  year  of  the  war  with  Eng- 
land, in  1812-15,  he  served  in  jSTew  London.  Returning  to  New 
Britain,  he  opened  a  school  to  fit  young  men  for  college.  Very 
soon  after  he  was  elected  to  the  Legislature,  and  he  was 
repeatedly  reelected.  But  he  gradually  withdrew  from  both 
law  and  politics,  and  in  1822  accepted  an  election  to  the  Chair 
of  Ancient  Languages  in  the  University  of  ISTorth  Carolina, 
at  Chapel  Hill,  in  that  State.  Here  he  found  his  true  voca- 
tion, and  entered  upon  the  course  of  study  to  which  he  owed 
his  highest  distinction.  In  1828  he  removed  his  family  to  New 
Haven,  and  became  connected  with  a  school  known  as  "The 
l^ew  Haven  Gymnasium."  This  was  established  in  that  year 
by  the  brothers  Sereno  E.  and  Henry  E.  Dwight,  sons  of  the 


22  AiS"    ALMOST    FOKGOTTEN    NEW    HAVEN    INSTITUTION. 

first  President  Dwiglit,  as  a  first-class  boarding  school  for  boys. 
A  colleague  in  this  institution,  Mr.  Solomon  Stoddard,  became 
associated  with  him  in  the  preparation  of  a  Latin  Grammar, 
which  was  long  the  main  dependence  of  Latin  students  in  this 
country.  It  has  been  said  that  even  before  coming  here  he 
had  conceived  the  idea  of  establishing  an  institution  for  the 
higher  education  of  young  women,  but  whether  he  came  with 
ulterior  aims  or  not,  he  cordially  cooperated  with  the  Messrs. 
Dwight  in  their  work,  and  when  he  entered  upon  an  independent 
enterprise  it  was  with  their  cordial  approbation  and  backing. 
This  enterprise  was  the  Young  Ladies'  Institute,  and  an  appre- 
hension of  his  own  daughters'  needs  seems  to  have  given  him 
the  primary  impulse  to  undertake  it.  So,  at  any  rate,  it  has 
been  repeatedly  asserted. 

But  if  it  was  in  its  beginnings  his  individual  enterprise, 
he  found  in  jSTew  Haven  willing  and  strong  coadjutors.  There 
are  indications  that  the  ultimate  shape  of  the  project  was  the 
result  of  careful  and  deliberate  consideration  in  which  many 
bore  a  part.  Thus,  in  Rev.  Dr.  Croswell's  Diary,  we  find  the 
following  entries: 

Under  date  of  March  17,  1829— "Mr.  Hawks  spent  nearly 
the  whole  forenoon  with  me,  and  in  the  afternoon  he  came 
with  Prof.  Andrews  to  talk  about  a  Female  High  School  in 
ISTew  Haven." 

Under  date  of  June  22,  1829 — "In  the  evening  attended 
a  meeting  of  some  literary  gentlemen  at  Prof.  Andrews'  to 
consult  about  a  High  School  for  Young  Ladies." 

Who  these  gentlemen  were,  we  learn  from  another  source. 
The  original  prospectus  of  the  Institute,  bearing  date  Septem- 
ber 1,  1829,  is  preserved  in  the  University  Library,  and  to  it 
is  appended  a  card  of  endorsement  to  the  following  purport : 

"The  undersigned,  having  learned  that  Prof.  Ethan  A. 
Andrews  proposed  opening,  in  this  city,  an  Institution  for  the 
education  of  Young  Ladies,  have  the  pleasure  to  state  that 
we  consider  him  eminently  qualified,  both  in  character  and 
talents,  for  such  an  undertaking;  and  being  acquainted  with 
his  views  of  an  improved  system  of  Female  Education,  we 


AlSr    ALMOST    FORGOTTEN    NEW    HAVEN    INSTITUTION.  23 

think  them  highly  judicious,   and  cheerfully  recommend  his 
proposed  Institution  to  the  patronage  of  the  public." 

This  was  signed  by  President  Day,  Professors  Benjamin 
Silliman,  James  L.  Kingsley,  IsTathaniel  W.  Taylor,  Josiah  W. 
Gibbs,  Chauncey  A.  Goodrich,  Eleazar  T.  Fitch  and  Denison 
Olmsted,  Kev.  Messrs.  Samuel  Merwin,  Harry  Croswell,  Francis 
L.  Hawks  and  Leonard  Bacon,  Messrs.  Sereno  E.  Dwight, 
Henry  E.  Dwight  and  Francis  B.  Winthrop.  From  the  ISTew 
Haven  of  that  day  it  would  have  been  difficult  to  select  a  more 
influential  list  of  names  than  that.  Quite  a  number  of  these 
gentlemen,  moreover,  not  only  gave  these  signatures,  but 
enrolled  their  own  daughters  among  the  earliest  students  of 
the  projected  institution.  The  movement  must  have  been  in 
contemplation  for  a  considerable  time  previous,  for  the  build- 
ing was  erected  in  preparation  for  it.  So,  at  least,  I  have  been 
informed,  and  the  prospectus  speaks  of  it  as  "a  new  and 
elegant  building."  It  was  erected  upon  land  belonging  to 
Mr.  Abraham  Bishop,  and  presumably  by  him.  Five  years 
later  he  sold  it,  with  the  buildings  thereon,  and  the  conveyance 
is  duly  recorded.  He  describes  it  as  his  "homestead,  which 
has  been  and  is  now  occupied  by  the  Young  Ladies'  Insti- 
tute," and  measurements  show  that  the  present  front  line  is 
unchanged,  while  the  side-lines  then  extended  to  a  depth  of 
312  feet,  thus  including  an  area  now  nearly  covered  with 
various  buildings.  Why  he  calls  it  his  "homestead"  does  not 
appear,  for  he  never  lived  there,  but  it  was  almost  wholly 
bounded  by  land  of  which  he  retained  the  ownership ;  indeed 
a  large  portion  of  Wooster  Square  itself  originally  belonged  to 
him.  The  structure  was  of  brick  and  consisted  of  a  main 
building  of  three  or  three  and  one-half  stories  with  two  wings 
of  two  stories,  the  whole  frontage  being  about  one  hundred 
feet.  The  interior  arrangements  were  on  a  liberal  scale,  and 
well  adapted  to  the  purpose  for  which  they  were  designed.  At 
that  date  there  were  no  buildings  contiguous,  so  that  the  Insti- 
tute stood  quite  by  itself.  The  prospectus  speaks  of  it  as — 
"one  mile  from  Yale  College,  in  an  open  and  healthy  situation, 
commanding  a  fine  view  of  the  town  and  harbor,  and  the  beau- 


24  AN"    ALMOST    FOKGOTTEN    NEW    HAVEN    INSTITUTION. 

tiful  hills  which  surround  them."  The  compact  portion  of  the 
town  did  not  then  extend  much  beyond  Olive  Street.  The 
prospectus  next  enlarges  upon  "the  peculiar  advantages  afforded 
by  the  town  as  the  seat  of  literar}'-  institutions,  its  temperate 
and  salubrious  climate,  the  beauty  of  its  situation  and  scenery, 
the  high  character  of  its  long-established  seminaries,  the  social, 
literary  and  moral  character  of  its  inhabitants,"  and  its  acces- 
sibility both  by  land  and  sea. 

Here,  then,  in  the  autumn  of  1829,  the  Institute  was  opened, 
and  its  career  commenced.  In  many  respects  Professor 
Andrews  was  admirably  adapted  to  the  position  he  assumed. 
He  was  then  about  forty-two  years  of  age,  in  the  prime  of  his 
powers.  He  had  had  large  experience  of  life,  had  Avon  the 
reputation  of  a  successful  teacher,  and  certainly  was  a  man  of 
character,  of  learning,  and  of  culture.  His  manners  were 
refined  and  agreeable.  Professor  Thacher  once  described  him 
"as  a  man  whose  whole  life  was  an  unchanging  illustration  of 
urbanit}''."  He  always  appeared  to  be  self-contained  and  digni- 
fied, yet  always  simple  and  unaffected.  He  was  tall,  erect, 
and  well-proportioned;  he  had  an  open  and  pleasing  counte- 
nance, a  dark  and  at  the  same  time  lustrous  eye.  In  a  word 
he  was  rather  a  striking,  without  being  an  imposing  personality. 
I  saw  him  once,  late  in  his  life,  and  remember  the  impression 
then  made  by  his  genial  and  benignant  bearing  upon  one 
regarding  him  with  the  veneration  which  his  years  and  his 
honors  inspired. 

The  general  scheme  of  the  Institute  was  on  a  large  scale, 
so  large  as  to  seem  to  us  from  our  present  point  of  view  some- 
what ambitious.  But  that  was  a  sanguine  time,  and  to  most 
men  that  which  seemed  to  be  desirable  was  readily  assumed  to 
be  practicable.  It  was  not  merely  a  school  for  young  ladies, 
like  many  another  which  has  had  its  day,  in  I^ew  Haven  and 
elsewhere  in  ISTew  England,  that  was  projected.  It  definitely 
aimed  at  something  far  beyond  that  measure.  This  is  made 
very  apparent  from  the  prospectus  already  cited,  and  still  more 
by  statements  issued  in  connection  with  the  catalogues  which 
appeared  later  on.     Thus  we  read:    "the  design  of  the  Young 


AN"    ALMOST    FORGOTTEN    NEW    HAVEN    INSTITUTION. 


25 


Ladies'  Institute  was  to  supply  what  seemed  to  the  principals, 
and  to  many  of  their  literary  and  scientific  friends,  a  desidera- 
tum in  Female  Education."  .  .  .  "ISTo  Institution  exists  in 
this  country  with  precisely  the  same  objects,  or  with  an  organi- 
zation in  any  considerable  degree  similar."  "The  course  of 
instruction  is  intended  to  be  so  extensive,  and  the  mode  of 
prosecuting  the  studies  so  thorough,  as  to  afford  to  young  women 
the  means  of  acquiring  a  systematic  education,  strictly  adapted 
to  their  sex,  and  at  the  same  time  not  inferior  in  value  to  what 
may  be  gained  by  the  other  sex  in  our  High  Schools  and  Col- 
leges." Again  we  read:  "the  course  of  instruction  to  those 
who  shall  wish  to  pursue  it  for  many  years  will  be  as  extensive 
as  that  pursued  at  any  of  our  Colleges,"  and,  "the  charge  of 
each  of  the  literary  and  scientific  departments  is  committed 
to  gentlemen  of  liberal  education  and  of  experience,  not  only 
in  giving  instruction  in  their  own  department,  but  also  in  con- 
ducting the  other  branches  of  Education." 

An  examination  of  the  courses  offered  shows  that  these 
announcements  were  no  mere  pretences,  suggestive  of  methods 
of  modern  advertising,  but  serious  purposes,  carefully  planned, 
and  the  list  of  instructors  engaged  seems  to  be  designed  to 
fulfill  the  promises  made.  I  find  among  them  men  known 
not  only  as  graduates  of  Yale,  and  as  having  occupied  chairs 
of  instruction  in  connection  with  it,  but  men  known  favorably 
as  educators  elsewhere.  Moreover,  arrangements  were  made 
by  which  advanced  students  of  the  Institute,  under  proper 
guardianship,  attended  the  lectures  given  in  Yale  College  by 
Professor  Silliman  and  Professor  Olmsted,  thus  enjoying  in 
their  departments  equal  facilities  with  the  corresponding  classes 
in  that  institution. 

There  were  two  sessions  of  the  Institute  in  each  year,  begin- 
ning respectively  on  the  first  of  May  and  the  first  of  November, 
and  followed  by  vacations  of  four  weeks  each.  It  will  be 
observed  that  the  summer  season  was  not  then  regarded  as 
unavailable  for  educational  purposes,  nor  were  forty-four  weeks 
too  large  a  portion  of  the  year  to  give  to  study.  I  notice,  also, 
that  to  students  who  wished  to  continue  in  residence  during 


26 


AN    ALMOST    FOEGOTTEN    I^EW    HAVEN    INSTITUTION. 


vacations,  there  was  no  extra  charge.  "Times  change,  and  we 
change  with  them." 

I  directed  attention  a  few  moments  since  to  the  claim  of 
the  Institute  to  be  unique — the  only  enterprise  of  its  kind  in 
the  country.  Unless  this  claim  can  be  disproved,  its  real  dis- 
tinction is  therein  disclosed.  It  was  an  actual  endeavor,  and 
it  was  the  first  endeavor,  in  ITew  England  or  elsewhere  in  the 
United  States,  to  afford  to  young  women  equal  facilities  with 
young  men.  It  may  have  been  over-ambitious.  It  may  have 
been  premature.  It  may  be  impossible  for  us  to  discern  whence 
it  could  expect  an  adequate  financial  support.  But  that  it  was 
generously  conceived,  and  courageously  undertaken,  can  hardly 
be  disputed.  From  our  present  point  of  view  it  would  seem 
manifestly  to  have  demanded  either  an  endowment,  or  a  much 
larger  working  capital  than  either  of  its  Principals  ever  brought 
to  it.  But  if  an  institution  is  to  be  judged  by  the  idea  its 
founder  attempted  to  realize;  by  what  it  aspired  to  effect  for 
the  public  welfare,  rather  than  by  what  it  actually  accomplished, 
then  it  should  be  remembered  with  honor. 

What,  it  may  now  be  asked,  tvas  accomplished  ?  I  have  had 
in  my  hands  two  catalogues  of  the  Institute,  containing  a  list 
of  the  students  from  jSTovember,  1830,  to  April,  1833.  In 
these  I  have  counted  137  names.  ^N'o  catalogue  was  published 
in  1834,  but  I  have  the  statement  of  one  of  those  longest  con- 
nected with  the  Institute  as  an  instructor,  that  the  whole  number 
connected  with  it  as  students  was  about  200.  While  many  of 
these  belonged  to  families  resident  in  ISTew  Haven,  the  rest 
were  drawn  from  a  wide  area.  Among  the  137  names  cata- 
logued I  find  representatives  of  every  'New  England  State 
except  Maine,  of  all  the  Middle  States  except  Delaware,  of 
all  the  Seaboard  and  Gulf  States  from  Maryland  to  Louisiana, 
inclusive,  except  Florida,  and  in  addition  from  the  District 
of  Columbia ;  i.  e.  from  eighteen  different  States,  and  the  seat 
of  the  N^ational  Government.  Whence  came  the  other  sixty 
or  more,  I  cannot  affirm,  but  it  may  fairly  be  presumed  that 
if  I  could,  the  list  of  residences  would  not  be  essentially  dif- 
ferent,    A  wider  constituency  could  hardly  have  been  antici- 


AlSr    ALMOST    FORGOTTEN"    NEW    HAVEN    INSTITUTION.  27 

pated  for  an  institution  so  recently  established.  If  a  reason 
for  this  fact  be  sought,  two  or  three  things  may  be  suggested. 
Professor  Andrews  had  made  an  excellent  reputation  as  a 
teacher  in  his  position  in  E'orth  Carolina,  and  this  may  have 
helped  the  Institute,  at  the  start.  Again,  Yale  College  had  a 
wide  repute  in  the  country,  and  the  fact  that  families  had  sons 
in  the  College  may  have  operated  to  bring  their  sisters  to  a 
ISTew  Haven  institution  so  strongly  endorsed  by  the  College 
Faculty.  It  certainly  did  in  some  instances.  Still,  again, 
'New  Haven  was  at  that  time  a  favorite  summer  resort  for 
Southern  people.  The  old  Pavilion  Hotel  by  the  water  side, 
and  other  places  of  public  accommodation,  brought  hither  a 
large  summer  colony,  and  this  may  have  contributed  somewhat 
to  the  growth  of  the  Institute.  At  any  rate,  the  number 
attracted  to  it  from  so  large  an  area  is  noteworthy,  and  the 
high  average  of  intelligence  and  of  character  was  still  more 
so.  They  were  in  the  main  susceptible  of  the  culture  which  the 
institution  aimed  to  effect.  The  examinations  were  always 
attended  by  the  College  Faculty,  and  their  testimony  was 
freely  given  that  the  results  obtained  compared  favorably  with 
those  obtained  in  the  College  class-rooms.  I  may  cite  an 
instance  illustrative  of  the  work  done.  Miss  Elizabeth  Hoare, 
daughter  of  Samuel,  of  Concord,  Mass.,  of  the  well-known 
family  of  that  name,  had  mastered  all  the  mathematics  then 
embraced  in  the  Harvard  College  curriculum,  and  sighing  for 
more  worlds  to  conquer,  came  to  the  Institute  and  found  the 
instruction  she  wanted.  The  text-book  selected  was  Vince's 
Fluxions,  which  was  an  optional  on  the  Yale  list,  and  usually 
chosen  only  by  from  one  to  three  of  the  most  advanced  stu- 
dents in  mathematics.  It  is  recorded  of  her  that  in  going 
through  this  text-book  she  asked  assistance  only  in  respect  of 
a  single  equation.  There  was  a  wide  interest  at  that  period  in 
philosophical  studies,  in  all  higher  institutions  of  learning.  It 
is  recorded  that  the  keen  interest  displayed,  and  the  vigorous  dis- 
cussions carried  on,  in  the  class-room  devoted  to  these  studies 
at  the  Institute,  would  have  done  credit  to  any  college  in  the 
land.     It  is  further  remembered  that  the  instructors  in  some 


28  AlSr    ALMOST    rOKGOTTEN    NEW    HAVEN    INSTITUTION. 

other  branches  of  study  found  the  keeping  well  ahead  of  their 
classes  no  holiday  task.  But  that  the  instruction  was  really 
creditable  and  inspiring  there  is  no  reason  to  question,  and  if 
there  were,  the  testimony  of  the  students,  given  in  their  maturer 
years  in  letters  of  grateful  acknowledgment,  might  be  cited  to 
establish  the  fact.  Indeed,  it  might  be  inferred  from  the  lists 
of  the  instructors  employed.  Such  names  as  Professor  Andrews, 
Prof.  William  Tully,  Dr.  Isaac  G.  Porter,  Mr.  Stiles  French, 
Prof.  Charles  TJ.  Shepard,  and  others  who  might  be  mentioned, 
are  sufficient  warrant  that  the  work  of  instruction  was  in  no 
incompetent  hands. 

If  more  particular  inquiry  be  made  as  to  students  Avhom 
the  Institute  enrolled,  who,  and  of  what  kind  they  were,  there 
is  much  to  be  learned  from  a  study  of  the  catalogue.  I  have 
found  it  to  reward  very  careful  investigation.  I  have  endeav- 
ored, so  far  as  it  is  practicable  at  this  distance  of  time,  to 
ascertain  the  family  connection  of  the  young  women  who  are 
listed.  In  the  case  of  those  who  came  from  remote  States,  very 
naturally,  I  have  had  little  success.  But  of  the  137  that  I 
have  mentioned  I  have  identified  more  than  half,  and  learned 
more  or  less  in  regard  to  them.  Evidently  they  were  older 
than  the  pupils  of  the  average  Young  Ladies'  School.  !Many 
of  them  had  previously  made  use  of  the  best  private  schools 
within  their  reach.  Many  were  mature  in  character  and  under- 
standing. A  goodly  number  of  them  subsequently  filled  con- 
spicuous places  in  American  society.  One  finds  in  the  list 
many  of  the  Xew  Haven  names  with  which  we  are  most 
familiar,  e.  g.,  Blake,  Beecher,  Bradley,  Day,  Dwight, 
Edwards,  Forbes,  Goodrich,  Hotchkiss,  Hubbard,  Merwin, 
Phelps,  Street,  Taylor,  Trowbridge,  Whitney.  Some  have 
made  their  own  names  distinguished.  Conspicuous  upon  the 
page  stands  the  name  of  Miss  Sarah  Porter  of  Farmington, 
herself,  I  need  hardly  say,  a  famous  educator.  Other  names 
represent  young  ladies  better  known  by  the  names  of  the  hus- 
bands whose  future  distinction  they  shared.  I  identify  the 
wife  of  Gen.  W.  H.  Russell.  I  identify  in  a  number  of 
instances  the  wives  of  well-known  clergymen,  physicians,  schol- 


AN    ALMOST    FOEGOTTEN    NEW    HAVEN    INSTITUTION.  29 

ars,  educators,  public  men.  It  seems  to  me  to  be  noteworthy 
that  we  may  recognize  by  name  a  grand-daughter  of  the  first 
President  Dwight,  the  daughter  of  President  Day,  the  wife 
of  President  Woolsey,  the  wife  of  President  Porter,  first  and 
second  cousins  of  the  living  President  Dwight,  and  the  mother 
of  President  Hadley.  iN'one  of  us,  I  imagine,  would  be  likely 
to  pass  over  the  name  of  Caroline  Street,  the  wife  of  Admiral 
Foote.  I  may  mention  as  one  who  only  recently  left  us,  the 
late  Mrs.  James  D.  Dana.  Until  within  three  days  I  had 
supposed  Mrs.  Maria  (Heaton)  Robertson,  deceased  a  few 
weeks  since,  was  probably  the  very  latest  survivor.  But  I  have 
learned  that  there  is  one  still  living,  and  there  may  be  more 
than  one.  This  one  is  the  widow  of  Doctor  Chauncey  Brown, 
who  was  born  Julia  Strong,  and  is  now  in  her  ninety-third 
year.  I  cannot  take  time  to  recite  the  whole  catalogue,  but  if 
anyone  is  desirous  to  see  the  names  I  have  an  annotated  list 
of  them  here.  I  imagine  I  have  said  enough  to  indicate  that 
this  body  of  students  was  from  every  point  of  view  an  unusual 
one. 

The  second  year  of  the  Institute  saw  increased  numbers  in 
attendance,  and  those  who  were  interested  in  it  were  greatly 
encouraged.  In  the  beginning  of  the  third  year,  i.  e.,  in  jSTovem- 
ber,  1831,  there  were  some  changes  in  the  teaching  force,  and, 
among  others,  Mr.  Ray  Palmer,  a  native  of  Rhode  Island,  a 
graduate  of  the  Yale  Class  of  1830,  was  brought  hither  from 
a  Young  Ladies'  School  in  ISTew  York  City,  in  which  he  had 
been  teaching,  and  from  that  date  until  the  Institute  came  to 
its  end,  I  have  the  benefit  of  his  papers  in  following  the  thread 
of  the  narrative  I  am  pursuing.  That  year  seems  to  have 
been  a  reasonably  prosperous  one  in  the  Institute,  and  while  the 
pressure  of  the  burden  of  the  necessary  expenditures  began  to 
be  felt,  the  dominant  feeling  was  that  of  hopefulness.  Before 
the  end  of  1832,  however,  some  accumulation  of  the  difficulties 
of  the  enterprise  was  appreciable,  and  it  is  evident  that  the 
hopefulness  of  Professor  Andrews  was  somewhat  seriously 
abated.  Some  trouble  arose  through  complaints  of  the  house- 
keeping, and  a  falling  away  of  some  of  the  students  who  were 


30  AN    ALMOST    FOKGOTTEN"    NEW    HAVEN    INSTITUTION. 

members  of  tlie  household.  I  trust  it  is  not  the  slightest  want 
of  respect  to  the  memory  of  Mrs.  Andrews,  to  intimate  that, 
estimable  and  admirable  lady  as  she  was,  she  was  not  as  emi- 
nently qualified  to  administer  and  control  a  large  household, 
as  was  her  husband  for  the  work  of  instruction,  and  she  found 
her  task  very  heavy.  Then  as  Professor  Andrews'  burdens 
increased,  and  his  troubles  thickened,  an  event  befell  which 
precipitated  a  crisis.  This  was  shortly  after  the  beginning  of 
1833.  Some  years  previous.  Prof.  Jacob  Abbott  (the  father 
of  Dr.  L'yTnan  Abbott)  had  been  called  from  a  chair  in  Amherst 
College,  by  some  citizens  of  Boston,  to  establish  in  that  city 
a  school  for  young  ladies.  It  had  been  known  as  the  Mt.  Vernon 
School,  and  had  attained  considerable  repute.  But  Professor 
Abbott  had  become  desirous  to  relinquish  it,  and  was  in  search 
of  some  one  to  take  his  place.  It  appears  from  contemporary 
letters  that  in  some  way — just  how  I  have  been  unable  to 
detect — his  attention  had  been  directed  to  Mr.  Palmer  as  a 
suitable  person,  and  he  having  been  married  in  the  autumn 
previous,  might  be  supposed  to  be  ready  for  a  promotion.  Pro- 
fessor Abbott  came  here  to  see  Mr.  Palmer,  but  making  some 
preliminary  inquiries  of  Professor  Andrews,  discovered  that 
he  was  open  to  a  proposition  to  take  the  place  in  Boston,  all 
the  more  that  it  was  not  a  boarding-school.  This  discovery 
opened  an  extremely  satisfactory  prospect  to  Professor  Abbott, 
and  very  naturally,  and  very  properly,  he  gave  the  preference 
to  the  elder,  and  the  more  widely-known  man,  and  said  nothing 
to  Mr.  Palmer.  In  a  short  time  it  was  announced  in  ISTew 
Haven  that  Professor  Andrews  was  to  remove  to  Boston  to 
become  the  Principal  of  the  Mt.  Vernon  School.  This  purpose 
he  carried  out,  and  for  some  six  years  successfully  maintained 
the  reputation  of  that  school.  Then  he  returned  to  his  old 
home  in  ISTew  Britain,  and  there  spent  the  remainder  of  his 
years,"  devoting  himself  to  the  laborious  and  expansive  literary 
projects  he  had  formed.     The  long  list  of  his  works  I  need  not 

*  At  one  time  during  tlais  period  Professor  Andrews  was  temporarily 
engaged  in  teaching  in  New  Haven,  but  this  engagement  did  not  involve 
the  removal  of  his  residence  from  New  Britain. 


AN    ALMOST    FORGOTTEN    NEW    HAVEN    INSTITUTION.  31 

enumerate.  In  1847  Yale  gave  liini  his  honorary  degree.  He 
coveted  retirement,  but  his  townsmen  were  unwilling  to  let  him 
remain  in  it.  They  elected  him  Judge  of  the  Probate  Court, 
and  this  office  he  filled  for  two  successive  terms,  and  would 
have  been  continued  in  it  had  he  been  willing  to  serve.  The 
town  of  ISTew  Britain  was  erected  in  1850,  and  he  was  unani- 
mously chosen  to  be  its  first  representative  in  the  Legislature. 
When  that  body  met  he  was  made  Chairman  of  the  Committee 
on  Education.  He  was  the  author  of  a  report  in  favor  of  a 
revision  of  the  Common-School  System  of  the  State,  and  a  bill 
accompanying  it,  which  became  the  basis  of  all  subsequent  legis- 
lation. He  was  an  active  promoter  of  the  first  State  ISTormal 
School,  and  when  its  location  at  IsTew  Britain  had  been  secured, 
was  its  steadfast  friend  and  wise  adviser  to  the  end  of  his  life. 
That  event  came  peacefully  on  March  24,  1858. 

The  removal  of  its  Principal  was  a  very  decided  blow  to  the 
Young  Ladies'  Institute,  and  those  interested  in  it  feared  the 
effect  would  be  fatal  to  the  enterprise.  Mr,  Palmer's  first 
impulse  was  to  relinquish  his  own  position  at  the  same  time 
with  Professor  Andrews.  But  vigorous  remonstrances  having 
been  made  by  the  patrons  of  the  Institute,  whose  daughters 
were  his  pupils,  he  decided  to  take  less  expensive  quarters,  and 
go  on  with  the  work  of  teaching  upon  a  smaller  scale.  A  house 
was  actually  selected  for  this  purpose.  Ultimately,  however, 
he  was  persuaded  to  become  himself  the  Principal  of  the  Insti- 
tute, and  took  possession  of  it  about  the  first  of  April,  1833. 
Up  to  that  date,  while  constantly  engaged  within  the  building, 
he  had  lived  outside ;  now  he  established  himself  and  his  house- 
hold in  the  south  wing.  I  have  alluded  to  his  marriage  in  the 
autumn  previous.  I  am  minded  by  way  of  episode,  thinking 
to  enliven  a  little  what  may  be  a  dull  narrative,  to  tell  you  a 
story  of  that  event,  as  an  experience  of  real  life  easily  possible 
seventy-five  years  ago,  but  hardly  conceivable  now.  I  have  said 
the  summer  term  of  the  Institute  closed  four  weeks  before  the 
first  of  JSTovember.  It  was  natural,  then,  that  for  the  wedding 
of  one  of  the  instructors  an  early  day  in  October  should  be 
selected,  that  he  might  have  the  vacation  for  his  honeymoon. 


32  AN"    ALMOST    FORGOTTEN    NEW    HAVEN    INSTITUTION. 

The  day  chosen  was  the  second,  and  the  hour,  noon.  The  last 
days  of  a  term  are  very  busy  ones,  and  a  conscientious 
instructor  was  likely  to  put  off  the  leaving  of  his  work  to  as 
late  an  hour  as  possible.  In  fact  he  planned  to  take  the  night- 
boat  for  New  York  on  the  first,  which  would  give  him  ample 
time  to  reach  his  destination,  which  was  I^Tewark,  IST.  J.  But 
on  the  evening  of  the  first,  one  of  the  sudden  and  sharp  south- 
easterly storms,  with  which  we  are  familiar,  came  down  relent- 
lessly. The  gale  was  violent,  and  the  prudent  Captain  would 
not  leave  the  wharf.  This  was  all  well  enough  for  him,  but 
rather  hard  on  the  would-be  bridegroom.  It  left  him  ninety 
miles  away  from  his  bride,  with  no  means  of  reaching  her,  or  of 
communicating  with  her.  I  have  heard  that  merry-hearted 
girls,  mindful  of  a  familiar  line  of  Gray's  "Elegy,"  used  to 
call  him  "the  Eay  serene."  I  do  not  think  that  epithet  fitted 
him  that  evening!  There  was  nothing  for  him,  however,  but 
to  wait  and  take  the  morning  stage-coach  for  'New  York,  and 
this  he  did.  Other  people  had  been  disappointed  of  going  by 
the  boat,  and  they  did  the  same.  It  followed  that  the  coach 
was  overloaded.  Moreover,  the  roads  were  very  heavy  from 
the  rain.  All  day  long  it  lumbered  upon  its  slow  way.  To 
one  impatient  passenger,  its  rate  of  progTess  was  most  dis- 
heartening. It  labored,  it  lingered,  it  languished.  It  paused, 
it  halted,  it  tarried.  It  did  everything  but  go.  When  at  last 
it  reached  New  York — because  it  could  not  help  it — the  hour 
was  so  late  that  the  last  conveyance  for  ISTewark  had  gone. 
He  could  not  even  get  across  the  Hudson  River.  After  vain 
attempts  he  betook  himself  to  a  hotel  for  shelter.  He  went 
to  bed,  but  not  to  sleep.  He  lay  the  long  hours  through,  watch- 
ing the  fiickering  reflection  of  a  street-lamp  upon  the  ceiling, 
in  indescribable  humiliation  and  dismay.  JSTaturally,  by  the 
earliest  possible  conveyance  in  the  morning,  he  was  off. 

Meanwhile,  what  had  happened  at  the  other  end  of  the 
route  ?  At  noon  of  the  second  a  large  party  of  relatives  and 
friends  had  gatliered  at  the  home  of  the  bride.  ISTaturally,  she 
and  her  bridesmaids  were  looking  their  prettiest,  and  the 
groomsmen  and  ushers  their  best.     The  house  was  decorated, 


AN    ALMOST    FORGOTTEN    NEW    HAVEN    INSTITUTION. 


33 


the  wedding-breakfast  was  laid,  the  parson  was  there  in  his 
robes — all  things  were  ready,  except — that  very  indispensable 
factor,  the  bridegToom.  Where  could  he  be?  At  first,  there 
was  some  little  joking  at  his  tardiness,  but  soon  the  affair 
took  a  more  serious  aspect, — he  did  not  come.  After  a  long 
wait  an  adjournment  was  taken  until  the  evening,  and  again 
all  was  ready  to  no  purpose.  After  another  wait,  another 
adjournment  was  made  until  the  following  noon;  a  waggish 
brother  of  the  bride  giving  notice  that  should  the  bridegroom 
not  then  appear,  the  bride  would  marry  the  first  groomsman. 
As  it  was  generally  understood  that  this  gentleman  had  been  pre- 
viously an  unaccepted  suitor,  there  was  humor  in  this  announce- 
ment to  everybody  hut  him,  and  this  somewhat  relaxed  the 
strained  feeling.  The  town  of  ISTewark  was  then  not  too  large 
for  everybody  to  know  what  was  going  on,  and  there  was  much 
excitement  in  it  that  evening.  Hard  thoughts  and  harsh  words 
were  current  concerning  the  recreant  bridegroom.  The  bride, 
while  clinging  to  her  faith  in  her  lover,  had  a  night  of  dis- 
tress. But  in  the  early  forenoon  he  appeared,  and  all  was 
explained.  The  wedding  went  happily  off  at  last.  When  at 
length  the  pair  drove  up  the  street,  the  sidewalks  were  lined 
with  throngs  of  people — curious,  as  I  suppose,  to  see  the  bride- 
groom who  had  been  twenty-four  hours  late  for  his  wedding, 
and  the  bride  who  forgave  him.  Railroads  and  telegraphs  have 
troubles  of  their  own,  and  sometimes  give  other  people  trouble. 
But  we  little  appreciate,  I  imagine,  from  how  much  trouble 
they  save  us. 

To  return  to  our  narrative.  To  assume  the  principalship 
of  the  Institute  was  a  bold  undertaking  for  so  young  a  man, 
with  a  wife  much  younger,  younger  in  fact  than  many  of  the 
students  themselves,  and  contemporary  letters  show  that  some 
of  his  friends  were  quite  solicitous  as  to  the  experiment.  But 
his  card  of  announcement,  which  came  out  in  the  catalogue 
of  1833,  following  one  signed  by  Professor  Andrews  setting 
forth  the  fact  of  his  retirement,  showed  a  good  courage,  and 
gave  assurance  that  the  Institute  would  continue  on  the  lines 
originally  laid  down,  and  the  new  regime  began.  It  might 
2 


34  AlSr    ALMOST    FOKGOTTEISi"    NEW    HAVEN    INSTITUTION. 

be  queried,  how,  if  the  work  of  housekeeping  had  proved  too 
hard  for  Mrs.  Andrews,  could  so  young  a  matron  as  Mrs. 
Pahner  hope  to  succeed  in  it;  but  the  fact  was  that  she  had 
the  counsel  and  efficient  cooperation  of  her  widowed  mother, 
a  woman  whose  character  combined  strength  and  beauty,  who 
also,  as  all  her  friends  were  aware,  was  an  experienced  and 
skilful  housekeeper.  At  any  rate,  the  house  filled  up,  the 
Institute  took  a  fresh  start,  and  a  good  year  followed.  I  find 
no  evidence  that  there  was  further  criticism  of  the  administra- 
tion of  the  household,  or  any  criticism  of  the  instruction  given 
in  the  class-rooms,  but  before  the  end  of  his  first  year  as 
Principal,  i.  e.,  by  the  spring  of  1834,  Mr.  Palmer  had  con- 
cluded, on  his  own  part,  that  while  he  could  make  the  Institute 
pay  its  own  expenses,  he  could  do  little  more,  and  as  his  heart 
had  been  set  for  many  years  upon  ultimately  entering  the 
Christian  ministry,  he  gave  his  landlord  notice  that  after 
another  session  he  should  relinquish  the  enterprise.  Accord- 
ingly, in  August  of  that  year,  Mr.  Bishop  sold  the  property 
to  Stiles  and  Truman  French,  and  in  the  autumn,  at  the  end 
of  the  session,  the  Institute  was  finally  closed.  In  the  begin- 
ning of  the  winter  he  removed  his  family  to  Boston,  and  in  a 
few  months  entered  upon  a  pastorate.  Mr.  Stiles  French 
opened  the  building  as  a  school  for  boys ;  and  about  1840  Gen. 
W.  H.  Russell  first  leased  and  subsequently  purchased  it  for 
his  famous  Military  School. 

The  abandonment  of  the  Institute  was  very  greatly  and  very 
widely  regretted,  by  its  friends  and  patrons,  and  perhaps  we 
ourselves  may  deem  it  to  be  regrettable.  But  it  was  probably 
inevitable.  It  was  an  institution  welcomed  by  the  few,  and 
these  perhaps  of  the  best,  but  not  appealing  to  the  many,  nor 
to  such  as  could  do  anything  adequate  for  its  endowment.  It 
involved  too  heavy  financial  responsibility  for  an  individual 
to  sustain.  Had  it  passed  into  the  hands  of  a  corporation,  and 
become  possessed  of  sufficient  funds  of  its  own,  there  is  no 
knowing  whereunto  it  might  ultimately  have  gro^vn.  But  it 
probably  was  in  advance  of  its  time,  and  its  five  years  of  his- 
tory, however  creditable  and  fruitful,  only  demonstrated  that 


AN    ALMOST    FORGOTTEN    NEW    HAVEN    INSTITUTION. 


35 


fact.  JSTevertheless  it  appeals  somewhat  to  the  local  pride  of 
a  community  like  this  that  just  such  an  institution,  the  first 
of  its  kind,  an  honor  to  its  founders,  of  repute  throughout  the 
country,  the  spring  of  cultural  influences  which  subsequently 
flowed  far  and  wide,  should  have  originated  here.  It  was  the 
pioneer  of  the  many  colleges  for  young  women  now  so  well 
known,  and  so  great  a  power.  Or,  at  any  rate,  it  was  a 
harbinger  of  the  good  things  that  were  to  come.  It  was  in 
this  conviction,  and  I  think  from  no  other  reason— although 
it  is  not  much  against  a  man  that  he  has  some  sentiment  about 
his  birthplace — that  I  yielded  to  a  request,  and  prepared  the 
paper,  which  I  have  had  the  honor  to  lay  before  you. 


ELI  WHITNEY  BLAKE,  SCIENTIST  AND 
INVENTOR. 

By  Heney  T.  Blake. 
[Read  December  21,   1908.] 


Eli  Whitney  Blake  was  born  at  Westboro,  Mass.,  January  27, 
1795.  His  father  was  a  country  farmer  of  moderate  means,  and 
his  uncle,  Eli  Whitney,  on  account  of  the  boy's  name,  assumed 
the  expense  of  his  college  education.  He  graduated  at  Yale  in 
1816  and  soon  afterwards  entered  the  Law  School  at  Litch- 
field, then  conducted  by  Judge  Gould,  During  his  second  year 
in  that  school  he  was  called  away  by  Mr.  Whitney  to  aid  him 
in  the  work  of  enlarging  his  arms  manufactory  at  Whitney- 
ville  and  in  the  general  conduct  of  his  business ;  Mr.  Blake's 
brother,  Philos,  being  associated  with  him  in  the  same  work. 

While  in  the  employment  of  Mr.  Whitney,  Mr.  Blake  did 
some  outside  engineering  work.  Among  other  things  he  made 
one  of  the  preliminary  surveys  for  the  Farmington  canal,  hav- 
ing Mr.  Henry  Farnam  as  his  assistant,  and  with  this  joint 
labor  commenced  a  friendship  between  the  two  young  men, 
which  lasted  through  life.  During  this  period  also  he  was  a 
member  of  the  Second  Company,  Governor's  Foot  Guard  and 
at  the  time  of  the  Medical  College  riots  in  January,  1824,  he 
was  sent  as  lieutenant  in  command  of  twenty  men  to  protect 
the  Medical  College  building ;  a  duty  which  was  accomplished, 
and  several  of  the  rioters  were  captured  by  the  military  and 
lodged  in  jail. 

On  July  5,  1822,  Mr.  Blake  married  Eliza  Maria  O'Brien 
of  New  Haven,  who,  as  a  faithful  and  devoted  wife  and  mother, 
shared  his  joys  and  sorrows  for  nearly  fifty-four  years,  and  who 


ELI    WHITNEY    BLAKE.  37 

died  April  15,  1876.  The  domestic  history  of  the  pair,  how- 
ever, does  not  come  within  the  purpose  of  this  paper. 

Toward  the  year  1822,  Mr.  Whitney's  health  began  to  fail, 
so  that  he  gave  less  and  less  personal  attention  to  the  Whitney- 
ville  business.  He  died  in  1825,  leaving  Mr.  Blake  and  his 
brother  Philos  in  charge  of  the  arms  factory  and  its  affairs, 
which  they  continued  to  conduct  until  1835.  In  that  year 
these  two  with  another,  John,  under  the  firm  name  of  "Blake 
Brothers,"  started  a  factory  of  their  own  at  Westville  for 
making  door  locks  and  latches  and  other  articles  of  domestic 
hardware.  This  firm  was  the  first  in  this  country  and  prob- 
ably in  the  world  to  introduce  the  now  universally  used 
"mortise"  locks  and  latches  which  are  inserted  into  the  body 
of  the  door;  superseding  the  previous  clumsy  and  disfiguring 
"box"  locks  and  latches  of  English  manufacture  which  were 
affixed  to  the  surface  of  the  door,  and  of  which  specimens  may 
still  be  occasionally  seen  in  ancient  houses.  They  were  also 
the  first  to  manufacture  numerous  other  household  equipments 
promoting  convenience  and  economy  in  domestic  life  which 
have  since  come  into  common  use.  This  business  was  carried 
on  at  Westville  until  about  1880,  when,  the  other  two  members 
of  the  firm  having  died,  and  the  profits  of  the  business  dimin- 
ished through  excessive  competition,  it  was  brought  to  a  close. 
Meantime,  for  many  years  Mr.  Blake's  personal  attention  had 
been  fully  occupied  by  the  affairs  connected  with  his  most 
important  invention,  the  Blake  Stone  Breaker  (of  which  more 
hereafter),  and  he  had  now  reached  an  age  when  repose  was 
the  first  consideration.  He  therefore  retired  from  active  work 
and  passed  a  quiet  and  happy  old  age  in  the  bosom  of  his 
family.  He  nevertheless  retained  an  undiminished  interest  in 
all  the  public  and  scientific  questions  of  the  day,  until,  in  the 
full  possession  of  his  unusual  mental  powers,  he  died  at  New 
Haven,  August  18,  1886,  in  his  92d  year.  The  residence,  ISTo. 
77  Elm  Street,  which  was  his  home  for  the  last  fifty-six  years 
of  his  life,  is  now  occupied  by  the  Graduates'  Club. 

An  incident  illustrating  Mr.  Blake's  practical  ingenuity, 
which  created  much  interest  at  the  time  amono;  the  medical  fra- 


38  ELI    WHITNEY    BLAKE. 

ternitj  of  l^ew  Haven,  may  perhaps  be  related  here.  While  he 
was  in  charge  of  the  factory  at  Whitneyville,  a  small  boy  of 
the  neighborhood  stuffed  a  pebble  into  one  of  his  ears  as  far 
as  he  could  push  it  and  was  unable  to  get  it  out.  Being  a 
modest  youth,  he  made  no  report  of  this  achievement  and  in  a 
day  or  two  the  pebble  was  so  imbedded  in  inflammation  that  only 
a  small  part  of  its  surface  could  be  seen.  The  boy's  suffering 
was  intense  and  the  local  doctors  could  devise  no  way  to  remove 
the  pebble  except  by  cutting  into  the  ear,  an  operation  certainly 
painful,  and  possibly  serious.  Mr.  Blake  then  took  the  matter 
in  hand  and  removed  the  pebble  in  the  following  manner. 
Having  pushed  a  stiff  cardboard  tube  into  the  ear  so  as  to 
press  back  the  inflammation  and  expose  more  of  the  pebble's 
surface,  he  separated  the  end  of  a  strong  string  into  its  compo- 
nent fibers,  and  inserting  this  end  into  the  tube  he  spread  the 
fibers  over  the  surface  of  the  pebble  and  fixed  them  to  it  with 
a  strong  cement.  Then  when  the  cement  had  been  hardened 
by  blowing  air  upon  it  with  a  bellows,  a  steady  pull  on  the 
string  brought  out  the  pebble.  In  after  years  the  late  Dr. 
Knight  frequently  mentioned  this  operation  to  his  students  as 
a  clever  bit  of  surgery;  and,  within  my  own  recollection,  the 
pebble  with  its  string  and  tube  attached  was  preserved  as  a 
relic  in  the  museum  of  the  Medical  College. 

Throughout  his  long  life  Mr.  Blake  was  keenly  interested  in 
all  scientific  subjects  and  problems,  particularly  those  connected 
with  the  department  of  physics.  He  early  became  and  always 
continued  to  be  an  active  member  of  the  Connecticut  Academy 
of  Science  and  Arts  and  served  for  a  part  of  the  time  as  its 
President.  Possessing  a  spirit  of  original  investigation,  united 
with  acute  perceptions  and  mathematical  abilities  of  a  high 
order,  he  was  a  frequent  contributor  to  the  American  Journal 
of  Science,  then  conducted  by  the  elder  Professor  Silliman, 
and  was  held  in  high  respect  by  that  distinguished  man,  who 
refers  to  him  in  "the  Yale  Book"  as  "an  able  investigator  of 
mechanical  and  physical  problems."  Mr.  Blake's  first  contri- 
bution to  the  Journal  was  in  1824  (he  being  then  29  years  old), 
and  was  an  elaborate  treatise  on  the  proper  form  for  the  teeth 


ELI    WHITXEY    BLAKE. 


39 


of  cog  wheels.  The  paper,  v/hich  occupies  sixteen  pages  of  the 
Journal,  with  mathematical  demonstrations  and  diagrams,  com- 
pletely covered  a  field  which  had  been  only  partially  worked  by 
previous  writers,  and  was  for  many  years  thereafter  referred  to 
in  scientific  publications  as  "Blake's  Exhaustive  Treatise"  on 
that  branch  of  mechanics. 

In  1827  he  published  a  paper  in  the  Journal  entitled  "The 
Crank  Problem,  with  Eemarks  on  the  Transmission  of  Power 
by  Machinery,"  and,  in  1835,  another,  entitled  "On  the 
Resistance  of  Fluids,  with  Remarks  on  the  Received  Theory 
Relating  to  that  Subject."  These  two  papers,  although  nine 
years  apart,  are  here  mentioned  together  because  their  origin 
and  main  purpose  was  in  both  cases  the  same.  In  the  first  case, 
a  dispute  had  arisen  between  two  previous  contributors  to  the 
Journal  on  the  question  whether  there  was  a  loss  of  power  in 
the  crank  motion.  In  the  second,  there  was  a  similar  dispute 
between  two  other  contributors  with  respect  to  the  laws  which 
govern  the  resistance  of  fluids.  In  both  cases,  Mr.  Blake  joined 
the  discussion  with  a  purpose  to  show  that  the  dispute  had  been 
caused  by  the  indiscriminate  use  by  both  parties  of  the  same 
term  "force"  as  applied  to  three  different  forms  of  its  mani- 
festation, viz. :  Force  as  simple  pressure ;  force  producing 
motion  for  a  certain  distance,  or  a  certain  amount  of  Avork; 
and  force  producing  a  certain  amount  of  motion  or  work  in 
a  certain  time.  These  three  forms  of  "force,"  he  insisted,  are 
different  in  kind  as  mechanical  elements,  and  should  be  dis- 
tinguished from  each  other  in  all  mechanical  discussions.  The 
first  form  of  force,  he  contended,  consists  of  only  one  attribute, 
like  linear  measure ;  the  second,  of  two,  like  superficial  meas- 
ure ;  and  the  third,  of  three,  like  solid  measure ;  and  the  same 
word  "force,"  he  declared,  can  be  no  more  properly  used  to 
express  these  three  different  things,  than  the  word  "foot"  can 
be  used  indiscriminately  to  mean  a  linear  foot,  a  square  foot, 
or  a  cubic  foot.  The  inevitable  effect  of  such  a  careless  use 
of  language  in  mechanical  discussions,  he  maintained,  must  be 
misunderstanding  and  confusion,  not  only  between  the  con- 
testants, but  in  the  reasonings  of  each ;    and  this  result,  he 


40  ELI    WHITNEY    BLAKE. 

claimed,  was  manifest  in  the  papers  under  consideration.  He 
then  in  each,  case  took  up  the  problem  under  discussion,  point- 
ing out  the  errors  of  the  disputants  both  in  their  arguments  and 
their  results,  and  giving  in  each  case  what  he  claimed  to  be 
the  correct  solution. 

In  both  these  papers  of  Mr.  Blake,  written,  as  before  stated, 
nine  years  apart,  he  took  occasion  to  criticize  the  existing 
text-books  and  other  treatises  on  Mechanics  for  not  making  clear 
this  distinction  between  the  different  forms  of  force  and  their 
different  values  in  physical  discussions,  declaring  that  so  far 
as  his  "observation  extended,  more  errors  had  arisen  from  mis- 
apprehension here  than  from  all  other  sources."  "It  is  this 
error,"  he  says,  "pervading  treatises  on  mechanics  which  has 
rendered  them  worse  than  useless  as  guides  to  practical  men 
on  subjects  relating  to  the  application  and  use  of  mechanical 
power" ;  and  adds  the  remark,  "Until  this  distinction  is  laid 
down  in  limine  as  fundamental  in  reference  to  such  application 
and  use,  theory  and  practice  will  woo  each  other  almost  in  vain." 

The  last  of  these  papers,  which  related  to  the  Resistance  of 
Fluids,  was  sharply  replied  to  by  one  of  the  writers  who  had 
been  criticized  by  it.  In  this  reply  he  denied  that  Mr,  Blake's 
solution  of  the  problem  in  hand  was  correct,  and  he  especially 
criticized  his  distinctions  respecting  the  use  of  the  term  "force," 
charging  him  with  presumption  in  differing  from  iTewton,  who 
made  no  such  distinctions,  and  whose  laws  of  force  were  uni- 
versally accepted  by  physicists.  To  this  attack,  Mr.  Blake 
rejoined  at  some  length  in  a  third  contribution  to  the  Journal, 
defending  the  correctness  of  his  solution,  and  answering  the 
charge  of  presumption  as  follows:  "I  am  not  aware  that  in 
the  article  referred  to  I  impeached  the  demonstrations  or  con- 
clusions of  ISTewton.  I  imagine  that  the  points  which  I  called 
in  question  were  rather  inferences  illegitimately  drawn  from 
ISTewton's  reasonings.  If,  however,  I  have  arrayed  myself 
against  I^ewton,  I  shall  not  retreat  or  seek  refuge  behind  any 
name,  but  take  my  stand  on  the  immutable  laws  of  iSTature. 
If  these  will  not  sustain  me,  let'  me  be  put  down.'* 
,  As  supplementary  to  the  foregoing  and  perhaps  somewhat 
abstruse  disquisition,  it  is  proper  to  state  that  modern  text- 


ELI    WHITNEY    BLAKE.  41 

books  on  physics  make  the  same  distinctions  as  those  indicated 
by  Mr.  Blake  in  1827  and  1836.  "Force"  itself,  or  simple 
pressure,  is  measured  by  its  unit,  the  dyne.  "Energy,"  or  force 
in  the  form  of  work,  is  force  multiplied  by  distance  and  is 
measured  by  the  erg,  or  foot-pound.  "Power"  is  work  divided 
by  time  and  its  units  are  ergs  per  second,  horse-power,  kilowatt, 
etc.  The  terms  for  these  physical  quantities  are  still  sometimes 
loosely  applied,  but  the  fact  that  their  fundamental  differences 
were  pointed  out  so  clearly  by  Mr.  Blake  at  those  early  dates, 
indicates  that  he  was  in  advance  of  his  contemporaries  in 
appreciating  the  distinctions  to  be  made  between  them. 

In  1848,  Mr.  Blake  made  another  contribution  to  the  Journal 
of  Science  in  a  paper  entitled  "A  Theoretic  Determination  of 
the  Law  of  the  Flow  of  Elastic  Fluids  through  Orifices."  This 
paper  was  one  of  much  practical  importance  and  had  some 
interesting  consequences.  It  had  its  origin  in  the  following 
manner:  A  new  steam  engine  which  had  been  purchased  for 
the  factory  at  Westville  disappointed  him  with  respect  to  the 
power  it  developed  and  he  sought  to  discover  the  reason.  After 
careful  study,  he  concluded  that  the  ports  or  passages  for  the 
steam  entering  or  leaving  the  cylinder  were  not  of  the  proper 
size.  On  writing  for  information  to  the  reputable  firm  which 
had  constructed  the  engine,  he  learned  that  the  ports  were  in 
exact  conformity  to  the  rule  long  established  and  accepted  by 
the  best  authorities.  Mr.  Blake  thereupon  looked  up  the 
authorities  and  the  principles  on  which  the  rule  had  been 
arrived  at  and  became  convinced  that  the  rule  was  incorrect. 
He  therefore  took  up  the  problem  anew  to  discover  by  mathe- 
matical investigation  the  law  which  governs  the  fiow  of  elastic 
fluids  through  narrow  openings.  The  abstruse  processes  by 
which  he  reached  his  final  results  are  given  in  his  paper  and 
the  conclusion  was  that  the  passages  in  a  steam  engine  for  the 
flow  of  steam  from  the  cylinder  should  be  twice  as  large  as 
the  established  rule  prescribed. 

After  this  paper  appeared  in  the  Journal  it  was  vigorously 
assailed  by  various  experts  in  letters  to  the  editor  of  the 
Journal,  though  no  formal  refutation  of  it  was  offered.  The 
protests,  however,  were  so  numerous  and  respectable  that  Mr. 


42  ELI    WHITJSTEY    BLAKE. 

Blake  determined  to  test  the  correctness  of  his  views  experi- 
mentally. Accordingly,  during  such  time  as  he  could  spare 
from  his  pressing  business,  he  constructed  an  apparatus  for 
the  purpose.  In  1851  he  published  in  the  Journal  a  descrip- 
tion of  the  apparatus,  with  an  account  of  the  test,  the  result 
of  which  established  beyond  dispute  the  soundness  of  his  view 
as  it  had  been  previously  demonstrated  theoretically.  IsTothing 
more  was  heard  from  the  critics,  but  there  was  a  sequel  to  the 
incident  twenty-four  years  later  which  remains  to  be  told. 

In  the  year  1866,  Mr.  Robert  ISTapier  of  Glasgow,  Scotland, 
the  owner  and  manager  of  one  of  the  most  extensive  establish- 
ments in  Great  Britain  for  the  construction  of  ships  and  marine 
engines,  published  in  the  London  Engineer  an  account  of 
experiments  made  by  him  on  the  flow  of  steam  through  an 
engine,  by  which  he  had  reached  precisely  the  same  results 
which  Mr.  Blake  had  demonstrated  in  1848 ;  such  demonstra- 
tion, however,  being  unkno^\m  to  Mr.  IsTapier.  In  January, 
1875,  Mr.  Blake,  who  was  unaware  of  Mr.  jSTapier's  experi- 
ments, was  surprised  by  the  receipt  of  the  following  letter : 

Hyde  Park  St.,  Glasgow,  Jan.  2,  1875. 
Eli  W.  Blake,  Esq., 

Dear  Sir — In  1866,  I  published  ray  views  about  the  flow  of  steam, 
with  the  results  of  experiments,  and  was  not  aware  until  several  years 
afterwards  that  you  had  published  the  self-same  views  more  than  eighteen 
years  before  me.  I  have  no  doubt  that  you,  with  comparatively  few 
experiments  to  support  you,  would  find  if  possible  more  difficulty  than 
I  did  to  convince  anyone  of  the  truth  of  my  views. 

I  think  I  may  safely  say  that  I  should  to  this  date  hardly  have  convinced 
anyone  had  not  Professor  Rankine  come  to  my  rescue  by  writing  papers 
in  the  Engineer  in  November  and  December,  1869,  and  through  that,  I 
understand  that  our  views  are  accepted  generally  in  Germany  and  among 
a  number  of  mathematicians  of  the  first  class  in  Britain. 

I  thought  you  would  like  to  see  that  you  were  not  quite  forgotten  in 
the  thing.  When  writing  my  letter  to  the  Engineer,  now  sent  (December 
25,  1874),  I  had  nothing  to  refer  to  as  to  the  date  of  your  views  being 
published  or  I  should  have  mentioned  it. 

Yours  very  truly, 

Robert  D.  Napier. 

Accompanying  this  letter  was  a  copy  of  the  Engineer,  con- 
taining an  acknowledgment  by  Mr,  l^apier  of  Mr.  Blake  as 
the  prior  discoverer  of  the  new  rule  for  the  flow  of  steam,  and 


ELI    WHITNEY    BLAKE.  43 

of  his  demonstration  of  it  by  a  process  of  reasoning  "which," 
says  Mr.  ISTapier,  "I  have  to  admit  that  I  cannot  understand, 
but  I  have  met  some  to  whom  it  was  more  convincing  than  my 
own." 

Surely  such  a  voluntary  and  cordial  acknowledgment  of 
priority  from  a  British  to  an  American  discoverer  is  of  itself 
worthy  of  commemoration  as  a  notable  historical  event.  It  may 
be  added  that  all  steam  engines  are  now  built  with  ports  con- 
structed according  to  the  rule  first  laid  down  by  Mr.  Blake. 

In  the  course  of  his  investigations  into  the  properties  of 
elastic  fluids,  Mr.  Blake  became  impressed  with  a  new  view 
respecting  the  manner  in  which  pulses  or  sound-waves  are 
propagated  through  the  atmosphere,  and  in  1848  he  published 
a  paper  in  the  Journal  of  Science  entitled  "A  Determination 
of  the  General  Laws  of  the  Propagation  of  Pulses  in  Elastic 
Media" ;  in  which  he  maintained  that  the  velocity  of  sound  is 
not  invariably  the  same  under  like  conditions,  as  was  then  and 
still  is  generally  believed,  but  that  it  is  affected  by  the  sound's 
intensity.  This  view  he  further  supported  by  another  paper 
which  appeared  in  the  Journal  in  1850,  entitled  "Influence  of 
the  Known  Laws  of  Motion  on  the  Expansion  of  Elastic 
Fluids."  In  both  these  papers  he  developed  at  considerable 
length  his  theory  as  to  the  manner  in  which  pulses  of  compres- 
sion are  propagated  through  elastic  fluids  like  the  atmosphere, 
the  argument  being  contained  in  a  course  of  reasoning  which 
only  those  versed  in  the  higher  mathematics  can  follow.  For 
many  years  thereafter  Mr.  Blake's  business  activities  prevented 
him  from  pursuing  his  scientific  investigations,  but  when  in 
1879  his  Alma  Mater,  \"ale,  conferred  on  him  the  honorary 
degree  of  LL.D.,  he  felt  impelled  to  revive  the  discussion  of  the 
subject  last  referred  to,  as  one  in  which,  after  thirty  years' 
reflection,  he  found  his  views  confirmed,  and  upon  which  he 
felt  that  there  was  something  more  to  be  said.  He  therefore 
took  up  the  subject  with  new  zest,  and  in  December,  1881  (he 
then  being  nearly  87  years  old),  he  submitted  for  publication 
in  the  Journal  of  Science  a  paper  entitled  "The  Form,  Forma- 
tion and  Movements  of  Sonorous  Waves."     In  this  paper  he 


44  ELI    WHITNEY    BLAKE. 

reviewed  the  views  of  previous  writers  on  the  velocity  and 
propagation  of  sound-waves  through  the  atmosphere,  and  their 
disagreements  with  each  other,  and  pressed  his  own  theory  as 
the  only  one  which  conformed  to  dynamic  laws.  The  then 
editors  of  the  Journal,  however,  were  not  prepared  to  accept 
for  publication  ideas  which  did  not  accord  with  those  generallv 
embraced  by  physicists,  and  declined  the  article.  Whereupon 
Mr.  Blake  decided  to  place  his  views  on  record  in  another  form. 
He  therefore  collected  all  the  papers  which  he  had  written 
relating  to  the  laws  and  properties  of  elastic  fluids  and  pub- 
lished them  in  1882,  in  a  small  volume  for  private  distribu- 
tion, under  the  title,  "'Original  Solutions  of  Several  Problems 
in  Aero-dynamics." 

In  the  preface  to  this  volume  he  says  that  he  presents  these 
papers  "as  a  contribution  towards  a  more  full  development 
of  an  interesting  and  important  branch  of  physics" ;  and  after 
its  publication  he  often  expressed  his  confidence  that  the  time 
would  come  when  the  truth  of  all  the  views  set  forth  in  the 
volume  would  be  universally  recognized  by  physicists,  as  that 
of  some  of  them  had  already  been  acknowledged  after  a  period 
of  skepticism.  Whether  this  expectation  will  ever  be  realized 
with  regard  to  his  theory  respecting  the  varying  velocities  of 
sound-waves  and  their  mode  of  propagation,  still  remains  to 
be  seen.  While  the  general  view  continues  to  be  that  all  sound- 
waves move  with  the  same  velocity  under  like  conditions,  it  is 
admitted  that  such  velocity,  after  many  years  of  experiment, 
is  not  accurately  known,  and  that  a  margin  of  doubt  still  exists 
sufficient  to  make  the  theory  of  varying  velocities,  at  least 
within  that  margin,  a  possible  one.  In  fact,  some  of  the  recorded 
experiments  distinctly  favor  even  a  greater  degree  of  varia- 
tion than  this.  The  question,  therefore,  seems  remanded  for 
solution,  if  it  can  ever  be  solved  at  all,  to  the  realm  of  mathe- 
matics and  dynamic  laws.  It  was  on  the  conviction  that  he  had 
so  solved  it  that  Mr.  Blake's  confidence  in  the  ultimate  accept- 
ance of  his  views  was  based ;  his  attitude  being  that  which  was 
expressed  in  his  language  already  quoted,  in  the  case  of  another 
disputed  position,  "I  take  my  stand  on  the  immutable  laws 
of  ISTature.     If  these  will  not  sustain  me,  let  me  be  put  down." 


ELI    WHITNEY    BLAKE,  45 

We  now  come  to  that  invention  of  Mr.  Blake's  which  has 
given  him  a  world-wide  reputation  as  a  promoter  of  human 
progress  and  prosperity.  This  invention,  which  is  known  all 
over  the  world  as  "The  Blake  crusher"  (or,  as  he  preferred 
to  call  it,  "the  Blake  stone  breaker"),  received  its  United 
States  patent  fifty  years  ago  this  year,  or  to  be  exact,  on  June 
15,  1858;  and  as  half  a  century  has  now  elapsed  since  its 
official  birth,  this  seems  to  be  an  appropriate  time  to  review 
the  influence  it  has  exerted  during  that  period  as  an  economic 
and  social  factor  in  this  and  other  countries  of  our  globe.  As 
this  paper,  however,  is  of  a  personal  nature  in  its  primary 
purpose,  it  will  be  proper  for  me  to  begin  with  a  brief  account 
of  the  origin  and  development  of  an  invention  which  was  so 
important  in  its  character  and  so  far-reaching  in  its  results. 
Fortunately  we  have  Mr.  Blake's  own  story  of  its  achievement 
in  a  sworn  statement  submitted  by  him  to  the  Commissioner  of 
Patents  in  1872,  on  his  application  for  an  extension  of  his 
patent;  the  law  then  requiring  that  on  such  application  the 
applicant  should  show  among  other  things  the  labor  which  the 
invention  had  cost  him  and  its  value  to  the  public. 

In  this  statement  Mr.  Blake  begins  by  saying  that  his  atten- 
tion was  first  directed  to  the  subject  when,  in  1851,  he  was 
appointed  by  the  town  of  ISTew  Haven  one  of  a  committee  to 
construct  about  two  miles  of  macadam  road  on  one  of  the  prin- 
cipal avenues  of  the  city.  (This  was  Whalley  Avenue  from 
Broadway  to  Westville  bridge.)  "'No  work  of  the  kind,"  he 
says,  "had  then  been  done  in  the  neighborhood,  and  I  believe 
that  at  that  time  there  were  not  a  dozen  miles  of  macadam  road 
in  all  the  jSTew  England  states."  He  says  that  he  devoted 
himself  at  once  to  a  careful  and  thorough  study  of  all  the  books 
he  could  find  on  the  subject,  and  found  that  no  way  had  been 
devised  to  break  stone  into  fragments  except  by  hand  hammers, 
costing  two  days'  labor  to  produce  only  a  cubic  yard  of  road 
metal,  "and  this  in  coarser  fragments  than  was  desirable  for 
a  good  road-bed."  He  adds:  "the  importance  of  a  machine 
to  do  the  work  became  immediately  obvious  and  from  that  time 
for  a  period  of  seven  years,  scarcely  a  day,  or  an  hour,  passed 
in  which  my  mind  was  not  mainly  occupied  with  the  subject." 


46  ELI    WHITNEY    BLAKE. 

On  careful  reflection  be  saw  that  the  problem  before  him 
was  to  contrive  an  apparatus  which  should  act  at  the  same  time 
on  a  considerable  number  of  stones  of  different  sizes  and  shapes, 
and  from  which  the  fragments  when  reduced  to  the  desired 
size  should  be  rapidly  and  automatically  removed.  Three  years 
had  passed  before  his  mind  had  clearly  conceived  the  solution 
of  this  problem,  viz.,  a  pair  of  upright  jaws  converging  down- 
wards; the  space  between  them  at  the  top  being  sufficiently 
large  to  receive  the  stones  to  be  broken,  and  that  at  the  bottom 
small  enough  to  permit  the  passage  of  such  fragnnents  as  were 
broken  to  the  required  size ;  and  then  imparting  to  one  of  the 
jaws  a  short  and  powerful  vibratory  movement. 

This  simple  device  having  been  decided  on,  it  still  remained 
to  organize  the  machine  in  its  practical  form ;  to  fix  the  mode 
of  imparting  movement  to  the  vibratory  jaw  in  such  manner 
as  to  secure  the  most  compact  arrangement  of  parts  with  the 
least  amount  of  friction,  and  sufficient  power  to  crush  trap 
rock  by  a  pressure  of  27,000  pounds  to  the  square  inch.  The 
method  by  which  he  met  these  conditions  was  often  referred  to 
by  the  late  Prof.  William  P.  Trowbridge  in  his  class  and 
public  lectures  as  a  notable  achievement  in  mechanical  com- 
binations ;  but  simple  as  it  was,  the  study  and  computations 
involved  occupied  the  remainder  of  the  seven  years  that  were 
spent  on  the  invention.  The  form  and  strength  of  every  part 
was  worked  out  in  detail  on  paper  before  a  step  was  taken  in 
construction,  and  so  carefully  and  correctly  was  this  done  that 
the  first  machine  set  up  proved  to  be  as  perfect  in  all  its 
working  qualities  as  the  last  one  that  has  been  yet  produced 
after  fifty  years  of  experience. 

Since  Mr.  Blake's  patent  has  expired,  and  with  it  the  exclu- 
sive right  to  manufacture  his  invention,  vast  numbers  of  stone 
crushers  have  been  put  on  the  market  by  other  makers,  many 
of  which  contain  some  immaterial  modification  in  shape  or 
arrangement  of  parts ;  but  all  being  alike  in  the  essential  fea- 
tures which  were  original  with  Mr.  Blake  and  were  covered 
by  his  patent,  viz.,  the  upright  convergent  jaws  between  which 
the  stones  are  crushed  by  a  short  vibration  imparted  to  one 


ELI    WHITNEY    BLAKE.  47 

of  the  jaws.  All  of  these  machines,  therefore,  with  whatever 
names  they  are  labeled,  are  generically  "the  Blake  crusher," 
and  are  so  recognized  by  engineers  and  experts  all  over  the 
world,  with  whom  the  terms  '^'jaw  crusher"  and  "Blake 
crusher"  are  synonymous.  Whenever,  therefore,  this  paper 
refers  to  "the  Blake  crushers"  which  are  now  in  use,  or  have 
been  since  1858,  it  means  all  machines  by  whomsoever  made 
which  contain  the  upright,  convergent  crushing  jaws,  con- 
structed and  operating  as  described  in  the  Blake  patent,  includ- 
ing those  in  which  the  movable  jaw  has  a  rotary  as  well  as  a 
vibratory  motion;  just  as  all  cotton  gins  that  have  been  made 
or  used,  whatever  slight  changes  may  have  been  introduced  in 
them  by  different  makers,  since  they  all  possess  the  essential 
features  which  mark  the  original  invention,  are  spoken  of 
everywhere  and  by  everybody  as    "the  Whitney  cotton  gin." 

The  comparison  just  made  was  hardly  needed  as  a  reminder 
in  this  connection  of  that  other  mechanical  creation,  half  a 
century  before  the  genesis  of  the  stone  breaker;  equally 
original,  simple  and  complete,  and  which  has  had  a  like  impor- 
tant influence  on  human  conditions.  The  parallel  features  in 
the  two  cases  are  in  fact  remarkable.  As  Mr.  Blake  had  no 
pre-existing  machine  or  method  of  labor  as  a  starting  point 
for  his  invention,  so  Mr.  Whitney  was  obliged  to  devise  a  new 
mode  of  separating  the  cotton  fiber  from  the  seed  before  he 
could  contrive  the  mechanism  to  do  it.  In  both  cases  the 
resulting  machines  were  so  simple  and  perfect  for  their  pur- 
pose that  they  have  never  been  materially  varied  from ;  and  both 
are  the  only  devices  that  ever  have  been  or  probably  ever  will 
be  used  for  their  special  objects.  Moreover,  it  is  an  interest- 
ing circumstance  that  two  such  epoch-making  inventions  as  the 
cotton  gin  and  the  stone  crusher  should  have  been  produced 
by  uncle  and  nephew,  born  in  the  same  village,  residents  of 
the  same  city,  bearing  the  same  name,  and  so  intimately  asso- 
ciated in  their  lives.  The  coincidences  extended  to  the  business 
history  and  results  of  the  two  inventions.  In  the  case  of  Mr. 
Whitney,  the  European  wars  which  lasted  through  the  whole 
term  of  his  patent  cut  off  the  exportation  and  practically  the 


48  ELI    WHITNEY    BLAKE. 

production  of  cotton  during  that  period.  And  in  the  case  of 
Mr.  Blake,  the  Civil  war  in  this  country  and  its  after  effects 
almost  entirely  prevented  for  many  years  the  public  improve- 
ments and  new  enterprises  which  would  have  created  a  demand 
for  his  machine.  To  both  of  them  also  came  the  usual  expe- 
rience of  inventors  in  the  activity  of  infringers  and  the  law's 
delays,  so  that  in  the  end  neither  of  them  reaped  more  than  a 
very  meager  pecuniary  reward  for  his  genius  and  labors. 

I  have  called  the  cotton  gin  and  the  stone  breaker  epoch- 
making  inventions.  By  this  I  do  not  mean  that  either  of  them 
is  to  be  ranked  with  those  superlative  productions  of  the  human 
mind  which  have  harnessed  the  forces  of  nature  into  the  service 
of  man,  like  the  steam  engine,  the  telegraph,  the  telephone,  and 
photography.  ISTeither  are  they  to  be  classed  as  merely  labor- 
saving  machines  whose  effect  is  confined  to  the  cheapening  of 
production  without  ulterior  social  or  economic  results ;  though 
such  was  doubtless  their  standing  until  their  wider  influence 
began  to  appear.  While  the  use  of  the  cotton  gin  was  confined 
to  a  few  planters,  its  value  was  measured  by  the  profit  it 
brought  to  its  users.  But  with  the  changes  which  it  subse- 
quently wrought  in  the  commercial  and  political  world,  as  well 
as  in  the  domestic  conditions  of  mankind,  it  took  position  as 
a  conspicuous  agency  for  national  advancement  in  power  and 
wealth  and  for  the  general  well-being  of  the  human  race. 

So  in  1S72,  when  Mr.  Blake  applied  for  the  extension  of 
his  patent  and  was  required  to  show  the  value  of  his  inven- 
tion, there  being  then  only  509  of  his  machines  in  use  in  the 
United  States,  the  value  of  the  invention  could  best  be  shown 
by  the  saving  of  cost  which  up  to  that  time  it  had  effected 
in  the  various  industries  in  which  these  machines  had  been 
employed.  Accordingly,  the  proof  was  directed  principally  to 
this  point,  and  it  was  shown  by  the  undisputed  testimony  of 
numerous  experts  that  the  saving  in  money  which  had  been 
caused  by  ten  years'  use  of  these  509  machines  could  not  pos- 
sibly be  less  than  $55,560,000,  and  was  doubtless  much  more. 
"What  such  saving  would  now  amount  to,  nearly  forty  years 
later,  several  thousand  machines  having  been  in  use  for  most 


ELI    WHITNEY    BLAKE. 


49 


of  that  period,  it  would  of  course  be  impossible  to  estimate. 
Moreover,  such  an  estimate,  if  possible,  would  be  misleading, 
for  the  reason  that  by  far  the  greater  part  of  the  work  that 
the  stone  breaker  has  accomplished  would  not  have  been  under- 
taken at  all  if  hand  labor  alone  had  been  available.  In  fact, 
the  value  of  the  invention  has  now  ceased  to  be  a  question  of 
figures  and  must  be  measured  by  the  kind  and  extent  of  its 
influence  on  the  social  and  economic  conditions  of  mankind. 

Applying  this  rule,  therefore,  it  will  be  appropriate  and  pos- 
sibly interesting  to  consider  some  of  the  methods  in  which  the 
Blake  crusher  has  operated  during  the  last  fifty  years  to  benefit 
the  human  race. 

We  will  consider  as  the  first  of  these  methods  its  advancement 
of  civilization  by  the  improvement  of  roads.  It  is  a  trite 
saying  of  obvious  truth  that  "the  civilization  of  a  country  may 
be  known  by  its  roads,"  and  the  corollary  of  this  proposition 
is  equally  sound,  that  the  civilization  of  any  country  is  advanced 
by  the  betterment  of  its  highways.  It  will  hardly  be  believed 
by  the  present  generation  that  fifty  years  ago  a  macadam  road 
was  so  rare  in  this  country  as  to  be  a  curiosity,  but  it  is  never- 
theless true  that  there  were  then  hardly  fifty  miles  of  good 
macadam  road  in  the  whole  United  States.  At  that  time  the 
best  macadam  roads  that  existed  anywhere  were  constructed 
of  coarse  hand-broken  stone  and  their  rough  surface  had  to  be 
painfully  worn  down  to  smoothness  by  the  travel  over  it.  At 
the  present  day  such  roads,  being  universally  made  with  the 
use  of  the  crusher,  are,  as  we  all  know,  smooth  and  hard  as 
a  floor  at  the  outset.  Doubtless  it  was  this  circumstance,  as  wel} 
as  the  less  cost  of  construction,  that  gave  rise  to  the  enthusiasti(; 
movement  for  "good  roads"  which,  beginning  about  sixteen, 
years  ago,  has  since  pervaded  this  country  and  Europe,  and, 
brought  about  the  International  Congress  on  Road  Improvement 
which  was  held  in  Paris  in  October,  1908.  As  respects  its 
progress  in  our  own  country,  I  learn  from  our  efficient  statf^ 
highway  commissioner,  Mr.  Macdonald,  that  twenty-two  states 
now  give  liberal  aid  to  highway  improvement.  There  are  now 
(in  1908),  he  tells  me,  38,622  miles  of  macadam  public  road^ 


50  ELI    WHITNEY    BLAKE. 

already  constructed  in  tlie  United  States  and  their  mileage  is 
constantly  increasing.  The  state  of  'New  York  in  1905  estab- 
lished a  fund  of  fifty  millions  of  dollars  for  the  improvement 
of  its  public  roads ;  and  our  own  State  Legislature  at  its  last 
session  appropriated  $500,000  as  state  aid  to  the  towns  for 
two  years  in  similar  work.  That  these  highway  improvements 
are  rapidly  changing  social  and  economic  conditions,  especially 
in  the  country  districts,  is  clearly  evident.  Better  market 
facilities  with  the  means  of  increased  neighborhood  intercourse 
and  the  consequent  reoccupation  of  worn-out  farms  for  culti- 
vation, and  villa  sites ;  the  establishment  of  Rural  Mail  Delivery 
with  its  results  of  a  closer  association  of  the  rural  population 
with  the  outside  world  and  its  intellectual  activities ;  these  and 
other  changes  which  are  in  progress  are  clearly  connected 
directly  or  indirectly  with  improved  highways. 

Another  change  from  the  same  cause,  both  in  city  and  coun- 
try, which  is  obvious  to  every  one  with  an  eye,  an  ear,  or  a 
nose,  appears  in  the  swarms  of  automobiles  which  practically 
monopolize  every  avenue  of  travel  or  trafiic.  Forty  years  ago 
the  late  Frederick  Law  Olmsted,  in  enumerating  the  prospec- 
tive beneficial  effects  of  the  Blake  crusher  through  its  general 
improvement  of  roads,  predicted  that  one  result  would  be  the 
use  of  road  locomotives  for  the  transportation  of  freight.  The 
road  locomotives  have  surely  come!  ISTot  as  Mr.  Olmsted 
anticipated,  in  the  humble  guise  of  a  servant,  but  as  haughty 
sovereigns  of  the  highway,  realizing  that  other  vision  of  a  more 
ancient  prophet:  "The  chariots  shall  rage  in  the  streets;  they 
shall  jostle  against  one  another  in  the  highways;  they  shall 
seem  like  torches,  they  shall  run  like  lightnings."  And  he  might 
have  added,  "With  fiendish  yells  they  shall  tear  up  the  road- 
ways; before  them  shall  be  terror,  and  behind  them  death, 
dust,  stench  and  destruction."  Doubtless  these  new  conditions 
Indicate  an  advancing  state  of  civilization,  just  as  civilization 
develops  new  diseases  of  mind  and  body;  but  the  problem 
how  to  separate  the  abnormal  results  from  the  normal ;  how 
to  suppress  the  prevailing  abuse  while  preserving  the  reasonable 
and  beneficial  use  of  these  latest  products  of  human  ingenuity, 


ELI    WHITNEY    BLAKE.  51 

is  one  of  the  most  pressing  problems  that  now  confront  the 
present  generation. 

Railroads  in  this  age  of  the  world  are  only  another  form 
of  highways,  and  we  may  therefore  properly  allude  in  this  con- 
nection to  the  now  general  nse  of  broken  stone  for  ballasting 
railway  tracks.  The  effects  of  this  practice  are  to  give  greater 
stability  and  durability  to  the  track  and  thus  promote  the 
safety  and  comfort  of  their  daily  millions  of  passengers.  Those 
of  us  who  can  remember  the  stifling  dust  which  always  filled 
the  cars  not  fifty  years  ago,  and  made  long  linen  wrappers 
indispensable  garments  for  every  traveler,  will  appreciate  the 
modern  absence  of  this  nuisance  with  gratitude  to  the  stone 
crusher,  through  which  it  was  abolished.  The  immense  saving 
effected  by  broken  stone  ballast  in  cost  of  maintenance,  both 
of  permanent  way  and  of  rolling  stock,  will  appeal  with  equal 
force  to  the  railroad  companies. 

The  second  point  of  view  from  which  we  will  consider  the 
stone  breaker  is  as  a  creator  of  wealth  by  its  influence  on  the 
art  of  mining. 

In  most  mining  operations  the  ore  is  taken  from  its  bed  in 
masses  of  different  sizes,  the  largest  of  which  were  formerly 
reduced  to  smaller  fragments  by  hand  labor  preparatory  to 
pulverization  by  stamps,  rollers  and  other  devices  adapted  to 
that  purpose.  Some  of  these  ores  are  very  refractory  and  so 
hard  that  under  the  old  method  of  treatment  they  had  to  be 
roasted  before  they  could  be  broken  up  by  hammers,  and  this 
necessity,  as  well  as  the  subsequent  cost  of  hand-breaking,  added 
largely  to  the  expense  of  the  metal  extraction.  Moreover,  in 
the  process  of  hand-breaking  the  ores  of  the  precious  metals, 
it  often  happened  that  pieces  of  ore  that  were  temptingly  rich 
found  their  way  into  the  laborers'  pockets,  thus  causing  a 
serious  loss  in  the  business,  the  amount  of  which,  of  course, 
could  never  be  known.  With  the  advent  of  the  Blake  crusher, 
however,  not  only  the  roasting  was  done  away  with,  but  the 
hand-breaking  and  thievery  also ;  the  result  being,  as  was  testi- 
fied to  by  several  experts  before  the  Commissioner  of  Patents 
in  1872,  that  many  mines  became  profitable  after  its  use  which 


52  ELI    V/HITNEY    BLAKE. 

before  had  been  worked  at  a  loss.  This  will  be  easily  believed 
since  it  was  also  shown  that  the  known  and  computable  saving 
in  mining  expenses  which  had  been  effected  by  375  Blake 
crushers  in  ten  years  was  certainly  not  less  than  $28,375,000. 
Since  1872,  many  times  that  number  of  jaw  crushers  have 
been  operating  in  the  mining  regions  of  this  country,  and  dur- 
ing the  same  period  there  has  been  an  enormous  increase  in 
the  annual  metal  output  of  the  United  States:  that  of  pig 
iron  having  grown  from  1,850,000  tons  in  1870  to  25,442,000 
tons  in  1907 ;  that  of  copper  from  28,224,000  pounds  in  1870 
to  879,242,000  pounds  in  1907 ;  and  that  of  silver  from  about 
10,000,000  ounces  in  1870  to  58,850,000  ounces  in  1907.  For- 
tunately for  the  stability  of  our  financial  system,  the  annual 
production  of  gold  has  only  a  little  more  than  doubled  during 
the  same  period. 

It  would  be  perhaps  too  much  to  claim  that  this  remark- 
able growth  in  metal  production  is  chiefly  due  to  the  use  of 
the  Blake  crusher  in  mining;  nevertheless,  in  view  of  the 
testimony  above  referred  to,  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  such 
use  has  materially  contributed  to  it.  To  that  extent,  therefore, 
the  invention  may  justly  be  regarded  as  an  important  creator 
of  wealth,  both  directly  to  the  mine  owners  and  indirectly  to 
the  country  at  large,  whose  general  prosperity  is  more  or  less 
enhanced  by  the  development  of  its  metallic  resources. 

A  third  method  in  which  the  Blake  crusher  has  operated 
to  promote  human  progress  is  by  opening  up  new  fields  of 
industrial  art,  especially  in  connection  with  the  use  of  con- 
crete. In  1872,  at  the  hearing  before  the  Commissioner  of 
Patents,  it  appeared  that  out  of  the  509  machines  then  in  use 
in  the  United  States,  only  eight  were  employed  in  the  pro- 
duction of  concrete,  and  these  were  in  public  works  of  such 
importance  that  cost  was  a  subordinate  consideration,  l^ever- 
theless,  it  was  shown  that  the  use  of  the  machine  in  those  works 
had  saved  at  least  fifty  per  cent,  over  the  cost  of  hand  labor; 
and  it  was  also  shown  that  by  reason  of  the  varying  sizes  of 
the  broken  stone  product,  only  two-thirds  as  much  cement  was 
needed  as  for  the  stone  broken  by  hand,  while  a  better  quality 


ELI    WHITNEY    BLAKE.  53 

of  concrete  was  obtained.  These  facts  led  one  of  the  experts 
who  testified  to  them  to  express  his  belief  that  ''as  one  effect 
of  the  Blake  crusher,  the  use  of  concrete  in  this  country  would 
be  largely  increased  and  that  it  had  a  very  great  future  before 
it."  Confident  as  was  the  prediction,  even  its  author  could  not 
have  anticipated  that  in  less  than  forty  years  so  extensive  and 
varied  would  the  uses  of  concrete  become,  through  the  reduced 
cost  and  unlimited  supply  of  its  broken  stone  material,  that 
the  period  would  be  already  spoken  of  as  "the  Age  of  Concrete." 
Then  it  was  chiefly  employed  for  su-bmerged  foundations  on 
an  uneven  rock  bottom,  and  for  the  lining  of  reservoirs.  ISTow 
the  entire  superstructures  of  dams,  lighthouses,  fortifications, 
sea  walls  and  reservoirs  are  often  composed  of  it.  Whole 
blocks  of  commercial  and  manufacturing  buildings  are  built 
of  it  for  solidity,  as  well  as  security  against  fire  and  earth- 
quakes; and  it  is  hardly  necessary  to  say  that  without  the 
reduced  cost  and  unlimited  supply  of  broken  stone,  already 
referred  to,  the  subaqueous  and  subterranean  tunnels  for  travel 
and  traffic,  which  are  beginning  to  form  such  an  important 
feature  of  our  civilization,  would  not  exist.  So  also  in  order 
to  supply  the  five  or '  six  million  cubic  yards  of  concrete 
required  for  the  immense  locks  and  dams  and  other  construc- 
tions of  the  Panama  Canal  the  Blake  invention  has  been 
practically  if  not  absolutely  indispensable. 

Still  less  could  that  prophet  of  1872  have  anticipated  the 
new  and  vast  field  for  the  use  of  concrete  which  has  been 
opened  by  the  recent  invention  or  rediscovery  of  reinforcing 
it  with  imbedded  steel  rods.  By  the  use  of  this  device  bridges 
are  now  constructed  of  concrete  with  spans  of  200  feet  or 
more;  also  steeples,  domes  and  sky-scraping  towers,  composed 
of  steel  frames  incased  in  concrete ;  not  to  specify  the  numer- 
ous applications  of  a  humbler  character  with  which  we  are 
familiar  and  which  are  appearing  almost  daily,  concrete  boats 
being  among  the  latest  to  be  announced.  In  fact,  it  would  be 
hard  to  say  what  advancements  in  the  industrial  arts,  which 
as  yet  are  only  abstract  conceptions,  may  not  in  the  future 
become  concrete  realities. 


54  ELI    WHITNEY    BLAKE. 

Lest  it  be  thought  that  this  last  suggestion  is  of  a  merely 
humorous  or  fanciful  character,  I  will  refer  to  a  new  field 
for  the  use  of  concrete  which  is  now  being  successfully  culti- 
vated in  our  own  city  and  which  owes  its  origin  directly  to 
the  invention  of  the  Blake  crusher,  since  by  that  machine  alone 
can  trap  rock  be  reduced  cheaply  and  in  large  quantities  to 
fragments  small  enough  to  pass  through  a  half-inch  screen. 
With  this  fine  material  a  concrete  is  now  made  which  can  be 
moulded  into  the  most  delicate  forms  of  architectural  decora- 
tion, which,  when  set,  become  as  hard  and  durable  as  granite. 
Thus  it  becomes  possible  to  produce,  at  a  moderate  cost,  archi- 
tectural structures  which  in  wealth  and  variety  of  ornament 
may  rival  the  most  splendid  cathedrals  of  Europe  and  whose 
solidity  and  weather-resisting  qualities  will  be  even  superior. 
Doubtless  some  critics  may  object  that  moulded  decorations 
must  necessarily  be  inartistic  because  cheap,  but  it  is  hard  to 
see  why  they  should  be  more  inartistic  in  concrete  than  in 
plaster  or  bronze.  Moreover,  moulded  forms  in  concrete,  when 
hardened,  may  be  tooled  over  by  hand,  thus  giving  them  the 
reality  as  well  as  the  effect  of  hand  productions.  ISTevertheless, 
those  who  have  seen  the  burlesque  figures  in  concrete  which 
were  made  here  in  ]Srew  Haven  by  Mr.  Laurie  for  the  new  gov- 
ernment buildings  at  West  Point,  will  be  slow  to  admit  that 
moulded  concrete  has  no  legitimate  place  in  architectural  deco- 
ration. The  canons  of  art  have  been  modified  before  now  by 
new  discoveries,  like  photography  and  color  printing;  and  the 
spirit  of  art  is  or  ought  to  be  sufficiently  progressive  to  welcome 
into  its  province  every  new  invention  or  new  material  by  which 
beautiful  forms  can  be  more  widely  diffused  among  the  people. 
Such  diffusion  means  artistic  education,  and  if  the  artistic 
use  of  concrete  shall  grow  to  large  proportions,  as  now  seems 
possible,  this  also  witli  its  refining  influences  may  be  classed 
among  the  indirect  benefits  which  the  Blake  Crusher  has  con- 
ferred upon  mankind. 

In  the  foregoing  review  of  Mr.  Blake's  services  to  the  world 
through  his  invention  of  the  stone  crusher,  I  have  taken  into 
account  only  its  beneficial  effects  in  our  owm  country,  and  dur- 


ELI    WHITNEY    BLAKE.  55 

ing  the  first  half  century  of  its  existence.  When  we  consider 
that  this  machine  is  also  largely  used  in  all  the  civilized  and 
some  of  the  uncivilized  countries  of  the  globe,  there,  as  here, 
promoting  civilization,  creating  wealth,  and  advancing  the 
industrial  arts,  and  that  it  will  so  continue  to  be  used  in  an 
increasing  ratio  for  ages  to  come,  we  shall  more  fully  appreciate 
the  extent  of  that  service ;  and  will  also  recognize  a  reason  why 
his  name,  which  has  become  historic  throughout  the  world, 
should  not  be  without  honor  among  his  own  people  and  in  his 
own  town. 


REV.  WILLIAM  HOOKE,  1601-1678. 

Bj  Rev.  Chaeles  Ray  Palmer,  D.D. 
[Read  March  22,  1909.] 


I  am  to  speak  to  you  this  evening  of  one  of  the  early  ministers 
of  l^ew  Haven,  now  perhaps  too  little  remembered.  I  refer 
to  Rev.  William  Hooke,  the  colleague  of  Rev.  John  Davenport. 
It  appears  from  a  transcript  of  his  registration  in  his  college 
at  Oxford  that  he  was  from  Southampton,  and  was  born  in 
1601.  He  is  described  as  "the  son  of  a  gentleman,"  that 
term  being,  of  course,  an  indication  of  social  rank.  Careful 
inquiry  made  more  than  fifty-five  years  ago,  at  the  instance 
of  the  Hon.  Abbott  Lawrence,  then  Minister  to  England, 
elicited  nothing  more  definite  as  to  his  family,  however,  than 
that  the  name  was  not  an  uncommon  one  in  that  locality.  But 
in  1901  there  was  published  (by  Macmillans)  a  book  entitled 
"Scenes  of  Rural  Life  in  Hampshire  among  the  Manors  of 
Bramshott,"  by  the  Rev.  W.  W.  Capes,  who  was  the  rector  of 
Bramshott,""^  in  which  it  was  claimed  that  Mr.  Hooke  belonged 
to  a  family  known  in  the  seventeenth  century  as  "the  Hookes 
of  Bramshott,"  a  prominent  family  in  Hampshire  at  that  time, 
and  well  known  to  have  had  Parliamentary  sympathies  in  the 
great  civil  war.  A  daughter  of  John  Hooke  of  Bramshott, 
Anna  Hooke,  was  the  wife  of  John  Pym,  the  famous  Parlia- 
mentary leader,  who  has  been  called  the  founder  of  party 
government  in  England.  We  have  facsimiles  of  the  autograph 
and  seal  of  William  Hooke,t  and  the  arms  upon  the  seal  are 
identical  with  those  borne  by  the  lord  of  the  Manor  of  Bram- 

*  See  the  volume  cited  in  Boston  Public  Library,  p.  167,  et  seq.  The 
publishers  say  the  book  is  oiit  of  print. 

t  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  Coll.,  Series  IV,  Vol.  7,  at  end. 


REV.    WILLIAM    HOOKE. 


57 


shott.  The  inference  is  easy  that,  as  Mr.  Capes  affirms,  he 
was  a  near  kinsman  of  that  personage,  i^othing  is  known, 
however,  of  his  early  years,  or  of  his  education,  up  to  his  enter- 
ing college  in  161G.  Trinity  College,  Oxford,  was  the  one 
chosen  by  him,  or  for  him.  This  was  the  earliest  Post-Eeforma- 
tion  foundation,  having  been  founded  by  Henry  VIII  in  1554, 
on  the  site  of  a  suppressed  Benedictine  institution.  ISTaturally 
it  has  its  own  honorable  traditions.  It  takes  a  just  pride  in 
distinguished  names  upon  its  lists.  Chillingworth,  Selden,  the 
elder  William  Pitt  (Earl  of  Chatham),  Koundell  Palmer  (Lord 
Selborne),  Cardinal  ]^ewman  (afterward  Fellow  of  Oriel),  Sir 
Kichard  Burton,  Dr.  E.  A.  Freeman,  among  the  dead ;  and  the 
Et.  Hon.  Sir  James  Bryce,  the  present  Ambassador  of  Great 
Britain  in  this  country,  among  the  living,  are  counted  among 
its  illustrious  sons.  When  Mr.  Hooke  joined  it,  however,  it 
was  not  much  over  sixty  years  old,  and  one  of  the  youngest 
of  the  august  sisterhood  we  know  as  Oxford  University.  But 
he  did  not  altogether  escape  observation.  Sir  Anthony  Wood, 
in  his  "Fasti  Oxonienses," — not  too  friendly  an  authority — 
says  of  him  that  "he  was  esteemed  a  close  student,  and  a  relig- 
ious person."  Having  pursued  his  studies  here,  he  received 
his  B.A.  degree  on  June  28,  1620,  and  proceeded  M.A.  on 
May  26,  1623.  He  took  orders  in  the  Church  of  England.  The 
earliest  note  of  him  as  a  clerg_>Tiian  is  that  he  was  instituted 
to  the  Vicarage  of  Clatford,  in  Hampshire,  May  4,  1627.  This 
he  left  in  1632,  and  became  the  Vicar  of  Axmouth,  Devon, 
July  26,  1632.  His  pronounced  Puritan  tendencies  subjected 
him,  like  many  others,  to  serious  antagonisms  and  many  embar- 
rassments, and  at  length  occasioned  his  emigration  to  J^ew 
England.  The  date  of  his  coming  is  not  known  with  exactness, 
but  it  is  believed  to  have  been  in  1636, — certainly  it  was  not 
far  either  way  from  that  year.*  He  was  cordially  received  in 
Boston,  by  men  to  whom  he  was  known.  Eev.  Eichard  Mather, 
the  minister  of  Dorchester,  and  the  progenitor  of  all  the  'New 

*  He  should  not  be  confounded,  as  he  sometimes  has  been,  with  anothei- 
William  Hooke,  originally  from  Yorkshire,  and  a  Eepresentative  to  the 
General  Court  from  Salisbury.     Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  Coll.,  Series  IV,  Vol.  7. 


58  EEV.    WILLIAM    HOOKE. 

England  Mathers,  altbongli  four  or  five  years  older,  had  been 
his  contemporary  in  Oxford,  and  he  together  with  his  colleague, 
the  Rev.  John  Wilson  (subsequently  of  Medfield,  Mass.), 
became  Mr.  Hooke's  friends  and  counsellors.  In  the  following 
year,  1637,  his  name  appears  in  connection  with  the  purchase 
of  Cohannet,  now  Taunton,  from  the  Tettiquet  (Titticut) 
Indians,  fie  interested  himself  in  the  settlement  of  this  region. 
A  leading  spirit  in  the  movement  was  a  woman  of  some  note,* 
Mrs.  Elizabeth  Poole,  who  was  the  actual  purchaser  of  the  lands, 
and  he  became  her  spiritual  adviser.  He  was  one  of  the 
original  members  of  the  First  Church  of  Taunton,  and  became 
its  first  pastor.  Mr.  Mather  and  Mr.  Wilson  took  part  in  his 
ordination  to  this  charge.  There  was  installed  with  him  on 
the  same  day  the  Rev.  ISTicholas  Street,  to  be  his  associate  and 
successor  in  the  church  in  Taunton,  and  afterwards  to  follow 
him  to  ]Srew  Haven,  as  is  well  known,  and  be  a  minister  of  the 
First  Church  there  from  1659  to  his  death  in  1674. 

At  Taunton  Mr.  Hooke  became  favorably  known  as  an  able 
and  efficient  minister,  and  he  retained  his  office  for  about  seven 
years.  At  least  two  sermons  preached  here  by  Mr.  Hooke  were 
published,  and  are  still  extant.  They  were  Fast-Day  sermons, 
and  were  published,  one  in  1640,  the  other  in  1645.  In  1839, 
on  occasion  of  the  two  hundredth  anniversary  of  the  First 
Church  in  !N'ew  Haven,  the  pastor,  Rev.  Leonard  Bacon,  D.D., 
preached  a  series  of  historical  discourses,  which  subsequently 
were  published. f  Any  one  who  speaks  of  Mr.  Hooke  naturally 
finds  himself  indebted  to  this  volume.  In  one  of  these  dis- 
courses he  makes  copious  extracts  from  the  first  of  these  ser- 
mons of  Mr.  Hooke,  intimating  that  but  one  copy  of  it  was 
known  to  be  in  existence,  and  that  was  in  the  library  of  Har- 
vard College.  That  was  the  opinion  of  President  Everett,  as 
late  as  the  year  1850,  but  some  half  dozen  copies  or  more  were 
subsequently  brought  to  light,  and  the  whole  sermon,  together 
with  others   from  Mr.   Hooke's   pen,   was   reprinted   in   Rev. 

*  Emery's  Hist,  of  Taunton,  Vol.  1. 

Paper  of  James  E.  Seaver,  Esq.,  in  Collections  of  Old  Col.   Hist.   Soc.,. 
No.  7,  pp.  106  to  134. 

t  Bacon's  Historical  Discourses,  New  Haven:    Durrie  &  Peck,  1839. 


EEV.    WILLIAM    HOOKE. 


59 


S.  H.  Emery's  ''Ministry  of  Taunton,"  Vol.  I,  and  to  this 
volume  I  am  happy  to  acknowledge  myself  deeply  indebted. 
Dr.  Bacon's  comment  upon  the  style  of  the  discourse  is,  that 
"while  it  has  some  touches  of  antique  phraseology,  it  is  far 
more  ornamental,  polished,  and  rhetorical,  than  the  style  of 
any  other  IsTew  England  preacher  of  the  day.""  Similar  expres- 
sions of  opinion  have  been  made  by  others,  who  have  spoken 
appropriately  of  the  scholarship  displayed  in  the  discourse, 
as  well  as  of  its  spirit  and  its  rhetorical  excellence. 

The  Eev.  Dr.  Ezra  Stiles,  the  President  of  Yale  College 
from  1778  to  1795,  was  previously,  from  1753  to  1776,  the 
minister  of  the  Second  Congregational  Church  in  I^Tewport, 
E.  I.  From  1769  to  his  decease  in  1795,  he  kept  a  careful  and 
voluminous  diary,  now  preserved  in  Yale  University  Library, 
and  in  1901  it  was  transcribed,  carefully  edited,  and  published 
by  the  authority  of  the  Corporation. t  Under  date  of  March 
4  to  7  in  1772,  Dr.  Stiles  records  a  visit  to  him  from  the  Rev. 
Caleb  Barnum,  the  seventh  pastor  of  the  Church  in  Taunton. 
He  was  a  native  of  Danbury,  and  became  minister  at  Taun- 
ton in  1769.  In  1776  he  was  a  Chaplain  in  the  Continental 
service,  and  died  at  Pittsfield,  Mass.,  of  a  bilious  disorder 
contracted  at  Ticonderoga,  in  the  retreat  from  Montreal.  Inci- 
dentally, in  this  record,  under  date  of  March  5,  Dr.  Stiles 
records,  on  the  authority  of  Mr.  Barnum,  the  tradition  that 
Mr.  Hooke  "was  chiefly  supported  in  Taunton  by  one  man, 
a  Mr.  Williams,  a  Deacon  of  the  Church."  This  tradition  is 
fairly  entitled  to  be  regarded  as  a  Taunton  tradition,  and  if 
we  accept  it — and  I  know  no  reason  why  we  should  not — it 
is  perfectly  easy  to  identify  the  Mr.  Williams  referred  to. 
He  can  have  been  none  other  than  Mr.  Richard  Williams,  who 
was  in  an  important  sense  the  father  of  the  Taunton  Church, 
and  lived  to  the  great  age  of  ninety-three.  1  But  why,  we  may 
ask,  this  deep  interest  in  Mr.  Hooke  ?  Why  did  he  make  him- 
self Mr.  Hooke's  chief  supporter?     He  was  a  devoted  friend 

*  Bacon's  Discourses,  p.  66. 

t  Charles  Scribner's  Sons,  1901.     See  Vol.  1,  pp.  215,  216. 

t  Died  in  1692. 


60  EEV.    WILLIAM    HOOKE. 

of  the  Clmrcli.  Yes,  and  that  is  one  gobd  reason.  Is  there 
another?  Yes,  if  other  Taunton  traditions  are  reliable,  he  was 
a  cousin  of  Mrs.  Hooke.  Mr.  Emery  quotes  a  manuscript 
authority,*  originating  not  much  later  than  twenty-five  years 
after  the  death  of  Deacon  Williams,  for  the  statement  that  he 
was  a  descendant  of  a  family  of  that  name  in  Glamorganshire 
in  Wales,  and  found  a  wife  in  Gloucestershire,  England.  In 
his  "Historical  Memoir  of  the  Colony  of  'New  Plymouth," 
Hon.  Francis  Baylies  tells  usf — "a  tradition  has  always  existed 
among  his  (Mr.  Williams')  descendants  that  he  was  related 
by  blood  to  Oliver  Cromwell."  These  two  traditions  point  one 
way.  Oliver  Cromwell,  in  the  deed  of  jointure  executed  on 
the  occasion  of  his  marriage,  is  described  as  "Oliver  Crom- 
well alias  Williams."  He  was  a  great-grandson  of  Sir  Richard 
Williams,  who  was  a  confidential  agent  of  Henry  VIII,  and 
his  family,  it  is  well  known,  assumed  the  name  of  Cromwell, 
on  taking  possession  of  an  estate.  It  was  this  same  Sir  Richard 
Williams  of  whom  Deacon  Richard  Williams  was  reputed  to 
be  a  descendant,  and  this  descent  would  certainly  make  him  a 
cousin  of  Mrs,  Hooke,  for  her  pedigree  is  beyond  a  question. 

And  now  I  wish  to  raise  a  query  which  has  occurred  to 
my  own  mind.  Why  did  Mr.  Hooke  leave  Taunton  for  i^ew 
Haven  ?  He  had  a  home  there,  next  door  to  his  co-worker 
and  friend,  Mrs.  Poole;  he  was  highly  esteemed  there,  and 
useful ;  he  was  to  all  appearance  well  situated  there,  and  Xew 
Haven  was  in  the  far  west,  and  a  newer  community.  Wliat 
led  him  away?  I  do  not  desire  to  afiirm  anything.  I  simply 
ask  you,  is  it  not  possible,  nay,  is  it  not  very  probable,  as  we 
know  he  was  a  gentleman,  that  he  felt  that  tvith  his  growing 
family — three  children  had  been  born  to  him  there — he  was 
becoming  more  burdensome  to  his  wife's  kinsman  than  he 
was  willing  to  be;  that  the  IN'ew  Haven  opening  offered  him 
an  independent  support,  and  at  the  same  time  would  render 
more  easy  the  support  of  Mr.  Street  by  the  Church  in  Taunton  ? 
At  any  rate,  he  went. 

*Vol.  1,  pp.  213-5. 
t  Part  1,  p.  284. 


EEV.    WILLIAM    HOOKE. 


61 


The  exact  date  of  this  removal  is  not  known.  But  it  was 
in  the  year  1644.  Some  time  in  that  year  he  was  induced 
to  transfer  his  home  and  family  to  that  then  remote  village, 
and  become  the  associate  of  Kev.  John  Davenport,  and  the 
first  ordained  teacher  of  the  First  Church.  It  is  related  of 
him  that  for  his  inaugural  sermon  he  chose  his  text  from 
Judges  vii:10,  the  words  addressed  to  Gideon  on  the  eve  of 
his  attack  upon  the  host  of  Midian — "Go  thou  with  Phurah 
thy  servant  down  to  the  host."  From  this  he  drew  the  doctrine 
that  "in  great  services  a  little  help  is  better  than  none,"  and 
thus  intimated  that  he  was  come  to  be  "Phurah"  to  Mr. 
Davenport's  "Gideon."  In  fact,  however,  as  Dr.  Bacon  is  at 
pains  to  point  out,  there  was  no  oflScial  disparity  between  them. 
The  distinction  of  the  two  was  more  theoretical  than  practical ; 
both  giving  themselves  wholly  to  the  service  of  the  church, 
and  dividing  between  them  the  duties  of  the  pulpit. 

Mr.  Hooke  fulfilled  in  New  Haven  an  honorable  and  useful 
ministry  for  about  twelve  years.  His  home  was  at  the  south- 
west corner  of  College  and  Chapel  Streets,  where  now  stands  the 
Townsend  Block.  Two  daughters  were  born  to  him  there. 
His  wife  was  Jane,  daughter  of  Richard  and  Prances  (Crom- 
well) Whalley,  and  a  sister  of  Gen.  Edward  Whalley,  so  well 
remembered  in  the  local  history  of  the  ISTew  Haven  Colony. 
Mrs.  Prances  Whalley  was  a  daughter  of  Sir  Henry  Cromwell, 
and  an  aunt  of  Oliver  Cromwell,  and  thus  Mr.  Hooke  was  the 
latter's  first  cousin.  I  find  it  stated  that  there  had  been  an 
intimacy  between  Mr.  Hooke  and  Cromwell  before  he  came  to 
this  country.  At  any  rate,  the  relation  between  them  was 
such  that  when  the  Commonwealth  had  been  established,  and 
Cromwell  had  risen  to  power  almost  imperial,  it  seemed  the 
most  natural  thing  in  the  world  that  Mr.  Hooke  should  return 
to  the  country  which  he  had  left  so  reluctantly,  and  that  with 
every  prospect  that  a  wide  opportunity  of  usefulness  would  be 
open  to  him.  Accordingly  in  1654  he  sent  his  family  to  Eng- 
land, and  in  1656  removed  thither  himself.  The  'New  Haven 
Town  Records  make  the  date  of  Mrs.  Hooke's  removal  E^ovem- 
ber  27,  1654. 


62  EEV.    WILLIAM    HOOKE. 

This  was  his  final  withdrawal  from  New  England.  The 
impression  which  he  left  behind  him  seems  to  have  corresponded 
to  the  favorable  judgment  expressed  by  Dr.  Bacon  as  to  his 
preaching.  Edward  Johnson,  in  his  ' 'Wonder-Working  Provi- 
dence of  Sion's  Savior  in  ISTew  England,"  enumerates  him 
among  ''the  great  supply  of  godly  ministers"  of  which  jSTew 
England  had  the  benefit,  and  styles  him  "the  reverend  and  faith- 
ful servant  of  Christ,  who  was  for  some  space  of  time  at  the 
Church  in  Taunton,  but  now  remains  called  to  office  in  the 
Church  in  JSTew  Haven, — a  man  who  hath  received  of  Christ 
many  gracious  gifts  fit  for  so  high  a  calling,  with  very  amiable 
and  gracious  speech,  laboring  in  the  Lord."  Cotton  Mather 
enumerates  him  among  "the  Eminent  Divines"  who  were  con- 
siderable in  !N"ew  England,  and  calls  him  "a  learned,  holy,  and 
humble  man."  Trumbull,  in  his  "History  of  Connecticut," 
makes  mention  of  him  as  "a  man  of  great  learning  and  piety, 
and  possessing  excellent  pulpit  talents."  It  is  manifest  from 
these  and  other  notices  that  in  his  twenty  years'  residence  upon 
these  shores,  he  had  earned  for  himself  an  enviable  reputation. 
Dr.  J^ewman  Smyth,  in  his  sermon  on  the  two  hundred  and 
fiftieth  anniversary  of  the  First  Church  in  ISTew  Haven,  had  this 
sentence:  "The  next  face  among  the  historical  portraits  which 
may  be  restored  from  our  records,  is  marked  by  the  same  strong 
Puritan  features,  yet  over  it  there  seems  to  be  cast  a  subtle 
refinement  of  spirit,  and  a  more  pathetic  gentleness  of  expres- 
sion, than  is  naturally  associated  with  the  Puritan  type  of  char- 
acter." This  is  a  portrayal  which  I  imagine  the  facts  will  fully 
justify. 

So  far  as  identified,  Mr.  Hooke's  children  were  six  in  num- 
ber,— three  daughters  and  three  sons.  The  two  daughters  born 
in  i^ew  Haven  were  Elizabeth,  baptized  December  14,  1645,  and 
Mary,  baptized  September  5,  1647.  The  other,  the  fact  that 
in  1658  she  was  already  married  proves  to  have  been  older.* 
Later  the  two  younger  were  married  in  England.  His  sons 
were  John,  Walter,  and  Ebenezer.  John  was  born  in  1634, 
apparently  at  Axmouth.     He  was  a  student  at  Harvard  from 

*  See  his  letter  to  Wiiitlirop. 


EEV.    WILLIAM    HOOKE.  63 

June  13,  1651,  to  August  10,  1652,  but  did  not  graduate.'^ 
It  is  very  probable  that  he  went  to  England  in  1652,  soon 
after  his  leaving  college,  and  that  his  object  was  to  benefit  by 
the  rise  of  Cromwell.  ]!Tovember  3,  1653,  his  father  wrote  a 
letter  to  Cromwell,  preserved  in  Thurloe's  State  Papers,  thank- 
ing him  for  "the  bounty  and  favor  shown  to  my  son,"  and 
then  discoursing  upon  the  dangerous  condition  of  jSTew  Eng- 
land. This  son  must  have  been  John,  so  far  as  can  be  seen; 
and  the  favor  acknowledged  seems  to  have  been  his  presenta- 
tion to  the  Vicarage  of  Kingsworthy,  a  little  north  of  Win- 
chester. From  this  he  was  ejected  in  1662.  He  removed  to 
Basingstoke — eighteen  miles  away — where  he  gathered  an 
Independent  Church,  to  which  he  ministered  nearly  forty 
years.f  He  died  in  1710,  a3t.  76.  He  was  buried  in  Basing- 
stoke, and  a  monument  commemorates  him  there.  When  he 
left  Harvard,  his  brother  Walter  took  his  place,  to  August  9, 
1654,  but  he  did  not  graduate.  He  went  to  England  with  his 
mother  and  the  other  children,  proved  a  man  of  great  promise, 
and  died  in  1671,  to  the  great  grief  of  his  parents.  Ebenezer 
was  sent  back  to  Connecticut,:!:  to  Governor  Winthrop,  but  later 
became  estranged  from  his  family,  ceased  to  write  to  them,  and 
disappeared.  I  find  no  trace  of  him  afterward.  When  Mr. 
Hooke  left  N^ew  Haven  he  gave  his  home  to  the  First  Church, 
in  trust  for  beneficent  uses. 

ISTot  long  after  his  arrival  in  England,  on  January  12,  1657, 
he  was  appointed,  together  with  Mr.  Caryll  and  Mr.  Sterry, 
to  assist  in  a  Thanksgiving  service  for  Cromwell's  preservation 
from  evil  designs  recently  discovered.  A  little  later,  April  13, 
1657,  he  wrote  to  Governor  Winthrop,  Avith  whom  he  was  on 
terms  of  friendship,  as  follows  :§   "As  touching  myself,  I  am  not 

*  See  Sibley's  Harvard  Graduates,  Index. 

t  In  1663  he  was  appointed  a  chaplain  in  the  Savoy  Hospital^  by  Ur. 
Killigrew,  then  Master  of  that  institution.  The  organization  was  a  Master 
and  four  Chaplains.  In  1702  the  chaplains  were  deprived,  and  the  Hospital 
dissolved.  See  the  Proceedings  in  Stow's  Survey  of  London,  Ed. 
Seymour,  Vol.  Ill,  p.  406. 

X  June  30,  1663,  then  about  tAventy  years  old. 

§  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  Coll.,  Series  III,  Vol.  1,  p.  182. 


64  EEV.    WILLIAM    HOOKE. 

as  yet  settled,  the  Protector  having  engaged  me  to  him  not  long 
after  mj  landing,  who  hitherto  has  well  provided  for  me.  His 
desire  is  that  a  church  may  be  gathered  in  his  family,  to  which 
purpose  I  have  had  speech  of  him  several  times ;  but  though  the 
thing  be  most  desirable,  yet  I  foresee  great  difficulties  in  sundry 
respects."  This  particular  project  of  a  church  in  Whitehall  was 
not  carried  into  execution,  but  an  Independent  Church  was 
organized  in  Westminster  Abbey,  in  which  the  Protector  became 
a  communicant.  After  the  manner  of  royalty,  however,  he 
appointed  for  himself  a  list  of  domestic  chaplains,  embracing 
John  Howe,  Hugh  Peters  (who  had  been  a  minister  of.  the 
Pirst  Church  in  Salem,  Mass. ) ,  our  Mr.  Hooke,  ISTicholas  Lock- 
yer,  Peter  Sterry  and  Jeremiah  White.  The  first  preferment 
obtained  by  him  seems  to  have  been  the  Vicarage  of  Rousdon 
St.  Pancras,*  in  Devonshire,  not  far  from  Axmouth,  the  scene 
of  his  former  ministrations.  Some  months  later  he  was  made 
Master  of  the  Savoy  Hospital,  a  preferment  both  dignified  and 
lucrative.  This  famous  institution  occupied  a  part  of  the  site 
of  the  Savoy  Palace,  a  royal  residence  built  in  1245,  and  given 
by  Henry  III  to  the  Count  of  Savoy,  the  uncle  of  Queen  Elinor. 
The  name  Savoy  clings  to  the  locality  still,  while  there  is  noth- 
ing left  of  the  palace.  There  is  Savoy  Street,  the  Savoy  The- 
ater, the  Savoy  Hotel,  and  most  noteworthy  of  all,  the  Savoy 
Chapel,  famous  in  ecclesiastical  history  for  some  significant 
events.  It  was  built  in  the  reigns  of  Henry  YII  and  VIII, 
almost  entirely  destroyed  by  fire  in  1864,  but  restored  by  Queen 
Victoria.  It  formed  an  important  part  of  the  Savoy  Hospital, 
and  in  it  Mr.  Hooke  ministered  until  after  the  restoration  of 
the  monarchy.  Thus  placed  he  might  reasonably  have  deemed 
himself  most  favorably  situated.  But  his  elevation  was  for  a 
period  far  too  short.  In  less  than  two  years  came  the  death  of 
Cromwell,  and  before  another  two  years  the  Commonwealth  was 
at  an  end,  and  Charles  II  was  king.  The  general  course  of 
events  is  sufficiently  well-known.  Of  the  experiences  of  Mr. 
Hooke  in  particular,  the  best  information  we  have  is  derived 

*  Now  joined   to  Up   Lyme.      (J.   S.   Atwood  of   Exeter,    in    Winchester 
Observer,  May  17,  1884.) 


EEV.    WILLIAM    HOOKE. 


65 


from  contemporary  letters,  his  own  and  others.  Fortunately 
a  number  of  these  have  been  preserved,  and  some  forty  years 
since  were  published  in  the  Historical  Collections  of  the  Massa- 
chusetts Historical  Society.  These  include  letters  from  Mr. 
Hooke  to  Governor  Winthrop,  to  General  Goffe,  to  Kev.  John 
Davenport,  and  to  Dr.  Increase  Mather.  There  are  also  letters 
from  Mrs.  Hooke,  and  allusions  to  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Hooke  in 
various  other  letters. 

The  outline  of  Mr.  Hooke's  experience  is  not  difficult  to 
trace.  In  a  letter  to  Governor  Winthrop,  bearing  date  March 
30,  1659,  he  writes :  "I  have  been  settled  at  the  Savoy  for  the 
space  of  twelve  months,  yet  holding  my  relation  to  Whitehall 
the  same  as  in  the  late  Protector's  time'' — and  then  proceeds  to 
give  an  account  of  Cromwell's  illness  and  death  seven  months 
previous,  and  of  the  accession  of  his  son.  Later  he  speaks  of 
the  political  uncertainties  consequent  upon  this  change,  and 
adds — "I  know  not  what  will  become  of  us.  We  are  at  our  wit's 
end."  ^or  was  he  needlessly  apprehensive.  In  less  than  two 
months  Richard  Cromwell  had  succumbed,  and  disappeared 
from  the  stage  of  action;  and  in  the  confusion  of  the  next 
twelve  months  Mr.  Hooke  could  have  seen  nothing  calculated 
to  relieve  his  perplexities  or  dissipate  his  fears.  ISTor  did  the 
restoration  of  the  monarchy  have  in  it  any  hope  for  him.  It 
was  not  merely  that  his  party  was  overthro'v\Ti,  and  he  shared 
its  fortunes.  The  very  prominent  positions  which  he  had  held, 
and  his  relationship  to  Cromwell,  made  him  specially  obnoxious 
to  the  ruling  authorities  in  Church  and  State,  and  as  time  went 
on,  he  became  more  and  more  a  persecuted  and  a  hunted  man. 
He  was  soon  out  of  the  Savoy,  and  was  succeeded  there  by 
Dr.  Gilbert  Sheldon,  afterward  Bishop  of  London,  and  Arch- 
bishop of  Canterbury;  a  man  whose  resolute  purpose  it  was 
violently  to  suppress  nonconformity,  and  to  exterminate  non- 
conformists. We  learn  from  his  letters  to  other  Bishops  and 
to  subordinate  officials,  that  he  not  only  deemed  this  result  desir- 
able, but  entirely  practicable,  an  affair  of  a  few  weeks,  or 
months,  at  the  most,  if  the  Bishops  would  only  use  the  power 
and  the  means  at  their  disposal.  Unfortunately  for  him  not  all 
3 


66  KEV.    WILLIAM    IIOOKE, 

his  correspondents  saw  the  facts  as  he  did,  and  when  he  died, 
in  ISTovember,  1G77,  the  accomplishment  of  his  task  was  as  far 
off  as  ever. 

Meanwhile,  ^^Ir.  Hooke  was  cared  for  by  his  friends.  Gov- 
ernor Winthrop — in  England  on  business  of  the  Colony — wrote 
to  Mr.  Davenport,  October  IG,  16G1:*  "Mr.  Hooke  did  live 
with  Col.  Sydenham,  but  that  gentleman  and  his  wife  being 
dead,  he  now  lives  in  the  house  of  one  Mr.  G.,  an  honest  man 
and  a  justice  of  the  peace."  Later  it  appears  that  this  was  Mr. 
Gold,  and  that  he  lived  at  Clapham.  Mr.  Hooke  himself  wrote 
to  Mr.  Davenport,  in  the  same  month  rf  "I  often  lodge  in  Swan 
Alley,  but  I  live  in  the  family  of  a  rich  merchant,  an  honest 
man,  to  whom  I  and  my  wife  are  very  welcome."  Other  let- 
ters show  that  he  had  to  seek  a  deeper  obscurity.  In  June, 
1663,  he  wrote  to  General  Goffe :  "You  may  know  me  here- 
after by  D:G:  Letters  are  so  often  broke  up  that  many  are 
loth  to  write  their  names."  Some  of  his  letters  are  signed 
in  that  way.  Moreover,  they  were  usually  sent  with  great 
precautions  by  private  hand,  and  this  was  not  always  enough 
to  secure  safety.  In  this  very  letter  to  General  Goffe,  addressed 
as  to  Walter  Goldsmith,  Gofte's  assumed  name,  he  alludes  to 
an  experience  of  "a  friend  of  his,"  whose  letter  had  been 
seized,  with  serious  consequences,  in  spite  of  all  precautions. 
We  now  know  this  "friend  of  his"  was  no  other  than  himself, 
and  we  read  between  the  lines  that  he  meant  Goffe  should  so 
understand  it.  The  contents  of  this  letter  have  at  this  late  day 
come  into  our  possession,  and  the  story  of  it.  It  was  a  letter 
addressed  to  Rev.  John  Davenport,  written  at  different  dates 
in  the  winter  of  1662-63,  and  despatched  in  March,  1663,  the 
last  date  on  it  being  March  2.  It  made  eight  quarto  pages  very 
closely  written.  Mr.  Hooke  dared  not  send  it  as  a  separate 
missive,  or  by  public  conveyance.  He  concealed  it  in  a  bundle 
of  books  directed  to  Mr.  Davenport,  and  entrusted  to  Capt. 
Samuel  Wilson,  whose  ship  was  engaged  in  trade  to  IN'ew  Eng- 
land, through  whom  correspondence  had  been  safely  transmitted 
before.  In  due  time  Capt.  Wilson's  ship  was  safely  cleared 
from  the  port  of  London,  and  actually  sailed.     We  may  easily 

*Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  Coll.,  Series  IV,  Vol.  8,  p.  179.         jlhiiL,  p.  177. 


EEV.    WILLIAM    HOOKE.  67 

imagine  Mr.  Hooke  felicitating  himself  that  all  was  safe.  But 
contrary  winds  so  delayed  her  that  a  month  after  she  left  Lon- 
don she  was  still  in  the  Downs,  off  Kent,  inside  the  Goodwin 
Sands.  Meanwhile,  some  information  had  been  lodged  at 
Whitehall,  which  led  the  authorities  to  send  officers  after  the 
vessel,  while  still  waiting  for  fairer  weather.  They  reached 
her,  they  overhauled  her  cargo,  they  broke  open  the  innocent- 
looking  bundle  of  books,  they  found  the  letter,  and  though  it 
was  unsigned,  they  had  little  difficulty  in  assigning  it  to  "one 
Hooke,  a  minister."  They  found  in  it,  moreover,  enough  sym- 
pathy with  the  persecuted  nonconformists,  and  of  antagonism 
to  their  persecutors,  to  declare  it  "seditious"  and  forthwith 
detained  the  vessel,  and  arrested  and  imprisoned  the  Master, 
whether  at  Deal,  Dover  or  London,  it  does  not  certainly  appear. 
This  was  serious,  not  only  for  Capt.  Wilson,  but  for  the  owners 
of  the  ship  and  her  cargo,  to  say  nothing  of  the  consignees  on 
this  side,  and  he  petitioned  for  release.  The  petition  is  pre- 
served in  the  State  Paper  Office,*  endorsed  "The  Petition  of 
Samuel  Wilson,"   and  reads  as  follows : 

"To  the  King's  most  excellent  Majesty; 

The  humble  petition  of  Samuel  Wilson,  Pactor," 
"Sheweth — 

That  your  Majesty's  Petitioner,  having  ignorantly  received  a 
seditious  Letter  from  one  Hooke,  a  minister,  which  person 
(hearing  your  Majesty's  Petitioner  was  upon  the  said  Account 
stopped  in  the  Downes)  immediately  deserted  his  lodging. 
Your  poor  petitioner  knew  not  the  contents  of  the  letter  in  the 
least,  nor  that  he  had  aiw  such  letter,  it  being  wrapped  up  in  a 
bundle  of  books,  and  your  petitioner  not  at  all  privy  to  the  same. 

Wherefore  your  Majesty's  poore  petitioner  most  humbly 
implores  your  Majesty's  princely  Grace  and  favor.  That  he 
may  be  released  to  proceed  upon  his  voyage,  he  having  1200 
pounds  cargo  of  other  men's  on  Board,  and  the  ship  having 
been  gone  a  month  onward  the  same  voj^age,  there  being  another 
ship  to  set  sail  within  this  two  days  bound  to  the  same  port. 

And  your  petitioner  (as  in  duty  bound)  shall  ever  pray,  etc." 

*S.  P.  Dom.  Car.  II:    72,  16. 


68  EEV.    WILLIAM    HOOKE. 

His  petition  was  not  nnfavorably  regarded,  but  he  was  bound 
in  £1,000  for  good,  loyal  conduct  for  twelve  months,  and,  on 
demand,  to  present  William  Hooke  to  the  Secretary  of  State, 
at  any  time  within  that  period.  He  seems  to  have  had  sul)stan- 
tial  friends  to  stand  by  him,  for  the  sureties  were  found,  the 
bond  was  executed,  he  was  released,  and  proceeded  on  his 
voyage.  The  bond  is  on  file,  endorsed  ''the  Bond  of  Samuel 
Wilson  of  St.  Catherine's  parish,  and  four  others,  for  his  good 
conduct  and  non-disturbance  of  government,  and  presenting 
within  a  year  to  the  Secretary  of  State,  the  person  of  one  Hooke, 
author  of  a  letter  lately  written  to  ISTew  England." 

The  letter  was  detained,  and  of  course  never  reached  its  des- 
tination. It  has  remained  in  the  State  Paper  Office  these  two 
hundred  and  forty-five  years.  Its  existence  has  been  known. 
Its  contents  have  been  calendared.  Dr.  John  Stoughton  made 
some  extracts  from  it  in  his  "Ecclesiastical  History  of  Eng- 
land." The  late  Dr.  Henry  Martyn  Dexter,  as  appears  by  a 
memorandum  in  his  own  handwriting,  had  the  opportunity  to 
read  it  and  make  some  extracts  from  it.  But  I  am  credibly 
informed  that  it  has  not  been  published.  Another  letter,  written 
to  Mr.  Davenport  some  time  later,  reached  him  and  has  been 
published.  In  June  of  1008  Prof.  G.  Lyon-Turner,  the  treas- 
urer of  a  historical  society  in  England  of  which  I  happen  to  be 
an  honorary  member,  wrote  to  me  that  he  had  read  the  long 
detained  letter,  and  transcribed  part  of  it,  and  could  easily 
send  me,  if  I  wished  it,  a  verbatim  transcript  of  the  whole. 
After  consulting  with  our  Professor  Dexter,  I  wrote  and  asked 
for  the  transcript  offered,  together  with  any  documents  throw- 
ing light  upon  a  story  of  the  original.  In  due  time  I  received 
what  I  had  requested ;  and  I  would  like  to  say  here  that  I  can 
hardly  overstate  my  obligations  to  this  English  scholar  for  the 
courteous  and  generous  cooperation  extended  to  me  through 
many  months,  in  investigating  the  obscurer  facts  connected 
with  Mr.  Hooke's  history.  I  should  have  found  my  inquiries 
much  more  difficult  but  for  his  zealous  and  efficient  assistance.* 

*  Since  this  paper  was  written  some  of  tlie  sources  which  my  corre- 
spondent  consulted   for   me   have   been   published   by   him.     This   work    is 


EEV.    AVILLIAM    HOOKE.  69 

I  have  given  yon  the  benefit  of  the  information  I  obtained 
as  to  the  history  of  the  letter,  and  have  deposited  the  transcript 
in  the  Library  of  Yale  University.  It  is  a  valnable  testimony 
to  the  life  of  the  period  as  that  appeared  to  one  who  was 
in  the  midst  of  it.  It  is  mnch  too  long  for  me  to  read  to 
yon  the  whole  of  it,  bnt  of  some  things  in  it  I  may  venture 
to  speak.  It  will  be  natural  to  notice  the  glimpse  which  it 
gives  ns  of  the  writer's  own  circumstances.  I  have  said  the 
letter  was  not  signed,  and  throughout  it  he  is  careful  not  to 
call  names,  or  indicate  in  any  way  his  location.  His  allusions 
are  most  cryptic.  "I  am  not,  at  present,"  he  writes,  "where 
I  was  when  you  last  wrote  to  me,  yet  in  the  same  family ;  but 
in  a  place  of  some  privilege,  not  in  parochial  precincts."  He 
knows,  too,  that  the  authorities  are  carefully  scanning  all  letters 
that  are  sent  by  post  for  traces  of  him.  He  expresses  devout 
thankfulness  that  thus  far  he  has  himself  escaped  arrest,  and 
that  his  correspondence  has  been  untouched.  He  recognizes, 
moreover,  that  there  is  need  of  greater  caution  than  he  has 
yet  exercised.  He  says,  "my  handwriting  is  too  well-known." 
He  is  aware,  also,  of  the  peril  he  is  in  from  treacherous  friends 
and  mean  informers,  who  would  not  hesitate  to  betray  former 
associates.  "Men  have  been  trepanned,"  he  writes,  "into  say- 
ing things  against  the  King,  by  informers  pretending  to  be  one 
with  them."  He  adds  that  recently  four  had  been  executed  at 
Tyburn,  who  had  been  betrayed  in  this  way.  Thus,  and  in  other 
particulars,  it  appears  that  he  was  in  hiding,  or  in  a  seclusion 
not  easily  to  be  distinguished  from  that.  The  petition  of  Wil- 
son, already  quoted,  indicates  that  when  his  letter  was  seized, 
he  very  promptly  disappeared  from  the  house  where  he  had 
lodged,  and  whither  he  had  removed  was  concealed.  The  bond- 
entitled  "Original  Records  of  Early  Non-Conformity  under  Persecution 
and  Indulgence."  It  is  in  two  volumes  and  makes  accessible  to  the  world 
documents  previously  to  be  found  only  in  the  Public  Record  office  in 
London,  or  the  Library  at  Lambeth  Palace.  Published  by  T.  Fisher 
Unwin,  London,  IDIL  It  may  be  found  in  the  libraries  of  Harvard, 
Brown,  or  Yale  Universities;  in  the  Congressional  Library  at  Washington, 
the  Congregational  Library  at  Boston,  the  Pennsylvania  Historical  Society 
Library  in  Philadelphia,  and  other  leading  libraries  in  the  United  States, 
References  will  be  made  to  it  later  in  this  paper. 


70  EEV.    WILLIAM    IIOOKE. 

ing  of  Wilson  to  produce  him  on  demand  shows  the  disposition 
of  the  authorities  toward  him.  That  he  was  not  arrested  indi- 
cates, we  may  suppose,  in  what  sechision  he  kept  himself,  and 
how  many  were  interested  to  protect  him.  In  this  persistent 
obscurity,  and  perpetual  insecurity,  he  must  have  lived  for  a 
number  of  years. 

It  has  been  said  that  the  art  of  letter-writing  consists  in 
giving  to  one's  correspondents  all  the  news  of  the  day.  Cer- 
tainly, then,  Mr.  Hooke  did  his  best  to  write  a  good  letter  to 
Mr.  Davenport.  In  calendaring  the  items  of  intelligence — 
domestic,  foreign,  political,  commercial,  social,  personal,  which 
he  recounts — I  am  surprised  by  the  number  and  variety  of  them. 
K^aturally  he  begins  with  the  enforcement  of  the  Act  of  Uni- 
formity, which  took  effect  on  August  24,  1662,  with  severe  and 
sad  consequences  to  many.  Multitudes  of  ministers,  he  says, 
were  ejected  from  their  churches,  their  habitations,  their 
employments.  ISTor  was  this  the  worst,  they  were  absolutely 
silenced.  It  was  made  an  offence  for  them  to  be  heard  at  all. 
"There  is  not  an  ejected  minister,"  he  writes,  "or  any  other 
not  conforming,  that  durst  exercise  in  public,  since  August  24, 
excepting,  perhaps,  some  one  or  two  or  thereabout,  for  which 
they  have  suffered."  Moreover,  it  was  easier  to  turn  out  of 
office  two  or  three  thousand  men,  mainly  the  choice  of  their 
congregations,  than  to  appoint  off-hand  by  authority  worthy  and 
competent  successors  to  till  the  vacant  places,  and  in  many  cases 
ignorant,  incompetent,  unworthy  men  came  to  the  front,  even 
men  of  scandalous  lives.  Sympathy  with  the  ejected  ministers, 
and  antipathy  to  the  new  incumbents,  led  to  abstention  by  the 
congregations,  and  of  this  several  instances  are  given;  e.  g.,  in 
one  parish  of  20,000  souls,  only  a  score  or  two  could  be  gotten 
together.  The  same  motives  led  worshippers  to  assemble 
secretly,  in  places  other  than  churches,  but  this  had  been  for- 
bidden by  proclamation  early  in  January,  1661,  and  to  prevent 
it  soldiers,  constables  and  officers  were  employed  in  making  dili- 
gent search,  and  often  wholesale  arrests.  These  proceedings 
at  that  time  had  no  warrant  in  law  except  in  some  statutes  of 
Elizabeth's  time  against  heretics,  but  none  the  less  they  were 


EEV,    WILLIAM    HOOKE. 


71 


enforced  witli  great  vigor  and  ferocions  crnelty.  !N"atnrally 
the  letter  speaks  of  this  fact.  It  states,  "multitudes  have  been 
surprised  and  forthwith  carried  to  prisons."  The  various  jails 
were  filled,  and  a  British  jail  in  those  days  was  beyond  descrip- 
tion. Many  perished  from  want  of  air  and  from  unsanitary 
conditions.  It  tells  how  these  cruelties  reacted,  how  civil  and 
military  officials  showed  mercy,  and  juries  refused  to  convict, 
even  under  strong  pressure  from  above.  It  tells  further  how  the 
different  denominations  stood  the  persecution, — the  Presby- 
terians being  the  least  resolute  to  hold  out  against  it,  the  Quakers 
the  most  resolute,  and  next  to  them  the  Baptists ;  how  among 
the  Independents  there  were  differences  of  judgment,  as  to  how 
far  concessions  might  be  made  lawfully;  and  for  aught  I  can 
see  Mr.  Hooke  himself  was  as  resolute  as  a  Quaker.  He  pro- 
ceeds to  speak  of  difficulties  in  Ireland,  and  in  Scotland,  and  of 
troops  sent  to  the  latter ;  of  the  banishment  of  a  famous  preacher 
there,  who  was  gathering  great  crowds  in  the  open  air;  of  the 
favor  shown  to  Roman  Catholics,  although  the  Act  of  Uni- 
formity in  strictness  bore  upon  them  as  much  as  upon  others; 
of  the  grievous  urging  of  oaths  of  allegiance,  and  the  imprison- 
ment of  such  as  in  any  point  scrupled  them,  among  others  of 
Mr.  Richard  Saltonstall.  The  writer  gives  some  curious  tales 
illustrating  the  superstitions  of  the  time,  his  own,  and  others ; 
he  descends  to  details  so  humble  as  recent  fires,  especially  one 
that  had  fatal  results.  Passing,  then,  to  more  public  matters, 
he  tells  of  the  talk  there  was  of  measures  of  toleration ;  how 
the  Roman  Catholics  were  disposed  to  promote  them,  and  the 
Anglican  bishops  by  all  means  to  prevent  them;  how  in  view 
of  the  approaching  meeting  of  Parliament,  and  the  known  senti- 
ments of  the  King  and  many  others,  inclining  to  some  modifica- 
tion of  the  Act  of  Uniformity,  the  bishops  were  bringing 
pressure  to  bear  upon  the  Members  of  Parliament  in  opposition, 
and  the  country  was  greatly  disquieted.  He  thinks  it  manifest 
that  the  prelatical  party  had  gained  nothing  by  their  severe 
measures,  but  rather  lost.  But  while  a  good  many  were  hoping 
for  a  favorable  change,  he  shows  that  he  himself  had  little 
expectation  of  it;   that  while  the  Presbyterians  were  willing  to 


72  KEV.    WILLIAM    HOOKE. 

make  important  concessions  in  hope  of  peace,  in  matter  of 
fact  they  were  more  obnoxious  to  the  prelates  than  the  other 
types  of  nonconformists. 

He  then  proceeds  to  speak  of  the  complete  prostration  of 
trade  and  industry  from  which  the  land  was  suffering,  and  to 
define  its  causes.  His  statements  of  fact  are  perhaps  more 
interesting  than  his  economic  theories,  and  there  is  much  less 
reason  to  question  them.  "Writing  on  a  later  day,  he  says, 
^'Parliament  is  now  sitting  again,"  and  comments  upon  its 
proceedings.  It  at  once  showed  its  intolerant  temper,  and  he 
comments  upon  illustrations  of  that.  .Vn  attempt  to  call  in 
question  the  release  from  the  common  jail  of  the  Rev.  Dr. 
Edmund  Calamy,  who  had  been  imprisoned  for  preaching  in  his 
own  church  once  when  no  other  preacher  had  appeared,  ran 
against  the  fact  that  the  King  himself  had  ordered  the  release, 
he  having  reasons  of  a  personal  nature  to  treat  Dr.  Calamy 
with  consideration ;  and  then  of  course  came  to  nothing.  The 
great  expectation  which  had  been  entertained  of  relief  from 
this  Parliament  had  little  result,  and  there  was  no  let  up  of 
persecution.  Prominent  personages  went  abroad  for  safety, 
but  in  some  instances  exiles  for  conscience  sake  were  arrested 
in  France  by  order  of  the  King,  and  returned. 

The  letter  proceeds  to  give  an  account  of  a  remarkable  con- 
junction of  planets,  or  trigoii,  as  he  calls  it,  and  the  various 
comments  and  expectations  it  excited;  and  then  to  give  the 
foreign  intelligence  of  the  day,  Prench,  Dutch,  and  what  we 
should  call  Prussian ;  also,  of  Turkish  movements,  strangely 
mixed  up  with  the  writer's  interpretations  of  the  Apocah-pse. 
Then  it  returns  to  the  condition  of  the  ejected  ministers,  of 
their  poverty,  and  the  sufferings  of  their  families,  and  the  straits 
into  which  they  had  been  brought.  Then  it  adds :  "As  for  the 
churches  in  London,  they  meet  privately,  and  by  parcels,  divided 
into  several  companies ;  and  during  the  winter  quarter  the 
dark  evenings  were  advantageous  to  them  to  steal  together 
into  the  corners."  Then  it  speaks  of  the  ill  will  which  had 
grown  up  against  the  bishops,  that  had  found  expression  even 
in  the  House  of  Lords.     On  the  other  hand,  of  the  favor  of  the 


EEV.    WILLIAM    HOOKE.  73 

King  toward  the  nonconformist  leaders,  how  he  had  sent  for 
them,  held  long  interviews  with  them,  and  held  out  hopes  to 
them,  so  giving  their  opponents  great  uneasiness.  Expecta- 
tions arose  of  a  Eoyal  Indulgence  based  upon  the  King's  pre- 
rogative, but  this  rumor  brought  a  fresh  outbreak  of  intolerance, 
petitions  from  Parliament  against  toleration,  etc.,  and  for  the 
time  fresh  disappointments. 

The  remainder  of  the  letter  is  of  a  more  personal  character. 
He  speaks  of  his  own  health,  and  that  of  his  family,  of  his  own 
solicitudes,  depression,  and  fear ;  for  these,  by  the  way,  are  all 
subjective — showing  anxiety  lest  he  fail  to  do  his  duty,  not 
intimidation  by  outward  troubles ;  he  congratulates  ^Mr.  Daven- 
port on  the  marriage  of  his  son ;  sends  messages  to  his  friends, 
tells  of  visits  from  representatives  of  the  Xew  Haven  Colony, 
who,  with  Governor  Winthrop,  had  sought  him  out,  somewhat 
to  his  own  uneasiness,  to  discuss  the  relations  of  the  two 
Colonies  of  oSTew  Haven  and  Connecticut.  He  mentions  ^lajor 
Thomson,  Capt.  Scott,  and  l^athaniel  Whitfield,  and  describes 
their  conference  upon  the  future  of  the  N^ew  Haven  Colony. 
Then  with  salutations  and  good  wishes,  the  letter  ends. 

A  subsequent  letter  to  Mr.  Davenport  which  has  been  pub- 
lished, and  the  letter  to  General  Goffe  already  mentioned,  add 
to  the  intelligence  I  have  thus  summarized,  but  on  these  I  need 
not  comment,  ^or  is  it  needful  to  speak  of  such  public  events 
as  the  great  plague  of  1GG5,  the  fire  which  consumed  so  much 
of  London  in  166G,  or  the  alarms  of  the  Dutch  war  in  1607,  or 
the  bad  harvest  in  these  latter  years ;  except  so  far  as  they 
manifestly  increased  the  perils,  the  privations,  the  distresses  of 
the  time,  which  Mr.  Hooke  as  well  as  others  had  to  meet." 
More  germane  to  his  experience  was  a  diiferent  class  of  events 
of  which  I  may  say  a  few  words.  On  the  26th  of  December, 
1662,  word  went  forth  from  Whitehall  that  in  the  next  session 
of  Parliament  the  King  would  ask  the  House  to  concur  with 

*  Since  this  paper  was  written,  Prof.  Lyon-Turner,  in  his  indefatigable 
search  for  traces  of  William  Hooke,  has  found  evidence  that  in  1665,  or 
early  in  1666,  he  occupied  a  house  in  West  Harding  St.  This  gives  us 
reason  to  apprehend  that  he  was  burned  out  in  the  Great  Fire,  for  all  the 
houses  in  West  Harding  St.  were  destroyed  at  that  time. 


74  EEV.    WILLIAM    HOOKE. 

himself  in  devising  some  means  of  freeing  from  the  penalties 
of  the  Act  of  Uniformity  those  who,  living  peaceably,  desired  to 
worship  in  their  own  way.  This  is  the  talk  of  a  general  tolera- 
tion to  which  Mr.  Hooke  alluded  in  his  letter.  But  such  a  relief 
was  anything  but  what  the  bishops  and  the  King's  ministers 
intended.  The  actual  answer  of  the  Parliament  to  this  proposal 
of  the  King  was  the  passage  of  the  Conventicle  Act,  to  go  into 
eifect  on  July  1,  1664,  and  continue  for  three  years.  This 
made  the  first  offence  of  being  in  a  meeting  of  more  than  five 
persons  for  any  purpose  not  in  conformity  with  the  Church  of 
England,  punishable  with  a  fine  of  five  pounds,  or  three  months' 
imprisonment;  the  second,  of  ten  pounds,  or  six  months' 
imprisonment ;  the  third  by  transportation  for  seven  years, 
unless  the  person  convicted  redeemed  himself  by  paying  one 
hundred  pounds.  This  Act  effectually  suppressed  all  noncon- 
formist gatherings,  or  drove  them  into  deeper  secrecy  than  ever. 
The  Act  of  Uniformity  had  fallen  mainly  upon  the  ministers, 
the  Conventicle  Act  fell  upon  the  people.  Then  having  forbid- 
den the  ministers  to  be  heard  in  the  churches,  and  the  people 
to  assemble  anywhere  else  to  hear  them,  the  authorities  endeav- 
ored to  devise  an  act  to  separate  the  pastor  and  his  flock  as  far 
as  possible  from  each  other.  The  result  was  the  passage  of 
what  was  known  as  the  Five  Mile  Act  in  October,  1665,  to  take 
effect  on  the  24tli  of  March  following.  This  Act  would  natu- 
rally bear  heavily  upon  ]\Ir.  Hooke.  It  forbade  nonconforming 
ministers  to  come  within  five  miles  of  any  corporate  town,  or 
any  place  where  they  had  been  in  the  habit  of  ofliciating,  and 
incapacitated  them  for  exercising  even  the  functions  of  a  tutor. 
This  act  crowned  the  series  of  hostile  acts  of  which  they  were 
the  target,  and  rendered  them  liable  to  heavy  fines,  and  to 
imprisonment,  with  the  alternatives  of  exile  or  starvation. 
There  was  a  refinement  of  cruelty,  it  seemed  to  them,  in  making 
it  unlawful  for  them  to  teach,  because  this  was  the  only  occu- 
pation open  to  them  as  educated  men.  The  Puritan  youth  had 
a  passion  for  education.  The  universities  were  closed  to  him. 
Very  naturally,  therefore,  the  ejected  ministers  who  were  uni- 
versity men  were  in  demand  as  instructors,  and  all  over  Eng- 


KEV.    WILLIAM    HOOKE.  75 

land  they  taught  what  we  Americans  might  call  midergronnd 
academies,  some  of  them  migratory  as  well.  In  many  a  well- 
to-do  family,  moreover,  men  of  this  sort  fonnd  employment  as 
private  tutors.  It  is  more  than  possible  that  Mr.  Hooke  was 
engaged  in  this  way.  If  so,  the  Five  Mile  Act  must  have  added 
greatly  to  his  embarrassments.  The  oppressive  Conventicle 
Act,  it  will  be  remembered,  expired  by  limitation  in  1667,  and 
for  a  time  severities  against  the  nonconformists  were  relaxed. 
When  Parliament  again  met  it  set  itself  to  renew  the  Act,  and 
the  House  of  Commons  passed  a  bill  to  that  intent,  but  before 
the  Lords  got  to  it.  Parliament  adjourned  at  the  King's  request, 
and  the  bill  failed.  It  was  seventeen  months  before  Parliament 
met  again,  and  during  that  period  the  nonconformists  enjoyed 
more  freedom  than  they  had  seen  since  1662,  and  grew  some- 
what bold  in  it.  In  AjJril,  1670,  however,  the  Act  was  renewed, 
and  made  more  severe  than  ever,  so  severe  indeed  as  to  pro- 
voke resistance,  and  in  some  degree  to  defeat  itself.  It  is 
difficult  to  imagine  how  Mr.  Hooke  and  his  family  subsisted 
during  these  terrible  years,  to  the  miseries  of  which  many  indi- 
vidual histories  bear  ample  testimony,  and  we  know  that  in  the 
midst  of  them,  in  1671,  he  lost  by  death  a  beloved  son.  We 
can  hardly  fail  to  feel  that  his  case  appeals  to  our  humane 
sympathies  very  strongly. 

Partial  relief  came  at  last,  in  1672.  On  the  27th  of  March 
of  that  year  the  King  issued  his  famous  Proclamation  of  Indul- 
gence, in  which,  after  alluding  to  his  care  and  endeavor  for  the 
preservation  of  the  Established  Church,  and  the  many  ways  of 
coercion  he  had  used  for  the  reducing  of  all  erring  and  dis- 
senting persons ;  and  reciting  that  evidently  the  sad  experience 
of  twelve  years  had  shown  very  little  fruit  of  all  those  forcible 
courses,  he  felt  obliged  to  avail  himself  of  that  supreme  power 
in  ecclesiastical  matters  which  was  inherent  in  him;  and 
accordingly  directed  immediate  suspension  of  all  penal  laws 
against  nonconformists  and  provided  for  the  license  of  a  suffi- 
cient number  of  places  of  worship  for  them,  and  of  the  teachers 
which  the  congregation  gathered  in  these  places  should  choose. 


76  KEV.  willia:m  hooke. 

The  nonconformists  for  the  most  part  hailed  this  exercise  of 
the  Royal  prerogative  with  joy  and  thanksgiving,  and  speedily 
applications  poured  in.  As  many  as  3,500'^  licenses  were 
granted  within  ten  months.  Among  the  best  known  licensees 
was  John  Bunyan,  whose  license  was  dated  May  9,  1672. f 
Before  this  date,  however,  several  applications  had  been  made 
for  the  licensing  of  William  Hooke,  The  first  seems  to  have 
been  made  orally  by  some  one  whose  name  does  not  appear,  as 
it  is  memorandumed  with  others  in  the  handwriting  of  the  head- 
clerk.     It  reads, t 

''William  Hooke,  |^  of  the  Congregational 

&  John  Langston  his  assistant,    j   Persuasion, 
desire  to  teach  at  the  house  of  Richard  Loton, 
in  the  Spittle  Yard.     London." 

The  second  §  was  presented  in  writing  by  Dr.  ISTicholas  Butler, 
and  differs  from  the  first  in  that  as  written  originally  it  names 
an  alternative  place  of  meeting,  thus,  "in  the  Spittle  Yard  at 
present,  and  that  it  may  be  for  the  next  year  at  his  house  in 
Angel  Alley,  Whitechapel."  But  this  alternative  is  crossed  out 
as  impracticable.  The  third  ||  is  more  formal  than  the  others, 
and  is  in  the  handwriting  of  Robert  Mascall,  and  is  dated  April 
23,  1672.  Perhaps  the  crossed-out  alternative  gives  us  the  resi- 
dence at  that  time  of  Mr.  Hooke.  ^  All  three  applications  are 
marked,  granted,  but  the  actual  entry  of  the  licenses  to  William 
Hooke,  John  Langston," "  and  house  of  Richard  Loton  in  the 
Spital  yard,  is  dated  the  20th  of  April,  1672,  which  shows  that 

*  The  discrepant  numbers  given  by  different  authorities  are  easily 
explained.  Some  authorities  count  the  documents;  others  the  number 
of  persons  named  in  the  documents.  Now  that  the  whole  list  has  been 
published  in  "Original  Records  of  Non-Conformity,  etc./'  Vol.  1,  pp. 
193-G23,  each  one  of  us  can  count  for  himself. 

t  Original  Records  of  Non-Conformity,  etc..  Vol.  1,  p.  471. 

%  Ibid.,  p.  237. 

§  Ibid.,  p.  255. 

II  lUd.,  p.  258,  Vol.  2,  p.  987. 

H  The  pronoun  "his"  is  perhaps  ambiguous.  Did  Richard  Loton  pro- 
pose to  change  his  residence,  and  wish  to  transfer  the  license  with  his 
goods?  Or  is  it  Mr.  Hooke's  house  that  is  referred  to?  Prof.  Lyon- 
Turner  thinks  the  latter  conclusion  correct. 

**  Original  Records  of  Non-Conformity,  etc..  Vol.  1,  p.  440. 


EEV.    WILLIAM    HOOKE.  77 

the  third  application  was  needless,  the  desired  license  having 
been  already  signed  and  issued.  August  2,  1672,  Mr.  Hooke 
wrote  to  General  Goffe  in  view  of  this  altered  state  of  things* — 
"As  touching  us,  we  have  now  freedom  without  the  least  molesta- 
tion to  attend  upon  the  Gospel  and  the  ordinances  thereof,  and 
this  liberty  runs  through  city  and  country, — peradventure  with 
regret  to  many,  but  it  is  the  fruit  of  the  favor  of  him  who  is 
in  the  highest  place  among  us.  And  I  think  there  is  no 
restraint  upon  any,  of  whatsoever  persuasion — no — not  the 
Papists  themselves,  only  they  may  not  appear  so  publicly  as 
others  do." 

Thus  had  been  wrought,  to  all  appearance,  a  great  deliverance, 
and  it  is  not  strange  that  high  hopes  were  excited.  But  they 
were  not  to  be  realized.  The  Royal  Proclamation  was  not 
cordially  received  by  the  country  as  a  whole,  not  even  by  all 
nonconformists.  It  was  opposed  on  constitutional  grounds. 
A  dispensing  with  the  laws  of  the  land  by  royal  prerogative  was 
hardly  a  process  to  be  looked  upon  favorably  by  lovers  of  liberty, 
especially  when  the  King  was  a  Stuart.  If  it  were  once  to 
begin,  how  far  might  it  go  ?  The  House  of  Commons  resolved, 
many  nonconformist  members  concurring,  that  penal  laws 
could  only  be  suspended  by  Act  of  Parliament.  When  a  bill 
was  devised  looking  toward  accomplishing  by  legislation  such 
relief  as  the  proclamation  had  given,  while  it  passed  the  Com- 
mons it  was  held  up  in  the  House  of  Lords,  and  came  to 
nothing.  The  King  was  ultimately  constrained  to  cancel  his 
proclamation,  which  he  did  on  March  8,  1673.  This  left  the 
condition  of  the  nonconformist  theoretically  worse  than  ever. 
Practically,  however,  it  was  not,  for  a  time.  Although  the  laws 
were  unchanged,  the  enforcement  of  them  was  enfeebled.  The 
tide  of  intolerance  had  suffered  a  check,  and  some  time  elapsed 
ere  it  was  at  the  flood  again.  But  within  two  years  the  licenses 
were  all  revoked,  and  the  relief  was  over.  One  of  the  first 
victims  of  the  renewal  of  persecution  was  Bunyan,  he  being 
committed  to  Bedford  jail.  This  was  his  second  imprisonment, 
to  which  we  owe    ''The  Pilgrim's  Progress"   (1675-6). f 

*  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  Coll.,  Series  IV,  Vol.  8,  p.  144. 
t  Biography  of  Bunyan,  by  Dr.  John  Brown,  p.  258. 


78  REV.    WILLIAIM    HOOKE. 

In  many  cases  the  applications  for  license  in  1672  were  the 
emergence  into  light  of  churches  that  in  spite  of  all  persecution 
had  maintained  themselves  in  darkness  and  secrecy.  There  is 
reason  to  believe  this  of  the  application  in  behalf  of  Mr.  Hooke 
and  Mr.  Langston,  and  that  the  church  in  Spitalfields, — a  well- 
known  locality  from  one-half  to  three-quarters  of  a  mile  north- 
east of  the  present  Bank  of  England,  a  region  now  almost 
wholly  given  up  to  industry — was  one  of  the  anvils  that  wear 
out  many  hammers.  Mr.  Langston  was  an  Oxford  graduate, 
a  whole  generation  after  Mr.  Hooke,  and  lived  until  1704. 
For  the  last  seventeen  years  of  his  life  he  was  pastor  of 
the  Independent  Church  in  Ipswich,  still  existing.  Of  him 
there  are  somewhat  full  biographical  notices, — not  always  quite 
consistent,  and  in  respect  to  chronological  indications  not  so 
definite  as  might  be  desired.  But  a  careful  study  of  them,  and 
especially  of  the  one  supported  by  references  to  official  docu- 
ments,* points  to  the  conclusion  that  he  was  in  London  from 
1663  to  1677,  and  that  from  1667  to  1677  he  was  ^'Assistant 
to  Mr.  Hooke."  Moreover,  when  he  became  pastor  in  Ipswich, 
he  was  received  to  the  church  by  letter  from  a  church  in  London, 
which  my  correspondent  says,  was  "no  doubt  the  church  in 
Spitalfields."  I  ask  you  particularly  to  observe  the  significance 
of  these  facts.  They  throw  upon  the  situation  we  have  been 
studying  a  strong  sidelight.  Assistant  to  Mr.  Hooke  ?  Then 
Mr.  Hooke,  from  1667  to  1677,  and  probably  before,  was  in  a 
position  to  require  an  assistant;  that  is,  he  was  a  pastor.  In 
Spitalfields  ?  That  is  the  locality  in  which  he  was  licensed  in 
1672 ;  then  his  pastorate  was  there.  But  what  a  new  imjDres- 
sion  we  receive  of  the  indomitable  spirit  of  this  man,  this 
hunted  and  outlawed  man,  forbidden  under  heavy  penalties  to 
be  found  Avithin  five  miles  of  the  Savoy,  that  through  all  these 
troubled  years  he  not  only  held  on  his  way,  but  held  on  to  the 
pastorate  of  that  hidden  organization,  and  persisted  in  minis- 
tering to  it,  that  body  "meeting  by  parcels"  in  obscure  streets 
and  dark  hours,  emerging  only  during  the  King's  Indulgence ! 

*  Browne's  History  of  Nonconfonnity  in  Xorfolk  and  Suffolk,  pp.  309, 
et  seq. 


KEV.    WILLIAM    HOOKE. 


T9 


But  when  Mr.  Langston  left  London  in  1677,  Mr.  Hooke's 
years  were  far  spent.  We  have  some  glimpses  of  these  latest 
years.  A  discourse  of  his  was  published  in  October,  1673, 
during  the  period  of  his  license,  which  amounted  to  a  volume. 
A  copy  is  preserved  in  the  Prince  Collection  in  Boston.  An 
analysis  of  it,  with  liberal  extracts,  is  published  in  the  Rev. 
Mr.  Emery's  volume  already  cited.  AVe  have,  also,  a  letter  of 
his  to  General  Goffe,  dated  April  2,  1674,  in  which  he  speaks  of 
his  own  exercises  of  pain  and  grief,  and  of  the  distresses  and 
perils  of  the  time,  in  such  a  way  as  to  awaken  some  apprehen- 
sions on  the  part  of  his  correspondent.  He  rejoins  on  August 
5,  1674,  from  Hadley,  Mass.,  greatly  deprecating  such  a  loss 
as  that  of  Mr.  Hooke  would  be.  He  says,  "Methinks  I  hear 
the  churches  crying  to  the  Lord  that  they  cannot  spare  you; 
and  hope  He  will  for  their  sakes  lengthen  out  your  life,  and 
renew  your  strength,  to  do  Him  yet  a  little  more  service  in  your 
generation  before  vou  go  hence."  This  seems  to  show  that 
his  usefulness  was  still  recognized.  We  have  finally  a  pathetic 
letter*  from  him  written  to  Dr.  Increase  Mather,  dated  August 
7,  1677,  and  a  few  months  later,  on  March  21,  1678,  came  the 
end  he  anticipated.  Still  another  discourse  of  his,  however, 
published  posthumously  three  years  afterwards,  has  come  down 
to  us.  A  copy  is  preserved  in  the  Library  of  the  Antiquarian 
Society  at  Worcester,  Mass. 

In  his  letter  to  Dr.  Mather,  he  speaks  of  his  increasing  infir- 
mities, and  gives  expression  to  his  expectation  of  death.  ''This, 
I  think,  is  like  to  be  my  last  letter  to  you,"  he  writes.  ''God  is 
pleased  to  enable  me  to  preach  hitherto,  but  my  spirits  are 
grown  weak,  and  my  breath  is  very  short."  His  concluding 
words  are  a  benediction.  "The  Father  of  Mercies,  and  God  of 
all  consolation,  be  with  you,  and  bless  your  studies  and  labors 
in  His  work !  In  Him  I  rest"  These  last  noteworthy  words, 
I  imagine,  give  us  the  key  to  the  inner  man.  They  are 
extremely  characteristic  of  him.  They  recur  repeatedly  in  his 
letters.  He  was  the  embodiment  of  a  calm,  trustful  courage ; 
of  a  gentle  but  heroic  spirit.    I  have  searched  his  letters  through 

*  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  Coll.,  Series  IV,  Vol.  8,  pp.  582-3. 


80  EEV.    WILLIAM    HOOKE. 

for  indications  of  any  moral  weakening  in  the  face  of  the  diffi- 
culties and  hostilities  which  he  encountered,  but  I  have  searched 
in  vain.  He  speaks  sympathetically  of  the  wrongs  and  injuries 
of  others,  but  never  of  his  own.  He  reveals  no  particular  con- 
sciousness of  his  own.  He  seems  to  be  a  man  who  takes  his 
experience  of  life  exactly  as  it  comes,  and  tranquilly  faces  it 
exactly  as  it  is.    So  manifestly  true  is  this,  that  I  marvel  at  him. 

The  published  discourse  of  1673,  Dr.  Leonard  Bacon  says  he 
had  never  read.  But  the  very  title  of  it  greatly  impressed  him. 
It  was  this,  "The  privileges  of  the  saints  on  earth  beyond  those 
in  Heaven."  Had  he  read  the  discourse,  he  might  have  been 
still  more  impressed.  But  he  queries,*  "What  sort  of  a  man 
must  he  have  been,  who  in  his  old  age,  disappointed,  afflicted, 
persecuted,  could  write  a  book  to  show  the  privileges  of  the 
saints  on  earth  beyond  those  in  Heaven — the  privilege  of  labor- 
ing for  the  Redeemer,  and  the  privilege  of  bearing  the  cross, 
and  enduring  reproach  and  sorrow  foi'  Him''  ?  "We  may  leave 
that  question  unanswered.  But  the  preacher's  argument  is, 
that  the  life  of  faith  is  nobler  than  that  of  vision ;  the  life  of 
hope,  than  the  life  of  fruition ;  the  life  of  patience,  than  one  in 
which  is  no  occasion  for  it;  the  life  of  loving  sympathy  with 
the  alienated,  the  wretched  and  the  miserable,  than  one  where 
none  of  these  can  be !  This  man  was  no  ascetic,  no  other-world- 
ling, no  dreamer,  no  sybarite,  no  lover  of  himself.  Assuredly 
he  fought  a  good  fight ;  he  kept  his  faith ;  let  us  hope  he  won 
a  crown. 

He  was  buried  in  Bunhill  Fields, t  that  sacred  spot  in  the 
heart  of  busy  London,  whither  many  pilgrim  feet  from  Xew 
England  are  eagerly  turned  from  year  to  year ;  where  rest  the 
ashes  of  Bunyan  and  of  many  more,  upon  whom  bigotry  put 
its  brand  in  vain,  for  the  more  modern  world  does  them  honor, 
in  remembrance  of  their  services  to  learning,  to  letters,  and  to 
liberty. 

I  have  endeavored  to  come  as  close  as  possible  to  the  actual 
course  of  Mr.  Hooke's  experience  of  life.     To  the  favorable 

*  Bacon's  Hist.  Discourses,  p.  72. 

t  See  List  of  Interments,  in  Trans,  of  Cong.  Hist.  Soc.  for  Sept.,  1910. 


KEV.    WILLIAM    HOOKE.  81 

circumstances  of  its  early  years,  when  lie  was  a  cadet  of  a  family 
of  wealth  and  distinction ;  or  those  in  which  as  a  graduate 
of  Oxford,  preferment  in  the  Church  of  England  awaited  him; 
to  the  honorable  record  that  he  made  upon  these  shores ;  to  the 
very  high  position  that  he  attained  in  England  in  the  days  of 
the  Commonwealth, — the  last  period  of  his  life  presents  a  pain- 
ful contrast.  But  he  seems  to  have  borne  himself  bravely  and 
blamelessly  from  the  beginning  to  the  end.  For  his  own  sake 
and  his  family's,  for  Connecticut's  sake,  for  J^ew  England's 
sake,  we  may  wish  he  had  not  returned  to  England ;  if  it  were 
desirable  to  illustrate  what  virtues  stern  adversities  may  evoke 
from  a  generous  human  soul,  we  may  think  it  well  that  he  did 
return.  A  niural  tablet  on  the  walls  of  the  Center  Church  in 
l^ew  Haven  briefly  commemorates  him.  I  cannot  but  wish  there 
were  some  more  conspicuous  monument  to  keep  his  memory 
green.  At  any  rate  Taunton  and  Xew  Haven  should  be  the  last 
to  suffer  it  to  fade ! 


THE  SEAL  OF  CONNECTICUT. 

Bj  Simeon  E.  Baldwin,  LL.D. 
[Read  November  22,  1909.] 


It  is  difficult  for  us  to  enter  into  the  conception  of  the  nature 
of  a  seal,  which  was  common  to  all  Englishmen  in  the  seven- 
teenth century.  To  them,  and  to  their  forefathers  for  many 
generations,  it  was  the  most  solemn  form  of  authenticating  any 
written  expression  of  will,  which  was  intended  to  alter  legal 
relations. 

We  may  not  unfairly  say  that  the  legal  value  of  a  seal  in 
any  community  is  in  inverse  proportion  to  the  education  and 
intelligence  of  its  people.  In  ages  when  hardly  any  except 
the  priest  or  monk  could  write,  and  property  was  mainly 
massed  in  the  hands  of  a  few,  the  seal  afforded  a  simple  and 
generally  effectual  method  of  showing  that  a  conveyance,  a 
charter,  or  any  other  legal  document,  came  from  the  hand,  or 
with  the  approval,  of  those  in  whose  names  it  might  profess 
to  speak. 

Every  great  land-owner  in  England,  by  a  century  or  two 
after  the  Norman  conquest,  had  his  own  coat  of  arms.  His 
seal  was  inscribed  with  this.  No  one,  not  of  his  name  and 
family,  could  lawfully  use  it.  He  took  good  care  that  no  one 
else  should  have  an  opportunity  to  do  so,  by  keeping  it  in  some 
safe  and  secret  place,  or  perhaps  carrying  it  about  upon  his 
person. 

The  Crown  had  its  great  and  its  privy  seal.  The  ecclesias- 
tical and  municipal  corporations  had  theirs. 

In  the  time  of  Edward  I,  eveiy  freeman  and  some  of  the 
villeins  had  a  seal.*  A  deed  of  land,  according  to  English  law, 
until  long  after  the  settlement  of  New  England,  was  well  exe- 

*  Blackstone's  Commentaries,  II,  305. 


THE    SEAL    OF    COIfl^ECTICUT.  83 

cutecl  if  it  bore  the  seal  of  him  whose  grant  it  was,  though 
not  his  signature.  Without  a  seal,  or  a  legal  substitute  for  it, 
a  conveyance  of  land,  though  signed,  is  still  in  Connecticut  no 
deed,  and  ineffectual  to  pass  full  title. 

So  late  as  the  latter  half  of  the  eighteenth  century.  Sir 
William  Blackstone  declared,  in  his  Commentaries  on  the  Laws 
of  England,*  that  every  corporation  not  only  could,  but  must 
have  a  common  seal,  for,  he  continued,  it  "being  an  invisible 
body,  cannot  manifest  its  intentions  by  any  personal  act  or 
oral  discourse :  it  therefore  acts  and  speaks  only  by  its  common 
seal." 

By  the  great  seal  of  the  State,  the  first  and  greatest  of 
corporations,  all  important  public  acts  were  attested,  and  with- 
out its  use,  it  hardly  seemed  to  the  popular  mind,  in  early 
English  history,  to  be  possible  to  administer  and  uphold  the 
government.  When  James  II,  driven  from  the  throne  of  Eng- 
land, made  his  first  attempt  to  escape  from  the  kingdom,  his 
last  act,  in  crossing  the  Thames,  was  to  throw  the  great  seal 
overboard,  in  the  hope,  no  doubt,  that  proceedings  to  displace 
him  would  thus  be  brought  to  a  full  stop.f 

The  great  seal  of  a  foreign  power  has  always  been  recognized 
as  sufficiently  authenticating  its  official  acts.  The  seal  is  said 
to  prove  itself.  Every  sovereign  is  supposed  to  be  familiar 
with  the  appearance  of  the  great  seal  of  every  other  sovereign ; 
and  the  same  familiarity  is  imputed  to  his  courts  of  justice. 

In  1663,  when  Governor  Stuyvesant  was  at  odds  with  the 
Colony  of  Connecticut  as  to  the  Dutch  title  to  some  of  the 
Long  Island  towns,  he  urged  the  directors  of  the  ^ew  J^ether- 
land  company  to  procure  from  the  States-General  a  patent  or 
letter  defining  the  limits  of  the  Dutch  possessions  in  America, 
and  recommended  that  it  be  "sealed  with  their  High  Mighti- 
nesses' Great  seal,  at  which  an  Englishman  commonly  gapes  as 
at  an  idol."  This,  he  wrote,  would  help  matters  complicated 
by  "the  unrighteous,  stubborn,  impudent  and  pertinacious 
proceedings  of  the  English  at  Hartford."$ 

*  I,  475. 

t  Macaulay's  Hist,  of  England,  III,  293,  London  Ed.  of  1863. 

t  Documents  relating  to  the  Col.  Hist,  of  N.  Y.,  II,  488,  484. 


84  THE    SEAL    OF    CONNECTICUT. 

Connecticut  was  settled  under  authority  of  those  who  had 
obtained  grants  from  a  public  corporation  under  the  name  of 
''the  Council  established  at  Pljonouth  in  the  County  of  Devon 
for  the  planting,  ruling,  ordering  and  governing  of  ISTew  Eng- 
land in  America,"  which  w^as  incorporated  by  the  Crown  on 
IsTovember  3,  1620.  The  charter  particularly  provided  that 
the  forty  persons  named  as  the  original  members  and  "their 
Successors  shall  have  and  enjoy  for  ever  a  Common  Scale,  to 
be  engraven  according  to  their  Discretions ;  and  that  it  shall 
be  lawfull  for  them  to  appoint  w^hatever  Scale  or  Scales  they 
shall  think  most  meete  and  necessary,  either  for  their  Uses, 
as  they  are  one  united  Body  incorporate  here,  or  for  the  publick 
of  their  Governour  and  ministers  of  ISTew  England  aforesaid, 
whereby  the  Incorporation  may  or  shall  scale  any  Manner  of 
Instrument  touching  the  same  Corporation,  and  the  Manors, 
Lands,  Tenements,  Eents,  Reversions,  Annuities,  Heredita- 
ments, Goods,  Chatties,  Affaires,  and  any  other  Things  belong- 
ing unto,  or  in  any  wise  appertaininge,  touching,  or  concerning 
the  said  Corporation  and  plantation  in  and  by  these  our  Letters- 
Patents,  as  aforesaid,  founded,  erected,  and  established."^ 

In  a  subsequent  clause  the  corporation  was  empowered  to 
constitute  and  discharge  any  "Governors,  Officers,  and  Minis- 
ters," as  it  should  think  fit,  and  to  make  laws  of  government 
for  the  plantation,  civil  and  criminal,  as  near  as  might  be  like 
those  of  England.  It  published,  in  1622,  a  "Brief  Relation 
of  the  Discovery  and  Plantation  of  ISTew  England,"  addressed 
to  the  Prince  of  Wales  (afterwards  Charles  I),  who  while  in 
his  teens,  by  approving  the  suggestion  of  Captain  John  Smith, 
was  the  first  to  give  the  country  that  name,  in  any  authoritative 
way.f  In  this  the  President  and  Council  stated  their  purpose 
to  be  to  set  up  a  general  government  in  'New  England  at  some 

*  Poore,  Charters  and  Constitutions,  I,  923-5. 

t  The  first  printed  work  in  wliich  this  name  was  used,  instead  of  the 
old  term,  "Nortli  Virginia,"  was  Capt.  Jolm  Smith's  "Description  of  New 
England,"  published  in  1616.  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  Coll.,  4th  Series,  Til,  96. 
Smith  was  the  undoubted  originator  of  the  name  New  England,  "but," 
he  says  in  his  "Advertisements  for  the  Unexperienced  Planters  of  New  Eng- 
land or  anywhere"     (Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  Coll.,  3d  Series,  III,  1,  20)     "Mali- 


THE    SEAL    OF    CONNECTICUT.  0» 

convenient  place,  and  parcel  out  the  territory  into  several  grand 
divisions  or  "counties."  Each  of  these  was  to  be  under  a  chief 
head,  with  a  staff  of  officers,  such  as  a  steward,  comptroller, 
and  treasurer ;  and  each  subdivided  into  manors  and  lordships. 
It  had  also,  so  the  pamphlet  proceeds,  been  "provided  that  all 
cities  in  that  territory,  and  other  inferiour  towns  where  trades- 
men are  in  any  numbers,  shall  be  incorporate  and  made  bodies 
politic,  to  govern  their  affairs  and  people,  as  it  shall  be  found 
most  behoveful  for  the  publick  good  of  the  same."* 

On  March  19,  1628,  the  Council,  by  a  deed  under  its  com- 
mon seal  to  Sir  Henry  Rosewell  and  five  others,  and  their  heirs 
and  associates  forever,  made  a  grant  of  lands  for  a  settlement 
on  Massachusetts  Bay.  They,  having  first  associated  twenty 
others  with  them,  obtained  the  charter  from  the  Crown,  of 
March  4,  1629  (IST.  S.)  under  which  Winthrop  and  his  company 
set  up  the  colony  of  Massachusetts. 

Robert,  Earl  of  Warwick,  was  the  President  of  the  Council 
at  least  as  early  as  January  13,  1630  (N.  S.),t  and  we  have 
the  high  authority  of  Dr.  Douglass  and  Dr.  Trumbull:;:  for 
the  assertion  that  in  that  year  the  Council  conveyed  to  him, 
by  a  grant  soon  afterwards  confirmed  by  a  royal  patent,  the 
territory  which  on  March  19,  1631,  he  transferred  by  a  deed 
under  his  own  seal  to  Lord  Say  and  Seal  and  ten  others,  and 
their  heirs  and  associates  forever. 

cious  minds  amongst  Sailers  and  others  dro\Yned  that  name  with  the  echo 
of  Nusco7icus,  Canaday,  and  Penaquid,  till  at  my  humble  sute,  our  most 
gracious  King  Charles,  then  Prince  of  Wales,  was  pleased  to  confirme  it  by 
that  title."  In  the  petition  to  the  King,  of  March  3,  1620  (N.  S.)  on  which 
the  patent  to  the  Council  of  Devon  was  issued,  the  petitioners  ask  first 
of  all,  "that  the  territories  where  yor  peticoners  makes  their  plantacon 
may  be  caled  (as  by  the  Prince  His  Highnes  it  hath  bin  named)  New 
ExGLAXD."  Documents  relating  to  the  Colonial  History  of  N.  Y.,  Ill,  2. 
Smith  had  been  permitted  to  present  to  the  Prince,  in  1614,  a  copy  of 
his  journal  during  his  voyage  northwards  in  the  spring  of  that  year,  and 
of  his  njap  of  the  coast  above  Cape  Cod.     Palfrey's  Hist,  of  N.  E.,  I,  94. 

*  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  Coll.,  2d  Series,  IX,  22,  23. 

t  He  then  signed  a  patent  in  favor  of  the  Pljaiiouth  settlers,  in  which 
he  is  described  as  President. 

:?  Trumbull,  Hist.,  I,  547;    Douglass'  Summary,  II,   160. 


86  THE    SEAL    OF    CONNECTICUT. 

The  Council  had  a  regular  clerk,  but  its  records  have  not 
been  preserved  (although  copies  of  part  of  them  are  extant),^ 
and  it  is  denied  by  some  later  historians  that  the  Earl  had  any 
title  to  convey,  t 

To  me  it  seems  more  reasonable  to  accept  Douglass'  and 
Trumbull's  statement,  justified  as  it  is  by  repeated  declara- 
tions of  our  General  Court  during  the  seventeenth  century,  i 

It  is  also  supported  by  a  letter  from  John  Humfrey  sent 
from  London  to  Isaac  Johnson§  in  Massachusetts,  under  date 
of  December  9,  1630,  in  which  is  found  this  passage:  ''My  lord 
of  Warw.  will  take  a  Patent  of  that  place  you  writ  of  for 
himselfe,  &  so  wee  may  bee  bold  to  doe  there  as  if  it  were  our 
owne."||  It  is  at  least  a  fair  surmise  that  Johnson  had  pre- 
viously written  to  Humfrey  that  the  region  of  the  Connecticut 
river  was  one  adapted  to  an  English  settlement,  and  that  in 
consequence  of  this  news  the  Earl  of  Warwick  had  determined 
to  obtain  from  the  Council  for  ISTew  England  a  patent  embrac- 
ing it,  to  himself,  but  really  for  the  benefit  of  those  of  his 
Puritan  friends  who  were  then  contemplating  a  removal  to 
'New  England. 

Thomas  Lechford,  an  attorney,  who  would  not  be  apt  to 
use  words  loosely,  in  his  "Plaine  Dealing,"  written  in  1641, 
says  of  the  Saybrook  and  Hartford  settlements :  ""These  planta- 
tions have  a  Patent."|| 

Two  years  later,  Parliament  put  the  Earl  of  Warwick  at 
the  head  of  a  commission  of  six  Lords  and  twelve  commoners, 
having  jurisdiction  over  all  plantations  and  islands  occupied 
under  authority  of  the  Crown.  Early  in  1647,  the  Earl,  as 
Governor  in  chief  over  foreign  plantations,  the  Earl  of  ^lan- 
chester  and  Viscount  Say  and   Seal,  speaking  for  this   com- 

*  Massaclnisetts  and  its  Early  Histoiy,  1G2;  Records  of  the  Council  for 
N.  E.,  Cambridge  1867,  8. 

•(•Massachusetts  and  its  Early  History,  148;  Johnston,  Hist.,  of  Conn., 
8,  109. 

tHinman,  Letters.  &c.,  40,  43,  59;  Trumbull,  Hist,  of  Conn.,  I,  380, 
543. 

§  Coll.  Mass.  Hist.  Soc,  4th  Series,  VI,  4. 

II  Mr.  Johnson  had  died  more  than  two  months  before  this  was  written. 

H  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  Coll.,  3d  Series,  III,  97. 


THE    SEAL    OF    COXNECTICUT.  87 

mission,  wrote  to  the  colony  of  Connecticut  recognizing  its 
'^'jurisdiction''  to  administer  justice,  and  stating  that  the 
committee  did  not  purpose  to  "restrain  the  bounds  of  your 
jurisdiction  to  a  narrower  compass  than  is  held  forth  by  your 
letters-patents."* 

This  seems  quite  a  plain  recognition  of  its  possession  of 
what  the  two  principal  parties  to  the  grant  of  March  19,  1631, 
the  grantor  and  the  ranking  grantee,  considered  a  proper  title 
for  the  purposes  of  civil  government.  It  claimed  one  by  virtue 
of  its  purchase  from  Colonel  Fenwick  of  the  Saybrook  proper- 
ties, and  from  no  other  source. 

The  evidence  that  the  Earl  executed  the  deed  to  Lord  Say 
and  Seal  and  his  associates  is  all  that  can  fairly  he  required; 
and  in  that  he  professes  to  be  the  owner  of  the  lands,  and  to 
convey  them  with  "all  jurisdictions,  rights,  and  royalties,  lib- 
erties, freedoms,  immunities,  powers,  privileges,  franchises, 
preeminences,  and  commodities  Avhatsoever,  which  the  said 
Robert,  Earl  of  Warwick,  now  hath  or  had,  or  might  use,  exer- 
cise and  enjoy,  in  or  within  any  part  or  parcel  thereof."t  It 
is  certain  also  that  those  who  received  the  grant,  thus  pur- 
porting to  pass  jura  regalia,  thought  that  they  could  appoint 
a  Governor  of  the  territory  which  it  embraced ;  for  in  July, 
1635,  five  of  them  "in  their  own  names  and  in  the  name 
of  .  .  the  rest  of  the  company,"  signed  a  commission  con- 
stituting John  Winthrop,  Jr.,  "Governor  of  the  river  Connect- 
icut with  the  places  adjoining  thereunto."  This  document  they 
signed  individually,  affixing  their  own  particular  seals,  all 
impressed  on  the  same  piece  of  wax.t 

The  Warwick  deed  or  patent  of  1631  was,  in  a  measure,  a 

family  transaction.     The  Earl's  family  name  was  Robert  Rich. 

One  of  the  grantees,    "the  right  honorable  Lord  Rich,"    was 

his  eldest  son,  and  another,   "Sir  j^STathaniel  Rich,  Knt,"   a  near 

relation.  §    "Lord  Brook"  was  Baron  Brooke  of  Warwick  castle. 

It  would  be  natural  for  the  Earl  to  hand  the  deed,  as  soon  as 

*  Hubbard,  Hist,  of  New  England,  Chap.  LV. 

t  Trumbull,  Hist  of  Conn.,  I,  525. 

t  Ibid.,  527. 

§  See  his  will  in  Waters'  Genealogical  Gleanings,  II,  872. 


88  THE    SEAL    OF    CO]^f]SrECTICUT. 

it  was  executed,  to  his  son  and  lieir.  Such  papers  were  then 
not  recorded  in  any  public  registry  of  lands.  The  Council 
for  JSTew  England  surrendered  its  charter  to  the  Crown  in  1635  ; 
the  civil  war  soon  broke  out,  with  all  its  work  of  wreck;  and 
the  family  of  the  Earl  became  extinct  in  the  next  century. 
Under  such  circumstances  it  is  not  surprising  that  a  copy  of  a 
copy  of  this  Warwick  deed  is  all  that  our  State  archives  have  to 
show  to  support  our  claim  of  a  paper  title  prior  to  the  charter 
of  1662. 

It  is  important  to  observe  that  the  Earl  of  Warwick  had  the 
common  seal  of  the  Council  for  ISTew  England  in  his  posses- 
sion for  a  considerable  period,  and  at  least  as  late  as  1633, 
this  being  apparently  against  the  will  of  a  number  of  its  mem- 
bers.* He  could  thus  have  executed,  at  any  time,  a  deed  in  its 
name  to  some  third  party,  simply  by  affixing  the  seal ;  and 
then  taken  a  reconveyance  from  the  latter  to  himself.  The 
Council  being  a  corporation  and  not  a  directing  body  within 
a  corporation,  the  law  made  those  who  attended  any  meeting 
regularly  appointed  (though  only  one  or  two  might  thus  be 
present),  a  quorum  to  transact  business.  At  the  meeting  of 
JSTovember  1,  1631,  held  at  Warwick  House  in  London,  at  which 
but  two  were  present,  the  Earl  of  Warwick  and  Sir  Eerdinando 
Gorges,  several  important  grants  of  lands  were  ordered.  It 
is  by  no  means  improbable  that  at  some  of  the  regularly  called 
meetings,  which  at  this  time  were  commonly  held  at  Warwick 
House,  the  Earl  may  have  been  the  only  member  present. 

His  deed  to  Lord  Say  and  Seal  and  his  associates  was  wit- 
nessed by  two  persons,  one  of  whom  was  Walter  Williams.  A 
man  named  Williams  was  in  his  employment  in  1632,  and 
apparently  had  charge  for  the  Earl  of  the  corporate  seal  of  the 
Council. t  Probably  he  was  the  attesting  witness,  and  if,  as 
conjectured,  there  was  an  intermediate  deed  from  the  Earl,  as 
President  of  the  Council,  under  the  corporate  seal,  to  a  dummy, 
who  was  to  and  did  reconvey  to  the  Earl  personally,  no  one 

*  Massachusetts  and  its  Early  History,  147 ;  Proceedings  of  the  Anti- 
quarian Society,  1867,  Vol.  IV,  110-113;  Winsor,  Narrative,  &c.,  Hist.,  Ill, 
309. 

t  Winsor,  Narr.  Hist.,  Ill,  370. 


THE    SEAL    OF    COXXECTICUT.  89 

could  have  been  more  likely  than  this  Mr.  Williams  to  be 
selected  for  this  office  nor,  when  the  two  preliminary  deeds 
had  been  made,  to  attest  the  third,  by  which  the  estate  thus 
transmitted  through  him  was  made  over  to  the  real  purchasers.* 

The  grantees  under  the  deed  from  the  Earl  had  a  regular 
clerk,  as  appears  from  a  letter  of  Lord  Say  and  Seal  to  Gov- 
ernor AVinthrop,  dated  December  11,  1G61.  In  this  he  enclosed 
a  letter  to  the  Earl  of  Manchester,  then  Lord  Chamberlain, 
requesting  him  to  tell  the  Governor  where  he  could  speak  with 
Mr.  Jesup,  "who,"  he  adds,  "when  we  had  the  patent,  was 
our  clerk  and  he,  I  believe,  is  able  to  inform  you  best  about 
it,  and  I  have  desired  my  lord  to  wish  him  so  to  do.  I  do 
think  he  is  now  in  London."t 

In  1636  William  Jesup  is  given  a  legacy  in  the  will  of  Sir 
JSTathaniel  Rich  of  a  kind  indicating  that  he  was  in  close  per- 
sonal relations  with  the  testator. 

In  April,  1656,  Bulstrode  Whitelock  records  an  official  con- 
ference with  the  Swedish  ambassador,  attended  also  by  "Mr. 
Jessop,  one  of  the  clerks  of  the  Council," — that  is,  of  the  Coun- 
cil of  State  under  the  Protector.^  On  April  10,  1660,  "Wil- 
liam Jessop,  Esq."  was  chosen  clerk  of  the  House  of  Commons 
of  the  Convention  Parliament.  §  It  is  probable  that  he  was  the 
former  clerk  of  the  Council  and  also  the  same  man  who  had 
been  clerk  of  the  Warwick  patentees.  The  Earl  of  Manchester, 
who  was  the  presiding  officer  of  the  Convention  House  of  Peers, 
was  a  son-in-law  of  the  Earl  of  Warwick;  closely  associated 
with  him  during  the  civil  war;|l  and  one  of  the  commission 
under  his  presidency  for  the  government  of  foreign  plantations. 

One  must  not  forget,  in  studying  the  documents  of  that 
century,  that  the  law  of  moneyed  corporations  was  still  in  its 
infancy.  Such  bodies  did  not  always  act,  in  making  grants, 
by  their  officers,  appointed  for  that  purpose,  under  their  com- 

■••■  A  "Mr.  Walter  Williams"  at  about  this  time  owned  houses  in  Bristol. 
Waters,   Genealogical   Gleanings,   I,   565. 

t  Trumbull,  Hist.,  I,  547. 

t  Memorials,  Oxford  Ed.,  IV,  243.  William  Jessop  filled  the  same  posi- 
tion in  1653  and  1654.  "WJiitelock,  Journal  of  the  Swedish  Embassy,  II, 
59,  456. 

§  Parliamentary  Hist,  of  England,  XXII,  233. 

II  Whitelock,  Memorials,  Oxford  Ed.,  II,  262. 


90  THE    SEAL    OF    CONNECTICUT. 

mon  seal,  as  now.  The  first  patent,  for  instance,  under  which 
the  Plymouth  settlement  obtained  any  paper  title,  was  a  deed 
from  the  Council  (of  June  1,  1621)  signed  by  six  of  the  com- 
pany only,  individually,  under  their  separate,  private  seals.* 
A  later  confirmatory  patent  (January  13,  1629,  O.  S.)  on  the 
other  hand,  though  signed  by  the  Earl  of  Warwick  alone,  pur- 
ported to  be  executed  by  him  in  the  name  of  the  Council,  and 
bears  its  common  seal.f 

The  removal  from  Massachusetts,  in  1636,  to  the  banks  of 
"the  great  river,"  and  the  foundation  of  the  three  river  towns 
under  Haynes  and  Hooker,  was  accomplished  with  the  express 
assent  of  the  Bay  Colony,  and  a  tacit  understanding  with  the 
holders  of  the  Saybrook  Patent.  There  was  at  first  no  asser- 
tion that  they  were  setting  up  an  independent  government. 
jSTot  claiming  to  be  a  separate  corporation,  they  had,  of  course, 
no  common  seal. 

The  Saybrook  patentees,  on  the  contrary,  not  only  built  forts, 
appointed  Governors  and  employed  troops,  but  procured  and 
adopted  a  common  seal. 

The  fact  that  they  took  this  step  is,  of  itself,  strong  evidence 
that  they  had  a  right  to  take  it.  It  is  unlikely  that  earls  and 
viscounts,  standing  well  at  court,  would  undertake  in  such  open 
fashion  to  infringe  on  the  royal  prerogative.  Only  if  they 
were  a  corporation,  or  a  branch  of  a  corporation,  could  the 
grantees  under  the  Warwick  deed  lawfully  use  a  common  seal. 

If  Charles  I  did  not  grant  a  charter  of  incorporation  to  them 
directly,  he  may  have  granted  a  patent  confirming  their  land 
titles,  and  they  may  have  been  justified  in  adopting  a  common 
seal  by  a  delegated  authority.  I  refer,  in  this,  to  the  clause 
in  the  charter  of  the  Council  of  Plymouth  giving  it  power  not 
only  to  adopt  a  corporate  seal  as  an  English  corporation  estab- 
lished at  Plymouth  ("one  united  Body  incorporate  here''), 
but  also  any  other  seal  or  seals  for  public  use  by  their  Governor 
or  other    "Ministers  of  'New  England."     The  Council  may  not 

*Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  Coll.,  4th  Series,  II,  15G;  History  of  Plymouth  Planta- 
tion, Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  Ed.,  I,  246;    Winsor,  Narrative,  &c.,  Hist.,  Ill,  301. 

t  Winsor,  Narrative  Hist.,  Ill,  369;  Thorpe,  American  Charters,  &c.. 
Ill,  1846. 


THE    SEAL    OF    CONNECTICUT. 


91 


improbably  have  adopted  a  local  seal  for  the  Connecticut  set- 
tlements, by  some  vote,  no  copy  of  which  was  preserved.  Acts 
speak  louder  than  words,  and  after  any  long  lapse  of  years 
great  weight  must  be  attributed  to  the  fact  that  a  colonial  seal 
was  in  fact  adopted  for  the  Saybrook  plantation.  It  is  a  legal 
maxim  that  ex  diuturnitate  temporis  omnia  presumuntur  rite 
et  sollenniter  esse  acta. 

The  seal  of  the  Saybrook  patentees  was  nearly  circular  in 
form,  of  about  the  size  of  a  silver  dollar,  and  bore  for  its  design 
fifteen  vines,  arranged  in  three  rows,  the  first  of  six,  the  second 
of  five,  and  the  lowest  of  four.  Above  them  a  hand,  seemingly 
thrown  forward  from  the  clouds,  held  a  pennant  bearing  the 
legend,  Svstinet  Qvi  Teanstvlit.  There  was  a  narrow  but 
rather  an  ornate  rim. 

This  muniment  of  jurisdiction  and  title  was  turned  over 
by  Governor  Fenwick  to  the  settlers  in  the  upper  towns,  on 
and  near  the  great  river,  after  he  had  undertaken  to  convey 
to  that  ''jurisdiction"  all  the  lands  covered  by  the  Warwick 
patent,  "if  it  come  into  his  power."  His  first  agreement  to 
that  effect  was  made  December  5,  1644,  and  modified  in  1646 
by  a  commutation  of  certain  customs  duties,  which  it  secured 
to  him  for  a  term  of  years,  to  an  annual  payment  of  £180." 
In  1645  Fenwick  returned  to  England,  to  become  a  member 
of  the  Long  Parliament  and  colonel  in  the  Parliamentary  army. 
In  1649  he  was  appointed  one  of  the  Judges  of  Charles  I,  but 
did  not  sit,  as  such,  at  the  trial. 

Roger  Wolcott,  in  his  Memoir  for  the  History  of  Connecticut, 
makes  this  statement  in  regard  to  the  incident  of  the  seal : 

"The  people  of  Connecticut  for  some  time  paid  a  rent  or 

tribute  to   George   Fenwick,   Esq'^',   captain  of   Saybrook  fort. 

At  length  they  bought  the  land  and  the  fort  of  him  and  he 

promised  to  give  them  a  deed  but  failed,  but  he  gave  them  the 

Colony  Seall.     This  I  was  told  by  Daniel  Clark,  Esq'',  who  was 

the  Secretary  and  a  magistrate  in  the  Jurisdiction  at  the  time 

of  the  Charter."! 

-••Collections  of  the  Conn.  Hist.  Soc,  III,  328;  Col.  Rec.  of  Conn.,  I, 
271. 

t  Collections  of  the  Conn.  Hist.  Soc,  III,  328. 


92  THE    SEAL    OF    CONlSrECTICTTT. 

The  seal  thus  obtained  from  Colonel  Fenwick  was  adopted 
as  the  seal  of  the  Colony  of  Connecticut  without  any  formal 
vote  of  the  General  Court,  so  far  as  appears  on  record.  Prob- 
ably they  feared  to  have  it  known  that  they  had  taken  such  a 
step,  lest  it  should  savor  too  unmistakably  of  a  claim  of  politi- 
cal independence.  Charles  I  was  still  on  the  throne,  and  the 
event  of  the  civil  war  was  uncertain. 

The  seal  thus  procured  was  used  as  a  common  seal  for  tlie 
consolidated  colony  at  least  as  early  as  October,  1G47,  when  it 
was  set  by  Governor  Hopkins  to  a  commission  issued  to  John 
Winthrop  as  magistrate  at  j^ew  London.* 

I  have  dwelt  so  long  on  these  points  in  our  early  history 
because  the  title  of  colonial  Connecticut  to  its  soil  has  so  inti- 
mate a  connection  with  the  title  of  colonial  Connecticut  to 
its  seal. 

Let  me  recapitulate  shortly  the  positions  which  have  been 
taken,  and  the  salient  facts  mentioned. 

Every  corporation,  whether  it  be  a  public  or  private  one, 
has  the  right  to  select  and  use  a  common  seal. 

'No  other  association  of  persons  has  such  a  right. 

The  Council  of  Plymouth  for  the  planting,  ruling,  ordering 
and  governing  of  ISTew  England,  was  incorporated  in  1620  by 
a  royal  charter,  giving  them  in  express  terms  not  only  this  right, 
but  that  of  dividing  New  England  into  a  number  of  local 
governments,  each  with  a  seal  of  its  own  and  a  Governor  of 
its  own. 

This,  in  effect,  authorized  this  Council  to  create  other  local 
public  corporations  within  ISTew  England. 

In  or  before  1622,  the  Council  of  Plymouth  accordingly 
provided  for  the  separate  incorporation  of  all  places  where 
there  should  be  any  considerable  number  of  persons  engaged 
in  trade,  as  self-governing  communities. 

In  1635,  the  Council  was  dissolved. 

*  This  commission  is  in  the  State  Library,  in  the  Winthrop  collections. 
See  also  Col.  Rec.  of  Conn.,  I,  329,  578.  Among  other  impressions  of  this 
original  seal,  now  extant,  is  one  in  the  Winthrop  Collection  of  ]\ISS..  in  the 
State  Library,  Vol.  Ill,  pp.  310,  upon  a  commission  to  Daniel  Witherall, 
as  Judge  of  the  County  Court. 


THE    SEAL    OF    COXXECTICUT. 


93 


During  the  intervening  thirteen  years,  the  Earl  of  Warwick, 
its  President  and  the  keeper  of  its  corporate  seal,  in  1631, 
executed  a  deed  of  the  territory  now  included  in  Connecticut 
to  an  association  of  persons  headed  by  Lord  Say  and  Seal. 

Four  year's  later,  in  1635,  we  find  this  association  appoint- 
ing a  Governor  of  part  of  these  Connecticut  lands,  at  the  mouth 
of  the  Connecticut  river. 

In  1636,  he  promotes  the  settlement  of  another  part  of  them, 
higher  up  on  the  river,  by  what  became  the  Colony  of  Connect- 
icut. Not  later  than  1644,  and  probably  much  earlier,  this 
Say  and  Seal  association  did  what  only  a  corporation  could 
lawfully  do,  by  adopting  a  common  seal.  In  that  year,  the 
then  Governor  of  the  Saybrook  settlement  and  commandant  of 
the  Saybrook  fort  is  found  to  be  in  possession,  as  such,  of  this 
common  seal,  and  transfers,  in  behalf  of  those  whom  he  repre- 
sented, the  fort,  and  with  it  the  seal,  to  the  Colony  of  Con- 
necticut, with  the  promise  to  convey  to  it  thereafter  all  the  rest 
of  the  lands  covered  by  the  deed  to  the  association,  should  it 
come  into  his  power  to  do  so. 

In  1647,  we  find  the  person  first  commissioned  Governor  of 
the  Saybrook  settlement,  accepting  from  the  Colony  of  Con- 
necticut a  commission  as  a  local  magistrate,  authenticated  under 
this  same  seal,  as  the  seal  of  that  colony. 

Is  it  not  a  probable,  if  not  a  necessary  conclusion  from  these 
facts,  that  the  Earl  of  Warwick  either  had  proper  grants  of 
the  territory  of  Connecticut  and  authority  to  govern  it,  before 
his  deed  to  the  Saybrook  company,  or  else  that  this  deed  was 
intended  and  regarded  by  all  parties  in  interest  as  in  legal 
effect  the  deed  of  the  Council,  of  which  he  was  the  President 
and  of  whose  common  seal  he  was  then  the  keeper  ? 

As  soon  as  Connecticut  received  her  charter  (October,  1662) 
the  General  Court  declared  that  Westchester  lay  within  the 
territorial  limits  which  it  prescribed,'^  and  sent  a  copy  of  the 
vote  to  its  inhabitants,  certified  under  this  same  Saybrook  seal.f 

*  Col.  Rec,  I,  387. 

t  Hoadly,  The  Public  Seal  of  Connecticut,  Conn.  State  Register  for 
1889,    438. 


94  THE    SEAL    OF    COIS"2^ECTICUT. 

The  device  of  the  seal  challenges  curiosity.  Why  were  rows 
of  vines  selected  as  the  prominent  feature  ?  Why  were  these 
arranged  in  three  rows,  each  containing  a  different  number, 
and  all  together  numbering  fifteen? 

The  number  of  patentees  under  the  Warwick  deed  was  eleven. 
It  might  be  suggested  that  the  top  row  was  to  represent  six 
of  them,  and  the  second  the  others.  But  none  of  the  patentees 
had  removed  to  'New  England.  The  motto  indicates  that  those 
who  are  represented  as  receiving  divine  support  had  already 
been  transplanted. 

With  more  probability  it  may  be  surmised  that  it  refers  to 
the  three  principal  plantations  already  made  under  patents 
from  the  Council  for  ^ew  England;  that  of  Plymouth,  that 
on  the  coast  of  Maine  under  Sir  Eerdinando  Gorges,  and  that 
of  Massachusetts  Bay. 

It  may  well  be,  also,  that  there  was  no  special  significance 
in  the  arrangement  of  the  vines  in  three  rows,  but  that  it  was 
merely  intended  to  depict  a  vineyard.  An  arangement  of  a 
vineyard  in  three  rows  would  be  natural,  in  view  of  the  form 
of  the  seal,  and  the  practice  of  heraldry,  under  which  a  "charge" 
on  a  coat  of  arms,  if  repeated  at  all,  is  generally  repeated  thrice. 
The  top  row  bisects  the  circle.  The  vines  in  each  row  were 
equi-distant  from  each  other.  More  therefore  could  be  put  in 
the  top  row  than  in  the  others,  and  more  in  the  second  than  in 
the  third. 

The  wild  grapes  of  this  country  made  a  strong  impression 
upon  the  early  voyagers  who  came  here  from  the  Xorth  of 
Europe.  They  gave  it  its  name  for  the  first  discoverers — Vin- 
land — and  in  the  tract  by  Rev.  Erancis  Iligginson  called 
"JSTew  England's  Plantation,"  written  in  1630,  he  says  that 
"Excellent  vines  are  here  up  and  doune  in  the  woods.  Our 
Governour  hath  already  planted  a  vineyard  with  great  hope 
of  increase."*  This  would  sufficiently  account  for  the  selection 
of  vines,  rather  than  any  other  form  of  vegetation. 

The  design  of  each  vine  is  so  formal  that  it  bears  little  or  no 
resemblance  to  that  of  the  wild  grape  of  our  woods.     One  who 

"••  Life  of  Francis  Higginson,  94. 


THE    SEAL    OF    CONNECTICUT. 


95 


saw  an  impression  of  the  original  seal  in  1662,  wrote  that  he 
supposed  it  to  represent   "the  arborated  craggy  wilderness."* 

The  origin  of  the  terse  and  striking  motto  I  have  been  unable 
to  discover.     It  was  not  framed  by  the  Romans. f 

Dr.  Hoadly,  in  his  article  in  the  Connecticut  Register,  refers 
as  a  not  improbable  source  to  the  eightieth  Psalm.  Here  we 
find  these  verses : 

"8.  Thou  hast  brought  a  vine  out  of  Egypt:  thou  hast  cast  out  the 
heathen,  and  planted  it. 

9.  Thou  preparedst  room  before  it,  and  didst  cause  it  to  take  deep  root, 
and  it  filled  the  land." 

But  then  follows  a  lamentation  over  the  bitter  ruin  that 
has  since  befallen  it,  and  a  prayer  that  God  will  return  to  its 
aid,  and  visit  again  this  vineyard  of  His  planting,  and  save 
His  people.  Here  is  nothing  of  the  hopeful  spirit  in  which 
spoke  the  faith  of  the  founders  of  ISTew  England  in  the  protec- 
tion of  God.  That  dictated  the  motto  of  Connecticut,  and  we 
see  it  reappearing  at  the  beginning  of  the  next  century  in 
verses  written  to  greet  its  advent,  by  Judge  Samuel  Sewall  of 
Massachusetts.  They  were  sung  by  bell-men  on  the  streets  of 
Boston,  just  before  daybreak  on  January  2,  1701,  and  the  first 
two  read  thus : 

"Once  more,  our  God,  vouchsafe  to  shine: 
Tame  Thou  the  rigor  of  our  clime; 
Make  haste  with  Thy  impartial  light 
And  terminate  this  long,  dark  night. 

Let  the  transplanted  English  vine 
Spread  further  still:    still  call  it  Thine; 
Prune  it  with  skill:    for  yield  it  can 
More  fruit  to  Thee,  the  husbandman." 

When  the  patent  from  Charles  II,  creating  Connecticut  a 
full  public  corporation,  was  obtained,  the  General  Court  imme- 
diately and  formally  declared  the  seal  acquired  from  Colonel 
Fenwick  to  be  the  seal  of  the  colony.     On  October  9,  1662,  the 

*  Hoadly,  The  Public  Seal  of  Connecticut,  Conn.  Register,  1889,  438. 
t  Professor  E.  P.  Morris  of  Yale  informs  me  that  it  has  been  searched 
for  in  vain  by  Latin  scholars,  in  the  classical  authors. 


96  THE    SEAL    OF    COJ^NECTICUT. 

charter  was  produced  and  publicly  read  before  the  freemen,  and 
it  was  voted  "that  the  Scale  that  formerly  was  vsed  by  the 
Generall  Court  shall  still  remaine  and  be  vsed  as  y®  Scale  of 
this  Colony,  vntill  y®  Court  see  cause  to  y®  contrary,  and  the 
Secretary  is  to  keep  ye  Scale,  and  to  vse  it  on  necessary  occasions 
for  y^  Colony."* 

The  Colony  of  'New  Haven,  a  few  years  after  the  establish- 
ment of  the  Commonwealth,  ventured  of  its  own  authority  to 
adopt  a  common  seal, 

No  impression  or  description  of  this  now  exists,  so  far  as 
I  can  ascertain. 

The  vote  to  procure  one  was  passed  by  the  General  Court 
on  May  30,  1655,  in  connection  with  the  approval  of  the  com- 
pilation of  the  general  statutes  made  by  Governor  Eaton.  It 
read  thus : 

"Ordered  that  a  publique  seale  shall  be  provided  at  ye  charge  of  yc 
jurisdiction,  wcli  is  to  be  ye  seale  of  this  colony,  the  bigness  of  it,  and 
ye  impression  to  be  vpon  it  they  leaiie  to  ye  governoiir,  and  such  other  as 
lie  shall  thinke  fit  to  advise  w^li  aboute  it,  to  consider  and  order."t 

One  was  thereupon  cut,  by  Eaton's  order,  in  England,  and 
sent  over  on  the  same  ship  which  brought  the  new  statute- 
book.  In  May,  16 50,  he  notified  the  General  Court  of  the 
arrival  of  the  seal  and  desired  them  to  accept  it  as  a  token  of 
his  love.  I 

On  the  seizure  of  the  government  of  Connecticut  by  Sir 
Edmund  Andros,  in  1687,  although  the  charter  had  disap- 
peared, John  Allen,  the  Secretary  of  the  Colony,  handed  over 
to  him  the  corporate  seal.§  Gershom  Bulkeley,  in  his  Will 
and  Doom,  written  not  long  after  the  resumption  of  authority 
by  the  freemen  and  General  Court,  in  consequence  of  the  acces- 
sion of  William  and  Mary,  argued  strongly  from  this  circum- 
stance that  all  charter  rights  to  existence  as  a  separate  colony 
had  been  destroyed. 

*  Col.  Rec.  of  Conn.,  I,  386. 

t  N.  H.  Col.  Rec,  I,  147. 

tlhid.,  186. 

§  Conn.  Hist.  Soc.  Collections>  III,  141. 


THE    SEAL    OF    CONNECTICUT. 


97 


"And  now/'  lie  says,  "both  their  common  seal  is  gone  and 
their  officers  are  all  gone  by  their  own  act.  Is  not  this  a  cesser 
of  the  charter  government?  The  seal  disappears  and  the  gov- 
ernors withdraw  themselves,  suffering  their  offices  to  expire 
without  continuance,  and  is  not  this  government  now  voluntarily 
laid  down,  deserted,  and  extinct  ?"* 

When  'New  York  passed  into  the  possession  of  Andros  in 
September,  1688,  the  report  made  of  the  proceedings  to  the 
Lords  of  Trade  and  Plantations  states  that  as  soon  as  he  arrived 
there  "His  Excellence  sent  for  and  received  from  Coll.  Dongan 
the  seal  of  the  late  Gov*  which  was  defaced  and  broaken  in 
Councill."t  Probably  the  same  fate  befell  the  seal  of  Con- 
necticut. 

On  the  resumption  here  of  charter  government  a  new  seal 
was  procured  of  the  same  general  design.  A  representation 
of  it  appears  on  the  title  page  of  Vol.  IV  of  our  Colonial 
Eecords.t  The  motto  is  cut  in  larger  letters  than  those  on 
that  received  from  the  Saybrook  colony  and  the  mode  of  dis- 
playing it  is  less  symmetrical.  To  atone,  perhaps,  for  the 
bolder  lettering,  TEAITSTULIT  is  shortened  to  TKASTULIT. 
We  had  come  to  the  dark  age  of  colonial  history,  when  the  first 
generation  of  English  settlers,  led  by  graduates  of  Oxford  and 
Cambridge,  had  passed  away,  and  but  a  feeble  beginning  had 
been  made  towards  founding  classical  learning  in  ISTew  England. 

This  seal  was  seemingly  incapable  of  making  a  clear  impres- 
sion. On  a  commission  dated  in  1690,  which  has  been  pre- 
served in  the  State  library,  are  two  wax  seals,  each  apparently 
bearing  the  same  stamp.  One  is  almost  undecipherable  and  the 
other  not  much  better.  The  Secretary  has  put  a  note  against 
the  latter,  explaining  that  it  was  affixed  because  the  former 
was  so  bad. 

The  original  seal  received  from  Colonel  Fenwick  was  one 
only  adapted  to  printing  on  wax. 

*  Conn.  Hist.  Soc.  Collections,  III,  143. 

t  Doc.  relating  to  the  Col.  Hist,  of  N.  Y.,  Ill,  567. 

t  Of.  Preface  to  the  same,  v.  Impressions  on  wax  are  preserved  in  the 
State  library;  Winthrop  Coll.  of  MSS.,  II,  198  (June  30,  1690)  and 
III,  312. 

4 


98  THE    SEAL    OF    CONNECTICUT. 

The  fragility  of  sealing  wax  came  to  be  generally  recognized 
by  the  beginning  of  the  eighteenth  century  as  making  some 
substitute  desirable  in  the  case  of  large  seals  on  public  docu- 
ments of  a  permanent  character.  Letters  had  often  been  closed 
with  paste.  The  thin  sort  of  paste  used  for  this  purpose  was 
called  "wafer."*  It  was  found  that  by  allowing  it  to  harden 
in  the  shape  of  little  cakes,  these  could  be  quickly  moistened 
and  softened  when  wanted  to  close  a  letter.  Such  forms  of  paste 
were  now  called  wafers, — a  word  previously  used  for  any 
small,  flat,  edible  cake.  For  a  public  seal,  after  being  affixed 
to  the  documents,  an  evenly  cut  piece  of  paper  of  correspond- 
ing size  called  a  "scarf,"  was  pressed  down  upon  them,  on 
which  the  device  on  the  die  was  printed  by  the  use  of  a  lever 
or  screw  press. 

It  was  apparently  in  order  to  get  the  benefit  of  this  modern 
mode  of  sealing  public  instruments  that  in  lYll,  it  was  ordered 
by  the  Governor  and  Council  "that  a  new  stamp  shall  be  made 
and  cut  of  the  seal  of  this  Colony,  suitable  for  the  sealing  upon 
wafers,  and  that  a  press  be  provided  with  the  necessary  appur- 
tenances for  that  purpose,  as  soon  as  may  be,  at  the  cost  and 
charge  of  this  Colony,  to  be  kept  in  the  Secretary's  office."! 

The  authority  thus  given  was  liberally  construed  by  the 
official,  whoever  he  was,  from  whom  the  engraver  took  his  orders. 
jSTot  only  was  the  new  seal  adapted  for  use  with  wafers,  as  well 
as  with  wax,  but  the  size,  shape  and  device  Avere  essentially 
altered. 

Governor  Wolcott's  memoir,  written  in  1759,  from  which  a 
quotation  has  been  already  made,  refers  to  it  thus :  "In  Gover- 
nour  Saltonstal's  time  the  seal  was  new  made  and  enlarged, 
but  the  impression  and  the  motto  is  the  same."| 

He  must  refer  in  these  words  to  what  was  done  under  the  vote 
of  1711,  but  his  memory  evidently  betrayed  him.  That  very 
careful  historical  scholar,  the  late  Charles  J.  Hoadly,  LL.D., 
State  Librarian,  in  Vol.  VI  of  the  Colonial  Kecords,  gives  a 
fac  simile  of  the  seal  as  recut  in  1711,  which  represents  it  as 

*  Bailey's  Diet.,  1733,  in  verb. 

t  Col.  Rec.  of  Conn.,  V,  1706-1716,  290. 

t  Conn.  Hist.  Soc.  Collections,  III,  328. 


THE    SEAL    OF    CONNECTICUT. 


99 


an  oval,  with  a  double  border,  containing  the  words  SIGILLVM 
COLONIZE  CO:^rNECTICEl^SIS,  and  enclosing  three  vines 
only,  with  the  motto  QVI  TEANSTVLIT  SVSTINET.*  The 
hand  which  in  the  original  seal  emerged  from  the  clouds  to 
sustain  a  pennant  bearing  this  motto  is  in  this  reproduction 
aimlessly  stretched  out  above  the  pennant ;  and  the  whole  design 
is  stiff  and  unpleasing.  The  Saybrook  patentees,  no  doubt, 
had  their  die  cut  in  London.  The  American  engraver  was  not 
yet  equal  to  the  British. 

The  blunder  in  Latinizing  the  name  of  the  colony  was 
obvious.  When  Lord  Eldon,  who  was  somewhat  inclined  to 
ipettj  economies,  died,  the  funereal  hatchment  set  up  over  the 
door  of  his  house  bore  the  legend  Mors  janua  vita.  A  passer-by 
noticed  the  slip  of  using  the  nominative,  vita,  for  the  genitive 
case.  "ISTo  slip  at  all,"  said  his  companion:  "his  Lordship 
undoubtedly  left  particular  directions  to  have  it  so,  in  order 
to  avoid  the  expense  of  the  additional  letter  which  a  diphthong 
would  require." 

]^o  such  parsimony  can  be  imputed  to  Connecticut  for 
(though  after  deliberating  over  it  for  some  forty  years),  in 
October,  1747,  the  General  Assembly  voted  ''that  the  publick 
Seal  of  this  Colony  be  altered  and  changed  from  the  form  of 
an  oval  to  that  of  a  circle,  and  that  the  same  shall  have  cut  and 
engraved  upon  it  the  same  inscription,  motto,  and  device  that 
are  on  the  present  seal,  with  a  correction  of  such  mistakes  as 
happened  in  the  spelling  and  letters  in  the  inscription  and  motto 
of  the  present  seal,  and  the  Secretary  of  this  Colony  is  directed 
to  procure  such  alteration  at  the  cost  of  this  Colony  as  soon  as 
conveniently  may  be."  IlTothing  was  done  by  the  Secretary, 
however,  and  the  seal  remained  unchanged  until  the  Colony 
became  a  sovereign  State. f 

It  has  been  suggested  that  the  reason  which  led  the  Governor 
and  Council  in  1711  to  reduce  the  number  of  vines  from  fifteen 

*  An  excellent  impression  on  wax  has  been  preserved  in  the  seal  set  to 
the  charter  of  Yale  College  in  1745.  It  is  enclosed  in  a  silver  box; 
attached  to  ribbons  dependent  from  the  parchment;  and  is  in  perfect 
condition  in  all  respects. 

tCol.  Rec.  of  Conn.,  VI,  iii;    IX,  333. 


100  THE    SEAL    OF    CONNECTICUT. 

to  three  was  thus  to  symbolize  the  three  plantations  of  Hartford, 
Windsor  and  Wethersfield,  whose  people  combined  in  adopting 
the  Fundamental  Orders  of  1639.* 

It  seems  to  me  much  more  probable,  as  surmised  by  Dr. 
Leonard  Bacon,-}-  that  they  desired  to  commemorate  in  this  way 
the  union  of  the  three  early  colonies,  which  had  been  set  up  here 
in  the  preceding  century. 

The  Connecticut  of  1711  had  risen  out  of  the  consolidation 
of  three  separate  political  communities: — the  jurisdiction  of 
Connecticut  River  having  its  seat  at  Hartford;  the  jurisdiction 
of  the  Warwick  patentees  having  its  seat  at  Saybrook ;  and  the 
jurisdiction  of  'New  Haven  having  its  seat  at  ISTew  Haven. 
With  the  first  of  these  the  second  was  virtually  united  in  1644, 
and  the  third  in  1662.  The  triune  character  of  the  resulting 
Colony  of  Connecticut  it  was  natural  and  appropriate  to  com- 
memorate in  this  way. 

An  important  step  in  that  direction  had  been  taken  two  years 
before.  In  June,  1709,  the  General  Court  directed  an  issue 
of  colony  bills  of  credit  to  ''be  indented  and  stamped  with  such 
stamps  as  the  Governor  and  Council  shall  direct.  "$  The  Gov- 
ernor and  Council  thereupon  ordered  "that  the  said  bills  of 
credit  shall  be  all  stamped  with  the  arms  of  the  Colony  or 
such  a  figure  as  this."  A  figure  followed,  circular  in  form, 
with  the  three  vines  in  the  center.  One  of  the  same  description, 
except  that  it  is  oval  instead  of  circular,  and  set  upon  an  orna- 
mental shield,  appeared  on  the  bills  when  issued.  § 

The  seal  made  under  the  vote  of  1711  was  used  more  or 
less  until  1784.  As  it  purported  on  its  face  to  be  that  of  a 
colony,  it  was  ill  adapted,  after  Connecticut  proclaimed  her 
independence,  for  the  service  of  a  sovereign  State.  In  a  com- 
mission issued  August  17,  1776,  to  Rev.  Ebenezer  Baldwin  of 
Danbury,  as  chaplain  of  the  fourth  and  sixteenth  regiments  of 
our  militia  in  the  Continental  army,  by  "Jonathan  Trumbull, 
Esquire,  Governor  and  Commander  in  Chief  of  the  State  of 

*  Johnston,  Connecticut,  73. 
t  Historical  Discourses,   16,  note. 
J  Col.  Rec,  1706-1716,  111. 
§  Ibid.,  XV,  562. 


THE    SEAL    OF    CONNECTICUT. 


101 


Connecticut  in  l^ew  England  in  America"  the  subscription 
clause  is,  "Given  under  my  Hand  and  Seal  at  Arms  in  tlie 
State  aforesaid  at  Lebanon  the  I7th  day  of  August,  Anno 
Domini,  1776,"  and  the  seal  aflfixed  was  impressed  with  the 
Turnbull  arms,  which  the  Connecticut  Trumbulls  had  the  right 
to  bear.*  On  this  three  bulls'  heads  appear  where  one  would 
look  for  the  three  vines. 

The  subscription  clause  of  a  commission  issued  by  Governor 
Trumbull,  at  Lebanon,  July  21,  1777,  to  Koger  Sherman,  Sam- 
uel Huntington,  and  Titus  Hosmer,  as  delegates  to  the  Spring- 
field Convention  of  that  year  is  of  the  same  tenor.  On  the 
other  hand,  a  commission  preserved  in  the  State  Library,  to 
Lieutenant  John  Hamlin,  issued  through  the  Secretary's  office 
at  l^ew  Haven,  in  1776,  has  the  old  colonial  seal  used  with  this 
subscription  clause:  "Given  under  my  Hand  and  the  Seal  of 
this  State  in  ISTew  Haven  the  first  day  of  JSTovember,  A.  ~D. 
1776." 

These  papers  indicate  a  natural  resort  to  temporary  make- 
shifts between  the  date  of  the  Declaration  of  Independence  and 
the  adoption  of  a  proper  seal  for  the  new-born  State. 

In  1777,  an  issue  was  made  of  colony  bills  of  credit,  which 
bear  a  device  containing  but  a  single  vine.  Of  course  it  does 
not  profess  to  represent  the  seal  of  the  State.  • 

It  must  always  be  remembered  that  what  is  commonly  spoken 
of  as  the  arms  of  the  State  or  Colony  is  something  quite  dif- 
ferent from  the  seal. 

The  Colony  never  had  any  coat  of  arms,  properly  so  called. 
It  could  not  have  assumed  one  without  royal  permission ;  and 
this  it  never  had.  The  State  has  not  desired  to  perpetuate  a 
system  of  Herald's  Colleges  and  armorial  bearings  for  a 
favored  few,  although  finally,  in  1897,  it  stated  what  its  own 
arms  were.  Prior  to  that  time,  however,  what  were  the  arms 
of  the  State,  in  popular  acceptation,  had  been  described  in  tech- 
nical terms,  by  Dr.  Charles  J.  Hoadly,  thus :    "Argent,  three 

*  Stuart,  in  his  Life  of  Jonathan  Trumbull,  gives  a  cut  of  the  arms, 
enclosed  within  a  circle,  probably  taken  from  the  Governor's  seal,  as  the 
size  and  shape  are  the  same. 


102  THE    SEAL    OF    CONNECTICUT. 

vines  supported  and  fructed  proper."*  In  other  words,  it  was 
tliree  fruit-bearing  grape  vines,  emblazoned  in  their  natural 
colors,  on  a  white  field. 

While  we  have  no  statute  in  this  State  describing  with  accu- 
racy the  seal  of  the  State,  there  is  one,  passed  in  the  year  last 
mentioned  (1897)  on  the  application  of  the  Daughters  of  the 
Revolution,  describing  the  flag,  and,  by  reference,  the  arms. 
This  is  contained  in  Section  4889  of  the  General  Statutes,  and 
provides  as  follows: 

"The  dimensions  of  the  flag  shall  be  five  feet  and  six  inches  in  length; 
four  feet  four  inches  in  width.  The  flag  shall  be  of  azure  blue  silk, 
charged  with  a  shield  of  rococo  design  of  argent  white  silk,  having  embroid- 
ered in  the  center  three  grape  vines,  supported  and  bearing  fruit  in 
natural  colors.  The  bordure  to  the  shield  shall  be  embroidered  in  two 
colors,  gold  and  silver.  Below  the  shield  shall  be  a  white  streamer,  cleft 
at  each  end,  bordered  by  gold  and  browns  in  fine  lines,  and  upon  the 
streamer  shall  be  embroidered  in  dark  blue  letters  the  motto  'Qui  Trans- 
tulit  Sustinet';    the  whole  design  being  the  arms  of  the  State." 

In  1673,  the  General  Court,  in  providing  for  a  Revision  of 
the  Colonial  Statutes  which  was  soon  afterwards  published  at 
Cambridge,  ordered  "that  the  impression  of  the  Coloney  Scale 
shall  be  afiixed  in  the  beginning  of  every  law-booke,"t  and 
it  was  done  accordingly.  Massachusetts  in  like  manner  had 
the  year  before  put  a  wood-cut  impression  of  her  seal  on  the 
Revision  of  her  Statutes. t 

Except  in  this  instance,  throughout  the  colonial  era  it  was 
usual  to  put  the  royal  arms  on  the  title  page  of  each  Revision 
of  the  Laws  of  Connecticut,  and  at  the  head  of  each  issue  of 
Session  Laws.  It  was  omitted  first  in  the  Session  Laws  of 
the  May  Session,  1776,  and  Connecticut  is  styled,  not,  as 
before,  "His  Majesty's  English  Colony  of  Connecticut  in  jSTew 
England  in  America,"  but  the  "English  Colony  of  Connect- 
icut in  JSTew  England  in  America."  In  the  Session  Laws  of 
the  October  Session,  1776,  it  is  first  described  as  the  "State 
of  Connecticut." 

*  Conn.  Reg.  for  1889,  440. 
t  Col.  Eec,  1GG5-1677,  201. 
i  Green,  Jolin  Foster,  11. 


THE    SEAL    OF    COA^NECTICUT.  103 

In  May,  1784,  the  General  Assembly  adopted  this  resolu- 
tion :* 

"Whereas,  the  circumscription  of  the  seal  of  this  State  is 
improper  and  inapplicable  to  our  present  constitution, 

"Resolved,  by  this  Assembly,  that  the  Secretary  be  and  he  is 
hereby  empowered  and  directed  to  get  the  same  altered  from 
the  words  as  they  now  stand  to  the  following  inscription,  namely, 

SiGILL.  ReIP.    CoNNECTICTJTENSIs/" 

The  Secretary  did  not  follow  these  instructions  with  exact- 
ness. The  words  descriptive  of  the  seal  itself  were  spelled  out 
in  full,  thus :    Sigillum  Reipublicae  Connecticutensis. 

He  also  re-arranged  them  so  as  to  give  a  more  symmetrical 
appearance  to  the  whole  device,  and  omitted  the  hand  which 
for  nearly  two  centuries  had  upheld  the  pennant  or  scroll 
bearing  the  motto. 

At  the  October  Session  of  the  same  year,  the  new  design 
was  approved  by  the  Assembly  and  the  seal  made  thenceforth 
the  seal  of  the  State.  The  fee  to  the  Secretary  for  affixing 
it  to  any  document  was  made  one  shilling,  f 

Apparently  a  sketch  had  been  made  of  the  seal  as  originally 
ordered,  for  a  wood-cut  of  the  State  arms  in  such  a  form  is 
prefixed  to  the  published  Session  Laws  of  October,  1784.  This 
coat  of  arms  with  the  accompanying  legends  varies  somewhat 
in  detail  from  that  of  the  Colony.  There  are  the  three  vines 
arranged  in  an  oval,  upon  an  escutcheon ;  but  the  outer  inscrip- 
tion around  the  rim  is  now  C onnecticutensis  Sigill.  Reip.,  and 
the  legend  within  the  oval  is  shortened  to  Qui  Tra.  Sus. 

The  same  design  appears  upon  the  title  page  of  the  Revision 
of  that  year,  and  heads  each  issue  of  the  Session  Laws  down 
to  that  for  the  October  Session,  1796,  in  which  the  device  is 
considerably  altered.  The  oval  now  stands  alone,  instead  of 
being  displayed  on  an  escutcheon.  The  QUI  TRA.  SUS. 
which  it  formerly  contained  is  omitted,  but  QLTI  TRxilTS- 
TULIT  SUSTHSTET  appears  upon  a  narrow  scroll  beneath, 

*  Stat.  Eev.  of  1784,  64,  218. 

t  Stat.  Rev.  of  1784,  64,  218.  Impressions  are  preserved  in  the  State 
Library.     Pearne  Collection,  1759-1800,  34,  35. 


104:  THE    SEAL    OF    CONNECTICUT. 

each  end  of  which  curls  over  a  sprig  with  leaves.  The  top 
of  the  oval  is  crowned  by  a  garland  of  leaves,  supported  partly 
by  the  oval  and  partly  by  rosettes  on  each  side  of  it,  which 
falls  low  enough  to  touch  the  sprays  rising  from  the  bottom. 

The  Session  Laws  for  the  October  Session,  1Y92,  are  headed 
by  a  device  much  like  the  former  one,  used  prior  to  1791 ; 
but  that  on  the  Laws  of  the  May  Session,  1793,  is  identical 
with  that  on  those  of  1791. 

In  the  Compilation  of  the  Statutes  of  1796,  the  seal  on  the 
title  page  is  in  shape  a  shield,  and  the  inner  legend  is  Qui 
Trans.  Sust.  In  that  of  1808,  Qui  trans,  sust.  appears  on  a 
scroll  under  the  shield,  and  on  each  side  of  the  shield  is  a 
leafy  branch.  The  title  page  of  "Book  II"  of  the  Laws,  com- 
mencing with  those  of  the  October  Session  of  that  year,  but 
published  in  1819,  represents  the  arms  with  the  motto  inside 
the  shield  again,  and  abbreviated  to  QUI  TRA:N'.  SUST. 

So  far  as  the  different  changes  in  the  words  or  place  of  the 
motto  are  concerned,  it  is  to  be  remembered  that  mottoes  form 
regularly  no  part  of  an  English  coat  of  arms.  They  are  not 
mentioned  in  patents  granting* arms  and  form  no  part  of  the 
"estate"  granted.  Whoever  has  a  grant  of  arms  can  adopt 
any  motto  that  he  pleases,  and  the  officers  of  arms  will  then 
record  it. 

Until  the  eighteenth  century,  few  coats  of  arms  of  English 
families  had  any  appurtenant  motto  at  all.* 

The  variations  from  time  to  time  in  the  design  of  the  State 
arms  would  seem  to  indicate  that  the  Secretary,  in  printing  the 
Session  Laws  or  General  Revisions,  left  a  considerable  latitude 
to  the  engraver  of  the  wood-cut,  or  to  the  discretion  of  the 
printer  in  choosing  which  of  several  wood-cuts  should  be  used. 

The  seal  of  the  State  itself,  which  was  in  the  Secretary's 
keeping,  remained  identically  the  same  from  1784  to  1842. 

The  frequent  changes  in  the  wood-cuts  of  the  State  arms 
seem  to  have  attracted  public  attention  by  the  time  when  the 
people  became  ready  to  frame  their  Constitution  of  govern- 
ment, and  in  that  of  1818  we  find  these  provisions  on  that 
subject : 

*  Fox-Davies,  Complete  Guide  to  Heraldry,  448,  449. 


THE    SEAL    OF    CONNECTICUT.  105 

"Art.  4,  Sec.  11.  All  commissions  .  .  .  Shall  be  sealed  with  the 
State  sealj  signed  by  the  Governor  and  attested  by  the  Secretary." 

"Sec.  18.  A  Secretary  shall  be  chosen.  .  .  .  He  shall  be  the  keeper 
of  the  seal  of  the  State  which  shall  not  be  altered." 

In  the  next  Revision  (that  of  1821),  no  design  in  the  nature 
of  a  seal  appears  on  the  title  page.  ISTor  do  we  find  one  again  in 
the  Session  Laws  until  1827,  when  a  cut  is  printed  in  the  same 
form  as  that  in  the  Revision  of  1808. 

In  1840  the  General  Assembly  took  the  following  action : 

"Resolved,  That  the  Secretary  of  State  be  instructed  to  ascertain  the 
proper  seal  and  bearings  of  this  State,  and  report  to  the  next  session 
of  the  General  Assembly;  and  also  whether  any  legislative  enactment 
is  required  for  a  proper  description  of  said  seal."* 

It  was  probably  unfortunate  that  we  then  had  as  Secretary 
that  enthusiastic  antiquarian,  Royal  R.  Hinman.  He  knew 
so  well  the  difficulty  of  the  task  thus  imposed  upon  him,  and 
was  so  unwilling  to  do  anything  imperfectly,  that  he  never 
made  any  report  whatever. 

Apparently  by  this  time  the  die  for  the  seal  approved  in 
1T84  had  become  worn  out,  for  in  1842  the  General  Assembly 
passed  this  resolution: 

"Resolved,  That  the  Secretary  be  and  he  is  hereby  authorized  to  procure 
a  new  state  seal,  similar  to  the  one  now  in  use."t 

The  seal  procured  under  this  authority  was- in  use  for  about 
forty  years. 

The  die  was  in  fact  a  little  broader  than  that  of  its  prede- 
cessor, and  each  vine  is  made  to  bear  three  clusters  of  grapes, 
although  in  that  the  two  upper  ones  had  each  four  clusters 
and  the  lower  one  five.  The  press  was  a  screw  press,  with  arms 
some  three  feet  long. 

Originally,  and  for  many  years,  the  seal  of  1842  was  used 
with  wax.t     Later  it  was  commonly  used  with  a  wafer  and  a 

*  Resolves  and  Private  Acts,   1840,  67. 

t  Resolves  and  Private  Acts,  Special  October  Session,  1842,  17. 

t  Hon.  N.  D.  Sperry,  then  the  oldest  living  ex-Secretary  of  the  State, 
informed  the  writer,  in  1910,  that  this  was  the  ease  when  he  was  in  office, 
which  was  in  1855  and  1856. 


106  THE    SEAL    OF    COA^NECTICUT. 

notched  paper  "scarf."*  About  1880,  the  Secretary  (the  late 
Chief  Justice  Torrance)  had  a  new  die  cut,  as  nearly  like 
the  old  one  as  possible,  under  the  directions  of  the  chief  clerk 
(Mr.  Kobinson  S.  Hinman),  suitable  for  stamping  directly 
on  the  document  to  be  sealed,  without  the  intervention  of  any 
wafer  or  scarf.  A  press  of  modern  style,  worked  with  a  dever, 
was  also  procured. 

The  only  special  authority  for  this  action  was  a  Resolution 
of  the  General  Assembly,  passed  in  1864,  empowering  the  Sec- 
retary to  procure  "a  new  State  seal,  similar  to  the  one  now 
in  use."t  Dr.  Hoadly,  who  was  quite  a  stickler  for  forms, 
once  said  that  the  old  die  which,  though  still  capable  of  use, 
had  been  laid  aside,  was  the  real  thing,  and  the  other  was  only 
"Hinman's  seal." 

During  the  period  of  the  interregnum  from  1901  to  1903, 
the  old  seal  was  carefully  hidden  away  by  Mr.  Hinman  in  the 
vault  of  the  Executive  offices  in  the  capitol,  lest  those  who 
claimed  that  Luzon  B.  Morris  was  the  real  Governor  should 
by  chance  get  hold  of  it,  and  undertake  to  issue  commissions 
or  perform  other  acts  of  State. 

The  die  of  the  seal  of  17 84  was  engraved  on  a  silver  plate, 
which  was  soldered  upon  a  brass  shoe,  still  preserved  in  the 
State  Library.  The  silver  plate  was  given  by  Hon.  Charles 
W.  Bradley,  in  1846,  when  he  was  Secretary  of  the  State,  to 
Yale  College,  and  is  in  the  University  Library. 

The  die  for  the  seal  of  1842  was  engraved  on  brass. 

In  1889  a  Secret  Ballot  Act  was  passed,  requiring  the  Secre- 
tary to  furnish  official  ballots  and  envelopes  for  the  use  of  all  the 
electors.  The  envelopes  were  to  be  "stamped  with  the  seal 
of  the  State."J 

It  is  one  of  the  traditions  of  the  capitol  that  this  was  con- 
strued by  the  Secretary  as  requiring  the  great  seal  itself  to  be 
stamped  on  every  envelope,  and  that  in  using  the  seal  of  1882 
for  that  purpose  it  was  effectually  used  up. 

*  This  was  the  practice  in  1870,  as  the  writer  was  informed  by  R.  S. 
Hinman,  Esq.,  the  chief  clerk  in  the  Secretary's  office  for  many  years. 
t  Special  Acts  for  1864,  151;    Hoadly,  Conn.  Reg.  for  1889,  441. 
t  Public  Acts  of  1889,  155,  Sec.  3. 


THE    SEAL    OF    CONNECTICUT.  107 

The  growth  of  the  State  has  necessarily  called  for  a  more 
frequent  use  of  the  seal  in  many  ways,  and  during  the  past 
thirty  years  three  new  ones  in  all  have  been  cut.*  Conforma- 
bly to  the  provisions  of  the  Constitution,  the  character  of  the 
device  in  all  respects,  however,  has  remained  unaltered.  One 
of  these,  engraved  on  copper,  which  was  accidentally  mutilated 
by  being  struck  upon  a  pin,  was  recently  deposited  in  the 
corner  stone  of  the  new  State  Library  and  Supreme  Court 
building. 

There  have  then,  in  the  history  of  Connecticut,  been  three 
and  only  three  great  seals:  that  received  from  the  original 
Saybrook  patentees  about  1644,  and  awkwardly  reproduced 
after  the  overthrow  of  the  Andros  government,  about  1690 ; 
that  cut  in  lYll ;  and  that  now  in  use,  the  first  die  for  which 
was  cut  in  1784. 

The  original  motto  has  remained  throughout  unchanged, 
except  that  the  words  have  been  re-arranged;  SUSTINET 
QUI  TRAI^STULIT  being  replaced  in  1711,  in  the  interest 
of  better  Latinity,  by  QUI  TRAN"STULIT  SUSTIN'ET.  A 
human  hand  was  represented  near  the  motto  in  the  two  first 
seals,  but  disappeared  in  that  of  1784. 

The  symbol  of  the  vine  or  the  vineyard  has  been  uniformly 
retained,  though  with  a  change  in  number,  which  was  first 
made  in  1711. 

The  original  seal  contained  no  statement  of  what  it  was ; 
nor  did  that  which  temporarily  replaced  it.  In  the  second 
such  a  statement  in  Latin  was  added,  and  this  was  followed  in 
substance  in  the  third,  when  the  colony  had  become  a  sovereign 
State. 

But  one  thing,  then,  has  stood  absolutely  the  same  upon  her 
seal,  during  the  whole  life  of  Connecticut.  It  is  the  three  words 
that  expressed  the  faith  of  the  fathers  in  the  goodness  of  God. 
Those  whom  He  had  transplanted,  they  said,  He  is  sustaining. 
Belief  in  God,  and  an  attitude  towards  Him  of  reverence  and 

*  So  I  am  informed  by  Hon.  Richard  J.  Dvvyer,  Deputy  Secretary  of 
the  State,  who  has  been  connected  with  the  Secretary's  office  during  all 
that  period. 


108  THE    SEAL    OF    CONNECTICTTT. 

thankfulness  have  ever  been  a  characteristic  of  our  people ;  and 
each  succeeding  generation  for  now  nearly  three  centuries  has 
thought  it  fit  that  they  should  thus  be  commemorated  upon  our 
seal  of  State. 


THE  BATTLE  OF  LAKE  GEORGE  (SEPT.  8,   1755) 
AND  THE  MEN  WHO  WON  IT. 

By  Heney  T.  Blake. 
[Read  December  20,  1909.] 


At  the  southern  end  of  Lake  George  there  stands  a  monu- 
ment which  was  erected  in  1903  by  the  New  York  Society 
of  Colonial  Wars  to  commemorate  one  of  the  most  desperate 
battles  and  important  victories  in  our  colonial  history.  The 
monument  consists  of  a  massive  granite  pedestal  surmounted 
by  two  life-size  figures  in  bronze  which  represent  a  colonial 
military  officer  in  conference  with  an  Indian  chief,  and  the 
principal  inscription  on  the  pedestal  reads  as  follows : 

1903 
The  Society  of  Colonial  Waes  erected  this  monument  to  commemo- 

EATE    the    VICTOEY    OF    THE    COLONIAL    FoECES    UNDEE    GeNEBAL    WiLLIAM 

Johnson  and  theie  Mohawk  allies  undee  Chief  Hendeick  ovee  the 
Feench  Regulaes  commanded  by  Baron  Dieskau  with  theie  Canadian 
AND  Indian  allies. 

The  impression  which  this  inscription  suggests  to  the  ordinary 
reader  is  that  both  Johnson  and  Hendrick  were  in  command 
during  the  battle  and  that  the  victory  was  gained  under  their 
leadership.  Neither  of  these  inferences  is  correct.  Chief 
Hendrick  had  been  killed  several  hours  before  the  battle  was 
fought  and  several  miles  distant  from  its  locality.  Johnson 
had  been  wounded  at  the  very  commencement  of  the  action 
and  retired  to  his  tent,  leaving  his  second  in  command  to  man- 
age the  battle  and  he  alone  conducted  it  to  its  successful  result. 
These  are  the  undisputed  facts  of  history.  Moreover,  it  is 
universally  agreed  that  Johnson's  gross  military  neglect  in 
making  no  preparations  for  the  attack  almost  caused  a  defeat, 


110  THE  BATTLE  OF  LAKE  GEOEGE 

and  that  his  equally  censurable  refusal  to  permit  a  pursuit  of  the 
routed  enemy  rendered  the  victory  incomplete  and  valueless. 
All  authorities  concur  in  these  points,  and  they  also  agree  that 
the  real  heroes  of  the  day  were:  First,  Lieutenant  Colonel 
Whiting  of  'New  Haven,  Conn.,  who  in  the  preliminary  morning 
fight  after  the  death  of  Colonel  Williams  and  Chief  Hendrick 
took  command  of  their  panic-stricken  followers  and  not  only 
saved  them  from  destruction  but  incidentally  the  rest  of  John- 
son's army  also ;  and,  Second,  Gen.  Phineas  Lyman  of  Suffield, 
Conn.,  to  whom,  as  already  stated,  Johnson  turned  over  the 
command  almost  at  the  outset  of  the  battle  and  who  per- 
sonally directed  it  for  more  than  five  hours  thereafter  till  it 
ended  in  victory. 

My  subject,  therefore,  possesses  a  local  interest  for  us,  not 
only  as  sons  of  Connecticut  but  also  as  citizens  of  oSTew  Haven. 
Thousands  of  visitors  from  our  State  and  hundreds  from  our 
near  vicinity  annually  visit  the  beautiful  and  historic  region 
where  the  monument  referred  to  is  situated,  and  others  will 
do  so  down  to  the  end  of  time,  to  most  of  whom  the  battle 
it  commemorates  is  either  entirely  unknown  or  is  dim  and 
vague  as  a  prehistoric  legend.  ITot  only  on  this,  but  on  general 
grounds  it  devolves  upon  this,  as  on  all  other  Historic  Associa- 
tions, to  protest  against  misleading  public  records  or  inscrip- 
tions which  tend  to  perpetuate  injustice  toward  heroes  of  the 
past,  whose  names  are  already  almost  forgotten.  For  these 
reasons  I  have  devoted  the  paper  of  this  evening  to  an  account 
.  of  ''The  Battle  of  Lake  George  and  the  Men  who  Won  it." 

The  three  personages  with  whom  our  story  will  principally 
deal  are  Gen,  (afterwards  Sir)  William  Johnson,  Gen.  Phineas 
Lyman  and  Lieut.  Col.  IsTathan  Whiting ;  and  it  will  be  proper 
to  begin  it  with  some  account  of  the  previous  history  of  these 
three  individuals. 

Sir  William  Johnson  (to  give  him  prematurely  the  title  by 
which  he  is  generally  known)  was  born  in  Ireland  and  came 
to  this  country  in  1735  at  the  age  of  twenty,  to  manage  the 
large  landed  estates  of  his  uncle.  Admiral  Johnson,  in  the 
Mohawk  Valley.     For  this  purpose  and  also  for  the  purpose 


AND    THE    MEN    WHO    WON    IT.  Ill 

of  trading  on  his  own  account  he  established  himself  on  the 
edge  of  the  vast  Indian  territory  which  then  extended  indefi- 
nitely toward  the  north,  south,  and  west  of  the  continent.  Being- 
shrewd  and  ambitious  and  possessing  the  genial  adaptability 
of  his  race  to  all  conditions  of  life,  and  to  all  sorts  of  men, 
he  neglected  no  method  of  ingratiating  himself  with  his  savage 
neighbors  and  of  gaining  their  respect  and  confidence.  Accord- 
ingly he  observed  strict  honesty  and  firmness  in  his  dealings 
with  them,  kept  open  house  for  them  at  all  times,  and  often 
lived  with  them  in  their  wigwams,  where  he  wore  their  garb, 
greased  and  painted  his  face  after  their  fashion,  and  in  whoop- 
ing, yelling,  dancing  and  devouring  roast  dog  became  a  recog- 
nized champion.  By  these  and  other  accomplishments  he  so 
won  their  hearts  that  he  was  formally  adopted  into  the  Mohawk 
tribe  and  accompanied  them  as  a  member,  greased,  painted 
and  befeathered,  to  an  important  conference  with  the  whites 
at  Albany.  Owing  to  his  influence  with  the  Indians  he  was 
appointed,  in  1750,  by  the  Colonial  government  of  'New  York, 
a  member  of  the  Governor's  Council,  which  involved  a  residence 
for  a  considerable  part  of  the  year  in  the  City  of  ISTew  York. 

There  he  mingled  with  the  best  social  circles,  which  doubt- 
less conduced  to  amenity  and  polish  in  his  manners;  there 
also  he  became  intimately  identified  with  I^ew  York  politics, 
which  were  as  bitter  and  strenuous  then  as  now,  and  which  did 
not  then  any  more  than  now  conduce  to  the  purity  or  mag- 
nanimity of  a  politician's  personal  character. 

In  1755,  when  war  was  declared  between  England  and 
Erance,  a  colonial  movement  was  planned  to  capture  Crown 
Point  on  Lake  Champlain,  then  in  possession  of  the  French. 
In  this  expedition  the  Colonies  of  New  York,  Massachusetts 
and  Connecticut  agreed  to  unite,  and  Johnson  was  commissioned 
by  each  of  them  a  Major  General  to  be  in  command  of  their 
combined  forces.  This  appointment  was  made,  not  on  account 
of  his  military  reputation,  for  up  to  that  time  he  had  had  no 
experience  as  a  soldier ;  but  partly  on  account  of  the  influence 
it  was  likely  to  have  in  holding  the  ISTew  York  Indians  to  the 
English  side,  and  partly  to  the  supposition  that  no  one  else 


112  THE  BATTLE  OF  LAKE  GEOEGE 

could  be  put  iu  the  general  command  without  exciting  local 
jealousy.  For  both  these  reasons  the  appointment  was  judicious 
and  attended  with  good  results.  Through  Johnson's  efforts 
the  Mohawks  agreed  to  fight  on  the  English  side,  and  most 
of  them  afterwards  did  so,  though  others,  and  all  the  tribes 
near  Canada,  allied  themselves  with  the  French. 

In  connection  with  this  appointment  of  Johnson  as  Com- 
mander-in-Chief of  the  Provincial  forces  for  the  proposed 
expedition,  the  three  Colonies  also  united  in  appointing  Phineas 
Lyman  of  Connecticut  to  be  second  in  command.  Like  John- 
son, Lyman  had  had  no  previous  military  experience  except 
as  captain  of  a  militia  company  in  Suffield,  and  his  selection 
was  doubtless  due  not  only  to  his  prominence  as  a  citizen 
but  to  a  recognition  of  those  abilities  and  soldierly  qualities 
which  were  afterwards  displayed  in  a  distinguished  military 
career.  He  was  born  in  Durham,  Conn.,  in  1716.  He  grad- 
uated at  Yale  College  in  1Y38  and  married  into  a  prominent 
Massachusetts  family,  his  wife  being  an  aunt  of  Timothy 
Dwight,  who  was  afterwards  President  of  Yale  College.  After 
graduation  he  became  a  lawyer  and  settled  in  Suffield,  which, 
at  that  time,  through  an  error  in  the  laying  out  of  the  Colony's 
boundary  line,  was  included  in  Massachusetts,  but  was  after- 
w^ards,  through  his  efforts,  conceded  to  Connecticut  where 
it  belonged.  He  was  for  several  years  a  member  of  the  Con- 
necticut General  Assembly;  at  first  in  the  lower  house  and 
afterwards  in  the  upper  branch,  and  his  law  practice  is  said 
to  have  been  the  largest  in  Connecticut.  This  practice  General 
Lyman  relinquished  immediately  after  his  military  appoint- 
ment, and  proceeded  to  Albany,  which  had  been  selected  as 
the  rendezvous  for  all  the  troops  and  supplies  for  the  proposed 
expedition. 

The  third  one  of  the  persons  with  whom  we  are  now  prin- 
cipally concerned  was  Col.  N'athan  Whiting,  who  was  born  in 
Windham,  Conn.,  but  had  resided  from  boyhood  in  'New  Haven, 
being  connected  with  the  family  of  President  Clap  of  Yale 
College.  He  graduated  from  Yale  College  in  1743,  and  in 
1745  he  took  part  in  the  expedition  to  Louisburg,  where  he 


AND    THE    MEN    WHO    WON    IT. 


113 


SO  distinguished  himself  that  he  was  promoted  to  a  lieutenancy 
in  the  British  army.  After  his  return  he  engaged  in  business 
in  ISTew  Haven,  but  when  war  broke  out  in  1755  his  martial 
ardor  revived  and  he  accepted  a  Colonial  commission  as  Lieu- 
tenant Colonel  with  the  command  of  the  Second  Connecticut 
Eegiment,  which  was  raised  for  the  movement  on  Crown  Point. 
The  regiment,  which  was  made  up  partly  of  volunteers  and 
partly  of  drafted  militiamen,  was  assembled  at  IvTew  Haven, 
and  on  May  25,  1755,  being  about  to  depart  for  Crown  Point, 
it  marched,  with  Colonel  Whiting  at  its  head,  into  Eev.  Mr. 
]^oyes'  meeting  house  on  the  Green  to  hear  a  discourse  by  the 
Kev.  Isaac  Stiles  on  "The  Character  and  Duty  of  Souldiers.'' 
Some  copies  of  the  sermon  still  survive  and  show  that  the 
eloquent  Divine  did  full  justice  to  his  subject  and  the  occasion. 
He  adjured  his  hearers  to  "file  oif  the  rust  of  their  firelocks, 
that  exquisitely  contrived  and  tremendous  instrument  of  death," 
also  "to  attend  to  the  several  beats  of  that  great  warlike  instru- 
ment the  drum,  and  to  the  language  of  that  shrill  high-sound- 
ing trumpet,  that  noble,  reviving  and  animating  sound" ;  he 
depicted  their  foes  as  "lying  slain  on  the  battle  field  with 
battered  arms,  bleeding  sculls  and  cloven  trunks,"  "while  the 
good  souldiers  of  Jesus  Christ  were  all  the  while  shining  with 
all  the  beauty  and  luster  that  inward  sanctity  and  outward 
charms  lend  to  the  hero's  look."  Fired  with  enthusiasm  by 
these  encouraging  prospects,  the  youthful  warriors  departed  for 
the  seat  of  war  and  in  due  time  arrived  at  Albany,  where, 
by  the  middle  of  July,  about  3,000  provincials  were  encamped. 
A  large  part  of  the  Mohawk  tribe  had  also  arrived,  warriors, 
squaws  and  children,  among  whom  Major  General  Johnson, 
with  painted  face,  danced  the  war  dance,  howled  the  war 
whoop,  and  with  his  sword  cut  off  the  first  slice  of  the  ox  that 
had  been  roasted  for  their  entertainment. 

After  various  delays,  a  part  of  the  motley  army,  under  com- 
mand of  General  Lyman,  moved  about  twenty-five  miles  up  the 
Hudson  River  to  "The  Great  Carrying  Place,"  from  which 
there  was  a  trail  to  Wood  Creek,  a  feeder  of  Lake  Champlain, 
on  which  Crown  Point  is  situated.    Here  Lyman  proceeded  to 


114  THE  BATTLE  OF  LAKE  GEORGE 

build  a  fortified  storehouse,  which  the  soldiers  called  'Tort 
Lyman,"  but  which  Johnson,  with  a  politician's  instinct,  after- 
wards called  "Fort  Edward,"  as  a  compliment  to  the  then 
Duke  of  York,  and  this  name  still  clings  to  the  important 
village  which  has  since  grown  up  at  that  place. 

On  the  12th  of  August,  Johnson  arrived  with  the  rest  of  the 
militia  and  about  250  Mohawks  out  of  the  multitude  who  had 
been  feasting  and  dancing  at  Colonial  expense  for  a  month  at 
Albany.  These  were  led  by  their  principal  sachem,  Hendrick, 
commonly  called  King  Hendrick,  an  aged  chief  of  great 
renown  both  as  warrior  and  orator,  who  had  been  to  England 
twice,  and  wore  a  gorgeous  uniform  which  had  been  presented 
to  him  by  King  George  in  person. 

After  consultation,  it  was  decided  not  to  approach  Crown 
Point  by  way  of  Wood  Creek  but  through  Lake  George;  and 
to  reach  Lake  George,  fourteen  miles  distant,  it  was  necessary 
to  cut  a  road  through  the  forest  for  the  transportation  of 
artillery,  boats  and  stores.  This  task  was  accomplished  in 
about  a  fortnight  and  on  August  28,  Johnson  with  3,400  men, 
including  Indians,  arrived  and  encamped  at  the  southern  end 
of  the  lake.  Six  days  later,  September  3,  Lyman  joined  him 
with  1,500  militiamen,  500  having  been  left  to  occupy  Fort 
Lyman.  Some  of  the  cannon,  bateaux  and  other  war  material 
had  also  reached  the  lake  and  the  rest  was  slowly  following  in 
wagons  along  the  newly-cut  road.  !N^ot  expecting  any  enemy, 
all  these  equipments  and  supplies  as  they  arrived  at  Lake 
George  were  deposited  along  the  shore  of  the  lake  in  prepara- 
tion for  embarking  them  when  everything  needed  should  have 
come  up.  'No  action  was  taken  to  fortify  the  camp,  though 
the  erection  of  a  permanent  fort  (afterwards  called  Fort  Wil- 
liam Henry)  was  begun  with  a  view  to  establishing  a  future 
military  post  at  that  point. 

Meantime,  the  enemy  in  Canada  had  been  neither  asleep 
nor  idle.  While  Johnson's  army  had  been  slowly  cutting  their 
forest  road  to  Lake  George,  Baron  Dieskau,  the  commander-in- 
chief  of  all  the  French  armies  in  America,  a  soldier  of  great 
distinction  and  activity,  whose  motto  was  "Audacity  Wins," 
had  advanced  from  Crown  Point  to  Ticonderoe'a  with  a  force 


AND    THE    MEN    "WHO    WON    IT. 


115 


of  1,500  men  consisting  of  1,200  Canadians  and  Indians  and 
300  Frencli  Regulars.  On  the  2d  of  September  he  had  left 
Ticonderoga  by  way  of  Lake  Champlain  and  Wood  Creek,  and 
was  now  (September  4th)  on  the  other  side  of  the  ridge  which 
separates  Lake  George  from  Wood  Creek  pushing  his  way 
southward  up  that  stream,  his  objective  point  being  Fort 
Lyman.  This  post  he  expected  to  surprise  and  carry  by 
assault,  thus  getting  in  the  rear  of  Johnson,  capturing  the 
greater  part  of  his  stores  and  munitions  and  cutting  him  off 
from  all  future  supplies  and  reinforcements.  This  he  could 
easily  have  done,  as  Fort  Lyman  was  held  by  only  500  raw 
militiamen  and  his  approach  was  entirely  unsuspected  by  the 
garrison  as  well  as  by  Johnson  himself.  On  the  evening  of 
September  1,  Johnson  first  learned  from  a  scout  that  a  large 
body  of  men  had  been  discovered  about  four  miles  above  Fort 
Lyman  and  marching  toward  it.  He  immediately  despatched 
a  messenger  with  a  letter  warning  the  garrison  of  its  danger 
and  called  a  council  of  war  to  consider  the  situation.  His  own 
suggestion  was  to  send  500  men  the  next  morning  to  reinforce 
Fort  Lyman,  and  500  more  across  the  country  toward  Wood 
Creek  in  order  to  seize  Dieskau's  boats  and  cut  him  off  from 
a  retreat.  Old  King  Hendrick,  however,  repelled  this  proposal 
with  an  Indian's  mode  of  argument  by  taking  two  sticks  and 
showing  that  they  could  be  more  easily  broken  when  separated 
than  when  combined.  Relinquishing  this  plan,  therefore, 
Johnson  decided  to  send  1,200  men  the  next  morning  in  a 
single  body  to  Fort  Lyman  to  cooperate  with  the  garrison  in 
its  defence.  The  old  chief  still  demurred,  declaring  that  if 
they  were  sent  to  be  killed  there  would  be  too  many,  but  if 
to  fight  there  would  be  too  few.  ISTevertheless,  this  plan  was 
adhered  to  and  an  order  was  issued  that  1,000  men  from  the 
Massachusetts  and  Connecticut  regiments,  under  command  of 
Col.  Ephraim  Williams  and  Lieut.  Col.  ISTathan  Whiting,  and 
200  Indians  commanded  by  Hendrick,  should  march  to  the  aid 
of  Fort  Lyman  early  next  morning. 

While  these  discussions  were  going  on  in  Johnson's  camp, 
his  messenger  to  Fort  Lyman  had  been  killed  by  Dieskau's 
scouts  and  the  letter  of  warning  found  in  his  pocket.     At 


116  THE  BATTLE  OF  LAKE  GEORGE  . 

about  the  same  time,  two  of  Johnson's  wagoners  had  been  cap- 
tured on  their  way  to  Lake  George,  and  from  them  it  was 
learned  that  Fort  Lyman  was  defended  by  cannon,  while  John- 
son's camp  was  unprotected  even  by  breastworks,  and  that  his 
artillery  was  lying  unmounted  on  the  shore  of  the  lake.  'No 
sooner  were  these  facts  known  to  the  Canadians  and  Indians 
than  they  protested  with  one  voice  against  Dieskau's  plan  of 
assaulting  Fort  Lyman  the  next  morning  and  insisted  on 
making  the  camp  at  Lake  George  the  object  of  attack.  The 
ground  of  this  preference  was  the  invincible  repugnance  of 
militiamen  and  Indians  to  face  artillery,  and  they  could  neither 
be  cajoled  nor  reasoned  out  of  such  an  excusable  prejudice. 
In  vain  did  Dieskau  argue,  threaten  and  implore ;  it  was  Lake 
George  or  nothing,  and  in  the  end  he  consented,  with  infinite 
disgust,  to  march  against  Johnson's  camp  in  the  morning. 

Soon  after  eight  o'clock,  therefore,  on  the  morning  of  Sep- 
tember 8,  two  hostile  armies  were  marching  towards  each  other, 
one  south,  the  other  north,  along  Johnson's  road.  As  the  Cana- 
dian force  was  the  first  to  start,  we  will  follow  their  movement 
first.  Moving  from  a  point  near  Glens  Falls,  three  or  four 
miles  north  of  Fort  Lyman,  they  had  advanced  about  five 
miles  when  they  reached  a  narrow  ravine  between  two  steep, 
wood-covered  heights,  at  the  bottom  of  which  ran  the  road  and 
alongside  of  it  a  little  trickling  brook.  The  general  appear- 
ance of  the  locality  is  almost  unchanged  to-day,  though  a 
railroad  now  runs  through  the  bottom  of  the  ravine  and  a  high- 
way and  trolley  track  skirt  its  western  side.  At  this  point 
the  Indian  scouts  announced  that  a  large  force  was  approach- 
ing from  the  direction  of  Johnson's  camp  and  Dieskau  imme- 
diately prepared  an  ambuscade  to  receive  it.  The  Indians 
and  Canadians  were  distributed  for  half  a  mile  among  the 
woods  on  the  two  sides  of  the  ravine  and  the  Regulars  were 
posted  across  it  at  the  lower  end ;  thus  forming  a  cul-de-sac 
of  savages  and  militiamen,  who  then  in  complete  concealment 
and  perfect  silence  awaited  the  approach  of  their  unsuspecting 
enemy.  Strict  orders  had  been  given  not  to  fire  a  gun  until 
the  English  should  become  completely  enveloped  in  the  trap. 


AND    THE    MEN    WHO    WON    IT.  117 

The  party  from  the  camp  had  started  a  little  after  eight 
o'clock,  the  Mohawks  being  in  front,  headed  by  Old  Hendrick, 
who  was  so  heavy  and  infirm  that  he  chose  to  ride  a  horse 
which  had  been  lent  to  him  by  Johnson.  Then  followed  Colonel 
Williams  with  the  Massachusetts  men;  and  Colonel  Whiting 
with  the  Connecticut  Militia  brought  up  the  rear.  The  whole 
column,  however,  was  somewhat  promiscuously  intermingled 
and  proceeded  with  surprising  recklessness  in  a  helter-skelter 
fashion  without  the  usual  precaution  of  sending  scouts  at 
least  a  mile  in  advance.  Thus  proceeding,  the  head  of  the 
column  reached  the  ravine  and  had  advanced  some  distance 
into  it  when  Old  Hendrick's  olfactories  recognized  a  familiar 
odor  and  he  called  out  "I  smell  Indians"  !  Just  then  came  the 
crack  of  a  gun  from  among  the  bushes  and  in  an  instant  the  air 
was  alive  with  horrible  yells,  as  if  ten  thousand  devils  had 
broken  loose  mingled  with  the  din  of  musketry,  which  flashed 
and  smoked  and  rained  deadly  bullets  on  the  bewildered, 
staggering  and  falling  provincials.  As  Dieskau  described  it 
later  in  his  official  report,  "the  head  of  the  column  was  doubled 
up  like  a  pack  of  cards."  At  the  first  fire  Old  Hendrick  fell 
dead  from  his  horse,  and  the  Mohawks  fled  howling  to  the 
rear,  spreading  confusion  and  panic  through  the  whole  body. 
Colonel  Williams  sprang  to  the  top  of  a  large  boulder  to  rally 
his  men  and  was  immediately  shot  through  the  head.  And 
now  the  French  regulars  advanced,  pouring  murderous  volleys 
into  the  huddled  mass  of  militiamen,  who  crowded  on  each 
other  in  frantic  efforts  to  escape  the  withering  fire.  To  most 
of  the  Yankee  boys  it  was  their  first  experience  of  war,  and 
if  they  thought  of  Parson  Stiles'  sermon,  with  its  allusions  to 
"battered  arms,  cloven  sculls  and  severed  bodies"  the  applica- 
tion to  the  case  in  hand  was  less  promotive  of  "the  hero's 
look"  than  a  longing  for  home  and  mother. 

The  situation  is  thus  described  by  Parkman:  "There  was  a 
panic ;  some  fled  outright  and  the  whole  column  recoiled.  The 
van  now  became  the  rear  and  all  the  force  of  the  enemy  rushed 
upon  it,  shouting  and  screeching.  There  was  a  moment  of  total 
confusion,   but   a   part   of   Williams'    regiment   rallied   under 


118  THE  BATTLE  OF  LAKE  GEORGE 

commaiid  of  Whiting  and  covered  the  retreat,  fighting  behind 
trees  like  Indians  and  firing  and  falling  back  by  turns,  bravely 
aided  by  some  Indians  and  by  a  detachment  which  Johnson 
sent  to  their  aid."  As  this  detachment  was  not  sent  out  until 
after  the  firing  had  been  for  some  time  heard  at  the  camp  to 
be  approaching,  thus  giving  notice  of  a  defeat,  and  then  had 
two  or  three  miles  to  cover  before  it  reached  the  scene  of 
action,  it  is  evident  that  Whiting  must  have  had  the  matter 
well  in  hand  before  it  came  up.  A  ISTew  York  historian  says : 
"After  the  death  of  Colonel  Williams  the  command  devolved 
on  Lieutenant  Colonel  Whiting  of  Connecticut,  who,  with 
signal  ability,  conducted  a  most  successful  retreat.  On  account 
of  the  spirited  resistance  made  by  Colonel  Whiting  the  enemy 
were  an  hour  and  a  half  driving  the  fugitives  before  them.* 
Governor  Livingston  of  JSTew  York,  in  a  letter  written  shortly 
afterwards,  says:  "The  retreat  was  very  judiciously  conducted, 
after  the  death  of  Colonel  Williams,  by  Lieutenant  Colonel 
Whiting  of  Connecticut,  an  officer  who  gained  much  applause 
at  the  reduction  of  Louisburg."  Johnson,  in  his  official  report, 
says  (without  mentioning  Whiting's  name)  :  "The  whole  party 
that  escaped  came  in,  in  large  bodies,"  (a  practical  acknowl- 
edgment that  the  retreat  had  been  well  conducted,)  and  he  also 
concedes  that  the  delay  which  had  been  effected  was  of  vital 
importance  by  giving  time  to  put  the  camp  in  a  posture  of 
defence.  Baron  Dieskau,  after  his  capture,  expressed  his 
admiration  of  Whiting's  achievement,  declaring  that  a  retreat 
was  never  better  managed;  and  Vaudreuil,  the  French  Gov- 
ernor General  of  Canada,  in  a  communication  to  his  own 
government,  admits  that  Whiting  baffled  an  essential  part  of 
Dieskau's  plan.  This  was  to  drive  the  routed  provincials  in 
confusion  back  upon  an  unprotected  camp,  and  to  rush  in  with 
them,  spreading  the  panic,  in  which  case  he  felt  sure  that  his 
disciplined  regulars,  supporting  the  wild  onslaught  of  his 
Canadian  and  Indian  allies,  would  make  victory  certain. 

That  this  plan,  but  for  Whiting's  leadership,  would  have 
been  realized  and  would  have  succeeded,  there  can  be  little 

*]Sr.  Y.  state  Hist.  Assoc.  Proceedings,  Vol.  2.,  p.  18. 


AND    THE    MEN    WHO    WON    IT. 


119 


doubt.  It  was  not  until  the  firing  was  heard  to  be  approach- 
ing the  camp,  thus  evincing  that  "the  bloody  morning  scout" 
(as  it  was  long  afterwards  called)  had  been  defeated,  that  any 
vigorous  preparation  was  made  for  protection  by  any  kind  of 
barricade.  The  time  was  short,  indeed,  less  than  an  hour  and 
a  half,  for  getting  ready,  but  life  and  death  were  at  stake,  and 
in  those  few  minutes  the  men  worked  in  a  frenzy.  Trees 
were  felled  and  laid  end  to  end,  bateaux,  wagons,  and  other 
materials  brought  up  from  the  lake  and  piled  in  heaps,  and 
three  or  four  heavy  cannon  dragged  behind  the  barrier,  where 
they  were  hurriedly  mounted  and  placed  in  position.  The 
fugitives  were  already  swarming  in.  The  more  orderly  bodies 
followed  quickly  after,  and  were  rapidly  assigned  places  among 
those  who  had  been  previously  disposed  at  different  points  for 
the  defence.  Then  and  before  the  arrangements  were  fully 
completed,  the  savage  pursuers  came  whooping  and  yelling 
through  the  forest,  brandishing  their  weapons  and  making 
straight  for  the  slight  barricade,  already  exulting  in  an  assured 
victory  and  massacre.  They  were  checked  for  a  moment  by  a 
volley  of  musketry,  and  immediately  after  the  unexpected  roar 
of  artillery  and  the  crashing  of  cannon  balls  and  grapeshot 
through  the  trees  around  them  sent  them  scattering  in  con- 
sternation through  the  forest,  where  behind  such  shelter  as 
they  could  get  they  pushed  as  near  to  the  barricade  as  they 
dared  and  shot  at  the  defenders  as  they  could  get  opportunity. 
And  now  the  French  regulars  were  quickly  seen  advancing  in 
solid  columns  down  the  road,  their  white  uniforms  and  glitter- 
ing bayonets  showing  through  the  trees  in  what  seemed  to  be 
an  interminable  array.  The  inexperienced  militia  behind  the 
barricade  grew  uneasy,  but  the  officers,  sword  in  hand,  threat- 
ened to  cut  down  any  man  who  should  desert  his  post. 

Dieskau  felt  sure  that  if  he  could  hold  his  forces  together 
for  a  combined  assault  he  could  carry  the  breastwork;  but  the 
Canadians  and  Indians  were  scattered  through  the  woods,  each 
man  fighting  on  his  own  account  and  could  not  be  collected  or 
controlled.  With  his  regulars,  therefore,  and  such  few  others 
as  he  could  gather,  he  made  charge  after  charge  against  the 


120  THE  BATTLE  OF  LAKE  GEOKGE 

defences,  now  upon  this  side  and  now  upon  that  but  only  to 
be  repulsed  at  every  point.  The  fighting  spirit  had  begun  to 
be  developed  in  the  defenders  and  the  battle  became  one  of 
promiscuous  musketry  for  the  most  part,  though  the  artillery 
was  also  vigorously  served,  now  scattering  a  band  of  Indians 
who  had  collected  in  an  exposed  position,  and  now  pouring 
balls  and  grapeshot  at  random  through  the  forest,  the  crashing 
of  which  among  the  trees  effectually  encouraged  the  savages 
to  keep  at  a  respectful  distance. 

In  the  very  beginning  of  the  fight  Johnson  had  been  hit 
by  a  musket  ball  in  the  fleshy  part  of  his  thigh,  but  was  able 
to  walk  to  his  tent,  where  he  remained  throughout  the  day, 
taking  no  further  part  in  the  action.  General  Lyman  being 
thus  left  in  command  directed  practically  the  entire  course  of 
the  battle,  and  in  the  words  of  Dr.  Holden  of  the  ISTew  York 
Historical  Society  "conducted  what  is  considered  by  all  experts 
to  be  one  of  the  most  important  Indian  fights  in  history  to  a 
successful  termination."  To  quote  again  from  Parkman: 
"General  Lyman  took  command,  and  it  is  a  marvel  that  he 
escaped  alive,  for  he  was  for  four  hours  in  the  heat  of  the  fire, 
directing  and  animating  his  men."  "It  was  the  most  awful 
day  my  eyes  ever  beheld,"  wrote  Surgeon  Williams  to  his  wife ; 
"there  seemed  to  be  nothing  but  thunder  and  lightning  and 
pillars  of  smoke." 

Governor  Livingston  in  the  letter  already  quoted  says: 
"]!*^umbers  of  eye  witnesses  declare  that  they  saw  Lyman  fight- 
ing like  a  lion  in  the  hottest  of  the  battle — not  to  mention  a 
gentleman  of  undoubted  veracity  to  whom  General  Johnson 
two  days  after  the  action  acknowledged  that  to  Lyman  was 
chiefly  to  be  ascribed  the  honor  of  the  victory."  Whether 
such  an  admission  was  correctly  attributed  to  Johnson  or  not 
there  is  but  one  voice  among  historians  on  the  subject  and 
that  is  that  Lyman,  and  Lyman  alone,  fought  the  battle  as 
the  officer  in  command,  and  that  to  him  alone  as  the  directing 
spirit  is  due  the  credit  for  its  result. 

Towards  five  o'clock  in  the  afternoon  the  fight  began  to 
slacken.     The  Canadians  and  Indians  had  lost  their  interest, 


AND    THE    MEN    WHO    WON    IT.  121 

as  well  as  most  of  their  ammunition,  and  were  generally  acting 
on  an  informal  vote  to  adjourn.  The  regulars  had  been  half 
annihilated;  their  ammunition  also  was  exhausted  and  further 
efforts  were  hopeless.  The  provincials  quickly  perceived  the 
situation  and  jumping  over  the  breastwork  with  shouts  pur- 
sued the  retreating  enemy.  Dieskau  was  found  on  the  ground 
partly  resting  against  a  tree,  having  been  three  times  shot 
through  the  legs  and  body  and  left  on  the  field  by  his  own 
positive  order,  declaring  that  that  was  as  good  a  place  to  die 
as  anywhere.  He  was  carried  to  Johnson's  tent,  where  he 
was  courteously  received  and  his  wounds  attended  to  by  the 
surgeons.  It  was  with  some  difficulty  that  he  was  prevented 
from  being  murdered  by  the  Mohawks,  who  w^ere  enraged  at 
the  losses  they  had  suffered  in  the  morning's  scout,  and  espe- 
cially by  the  death  of  Hendrick.  As  soon  as  his  wounds  would 
permit  he  was  sent  to  Albany,  and  thence  to  JSTew  York,  and 
afterwards  to  England,  where  he  remained  on  parole  to  the 
end  of  the  war.  He  then  returned  to  France  and  died  there 
in  1767. 

The  enemy  having  been  routed  it  only  remained  to  complete 
the  victory  by  a  vigorous  pursuit  in  force,  in  order  to  cut 
them  off  from  their  boats  and  thus  prevent  their  escape  back 
to  Canada.  This  course  was,  however,  forbidden  by  Johnson, 
though  urged  by  Lyman  with  unusual  warmth,  and  for  his 
refusal  he  was  censured  by  his  contemporaries  as  well  as  since 
by  all  later  critics.  But  what  he  disallowed  to  Lyman  was 
partially  accomplished  without  his  knowledge  on  the  same  day 
by  a  party  from  the  garrison  at  Fort  Lyman.  These  having 
heard  the  firing  in  the  direction  of  the  lake  had  sallied  out  to 
discover  the  cause  of  it,  and  proceeding  cautiously  through  the 
forest  late  in  the  afternoon  had  come  upon  some  300  Canadians 
and  Indians,  skulkers  and  fugitives  from  Dieskau's  army,  near 
a  small  pond  by  the  side  of  the  road  and  just  beyond  the  scene 
of  the  morning's  ambush.  These  they  suddenly  attacked, 
though  themselves  much  inferior  in  number,  and  defeated  them 
with  great  loss  after  a  stubborn  resistance.  The  bodies  of  the 
slain  were  afterwards  thrown  into  the  pond  and  it  bears  the 


122  THE  BATTLE  OF  LAKE  GEORGE 

appellation  of  "Bloody  Pond"  to  this  day.  The  scattered 
fugitives  from  this  and  the  preceding*  conflicts  of  the  day 
made  their  way  as  best  they  could  to  the  boats  which  they  had 
left  at  Wood  Creek  and  returned  through  Lake  Champlain, 
a  worn-out  and  half-starved  remnant,  to  Crown  Point. 

Johnson  excused  his  refusal  to  permit  a  pursuit  on  the  ground 
that  he  expected  another  attack,  Dieskau  having  cunningly 
informed  him  that  there  was  a  large  French  force  in  reserve; 
his  object  no  doubt  being  to  give  his  routed  followers  a  chance 
to  escape.  It  seems  incredible  that  Johnson  should  have  given 
any  credence  to  so  flimsy  a  deception  in  face  of  the  fact  that 
Dieskau  had  allowed  his  troops  to  be  defeated  and  half  extermi- 
nated, and  himself  to  be  captured,  without  calling  up  his  pre- 
tended reserves,  and  this  excuse  must  be  dismissed  as  insincere. 
Johnson  also  declared  that  his  men  were  fatigued  and  disor- 
ganized by  the  events  of  the  day  and  were  not  in  a  condition 
to  pursue;  but  as  he  had  been  confined  to  his  tent  throughout 
the  battle  he  could  have  known  very  little  on  this  point  in  com- 
parison with  Lyman,  who  thought  differently. 

In  view  of  these  considerations  and  his  subsequent  conduct 
all  writers  agree  that  Johnson  was  actuated  by  jealousy  of 
Lyman  who  had  already  been  the  chief  figure  of  the  engage- 
ment, and  by  the  idea  that  if  any  more  glory  were  achieved 
that  day  it  would  be  diflicult  to  monopolize  it  for  himself.  As 
Shakespeare  puts  it — 

"Who  in  the  wars  does  more  than  his  captain  can 
Becomes  his  captain's  captain;    and  ambition 
The  soldier's  virtue,  rather  makes  choice  of  loss 
Than  gain  which  darkens  him." 

[Ant.  and  Cleo.,  Act  III,  Sc.  1.] 

However  this  may  be  it  is  certain  that  he  promptly  determined 
to  secure  for  himself  all  the  glory  of  the  victory  and  also  all 
its  substantial  reward,  for  his  official  reports  not  only  omit  all 
mention  of  Lyman  but  clearly  imply  that  the  Avhole  battle  had 
been  fought  under  his  own  personal  supervision  and  direction. 
In  them  he  says  not  a  word  about  his  early  retirement  from  the 
fight  but  circumstantially  recounts  all  the  details  of  its  progress 


AND    THE    MEN    WHO    WON    IT. 


123 


in  the  manner  of  an  eye-witness,  commending  by  name  the 
English  officer  Captain  Eyre,  "who,"  he  says,  "served  the 
artillery  through  the  whole  engagement  in  a  manner  very  advan- 
tageous to  his  character  and  those  concerned  in  the  management 
of  it."  After  giving  other  particulars,  he  adds:  "About  four 
o'clock  our  men  and  Indians  jumped  over  the  breastwork,  pur- 
sued the  enemy,  slaughtered  numbers,  and  took  several  prison- 
ers, including  General  Dieskau,  who  was  brought  into  my  tent 
just  as  a  wound  I  had  received  was  dressed." 

As  Johnson's  wound  had  been  dressed  at  least  six  hours 
before  Dieskau  was  brought  into  his  tent,  it  is  impossible  to 
acquit  him  of  the  deliberate  intent  to  convey  a  false  impression 
when  he  thus  connects  the  time  of  receiving  it  with  the  very 
end  of  the  battle.  ISTor  is  this  conviction  weakened  when  we 
read  a  semi-official  despatch  written  the  next  day  by  his  military 
secretary,  Wraxall,  to  Governor  Delancey,  in  which  no  mention 
whatever  is  made  of  either  Lyman  or  Whiting,  and  he  says 
in  a  postscript,  "Our  general's  wound  pains  him;  he  begs 
his  salutations;  he  behaved  in  all  respects  worthy  his  station 
and  is  the  Idoll  of  the  Army." 

A  side  light  is  shed  on  the  animus  of  these  despatches  by  a 
fact  which  is  mentioned  by  Governor  Livingston  and  President 
Dwight.  This  is  that  there  existed  among  some  of  Johnson's 
officers  a  cabal  against  Lyman,  which  was  spreading  dis- 
paraging reports  of  his  conduct  during  the  battle ;  reports  so 
obviously  false  and  malicious  and  so  completely  refuted  by 
overwhelming  testimony  that  they  seem  to  have  fallen  flat  at 
the  time,  and  to  have  been  never  heard  of  afterwards. 

On  September  16,  or  more  than  a  week  after  the  battle, 
Johnson  made  an  official  report  of  the  events  of  September  8 
to  the  Colonial  governors,  in  which  again  Lyman's  name  and 
services  are  completely  ignored.  In  connection  with  the  morn- 
ing's conflict  he  mentions  Lieutenant  Colonel  Whiting  as 
"commanding  one  division  of  the  scouting  party,"  but  makes 
no  allusion  to  his  management  of  the  retreat.  The  following- 
passage,  however,  is  significant:  "The  enemy,"  he  says,  "did 
not  pursue  vigorously  or  our  slaughter  would  have  been  greater 


124  THE  BATTLE  OF  LAKE  GEOKGE 

and  perhajis  our  panic  fatal.  This  gave"  ns  time  to  recover 
and  make  dispositions  to  receive  the  approaching  enemy." 

The  statement  that  the  pursuit  was  not  vigorous  would  have 
heen  repelled  by  Dieskau,  whose  motto  was  always  "Audacity 
Wins,"  and  who  had  certainly  pursued  as  vigorously  as  the 
resistance  led  by  Whiting  would  permit;  but  notwithstanding 
this  misrepresentation  to  Whiting's  disparagement  the  acknowl- 
edgment clearly  appears  that  the  checking  of  the  pursuit  saved 
both  the  camp  and  the  army  from  destruction.  Considering 
that  the  report  was  being  made  to  those  Colonial  authorities 
who  were  especially  interested  in  Lyman  and  Whiting,  the 
studious  neglect  to  give  either  of  them  credit  for  the  slightest 
service  throughout  the  day  bespeaks  a  spirit  in  its  author  which 
was  anything  but  just,  generous  or  honorable. 

The  magnitude,  as  well  as  the  importance  of  the  victory  at 
Lake  George  was  greatly  overestimated,  not  only  by  the  public 
at  large  but  also  by  the  British  Government,  both  on  account 
of  the  depression  that  had  been  caused  by  Braddock's  defeat 
only  two  months  previously,  and  also  by  the  fact  that  it  was 
the  only  gleam  of  success  that  enlivened  the  English  cause  in 
the  Colonies  that  year.  Johnson's  reports,  therefore,  aroused 
great  enthusiasm  in  England,  and  he  was  hailed  as  a  conquer- 
ing hero  worthy  of  distinguished  honors  from  a  grateful  coun- 
try. Accordingly,  soon  after  its  receipt  in  London,  he  was 
created  a  Baronet  by  the  Crown,  and  Parliament  voted  him  a 
reward  of  £5,000.  Captain  Eyre,  the  only  officer  named  in  the 
report,  was  promoted  to  be  Major,  and  Wraxall,  whose  only 
apparent  military  achievements  were  to  accompany  Johnson 
when  he  Avalked  to  his  tent  soon  after  the  battle  commenced,  and 
to  call  him  "The  Idoll  of  the  Army"  when  it  was  over,  was 
given  a  Captain's  commission.  Lyman  and  Whiting  received 
nothing  except  the  applause  of  their  own  countrymen,  who 
speedily  learned  the  facts  and  placed  the  credit  for  the  victory 
where  it  belonged.  Their  example  has  been  followed  by  all 
historians.  The  ISTew  York  Society  of  Colonial  Wars  alone  has 
sanctioned  Johnson's  injustice  by  erecting  a  monument  which 
ascribes  to  him  alone  the  conduct  and  success  of  the  battle, 
and  consigns  Lyman  and  Whiting  to  permanent  oblivion. 


AND    THE    MEN    WHO    WON    IT. 


125 


Jolinson  took  no  step  forward  after  the  victory,  tlioiigli 
strongly  urged  by  Lyman  to  seize  and  fortify  Ticonderoga, 
then  unoccupied,  but  continued  to  talk  about  advancing  on 
Crown  Point,  and  called  for  reinforcements  and  additional 
supplies  for  that  purpose.  These  were  sent  him  through  the 
months  of  September  and  October  and  into  ISTovember,  but 
during  all  that  period  his  army  of  more  than  4,000  men  lay 
inactive  except  for  the  work  they  did  in  erecting  Fort  William 
Henry.  Meantime  the  weather  was  growing  colder  and  the 
preliminary  storms  of  winter  became  more  frequent  and 
severe.  The  soldiers,  insufficiently  sheltered  and  clothed,  badly 
fed,  and  decimated  by  sickness,  were  all  the  time  on  the  verge 
of  mutiny  and  were  deserting  in  large  numbers.  Finally,  on 
JSTovember  27,  it  was  resolved  to  break  up  the  camp,  and  there- 
upon, a  few  men  being  left  to  garrison  the  half-finished  fort, 
the  rest  of  the  army  were  dismissed  to  their  homes. 

"The  expedition,"  says  Parkman,  ''had  been  a  failure,  dis- 
guised under  an  incidental  success."  Vaudreuil,  the  Governor 
of  Canada,  presents  the  same  view  to  the  French  Government 
in  a  despatch  dated  October  3.  "M.  Dieskau's  campaigTi," 
he  says,  "though  not  so  successful  as  expected,  has  nevertheless 
intimidated  the  English  who  were  advancing  in  considerable 
force  to  attack  Fort  Frederick  (Crown  Point)  which  could  not 
resist  them."  If  this  statement  was  well  founded,  it  supplies 
a  strong  comment  on  Johnson's  inactivity  after  Dieskau's 
defeat,  for  it  indicates  that  had  his  army,  flushed  with  victory, 
been  pushed  rapidly  forward  to  Crown  Point  they  might  easily 
have  captured  the  post  and  ended  the  English  campaign  with 
complete  success.  The  actual  outcome  of  it  was  that  the  close 
of  the  year  found  the  French  established  at  Ticonderoga  in  a 
better  and  stronger  position  than  they  had  had  at  Crown  Point, 
and  fifteen  miles  nearer  to  the  English  settlements. 

As  this  paper  relates  not  merely  to  the  Battle  of  Lake  George, 
but  also  to  the  men  who  won  it,  it  will  properly  conclude  with 
a  brief  sketch  of  the  subsequent  lives  of  General  Lyman  and 
Colonel  Whiting.  But  before  dismissing  Sir  William  John- 
son from  consideration  it  is  only  just  to  say  that  his  career 


126  THE  BATTLE  OF  LAKE  GEORGE 

after  the  Battle  of  Lake  George  developed  nothing  which 
reflects  discredit  on  his  military  capacity,  or  his  personal  honor. 
During  the  continuance  of  the  French  War  his  influence  with 
the  Indian  tribes  was  invaluable  to  the  Colonies,  and  his  efforts 
unceasing  to  maintain  friendly  relations  between  the  two 
parties  on  a  basis  of  justice  and  humanity.  He  was  engaged  in 
no  other  important  military  operations  till  1759,  when  he  went 
with  a  band  of  900  Indians,  as  the  second  in  command,  under 
General  Prideaux,  on  an  expedition  against  Fort  ISTiagara,  and 
after  the  accidental  death  of  Prideaux  he  succeeded  to  the  chief 
command.  In  this  capacity  he  conducted  the  siege  of  the  fort 
with  vigor,  skill  and  courage.  He  fought  a  successful  battle 
against  a  French  relieving  force,  and  after  the  capture  of  the 
fort  firmly  protected  the  garrison  from  his  savage  allies.  He 
also,  with  his  Indians,  accompanied  Amherst  in  the  following 
year  to  Montreal  and  assisted  in  the  investment  and  capture 
of  that  last  stronghold  of  the  French  in  Canada.  This  was 
his  last  important  military  service,  but  his  influence  with  the 
Indian  tribes  of  'New  York  and  Ohio  continued  to  be  bene- 
ficially exerted  till  the  close  of  his  life,  which  occurred  in  1774. 
As  an  important  factor  in  the  making  of  American  history  he 
will  always  occupy  a  prominent  and,  on  the  whole,  an  honorable 
place. 

As  already  stated,  notwithstanding  Johnson's  studious  con- 
cealment of  General  Lyman's  part  in  the  Battle  of  Lake  George, 
which  was  successful  so  far  as  the  British  government  was  con- 
cerned, the  true  story  was  well  known  throughout  the  Colonies, 
and  this  was  evinced  in  the  following  year  by  the  renewal  of 
his  commission  as  Major  General,  which  rank  he  continued 
to  hold  throughout  the  war.  He  was  also  repeatedly  entrusted 
with  important  commands  and  took  part  in  various  campaigns 
against  the  French  in  Canada.  In  1758  he  commanded  5,000 
Connecticut  troops  in  the  disastrous  attack  by  General  Aber- 
crombie  on  Fort  Ticonderoga,  where  he  was  among  the  fore- 
most assailants  and  was  with  Lord  Howe  when  he  fell.  Again 
in  1759,  at  the  head  of  4,000  men,  he  accompanied  Lord 
Amherst  in  his  successful  expedition  against  Ticonderoga  and 


AND    THE    MEN    WHO    WON    IT.  127 

Crown  Point,  and  in  1760  assisted  with  5,000  Connecticut 
troops  in  the  capture  of  Montreal.  In  1761  he  was  again  in 
Canada  in  command  of  2,300  Connecticut  soldiers,  helping 
to  complete  the  English  conquest  of  that  Province.  After 
hostilities  had  ceased  in  Canada  the  seat  of  war  was  removed 
to  the  West  Indies,  and  an  expedition  having  been  fitted  out 
to  capture  Havana,  Lyman  was  by  the  joint  action  of  all  the 
Colonies  placed  in  command  of  the  whole  Provincial  force 
of  10,000  men  which  accompanied  it.  The  expedition  sailed 
from  I^ew  York  in  ISTovember,  1761,  and  in  cooperation  with 
another  fleet  and  army  sent  out  from  England,  struck  the  fin- 
ishing blow  of  the  war,  Havana  being  taken  and  several  French 
Islands  conquered  and  occupied  by  the  English  during  the  year 

1762.  This  was  the  last  of  Lyman's  military  experiences,  as 
the  war  was  ended  by  the  Treaty  of  Paris  in  February,  1763. 
Throughout  his  active  career  in  the  army  he  had  held  the  con- 
fidence not  only  of  the  public  but  of  his  brother  officers,  as 
a  man  of  superior  ability,  integrity  and  wisdom,  as  well  as 
of  military  skill,  but  unhappily,  this  confidence  was  the  indi- 
rect cause  of  the  disappointments  and  misfortunes  which  ruined 
his  future  life. 

After  the  conclusion  of  peace,  a  considerable  number  of  the 
officers  and  soldiers  who  had  served  in  the  Colonial  armies, 
formed  an  association  which  they  called  ''The  Company  of 
Military  Adventurers,"  whose  purpose  was  to  secure  from  the 
British  government  a  grant  of  lands  in  the  new  western  terri- 
tory which  had  just  been  wrested  from  France  largely  through 
their  own  personal  efforts  and  often  (as  in  Lyman's  case)  at 
the  sacrifice  of  their  private  fortunes.  General  Lyman  was 
selected  by  this  organization  as  their  agent  to  proceed  to  Lon- 
don, and  there  prosecute  the  claims  and  objects  of  the  company. 

In  pursuance  of  this  appointment,  Lyman  relinquished  the 
idea  of  resuming  his  legal  practice  and  went  to  England  in 

1763,  where  for  eleven  long  years  he  pursued  a  weary  and 
discouraging  struggle  with  the  officials  in  power  to  obtain  their 
consent  to  the  reasonable  request  which  he  brought  to  their 
notice.     As  Dr.  Dwight  remarks,    "It  would  be  difficult  for 


128  THE  BATTLE  OF  LAKE  GEOKGE 

a  man  of  common  sense  to  invent  a  reason  why  a  tract  of  land 
in  a  remote  wilderness,  scarceh^  worth  a  cent  an  acre,  could 
be  grudged  to  any  body  of  men  who  were  willing  to  settle 
u2)on  it,"  and  especially  so  when  the  petitioners  were  a  body 
of  veterans  who  had  gained  the  victories  by  which  the  land 
was  obtained,  and  whose  occupation  of  it  would  be  important 
for  its  future  protection,  N^evertheless,  during  all  this  time 
Lyman's  appeals  were  met  with  indifference  and  treated  with 
neglect.  Appointments  were  made  only  to  be  forgotten,  and 
promises,  which  were  never  fulfilled.  Ashamed  to  return  home 
without  success,  he  lingered  on,  hoping  against  hope  and  striv- 
ing against  continuous  discouragement,  until,  as  Dr.  Dwight 
expresses  it,  "he  experienced  to  its  full  extent  that  imbecility 
of  mind  which  a  crowd  of  irremediable  misfortunes,  a  state  of 
long-continued  anxious  suspense,  and  strong  feelings  of  degra- 
dation invariably  produce.  His  mind  lost  its  elasticity  and 
became  incapable  of  anything  beyond  a  seeming  eifort."  And 
under  such  conditions  the  best  eleven  years  of  his  life  were 
frittered  away. 

At  length,  about  1774,  the  petition  in  some  form  or  other 
was  granted.  Still  General  Lyman,  apparently  unable  to  form 
new  resolutions,  failed  to  return  home.  His  wife,  distressed 
at  his  long  absence,  and  by  the  privations  which  his  family 
suffered  in  consequence,  then  sent  his  second  son  to  England 
to  bring  him  back.  The  appeal  was  successful  and  Lyman 
returned  in  1774,  bringing  the  grant  of  land  to  the  petitioners, 
and  for  himself  the  promise  of  an  annuity  of  £200  sterling. 
As  for  the  grant  of  land,  many  of  the  beneficiaries  were  dead 
and  others  too  old  to  avail  themselves  of  it.  The  storm  cloud 
of  the  Revolution  also  was  now  gathering  fast  and  the  younger 
part  of  his  generation  had  other  things  to  think  of  than  that 
of  settling  a  western  wilderness.  For  these  reasons  the  land 
grant  proved  practically  valueless  for  its  intended  purpose ; 
and  as  for  his  personal  annuity,  the  speedy  outbreak  of  Colonial 
rebellion,  if  no  other  reason,  prevented  its  ever  being  paid. 

The  tract  of  land  in  question  was  situated  on  the  Mississippi 
River,    and  was   part  of  the   territory  then  known   as   West 


AND    THE    MEN    WHO    WON    IT. 


129 


Florida.  It  included  the  present  site  of  l^atchez,  where  a 
French  fort  had  been  built  and  afterwards  abandoned.  To 
this  malarious  and  fever-stricken  region  in  1Y75,  General 
Lyman,  then  a  broken-down  man  of  fifty-nine,  betook  himself 
by  a  thousand-miles'  journey  over  roadless  mountains  and 
bridgeless  rivers,  accompanied  by  a  few  companions,  among 
whom  was  his  eldest  son,  who  was  feeble  both  in  body  and  mind. 
The  son  died  soon  after  their  arrival  and  shortly  afterward  the 
worn-out  father  followed  him  to  the  grave.  ''Few  persons," 
says  Dr.  Dwight,  "began  life  with  a  fairer  promise  of  pros- 
perity than  General  Lyman.  Few  are  born  and  educated  to 
brighter  hopes  than  those  cherished  by  his  children.  N^one 
within  the  limits  of  my  information  have  seen  those  hopes, 
prematurely  declining,  set  in  deeper  darkness.  For  a  con- 
siderable time  no  American  possessed  a  higher  or  more  exten- 
sive reputation ;  no  American  who  reads  this  subsequent  history 
will  regard  him  with  envy." 

This  allusion  to  the  happy  prospects  of  General  Lyman's 
family  in  early  life,  suggests  that  a  few  words  be  given  to 
their  pathetic  fate.  The  story  is  related  somewhat  circum- 
stantially by  Dr.  Dwight. 

General  Lyman's  second  son,  who  brought  his  father  home 
from  England,  accepted,  while  there,  a  lieutenant's  commis- 
sion in  the  British  army.  In  1775,  while  in  Suffield,  he  was 
ordered  to  join  his  regiment  in  Boston,  which  he  did  and  served 
on  the  British  side  till  1782.  It  Avas  probably  the  painful 
relations  with  their  neighbors  which  this  situation  brought  to 
the  family  in  Suffield  which  caused  Mrs.  Ljanan,  in  1776,  to 
remove,  with  the  rest  of  her  children,  consisting  of  three  sons 
and  two  daughters,  to  West  Florida.  Her  elder  brother  accom- 
panied them  on  the  sad  and  toilsome  journey.  Within  a  few 
months  Mrs.  Lyman  and  her  brother  both  died.  The  children 
remained  in  the  country  till  1782,  when  the  settlement  was 
attacked  by  the  Spaniards.  The  little  colony  took  refuge  in 
the  old  fort  and  resisted  the  invaders  until  compelled  to  sur- 
render on  terms ;  but  the  terms  were  at  once  outrageously 
violated.  In  desperation  the  victims  rose  upon  their  con- 
5 


130  THE  BATTLE  OF  LAKE  GEORGE 

qiierors  and  drove  them  from  the  settlement,  but  learning  soon 
afterward  that  a  larger  force  was  coming  up  the  river  to  punish 
them,  and  fearing  the  worst  of  cruelties,  the  whole  colony 
fled  to  the  wilderness,  aiming  to  reach  Savannah,  which  was 
then  in  possession  of  the  British.  On  their  way  they  endured 
innumerable  hardships  and  perils,  suffering  continually  from 
hunger,  thirst,  fatigue  and  sickness.  Once  they  were  cap- 
tured by  a  hostile  band  of  savages,  who  were  about  to  torture 
and  scalp  them,  when  they  were  miraculously  rescued  by 
the  intervention  and  address  of  a  friendly  negro;  but  those 
who  survived  the  terrible  journey  reached  Savannah  after 
wandering  a  distance  of  over  1,300  miles,  through  a  period  of 
150  days.  As  a  result  of  these  experiences  the  two  daughters 
died  at  Savannah.  The  three  sons  remained  there  until  the 
war  was  over  and  then  accompanied  the  departing  British 
troops.  One  of  them  was  afterwards  in  Suifield  for  a  short 
time  but  soon  disappeared,  and  what  finally  became  of  him 
and  his  two  brothers.  Dr.  Dwight,  although  they  were  his 
cousins,  was  never  able  to  learn. 

As  to  the  second  son,  he  continued  in  the  British  service 
till  1782.  At  that  time  nearly  torpid  with  grief  and  disap- 
pointment he  sold  his  commission,  but  collected  only  a  part 
of  the  purchase  money,  and  that  he  speedily  lost.  He  returned 
to  Suffield  penniless  and  almost  an  imbecile.  Friends  there 
endeavored  to  revive  his  courage  and  restore  his  mental  bal- 
ance, but  in  spite  of  all  efforts  he  sank  into  listlessness  and 
unkempt  pauperism  and  in  this  condition  he  died.  Truly,  the 
comment  of  Dr.  Dwight  was  well  applied  when  he  called  his 
narrative   ''The  History  of  an  Unhappy  Family." 

The  record  of  Colonel  Whiting  will  be  shorter  and  more 
cheerful.  As  we  have  seen,  he  held,  during  the  campaign  of 
1755,  the  rank  of  lieutenant  colonel  only,  but  the  next  year  the 
General  Assembly  voted  him  a  colonel's  commission,  with  its 
thanks,  for  the  skill,  courage  and  ability  which  "he  had  dis- 
played at  the  Battle  of  Lake  George  and  on  other  occasions." 
He  took  part  in  all  the  subsequent  campaigns  of  the  war,  highly 
commended  by  both  British  and  Americans  as  an  officer  of 


AND    THE    MEjST    WHO    WON    IT. 


131 


uncommon  merit,  and  when  peace  returned  resumed  his  mer- 
cantile business  at  ISTew  Haven.  In  1769  he  represented  ISTew 
Haven  in  the  Lower  House  of  the  General  Assembly,  and  in 
1771  was  nominated  for  the  Upper  House,  to  which  he  would 
undoubtedly  have  been  elected  but  for  his  death,  which  occurred 
in  that  year  at  the  early  age  of  47. 

Dr.  D wight  described  Colonel  Whiting  as  ''an  exemplary 
professor  of  the  Christian  religion,  and  for  refined  and  dignified 
manners  and  nobleness  of  mind  rarely  excelled."  And  Pro- 
fessor Kingsley  in  his  Centennial  Discourse  of  1838  speaks 
of  him  as  one  of  those  citizens  for  whom  ISTew  Haven  had 
especial  reason  to  be  proud. 

He  was  buried  in  the  ancient  burial  ground  on  l!^ew  Haven 
Green,  but  where,  no  living  man  can  tell.  In  the  Grove  Street 
Cemetery  can  be  found  the  mutilated  fragment  of  a  time-worn 
slab,  leaning  against  the  tombstone  of  President  Clap,  in  whose 
family  Whiting's  boyhood  was  passed.  The  name  has  been 
broken  off,  but  the  inscription  which  remains  records  that  the 
deceased  died  in  "IsTew  Haven,  full  of  Gospel  Hope,  April  9th 
An  Dom  1771.  Aet  47,"  and  the  stone  is  thus  identified  as 
having  once  marked  the  resting  place  of  Col.  E"athan  Whiting. 

And  thus  it  happens  that  Lyman  and  Whiting,  the  men  who 
won  the  Battle  of  Lake  George  together,  and  who  suffered  the 
same  injustice  in  connection  with  that  achievement,  and  who 
have  been  alike  ignored  in  the  only  structure  which  com- 
memorates the  victory  they  won,  are  alike  sharers  in  this  fate 
also,  that  they  both  rest  in  unknown  graves. 


AN  OLD  NEW  HAVEN  ENGRAVER  AND  HIS 
WORK :  AMOS  DOOLITTLE. 

By  Rev.  William  A.  Beardsley,  M.A. 

[Read  December  19,  1910.] 


We  are  so  accustomed  to  study  the  lives  of  men  of  large 
deeds,  of  men  who  have  helped  to  mould  and  develop  public 
affairs  in  one  way  or  another,  that  we  are  apt  to  forget  the 
man  of  humble  calling,  who  lived  and  worked  humbly,  but 
who  nevertheless  deserves  to  be  remembered  for  the  success  he 
achieved  in  his  particular  sphere  of  work. 

]!^ow  any  man,  who  in  the  past  made  anything  which  is 
highly  prized  to-day  and  will  grow  more  precious  as  the  years 
increase,  deserves  to  be  remembered.  The  irreverent  and 
unsympathetic  entertain  a  kindly  pity  for  those  who  have  a 
real  veneration  for  old  things.  It  is  difficult  for  them  to  real- 
ize how  anyone  can  derive  pleasure  from  some  musty  volume 
or  quaint  print,  save  as  its  mustiness  or  quaintness  is  turned 
into  cash.  And  yet  there  are  those  who  prize  old  things  not 
alone  for  what  they  are  worth  in  dollars  and  cents,  but  for 
what  they  are  in  themselves ;  prize  them  for  their  associations, 
for  their  antiquity,  and  for  their  intrinsic  merit.  To  such, 
collecting  is  a  real  joy,  and  the  pleasure  of  a  discovery,  an 
experience  to  be  remembered. 

Among  the  old  things  which  are  highly  prized  to-day,  engrav- 
ings hold  a  foremost  place.  They  are  of  great  historic  value, 
because  our  forefathers  were  largely  dependent  upon  the  art 
of  the  engraver  for  their  illustrative  work.  It  was  the  man 
with  the  burin  and  not  the  man  with  the  camera  who  made 
their  pictures,  and  the  products  of  his  art  were  as  nothing, 
in  point  of  numbers,  to  the  products  of  the  numerous  photo- 


A]N'    OLD    NEW    HAVEN    ENGRAVER    AND    HIS    WORK.  133 

graphic  processes  of  to-day.  A  book  was  rich  in  illustration 
then  if  it  had  its  one  engraved  frontispiece.  To-day  we  string 
a  wealth  of  pictures  on  a  slender  (sometimes  very  slender) 
thread  of  text.  We  are  largely  indebted  to  the  engraver  for 
the  representation  of  historic  scenes,  and  places,  and  person- 
ages. True  he  may  have  used  his  imagination  a  little,  and 
added  a  detail  here  and  there,  or  idealized  a  face  a  bit,  but 
we  are  grateful  for  these  representations  nevertheless,  and,  if 
they  are  all  that  we  have,  we  prize  them  for  their  historical 
significance. 

jSTow  l^ew  Haven  was  the  home  of  one  of  these  old  engravers. 
His  name  was  Amos  Doolittle.  But  IsTew  Haven  cannot  claim 
him  as  one  of  her  native  sons,  for  he  was  born  in  Cheshire, 
Conn.,  May  18,  1754.*  He  belonged  to  the  fifth  generation  of 
Doolittles  in  this  country.  Abraham  Doolittle  was  the  founder 
of  the  family  in  America,  and  from  him  came  all  who  have 
borne  that  name,  for  his  brother  John,  who  settled  near  Chel- 
sea, Mass.,  died  without  issue.  Abraham  was  here  in  i^ew 
Haven  about  1640,  and  owned  a  house.  Among  the  first 
settlers  of  Cheshire  was  his  descendant,  and  representatives 
of  the  Doolittle  family  have  ever  been  numbered  among  the 
inhabitants  of  that  town,  and  have  played  their  part  in  shaping 
its  history. 

Amos  Doolittle  was  the  son  of  Ambrose  and  Martha  Munson 
Doolittle,  and  was  next  to  the  eldest  in  a  family  of  thirteen. 
It  is  related  as  a  striking  coincidence  that  his  twin  brothers, 
Samuel  and  Silas,  one  living  in  Cheshire,  the  other  in  Vermont, 
and  both  insane,  died  on  the  same  day  and  at  the  same  hour. 

Amos  turned  his  attention  to  the  silversmith's  trade,  learn- 
ing it  of  Eliakim  Hitchcock  of  Cheshire.  He  early  came  to 
l^ew  Haven,  and  here  he  made  his  home  until  his  death  in 
1832.  The  house  in  which  he  lived  stood  on  College  Street 
just  above  Elm,  and  its  site  is  now  covered  by  the  north  end 
of  East  Divinity  Hall.     His  shop  was  on  the  present  College 

*  The  old  Ambrose  Doolittle  house  in  Cheshii-e  is  still  standing,  and  is 
occupied.  It  is  the  first  house  south  of  the  Power  House  on  the  line  of  the 
trolley,  about  a  mile  north  of  the  center  and  is  an  old-fashioned  leanto. 


134  AN    OLD    NEW    HAVEN    ENGRAVER    AND    HIS    WORK. 

square,  fronting  the  Green;  about  where  Famam  Hall  is,  I 
imagine. 

We  find  Doolittle's  name  among  that  goodly  number  of  sub- 
scribers who,  "desirous  to  encourage  the  military  art  in  the  town 
of  'New  Haven,"  memorialized  the  General  Assembly  "to  con- 
struct them  a  district  military  company  by  the  name  of  the 
Governor's  Second  Company  of  Guards."  Thus  Doolittle  was 
an  original  member  of  that  illustrious  and  historic  organiza- 
tion. It  came  into  existence  at  a  time  when  membership  in 
it  was  a  serious  matter,  for  in  less  than  two  months  after  its 
incorporation  the  battle  of  Lexington  was  fought,  and  no 
sooner  had  the  news  arrived  than  Capt.  Benedict  Arnold  got 
together  his  company,  and  proposed  that  they  should  go  to  the 
front.  The  larger  part  agreed  to  do  so,  and  Doolittle  was 
among  that  number.  As  a  company  they  remained  only  about 
three  weeks  at  Cambridge,  when  they  returned  to  ISTew  Haven. 

But  soldiering  was  only  a  side  issue  with  Doolittle,  to  be 
practiced  when  duty  called.  He  was  not  exactly  an  "embattled 
farmer,"  but  still  he  belonged  to  that  class  of  soldiery,  and 
it  was  a  mighty  good  class  too.  He  had  now  evidently  turned 
his  attention  to  engraving  on  copper,  and  this  expedition  to 
Cambridge,  patriotic  in  its  intent,  was  made  to  serve  a  prac- 
tical purpose  as  well.  That  expedition  was  undertaken  in  the 
latter  part  of  April,  1775. 

In  December  of  that  year  there  appeared  an  advertisement 
in  the  Connecticut  Journal  to  this  effect — "This  day  published, 
and  to  be  sold  at  the  store  of  Mr.  James  Lockwood,  near  the 
College,  in  New  Haven,  Four  different  views  of  the  Battle  of 
Lexington,  Concord,  etc.,  on  the  19th  April,  1775. 

Plate  I.     The  Battle  at  Lexington. 

Plate  II.  A  view  of  the  town  of  Concord,  with  the  Minis- 
terial troops  destroying  the  stores. 

Plate  III.     The  Battle  at  the  ]^orth  Bridge,  in  Concord. 

Plate  IV.  The  south  part  of  Lexington,  where  the  first 
detachment  were  joined  by  Lord  Percy. 

The  above  four  plates  are  neatly  engraven  on  Copper,  from 
original  paintings  taken  on  the  spot. 


AlSr    OLD    NEW    HAVEX    EXGRAVEK    AKD    HIS    WOKK.  135 

Price,  six  shillings  per  set  for  the  plain  ones,  or  eight  shil- 
lings, colored." 

We  are  told  that  Doolittle  was  entirely  self-taught  as  an 
engraver.  That  is  charitable,  for  there  is  no  use  in  incrim- 
inating anyone  else.  These  Plates  are  exceedingly  crude  in 
every  way,  and  if  they  had  to  depend  upon  their  artistic  merit 
and  skillful  workmanship  for  their  value,  they  would  come 
perilously  near  to  being  worthless.  But  their  very  crudity  is 
perhaps  their  most  valuable  feature  to  the  collector,  or  to  any- 
one, for  that  matter.  Aside  from  all  that,  however,  an  interest 
attaches  to  them  as  the  earliest  work  of  a  man  who  was 
struggling  with  an  art,  of  which  as  yet  he  knew  practically 
nothing,  and  in  which  he  never  did  rise  to  any  high  degree  of 
excellence.  And  further,  they  have  an  historical  interest.  They 
cannot  be  regarded  as  accurate  representations  of  the  scenes 
depicted,  of  course,  but  still  they  were  made  by  men  who  were 
portraying  some  things,  at  least,  which  they  had  seen  with 
their  own  eyes. 

And  this  brings  me  now  to  speak  of  the  way  in  which  they 
were  made.  We  are  indebted  to  Barber  for  our  knowledge 
here.  There  was  among  those  who  volunteered  and  went  to 
Cambridge,  a  young  portrait  painter,  Ralph  Earle.  But  Barber 
was  evidently  in  error  in  stating  that  he  was  a  member  of  the 
Foot  Guards,  for  his  name  does  not  appear  on  the  roster.  Pre- 
sumably he  went  along  as  a  volunteer  without  being  actually  a 
member  of  the  organization.  They  did  not  go  as  the  Governor's 
Foot  Guards,  but  as  the  New  Haven  Cadets. 

Well,  it  was  this  Ralph  Earle  who  made  the  drawings  from 
which  the  Plates  were  engraved.  Earle  later  went  to  England, 
studied  under  Benjamin  West,  and  became  a  member  of  the 
Royal  Academy.  He  did  some  work  which  brought  him  fame, 
particularly  his  painting  of  !N"iagara  Falls,  which  has  an  inter- 
est for  us  in  this  connection,  for  this  picture  was  exhibited 
throughout  the  country,  and  in  course  of  time  came  to  ITew 
Haven.  Here  his  old  friend  and  collaborator  of  a  quarter  of 
a  century  back  was  still  his  friend,  as  the  following  advertise- 
ment in  the  Connecticut  Journal  for  June  25,   1800,  shows: 


136  AN    OLD    NEW    HAVEN    ENGRAVER    AND    HIS    WORK. 

"Perspective  View  of  the  Falls  of  j^iagara.  One  of  the  great- 
est iN'atural  Curiosities  in  the  known  world  painted  on  the 
spot  by  the  celebrated  Ralph  Earle  will  be  exhibited  to  view 
This  Day  between  the  hours  of  8  in  the  morning  and  6  in  the 
evening  at  the  house  of  Amos  Doolittle,  College  St.  This  paint- 
ing is  27  ft.  long  and  14  ft.  wide,  and  will  afford  the  spectator 
as  just  an  idea  of  the  stupendous  Cataract  as  can  be  represented 
on  canvas.  Price  of  admittance,  9d."  It  is  quite  possible  that 
it  was  Earle  who  painted  the  portrait  of  Doolittle  which  is 
in  the  possession  of  the  Society. 

But  we  must  return  to  the  Lexington  and  Concord  Plates. 
Like  Doolittle,  Earle  was  a  beginner.  As  Barber  says,  "Both 
their  performances  were  probably  their  first  attempts  in  these 
arts,  and  consequently  were  quite  rude  specimens."  Barber 
also  tells  us,  on  the  authority  of  Doolittle  himself,  that  "he 
acted  as  a  kind  of  model  for  Mr.  Earle  to  make  his  drawings, 
so  that  when  he  wished  to  represent  one  of  the  Provincials  as 
loading  his  gun,  crouching  behind  a  stone  wall  when  firing 
on  the  enemy,  he  would  require  Mr.  D,  to  put  himself  in  such  a 
position."  Earle  made  his  drawing  for  the  Battle  of  Lexing- 
ton on  the  spot  shortly  after,  and  so  far  as  the  buildings  are 
concerned  we  probably  have  a  representation  which  approxi- 
mates the  truth,  but  as  for  the  battle,  which  was  in  no  sense 
of  the  word  a  battle,  why  that  of  course  is  largely  imaginary. 
But  the  really  interesting  thing  about  this  is  that  here  is  an 
attempt,  rude  though  it  may  be,  to  depict  the  first  shedding  of 
blood  in  the  cause  of  American  Independence.  It  is  not  at  all 
surprising  that  these  Plates  when  published  "made  quite  a 
sensation." 

Doolittle  was  a  practical  man  and  had  an  eye  to  business  no 
doubt  in  making  his  Plates,  but,  with  his  patriotic  fervor,  we 
may  believe  that  he  hoped  they  would  help  to  inflame  the  people, 
and  inspire  them  to  action  in  the  great  contest  which  was 
'already  under  way.  And  they  would  most  certainly  do  that. 
Our  first  inclination  as  we  look  at  these  Plates  is  to  laugh  at 
their  grotesqueness,  but  not  so  the  men  and  women  who  first 
saw  them.    It  was  not  the  crude  effort  of  a  young  and  ambitious 


AN    OLD    NEW    HAVEN    EXGKAVEB    AND    HIS    AVORK. 


137 


man  with  the  graver  which  would  impress  them  so  much  as  the 
fact  that  they  portrayed  actual  scenes,  and  scenes  in  which  their 
fellow-countr^onen  had  lost  their  lives  at  the  hands  of  the  red- 
coats. One  may  hazard  the  guess  that  Doolittle's  primitive  work 
served  another  and  larger  purpose  than  merely  to  put  him  in 
funds,  and  that  he  hoped  it  would. 

]Srow  I  have  been  speaking  solely  of  the  first  Plate  in  the 
series,  'The  Battle  of  Lexington."  The  others  are  just  as 
quaint  and  interesting,  and  the  temptation  to  linger  over  them 
is  strong,  not  only  for  their  historical  interest,  but  because  they 
are  the  first  crude  attempts  of  a  struggling,  untutored  genius 
to  express  itself  on  copper.  We  instinctively  feel  that  the 
youthful  engraver  put  his  whole  soul  into  them.  As  we  look 
at  them  we  can  almost  see  the  painful  labor  which  begot  them. 
These  Plates  probably  constitute  the  first  series  of  Historical 
Engravings  executed  in  America,  series  mind  you,  for  of 
course  Paul  Revere's  separate  Plates  of  the  "Boston  Massacre" 
and  "Ships  Landing  Troops"  were  engraved  prior  to  Doolittle's 
work. 

The  mistake  has  frequently  been  made  of  claiming  Doolittle 
as  the  earliest  Connecticut  engraver  on  copper.  There  was  an 
engraver  here  in  l^ew  Haven  who  antedates  him,  Abel  Buel. 
It  is  quite  likely  that  he  engraved  the  first  book-plate  for  the 
Linonian  Meeting  of  Yale  College  which  was  organized  in 
1753,  that  quaint  old  plate  with  the  Chapel  and  ISTorth  IMiddle 
in  a  small  loop  at  the  top,  both  looking  as  though  they  had 
suffered  from  some  seismic  disturbance,  and  were  in  danger 
of  speedy  collapse.  And  then  there  was  Deacon  Martin  Bull 
of  Farmington,  almost  ten  years  Doolittle's  senior,  who  did 
some  engTaving.  But,  after  all,  the  output  of  these  men  in 
point  of  quantity  and  pretentiousness  was  insignificant  as  com- 
pared with  Doolittle's.  Outside  of  Connecticut  there  were  such 
engravers  as  Paul  Revere,  Elisha  Gallaudet,  James  Turner,  and 
]^athaniel  Hurd,  who  were  earlier,  the  latter  being  perhaps 
the  best  of  our  early  engravers  here  in  America. 

But  to  return  to  the  story  of  Mr.  Doolittle.  What  occupied 
his  attention  next  after  his  famous  Historical  Series  it  is  not 


138  AN    OLD    NEW    HAVEN    ENGEAVER    AND    HIS    WORK. 

possible  to  saj  with  certainty,  but  in  tbe  Boston  Gazette  for 
Monday,  May  19,  1777,  this  advertisement  of  his  may  be 
found — 

"Proposals  for  Printing. 
A  new  map  of  the  state  of  Connecticut  with  some  of  the 
adjacent  parts  of  the  States  of  I^ew  York,  ISTew  Jersey,  and 
Rhode  Island,  collected  from  the  best  and  latest  Surveys. 

Conditions. 

1.  The  Plate  will  be  24  inches,  by  16  in  size. 

2.  The  price  to  Subscribers  to  be  One  Dollar  plain  or  Ten 
Shillings  properly  coloured. 

3.  It  will  not  be  delivered  to  jSTon-Subscribers  under  Eight 
Shillings  plain  or  Twelve  colour'd. 

4.  It  will  be  published  in  about  four  weeks  from  this  Date. 

5.  Those  who  subscribe  for  six  Sets  shall  have  one  gratis. 
IN".  B.     If  this  work  meets  due  Encouragement,  the  Author 

intends  publishing  other  useful  Maps.  Subscriptions  are  taken 
in  by  the  Printer  hereof.     E'ew  Haven,  April  21,  1777." 

That  is  only  a  proposal.  Perhaps  it  did  not  meet  with  a  suf- 
ficient response  to  warrant  him  in  carrying  it  out,  for  while 
it  would  not  be  safe  to  say  that  no  copy  is  in  existence,  yet 
nothing  is  known  of  such  a  map  where  one  might  reasonably 
expect  to  get  some  knowledge  of  it. 

His  next  production,  or  what  we  may  assume  to  be  his  next, 
has  an  interest  all  its  own,  for  it  shows  the  ambitious,  if  some- 
what daring,  nature  of  this  young  self-taught  engraver.  In 
the  Connecticut  Journal  for  September  24,  1777,  we  find  him 
advertising  a  plate,  in  the  presentation  of  which,  doubtless,  he 
was  moved  by  a  patriotic  impulse,  as  one  likes  to  think  he  was, 
in  a  measure  at  least,  in  the  presentation  of  his  Historical 
Series.  Those  were  momentous  and  intense  times  in  the  his- 
tory of  the  nation.  All  eyes  were  on  the  Continental  Congress, 
and  we  may  well  believe  that  its  distinguished  President,  about 
whom  the  report  was  going  around  that  he  had  written  his 
name  large  on  the  Declaration  of  Independence  that  no  one 


I 


AlSr    OLD    NEW    HAVEN    ENGEAVER    AND    HIS    WORK.  139 

might  fail  to  see  it,  yes,  written  his  name,  as  it  was  said  of 
him  later,  "where  all  nations  should  behold  it,  and  where  all 
time  should  not  efface  it,"  would  be  a  personage  of  rare  inter- 
est to  the  people  in  general,  and  would  fire  the  young  engraver's 
ambition  to  portray  his  features  on  copper. 

And  so  his  advertisement  reads,  "Just  published  and  to  be 
sold  by  Amos  Doolittle,  a  metzotinto  Print  of  the  Hon.  John 
Hancock,  Esq.  Price  4  shillings  plain,  $1.00  neatly  coloured." 
^ow  the  interesting  thing  about  this  is  that  it  shows  Doolittle's 
ambition  in  respect  to  his  art,  or  if  that  be  too  strong,  let  us 
say  in  respect  to  his  craft.  He  is  experimenting  with  the 
mezzotint.  That,  speaking  in  the  most  general  way,  is  the 
opposite  of  line  engraving.  It  is  the  process  of  working  from 
dark  to  light.  The  surface  of  the  plate  is  roughened,  and  then 
by  scraping,  that  degree  of  light  is  produced  which  the  artist 
desires,  according  as  he  scrapes  much  or  little.  The  great 
thing  in  the  process  is  the  preparation  of  the  plate  in  the  first 
place. 

Whatever  may  have  been  the  motive  which  prompted  Doo- 
little to  try  the  mezzotint  process,  apparently  he  did  not  feel 
warranted  in  making  further  use  of  it,  for  I  know  of  no  other 
attempt  of  his  in  that  direction.  And  as  for  this  John  Han- 
cock plate,  it  is  doubtful  if  a  copy  of  it  is  in  existence. 

We  pass  on  now  to  the  memorable  year  of  1779,  memorable 
certainly  in  the  annals  of  ISTew  Haven,  for  that  was  the  year 
when  her  citizens  had  the  chance  to  show  the  metal  of  which 
they  were  made.  And  it  proved  to  be  good  metal  too.  It 
had  the  right  ring.  When  the  British  sailed  up  the  harbor 
and  landed  on  the  East  shore  and  then  on  the  West  shore,  they 
met  with  a  welcome  to  be  sure,  but  then  it  was  hardly  the  kind 
of  welcome  which  men  court.  They  encountered  those  who 
were  emphatically  disposed  to  question  their  progress,  who,  as 
a  matter  of  fact,  did  emphatically  question  it.  Those  men 
were  fighting  for  their  liberty,  and  they  needed  no  other 
incentive  of  course,  but,  could  it  be  possible  that  neighbor  Doo- 
little's pictures  were  in  any  small  way  responsible  for  the 
patriotic  fervor  of  that  citizen  soldiery  which  so  valiantly  con- 


140  AN    OLD    NEW    HAVEN    ENGRAVER    AND    HIS    WORK. 

tested  the  progress  of  the  British  invaders  ?  Did  they  remember 
those  brave  Provincials  whose  life-blood  they  had  seen,  by  the 
aid  of  Doolittle's  graver,  mingling  itself  with  the  dust,  yes, 
actually  seen,  for  Doolittle  was  nothing  if  not  realistic,  as  will 
be  evident  from  a  careful  study  of  the  Plates  ?  Well,  be  that 
as  it  may,  their  defence  was  heroic,  and  the  invaders  soon  found 
they  were  dealing  with  a  very  determined  foe. 

Among  those  who  took  part  in  the  defence  of  the  city  on  the 
west  side  was  Mr.  Doolittle.  We  know  how  stubbornly  and 
valiantly  those  defenders  resisted  the  progress  of  the  enemy, 
but  they  could  not  hold  them  back.  They  were  compelled  to 
retreat  into  the  town,  the  enemy  following. 

Of  the  various  stories  told  of  citizens  respecting  this  inva- 
sion, and  the  disagreeable  scenes  which  followed,  one  concerns 
Mr.  Doolittle.  It  has  been  preserved  by  Barber,  but  I  venture 
to  give  it  here  because  it  rightly  has  a  place  in  my  story,  and 
as  Doolittle  was  Barber's  informant  we  have  no  reason  to  doubt 
its  truth,  in  the  essential  facts  at  least.  When  Doolittle  and 
the  other  defenders  were  forced  to  retreat  into  the  town  he  at 
once  went  to  his  home,  where  his  wife  was  lying  sick,  and  throw- 
ing his  gun  under  the  bed,  anxiously  awaited  the  coming  of 
the  invaders,  his  anxiety  being  greater  for  his  wife  probably 
than  for  himself.  In  due  time  the  enemy  were  before  his 
house,  and  at  once  an  English  lady  who  resided  with  him 
stepped  to  the  door  and  requested  of  the  officer  a  guard  for 
the  house.  He  insolently  asked  her  who  she  was,  and  being 
informed  that  she  was  an  Englishwoman  and  had  a  son  in  His 
Majesty's  service,  he  placed  the  house  in  the  charge  of  a  High- 
lander, with  orders  that  no  harm  should  be  done  to  any  of  its 
inmates.  But  during  the  parleying,  it  M^ould  appear  that  some 
of  the  soldiers  had  entered  the  back  door,  and  were  searching 
for  themselves,  and  looking  under  the  bed  found  Mr.  Doolittle's 
gun.  Well,  this  complicated  matters,  and  for  a  moment  it 
looked  serious  for  Mr.  Doolittle,  but  again  the  Englishwoman 
came  to  the  front,  and  explained  that  the  law  required  every 
man  to  have  a  giin  in  the  house,  and  the  owner  of  that  gun 
was  as  great  a  friend  to  King  George  as  they  were  themselves. 


AN    OLD  NEW  HAVEN  EKGEAVER  AND  HIS  WOEK.     141 

They  would  have  had  some  difficulty  in  believing  that  if  they 
could  have  seen  Mr.  Doolittle  that  morning  out  there  on  the 
Derby  road  at  Hotchkisstown  popping  away  at  some  of  His 
Majesty's  subjects.  But  the  good  lady  won  and  no  harm  came 
to  Mr.  Doolittle  nor  to  his  wife. 

From  this  time  on  Mr.  Doolittle's  life,  so  far  as  we  know, 
was  devoted  to  the  quiet  pursuit  of  his  occupation.  War 
entered  into  it  no  more,  save  as  he  pictured  some  phase  of  it 
on  copper.  Other  work  than  engraving  was  evidently  done  at 
his  shop  on  College  Street,  though  that  occupied  his  attention 
for  the  most  part,  for  an  advertisement  announces  in  a  very 
dignified  way,  that  specimens  of  Varnishing,  Enameling,  etc., 
might  be  seen  at  Mr.  Amos  Doolittle's  painting-rooms,  and 
one  of  his  own  prints  carries  the  information  that  he  had  a 
rolling-press,  which  shows  that  he  not  only  made  his  plates, 
but  that  he  made  the  prints  from  them,  and  apparently  did 
other  printing  also.  At  one  time  he  evidently  had  Ebenezer 
Porter  associated  with  him  in  the  business.  And  in  1798  one 
Marcus  Merriman  advertises  silver  and  metal  Eagles,  as  made 
and  sold  by  Amos  Doolittle  and  himself.  But,  of  course, 
engraving  was  his  chief  occupation,  though  it  is  not  surprising 
that  he  should  have  made  some  use  of  his  knowledge  and  expe- 
rience gained  as  a  silversmith's  apprentice. 

In  1782  there  was  published  here  in  ISTew  Haven,  "The 
Chorister's  Companion,  or  Church  Music  Eevised,  containing 
besides  the  necessary  rules  of  Psalmody  a  variety  of  Plain  and 
Fuging  Psalm  Tunes,  together  with  a  Collection  of  approved 
Hymns  and  Anthems,  many  of  which  never  before  printed," 
to  quote  the  title  page  quaintly  engraved  by  Doolittle.  It 
was  printed  for  and  sold  by  Simeon  Jocelin  and  Amos  Doolittle. 
He  seems  to  have  done  a  good  deal  along  this  line,  for  in  1786-7 
he  published  in  connection  with  Danie,l  Read,  Vol.  I  of  The 
American  Musical  Magazine.  There  were  twelve  numbers 
covering  forty-nine  pages,  presumably  all  engraved  by  Doolittle, 
for  Read  was  simply  a  merchant  and  kept  a  general  store  up 
on  Broadway  where  you  could  buy  anything  from  hardware 
to  snuff  and  from  hair  powder  to  Gospel  Sonnets.     Apparently 


142  AN    OLD    NEW    HAVEN    ENGRAVER    AND    HIS    WORK. 

the  Magazine  was  not  successful  for  it  lived  only  a  year.  It 
was  not  a  magazine  in  our  sense  of  the  word,  for  it  had  nothing 
in  it  but  music.  It  had  a  high  ideal,  namely,  "to  contain  a 
great  variety  of  approved  music  carefully  selected  from  the 
works  of  the  best  American  and  foreign  masters."  With  that 
ideal  it  ought  to  have  lived. 

Well,  the  young  Republic  was  started  on  its  wonderful  career, 
and  George  Washington,  in  peace  as  in  war,  was  the  man  of 
the  hour.  It  was  not  to  be  expected  that  this  industrious  and 
ambitious  craftsman  would  fail  to  find  a  subject  in  him. 
Indeed  I  fancy  that  every  American  engraver  felt  that  he  was 
false  to  the  highest  ideals  of  his  art  until  with  his  graving 
tool  he  had  made  the  likeness  of  Washington.  Those  of  you 
who  have  seen  Mr.  Charles  Henry  Hart's  sumptuous  volume, 
published  by  the  Grolier  Club,  entitled,  ''Catalogue  of  the 
Engraved  Portraits  of  Washing1»n,"  will  appreciate  the  signifi- 
cance of  that  statement.  He  describes  eight  hundred  and  eighty 
distinct  plates,  and  six  hundred  and  thirty-four  different  states 
of  them,  and  it  is  hardly  likely  that  his  catalogue  is  complete. 
And  mind  you,  these  are  only  the  portraits  on  copper  and  steel. 
]Sror  are  there  included  any  of  those  numerous  scenes  in  which 
Washington  is  the  central  figure. 

Ah,  well,  it  was  only  natural  that  he  should  have  been  a 
favorite  subject  of  the  engraver.  Of  Doolittle's  chief  effort 
Mr.  Hart  has  this  to  say,  "I  consider  this  one  of  the  most 
interesting  in  the  catalogue,  not  only  as  being  one  of  the  largest, 
if  not  the  largest  plate  executed  in  this  country  at  the  time  of 
its  issue,  but  also  on  account  of  its  extreme  rarity."  There 
are  at  least  five  variations  of  this  plate.  The  one  we  possess 
in  our  Collection  is,  apparently,  the  third  state  of  it.  It  bears 
the  date  October  1,  1791. 

But  what  is  the  plate  ?  Well,  here  is  its  title,  ornate  alike 
in  its  wording  and  its  engraving:  "A  Display  of  the  United 
States  of  America.  To  the  Patrons  of  Arts  and  Sciences  in 
all  parts  of  the  World  this  Plate  is  most  respectfully  Dedicated 
by  their  most  obedient  humble  servants,  Amos  Doolittle  and 
Ebn''.  Porter."  N^ow  one  thing  is  clear  from  that,  and  it  is 
that  Mr.   Doolittle  is  not  catering  to  any   restricted  public. 


AN    OLD    NEW    HAVEN    ENGRAVER    AND    HIS    WORK. 


143 


He  is  out  to  conquer  the  world.  And  he  is  appealing  to  those 
who  are  interested  in  the  promotion  of  the  Arts  and  Sciences. 
As  Doolittle's  worthiest  contribution  to  Washingtoniana  it 
deserves  a  few  words  of  description.  In  the  center  is  the  large 
circle  enclosing  the  bust  of  Washington,  and  on  the  band  of 
the  circle  is  the  inscription,  "George  Washington,  President 
of  the  United  States  of  America.  The  Protector  of  his  coun- 
try, and  the  supporter  of  the  rights  of  mankind."  Around 
this  large  circle  and  forming  a  frame  for  it  is  a  chain  of 
fourteen  smaller  circles.  The  circle  at  the  top  encloses  the 
Arms  of  the  United  States,  and  on  the  band  is  the  total  number 
of  inhabitants.  For  each  of  the  thirteen  original  States  there 
is  a  circle,  enclosing  the  arms  of  the  State,  and  in  the  band 
of  each  is  the  name  of  the  State,  its  number  of  inhabitants, 
and  its  number  of  Senators  and  Kepresentatives.  Taking  it 
all  in  all  this  is  an  exceedingly  interesting  plate,  not  alone 
because  of  its  extreme  rarity,  but  because  of  the  originality 
of  its  conception,  and  the  marked  improvement  in  workman- 
ship. Mr.  Doolittle  signs  it  both  as  its  designer  and  engraver. 
It  is  evident  that,  during  the  thirteen  years  since  his  first 
pretentious  effort,  practice  with  the  graver  was  not  without 
its  results,  though  he  was  not  yet,  nor  was  he  destined  to  become, 
a  great  engraver. 

We  find  him  making  maps  for  Jedediah  Morse's  American 
Geography,  and  folding  plates  of  military  tactics  for  Baron  de 
Steuben's  book,  and  in  the  American  edition  of  Majmard's 
Josephus  published  in  1792,  fourteen  of  the  sixty  plates  are 
signed  by  Doolittle.  We  find  him  also  making  a  portrait  of 
Jonathan  Edwards  for  his  History  of  Redemption,  and  a 
portrait  of  Ezra  Stiles  and  numerous  plans  for  his  History 
of  the  Judges  of  King  Charles  I.  For  Trumbull's  History 
of  Connecticut,  he  contributes  plates  of  John  Davenport,  John 
Winthrop,  and  Gurdon  Saltonstall,  and  a  fine  map  of  Con- 
necticut. These  are  only  some  of  his  works  along  this  line 
during  the  years  just  before  1800. 

In  1799  he  issued  a  ISTew  Display  of  the  United  States  with 
the  portrait  of  John  Adams  in  the  center,  and  with  the  coats 
of  arms  of  sixteen  States,  Vermont,  Kentucky,  and  Tennessee 


144  AN    OLD    NEW    HAVEN    ENGRAVER    AND    HIS    WORK. 

having  come  into  the  Union.  It  bears  the  famous  saying, 
"Millions  for  our  defence,  not  a  cent  for  tribute."  There  is 
nothing  laudatory  in  the  inscription.  It  is  simply,  ''John 
Adams  President  of  the  United  States." 

In  1803  he  put  out  another  iSTew  Display  of  the  United 
States.  This  time,  of  course,  the  portrait  is  that  of  Jefferson. 
But  the  plate  is  much  smaller  and  simpler  than  his  former 
''Displays,"  perhaps  in  deference  to  " Jeffersonian  simplicity," 
for,  according  to  his  obituary  notice  in  the  Columbian  Register 
for  February  4,  1832,  ''Mr.  Doolittle  was  an  old  Jeffersonian 
Democrat,  adhering  to  first  principles  through  evil  and  through 
good  report." 

In  this  new  "Display"  he  has  abandoned  the  circle  for  the 
square,  except  that  Jefferson's  bust,  like  Washington's,  is 
enclosed  in  a  circle.  Around  this  is  the  inscription,  "Thomas 
Jefferson,  President  of  the  United  States,  Supporter  of  Liberty, 
True  Republican  and  Friend  of  the  Rights  of  Man."  Enclos- 
ing this  circle  is  a  square  of  little  squares,  each  representing 
a  State. 

I  have  spoken  of  his  "Display"  as  his  chief  contribution 
to  Washingtoniana.  But  it  was  not  his  only  contribution.  He 
engraved  for  Trumbull's  Funeral  Discourse  on  Washington, 
published  in  ISTew  Haven  in  1800,  a  portrait  after  the  Joseph 
Wright  profile.  And  in  the  Connecticut  Magazine,  or  Gen- 
tleman's and  Lady's  Monthly  Museum  for  January,  1801,  there 
appears  an  engraved  bust  of  Washington  after  Gilbert  Stuart. 
This  same  plate  reworked  and  relettered  was  afterwards  pub- 
lished by  Shelton  and  Kensett,  the  latter  being  Thomas  Kensett, 
who  was  connected  through  his  marriage  to  Elizabeth  Daggett, 
with  Doolittle.  Kensett  himself  was  an  engraver.  It  was  he 
who  made  the  old  Wadsworth  map  of  New  Haven.  In  1812, 
or  about  that  time,  he  removed  from  New  Haven  to  Cheshire, 
where  he  had  a  little  engraving  shop.  It  is  worth  noting  in 
passing  that  he  was  a  pioneer  in  the  great  canning  industry, 
for  he  was  a  member  of  the  firm  of  Daggett  &  Kensett,  which 
experimented  with  the  process  of  preserving  extract  of  beef  in 
hermetically  sealed  cans,  which  was  supplied  to  the  United 


AN    OLD    NEW    HAVEN    ENGRAVER    AND    HIS    WORK. 


145 


States  Government.  Their  store  was  on  the  west  side  of  York 
Street,  just  north  of  Chapel.  He  was  the  father  of  the  dis- 
tinguished painter,  John  Frederick  Kensett.  This  Cheshire 
firm  of  Shelton  &  Kensett  published  a  number  of  Doolittle's 
plates,  among  them  being  Alexander  I  of  Russia,  Bonaparte 
in  Trouble,  Dartmoor  Prison,  and  his  Prodigal  Son  series. 

The  mention  of  Doolittle's  connection  with  Kensett  through 
the  latter's  marriage  to  Elizabeth  Daggett  reminds  me  that 
nothing  has  been  said  of  his  own  matrimonial  relations.  That 
he  was  twice  married  I  can  safely  affirm,  though  of  his  first 
wife  I  have  been  able  to  find  nothing,  save  that  her  name  was 
Sally,  and  that  she  died  of  a  lingering  consumption,  January 
29,  1797,  in  her  thirty-eighth  year.  A  lengthy  poem  accom- 
panies her  death  notice,  but  obituary  poetry  is  of  little  value 
when  one  is  in  quest  of  facts. 

By  this  wife  he  had  at  least  one  child,  a  son,  for  in  a  letter 
dated  June  4,  1798,  written  in  reply  to  an  inquiry  about  his 
doing  some  work,  and  in  which  he  says  he  is  unable  to  do 
it,  Mr.  Doolittle  adds,  ^'however  I  have  a  little  son  that  has 
just  begun  the  business,  he  has  done  some  engraving  in  the 
copper  plate  way  very  well."  Of  this  son  I  have  not  been  able 
to  learn  anything,  not  even  his  name. 

But  this  chance  reference  to  him  is  not  without  its  interest. 
The  view  of  Yale  College,  a  copy  of  which  is  in  the  University 
Library,  is  signed,  "A  View  of  the  Buildings  of  Yale  College 
at  ITew  Haven.  Drawn  and  Engraved  by  A.  B.  Doolittle. 
Published  April  6th  1807  by  A.  Doolittle  &  Son,  College  Street, 
ISTew  Haven."  So  far  as  I  am  aware,  this  is  the  only  plate 
which  is  signed  in  this  way. 

ISTow  whose  plate  is  this  ?  Undoubtedly  it  is  A.  B.  Doo- 
little's, and  that  perhaps  is  the  son's  name.  It  was  signed  by 
him  as  the  designer  and  engraver,  and  published  under  the  firm 
name,  so  to  speak,  of  A.  Doolittle  &  Son.  That  is  only  a  con- 
jecture, but  when  we  find  that  son's  name,  I  shall  be  surprised 
if  it  is  not  A.  B.  Doolittle.  There  was  an  A.  B.  Doolittle  who 
had  a  shop  on  Church  Street,  "nearly  opposite  the  Church," 
and  whose  advertisement  begins  to  appear  in  the  paper  early 


146  AN"    OLD    NEW    HAVEN    ENGEAVEE    AND    HIS    WORK. 

in  1806.  Besides  the  usual  things  found  in  a  jewelry  store, 
he  advertises  ''Miniatures  painted,  and  set  in  a  handsome 
style.  Profiles  accurately  taken,  and  all  kinds  of  Devices 
painted  and  set."  Could  he  be  the  same  man  as  the  one  who 
signed  that  Yale  print  ? 

Mr.  Doolittle's  second  wife  was  Phebe,  daughter  of  Ebenezer 
and  Eunice  Moss  Tuttle  of  Cheshire.  They  were  married  in 
New  Haven,  JSTovember  8,  1Y97.  Thus  through  his  second  wife 
he  became  connected  with  the  influential  family  of  Tuttles. 
She  died  March  4,  1825,  and  with  him  is  buried  in  the  Grove 
Street  Cemetery.  It  was  her  sister's  daughter  who  married 
Kensett. 

But  from  this  digression  we  must  return  again  to  the  con- 
sideration of  his  work.  We  find  him  now  doing  a  good  deal 
in  the  way  of  making  illustrations  for  books,  such  as  allegorical 
frontispieces  for  "The  Guide  to  Domestic  Happiness"  and 
"The  Refuge,"  also  engravings  of  mechanical  appliances  and 
diagrams,  and  maps  for  a  Bible  Atlas,  and,  with  others,  plates 
for  "The  Self  Interpreting  Bible."  In  1812  he  published  his 
map  of  Kew  Haven,  which  was  revised  in  18  IT  and  1824. 

It  could  hardly  be  expected  that  our  little  affair  with  England 
in  1812  should  pass  unnoticed  by  this  patriotic  craftsman. 
His  "John  Bull  in  Distress"  undoubtedly  expresses  his  feelings 
at  the  time.  It  is  a  little  vindictive  perhaps,  but  then  there 
were  extenuating  circumstances.  A  half-bull,  half-peacock  is 
pierced  through  the  neck  by  a  hornet.  The  hornet  is  repre- 
sented as  saying,  "Free  Trade  and  Sailor's  Rights  you  old 
rascal,"  while  from  its  victim  comes,  "Boo-o-o-o-hoo ! ! !" 
This  was  published  early  in  1813,  and  has  reference  to  the 
engagement  between  the  "Peacock"  and  the  "Hornet,"  when 
the  latter,  under  the  command  of  the  intrepid  Lawrence,  won 
a  signal  victory.  And,  by  the  way,  that  victory  inspired 
another  Doolittle,  this  time  to  song.  Eliakim  Doolittle,  a 
younger  brother  of  Amos,  composed  a  song,  "The  Hornet  Stung 
the  Peacock,"  which,  for  the  time  being,  was  immensely  popu- 
lar.    Here  is  the  way  it  begins, 


AN  OLD  NEW  HAVEN  ENGRAVER  AND  HIS  WORK.     147 

"Ye  Demo's  attend  and  ye  Federalists  too, 
I'll  sing-  you  a  song  that  you  all  know  is  new, 
Concerning  a  Hornet,  true  stuff,  I'll  be  bailed, 
That  tickled  the  Peacock  and  lowered  his  tail," 

and  so  on  through  six  more  stanzas,  with  a  chorus  equally- 
long  for  each  stanza.  And  thus  in  their  respective  ways  the 
Doolittle  brothers  gave  evidence  of  their  patriotic  fervor.  I 
think,  however,  that  in  this  case  the  graver  is  mightier  than 
the  pen. 

But  we  must  not  go  on  with  this  enumeration  of  his  works. 
I  have  tried  to  mention  those  which  will  give  us  an  idea  of 
the  wide  field  he  covered,  of  the  variety  of  subjects  with  which 
he  dealt. 

There  is,  however,  a  branch  of  his  work  about  which  I  would 
say  a  few  words  before  bringing  this  paper  to  a  close,  and  that 
is  his  book-plate  work.  I  believe  there  are  nine  book-plates 
which  bear  his  signature,  and  several  others  are  confidently 
attributed  to  him.  It  was  the  fashion  at  the  end  of  the 
eighteenth  and  the  beginning  of  the  nineteenth  centuries  for 
individuals  and  libraries  to  have  engraved  book-plates  or  labels ; 
sometimes  they  were  very  simple,  sometimes  they  were  very 
elaborate — a  fashion  which  has  again  come  into  vogue.  Often- 
times of  course,  in  the  case  of  individuals,  the  family  coat  of 
arms  served  as  the  book-plate,  but  in  the  absence  of  this  symbol 
of  aristocracy,  and  always  in  the  case  of  the  library,  the  engraver 
could  use  his  imagination,  and  thus  produce  something  awfully 
democratic  perhaps,  but  at  the  same  time  quaint  and  interest- 
ing and  individualistic,  something  which  would  rise  above  the 
monotonous  level  of  heraldic  designs.  It  was  in  the  case  of 
libraries,  perhaps,  that  the  engraver  gave  his  ingenuity  the 
freest  play. 

Of  the  known  book-plates  engraved  by  Doolittle,  his  four 
local  library  plates  are  by  far  the  most  interesting,  as  they 
are  the  most  pretentious.  Two  are  College  plates,  one  for  the 
Brothers  in  Unity  and  the  other  for  the  Linonian  Library. 
The  former  was  designed  by  Wm.  Taylor,  the  latter  presumably 
was  designed  as  well  as  engraved  by  Doolittle.    They  are  quaint 


148    AX  OLD  XEW  HAVEN  ENGEAVER  AXD  HIS  WOEK. 

and  crude  botli  in  design  and  workmanship.  The  plate  for  the 
Linonian  Library  is  dated  1802.  It  is  rich  in  allegory,  and 
full  of  detail.  The  other  two  local  library  plates  were  the 
plates  of  the  Mechanic  Library  and  the  Social  Library  Com- 
pany. The  former  was  organized  in  1793,  the  first  meeting 
of  the  organizers  being  held  in  the  State  House,  February  5th 
of  that  year.  This  is  probably  the  earliest  public  or  semi- 
public  library  in  the  city.  There  seems  to  have  been  some 
connection  between  it  and  the  Mechanic  Society  of  which  Mr. 
Doolittle  was  a  member,  or  at  all  events  his  funeral  was 
attended  by  the  Mechanic  Society,  which  would  indicate  his 
membership  in  it.  The  library  never  reached  large  propor- 
tions. A  catalogue  published  sometime  after  1801  shows  nine 
hundred  volumes.  This  library  had  two  book-plates.  The 
smaller,  and  as  I  suppose  earlier,  plate  is  not  signed  by  Doo- 
little, but  that  he  engraved  it  there  can  be  little  doubt  in  my 
judgment. 

As  an  indication  of  some  connection  between  this  library 
and  the  Society  of  Mechanics  it  may  be  stated  that  this  plate, 
only  slightly  altered,  appears  as  a  wood-cut  in  the  advertise- 
ment in  the  paper  of  the  meetings  of  the  Society.  For  mechan- 
ics as  for  readers  of  books  the  motto  was,  "Improve  the 
Moment."  That  was  back  in  1800.  The  larger  and  more 
elaborate  plate  carries  his  name  as  designer  and  engraver. 

In  1807  another  library  was  organized,  though  not  incor- 
porated until  1810.  This  was  known  as  the  Social  Library  Com- 
pany, and  for  this  Doolittle  designed  and  engraved  a  book-plate. 
I  might  add  that  in  1815  the  Mechanic  Library  was  merged 
with  the  Social  Library  Company,  and  the  two  were  known 
as  the  Social  Library,  which  existed  under  this  name  until 
1840.  This  Social  Library  Company  book-plate  is  in  some 
respects  the  best  of  Doolittle's  book-plates.  It  has  its  defects, 
but  on  the  whole  it  presents  a  very  neat  and  attractive  appear- 
ance. Across  the  top  is  a  ribbon  bearing  the  name,  and  under- 
neath is  a  black  cloud  in  which  are  two  well-fed,  sweet-faced 
cherubs,  holding  in  their  hands  a  huge  scroll  on  which  are  the 
words,   Theology.   History,   Biography,   Voyages   and  Travels, 


AN  OLD  NEW  HAVEN  ENGEAVEE  AND  HIS  WORK.     149 

Classical,  indicating  tlie  character  of  the  books  in  the  library. 
You  will  notice  the  absence  of  Fiction.  This  library  frowned 
upon  that  branch  of  literature.  In  the  distance  is  a  large  house 
on  a  knoll  among  the  trees,  while  nearer  is  a  body  of  water, 
and  on  the  grass  in  the  immediate  foreground  are  books  and 
scrolls,  and  a  compass,  and  a  globe.  Underneath  all  is  the 
perfectly  proper  sentiment,  and  eminently  sage  advice, 

'Tis  Books  a  lasting  pleasure  can  supply, 

Charm  while  we  live  and  teach  us  how  to  die, 

Seek  here  ye  Young  the  anchor  of  your  mind, 
Here  suffering  Age  a  blest  provision  find. 

Another  branch  of  his  work  is  indicated  by  the  following 
receipt  given  to  the  Treasurer  of  Yale  College — 

"Eec'd  Newhaven  September  12,  1817  of  Elizur  Goodrich,  Esq.  Sixty  one 
Dollars  for  that  number  of  Diplomas  for  the  Bachelor  of  Arts  graduated  in 
Yale  College  this  week — by  me 

Amos  Doolittle" 

But  I  must  bring  to  an  end  the  story  of  "An  Old  ISTew 
Haven  Engraver  and  his  Work."  If  I  have  seemed  to  make 
much  of  insignificant  things,  you  must  remember  that  if  from 
the  story  of  a  life  like  this  the  insignificant  things  are  elim- 
inated, there  will  be  no  story  left.  For  we  have  not  been 
considering  a  man  of  great  deeds,  but  just  one  of  those  plain, 
industrious  citizens  who  form  the  strength  of  every  community. 

That  he  was  a  valuable  man  in  this  community  there  can 
be  no  doubt.  So  far  as  I  know  he  did  not  serve  his  fellowmen 
in  high  public  office— in  179 Y  he  was  tax  lister  (assessor)  — 
but  he  served  them  in  that  humbler  way  of  quietly  doing  his 
duty  as  a  citizen,  and  industriously  working  at  his  trade. 

We  have  not  even  been  considering  a  man  great  in  his 
chosen  occupation,  for  Amos  Doolittle  is  not  remembered  for 
the  rare  quality  of  his  work.  It  is  enough  for  us  that  he  was 
an  old  IsTew  Haven  citizen  who  with  head  and  hand  fashioned 
those  things  which  men  everywhere,  with  a  veneration  for  the 
quaint  and  the  ancient,  most  highly  prize. 

Mr.  Doolittle  died  January  30,  1832,  after  working  at  his 
occupation  for  almost  sixty  years.     It  is  interesting  to  note 


150  AN    OT.D    NEW    HAVEN    ENGRAVER    AND    HIS    WORK. 

that  about  three  weeks  before  his  death  he  was  engaged  in 
helping  to  make  a  small  plate  of  his  Battle  of  Lexington,  and 
it  was  his  last  work.  It  was  most  fitting  that  it  should  be. 
We  may  judge  of  the  esteem  in  which  he  was  held  from  the 
funeral  notices  in  the  local  press.  "He  was  a  worthy  and 
highly  respected  citizen.  His  funeral  was  attended  by  a  large 
concourse  of  friends  and  relatives,  together  with  the  Mechanic 
Society,  and  his  brethren  of  the  Masonic  Fraternity."  "He 
was  a  gentleman  of  an  amiable  and  obliging  disposition — a 
Christian  in  all  the  relations  of  life."  Fortunate  indeed  is  he 
of  whom  that  much  may  be  said. 


THE    CONGREGATIONALIST    SEPARATES   OF 

THE  EIGHTEENTH  CENTURY  IN 

CONNECTICUT. 

By  Rev.  Edwin  P.  Paeker,  D.D.,  LL.D. 
[  Read  February  20,  1 9 1 1 .  ] 


At  the  beginning,  in  the  IN'ew  England  Colonies,  all  persons 
were  required  to  support  the  Congregational  order  of  religion. 
This  order  or  way  soon  fell  into  disrepute;  serious  divisions 
about  matters  of  church  government  and  discipline  arose,  and 
various  restrictions  of  religious  liberty  and  the  rigorous  enforce- 
ment of  them  created  dissatisfactions  and  dissensions.  For  the 
composition  of  these  troubles  many  efforts  were  made  by  church 
synods  and  the  civil  courts,  which  cannot  here  be  reviewed. 

In  1705,  "proposals"  were  made  and  urged  in  Massachu- 
setts to  give  to  ministerial  associations  large  powers  and 
authority,  even  to  making  them  standing  councils.  These  pro- 
posals failed  of  adoption  there,  but  were  warmly  approved 
by  the  consei"vative  ministers  in  Connecticut,  The  Trustees 
of  Yale  College  desired  that  the  General  Court  should  estab- 
lish some  stronger  ecclesiastical  government  in  this  colony. 

Governor  Saltonstall,  ex-minister  of  ISTew  London,  whose 
influence  over  the  clergy  was  predominant,  and  of  whom  Hol- 
lister  says,  "he  was  more  inclined  unto  synods  and  formularies 
than  any  other  minister  of  that  day,"  was  quite  prepared  to 
take  up  this  task,  and  the  General  Court,  under  his  leadership, 
saw  fit  to  take  action  "from  which  would  arise  a  permanent 
establishment  among  ourselves."  Accordingly,  in  May,  1708, 
the  Legislature  passed  an  ordinance  requiring  the  ministers  of 
the  churches  to  meet  together  at  their  respective  county  towns, 
with  such  messengers  as  the  churches  to  which  they  belong 


152  THE    CONGREGATIONALIST    SEPARATES    OF    THE 

shall  see  cause  to  send  with  them,  in  June  next,  to  consider 
and  agree  upon  methods  and  rules  for  the  management  of 
church  discipline;  and,  at  the  same  meeting,  to  appoint  two 
or  more  of  their  number  to  be  their  delegates  who  should  meet 
at  Saybrook,  at  the  next  Commencement  to  be  held  there,  to 
compare  results,  and  draw  up  a  form  of  ecclesiastical  discipline, 
and  offer  the  same  to  the  General  Court  at  their  sessions  at  iSTew 
Haven,  in  October.  That  clause  of  this  remarkable  and  manda- 
tory ordinance,  which  includes  "such  messengers  as  the 
churches  shall  see  cause  to  send,"  is  an  interlineation  of  the 
original  resolution. 

In  compliance  with  this  mandate,  the  ministers  met  and 
chose  their  delegates,  who  convened  at  Saybrook  on  September 
9  (20,  ]Sr.  S.),  and  constituted  what  is  known  as  the  Saybrook 
Synod.  Of  the  sixteen  members  of  that  Synod,  twelve  were 
ministers  and  eight  of  these  were  Trustees  of  Yale  College. 
Two  of  the  four  laymen  were  from  Saybrook,  so  that  outside 
that  town,  the  churches  of  the  Colony  were  represented  by  only 
two  laymen.  'No  one  appeared  from  New  Haven  County  as 
representing  any  church.  The  business  expected  of  the  Synod 
was  promptly  done,  and  the  Saybrook  Platform  was  offered 
to  the  Legislature  at  I^ew  Haven,  in  October,  whereupon  the 
following  ordinance  was  passed : — • 

"The  Reverend  ministers,  delegates  from  the  Elders,  and  messengers  of 
the  Churches  in  this  government,  met  at  Saybrook,  Sept.  9th,  1708,  having 
presented  to  this  Assembly  a  Confession  of  Faith,  Heads  of  Agreement, 
and  Regulations  in  the  administration  of  Church  Discipline,  as  unani- 
mously agreed  and  consented  to  by  the  Elders  and  messengers  of  all  the 
Churches  in  this  government,  this  Assembly  do  declare  their  great  approba- 
tion of  such  an  agreement,  and  do  ordain  that  all  the  Churches  within  this 
government  that  are  or  shall  be  thus  united  in  doctrine,  worship,  and 
discipline,  be,  and  for  the  future  shall  be  OAvned  and  acknowledged,  estab- 
lished by  law;  provided  always,  that  nothing  herein  shall  be  intended  or 
construed  to  hinder  or  prevent  any  society  or  church  that  is  or  shall  be 
allowed  by  the  laws  of  this  government,  who  soberly  differ  or  dissent  from 
the  united  churches  hereby  established,  from  exercising  worship  and  disci- 
pline in  their  own  way,  according  to  there  own  consciences." 

That  clause  of  this  act  which  reads,  ''as  unanimously  agreed 
and  consented  to  by  the  elders  and  messengers  of  all  the 
churches  in  this  government,"   was  a  very  ingenious  accommo- 


EIGHTEENTH    CENTURY    IN    CONNECTICUT. 


153 


dation  of  the  facts  in  the  case  to  the  exigency  of  the  hour. 
So  far  from  agreeing  or  consenting  to  the  Saybrook  Platform, 
the  churches  had  not  even  the  opportunity  of  considering  it 
before  it  became,  by  act  of  Legislature,  the  established  eccle- 
siastical constitution  of  the  Colony.  It  did  not  emanate  from 
them,  it  was  not  referred  to  them,  it  was  not  accepted  by  them, 
but  was  imposed  upon  them  by  a  Legislature  at  whose  mandate 
it  had  been  framed  and  presented. 

As  for  the  proviso,  it  should  be  noticed  that  any  toleration  of 
dissenting  parties  granted  by  it,  was  carefully  limited  to  such 
societies  or  churches  that  were  or  should  he  allowed  hy  the  laivs 
of  the  government.  Subsequent  legislation  shows  that  it  was 
neither  intended  nor  construed  to  apply  to  dissatisfied  Congre- 
gationalists,  but  only  to  persons  desiring  to  worship  as  Baptists 
or  Episcopalians  or  some  other  denomination.  In  view  of  the 
great  English  precedent  of  1689,  granting  toleration  to  dis- 
senters, it  would  not  be  politic  for  the  General  Court  of  Con- 
necticut to  frame  an  establishment  without  some  such  proviso. 
The  Episcopalians  and  Baptists  here  then  were  few  and  weak, 
but  they  were  active  in  making  the  government  realize  that  in 
case  their  rights  were  denied,  the  Colony  would  have  to  reckon 
with  the  home  government.  This  Saybrook  System  grouped 
the  ministers  in  District  Associations,  and  the  churches  in 
District  Consociations  in  which  the  ministers  were  prominent 
and  dominant,  and  which  were  or  became  ecclesiastical  courts 
with  large  jurisdiction  and  powers.  Indeed,  the  words  "Con- 
gregational" and  "Presbyterian"  became  interchangeable  in 
Connecticut.  As  late  as  1805  the  General  Association  referred 
to  the  Saybrook  Platform  as  "the  constitution  of  the  Presby- 
terian churches  of  Connecticut." 

I  have  stated  these  things  at  some  length,  because  only 
a  knowledge  of  them  enables  one  to  understand  the  attitude 
and  action  of  those  who  subsequently  attempted  to  withdraw 
from  a  system  which  they  regarded  as  radically  uncongrega- 
tional,  and  which,  as  controlled  and  operated  by  the  conservative 
ministers  supported  by  the  civil  government,  had  become 
exceedingly  obnoxious  to  them. 


154  THE  cojstgregationalist  separates  of  the 

In  1717  a  law  was  passed  putting  the  choice  of  a  minister 
in  the  hands  of  a  majority  of  the  townsmen  who  were  voters. 
This  act  operated,  in  repeated  instances,  to  saddling  churches 
with  ministers  highly  obnoxious  to  them,  and  in  producing 
withdrawals  and  separations. 

The  proviso  of  the  act  of  1708,  by  which  sober  dissenters 
might  be  permitted  to  withdraw  and  worship  by  themselves, 
did  not  exempt  them  from  taxation  for  the  support  of  the 
established  order.  In  1727  Episcopalians,  and  in  1729  Baptists 
and  Quakers,  Avere  granted  exemption  from  this  tax,  or,  more 
correctly,  were  allowed  to  draw  from  the  public  treasury  for 
the  support  of  their  own  worship  a  sum  equal  to  that  which 
they  had  paid  in  taxes  for  religious  purposes. 

In  1740,  amid  the  excitements  of  what  is  known  as  the 
"Great  Awakening,"  when  conservative  "Old  Lights"  and 
progressive  "New  Lights"  were  engaged  in  stout  contentions, 
the  General  Court  was  somehow  induced  to  pass  an  act  for 
the  suppression  of  "enthusiasm,"  which  went  far  to  nullify 
the  toleration  proviso  of  1708,  and  to  make  it  almost  impossible 
for  dissatisfied  Congregationalists  to  obtain  permission  from 
the  Legislature  to  worship  apart.  When  their  applications  for 
such  permission  were  denied,  and  they  pleaded  their  rights 
under  the  proviso  of  1708,  they  were  told  that  persons  commonly 
named  Congregationalists  or  Presbyterians  could  not  take  the 
benefit  of  that  act. 

In  1742  a  law  was  passed  forbidding  any  ordained  or 
licensed  minister  to  preach  or  exhort  within  the  limits  of  any 
parish  without  the  consent  of  the  minister  and  a  majority  of 
said  parish.  The  penalty  of  so  doing  for  one  not  an  inhabitant 
of  the  Colony  was  arrest  and  deportation,  and  for  an  inhab- 
itant of  the  Colony,  deprivation  of  his  salary.  The  civil 
government  ordained  that  no  one  should  have  the  benefit  of 
laws  as  to  the  settlement  and  support  of  ministers  unless  he 
was  a  graduate  of  Yale  or  Harvard  or  some  other  Protestant 
university.  The  aim  and  object  of  these  legalized  restrictions 
of  both  personal  and  religious  freedom  were,  first,  to  check  and 
suppress  the  new  "enthusiasm"  in  religion;  and,  secondly, 
to  hinder  and  stay  the  strong-rising  tendencies  to  dissent  and 


EIGHTEENTH    CENTURY    IN    CONNECTICUT. 


155 


separation  on  the  part  of  those  Congregationalists  who  had 
become  disgusted  with  the  Saybrook  System  and  the  ultra- 
conservative  operation  of  its  machinery. 

The  connection  between  these  two  things  was  a  subtle  and 
intimate  one.  While  many  of  the  so-called  "Xew  Lights" 
were  not  "Separates,"  but  fought  out  their  contentions  in  the 
established  churches,  all  the  ''Separates"  were  "^ew  Lights," 
if  not  theologically,  yet  as  in  fullest  sympathy  with  the  "New 
Light"  methods  and  motions.  Just  here,  we  must  recall  the 
"Great  Awakening,"  which  began  about  1735  with  the  power- 
ful preaching  of  Jonathan  Edwards,  and  continued  with  some 
intermissions,  for  several  years  thereafter,  mightily  augmented 
by  the  preaching  of  George  Whitefield.  A  tidal  wave  of  evan- 
gelical revivalism  swept  over  the  land,  nowhere  more  pro- 
nounced in  its  good  and  bad  effects  than  in  Connecticut.  That 
mighty  movement  shook  the  churches  of  this  Colony  to  their 
foundations.  It  was  simply  impossible  for  them  to  go  on 
as  they  had  hitherto  gone,  and,  I  may  add,  it  was  high  time 
that  they  should  be  summoned,  however  rudely,  to  awake  from 
their  slumbrous  condition. 

Like  all  such  great  revivals,  that  one  was  attended  with 
intense  excitements  and  many  disorders.  It  divided  the  house- 
holds of  faith,  and  brought  their  members  face  to  face  in 
strenuous  contention,  for  or  against  its  new  methods,  its 
demands  for  a  larger  liberty  and  for  a  more  vital,  fervid,  active 
religious  life  and  church. 

There  are  few  now  who  question  the  great  preponderance 
of  its  beneficial  results.  Had  the  church-leaders  in  Connecticut 
been  wise  enough  to  regard  this  whole  movement  with  some- 
thing of  Jonathan  Edwards'  blended  conservatism  and  sym- 
pathy, and  to  guide  and  moderate  it,  it  would  have  been  well 
for  all.  But,  good  men  as  they  were,  they  were  simply  shocked 
and  disgusted  with  what  seemed  to  them  extravagance  and 
fanaticism  as  well  as  disorder,  and  did  their  utmost,  the  Legis- 
lature supporting  them  by  such  acts  as  have  been  noted,  to 
sweep  back  that  tidal  wave  with  their  ecclesiastical  brooms, 
and  with  the  usual  result  of  such  endeavors. 


156  THE    COjS^GREGATIOlSrALIST    SEPARATES    OF    THE 

Oliver  Goldsmith,  then  living  in  England,  describes,  in  one 
of  his  essays,  the  prevalent  preaching  of  his  time,  as  "dry, 
imaffecting,  and  insipid,"  and  contrasts  it  with  that  of  the 
enthusiasts,  whose  earnestness  and  unction  gather  multitudes 
and  make  converts.  'Tolly  may  sometimes  set  an  example 
for  wisdom  to  practice,"  he  says,  and  "our  regular  divines 
may  learn  from  even  Methodists,  and  Whitefield  may  be  a 
model  to  them." 

What  he  says  was  profoundly  true  here  in  Connecticut.  As 
a  result  of  the  Great  Awakening  there  was  a  powerful  pre- 
Methodist  movement  in  the  churches  here.  There  were  fervors 
often  amounting  to  feverishness  and  occasional  delirium.  On 
the  other  hand  there  were  imperturbable  decencies  and  uncon- 
querable frigidities.  Here,  in  short,  was  a  great  revolt  against 
a  traditional  and  conventional  sort  of  religion;  against  a 
church  at  ease  in  Zion,  cold  and  torpid,  and  far  from  any 
blessedness  by  reason  of  its  intimate  relations  with  the  State; 
a  tremendous  call  for  something  better  in  the  name  of  religion, 
and  for  a  larger  liberty. 

The  motions  and  endeavors  of  the  reformers  to  secure  what 
was  requisite  within  the  old  churches  met  with  utmost  resist- 
ance, and  soon,  here  and  there,  these  people  began  to  withdraw 
to  associate  in  churches  after  their  own  convictions.  But  in 
so  doing  they  encountered  opposition.  Legal  permission  was 
denied  them,  they  were  treated  as  law-breakers  by  the  courts, 
cast  out  by  the  Consociations,  and  compelled  to  pay  taxes  for 
the  support  of  the  churches  they  had  abandoned. 

At  this  point  we  find  them  naturally  and  inevitably  in  revolt 
against  the  established  ecclesiastical  system.  Men  who  cared 
little  or  nothing  for  any  sort  of  religion  could  obtain  permis- 
sion to  worship  elsewhere  than  in  Congregational  churches, 
and  be  exempt  from  taxation  in  support  of  these  churches,  but 
those  Congregationalists  who  would  associate  together  in  what 
they  believed  to  be  "the  strict  Congregational  way,"  could 
obtain  no  such  permission,  no  such  relief,  and  forty  years  must 
pass  before  they  could  receive  the  same  legal  measure  of  tolera- 
tion accorded  to  Episcopalians,  Baptists  and  Quakers. 


EIGHTEENTH    CENTURY    IN    CONNECTICUT.  157 

Perhaps  the  Saj'brook  System  had  no  more  earnest  supporter 
than  the  historian  Trumbull,  but  the  second  volume  of  his 
history  clearly  enough  shows  what  frictions,  follies,  and  injus- 
tices attended  its  operations.  The  church  in  Guilford,  in  which 
a  controversy  raged  for  five  years,  renounced  the  Saybrook 
Platform,  to  no  purpose.  The  church  in  Canterbury  vainly 
pleaded  that  it  had  never  accepted  that  Platform.  Then  it 
refused  to  accept  a  minister  chosen  by  a  majority  of  the 
townsmen  and  ordained  over  them  by  a  Consociation.  With- 
drawing and  placing  itself  upon  ancient  Congregational 
grounds,  it  was  declared  illegal  and  schismatic. 

In  Mansfield  the  Separates  chose  a  man  to  be  their  pastor, 
and  on  the  day  before  that  appointed  for  his  ordination  he 
was  arrested  and  imprisoned.  Baptisms  administered  by  these 
ministers  were  solemnly  declared  to  be  invalid. 

In  Milford  the  Separates  took  refuge  under  the  Presbytery 
of  New  Brunswick,  for  a  season.  The  minister  at  Derby  was 
expelled  from  his  Association  for  preaching  to  a  Baptist  con- 
gregation in  another  parish.  Yale  College  expelled  two  stu- 
dents from  the  town  of  Canterbury  whose  only  offense  was  that, 
while  at  home,  they  had  attended,  with  their  parents,  the 
Separate  church  in  that  town,  and  had  thus  "broken  the  laws 
of  God,  of  this  colony,  and  of  this  college." 

In  1745  eight  leading  ministers  published  a  declaration  con- 
cerning George  Whitefield,  who  was  then  in  this  country,  that 
if  he  should  come  into  Connecticut  ''it  would  not  be  advisable 
for  any  of  our  ministers  to  admit  him  into  their  pulpits,  or 
for  any  of  our  people  to  attend  upon  his  preaching." 

Grant  all  that  has  been  or  may  be  said  concerning  White- 
field's  indiscretions,  for  which  there  were  provocations,  and  yet 
that  sort  of  /ieclaration  concerning  one  of  the  greatest  preachers 
of  all  times,  and  one  whose  labours  in  this  land  were  fruitful 
in  unmeasured  abundance,  is  one,  I  think,  which  we  all  deeply 
wish  had  never  been  made  public ;  one  which  makes  a  big  and 
black  blot  on  our  church  history. 

Dr.  Dutton  has  told  the  story  of  what  is  now  "The  United 
Church"    in  l^ew  Haven.      Sober  and  devout  men  withdrew 


158  THE    CONGKEGATIONALIST    SEPARATES    OF    THE 

from  the  First  Church  in  1742  and  strove  in  vain  for  years 
to  obtain  legal  permission  to  worship  by  themselves  in  their 
own  way,  taxed  all  the  while  to  support  the  church  they  had 
left.  For  presuming  to  preach  to  that  congregation  on  one 
occasion,  Rev.  Samuel  Finley,  subsequently  President  of 
Princeton  College,  was  arrested  and  sent  out  of  the  Colony  as 
a  vagrant. 

Elisha  Paine,  once  a  lawyer  of  repute  in  the  Colony,  and, 
afterward,  the  leading  preacher  among  the  "Separates,"  was 
imprisoned  several  times,  his  property  was  attached  and  por- 
tions of  it  confiscated,  for  preaching  within  the  bounds  of 
other  ministers,  and  for  non-payment  of  taxes  to  the  regular 
ministry. 

There  was  a  deacon  in  the  First  Church  of  ISTew  Haven  whose 
son  was  a  deacon  in  the  "ISTew  Light"  or  "Separate"  Church. 
The  child  of  this  latter  one  died,  and  that  former  Old  Light 
and  Saybrook  Platform  deacon,  in  a  written  note,  declined  to 
attend  the  funeral  of  his  grandson,  because  his  son  belonged 
to  the  "Separate"   Church. 

After  the  frame  of  the  !N"ew  Light  meeting-house  was  pre- 
pared to  be  raised,  all  the  long  pieces  of  timber  were  cut 
asunder  in  the  night.  The  intense  hostility  displayed  against 
these  so-called  "Separates,"  and  the  persecutions  they  endured 
for  protesting  against  and  repudiating  a  system  imposed  upon 
them,  might  be  illustrated  at  great  length,  but  the  laws  enacted 
and  enforced  against  them  are  sufficient.  In  the  revision  of 
the  laws  in  1750  some  of  the  harsh  enactments  of  1742  dis- 
appeared, but  not  only  had  some  valuable  lessons  been  learned 
meanwhile,  but  serious  warnings  had  come  from  England  of 
a  possible  violation  of  the  rights  and  liberties  of  Connecticut 
citizens  under  the  common  law. 

The  "Separates"  have  been  described  as  a  set  of  ignorant 
and  fanatical  folk,  intemperate  and  disorderly.  That  they 
were,  for  the  most  part,  from  the  humbler  and  less  educated 
classes,  is  doubtless  true.  So  were  the  followers  of  Jesus  and 
his  Apostles.  That  among  them  were  some  perfervid  and 
indiscrete  people — layfolk  and  preachers — is  also  true.     As  to 


EIGHTEENTH  CENTURY  IN  CONNECTICUT. 


159 


their  intemperate  and  censorious  speech,  I  fancy  they  had  no 
monopoly  of  that,  and  were  quite  as  much  sinned  against  as 
sinning-  in  that  respect.  Having  scanned  a  great  many  of  the 
manuscript  and  printed  documents  emanating  from  them,  I 
am  convinced  that  it  would  be  very  unjust  to  include  them 
all  under  any  such  general,  unfavorable  description.  As  for 
education,  for  instance,  when  they  undertook  to  establish  a 
school  of  learning  in  which  to  train  preachers,  the  General 
Assembly  passed  an  act  prohibiting  the  establishment  of  any 
college,  seminary  or  other  public  school  without  their  permis- 
sion. These  Separate,  or  Strict  Congregational,  churches  held 
a  general  meeting  for  confederation,  at  Lyme,  in  1784,  and 
among  their  articles,  all  admirably  drawn  up,  was  this  one : 

"Any  brother  of  any  Church  that  may  have  gifts  for  public  edification, 
ought  to  improve  them  in  subordination  to  the  voice  of  the  Church:  and 
when  the  Church  is  convinced  that  any  brother  has  gifts  and  grace  to 
preach  the  word  to  edification  and  honor  of  the  Gospel,  they  ought  to  give 
him  their  approbation  and  recommendation  to  preach  in  the  vicinity.  But 
if  he  be  disposed  to  travel,  preaching  far  abroad,  he  ought  to  apply  unto 
some  ministers  or  Christian  brethren  who  are  publicly  known  for  their 
good  judgment  and  piety,  or  to  the  general  meeting  of  the  Churches;  and 
he  ought  not  to  travel  to  preach  without:  and  those  who  are  disposed  to 
be  preachers  of  the  Gospel  ought  to  employ  their  utmost  endeavors  to 
furnish  themselves  with  all  branches  of  useful  learning  and  knowledge, 
whereby  they  may  become  useful  ministers,  that  the  ministry  be  not 
blamed  by  their  deficiency." 

The  fact  most  needing  emphasis  is  that,  at  that  time,  there 
was  the  most  urgent  need,  here  in  Connecticut,  for  the  revival 
of  religion,  for  some  of  that  very  "enthusiasm"  which  seemed 
so  dreadful  to  the  conservative  clergy,  and  which  they  strove  to 
exclude  from  their  sadly  secularised  and  torpid  churches.  The 
"Separates"  felt  this  need,  strove  to  supply  it,  and  because 
they  were  every  way  hindered  and  thwarted,  withdrew. 

They  were  the  Methodists  of  their  day,  in  respect  of  fervor, 
enthusiasm  and  all  that.  They  tried  to  do  what,  subsequently, 
the  advent  of  Methodism  did  with  far  greater  success,  and 
our  fathers  of  the  "standing  order"  looked  upon  the  Metho- 
dists when  they  came  in,  and  upon  their  fervors  and  enthu- 
siasms, with  the  same  disfavor  as  formerly  upon  those  Separate 


160  THE    CONGEEGATIONALIST    SEPARATES    OF    THE 

Congregationalists,  only,  fortunately,  they  had  no  longer  any 
power  to  persecute  them.  As  late  as  1800,  the  Hartford  ISTorth 
Association  of  ministers  voted  unanimously  that  it  was  "not 
consistent  to  dismiss  and  recommend  members  of  our  churches 
to  the  Methodists." 

Earnestly  as  these  men  desired  and  strove  for  a  more  spirit- 
ual ministry  and  a  more  fervid  and  fruitful  religious  life,  they 
no  less  earnestly  desired  and  strove  for  an  enlargement  of  their 
liberties.  They  called  themselves  "Strict  Congregationalists," 
just  as,  in  1670,  men  in  Hartford  withdrew  from  the  First 
Church  in  order  that  they  might  practice  "the  Congregational 
way  of  church  order  ...  as  formerly  settled,  professed,  and 
practised  under  the  first  leaders  of  the  church  in  Hartford." 

Higginson  and  Skelton  of  Salem,  Wilson  at  Charlestown, 
John  Cotton  at  Boston,  Hooker  at  Newtown,  all  were  ordained 
by  the  church.  According  to  all  the  great  authorities,  Synods, 
Consociations,  and  Councils  had  only  advisory  power ;  and  the 
right  to  ordain  as  to  choose  a  minister  is  resident  in  the  church. 
But — here  was  a  Standing  Court  claiming  judicial  powers, 
and  both  asserting  and  exercising  its  powers  to  ordain,  dismiss 
and  discipline  ministers;  to  organize  and  discipline  churches, 
and  to  revise  the  decisions  of  its  constituent  churches.  These 
Separates  rebelled  against  this  degenerate  but  dominating  Con- 
gregationalism. They  objected  to  the  ordination  of  men  over 
them  by  Consociations,  believing,  as  their  fathers  believed,  and 
as  we  now  believe,  that  the  right  of  ordination  is  resident  in 
the  church.  They  protested  against  a  support  of  the  ministry 
by  taxation,  authorized  and  regulated  by  civil  law.  They 
abhorred  the  criminal  meddling  of  the  civil  government  in 
parish  matters,  the  civil  enactments  which  so  restricted  liberty 
of  worship,  and  the  whole  Saybrook  system,  as  subversive  of 
true  Congregationalism.  They  stood  for  rights  and  liberties 
which  we  now  regard  as  very  precious. 

Their  justification  is  found,  not  so  much  in  their  able  memo- 
rials to  the  Legislature,  in  their  carefully  drawn  confessions 
and  covenants,  and  in  such  books  as  those  of  Frothingham,  as 
in  the  nullification  and  abrogation  of  the  enactments  against 


EIGHTEEiS'^TH    CENTURY    IX    COXXECTICUT.  161 

which  they  protested,  and  in  the  allowance  of  the  liberties  for 
which  they  contended. 

It  seems  to  me  nnquestionable  that  it  was  in  large  measure 
due  to  them  that  the  revision  of  the  laws  in  1750  omitted 
much  previous  harsh  legislation,  and  that  in  1784  the  legal 
establishment  of  the  Saybrook  Polity  was  abrogated,  and  all 
citizens  were  thenceforth  free  to  worship  in  whatever  associa- 
tions they  might  prefer,  though  all  were  still  taxed  to  support 
some  church.  When  the  new  Constitution  was  adopted,  this 
last  relic  of  the  old  order  was  abandoned  and  religion  was  left 
to  the  voluntary  support  of  its  various  votaries.  This  was  the 
logical  sequence  of  the  act  of  1784,  and  for  both  of  those  acts 
great  credit  is  due,  I  think,  to  those  humble,  resolute,  much- 
harassed  people  here  in  Connecticut,  who  were  capable  of  some 
enthusiasm  in  religion,  and  who  for  fifty  years,  bravely,  though 
often  blunderingly,  fought  the  good  fight  here  for  spiritual  and 
ecclesiastical  freedom,  against  tremendous  odds. 

It  often  happens  that  in  the  victory  of  a  movement,  the 
sect  or  party  which  has  propagated  it  disappears.  It  was  so 
with  these  Separates,  and  it  redounds  to  their  credit  that  when 
the  cause  for  which  they  contended  and  suffered  was  won,  and 
their  distinctive  work  was  accomplished,  they  cared  not  much 
to  continue  longer  as  "Separates,"  but  were  content  to  dis- 
appear as  district  Societies.  That  is  why  the  history  of  their 
several  churches,  some  thirty  in  number,  is  veiled  in  obscurity, 
and  why  they  have  been  overlooked,  and  the  great  service 
they  rendered  to  the  cause  of  vital  religion  and  of  religious 
liberty  in  Connecticut  has  been  so  little  regarded.  Some  of 
them  died  out,  some  rejoined  the  old  churches,  some  became 
Baptists  and  Methodists.  The  names  of  some  of  their  ministers 
deserve  to  shine  in  the  annals  of  our  church  history. 

Dr.  George  Leon  Walker  long  ago  wrote  that  this  chapter 
in  our  ecclesiastical  history  '"aM'aits  its  proper  treatment  at 
the  hands  of  some  sympathetic  historian."  Should  it  ever 
receive  such  a  treatment,  I  doubt  not  that  the  result  will  fully 
confirm  what  has  been  advanced  in  behalf  of  those  Congrega- 
tionalist  Separates  in  this  humble  and  imperfect  study  of  them. 


ROBERT  TREAT :   FOUNDER,  FARMER, 
SOLDIER,  STATESMAN,  GOVERNOR. 

By  Geoege  Hare  Ford. 
[Read  April  17,  1911.] 


John  Fiske,  in  his  history  of  the  "Beginnings  of  IsTew  Eng- 
land," says,  ''The  native  of  Connecticut  or  Massachusetts  who 
wanders  about  rural  England  to-day,  finds  no  part  of  it  so 
homelike  as  the  cosy  villages  and  smiling  fields  and  quaint 
market  towns.  Countless  little  features  remind  him  of  home. 
In  many  instances  the  homestead  which  his  forefathers  left^ 
when  they  followed  Winthrop  or  Hooker  to  America,  is  still 
to  be  found,  well-kept  and  comfortable;  the  ancient  manor- 
house,  much  like  the  'New  England  farmhouse,  with  its  long 
sloping  roof,  and  its  narrow  casements  from  which  one  might 
have  looked  out  upon  the  anxious  march  of  Edward  IV,  from 
Havenspur  to  the  field  of  victory,  in  days  when  America  was 
unknown. 

"In  the  little  parish  church  which  has  stood  for  perhaps  a 
thousand  years,  plain  enough  to  suit  the  taste  of  the  sternest 
Puritan,  one  may  read  upon  the  cold  pavement  one's  own  name 
and  the  names  of  one's  friends  and  neighbors ;  and  yonder  on 
the  village  green,  one  comes  with  bated  breath  upon  the  simple 
inscription  which  tells  of  some  humble  hero  who  on  that  spot, 
in  the  evil  reign  of  Mary,  suffered  death  by  fire. 

The  colonial  history  of  ISTew  England  is  so  associated  with 
that  of  the  rulers  of  the  mother  country  that,  to  comprehend 
the  existing  conditions,  it  becomes  necessary  in  a  measure  to 
consider  the  characteristics  of  the  men  and  the  methods  that 
controlled  Old  as  well  as  l^ew  England  during  this  period. 


ROBERT  TREAT. 


163 


111  tlie  latter  part  of  the  reign  of  James  I,  bands  of  Puritans 
were  found  studying  the  subject  of  immigration  to  America. 
Considering  the  climate  South  too  hot  and  ITorth  too  cold,  they 
decided  to  found  their  American  colony  on  Delaware  Bay. 

The  Mayflower  sailed  on  its  tempestuous  voyage,  and,  driven 
by  adverse  winds,  landed  on  the  l^ew  England  "stern  and  rock- 
bound  coast,"  instead  of  Delaware  Bay,  making  Plymouth 
Kock  famous  and  Massachusetts  the  accidental  foundation  of 
New  England. 

The  founders  of  Massachusetts  and  Connecticut  were  men 
conspicuous  for  their  high  character  and  marked  ability.  Liver- 
more  says  of  the  ISTew  Haven  colony:  "The  company  was 
remarkable.  Davenport  and  Eaton  surpassed  all  other  com- 
rades in  dig-nity  and  influence  and  in  the  colony  were  many 
wealthy  Londoners." 

Other  distinguished  men  were  Hopkins,  the  founder  of  three 
grammar  schools;  five  able  ministers,  four  school  teachers; 
one  became  the  first  master  of  Harvard  College,  and  the  other 
the  first  N"ew  Englander  to  publish  an  educational  work.  Pre- 
ceded by  Winthrop,  Saltonstall,  Wareham,  Hooker  and  others, 
important  companies  had  arrived  and  settled  in  Massachusetts 
and  the  upper  part  of  Connecticut. 

Among  the  first-comers  at  Wethersfield  appears  Mr.  Richard 
Trott,  the  name  "Trott"  being  the  original  English  family 
name  of  the  American  "Treat."  The  family  history  of  this 
settler  of  Wethersfield  is  readily  traced  back  to  John  Trott 
of  Staple  Grove,  Taunton,  England,  as  far  back  as  1458. 
Taunton,  a  place  of  English  antiquity,  was  originally  a  Roman 
settlement  and  the  family  of  Trott  were  evidently  of  Roman 
origin,  as  an  entry  made  in  the  records  of  1571  refers  to 
Richard  as  "Rici"  and  Robert  as  "Robtus."  This  occurs 
in  a  deed  from  father  to  son  which,  translated  from  the  original, 
provided  that  the  conveyance  was  made  on  condition  that  the 
said  Robtus  was  not  to  sell  or  surrender  the  premises  to  any 
person  or  persons  except  by  the  family  name  of  Trotte. 

This  Taunton  Manor,  County  of  Somerset,  by  a  coincidence, 
is  the  same  parish  from  which  came  Thomas  Trowbridge,  one  of 


164  ROBERT  TREAT. 

the  original  settlers  of  i^ew  Haven,  from  whom  the  distin- 
guished family  of  that  name  have  descended.  The  parish  rec- 
ords of  Taunton,  I  am  told  by  Mr.  Francis  B.  Trowbridge, 
carry  that  family  name  back  to  1570. 

With  the  authorities  at  command,  we  must  assume  that  the 
name  of  Treat  is  absolutely  of  American  coinage,  as  it  does 
not  exist  in  England.  As  far  as  known  every  person  in  the 
United  States  by  the  name  of  Treat  is  descended  from  Robert 
Treat.  In  the  early  records  it  was  spelled  "Treate"  ;  even  the 
name  of  the  wife  of  Governor  Treat  is  so  engraved  upon  her 
tombstone  at  Milford. 

The  high  social  rank  of  Richard  Trott  or  Treat,  of  Wethers- 
field,  is  demonstrated  by  the  various  offices  of  honor  and  trust 
that  he  held.  Titles  then  amounted  to  something.  Mr.  was 
a  mark  of  importance.  ''Esq."  attached  to  a  name  indicated, 
as  in  Old  England,  a  land-owner,  and  these  titles  were  as  highly 
esteemed  as  Hon.  is  now,  not  more  than  five  per  cent,  of  the 
community  being  then  entitled  to  their  use. 

Richard  Trott  or  Treat  was  frequently  referred  to  in  the 
records  as  "Mr."  and  "Esq."  Some  of  the  early  writers 
assume  that  he  arrived  in  the  Saltonstall  Colony  in  1630  ;  others 
that  he  was  a  deputy  from  Wethersfield  as  early  as  1637 ;  both 
theories  are  errors,  as  the  i^cords  in  England  show  that 
Katharine,  the  youngest  of  his  niiie  children,  was  baptized  there 
in  February,  1637.  The  Connecticut  colonial  records  show  that 
he  was  chosen  deputy  in  1614  and  annually  thereafter  for 
fourteen  years ;  then  being  chosen  magistrate  eight  times  in 
succession  until  1665. 

With  the  names  of  John  Winthrop,  Mason,  Gold,  and  Wol- 
cott,  his  name  appears  as  one  of  the  patentees  of  the  charter 
secured  for  the  colony  in  1660  from  Charles  II,  by  Governor 
Winthrop.  He  is  said  to  have  been  a  person  of  wealth  and 
owned  large  tracts  of  land  in  what  is  now  the  town  of  Glaston- 
bury. Frequent  mention  is  made  of  him  in  the  records  as 
laying  out  lands.  It  is  probable  that  Robert  acquired  some 
knowledge  of  surveying  from  his  father. 

Robert  Treat  was  the  second  son  and  fifth  child  of  Richard 
Treat,  the  first-comer.     He  was  baptized  in  England,  February, 


KOBEKT    TREAT. 


165 


1624,  and  was  one  of  the  original  company  that  settled  in 
Milford  in  1639.  Then  a  very  young  man,  his  name  with  nine 
others  is  recorded  separately  immediately  after  the  forty-four 
church  members.  (These  ten  not  being  conceded  the  privileges 
of  citizenship.) 

Lambert  says  that  at  the  first  meeting  of  the  planters,  Robert, 
then  under  sixteen,  being  skilled  in  surveying,  w^as  one  of  the 
nine  appointed  to  lay  out  the  home  lots.  Stiles  refers  to  him 
as  being  then  seventeen  years  old.  Some  writers  assume  that 
he  was  studying  theology  under  Peter  Prudden,  and  thus  came 
from  AYethersfield  to  Milford  with  the  Prudden  family.  While 
he  did  not  have  the  advantages  of  a  college  training,  he  was 
certainly  well  educated,  as  is  shown  in  after  years,  when  he 
frequently  made  use  of  Latin  and  other  languages. 

He  inunediately  became  a  conspicuous  character  in  the  town 
and  the  colony.  Lambert  gives  him  the  credit  of  being  the  first 
town  clerk  of  Milford,  from  1640  to  1648.  This  must,  to  a 
certain  extent,  be  tradition  as  the  fragments  of  the  records 
of  the  town  of  that  period  that  are  preserved  do  not  confirm 
this.  The  Xew  Haven  Colonial  Records  first  mention  his 
name  in  1644  and  not  again  until  1653.  This  is  accounted 
for  by  the  fact  of  the  loss  of  the  records  of  that  period,  except 
so  far  as  they  refer  to  magistrates.  From  the  year  1653,  records 
preserved  show  that  he  was  chosen  deputy  to  the  General 
Court  from  Milford  and  each  year  following  until  the  court 
of  May^  1659,  when  he  w^as  advanced  to  magistrate.  He  con- 
tinued in  that  office  until  1664,  when,  although  again  chosen,  he 
declined  to  accept.  Magistrates  then  not  only  constituted  what 
is  now  the  upper  house  of  the  General  .Vssembly,  but  the 
Supreme  Court  of  the  State. 

The  confederation  of  N"ew  Haven  colony  effected  in  1642 
consisted  of  Milforde,  Guilforde,  Stamforde  and  Yennicock 
(Southold).  The  Government  for  the  whole  jurisdiction  was 
fully  organized  this  year  and  for  the  first  time  are  distinctly 
recorded  the  names  of  governor,  deputy  governor,  magistrates 
and  deputies. 

Mr.  Eaton  was  annually  chosen  Governor  while  he  lived  and 
generally  Mr.  Goodyear,  Deputy  Governor.     They  had  no  salary 


166  ROBERT  TREAT. 

but  served  solely  for  the  honor  and  the  public  good.  Francis 
IS'ewman  succeeded  Mr.  Eaton  as  Governor.  In  1661  William 
Leete  of  Guilford  was  elected  Governor,  continuing  in  that 
office  until  the  union  with  the  Connecticut  Colony  was  effected. 
At  the  General  Court  at  ISTew  Haven,  1654,  the  court  was 
informed  that  "Milford  have  chosen  Kobert  Treate  leiutenant 
for  their  towne  and  desire  he  may  be  confirmed  by  this  court." 
In  1647  he  married  Jane,  the  daughter  of  Edmund  Tapp, 
who  was  one  of  the  original  founders  and  one  of  the  seven 
pillars  of  the  church. 

A  pretty  story,  told  by  Lambert  and  frequently  repeated, 
is  as  follows: — -"At  a  spinning  bee  or  frolic  on  a  Christmas 
night,  Robert,  being  somewhat  older,  took  Jane  upon  his  knee 
and  began  to  trot  her.  'Robert,'  said  she,  'be  still,  I  would 
rather  be  treated  than  trotted.'  "  She  soon  became  the  bride 
of  Robert  Treat.  The  story  is  conceded  to  be  a  clever  reference 
to  the  name  of  Trott  or  Treat.  The  result  of  this  marriage  was 
eight  children,  four  boys  and  four  girls,  although  Savage,  in 
his  genealogy,  gave  the  number  as  twenty-one;  evidently  the 
children  of  his  son  Robert  were  counted  in  this  estimate. 

William  Fowler,  the  first  magistrate  in  the  town  and  an 
ancestor  of  Mr.  Henry  Fowler  English,  the  donor  of  this  build- 
ing to  the  'New  Haven  Colony  Historical  Society,  was  commis- 
sioned to  erect  the  first  mill  in  the  colony.  He  was  assisted 
in  the  enterprise  by  Robert  Treat,  who  evidently  retained  a 
share  in  the  mill,  as  it  is  mentioned  in  his  will. 

Charles  I,  "the  star  chamber  ruler,"  was  claimed  to  be  a 
good  man  but  a  bad  king.  He  had  a  cultured  mind,  was  a 
devoted  husband  and  fond  father;  but  an  unscrupulous  ruler. 
He  ruled,  not  because  England  chose  him  or  considered  that 
he  ruled  for  the  good  of  England  or  not.  He  assumed  that  he 
was  placed  upon  the  throne  by  the  Lord  of  Hosts  and  he  there- 
fore governed  according  to  his  own  ideas.  A  victim  of  his 
OMm  mismanagement,  his  defeat  at  Marston  Moor  was  followed 
by  his  death  on  the  scaffold,  to  which  he  was  condemned  by  his 
own  judges,  his  death-warrant  being  signed  by  fifty-nine,  includ- 
ing the  regicides  Goffe,  Whalley  and  Dixwell,  whose  history 
is  so  closely  interwoven  with  that  of  jSTcw  Llaven  Colony. 


EOBEET  TKEAT. 


167 


During  the  two  years'  stay  of  tlie  regicides  Goffe  and  Whalley 
in  Milford,  tradition  says  that  Kobert  Treat  was  among  their 
selected  acquaintances  and  friends  and  that  when  the  letter  was 
received  from  Charles  II,  commanding  their  arrest,  Treat 
immediately  signed  a  warrant  and  commanded  the  inhabitants 
of  Milford  to  make  a  diligent  search,  well  aware  that  no  search, 
however  diligent,  would  be  successful  in  finding  them  within 
the  town  limits. 

A  period  of  ten  years  followed  without  interference  on  the 
part  of  the  mother  country,  until  1660,  when  we  find  Charles 
II  upon  the  throne. 

Massachusetts  and  Plymouth  had  charter  rights,  Connecticut 
and  'New  Haven  only  a  voluntary  form  of  government.  The 
General  Court  of  Connecticut  immediately  made  formal 
acknowledgment  of  allegiance  to  the  crown  and  applied  for 
a  charter.  ISTew  Haven  Colony  hesitated  and  finally  omitted 
to  take  such  action. 

Governor  Winthrop  of  Connecticut  in  the  early  part  of  the 
year  sailed  for  England.  A  number  of  his  friends  held  high 
positions  at  Court.  Possessing  an  extraordinary  ring  given 
his  grandfather  by  Charles  I,  he  found  favor  by  presenting  it 
to  the  King,  and  returned  with  that  most  remarkable  and 
liberal  charter,  so  broad  and  comprehensive,  which  settled  the 
whole  boundary  line  of  Connecticut  soil,  including  all  that 
portion  occupied  by  the  jSTew  Haven  Colony. 

Great  discontent  prevailed  in  the  colony.  Treat  and  many 
others  favored  a  union  with  Connecticut,  yet  were  opposed  to 
many  of  the  conditions.  The  controversy  was  intense  for  some 
years.  Davenport  differed  with  Governor  Leete  on  the  subject. 
Many  declined  to  pay  their  taxes  and  ignored  the  New  Haven 
laws.  The  debt  of  the  colony  was  increasing.  Milford  broke 
off  from  New  Haven  and  declined  to  send  deputies  or  magis- 
trates to  the  General  Court. 

Under  these  conditions  a  Special  Court  was  held  at  I^ew 
Haven,  at  which  the  members  of  the  court  and  the  elders  of  the 
colony  consulted  upon  the  subject  of  a  proposed  union.  After 
much  discussion  Robert  Treat,  Esq.,  and  Richard  Baldwin  of 


168       '  EGBERT  TREAT. 

Milford  were  appointed  a  committee  to  accomplish  the  business 
with  Connecticut. 

The  selection  of  Robert  Treat  was  especially  fitting,  not 
only  from  his  ability,  but  from  his  birth  and  connections.  His 
father,  Richard,  as  well  as  his  brothers  and  brothers-in-law 
were  patentees  in  the  charter  grant  and  occupied  important 
positions  in  Connecticut.  By  marriage  Treat  was  connected 
with  the  influential  settlers  Tapp  and  William  Fowler,  magis- 
trates and  pillars  of  the  church. 

As  the  result  of  the  negotiations  on  May  1,  16G5,  both 
colonies,  consisting  of  nineteen  towns,  amicably  united  and  John 
Winthrop,  Esq.,  was  chosen  Governor.  (Branford  was  the 
only  town  that  declined  to  accept  the  conditions  of  the  union 
that  were  in  many  respects  unsatisfactory  to  Robert  Treat.) 
About  this  time  Davenport,  disheartened  with  the  trend  of 
events,  removed  to  Boston. 

Twice  during  the  controversy  between  the  two  colonies,  with 
Benjamin  Fenn  and  Deacon  Gunn,  Robert  Treat  was  sent  by 
a  company  of  distinguished  settlers  and  dissenters  to  negotiate 
with  the  Dutch  Governor  for  a  settlement  in  Xew  Jersey.  It 
is  said  that  the  Governor  took  them  in  his  private  barge  to 
examine  Newark  Bay  and  in  the  spring  of  1G66,  Robert  Treat 
sailed  into  the  Passaic  River  with  forty  heads  of  families 
in  the  company,  chiefly  from  Xew  Haven,  ]\Iilford  and  Bran- 
ford,  with  Rev.  Abraham  Pierson,  afterward  one  of  the 
founders  and  the  first  rector  or  first  president  of  Yale  College, 
as  their  spiritual  leader. 

Adopting  such  articles  as  were  cited  in  the  fundamental  agree- 
ment of  twenty-seven  years  previous  at  ISTew  Haven,  the  town 
settled  by  them  was  called  "Milford''  until  1667,  when  the 
name  "Xewark"  was  adopted  out  of  honor  to  the  English 
home  of  Rev.  ]\Ir.  Pierson.  Every  male  member  of  the  com- 
j)any  signed  the  agreement  and  the  signatures  might  well  indi- 
cate to  some  that  Davenport  and  Eaton  were  located  on  the 
banks  of  the  Passaic  instead  of  on  the  banks  of  the  Quinnipiack. 
In  the  agreement  Robert  Treat's  name  heads  the  list. 

Honoring  Treat  as  their  leader  and  pioneer,  in  laying  out 
the  lots,  ho  was  o-iven  first  choice  and  chose  the  lot  in  Xewark 


ROBERT  TREAT. 


169 


now  bounded  by  Market  Street,  Mulberry  Street  and  Broad 
Street.  He  was  Xewark's  first  town  clerk  and  recorder.  At 
the  first  General  Assembly  in  Xew  Jersey  in  1668,  Captain 
Treat  is  referred  to  as  one  of  the  Deputies  and  later  on  as  one 
of  the  Governor's  Commissioners. 

Barber  and  Howe  in  their  Historical  Collections  of  Xew 
Jersey  speak  of  Xewark's  being  indebted  to  him  for  its  wide 
main  streets  and  the  beauty  and  extent  of  the  public  square, 
while  Stearns  in  his  history  speaks  of  Mr.  Treat  as  follows: 
''Xext  comes  Eobert  Treat,  the  flower  and  pride  of  the  whole 
company.  To  his  wise  energy,  ^N'ewark  owes  much  of  its  early 
order  and  good  management." 

In  1672  Treat  returned  to  Connecticut  and  his  first-love, 
Milford,  never  having  sold  his  property  there.  He,  how^ever, 
left  two  of  his  children  on  the  soil  of  i^ew  Jersey,  and  a  mem- 
ory in  Xewark  that  is  cherished  to  the  present  day,  and  by  all 
historical  writers  on  the  subject  and  at  all  historical  local 
celebrations,  Eobert  Treat  is  referred  to  as,  and  conceded  to  be, 
the  father  and  the  founder  of  the  city  of  Xewark. 

We  now  approach  the  military  career  of  Robert  Treat.  As 
before  mentioned,  as  early  as  1654,  he  was  chosen  lieutenant 
of  the  Train  Band  at  Milford  and  by  the  General  Court  com- 
missioned to  take  charge  of  the  military  affairs  of  the  town. 
In  1661  he  was  elected  captain.  The  year  following  his  return 
from  Xew  Jersey  he  was  commissioned  as  major  and  appointed 
second  Commander-in-Chief  of  the  forces  to  be  raised  in  the 
Colon}'  and  sent  against  the  Dutch.  The  existing  conflict  with 
the  Dutch  kept  the  colony  in  constant  anxiety.  Treat  formed 
what  was  known  as  a    "Committee  of  Safety." 

The  year  1675  was  a  serious  year  for  the  New  England  Colony. 
The  Indians,  wdio,  after  the  conquest  of  the  Pequots  in  1637,  for 
a  long  period  seemed  to  be  fairly  peaceful,  now  became  restless. 
Xew^  outbreaks  occurred  in  the  Plymouth  Colony,  in  Massa- 
chusetts and  Rhode  Island.  While  Connecticut  did  not  suffer 
as  did  the  other  colonies,  her  alliance  w^th  the  Xew  England 
Colonies  made  the  situation  serious.  In  this  year,  with  a  burst 
of  uncommon  fury,  came  the  organized  efforts  of  the  various 
tribes  in  combined  hostilities,   resulting  in  the  famous   King 


170  ROBERT  TREAT. 

Philip's  War,  ttie  most  disastrous  of  the  Indian  wars  in  Xew 
England  history. 

One  thousand  men  were  ordered  for  active  service  bv  the 
United  Colonies,  the  quota  of  Connecticut  being  three  hundred 
and  fifty. 

John  Mason,  for  years  the  most  important  and  distinguished 
military  commander  of  the  State,  was  far  advanced  in  years 
and  infirm,  and  thus  retired  from  further  service.  Robert 
Treat,  looked  upon  as  his  most  able  military  successor,  was 
chosen  "Commander-in-Chief  of  the  Connecticut  forces  and 
commissioned  to  take  charge  of  all  the  military  forces  with 
such  arms,  ammunition,  provisions  and  appurtenances,  all 
officers  and  all  soldiers,  marshaled,  maintained  and  disposed  of." 

About  the  time  Treat  assumed  command,  Captain  Lathrop 
of  Massachusetts  with  a  band  of  ninety  picked  men,  known  as 
the  "Flower  of  Essex,"  and  the  best  drilled  company  in  the 
colony,  had  been  led  into  ambush,  overwhelmed,  and  only  eight 
of  their  number  escaped.  The  Indians  in  large  numbers  were 
making  attacks  with  arrows  tipped  with  burning  rags  shot 
on  the  roofs  of  the  houses,  destroying  towns,  ruining  the  crops 
of  the  farmers  and  driving  the  inhabitants  from  place  to  place. 
Treat  quickly  moved  his  forces  to  Massachusetts  in  defense  and 
began  his  brilliant  campaign  at  Deerfield,  ISTorthfield,  Hadley, 
Bloody  Brook  and  Springfield,  and  by  his  swift  movements, 
arriving  as  he  always  did  at  a  critical  moment,  turned  defeat 
into  victory.  During  this  campaign,  which  lasted  until  fall,  he 
had  frequently  been  called  back  with  his  command  to  defend 
Connecticut  and  the  promptness  and  skill  of  his  manoeuvers 
was  remarkable  and  gave  him  great  prestige  as  a  commander. 

At  the  close  of  the  campaign,  however.  Treat  resigned  his 
commission.  His  resignation  was  not  accepted.  Instead,  the 
General  Assembly  passed  a  vote  of  thanks  for  his  good  services 
and  requested  that  he  continue,  giving  him  increased  powers 
to  raise  and  command  all  the  troops  necessary.  Authorities 
say  he  was  rapidly  becoming  second  to  none  in  the  colony 
except  perhaps  the  Governor. 

Winter  was  approaching.  The  Indians  had  gone  into  winter 
quarters  at  their  ISTarragansett  fort  near  Kingston,  E,.  I.,  to  wait 


ROBERT    TREAT. 


171 


until  spring,  when  the  shelter  of  the  leaves  would  afford  them 
greater  advantages  for  warfare.  The  Colonies,  however,  deemed 
it  wise  to  make  an  attack  upon  them  while  massed  together,  and 
the  10th  of  December,  1675,  was  the  day  appointed  on  which 
the  attack  was  to  be  made.  Every  Englishman  capable  of  bear- 
ing arms  was  commanded  by  proclamation  of  the  Governor 
to  hold  himself  in  readiness  to  march  at  a  moment's  notice. 

Major  General  Josiah  Winslow  was  to  command  the  expedi- 
tion, with  Major  Samuel  Appleton  of  Massachusetts,  Major 
Robert  Treat  of  Connecticut  and  Major  William  Bradford  of 
Plymouth  commanding  their  respective  forces;  Treat  being 
selected  as  second  in  command  to  General  Winslow.  The  entire 
force  consisted  of  1,127  men;  450  from  Connecticut,  with 
200  Mohicans  under  Oneco. 

It  was  a  cold  December  day  when  Major  Treat,  with  his 
command,  left  ISTew  London  and  began  his  march  to  join  the 
forces  near  Wickford,  camping  in  the  open  air  in  the  midst 
of  heavy  snow. 

The  JSTarragansett  fort  stood  on  a  hill  in  the  center  of 
a  vast  swamp,  which  was  an  island  of  about  five  or  six  acres 
surrounded  by  high  palisades  and  in  which  were  3,500  Indian 
warriors.  The  only  entrance  was  over  a  fallen  tree  protected 
by  a  block  house,  which,  Hubbard  says,  "sorely  gauled  the 
men  who  first  attempted  to  enter." 

The  beginning  was  most  disastrous.  Connecticut  troops  were 
driven  back  with  heavy  losses.  Four  Connecticut  captains  were 
killed  at  the  head  of  their  command  and  a  fifth  received  a 
mortal  wound.  A  bullet  passed  through  the  hat  of  Major  Treat. 
The  situation  was  critical  when  Oneco  offered  to  scale  the 
wall  and  force  a  real  entrance.  This  was  accomplished,  and 
the  Connecticut  men  under  Major  Treat  entering  the  fort,  saved 
the  day. 

This  battle,  known  as  the  great  swamp  fight,  was  of  great 
importance  to  the  English.  It  was  the  most  remarkable  in 
ISTew  England  and  in  the  annals  of  the  early  colonies,  and  was 
won  at  the  expense  of  many  lives,  including  brave  and  valued 
officers.  The  !N"arragansetts  never  again  offered  any  organized 
resistance. 


172  .  EOBEKT  TREAT. 

Treat  with  the  remainder  of  his  army  returned  home  imme- 
diately. Sometime  afterward  he  was  commissioned  as  Colonel 
of  the  militia  in  Xew  Haven  County.  This  being  the  first 
official  reference  on  the  records  to  a  Colonel  for  Xew  Haven 
County,  we  must  assume  that  November,  1687,  was  the  birth 
of  what  is  now  the  Second  Regiment,  Connecticut  i^Tational 
Guard;  that  such  a  regiment  has  been  continuously  in 
existence  since  that  period ;  and  that  Robert  Treat  was  its 
first  Colonel. 

Complications  arose  in  reference  to  boundary  lines  between 
the  Dutch  and  the  N^ew  England  Colonies,  the  Dutch  claiming 
all  the  land  in  Connecticut  south  of  the  Connecticut  River. 
The  commissioners  agreed  upon  to  settle  the  dispute  were 
Robert  Treat,  jSTathan  Gold,  John  Allen  and  William  Pitkin. 
The  conference  resulted  in  the  formation  of  Connecticut's 
western  border  line  known  as  the  "Ridgefield  Angle,"  and  the 
surrender  to  I^ew  York  of  the  towns  on  Long  Island  previously 
belonging  to  Connecticut,  and  secured  for  Connecticut  the 
present  towns  of  Greenwich,  Stamford,  jS^ew  Canaan,  Darien 
and  a  part  of  J^orwalk. 

In  the  midst  of  these  boundary  disputes  occurred  the  death 
of  Winthrop  after  eighteen  years  of  distinguished  service.  He 
was  succeeded  by  William  Leete  who  had  been  Governor  of  the 
New  Haven  Colony  before  the  union  of  the  colonies  and  Deputy 
of  the  Connecticut  Colony  under  W^inthrop  after  their  union. 
Robert  Treat  was  now  chosen  Deputy  Governor  and  was  annu- 
ally reelected  until  the  death  of  Governor  Leete  in  1683,  when 
he  was  elected  the  eighth  Governor  of  Connecticut  and  the 
third  under  the  new  charter.  By  reelection  he  held  this  office 
fifteen  years,  then  declining  to  become  Governor  again  was 
elected  Deputy  Governor  for  the  following  ten  years. 

We  may  with  profit  pause  here  for  a  moment  and  contemplate 
the  high  character  of  the  early  Colonial  Governors.  John 
Haynes,  the  first  Governor  of  Connecticut,  was  said  to  have 
been  an  ideal  representative  of  the  civil  life,  as  Hooker  was 
the  apostle  of  the  religious.  Coleridge,  in  referring  to  him, 
calls  him   "a  religious  and  moral  aristocracy." 


EOBEET    TREAT. 


173 


The  second  Governor,  Edwin  Hopkins,  was  also  a  distin- 
guished man.  He  was  son-in-law  of  Eaton,  first  Governor  of 
the  ISTew  Haven  Colony,  who  was  a  wealthy  London  mer- 
chant. He  engaged  extensively  in  trade  and  commerce ;  he 
established  trading  posts  and  country  stores  from  ^ew  England 
to  Delaware  and  left  property  in  his  will  to  establish  the 
grammar  schools  bearing  his  name,  that  are  in  existence  to-day. 

Upon  the  death  of  Governor  Hopkins  in  England,  George 
Wyllys'  was  elected  the  third  Governor  for  one  year.  Wyllys 
was  then  seventy-two  years  of  age,  and  is  said  to  have  been 
a  gentleman  of  leisure,  of  high  character  and  standing.  He 
owned  the  square  in  the  center  of  the  City  of  Hartford  on 
which  the  charter  oak  stood. 

Thomas  Welles,  the  fourth  Governor,  held  the  office  for  two 
terms.  He  was  the  first  Treasurer  of  the  colony  and  came 
to  America  in  the  interests  of  Lord  Say  in  settling  Saybrook. 

John  Webster,  the  fifth  Governor,  founder  of  the  Webster 
family  in  America,  an  ancestor  of  I^oah  Webster,  was  said 
to  be  the  most  scholarly  of  the  early  Governors  of  the  colony. 

John  Winthrop,  Jr.,  the  sixth  Governor,  youngest  son  of 
the  famous  Governor  W^inthrop  of  Massachusetts,  was  one  of 
the  foremost  men  in  ISTew  England  and  his  worth  is  expressed 
in  a  single  sentence  quoted  from  ]\Iather,  ''God  gave  him  favor 
in  the  eyes  of  all  with  whom  he  had  to  do." 

Governor  William  Leete,  seventh  Governor,  was  a  descendant 
of  a  distinguished  family,  which,  as  early  records  show,  were 
land  owners  as  early  as  the  13th  century.  He  was  noted  for 
his  integrity,  was  a  popular  official,  and  enjoyed  the  distinction 
of  being  Governor  of  both  Kew  Haven  and  the  Connecticut 
Colonies. 

Our  little  commonwealth,  the  Constitution  State,  denominated 
by  historians  as  the  "Birthplace  of  political  freedom,"  as  well 
as  "The  land  of  steady  habits,"  has  a  history  replete  with 
dramatic  incidents  and  full  of  events  that  excite  interest  and 
veneration. 

The  three  periods  which  command  the  most  intense  interest 
occurred  under  the  administration  of  Governors  Eobert  Treat, 


174  ROBERT  TREAT. 

Jonathan  Trumbull  and  William  A.  Buckingham.  These  three 
men  may  justly  be  referred  to  as  the  three  war  Governors  of 
Connecticut.  Soon  after  the  election  of  Governor  Treat,  com- 
plications arose  in  England.  James  II  proposed  to  revoke  the 
Colonial  charters  and  withdraw  the  privileges  granted  by 
Charles  II  in  both  Old  and  ^ew  England.  This  was  undoubt- 
edly the  most  critical  period  in  the  history  of  JSTew  England. 
The  charters  of  all  the  ISTew  England  Colonies  were  called  for. 
It  was  proposed  to  annex  Connecticut  either  to  Massachusetts 
or  to  the  ISTetherlands,  or  else  to  cut  it  in  two  at  the  Connecticut 
River  and  divide  it  between  the  two.  The  situation  was  peril- 
ous and  the  prospect  of  Connecticut  being  wiped  from  off  the 
map  as  a  State  was  for  a  time  imminent. 

Sir  Edmund  Andros,  referred  to  as  the  ^'Tyrant  of  Kew 
England,"  was  appointed  Governor  of  all  the  ISTew  England 
Colonies.  He  arrived  in  Boston  in  December,  1686,  authorized 
to  take  the  government  of  all  the  settlements  in  ITew  England 
into  his  own  hands.  Plymouth,  Massachusetts  and  Rhode 
Island  surrendered  at  once.  He  then  notified  Governor  Treat 
that  he  proposed  visiting  Connecticut  to  take  command  of  its 
affairs  and  possession  of  its  charter.  Treat  opened  negotia- 
tions and  consumed  months  in  writing,  attempting  to  pacify 
him,  and  under  one  pretense  and  another  succeeded  in  causing 
a  delay  of  nearly  a  year  or  until  the  October  following,  when 
Andros  became  impatient  and  sent  a  messenger  to  notify  Treat 
of  his  intention  of  coming  to  Connecticut  at  once. 

The  General  Assembly  immediately  convened.  Sir  Edmund 
arrived,  attended  by  a  retinue  and  a  bodyguard  of  troops,  and 
was  received  with  great  ceremony  and  hospitality.  Governor 
Treat  escorted  him  to  the  Assembly,  showing  him  marked  atten- 
tion. He  was  introduced,  and  the  ceremonies  and  discussion 
of  that  famous  afternoon  and  evening  were  begun. 

Treat's  plan  and  instructions  were:  First,  prevent,  if  pos- 
sible, the  loss  of  the  charter;  second,  failing  in  this,  plead 
that  the  colony  be  allowed  to  remain  undivided  and  unattached 
to  any  other. 

It  is  said  that  the  arguments  on  the  part  of  Treat  were  made 
with  great  diplomacy.    At  all  times  he  referred  to  Andros  with 


ROBERT    TREAT.  175 

respect  and  friendliness.  With  his  cool  temperament,  great 
wisdom  and  winning  manner,  he  made  a  long  address,  stating 
the  attachment  the  people  had  for  their  charter,  the  privations 
they  had  endured  in  procuring  it  and  pleading  that  they  might 
be  permitted  to  retain  it;  that  their  territory  should  not  be 
divided  and  that  they  would  prefer  to  serve  under  Governor 
Andros.  The  afternoon  wore  away,  Treat  still  arguing  and 
pleading  with  marked  skill  and  diplomacy,  battling  for  the 
rights  of  the  people. 

Lights  had  to  be  brought  in  to  enable  the  members  to  trans- 
act the  business.  The  charter  had  been  laid  on  the  table  before 
them  during  the  discussion.  Suddenly  the  lights  were  extin- 
guished. Confusion  followed  and  before  the  lights  and  order 
were  restored  someone  had  removed  the  charter.  Discussion 
occurs  as  to  whether  the  original  or  duplicate  charter  was  before 
the  body,  or  both,  but  this  is  immaterial.  The  original  charter 
was  written  on  three  skins  and  is  in  the  Capitol  at  Hartford, 
and  the  duplicate  on  two  skins  is  in  possession  of  the  Connect- 
icut Historical  Society.  It  was  the  custom  to  execute  all  impor- 
tant documents  in  duplicate,  so  that  if  one  was  lost  in  trans- 
mission across  the  ocean,  the  other  might  be  preserved. 

President  Stiles  writes  as  follows :  "ITathan  Stanley,  father 
of  the  late  Colonel  Stanley,  took  one  of  the  charters,  and  Mr. 
Talcott,  father  of  the  late  Governor  Talcott,  took  the  other." 
Other  very  reliable  authorities,  however,  say  that  Captain 
Wadsworth  and  Captain  ^KTichols  of  Hartford  cooperated  to 
save  the  charter.  There  must  have  been  many  assistants  in 
the  plot,  however,  as  the  lights  were  all  extinguished  simul- 
taneously. Wadsworth  grabbed  the  charter  and  hid  it  in  the 
trunk  of  that  venerable  oak  that  thus  became  the  most  famous 
tree  in  the  world.  Later,  Captain  Wadsworth  is  supposed  to 
have  secreted  the  charter  in  his  house,  where  it  remained  until 
the  reestablishment  of  the  colonial  government. 

The  day's  proceedings  were  evidently  planned  and  the  indi- 
cations are  that  Governor  Treat  was  associated  with  the  prin- 
cipal actors  in  the  drama.  Andros  returned  to  Boston  without 
the  charter.  Evidently  he  was  much  impressed  with  the  quali- 
ties of  Governor  Treat,  for  the  month  following  this  episode, 


176  EGBERT  TREAT. 

he  made  him  a  member  of  his  council  and  judge  in  this 
territory. 

Governor  Andros's  administration  was  highly  tyrannical. 
All  the  colonies  from  Maine  to  the  Delaware  were  brought 
under  his  arbitrary  rule,  and  this  was  a  severe  blow  to  their 
prosperity.  He  was  responsible  to  no  one  but  the  King  for 
whatever  he  might  choose  to  do.  While  his  headquarters  were  in 
Boston,  one  of  the  principal  meeting  houses  there  was  seized. 
Taxes  were  imposed.  Nothing  was  allowed  to  be  printed  with- 
out permission.  All  the  records  of  ISTew  England  were  ordered 
to  be  brought  to  Boston.  Deeds  and  wills  were  required  to 
be  registered  in  Boston  and  excessive  fees  were  charged  for  this 
work.  The  titles  of  land  were  ordered  revised,  and  those  who 
wished  the  title  confirmed  had  to  pay  a  heavy  tax.  General 
Courts  were  abolished.  Dudley,  first  assistant  to  Sir  Edmund, 
openly  declared  the  people  had  no  further  privileges  except 
not  to  be  sold  for  slaves. 

When  the  news  of  the  landing  of  the  Prince  of  Orange  in 
England  was  received  in  Boston  in  April,  1689,  drums  beat 
to  arms  and  signal  fires  were  lighted  on  Beacon  Hill.  The 
militia  poured  in  from  the  country  towns.  The  people  rose 
in  revolt  and  demanded  Andros  to  surrender  .his  position. 
Attempting  to  escape  the  authorities,  disguised  in  woman's 
clothes,  he  was  caught  and  imprisoned  on  board  a  ship  and  sent 
back  to  England. 

Bradstreet,  in  his  eightj-seventh  year,  was  reinstated  Gov- 
ernor of  Massachusetts  and  Robert  Treat  in  Connecticut. 
Treat,  in  resuming  his  office,  stated  that  the  ''people  had  put 
him  in  and  that  he  had  ventured  all  he  had  above  his  shoulders.'' 
Immediately  proclaiming  the  allegiance  of  the  Colony  to  Wil- 
liam and  Mary,  Treat  by  wise  statesmanship  secured  a  decision 
confirming  the  validity  of  the  charter.  At  the  age  of  seventy- 
six  he  declined  rec'lection  to  the  office  of  Governor  and  was 
succeeded  by  Fitz-.Tohn  Winthrop.  The  Colony  being  unwilling 
to  excuse  him  from  public  service.  Treat  was  elected  Deputy 
Governor  for  a  second  time  and  was  continuously  elected  as 
such  for  the  following  ten  years  until  at  the  age  of  eightv-six, 


EOBEKT  TKEAT. 


at  his  own  request,  he  was  excused  from  official  duties,  and 
retired  from  public  life.  He  was  Deputy  Governor,  1676-1683, 
seven  years;  Governor,  1683-1698,  fifteen  years;  Lieutenant 
Governor,  1698-1708,  ten  years. 

Treat  was  a  Deputy  from  Milford  for  at  least  six  years  and 
from  Newark  five  more,  and  Magistrate  in  the  jSTew  Haven 
General  Court  and  assistant  for  eight  years,  serving  nearly 
twenty  years  in  the  halls  of  legislation.  He  was  seventeen 
years  in  the  chair  of  Deputy  Governor  and  fifteen  years  in  that 
of  Governor,  including  the  two  years  under  Andros,  making  in 
all  a  period  of  thirty-two  years  as  Governor  and  Deputy  Gov- 
ernor, or  a  total  of  fifty-two  years  of  public  service,  a  record 
unequalled  in  the  history  of  this  State  or  of  any  other  so  far 
as  history  quotes  where  the  offices  were  elective. 

During  this  period,  in  addition  to  the  official  duties  required 
from  him  in  the  various  offices  mentioned,  he  was  frequently 
appointed  to  hold  court,  to  settle  disputes  of  every  kind  and 
character  that  arose  in  the  colony.  He  also  adjusted  differ- 
ences between  ministers  and  the  people,  and  established 
boundary  lines  between  the  State  and  the  different  towns  in  the 
State.  So  well  balanced  was  his  judgment  that  he  never  made 
a  legal  mistake.  The  Historian  Sheldon  says,  "He  had  the 
faculty  for  always  being  in  the  right  place  at  the  right  time." 

Kobert  Treat  was  a  practical  farmer.  It  is  said  he  was  often 
found  with  his  hands  upon  the  plow  and  called  to  the  stone 
wall  by  the  roadside  to  sign  important  papers,  or  to  leave  a 
half-turned  furrow  and  muster  his  troops  to  quell  some  Indian 
disturbance  or  resist  some  Indian  invasion. 

He  was  an  important  land-holder,  not  only  in  his  own  town 
but  in  various  towns  throughout  the  State,  many  of  which  he 
had  assisted  in  founding  or  surveying.  Three  hundred  acres 
of  his  are  mentioned  between  ISTew  Haven,  Farming-ton  and 
Wallingford ;  three  hundred  more  in  Killingly,  now  of  Wind- 
ham County ;  while  his  holdings  in  Newark  were  among  the 
largest  in  that  colony.  He  left  a  large  fortune  for  a  man  of  his 
time.  (Among  the  items  of  his  personal  property,  the  inventory 
shows   "two  slaves"    appraised  at  eighty-five  pounds.) 


178  KOBEET  TKEAT. 

It  is  said  that  no  estate  of  consequence  in  Milford  was 
settled  between  1670  and  1700  without  his  assistance. 

It  is  to  be  regretted  that  no  portrait  of  Governor  Treat  exists. 
The  chair  that  Governor  Treat  used  officially  is  in  good  state 
of  preservation  and  in  possession  of  Mrs.  Henry  Champion, 
a  descendant  of  the  Governor. 

The  house  in  which  he  lived  is  illustrated  in  "Lambert's 
History  of  the  Colony  of  E'ew  Haven,"  p.  138.  Lambert 
states  that  it  stood  upon  the  original  plot  of  Edmund  Tapp, 
number  35,  as  shown  in  the  map  drawn  in  1646.  This  would 
indicate  that  the  house  stood  on  the  east  side  of  what  is  now 
iTorth  Street,  a  few  rods  above  the  Plymouth  Church  and  at 
the  comer  of  Governor's  Avenue.  Atwater,  in  his  history  of 
the  colony,  also  refers  to  it,  but  gives  Lambert  as  authority. 

A  buttonball  tree,  which  stood  for  a  number  of  years  in  his 
dooryard,  is  said  to  have  originated  as  follows :  Using  a  green 
sapling  to  drive  his  oxen.  Governor  Treat  was  called  upon  for 
some  public  service.  He  stuck  the  sapling  into  the  ground 
temporarily  where  he  could  readily  pick  it  up  as  he  came  out 
of  the  house.  It  was  forgotten,  rooted  and  became  a  handsome 
shade  tree. 

In  the  early  part  of  the  last  century  a  house  was  built  upon 
the  original  cellar  and  foundation  of  the  Treat  house  by  Mr. 
Lewis  F.  Baldwin  and  his  daughter.  Mrs.  John  W.  Bucking- 
ham now  occupies  the  house. 

Treat  lived  to  see  a  distinguished  family  grow  up  around 
him.  His  children  and  descendants  rose  to  positions  of  honor 
in  this  and  other  colonies.  His  oldest  son,  Rev.  Samuel  Treat, 
located  in  Massachusetts.  Eunice,  daughter  of  Samuel,  mar- 
ried Rev.  Thomas  Paine,  father  of  Robert  Treat  Paine,  Revo- 
lutionary patriot,  member  of  the  First  Congress,  signer  of  the 
Declaration  of  Independence,  Attorney  General  and  Justice 
of  the  Supreme  Court  of  Massachusetts.  His  son,*  bearing  the 
same  name,  born  in  1775,  was  a  distinguished  poet  in  his  day. 

*  This  Robert  Treat  Paine  was  originally  named  Thomas.  Not  wish- 
ing to  bear  the  name  of  Thomas  Paine,  the  Atheist,  by  act  of  Legislation 
in  1801  his  name  was  changed  to  Eobert  Treat  Paine. 


EGBERT    TREAT. 


179 


Thomas  Treat  Paine,  born  in  1803,  was  a  noted  astronomer 
and  left  a  large  property  to  Harvard  College.  His  relative 
was  the  late  Kobert  Treat  Paine,  known  in  our  generation  as 
a  philanthropist,  and  for  years  President  of  the  International 
Peace  Congress,  whose  son  the  Rev.  George  Lyman  Paine  is 
now  Rector  of  St.  Paul's  Church,  this  city.  The  church  and 
our  community  are  to  be  congratulated,  and  they  welcome  back 
to  the  colony  so  prominent  a  descendant  of  Governor  Treat. 

One  son  remained  in  ISTewark,  where  the  family  became  prom- 
inent. Two  remained  in  Milford,  and  many  of  Milford's  old 
and  honored  men  for  the  past  two  centuries  have  borne  the 
name.  One  daughter  married  Rev.  Samuel  Mather  of  Windsor. 
The  other,  Abigail,  married  the  Rev.  Samuel  Andrew,  one  of 
the  founders  of  Yale. 

Many  of  his  descendants,  bearing  the  name  of  Treat  and 
other  prominent  names,  are  men  distinguished  either  as  states- 
men, leaders,  ministers  or  military  commanders. 

Governor  Treat's  death  occurred  on  July  10,  1710.  He  was 
buried  in  the  old  cemetery  at  Milford.  The  stone,  unique  in 
its  character  and  in  good  state  of  preservation,  reads  as  follows : 

HERE  LYETH  INTERRED  THE 

BODY  OF  COLL.  ROBERT 

TREAT  ESQ.  WHO  FAITHFULLY 

SERVED  THIS  COLONY  IN  THE 

POST  OF  GOVERNOR  AND 

DEPUTY  GOVERNOR  NEAR 

YE  SPACE  OF  THIRTY  YEARS 

AND  AT  YE  AGE  OF  FOUR 

SCORE  AND  EIGHT  YEARS 

EXCHANGED  THIS  LIFE 

FOR  A  BETTER,  JULY  12tH 

ANNO  dom:     1710 

His  last  will  is  full  of  expressions  of  tenderness,  such  as  this : 
"Being  aged  in  years  and  not  knowing  how  suddenly  the  Lord 
may  by  death  call  me  home  from  out  of  this  life,  but  being 


180  ROBERT  TREAT. 

at  present  of  sound  understanding  and  memory,  etc."  Then 
the  will  proceeds  "as  a  pledge  of  my  fatherly  love  and  farewell 
kindness  to  my  dear  and  loving  children." 

On  the  Memorial  Bridge  erected  at  Milford  in  1889,  in  com- 
memoration of  the  two  hundred  and  fiftieth  anniversary  of 
the  settlement  of  the  town,  was  placed  on  the  Tower  the  largest 
slab  in  honor  of  Governor  Treat. 

Trumbull,  1797,  says,  "Few  men  have  sustained  a  fairer 
character  or  rendered  the  public  a  more  important  service." 
"Connecticut  as  a  Colony  and  a  State,  1904,"  says  of  Treat, 
"He  was  a  beau-ideal  of  a  gentleman." 

Perhaps  we  cannot  better  close  our  references  to  the  life  and 
services  of  Robert  Treat  than  to  quote  the  tribute  paid  to 
him  by  Hollister  in  his  "History  of  Connecticut,  1855"  as  it 
seems  to  round  up  briefly  and  concisely  his  many  characteristics. 
It  reads  as  follows: — 

''Grovernor  Treat  was  not  only  a  man  of  high  courage,  but  he  was  one 
of  the  most  cautious  military  leaders  and  possessed  a  quick  sagacity  united 
Avitli  a  breadth  of  understanding  that  enabled  him  to  see  at  a  glance  the 
most  complex  relations  that  surrounded  the  field  of  battle. 

iSTor  did  he  excel  only  as  a  hero;  his  moral  courage  and  inherent  force 
of  character  shone  with  the  brightest  lustre  in  the  Executive  Chair  or 
Legislative  Chamber,  when  stimulated  by  the  opposition  and  malevolence 
of  such  men  as  Andros. 

In  private  life  he  was  no  less  esteemed.  He  was  a  planter  of  that 
hospitable  order  that  adorned  New  England  in  an  age  when  hospitality 
was  accounted  a  virtue  and  when  the  term  'Gentleman'  was  something 
more  than  an  empty  title. 

His  house  was  always  open  to  the  poor  and  friendless  and  whenever 
he  gave  his  hand  he  gave  his  heart. 

Hence,  whether  marching  to  the  relief  of  Springfield  or  extending  his 
charities  to  Whalley  or  Goft'e,  while  he  drowned  a  tear  of  sympathy  in  the 
lively  sparkle  of  fun  and  anecdote,  he  was  always  welcome,  always  beloved. 

His  quick  sensibilities,  his  playful  humor,  his  political  wisdom,  his 
firmness  in  the  midst  of  dangers,  and  his  deep  piety  have  still  a  tradi- 
tionary fame  in  the  neighborhood  where  he  spent  the  brief  portion  of  his 
time  that  he  was  allowed  to  devote  to  the  culture  of  the  domestic  and 
social  virtues." 


EARLY  SILVER  OF  CONNECTICUT  AND 
ITS  MAKERS. 

By  GeoeCtE  Munsox  Curtis. 
[Read  January   15,  1912.] 


To  those  who  are  lovers  of  old  plate,  and  have  become  familiar 
with  the  various  shapes  and  designs  characteristic  of  Colonial 
days,  it  is  interesting  to  note  the  slow  evolution  and  gradual 
change  in  church  and  domestic  silver  from  the  simple  and  yet 
beautiful  vessels  of  the  seventeenth  century  to  the  more  elab- 
orate forms  and  greater  variety  of  articles  of  the  eighteenth 
century,  which  the  growing  luxury  and  more  complex  life  of 
the  later  period  demanded. 

Judging  by  the  examples  that  have  survived,  silver  utensils 
of  the  seventeenth  century  were  limited  to  spoons,  the  caudle- 
cup,  the  beaker,  the  chalice,  or  standing  cup,  the  tankard,  the 
flagon,  and  what  are  called  to-day  wine-tasters.  The  orna- 
mentation on  the  earliest  of  these  pieces  suggests  the  conven- 
tional flower  designs  found  on  oak  furniture  of  the  same  period. 

The  old  inventories  and  wills,  however,  give  us  a  list  of 
articles  once  in  common  use  which  are  doubtless  no  longer  in 
existence. 

Dr.  Gershom  Bulkeley  died  in  1713  in  Glastonbury.  He 
was  a  man  of  considerable  distinction  and  wealth.  By  the  terms 
of  his  will  he  bequeathed  to  a  son  a  silver  retort  and  to  a 
daughter  a  silver  cucurbit,  a  species  of  retort,  shaped  like  a 
gourd,  used,  perhaps,  to  distil  perfumes  and  essences,  once  the 
duty  of  an  accomplished  housewife. 

In  various  inventories  frequent  mention  is  made  of  silver 
dram-cups,  always  lower  in  value  than  spoons.  They  were 
miniature  bowls  with  an  ear-shaped  handle  on  each  side,  and 


182        EARLY    SILVER    OF    CONNECTICUT    AND    ITS    MAKERS. 

called  dram-cups  because  tliej  comfortably  held  a  dram,  or 
spoonful,  and  were  used  for  taking  medicine.  Sometimes  thej 
were  of  pewter.  Modern  collectors  have  called  them  wine- 
tasters,  which  is  clearly  a  misnomer.  Our  ancestors  were  not 
wine-tasters:  they  drank  from  beakers,  caudle-cups,  and 
tankards. 

Other  articles  mentioned  are  silver  platters  and  punch-bowls, 
whistles,  hair-pegs,  seals,  bodkins,  thimbles,  clasps  with  glass 
centres,  chains  or  chatelaines  with  scissors  and  other  articles 
attached,  shoe  and  knee  buckles,  and  last,  but  not  least,  silver 
hat-bands,*  worn  only  by  those  who  affected  the  highest  type 
of  fashionable  attire.  Articles  of  gold  were  toothpicks,  cuff- 
links, stay-pins,  rings,  brooches,  buttons,  and  beads  ad  lihitum. 
Doubtless  a  search  through  other  inventories  would  reveal  many 
other  articles  of  silver  and  gold. 

In  the  eighteenth  century  the  colonist  had  greater  wealth, 
and  life  had  become  more  formal,  and  luxury  more  common. 
As  a  result,  the  silversmith  had  increased  the  variety  of  his 
manufactures,  and  used  more  elaborate  designs,  although  he 
still  clung  to  a  simplicity  of  line  and  form  that  was  character- 
istic of  all  early  industrial  art  in  America. 

Although  the  earliest  known  silversmiths  in  ISTew  England 
had  either  learned  their  craft  in  England  or  been  taught  the 
trade  by  English  workmen,  there  was  no  attempt  to  adopt  the 
elaborate  baronial  designs  of  the  mother  country.  Simpler 
forms  were  more  in  keeping  with  the  simple  life  of  this 
country. 

As  early  as  1715,  the  man  who  had  amassed  a  fortune 
could  purchase  coffee  and  chocolate  pots,  braziers  (the  fore- 
runners of  the  modern  chafing-dish),  elaborate  urn-shaped 
loving-cups,  porringers,^ — in  a  form  which  seems  to  have  been 
peculiar  to  this  country,- — patch-boxes  and  snuff-boxes,  toddy- 
strainers,  and  many  trinkets  dear  to  the  feminine  heart. 

*  Captain  Giles  Hamlin  of  Middletown  (died  in  1689  ae.  67)  was  a 
prominent  figure  in  the  early  days  of  the  Colony;  he  was  the  owner  of  a 
silver  hat-band  which  he  bequeathed  to  his  daughter.  The  portrait  of 
Pocahontas  dated  1616  depicts  her  crowned  with  a  mannish  headgear^ 
encircled  bv  a  golden  hat-band. 


EARLY    SILVER    OF    CONNECTICUT    AND    ITS    MAKERS.        183 

By  1736,  when  tea  had  so  far  dropped  in  price  that  it  had 
become  a  necessity,  beautifully  chased  tea-pots  had  come  into 
vogue,  in  delicate  and  pure  designs,  in  forms  now  known  as 
bell  and  pear. 

The  silversmiths  were  also  making  graceful  sauce  and  gravy 
boats,  quaint  steeple-topped  pepper-casters,  beakers  with  single 
and  double  handles,  cans  with  double  scroll  handles,  three- 
legged  cream-pitchers,  candle-sticks  and  salvers  shaped  like 
patens,  and  in  other  forms. 

Later  in  the  century  beautiful  tea-sets  and  punch-bowls 
became  popular,  as  graceful  in  shape  and  line  as  the  Heppel- 
white,  Adam,  and  Sheraton  furniture  of  that  period.  One 
of  the  most  frequent  of  motives  was  the  classical  urn,  which 
became  as  common  in  silver  as  in  architecture.  Meantime  the 
tankard  had  increased  in  height,  the  flat  lid  had  been  replaced 
by  a  domed  cover  with  a  finial,  and  a  band  had  been  moulded 
around  the  middle  of  the  body.  It  should  be  remembered  that 
no  tankard  was  made  with  a  spout.  It  was  a  drinking-vessel 
pure  and  simple.  The  spout  now  so  frequently  found  on  these 
old  pieces  is  quite  a  modern  addition, — an  attempt  to  make  a 
pitcher. 

Spoons  in  the  seventeenth  century  were  invariably  rat- 
tailed.  From  the  handle  down  the  back  of  the  bowl  to  about 
the  middle  ran  a  ridge,  shaped  like  a  rat-tail.  This  is  some- 
times thought  to  have  been  an  attempt  to  strengthen  the  spoon, 
but  its  use  must  have  been  purely  ornamental,  for  it  adds  little 
strength  to  these  strongly  made  spoons.  Sometimes  the  rat-tail 
was  shaped  like  a  long  "V,"  and  grooved,  while  on  each  side 
were  elaborate  scrolls.  The  bowl  was  perfectly  oval  in  shape, 
while  the  end  of  the  handle  was  notched,  or  trifid. 

This  style  of  spoon  was  continued,  with  modifications, 
through  the  first  third  of  the  eighteenth  century.  Then  the 
bowl  became  ovoid,  or  egg-shaped,  and  the  end  of  the  handle 
was  rounded,  without  the  notch. 

The  rat-tail  was  gradually  replaced  by  what  is  known  as  the 
drop,  or  double  drop,  frequently  terminating  in  a  conventional- 
ized flower  or  shell,  or  anthemion,  while  do^vn  the  front  of 
the  handle  ran  a  rib. 


184        EAKLY    SILVER    OF    CONNECTICUT    AND    ITS    MAKEES. 

Later  the  bowl  became  more  pointed,  the  drop  was  replaced 
by  a  tongue,  and  the  handle  about  1760,  instead  of  slightly 
curving  to  the  front  at  the  end,  reversed  the  position.  A  little 
later  the  handle  became  pointed,  and  was  engraved  with  bright 
cut  ornaments  and  a  cartouche  at  the  end,  in  which  were 
engraved  the  initials  of  the  owner. 

During  the  first  ten  years  of  the  nineteenth  century  a  popu- 
lar style  was  the  so-called  coifin-shaped  handle,  succeeded  prob- 
ably about  1810  by  a  handle  with  a  shoulder  just  above  the 
junction  with  the  bowl,  while  the  end  became  fiddle-shaped, 
or  of  a  style  now  known  as  tipped, — shapes  produced  to  this 
day. 

Up  to  about  1770  spoons  were  of  three  sizes, — the  teaspoon, 
as  small  as  an  after-dinner  coffee-spoon;  the  porringer-spoon, 
a  little  smaller  than  our  present  dessert  size ;  and  the  table- 
spoon, with  a  handle  somewhat  shorter  than  that  of  to-day. 

So  few  forks  have  been  found  in  collections  of  old  silver 
that  it  forces  the  belief  that  they  were  generally  made  of 
steel,  with  bone  handles.  There  seems  no  reason  why,  if  in 
general  use,  silver  forks  should  not  now  be  as  common  as  spoons. 
In  the  great  silver  exhibition  recently  held  in  the  Museum 
of  Fine  Arts,  Boston,  of  more  than  one  thousand  pieces,  there 
were  only  two  forks  to  be  found,  and  they  were  of  course 
two-tined. 

In  the  manufacture  of  silverware,  as  in  every  other  form 
of  industry,  modern  methods  have  worked  a  revolution.  Xow 
powerful  lathes  and  presses  accomplish  in  seconds  the  work 
of  days  under  old  conditions. 

Nevertheless,  we  can  produce  no  better  silverware  than  could 
the  old  craftsman  working  with  his  primitive  tools.  The  silver- 
smith of  Colonial  days  knew  thoroughly  every  branch  of  his 
trade.  He  was  desigiier,  die-sinker,  forger,  solderer,  burnisher, 
chaser,  and  engraver.  He  was  a  many-sided  man,  and  he  did 
thorough  work.  Let  no  one  fancy  him  as  other  than  a  man  of 
might,  for  muscle  and  sinew  were  as  needful  in  fashioning 
plate  as  in  the  trade  of  blacksmithing. 

With  his  hammers,  anvils,  beak  irons,  testers,  swages, 
punches,  planishing  hammers,  and  stakes  and  drawing  benches, 


EARLY    SILVER    OF    CONNECTICUT    AND    ITS    MAKERS. 


185 


he  skilfully  shaped  the  beautiful  white  metal,  putting  a  feel- 
ing into  his  work  that  is  generally  missing  in  modern  silver. 

He  used  a  lathe,  probably  worked  by  foot-power,  not  for 
spinning,  but  for  shaping  and  truing  a  porringer,  a  beaker, 
or  a  bowl  after  the  hammers  and  anvils  had  done  their  work. 
This  is  plainly  shown  by  the  mark  left  by  the  lathe  in  the 
centre  of  these  vessels. 

The  metal  was  hammered  while  cold,  and  many  times  during 
the  operation  was  annealed;  that  is,  heated  in  a  charcoal  fire, 
to  prevent  brittleness  and  to  make  it  tough. 

With  the  planishing  hammers  and  anvils,  rotten  stone  and 
burnishers,  a  uniform  and  beautiful  surface  was  produced  that 
can  never  be  attained  by  a  modern  workman  using  a  buffing 
wheel. 

Ornaments  on  the  back  of  spoon  bowls  and  handles  were 
impressed  by  dies  forced  together  by  drop  presses  or  under 
screw  pressure.  This  is  absolutely  proven  by  the  exact  dupli- 
cation of  the  pattern  on  sets  of  spoons.  Accurate  measure- 
ments show  that  these  ornaments  were  not  hand-work,  for  there 
is  not  the  slightest  deviation  in  dimensions. 

The  silversmith  carried  little  manufacturing  stock.  It  was 
the  general  practice  to  take  to  the  smith  the  coin  which  it  was 
desired  to  have  fashioned  into  plate.  These  coins  were  melted 
in  a  crucible  and  poured  into  a  skillet  to  form  an  ingot,  which 
was  then  hammered  into  sheets  of  the  correct  gauge. 

This  explains  the  usual  practice  at  that  time  of  valuing  a 
porringer  or  a  tankard,  or  other  plate,  by  saying  that  it  con- 
tained so  many  Spanish  dollars  or  English  coins. 

Probably  most  of  the  early  plate  was  fashioned  from  Spanish 
dollars,  once  so  generally  in  circulation  in  this  country.  They 
were  not  up  to  sterling  standard,  being  only  .900  parts  fine, 
while  sterling  is  .925  fine.  Nevertheless,  early  plate  seems 
to  be  whiter  in  color  than  that  manufactured  to-day. 

Perhaps  this  is  the  explanation :  hand-hammered  or  forged 
silver  must  be  annealed  very  frequently,  and  in  the  old  days 
this  was  done  with  the  aid  of  a  bellows  in  the  open  air,  instead 
of  in  a  furnace,  as  is  done  to-day.  As  a  result,  a  film  of  oxide 
of  copper  was  formed,  which  was  removed  by  plunging  the 


186        EARLY    SILVER    OF    COA^NECTICUT    A1ST>    ITS    ISIAKERS. 

article  into  what  is  called  the  pickling  bath, — a  hot  diluted 
solution  of  sulphuric  acid.  This  operation  continued  often 
enough  would  tend  to  make  the  surface  almost  fine  silver ; 
hence  the  white  color. 

Most  smiths  impressed  the  plate  they  fashioned  with  their 
trade-mark.  The  earliest  marks  were  initials  in  a  shaped 
shield  or  in  a  heart,  with  some  emblem  above  or  below.  Later 
marks  were  initials  or  the  name  in  a  plain  or  shaped  or 
engrailed  rectangle  or  oval.  In  the  early  part  of  the  last 
century  the  word  "Coin"*  was  added,  and  about  1865  the  word 
"Sterling"  was  employed  to  denote  the  correct  standard. 

Undoubtedly,  the  shops  of  the  gold  and  silversmiths  were 
small  affairs,  with  no  cellars  or  substantial  foundations,  being 
similar  in  that  respect  to  those  of  blacksmiths.  They  were 
frequently  built  on  leased  or  rented  ground,  and  could  with 
little  difficulty  be  moved  to  other  sites. 

When  Captain  Robert  Fairchild,  of  Stratford,  sold  his  home- 
stead in  1768,  he  reserved  the  right  to  remove  from  the  premises 
a  goldsmith  shop.    Such  reservations  were  not  unusual. 

They  were  easily  broken  into  by  burglars,  and  "stop  thief" 
advertisements  in  the  local  press  were  quite  common.  The 
shops  of  Joseph  and  Stephen  Hopkins,  of  Waterbury,  were 
entered  in  this  way  some  eight  or  ten  times  in  the  decade  from 
1765  to  1775. 

The  writer  well  remembers  a  visit  in  1875  to  the  smithy  of 
one  of  these  artisans  in  East  Hartford.  There,  busily  engaged, 
was  an  old  man  forging  spoons  for  a  Hartford  jeweler.  The 
building  could  not  have  been  more  than  fifteen  by  thirty  feet, 
and  yet  there  was  ample  room  for  every  emergency.  The  smith 
had  learned  the  trade,  just  as  his  predecessors  of  earlier  days 
had  done,  and  perhaps  was  the  last  of  the  fraternity. 

The  knowledge  that  America  had  silversmiths  during  the 
Colonial  period  came  as  a  complete  surprise  and  revelation  to 

*  When  the  United  States  ]\Iint  was  established  in  1792,  the  standard 
of  silver  coinage  was  fixed  at  .892^"*^  fine.  In  1837  the  standard  was  raised 
to  .900  fine.  Therefore,  "Coin"  stamped  on  plate  does  not  indicate  .925, 
or    "Sterling"    fine. 


EAKLY    SILVER    OF    CONNECTICUT    AND    ITS    MAKERS.         187 

most  of  those  who  were  so  fortunate  as  to  see  the  splendid 
examples  of  their  work  exhibited  at  the  Museum  of  Fine  Arts 
in  Boston  in  1906. 

That  these  craftsmen  were  equal  in  skill  to  their  English 
rivals  cannot  perhaps  be  claimed  in  every  respect  on  account 
of  the  lack  of  demand  for  highly  florid  ornamentation,  but  it 
may  be  safely  stated  that  American  silversmiths  produced 
wares  that  for  beauty  of  shape,  sense  of  proportion,  and  purity 
of  line  were  not  surpassed  in  England ;  and,  if  occasion 
demanded,  elaborate  ornamentation  in  most  attractive  designs 
was  fully  within  the  grasp  of  American  workmen. 

Working  in  silver  was  a  most  respectable  craft,  and  many 
of  the  men  who  followed  the  trade  were  of  excellent  social 
standing,  particularly  in  Boston.  One  can  say  without  fear  of 
contradiction  that  the  best  silver-work  in  this  country  was  done 
in  that  town. 

The  earliest  American  silversmiths  of  whom  record  has  been 
found  were  Captain  John  Hull,  coiner  of  the  Pine  Tree  Shil- 
ling, mint-master  of  Massachusetts,  and  merchant  prince,  and 
his  partner,  Robert  Sanderson,  both  of  Boston,  and  working 
in  the  middle  of  the  seventeenth  century. 

They  were  succeeded  by  men  who  were  also  past  masters 
of  the  craft,  such  as  David  Jesse,  w^ho  is  thought  to  have  been 
born  in  Hartford ;  Jeremiah  Dummer ;  John  Coney ;  John 
Dixwell,  son  of  the  regicide  of  that  name  who  resided  in  ISTew 
Haven  for  so  many  years ;  the  Edwardses ;  Edward  Winslow ; 
William  Cowell ;  the  three  Burts;  the  Hurds ;  and  last,  but 
not  least  of  this  very  incomplete  list,  Paul  Revere,  father  and 
son,  the  last  the  hero  of  Longfellow's  famous  poem. 

These  men  were  craftsmen  of  the  greatest  skill,  and  the 
many  examples  of  their  work  still  extant  show  that  they  upheld 
the  standards  and  traditions  of  their  trade  in  a  manner  worthy 
of  the  highest  praise. 

The  work  of  a  number  is  to  be  found  in  Connecticut  to-day, 
particularly  in  the  churches.  In  fact,  a  considerable  part  of 
the  early  communion  silver  in  this  State  was  made  by  Boston 
silversmiths. 


188        EARLY    SILVER    OF    COJs'NECTICUT    AXD    ITS    MAKERS. 

Jeremiah  Dummer  (1645-1718)  is  represented  by  thirteen 
silver  vessels  in  our  churches,  one  more  than  John  Dixwell 
has  to  his  credit,  although  the  latter  was  born  in  Xew  Haven, 
and  must  have  known  many  men  in  the  Colony. 

But  Dummer  is  of  interest  to  us  in  another  way.  When 
the  government  of  Connecticut  decided  in  1700  to  issue  paper 
currency,  or  Bills  of  Exchange,  the  agents  of  the  Colony  appar- 
ently selected  him  to  do  the  mechanical  part  of  the  work;  that 
is,  the  engraving  of  the  plates  and  the  printing  of  the  bills. 

Journals  of  the  Council  for  1710  show  transactions  with 
Dummer  relating  to  this  currency,  and  in  1712  Governor 
Saltonstall  laid  before  the  Council  Board  the  bill  of  Jeremiah 
Dummer  for  printing  6,550  sheets  of  this  paper  currency. 

The  inference  seems  clear  that  Dummer  not  only  printed, 
but  engraved,  the  first  paper  currency  of  Connecticut.  His 
one-time  apprentice,  John  Coney,  had  the  distinction  of  engrav- 
ing the  plates  for  the  first  paper  money  issued  by  Massachusetts 
some  years  previously,  the  first  issued  on  this  continent. 

Part  of  the  trade  of  a  silversmith  was  to  engrave  on  the  metal 
coats-of-arms,  ornamentations,  or  the  initials  of  the  owners, 
and,  of  course,  the  transition  to  engraving  on  copper  was  easy 
and  natural.  Several  of  the  early  engravers  did  their  first  work 
on  silver,  Paul  Eevere,  and  our  own  Amos  Doolittle  among 
the  number. 

The  early  church  silver  is  of  very  great  interest  not  only 
on  account  of  its  beauty  and  quaintness,  but  also  because  of 
its  association  and  history.  Nothing  else  brings  us  into  such 
intimate  touch  with  the  life  of  our  forefathers.  Generation 
after  generation  of  the  sturdy  Connecticut  stock  have  hallowed 
it  by  the  most  religious  act  of  their  lives. 

The  beakers,  caudle-cups,  and  tankards  were  frequently  in 
domestic  use  before  they  were  presented  to  the  churches,  the 
offering  of  devout  Christian  men  and  women.  This  plate  is 
nearly  all  in  precisely  the  same  condition  as  when  first  dedicated 
to  God's  service. 

Too  many  of  our  churches  have  banished  these  sacred  memo- 
rials to  safety  deposit  vaults  in  our  cities  and  to  boxes  and 


EARLY    SILVER    OF    COXXECTICUT    AK^D    ITS    ^fAKERS. 


189 


baskets  stored  in  attics  in  our  country  districts.     The  substitu- 
tion of  the  individual  cups  is,  of  course,  the  cause  of  this  change. 

Would  it  not  be  most  fitting  if  these  discarded  memorials 
were  deposited  in  some  central  place  where  the  protection 
would  be  ample,  and  yet  where  their  historical  and  religious 
significance  would  not  be  hidden  and  their  beauty  and  work- 
manship could  be  studied  and  admired  ? 

While  not  so  likely,  when  silver  is  stored  in  a  safety  deposit 
vault  in  the  name  of  a  church,  there  is  always,  when  placed 
in  the  custody  of  an  individual,  the  danger  not  only  of  fire 
and  burglary,  but  that  it  may  be  utterly  forgotten,  and  thus, 
through  carelessness  or  dishonesty,  finally  drift  into  alien  hands 
and  be  lost  to  the  church  forever.  The  silver  of  more  than 
one  Connecticut  church  has  been  destroyed  by  fire,  and  in  one 
case  the  writer's  visit  resulted  in  the  locating  of  church  silver 
that  had  been  completely  forgotten.  Fifty-seven  Connecticut 
churches  still  preserve  their  ancient  silver.  Much  of  it  is  of 
great  historical  interest,  and  some  of  it  of  very  great  beauty. 

The  oldest  piece  of  communion  plate  in  this  State  belongs 
to  the  Congregational  Church  in  Guilford.  It  is  a  quaint  old 
beaker  with  flaring  lip,  and  is  marked  in  pounced  engraving 
"H.  K."  on  the  side.  It  was  the  gift  of  Henry  Kingsnorth. 
one  of  the  first  settlers  of  that  town  and  a  man  of  substance 
and  worth.  He  died  at  the  age  of  fifty  in  1668  during  the  great 
sickness,  as  it  was  called,  and  his  will  reads : 

"I  give  and  bequeath  unto  y*^  church  here  fifteen  pounds  to 
buy  any  such  utensills  for  the  sacrament  withall  as  they  shall 
see  cause."  The  beaker  was  made  by  W^illiam  Rouse,  of  Boston, 
a  contemporarv  of  Captain  John  Hull,  the  mint-master. 

One  of  the  beakers  belonging  to  the  Congregational  Church 
in  Groton  bears  the  engraved  inscription,  ^'The  Gift  of  S"" 
John  Davie  to  the  Chh.  of  Christ  at  Groton."  It  was  made  by 
Samuel  Vernon,  a  silversmith  of  Newport,  R.  I.  The  story 
of  the  beaker  is  this :  John,  who  was  a  son  of  Humphrey  Davie, 
of  Hartford,  and  a  cousin  of  Sir  William  Davie,  of  Creedy  in 
Devon,  England,  graduated  at  Harvard  in  1681,  and  became 
one  of  the  first  settlers  of  Groton  and  its  first  town  clerk.     In 


190        EAKLY    SILVER    OF    CONNECTICUT    AND    ITS    MAKERS. 

1707  liis  cousin,  Sir  William,  died  without  male  issue,  and 
John  of  Groton  succeeded  to  the  baronetcy.  Barefooted  and 
in  his  shirtsleeves,  he  was  hoeing  corn  on  his  farm  when  the 
messenger  arrived  to  tell  him  of  his  good  fortune  and  to  salute 
him  as  Sir  John  Davie.  He  soon  left  for  England,  and  the 
beaker  was  his  parting  gift. 

Belonging  to  the  ancient  Congregational  Society  of  jSTorwich- 
town  is  a  two-handled  cup  made  by  John  Dixwell,  and  bearing 
the  inscription  in  quaintly  engraved  letters,  "The  Gift  of  Sarah 
Knight  to  the  Chh.  of  Christ  in  iN'orwich,  April  20,  1722." 
She  was  Madam  Knight,  who  wrote  a  diary  of  her  trip  from 
Boston  to  'New  York  in  1704.  For  a  number  of  years  she 
was  a  resident  of  ISTorwich,  and  lies  buried  in  the  old  graveyard 
in  New  London. 

There  are  sixteen  silver  beakers  owned  by  the  First  Congre- 
gational Church,  ^NTew  London,  and  two  of  them  bear  the 
inscription,  "The  Gift  of  the  Owners  of  the  Ship  Adventure 
of  London,  1699."  They  w^ere  made  by  two  Boston  silver- 
smiths working  in  partnership,  John  Edwards  and  John  Allen. 
A  ship  named  "Adventure"  and  built  in  London  was  owned 
at  that  time  by  Adam  Pickett  and  Christopher  Christophers, 
of  ISTew  London.  It  does  not  seem  a  wild  flight  of  the  imagina- 
tion to  conjecture  that  these  beakers  were  presented  to  the 
church  as  a  thank-offering  either  for  a  profitable  mercantile 
^'enture  or  for  a  fortunate  escape  from  some  harrowing  expe- 
rience at  sea. 

In  1725  Governor  Gurdon  Saltonstall  gave  by  will  a  silver 
tankard  to  this  church,  and  in  1726  his  widow  made  a  like  gift. 
In  1793  the  church  by  vote  had  these  two  vessels  made  into 
three  beakers  by  J.  P.  Trott,  a  New  Loudon  silversmith,  but 
care  was  used  to  preserve  the  old  inscriptions. 

The  Congregational  Church  at  !Korth  Haven  owns  a  large 
baptismal  basin  on  which  is  inscribed,  "The  Gift  of  the  Rev. 
Ezra  Stiles,  D.D.,  LL.D.,  President  Yale  College,  to  the  Con- 
gregational Church  in  J^orth  Haven,  1794."  He  was  one  of 
the  most  distinguished  men  of  his  time,  and  a  native  of  I^orth 
Haven. 


EARLY    SILVER    OF    COS^XECTICUT    AND    ITS    MAKERS.         191 

There  was  a  time  when  the  First  Congregational  Church, 
Hartford,  could  boast  of  an  array  of  plate  made  by  these  early 
silversmiths.  This  fact  is  revealed  by  the  ancient  Court  of 
Probate  records.  In  the  early  part  of  the  last  century  a  pinch 
of  poverty  was  felt,  or  else  it  was  thought  that  the  style  of 
these  vessels  was  too  old-fashioned.  Whatever  the  cause,  the 
plate  was  sold. 

In  the  collection  was  a  fine  old  mug  made  by  William  Cowell, 
of  Boston,  and  presented  by  Mrs.  Abigail,  the  wife  of  Kev. 
Timothy  Woodbridge,  pastor  of  the  church  from  1683  to  1732. 
On  the  mug  is  the  inscription,  '^Ex  dono  A.  W.  to  the  First 
Church  of  Christ  in  Hartford,  1727." 

In  1883  William  E.  Cone,  of  Hartford,  found  the  mug  in 
the  possession  of  J.  K.  Bradford,  of  Peru,  111.,  whose  grand- 
father, Dr.  Jeremiah  Bradford,  had  bought  it  of  the  church 
in  1803  for  $15.  Mr.  Cone  was  able  to  buy  it  for  $75,  and 
re-presented  it  to  the  church. 

In  1840  the  Second  Congregational  Church,  Hartford,  pro- 
cured a  new  communion  service,  made  from  its  ancient  silver, 
melted  down.  The  old  inscriptions  were  faithfully  copied, 
and  tell  of  the  following  gifts :  a  tankard,  given  by  John 
Ellery  in  1746 ;  two  cups,  engraved  "The  Dying  Gift  of  Mr. 
Richard  Lord  to  the  Second  Church  of  Christ  in  Hartford'' ; 
two  cups,  engraved  "The  Gift  of  J.  R.  to  the  South  Church 
in  Hartford" ;  and  two  cups,  engraved  "S.  C."  The  church 
now  owns  only  one  piece  of  ancient  silver,  a  beautiful  tankard 
given  by  William  Stanley  in  1787. 

Hartford  is  not  the  only  to"\vn  which  has  lost  its  ancient 
church  silver.  The  Congregational  Church  in  Saybrook  sold 
its  plate  in  1815  (but  fortunately  it  is  still  in  existence),  and 
the  Congregational  Church  in  Wallingford  remodeled  its  ancient 
plate  in  1849,  in  a  style  popular  at  that  period,  while  the  Con- 
gregational Churches  in  Wethersfield  and  Cheshire  lost  their 
communion  silver  by  fire  a  number  of  years  ago.  The  East 
Hartford  Church  plate  nearly- met  a  like  fate  only  a  few  months 


192        EARLY    SILVER    OF    CONNECTICUT    AKD    ITS    MAKERS. 

The  Congregational  Church  in  South  Windsor  owns  two 
beautiful  beakers  made  bj  John  Potwine,  a  silversmith  of  that 
vicinity,  and  presented  by  Governor  Roger  Wolcott  in  1756. 

The  Congregational  Church  in  Fairfield  has  a  beautiful 
collection  of  plate:  two  handsome  tankards,  dated  1753  and 
1757;  two  fine  chalices  presented  bj  Captain  John  Silliman 
in  1752 ;  three  beakers  and  a  cup  with  a  handle.  On  Satur- 
day evening,  May  1,  1779,  this  silver  was  in  the  home  of  a 
deacon,  General  Silliman,  and  for  convenience  it  had  been 
placed  in  a  corner  of  his  bedroom.  That  night  a  company  of 
British  soldiers  landed  on  the  shore  of  Fairfield,  and  stealthily 
made  their  way  to  the  good  deacon's  home,  and  made  him  a 
prisoner.  The  noise  of  the  entering  soldiers  awakened  Mrs. 
Silliman,  who  hastily  threw  some  bed-clothes  over  the  silver  and, 
although  the  house  was  ransacked,  the  communion  plate  was 
not  discovered. 

The  First  Congregational  Church,  Bridgeport,  has  a  large 
collection  of  ancient  silver;  but  its  most  noteworthy  piece  is 
a  tankard  made  about  1738  by  Peter  Van  Dyke,  of  iSTew  York. 
It  is  a  small  one,  only  six  inches  high,  and  has  been  disfigured 
by  the  addition  of  a  spout  in  modern  times ;  but  the  ornamenta- 
tion on  the  handle  in  most  elaborate  arabesque  scrolls  and 
masks,  and  around  the  base  in  acanthus  foliage,  is  the  most 
beautiful  ornamentation  that  has  been  found  on  any  ancient 
silver  in  America. 

One  of  the  most  interesting  collections  of  communion  silver 
in  the  State  belongs  to  the  Center  Congregational  Church,  Xew 
Haven.  It  consists  of  thirteen  beautiful  caudle-cups  and  a 
large  baptismal  basin. 

The  latter  was  made  by  Kneeland,  of  Boston,  and  was  pre- 
sented to  the  church  by  the  will  of  Jeremiah  xVtwater  in  1735. 
Its  history  is  quite  interesting. 

Early  in  the  eighteenth  century  Mr.  Atwater,  a  wealthy  mer- 
chant, made  a  purchase  in  Boston  of  a  cargo  of  nails.  In  one 
of  the  kegs,  beneath  a  layer  of  nails,  he  found  a  quantity  of 
silver  money.  He  wrote  to  the  Boston  merchant,  and  told  him 
of  the  monev  found  in  the  kea,',   and  asked  how  it  could  be 


EARLY    SILVER    OF    CONNECTICUT    AND    ITS    MAKERS.         193 

returned  to  its  rightful  owner.  The  reply  stated  that  the  keg 
was  bought  for  nails  and  sold  for  nails,  and  had  passed  through 
many  hands,  and  it  would  be  impossible  to  trace  the  original 
owner,  and  that  Mr.  Atwater  must  dispose  of  the  money  as 
he  saw  fit.  He  finally  concluded  that  he  would  give  the  money 
to  the  church,  and  had  it  wrought  into  a  baptismal  basin.  This 
was  the  traditional  story  as  told  to  Dr.  Leonard  Bacon  by 
the  two  eldest  children  of  a  Jeremiah  Atwater,  w^ho  was  a 
nephew  of  the  original  Jeremiah.  On  the  following  facts  we 
can  absolutely  rely.  Mr.  Atwater  made  his  will  in  17o2,  and 
died  the  same  ,year.  The  will  says,  "I  give  and  bequeath  unto 
the  First  Church  of  Christ  in  ISTew  Haven  the  sum  of  fifty 
l^ounds  to  be  imj)roved  for  plate  or  otherwise,  as  the  pastor 
and  deacons  shall  direct."  This  story  in  full  w^as  told  by  Dr. 
Bacon  in  the  Journal  and  Courier,  J'L^ly  15,  1853. 

During  the  British  invasion  of  I^ew  Haven  in  1779,  all  the 
communion  silver  was  hidden  in  a  chimney  in  the  house  of 
Deacon  Stephen  Ball  at  the  corner  of  Chapel  and  High  Streets, 
where  Yale  Art  School  now  stands. 

In  the  CongTegational  Church,  Columbia,  is  a  beaker  pre- 
sented by  Captain  Samuel  Buckingham  in  1Y56.  When  the 
centenary  of  the  founding  of  Dartmouth  College  was  observed 
a  few  years  ago,  this  beaker  was  taken  to  Hanover  for  the 
occasion  because  of  its  intimate  association  with  Dr.  Eleazar 
Wheelock. 

When  Canterburj^  was  settled  about  1G90,  a  number  of  the 
pioneers  were  from  Barnstable.  The  interest  of  the  older  town 
apparently  did  not  wane,  for  by  the  church  records  we  find 
that  in  1716  the  church  in  Barnstable  presented  to  its  daugh- 
ter more  than  two  pounds  sterling,  which  was  invested  in  a 
silver  beaker  still  in  use  in  the  Canterbury  Church,  and 
inscribed,    ''The  Gift  of  Barnstable  Church,  1716." 

Belonging  to  the  Congregational  Church,  Windham,  are 
three  ancient  silver  beakers,  inscribed,  "John  Cates  legacy 
to  the  Church  in  Windham." 

Cates  was  a  mysterious  individual,  and  probably  the  earliest 
settler  in  Windham.  Barber,  in  his  Historical  Collections,  says 
7 


194        EARLY    SILVER    OF    CONNECTICUT    AND    ITS    MAKERS. 

lie  served  in  the  wars  in  England,  liolding  a  commission  under 
Cromwell.  On  the  restoration  of  Charles  II  to  the  throne, 
Gates  fled  to  this  country  for  safety,  and,  in  order  to  avoid 
his  pursuers,  finally  settled  in  the  wilderness  of  what  is  now 
Windham.     He  died  there  in  169Y. 

Berkeley  Divinity  School,  Middleto^vn,  possesses  two  ancient 
and  interesting  pieces  of  communion  silver:  a  beautiful  cup 
or  chalice,  made  by  John  Gardiner,  a  silversmith  of  N'ew 
London,  and  a  paten. 

The  tradition  is  that  they  were  originally  owned  by  Rt.  Rev. 
Samuel  Seabury,  first  bishop  of  Connecticut,  and  presented  by 
him  respectively  to  St.  James's  Church,  ISTew  London,  and 
Calvary  Church,  Stonington.  Around  the  chalice  runs  the 
inscription,  "Given  by  Dr.  Yeldall  towards  making  this  chalice 
4  oz.  7  dwts.  1773."  Who  Dr.  Yeldall  was,  is  not  known,  but 
in  an  advertisement  in  a  ISTew  London  newspaper  in  1775  it 
is  stated,  "Dr.  Yeldall's  medicines  may  be  had  of  Joseph 
Knight,  Post  Rider."  Presumably,  therefore,  he  was  well 
known  in  that  vicinity. 

Some  fifty  years  ago,  at  Bishop  Williams's  request,  these 
memorials  of  Bishop  Seabury  were  presented  to  the  Divinity 
School. 

This  brief  account  of  the  ancient  silver  belonging  to  the 
churches  of  Connecticut  by  no  means  exhausts  the  subject, 
either  historically  or  from  other  points  of  view. 

One  might  continue  describing  in  detail  the  display  of  ten 
beakers  and  massive  baptismal  basin  belonging  to  the  First 
Church  in  Middletown,  the  fine  array  belonging  to  the  Con- 
gregational Church  in  Stratford,  and  the  seven  very  ancient 
and  beautiful  caudle-cups  owned  by  the  old  church  in  Farming- 
ton.  ISTot  less  worthy  of  mention  is  the  silver  of  the  First 
Church  in  Milford  (two  of  the  pieces  having  been  made  by  a 
Connecticut  silversmith),  and  the  fine  silver  of  quaint  design 
belonging  to  the  Congregational  Church  in  Guilford. 

The  United  Church  and  Trinity  Church,  ISTew  Haven ;  St. 
John's  Church,  Stamford;  the  Congregational  Church,  Dur- 
ham;   Center  Church,  Meriden;   First  Congregational  Church, 


EAKLY    SILVER    OF    CONNECTICUT    AND    ITS    MAKERS. 


195 


Derby;  Congregational  Churcli,  iN'orth  Haven;  and  many 
others, — ^have  beautiful  collections  of  silver  of  great  interest, 
most  of  it  made  by  tbe  silversmiths  of  Connecticut. 

In  private  hands,  among  the  old  families  of  the  State,  a 
considerable  quantity  of  old  plate  remains,  but  the  great  bulk 
of  it  has  disappeared  forever, — most  of  it  consigned  to  the 
melting-pot,  to  issue  thence  in  modern  forms  of  nondescript 
styles  or  no  style  at  all.  The  temperance  movement  in  the 
early  part  of  the  last  century  is  responsible  for  the  disappear- 
ance of  quantities  of  old  plate.  Many  of  the  old  porringers, 
tankards,  beakers,  mugs,  and  cans  were  transferred  into  spoons 
and  forks  by  our  local  craftsmen,  of  whom  Hartford  and  ISTew 
Haven  had  so  many. 

What  stories  of  this  iconoclasm  could  have  been  told  by 
Beach,  Ward,  Sargeant,  Pitkin,  and  Sogers,  of  Hartford,  and 
Merriman,  Chittenden,  and  Bradley,  of  ISTew  Haven ! 

Indeed,  one  begins  to  believe  that  every  town  of  any  impor- 
tance in  this  State  had  its  local  spoon-maker,  whose  trade  was 
nearly  as  familiar  to  the  inhabitants  as  that  of  the  village 
blacksmith. 

But,  of  all  causes  for  the  disappearance  of  old  plate,  none 
was  equal  to  the  feeling  that  the  good  old  silver  utensils  of  the 
forefathers  were  old-fashioned.  It  is  the  same  subtle  influence 
which  banished  to  garrets  and  outhouses  the  beautiful  furniture 
of  the  same  period,  and  gave  us  in  exchange  the  Empire  styles 
and  the  mid-century  products  of  the  so-called  furniture  butchers. 

It  is  surprising  to  find  what  quantities  of  plate  were  owned 
by  some  of  the  rich  men  of  the  Colony.  To  give  a  few  illustra- 
tions: Rev.  Samuel  Whittlesey,  of  Wallingford,  who  died  in 
1752,  had  silver  to  the  amount  of  108  ounces,  consisting  of 
tankards,  porringers,  beakers,  salt-cellars,  spoons,  etc. 

Captain  Joseph  Trowbridge,  of  New  Haven,  who  died  in 
1765,  owned  334:  ounces  of  plate. 

In  March,  1774,  the  home  of  Hon.  Thaddeus  Burr,  of  Fair- 
field, was  entered  by  burglars,  and  plate  was  taken  which  must 
have  amounted  to  several  hundred  ounces.  In  a  list  published 
in  a  newspaper  at  the  time  are  such  articles  as  chafing-dishes. 


196       EARLY    SILVER    OF    CONNECTICUT    AND    ITS    MAKERS. 

tea-pots,  porringers,  tankards,  silver-liilted  sword,  beakers,  cans, 
sugar-dish,  and  spoons  ad  libitum. 

Governor  Tlieopliilus  Eaton,  wlio  died  in  16  5 Y,  left  plate 
valued  at  107  pounds  sterling. 

The  greater  part  of  the  early  domestic  silver  found  in  Con- 
necticut was  made  by  the  silversmiths  of  Boston,  ISTew  York, 
and  IlTewport.  This  was  but  natural,  for  Connecticut  had  no 
large  commercial  ports  where  merchants  grew  rich  through 
foreign  trade  and  accumulated  wealth  in  sufficient  quantities 
to  invest  very  large  sums  in  the  productions  of  the  silversmith's 
art. 

In  one  respect  the  conditions  in  Connecticut  one  hundred  and 
fifty  years  ago  were  much  like  those  of  to-day.  If  a  man  of 
wealth  desired  to  purchase  an  article  of  exceptional  quality 
and  worth,  he  was  quite  likely  to  patronize  the  merchants  and 
craftsmen  of  those  far-away  cities,  Boston  and  ISTew  York, 
where  styles  were  sure  to  be  of  the  latest  fashion  and  work- 
manship of  unusual  merit,  while  a  man  of  slender  resources 
naturally  depended  on  near-by  shopkeepers  and  artisans. 

However,  Connecticut  had  many  silversmiths,  and  a  number 
of  them  did  most  creditable  work  when  their  services  were 
demanded,  although,  owing  to  the  influence  just  stated,  their 
products  seem  to  have  been  distributed  almost  wholly  in  their 
own  localities, — one  might  indeed  say  among  their  fellow- 
townsmen. 

One  never  finds  in  Hartford  the  work  of  a  ISTew  Haven  smith, 
or  in  ISTew  Haven  the  product  of  a  man  who  was  working  in 
ITew  London,  except  when  recent  migration  has  carried  the 
ware  from  home. 

As  a  result,  these  silversmiths,  in  order  to  eke  out  a  living 
in  communities  that  were  not  lavish  in  accumulating  their  work, 
were  obliged  to  turn  their  attention  to  various  other  trades. 
Some  were  clock  and  cabinet  makers ;  others  were  blacksmiths 
and  innkeepers ;  and  others,  to  use  a  homely  phrase,  were  jacks- 
of-all-trades. 

Many  of  them  advertised  extensively  in  the  weekly  press, 
and  these  appeals  for  custom  vividly  illuminate  the  social  and 


EARLY    SILVER    OF    CONNECTICUT    AND    ITS    LIAKEES.         107 

domestic  demands  and  requirements  of  their  patrons,  and 
present  striking  pictures  of  the  times. 

The  earliest  silversmith  of  Connecticut  of  whom  record  has 
been  found  was  Job  Prince,  of  Milford.  Very  little  relating 
to  him  has  been  discovered.  Apparently,  he  was  born  in  Hull, 
Mass.,  in  IGSO.  He  died  evidently  in  1703,  for  the  inventory 
of  his  estate  is  on  file  in  the  Probate  Court,  ISTew  Haven,  dated 
January  24,  1703-04.  It  includes  a  set  of  silversmith's  tools, 
a  pair  of  small  bellows,  a  pair  of  silver  buckles,  tobacco-box, 
tankard,  porringer,  and  six  spoons.  The  Princes  were  evidently 
a  seafaring  family,  and  even  Job  owned  a  Gunter's  scale  and 
a  book  on  practical  navigation. 

The  next  silversmith  in  Connecticut  was  Rene  Grignon,  a 
Huguenot,  who  had  lived  in  various  parts  of  ]^ew  England 
and  finally  settled  in  J^orwich  about  1708,  for  in  that  year  he 
presented  a  bell  to  the  First  Church  there.  He  attained  con- 
siderable importance  during  his  brief  residence,  and,  judging 
by  the  two  pieces  of  silver  still  extant,  which  it  is  safe  to 
ascribe  to  him,  w^as  an  expert  craftsman.  He  stamped  his  work 
with  the  letters  ''R.  G.,"  crowned,  a  stag  (  ?)  passant  below, 
in  a  shaped  shield. 

He  died  in  1715,  and  his  inventory  contained  the  usual 
stock  in  trade  of  a  gold  and  silversmith.  His  tools  he  left  to 
his  apprentice,  Daniel  Deshon,  who  w^as  afterwards  a  silver- 
smith in  IsTew  London  and  ancestor  of  the  family  of  that  name 
once  quite  prominent  in  that  town. 

Grignon  did  a  considerable  business,  for  debts  were  due 
his  estate  from  persons  in  Windham,  Colchester,  Lebanon,  'New 
London,  and  Derby. 

ISText  in  chronological  order  was  Cornelius  Kierstead,  a 
Dutchman  by  descent,  baptized  in  New  York  in  1675.  He 
followed  his  trade  in  that  city  until  about  1722,  when  he 
appeared  in  New  Haven  with  two  other  ISTew  York  men  and 
leased  land  in  Mount  Carmel  and  in  Wallingford  for  the  ])i\v- 
pose  of  mining  copper.  They  were  not  the  first  men  to  search 
for  the  red  metal  in  that  region,  for  Governor  Jonathan  Belcher 
and  other  Boston  men  had  sunk  thousands  of  pounds  in  copper 


198        EAELY    SILVER    OF    CONNECTICUT    AND    ITS    MAKERS. 

mines  in  Wallingford,  and  the  net  results  or  profits,  so  far  as 
can  be  learned,  were  the  holes  in  the  ground. 

It  is  perhaps  needless  to  say  that  Kierstead's  venture  was 
not  successful,  but  the  incident  apparently  settled  him  as  a 
permanent  resident  of  JSTew  Haven.  On  the  map  of  ISTew 
Haven,  dated  1724,  his  home  is  indicated  as  on  the  west  side 
of  Church  Street,  a  short  distance  below  Wall  Street,  and  just 
north  of  the  home  of  Moses  Mansfield,  the  school-teacher,  whose 
father-in-law  he  was.  He  was  still  living  in  'New  Haven  in 
1753,  for  in  that  year  the  selectmen  placed  him  in  charge  of 
a  conservator,  giving  as  a  reason  that,  "on  account  of  his 
advanced  age  and  infirmities,  he  is  become  impotent  and 
unable  to  take  care  of  himself." 

In  a  few  Connecticut  churches  we  find  examples  of  his  work : 
a  caudle-cup  in  the  Congregational  Church,  jSTorth  Haven ;  a 
baptismal  basin  and  a  two-handled  beaker  in  the  First  Congre- 
gational Church,  Milford ;  and  a  tankard  belonging  to  Trinity 
Church,  I^ew  Haven.  There  are  also  two  other  pieces  extant 
made  by  Kierstead, — a  fine  punch-bowl  and  a  large  candlestick. 
He  was  certainly  a  most  skilful  craftsman. 

The  next  to  record  is  John  Potwine,  who  was  born  in  Boston 
in  1698,  and  followed  his  trade  there  until  about  1737,  when 
he  moved  to  Hartford.  For  a  time  he  seems  to  have  continued 
as  a  silversmith,  for  three  beakers  made  by  him  are  owned  by 
the  Congregational  Church,  Durham,  and  two  by  the  church  in 
South  Windsor.  A  fine  silver-hilted  sword  is  owned  in  Hart- 
ford, which  was  doubtless  made  by  him,  and  probably  once 
belonged  to  Governor  Wolcott.  In  the  recent  silver  exhibition 
held  in  Boston  were  several  examples  of  his  work,  which  prove 
that  he  was  a  silversmith  of  very  high  order. 

He  was  apparently  for  a  while  in  partnership  in  Hartford 
with  a  man  named  Whiting,  and  later  was  a  merchant  in 
Coventry  and  East  Windsor,  dying  in  the  latter  place  in  1792. 

Shortly  after  Potwine's  advent  appeared  another  silversmith, 
not  of  Connecticut  lineage,- — ^Pierre,  or  Peter,  Quintard,  who 
was  of  Huguenot  extraction  and  was  born  in  1700.  He  was 
registered  as  a  silversmith  in  Xew  York  in  1731,  but  in  1737 


EAKLY    SILVER    OF    CONNECTICUT    AND    ITS    MAKERS. 


199 


moved  to  what  is  now  Sontli  ]Srorwalk  and  there  passed  the 
rest  of  his  life,  dying-  in  1762.  There  is  a  caudle-cnp  made  by 
him  belonging  to  the  Congregational  Chnrch,  Stamford;  and 
in  the  Metropolitan  Museum,  l^ew  York,  are  two  fine  beakers 
bearing  his  mark.  His  inventory  shows  that  he  also  made 
gold  and  silver  jewelry,  rings,  beads,  and  knee  and  shoe  buckles. 

JSTew  Haven,  the  richest  town  in  the  Colony,  was  evidently 
quite  a  centre  of  silversmithing.  The  map  of  1748  shows  that 
Timothy  Bontecou,  also  of  Huguenot  descent,  was  located  on 
the  west  side  of  Fleet  Street,  which  ran  from  State  Street  to 
the  w^harf.  He  was  born  in  'New  York  in  1693,  but  learned 
his  trade  in  France,  and  was  certainly  living  in  ]N"ew  Haven 
as  early  as  1735.  He  was  the  victim  of  an  outrage  by  a  mob 
of  British  soldiers  at  the  time  of  the  invasion  of  1779,  and 
died  in  1784. 

From  1770  to  1800  the  junction  of  Church  and  Chapel 
Streets  was  a  favorite  stand  for  silversmiths.  On  the  south- 
west corner  were  located  the  following  men  in  the  order  named : 
Captain  Eobert  Fairchild,  Abel  Buel,  and  Ebenezer  Chittenden. 

Captain  Fairchild  was  born  in  Stratford  in  1703.  Shortly 
afterwards  the  family  moved  to  Durham,  and  there  the  young 
man  first  followed  his  trade.  He  became  prominent,  represent- 
ing the  town  in  the  General  Assembly  from  1739  to  1745  ;  was 
an  auditor  of  the  Colony  in  1740  and  received  the  title  of 
captain  in  1745.  He  removed  to  Stratford  about  1747,  and  in 
1772  to  ]^ew  Haven,  and,  when  a  very  old  man,  to  jSTew  York. 
It  is  probable  that,  while  in  Stratford,  John  Benjamin  was  his 
apprentice.  He  was  certainly  a  silversmith,  but  only  one  or 
two  pieces  of  his  silver-work  are  kno^vn  to  be  in  existence.  It 
is  said  that  he  made  the  brass  weathercock  still  capping  the 
spire  of  the  Episcopal  Church,  which  was  used  as  a  target  by 
a  battalion  of  British  soldiers  quartered  in  Stratford  during 
the  winter  of  1757-58. 

Captain  Fairchild  was  an  excellent  silversmith,  and  a  num- 
ber of  pieces  of  his  work  are  still  in  existence,  including  two 
tankards,  several  beakers,  an  alms-basin,  two  braziers,  and 
many  spoons.      While  located   at  the   corner   of   Church   and 


200        EARLY    SILVEE    OF    COKNECTICUT    AND    ITS    MAKERS. 

Chapel  Streets,  jSTew  Haven,  on  land  leased  of  Trinity  Church, 
he  must  have  been  quite  active  in  his  trade.  We  find  him 
advertising  in  April,  1774,  that  "he  carries  on  the  goldsmith's 
and  jeweler's  business  at  his  shop  adjoining  his  house  near 
the  south-east  corner  of  the  green,  vrhere  he  Avill  do  all  sorts 
of  large  work,  such  as  making  of  tankards,  cans,  porringers, 
tea-pots,  coffee-pots,  and  other  kinds  of  work.  Those  who  please 
to  favor  him  with  their  custom  may  depend  on  having  their 
work  well  done  and  on  reasonable  terms." 

In  1779,  to  vary  the  monotony  of  trade,  he  advertises  a  few 
hogsheads  of  choice  West  India  rum  for  cash,  and  in  1784 
he  tells  us  that  he  has  opened  a  house  of  entertainment,  and 
has  provided  a  new  and  convenient  stable.  The  same  news- 
paper announces,  under  date  of  K^ovember  26,  1794,  that  Cap- 
tain Robert  Fairchild,  late  of  this  city,  has  just  died  in  IsTew 
York. 

His  next-door  neighbor  on  the  Avest,  and  separated  from  him 
by  a  narrow  lane  now  known  as  Gregson  Street,  was  Abel  Buel. 
He  was  a  man  of  singular  versatility  and  inventive  genius. 
He  was  born  in  1742  in  that  part  of  Killingworth  now  known 
as  Clinton.  He  learned  the  silversmith's  trade  of  Ebenezer 
Chittenden  in  East  Guilford,  now  Madison. 

Before  he  had  attained  his  majority,  he  was  convicted  of 
counterfeiting,  and  confined  in  ISTew  London  jail.  On  account 
of  his  youth  he  was  soon  released,  but  to  the  day  of  his  death 
he  bore  the  scars  of  cropped  ear  and  branded  forehead. 

Like  other  Connecticut  silversmiths,  his  activities  were  not 
confined  to  his  trade.  He  must  have  moved  to  ISTew  Haven  about 
1770,  and  he  was  soon  appealing  for  custom  in  the  local  press. 
He  had  already  invented  a  machine  for  grinding  and  polishing 
precious  stones,  which  had  attracted  considerable  attention,  and 
in  recognition  of  this  service  his  civil  disabilities  were  removed 
by  the  General  Assembly.  In  his  shop,  the  old  Sandemanian 
meeting-house,  he  had  established  a  type  foundry,  for  which 
he  received  a  grant  from  the  General  Assembly. 

In  1775  he  was  in  some,  trouble  with  the  liivingtons,  printers 
of  JSTew  York,  and  had  apparently  absconded;  but  he  soon 
returned  and  again  made  his  appeals  to  the  public.     In  1778 


EARLY    SILVER    OF    CONNECTICUT    AND    ITS    MAKERS.         301 

he  established  a  public  vendue.  In  1784  he  advertised  his  map 
of  the  United  States,  which,  he  said,  "is  the  first  engraved  by 
one  man  in  America."  His  advertisement  of  1Y96,  perhaps 
better  than  any  other,  gives  an  idea  of  his  activities : 

"Mariners'  and  surveyors'  compasses  and  other  instruments 
cleaned  and  rectified,  engraving,  seal  and  die  sinking,  seal 
presses,  enameled  hair  worked  mourning  rings  and  lockets, 
fashionable  gold  rings,  earrings  and  beads,  silver,  silver  plated, 
gilt  and  polished  steel  buttons,  button  and  other  casting  moulds, 
plating  mills,  printers  blacks,  coach  and  sign  painting,  gild- 
ing and  varnisliing,  patterns  and  models  of  an}^  sort  of  cast 
work;  mills  and  Avorking  models  for  grinding  paints  as  used 
in  Europe ;  working  models  of  canal  locks,  drawings  on 
parchment,  paper,  silk,  etc.,  by  Abel  Buel,  College  Street,  iSTew 
Haven,  where  there  is  a  decent  furnished  front  chamber  to  let 
by  the  week." 

The  same  year  he  advertised  that  "he  has  on  exhibition 
the  wonderful  negro  who  is  turning  white,"  the  authenticity 
of  which  phenomenon  was  vouched  for  by  no  less  a  person 
than  Timothy  Dwight,  President  of  Yale  College.  In  1798 
he  advertised  a  useful  machine  for  planting  onions  and  corn 
which  he  had  invented.  In  1795  he  established  a  cotton  manu- 
factory, which  President  Ezra  Stiles,  of  Yale,  stated  in  his 
diary  would  prove  a  success. 

He  was  the  coiner  of  the  first  authorized  Connecticut  cop- 
pers, produced  in  a  machine  of  his  own  invention.  His  roving 
disposition  carried  him  to  various  parts  of  the  world,  and,  like 
other  rolling-stones,  he  gathered  no  moss,  but  died  in  great 
poverty  about  1825. 

There  are  still  extant  various  pieces  of  silver  made  by  Buel, 
notably  four  two-handled  cups  belonging  to  the  Congregational 
Church,  I^orth  Haven. 

The  following  story,  gathered  from  the  Colonial  Records  of 
Connecticut,  shows  that  he  did  important  work  and  was  con- 
sidered a  skilled  silversmith : 

In  1771  the  General  Assembly,  desiring  to  show  its  grate- 
ful sense  of  the  many  important  services  rendered  by  Richard 
Jackson,  Esq.,  of  London,  who  for  some  time  had  acted  as 


202        EARLY    SILVER    OF    COIs'ICECTICUT    AND    ITS    MAKERS. 

the  Agent  of  the  Colony  at  the  Court  of  Great  Britain,  mani- 
fested its  appreciation  by  adopting  a  vote  of  thanks,  and 
appropriating  a  snm  not  to  exceed  £250  to  secure  some  proper 
and  elegant  piece  or  pieces  of  plate  to  be  presented  to  him. 
It  was  to  be  engraved  with  the  arms  of  the  Colony,  and  inscribed 
with  some  proper  motto  expressive  of  respect.  ■ 

The  commission  for  this  work  was  given  to  Abel  Buel,  and 
he  forthwith  began  to  fashion  the  plate;  but  some  months 
later,  because  of  the  certainty  that  there  would  be  large  duties 
to  pay  when  the  plate  entered  England  and  the  fear  that  Buel 
would  not  be  able  to  complete  the  work  in  time,  the  commission 
was  withdrawn  from  him  and  given  to  a  silversmith  in  England. 

Just  west  of  Buel's  stand  were  the  house  and  shop  of 
Ebenezer  Chittenden.  He  was  born  in  Madison  in  1726,  and 
for  a  number  of  years  worked  at  his  trade  in  that  place,  remov- 
ing to  ]Srew  Haven  about  1770,  possibly  in  company  with  his 
son-in-law  and  apprentice,  Abel  Buel. 

Thirteen  beakers  and  a  flagon  17^/4  inches  high,  made  by 
him,  have  been  located  in  Connecticut  churches.  He  was  a 
man  of  excellent  connections.  His  mother  was  a  sister  of 
Rev.  Dr.  Samuel  Johnson,  of  Stratford,  father  of  Episcopacy 
in  Connecticut,  as  he  is  called,  and  first  president  of  King's 
College,  now  Columbia  University,  !N^ew  York,  and  his  brother 
Thomas  Avas  the  first  governor  of  Vermont.  He  was  quite 
intimately  associated  as  a  skilled  mechanic  and  friend  with 
Eli  Whitney,  inventor  of  the  cotton-gin,  and  for  many  years 
he  was  either  warden  or  vestr^onan  of  Trinity  Church,  jSTew 
Haven.    He  died  in  1812. 

On  the  other  side  of  Church  Street  from  Bobert  Fairchild 
was  located  the  silversmith  shop  of  Richard  Cutler,  while  on 
Court  Street  Avere  the  home  and  shop  of  Captain  Phineas 
Bradley,  who  Avas  a  skilled  workman  and  saAv  service  in  the 
Revolution.  His  brother,  Colonel  Aner  Bradley,  Avas  also  a 
silA^crsmith.  He  Avas  born  in  ISTcav  Haven  in  1753,  learned 
his  trade  there,  and  served  in  the  ReA^olutionary  War  at  CroAvn 
Point  and  Ticonderoga,  and  was  Avounded  in  the  Danbury  raid, 
1777.     He  retired  as  colonel  of  militia.     After  the  war  he 


EARLY    SILVER    OF    CONNECTICUT    AND    ITS    ]MAKEES.         203 

settled  ill  Watertown  and  followed  liis  trade  until  liis  death 
in  1824. 

Marcus  IMerriman,  -who  was  born  in  Cheshire  in  1Y62,  came 
to  jSTew  Haven  when  a  boy.  He  saw  naval  and  military  service 
in  the  Eevolution,  part  of  the  time  in  the  company  of  Captain 
Bradley. 

His  first  advertisement  appeared  in  17ST,  and  thereafter 
he  was  constantly  asking  for  custom.  He  apparently  did  a 
large  business  for  the  times  in  his  shop  on  State  Street. 

Thirteen  of  his  beakers  and  a  caudle-cup  have  been  found  in 
Connecticut  churches,  and  his  spoons  are  not  uncommon  in 
^STew  Haven  County.  It  is  probable  that  he  produced  more 
silver  than  any  other  early  Connecticut  silversmith.  He  died 
in  1850. 

Amos  Doolittle,  born  in  Cheshire  in  1754,  certainly  began 
his  business  career  as  a  silversmith,  having  learned  his  trade 
of  Eliakim  Hitchcock,  of  that  place.  He  advertised  several 
times  that  he  worked  in  silver,  but  the  gi'eater  number  of  his 
announcements  had  relation  to  engraving,  and  are  of  interest. 
He  successively  advised  the  public  that  he  has  published  a 
mezzotint  of  the  Hon.  John  Hancock  in  colors;  Mr.  Law's 
Collection  of  Music ;  that  he  does  printing  on  calico ;  that  he 
engraves  ciphers,  coats-of-arms,  and  devices  for  books,  or  book- 
plates, and  maps,  plans  and  charts ;  that  he  has  published  the 
Chorister's  Companion,  and  that  he  does  painting  and  gilding ; 
and  in  1790  that  he  is  publishing  an  elegant  print  of  Federal 
Hall,  the  seat  of  Congress,  with  a  view  of  the  Chancellor  of 
State  administered  the  oath  of  office  to  the  President.  He  died 
in  1832. 

Other  silversmiths  of  the  period  in  l^ew  Haven  might  be 
mentioned,  such  as  John  and  Miles  Gorham,  Charles  Hequem- 
burg,  and  Samuel  Merriman,  who  all  did  creditable  work. 

In  Hartford,  after  Potwine's  day,  perhaps  the  most  skilled 
craftsman  was  Colonel  Miles  Beach,  who  was  born  in  Goshen 
in  1742,  and  followed  his  trade  in  Litchfield  until  1785,  when 
he  moved  to  Hartford  and  opened  a  shop  about  ten  rods  south 
of  the  bridge  on  Main  Street.     His  first  partner  was  Isaac 


204:        EARLY    SILVER    OF    CONNECTICUT    AND    ITS    MAKERS. 

Sanford,  and  later  he  was  in  business  witli  his  former  appren- 
tice, James  Ward.  Spoons  bearing  his  mark  are  found  in 
Hartford  and  vicinity,  and  there  are  four  interesting  chalices, 
made  by  him  in  1794,  belonging  to  the  Congregational  Church 
in  Kensington,  Berlin.  He  saw  active  service  in  the  Revolu- 
tion, and  he  was  chief  engineer  of  the  Hartford  Fire  Depart- 
ment from  its  organization  in  1789  to  1805.    He  died  in  1828. 

James  Ward,  just  mentioned,  was  one  of  a  family  of  silver- 
smiths. His  father,  brother,  and  probably  grandfather,  all 
followed  the  trade  in  Guilford.  He  was  born  in  Guilford  in 
1768  and,  as  already  stated,  was  apprenticed  to  Colonel  Beach. 
After  the  firm  of  Beach  &  Ward  was  dissolved  in  1798,  Ward 
for  a  time  continued  alone  at  a  shop  about  ten  rods  north  of 
the  bridge  at  the  ''Sign  of  the  Golden  Kettle."  A  number  of 
silver  pieces  made  by  him  have  been  found  in  Connecticut 
churches,  as  well  as  spoons  in  private  hands.  He  was  a  good 
craftsman  and,  like  other  Connecticut  smiths,  did  not  strictly 
confine  himself  to  his  trade,  for  we  later  find  him  making  and 
dealing  in  pewter  worms  for  stills,  dyer's,  hatter's,  and  kitchen 
coppers,  and  various  sorts  of  brass  and  copper  goods,  and  casting 
church  bells.  He  became  quite  prominent  and  influential  in 
Hartford,  and  died  in  1856. 

JSTo  early  Hartford  silversmith  ever  used  the  advertising 
columns  of  the  local  press  to  a  greater  extent  than  did  James 
Tiley,  born  in  1740.  His  first  announcement  was  in  1765, 
which  states  that  "he  still  does  gold  and  silversmith's  work  at 
his  shop  on  King  Street,  Hartford."  This  was  the  old  name 
for  State  Street.  Another  notice  says  that  his  shop  was  a  little 
east  of  the  Court-house  on  the  street  leading  to  the  ferry.  When 
the  brick  school-house  which  stood  on  the  site  of  the  present 
American  Hotel  in  State  Street  w^as  blown  up  by  a  gunpowder 
explosion  in  May,  1766,  Tiley  was  among  the  number  of  those 
seriously  injured.  For  many  years  he  pursued  his  calling  until 
financial  difficulties  overtook  him  in  1785.  Later  he  advertised 
that  he  had  opened  a  house  of  entertainment  in  Front  Street 
at  the  sign  of  the  "Free  Mason's  Arms."  He  was  a  charter 
member  of  St.  John's  Lodge  of  Free  Masons  in  1703,  and  he 


EARLY    SILVER    OF    CONNECTICUT    AND    ITS    MAKERS.         205 

was  also  a  charter  member  of  the  Governor's  Guard,  now  Eirst 
Company  of  the  Governor's  Foot  Guard,  at  its  organization  in 
1771.     He  died  in  the  South  in  1792. 

ISText  door  to  Tilej  in  1774  was  Thomas  Hilldrup,  watch- 
maker, jeweler,  and  silversmith,  from  London,  whose  motive 
it  was  to  "settle  in  Hartford  if  health  permits  and  the  business 
answers."  He  therefore  requested  the  candid  public  to  make 
a  trial  of  his  abilities,  assuring  them  he  was  regularly  bred  to 
the  finishing  branch  in  London.  He  later  returns  his  unfeigned 
thanks  to  those  who  favored  him  with  their  custom  or  interest 
since  his  commencing  business  here,  their  favors  having 
exceeded  his  most  sanguine  expectations.  Somewhat  later  his 
shop  was  situated  south  of  the  Court-house  at  the  sign  of  the 
"Taylor's  Shears." 

In  1777  he  was  appointed  postmaster  and  began  a  series  of 
migrations  to  various  locations.  While  occupying  this  position, 
it  is  related  that  Sheriff  Williams  drove  up  to  the  office  one 
day  and  was  informed  that  it  had  been  removed.  He  replied, 
"Hilldruj)  moves  so  often  he  will  have  moved  again  before  I 
get  there." 

Hilldrup  was  evidently  blessed  with  a  vein  of  humor.  In 
one  of  his  announcements  he  states  "he  has  silver  watches 
which  will  perform  to  a  punctilio,  and  others  that  will  go  if 
carried,  and  he  has  a  few  watches  on  hand  upwards  of  one 
year  which  he  is  willing  to  exchange  with  the  owners  for  what 
the  repairs  amount  to." 

He  died  about  179'1,  and,  judging  by  the  amount  of  his 
inventory,  he  did  not  find  later  that  the  favors  of  a  discriminat- 
ing public  exceeded  his  most  sanguine  expectations. 

Other  silversmiths  of  the  period  in  Hartford  were  Ebenezer 
Austin,  whose  shop  was  on  the  west  side  of  Main  Street,  a  few 
doors  south  of  Pearl  Street;  and  Caleb  Bull  and  ISTorman 
Morrison,  the  latter  a  grandson  of  Dr.  ISTorman  Morrison. 
Bull  and  Morrison  worked  in  partnership,  although  one  sus- 
pects Morrison  was  the  silversmith  of  the  firm.  He  was  reared 
in  the  family  of  Captain  Tiley.  He  was  lost  at  sea  in  1783, 
and  shortly  after   Caleb  Bull,  who  had  married  his  widow, 


206        EAKLY    SILVER    OF    CONNECTICUT    AND    ITS    MAKERS. 

advertised  the  silversmith's  tools  for  sale,  and  says  they  are 
the  most  complete  in  the  State.  Captain  Bull  was  a  member 
of  Hartford's  first  City  Council,  and  was  one  of  the  first  board 
of  directors  of  the  Hartford  Bank. 

At  a  somewhat  later  date  Jacob  Sargeant  was  working  in 
a  shop  next  door  to  the  United  States  Hotel.  His  spoons  are 
still  found  in  Hartford  County. 

Middletown's  earliest  silversmith  was  apparently  Timothy 
Ward,  the  son  of  Captain  James,  and  born  there  in  1742. 
Little  is  known  concerning  him,  and  that  little  indicates  that 
he  was  lost  at  sea  in  1T67  or  1768.  In  jSTovember,  1766,  he 
made  a  will  in  which  he  says  he  is  "bound  on  a  long  sea  voyage, 
and  may  never  see  land  again. 

The  Boston  commissioners'  records  on  July  10,  1767, 
announce  the  arrival  of  the  sloop  "Patty"  from  Connecticut, 
Peter  Boyd,  master,  with  Timothy  Ward  on  board,  a  goldsmith 
from  Middletown.  Less  than  a  year  later,  on  May  2,  1768, 
his  will  was  proved  in  court,  and  his  inventory  was  filed, 
containing  a  list  of  silversmith's  tools,  which  tell  us  that  he 
was  a  craftsman  of  merit. 

Apparently  the  most  skillful  of  Middletown's  silversmiths  was 
Major  Jonathan  Otis.  He  was  born  in  Sandwich,  Mass.,  in 
1723,  and  began  business  in  ISTewport,  R.  I.,  where  he  con- 
tinued until  1778.  As  he  was  an  ardent  patriot,  and  the  town 
was  in  the  hands  of  the  British  at  that  time,  he  moved  to  Mid- 
dletown, and  died  there  in  1791.  Eleven  of  his  beakers  and 
cups  have  been  found  in  Connecticut  churches, — six  in  Mid- 
dletown, four  in  Sufiield,  and  one  in  Durham. 

Antipas  Woodward,  born  in  Waterbury  in  1763,  began  busi- 
ness in  Middletown  in  May,  1791,  taking  the  shop  under  the 
printing-ofiice  vacated  by  Timothy  Peck,  another  smith,  who 
was  moving  to  Litchfield.  Moses,  the  brother  of  Antipas  Wood- 
ward, was  running  this  printing-office  overhead  at  that  time; 
but  the  building  was  soon  destroyed  by  fire,  and  Antipas  then 
moved  to  the  shop  formerly  occupied  by  Major  Otis.  He  must 
have  been  an  excellent  silversmith,  judging  from  a  fine  por- 
ringer made  by  him  which  is  owned  in  Boston. 


EAE.LY    SILVER    OF    COIN'NECTICUT    AND    ITS    MAKEES.        207 

Other  smiths  of  the  period  were:  Samuel  Canfield  (1780- 
1801),  who  was  also  sheriff,  and  whose  shop  in  1792  was  ten 
rods  south  of  the  town-house,  and  in  1796  a  few  rods  north 
of  the  printing-office ;  his  one  time  apprentice,  William  Johon- 
not,  whose  shop  was  south  of  the  corner  of  Court  and  Main 
Streets  (perhaps  the  site  now  occupied  by  the  Farmers  and 
Mechanics  Savings  Bank),  opposite  Mrs.  Bigelow's  tavern,  and 
who  about  1792  moved  to  Vermont;  Joseph  King,  whose  shop 
in  1776  was  at  the  northwest  corner  of  Main  Street  and  Hen- 
shaw  Lane,  now  known  as  College  Street.  Apparently,  his  bus- 
iness was  not  a  profitable  one,  for  it  devolved  on  Samuel 
Canfield,  in  his  official  position  as  sheriff,  to  make  a  number 
of  calls  on  his  brother  craftsman  during  a  period  of  years  which 
must  have  been  unhappy  ones  for  Joseph. 

In  ISTovember,  1785,  David  Aird,  with  true  British  pride, 
announced  in  the  local  press  that  he  was  a  watchmaker  from 
London,  and  that  he  carried  on  the  business  in  all  its  branches 
two  doors  north  of  the  printing-office;  whereupon  Daniel  Wal- 
worth, with  due  and  becoming  humility,  informed  the  public 
that,  while  he  was  not  from  London,  he  was  a  goldsmith  and 
brass-founder,  and  that  he  performed  all  kinds  of  gold,  silver, 
copper,  and  brass  work  in  a  shop  nearly  opposite  the  printing- 
office. 

About  1800,  Judali  Hart  and  Charles  Brewer  were  working 
at  the  silversmith's  business  in  a  shop  which  stood  at  the  north- 
east corner  of  Main  and  Court  Streets.  Two  or  three  years 
later  Hart  moved  to  ISTorwich,  and  Brewer  took  as  a  partner 
Alexander  Mann.  In  a  year  or  two  Mann  left  him,  and  began 
to  manufacture  guns.  Brewer  continued  to  do  business  at  the 
same  old  stand,  in  later  years  as  a  jeweler  only,  and  died  in 
1860.  Spoons  bearing  his  mark  are  common  in  Middlesex  and 
^N'ew  Haven  Counties,  and  in  the  Congregational  Church  in 
Durham  are  three  beakers  made  by  him  and  presented  in  1821. 

It  has  been  stated  that  some  of  the  Connecticut  workmen 
turned  their  attention  to  various  pursuits ;  in  fact,  were  jacks- 
of-all-trades.  Abel  Buel  has  been  cited  in  illustration  of  this 
statement,  and  the  activities  of  Joel  Allen,  who  was  born  in 


208        EAKLY    SILVER    OF    CONNECTICUT    AND    ITS    MAKERS. 

Southington  in  1755,  deserve  equal  prominence.  He  was  a 
spoon-maker,  engraver,  brass-worker,  carpenter,  general  store- 
keeper, and  tinker,  and  yet  he  did  excellent  work.  Opportunity 
has  been  given  to  examine  his  day  book,  running  from  1787 
to  1792. 

In  his  shop  he  sold  everything  from  pinchbeck*  jewelry  to 
castor  hats,  including  spelling-books.  Bibles,  dry  goods, 
groceries,  drugs,  meats,  and  hardware.  In  1790  he  moved  to 
Middletown,  and  began  to  engrave  for  the  silversmiths,  work- 
ing principally  for  Samuel  Canfield.  In  1790  he  rendered  a 
bill  to  the  Congregational  Church  in  Middletown  for  taking 
down  the  organ,  adjusting  and  mending  the  pipes,  putting  in 
new  ones,  mending  the  bellows,  and  charged  £9  for  all  this  work. 

He  engraved  the  map  of  Connecticut  published  by  William 
Blodgett  in  1792, — an  excellent  piece  of  work.  He  made  book- 
plates, engraved  seals  and  coats-of-arms ;  he  painted  and  gilded 
chairs  and  mirrors;  and,  when  Major  Jonathan  Otis,  silver- 
smith, died  in  1791,  he  lettered  his  coffin.  During  this  busy 
career  he  found  time  to  make  silver  spoons  and  jewelry.  He 
died  in  1825. 

Guilford  was  the  home  of  two  excellent  silversmiths.  Billions 
Ward  and  Captain  Samuel  Parmele. 

Ward,  the  son  of  William  Ward,  who  was  probably  a  silver- 
smith, was  born  in  1729.  Two  patens,  five  beakers,  and  a 
number  of  spoons  have  been  found  in  Connecticut  marked 
"B.  W.,"  and  doubtless  made  by  him.  He  died  in  Wallingford 
in  1777  of  small-pox,  whither  he  had  gone  to  visit  his  intimate 
friend,  Rev.  Samuel  Andrews,  rector  of  the  Episcopal  Church, 
who  at  that  time  was  in  dire  disgrace,  owing  to  his  sympathies 
with  the  British  side  of  the  Revolutionary  quarrel,  and  was 
confined  to  his  own  premises. 

Captain  Samuel  Parmele,  who  received  his  title  in  1775  and 
saw  active  service  in  the  Revolution,  was  born  in  1737.  He 
was  prominent  in  Guilford,  and  was  an  excellent  workman. 

*  Chr.  Pincbbeck,  London  watchmaker,  eighteenth  century,  invented  an 
alloy  of  three  or  four  parts  of  copper  with  one  of  zinc,  much  xised  in  cheap 
jewelry. 


EAELY    SILVER    OF    CONNECTICUT    AND    ITS    MAKERS. 


209 


In  the  CongTegational  Church  in  that  town  are  a  baptismal 
basin  and  a  beaker  made  by  him,  and  spoons  marked  "S.  P." 
and  "S.  Parmele"  are  not  uncommon  among  the  older  families 
of  that  vicinity. 

]^orwich,  which,  as  everyone  knows,  was  at  an  early  date  one 
of  the  most  important  and  wealthy  towns  in  the  Colony,  had  a 
number  of  skilled  smiths.  Perhaps  the  most  important  was 
Thomas  Harland,  who  was  born  in  England  in  1735  and  came 
to  I^Torwich  in  1773,  where  he  died  in  1809. 

In  addition  to  the  trade  of  silversmithing  he  was  an  expert 
watch  and  clock  maker.  In  1790  he  had  twelve  workmen  in 
his  employ,  his  annual  output  being  two  hundred  watches  and 
forty  clocks.  He  also  produced  quantities  of  jewelry,  which 
is  described  in  his  advertisements  as  "Brilliant,  garnet  and 
plain  gold  rings,  broaches,  hair  sprigs,  ear  jewels,  and  gold  and 
silver  buttons."  His  assortment  of  plate  consisted  of  "Tea  pots, 
sugar  baskets,  creamieures,  tea  tongs  and  spoons." 

Among  his  apprentices  afterwards  in  business  in  I^orwich 
were  David  Greenleaf,  JSTathaniel  Shipman,  and  William  Cleve- 
land, grandfather  of  President  Grover  Cleveland.  Eli  Terry, 
inventor  of  the  Connecticut  shelf  clock,  also  learned  his  trade 
of  Harland,  as  did  Daniel  Burnap,  the  expert  clock-maker  and 
silversmith  of  East  Windsor. 

Joseph  Carpenter,  born  in  1747,  was  another  enterprising 
silversmith  whose  shop  still  stands  fronting  on  the  old  town 
green.  In  it  was  lately  found  an  engraved  copper  plate  from 
which  his  business  cards  were  printed. 

His  name  is  surrounded  by  a  graceful  grouping  of  silver 
tea-set,  cake-basket,  mug,  spoons,  tongs,  buckles,  watches,  rings, 
a  clock,  and  a  knife-box,  illustrating  the  articles  in  which  he 
dealt.  At  the  top  appear  the  words  "Arts  and  Sciences"  on 
a  ribbon  scroll,  while  cherubs  floating  in  clouds  hover  over  these 
treasures. 

Other  silversmiths  working  in  l^orwich  were  William  Adgate, 
Samuel  iSToyes,  Gurdon  Tracy,  Charles  Whiting,  Philip  and 
Roswell  Huntingi;on  in  the  eighteenth  century,  and  Judah  Hart 
and  Alvan  Willcox  of  the  firm  Hart  &  Willcox,  Thomas  C. 


210        EAELY    SILVER    OF    COK^XECTICUT    AND    ITS    MAKERS. 

Coit  and  Elisha  H.  Mansfield  of  the  firm  Coit  &  Mansfield,  and 
William  Gurley,  in  the  early  part  of  the  nineteenth  century. 

jSTew  London,  another  enterprising  and  wealthy  town,  had  its 
quota  of  silversmiths.  Mention  has  already  been  made  of 
Daniel  Deshon  (1697-1781). 

John  Gray  (1692-1720)  and  Samuel  Gray  (1684-1713),  both 
born  in  Boston,  followed  their  trade  in  'New  London  at  an  early 
date.  Two  interesting  pieces  made  by  the  latter,  a  can  and  a 
snuff-box,  were  in  the  recent  silver  exhibition  in  the  Museum  of 
Fine  Arts,  Boston.  •    . 

Captain  Pygan  Adams  was  the  son  of  Rev.  Eliphalet  Adams, 
pastor  of  the  Congregational  Church,  ISTew  London,  succeeding 
the  Hon.  Gurdon  Saltonstall  when  the  latter  became  governor 
of  Connecticut. 

Captain  Pygan  (1712-1776)  was  a  prominent  man,  and 
represented  the  town  in  the  General  Assembly  at  most  of  the 
sessions  from  1753  to  1765.  He  was  appointed  by  the 
Assembly  to  many  responsible  positions,  as  auditor,  overseer 
of  the  Mohegan  Indians,  and  one  of  the  builders  of  the  light- 
house at  ISTew  London  in  1760.  He  was  also  deacon  of  his 
father's  church.  He  is  called  a  merchant  in  the  History  of 
ISTew  London;  but  his  father,  in  a  deed  of  gift  to  Pj'gan  in 
1736,  calls  him  a  goldsmith,  and  Joshua  Hempstead  in  his 
diary  has  three  entries  which  show  that,  when  he  needed  any- 
thing in  the  goldsmith's  line,  he  patronized  Captain  Pygan. 
In  1735  he  bought  of  him  a  pair  of  gold  sleeve-buttons,  in 
1738  some  plated  buttons,  and  in  1744:  Pygan  replaced  the 
broken  mainspring  of  his  watch. 

Additional  evidence  puts  him  in  the  class  of  the  best  silver- 
smiths Connecticut  has  produced.  In  1910  a  fine  porringer 
bearing  the  mark  ''P.  A."  was  sold  in  Guilford.  A  rat-tailed 
spoon  and  tankard  owned  in  Lyme,  and  several  fine  spoons 
owned  on  the  eastern  end  of  Long  Island,  are  also  so  marked. 
ISTo  other  known  silversmith  had  these  initials. 

John  Champlin  (1745-1800)  also  worked  in  New  London, 
and  evidently  did  a  good  business.  In  1770  his  shop  was 
entered  bv  bnri;lars,  and  the  list  of  stolen  articles  gives  one  an 


EARLY    SILVER    OF    CONA^ECTICUT    ASTD    ITS    MAKERS.         211 

excellent  idea  of  the  contents  of  a,  gold  and  silversmith's  shop 
of  that  period:  "12  strings  of  gold  beads;  40  pairs  of  silver 
shoe  buckles  and  a  parcel  of  silver  knee  buckles ;  3  or  4  silver 
plated  and  pinchbeck  knee  buckles ;  6  silver  table  spoons ;  3 
dozen  tea  spoons ;  10  silver  Tvatches ;  a  large  quantity  of 
watch  chains,  keys,  main  springs,  stock  buckles,  stone  rings, 
jewels,  broaches,  etc."  On  J^ovember  30,  1781,  he  notitied  his 
old  customers  and  others  that,  since  the  destruction  of  his  shop 
by  the  enemy, "■'^  "he  has  erected  a  new  one  by  his  dwelling  in 
Main  Street." 

John  liallam  (1752-1800)  was  another  enterprising  silver- 
smith. In  1773  he  advertised,  "At  his  shop  near  the  signpost, 
makes  and  sells  all  kinds  of  goldsmiths  and  jewellers  work  as 
cheap  as  can  be  had  in  this  Colony."  He  engraved  the  plates 
for  the  bills  of  credit  issued  by  the  Colony  in  1775. 

His  inventory  on  file  in  the  Probate  Court  contained  the 
following  plate :  two  tankards,  a  can,  a  cup,  two  porringers, 
milk-pot,  pepper-box,  sugar-bowl,  punch-ladle,  and  many  spoons. 

John  Gardiner  (1734-1776),  one  of  the  family  associated 
with  Gardiner's  Island,  who  fashioned  the  beautiful  chalice 
belonging  to  Berkeley  Divinity  School,  must  have  been  a  smith 
of  exceptional  skill. 

Jonathan  Trott,  a  Boston  silversmith,  was  a  skilful  crafts- 
man, and  in  that  town  are  still  preserved  a  number  of  pieces 
of  plate  made  by  him.  He  went  to  aSTorwich  in  1772,  and  there 
kept  the  Peck  Tavern  for  a  short  time.  He  moved  thence  to 
jSTew  London,  where  he  died  in  1815.  His  two  sons,  Jonathan, 
Jr.,  and  John  Proctor,  were  also  silversmiths,  and  there  is  in 
Lyme  a  tea-set  of  the  style  popular  about  1810  marked  "I.  T.," 
and  probably  made  by  Jonathan,  Jr.  John  Proctor  did  a  large 
business  for  the  times,  and  much  jDlate,  both  hollow  and  flat, 
bears  his  trade-mark. 

Belonging  to  the  Congregational  Church  in  Middlebury  are 
two  old  cups,  or  beakers,  presented  by  Isaac  Bronson  and  Josiah 
Bronson  in  the  year  1800.  They  do  not  bear  the  marks  of  the 
maker. 

*  The  burning  of  New  London  by  a  British  force  under  command  of 
Benedict  Arnold. 


212        EAELY    SILVER    OF    CO^^XECTICUT    AND    ITS    JNIAKEES. 

These  interesting  vessels  were  probably  made  bj  some  near-by 
silversmith,  and  the  only  man  of  that  vicinity  whose  record 
makes  it  safe  to  assume  that  he  was  the  craftsman  in  question 
is  Israel  Holmes,  who  was  born  in  Greenwich  in  1Y6S,  and 
came  to  Waterbury  in  1793. 

His  house  stood  on  the  site  of  the  present  St.  John's  rectory. 
In  1802  he  was  engaged  to  go  to  South  America  by  a  silver 
mining  company,  and  died  on  the  voyage.  His  inventory,  filed 
in  August  that  year  in  the  local  Probate  Court,  contains  a  list 
of  silversmith's  tools,  which  shows  that  he  was  a  smith  of 
considerable  practice  and  experience. 

There  ought  to  be  many  spoons  in  that  vicinity  made  by 
Holmes.  Joseph,  Jesse,  and  Stephen  Hopkins,  and  Edmund 
Tompkins  at  an  earlier  date  than  Holmes,  were  goldsmiths  in 
Waterbury ;  but  it  is  probable  that  their  work  was  confined  to 
the  making  of  jewelry. 

Joseph  Hopkins's  peculiar  claim  to  distinction  was  in  the 
number  of  times  his  shop  was  visited  by  burglars.  Five  times 
between  1766  and  1772  was  he  the  victim  of  these  outrages, 
either  because  his  stock  was  of  more  than  ordinary  value  or 
because  of  the  enmity  of  some  neighbor,  and  in  1780  his  shop 
was  destroyed  by  an  incendiary  fire, — a  record  of  misfortune 
unique  among  Connecticut  silversmiths. 

Although  there  is  no  evidence  that  many  of  Connecticut's 
silversmiths  fashioned  articles  more  pretentious  than  spoons, 
it  was  probably  due  not  to  lack  of  ability,  but  to  absence  of 
demand. 

Captain  Elias  Pelletreau,  of  Southampton,  L.  I.,  was  a 
smith  of  excellent  reputation,  who  fashioned  many  pieces  of 
plate.  His  day  book  shows  that  he  was  called  on  to  produce 
tankards,  porringers,  tea-pots,  silver-hilted  swords;  in  fact, 
everything  that  a  full  purse  could  demand. 

At  the  outbreak  of  the  Revolution  he  removed  to  Simsbury, 
Conn.,  where  he  resided  for  a  few  years.  An  examination  of 
his  day  book  shows  that  not  once  was  he  called  upon  during 
that  period  to  fashion  hollow-waro  plate.  His  work  was  con- 
fined to  spoons  and  the  jewelry  and  trinkets  in  demand  in  that 
reffion. 


EARLY    SILVER    OF    COISTK-ECTICUT    AND    ITS    MAKERS. 


213 


This  list  of  early  Connecticut  silversmiths  is  by  no  means 
complete.  There  were  many  others  who  did  excellent  and 
creditable  work,  and  were  successful  and  capable  men;  but 
a  sufficient  number  have  been  mentioned  to  show  that  Connect- 
icut has  reason  to  be  proud  of  the  record,  especially  considering 
the  limited  field  in  which  these  men  were  obliged  to  work  and 
the  strong  comj)etition  from  larger  and  wealthier  towns  than 
were  to  be  found  in  this  Colony. 

The  question  of  high  prices,  about  which  we  hear  so  much 
nowadays,  was  evidently  as  troublesome  one  hundred  and  fifty 
years  ago.  In  the  issue  of  the  Connecticut  Courant  for  August 
17,  1767,  a  two-column  article  appeared,  discussing  exports, 
imports,  and  home  manufactures,  urging  lower  prices  on  all 
articles  made  in  this  Colony  by  artificers  and  mechanics,  and 
complaining  that  they  are  eager  to  raise  prices  when  prices 
rise,  but  are  very  slow  to  reduce  them  when  prices  fall. 

Two  enterprising  gold-  and  silversmiths,  Joseph  Hopkins,  of 
Waterbury  (whose  shop  had  so  many  times  been  broken  into 
by  thieves),  and  Martin  Bull,  of  Farmington,  considered  that 
this  complaint  gave  an  excellent  opportunity  to  gain  a  little 
patriotic  publicity  and  at  the  same  time  to  advertise  their  wares. 
In  the  issue  of  August  24,  1767,  the  following  letter  was 
printed : 

"We,  the  subscribers,  goldsmiths  of  Waterbury  and  Farming- 
ton,  being  convinced  of  the  truth  of  the  sentiments  expressed 
in  this  paper  Xo.  138,  and  sensible  of  the  obligation  that  lies 
upon  every  person  in  this  popular  Colony  to  conduct  so  as 
will  have  a  natural  tendency  to  advance  the  good  of  the  whole ; 
hereby  inform  the  public  that  (notwithstanding  we  have  the 
vanity  to  believe  that  our  demands  have  ever  been  short  of 
any  goldsmith  in  this  Colony)  we  are  determined  to  serve  all 
our  customers  for  the  future,  demanding  only  seven-eighths  of 
our  usual  acquirements  for  labour ;  excepting  in  making  silver 
spoons  and  silver  buttons,  which  has  ever  been  lower  than  the 
wages  of  most  other  tradesmen. 

Joseph  Hopkins. 
Martix"  Bull." 


21-t        EAELY    SILVER    OF    COXXECTICUT    AJ^D    ITS    MAKERS. 

It  lias  long  been  a  current  tradition  that  many  of  the  silver- 
smiths were  also  blacksmiths,  and  the  following  reply  to  the 
letter  by  Hopkins  and  Bull  shows  that  the  tradition  is  based 
on  fact,  although  it  is  certain  both  these  gentlemen  were  skilled 
artisans  and  of  good  standing  in  their  respective  communities. 
In  the  issue  of  August  31,  17G7,  we  read  the  following  letter: 

"Mr.  Green  :  In  your  last,  two  persons  calling  themselves 
Goldsmiths  'Inform  the  Public  that  they  have  the  vanity  to 
believe  their  demands  have  ever  been  short  of  any  Goldsmith's 
in  this  Colony.'  Vanity  indeed,  with  great  propriety !  When  in 
the  article  of  Gold  ISTecklaces  (in  which  they  have  been  so 
celebrated)  the}^  have  had  a  price  equal  to  any  one,  reckoning 
the  Labour  and  the  advance  on  the  Gold; — and  it  is  surprising 
those  gentlemen  did  not  see  into  what  a  dilemma  their  expressive 
vanity  leads  them ;  for  they  'Are  determined  to  serve  all  their 
Customers  for  the  future'  at  a  rate  short  of  the  former — viz: 
'Demanding  only  seven-eighths  of  their  usual  acquirements  for 
Labour.'  Why  this  alteration?  Is  it  because  they  are  deter- 
mined to  engross  the  business  by  representing  to  the  Public 
that  they  sell  cheaper  than  anybody  else — Vanity ! — Or  is  it  not 
rather  because  they  are  conscious  to  themselves  of  having 
injured  their  customers  by  over-rating  Labour  done  by  Black- 
smiths and  Tinkers,  and  mean  to  make  restitution  that  way; 
for  they  seriously  express  a  sense  of  the  obligation  that  lies 
upon  'Every  person  in  this  popular  Colony  to  conduct  so  as 
will  have  a  natural  tendency  to  advance  the  good  of  the  Whole.' 

"But  for  men  to  set  up  themselves  for  Standards  for  others, 
that  have  acquired  their  skill  by  hire  of  journeymen — it  is 
to  be  wished  the  Legislative  Body  would  pass  an  act  that  no 
man  should  set  himself  up  at  any  trade  without  having  served 
a  regular  Apprenticeship  of  seven  years,  and  have  a  Certificate 
from  his  master.  Then  we  should  not  see  every  Blacksmith  and 
Tinker  turn  Goldsmith." 


''THE  MICROSCOPE"  AND  JAMES  GATES 
PERCIVAL. 

By  James  Kik^gsley  Blake. 

[Read  March  IS,  1912.]  i 


On  Tuesday,  March  21,  in  the  year  of  Grace  1820,  there 
appeared  on  sale  in  the  then  elm-shaded  town  of  'New  Haven, 
a  modest  little  sheet  of  four  pages,  denominated  The  Microscope. 
The  name  of  the  printer  which  appeared  on  the  title  page  was 
that  of  A.  H.  Maltby  &  Co.,  No.  4  Glebe  Building,  but  the 
only  clue  which  Avas  given  by  which  the  editors  might  be 
identified,  was  the  somewhat  mysterious  announcement,  on  the 
same  page,  that  it  was  "edited  by  a  fraternity  of  gentlemen." 
The  price  is  moderate  enough  to  be  sure,  only  three  cents  a 
copy,  especially  when  it  is  considered  that  it  is  promised  that 
the  paper  shall  be  published  twice  each  week,  on  Tuesday  and 
Friday  mornings,  and  that  "each  number  is  to  consist  of  at 
least  four  octavo  pages." 

The  first  number  contained  a  statement  by  the  members  of 
the  fraternity,  outlining  the  policy  to  be  pursued  by  it,  which 
was  in  brief  to  be  as  follows :  The  paper  was  to  contain  essays 
on  topics  of  every  variety,  but  in  order  "to  prevent  the 
monotony  of  sober  prose,"  it  was  agreed  that  there  should  be 
interspersed  from  time  to  time,  "the  lighter  and  more  welcome 
effusions  of  the  muse." 

Its  readers  were  further  especially  assured  that  the  little 
magazine  was  not  intended  "to  subserve,  either  directly  or 
indirectly,  the  interests  of  any  political  party  or  religious  sect," 
for  its  editors  had  "no  solicitude  to  increase  the  number  of 
Presbyterians  or  Episcopalians,"  nor  did  they  "'desire  to  fill 
the  ranks  of  the  friends  or  the  opponents  of  the  administration"  ; 


216       "the  miceoscope"   and  james  gates  peecival. 

ill  short,  they  proposed  not  only  to  live  up  to  the  classic  motto 
which  adorned  their  title  page,  "Tros,  Tyriusque  mihi  nullo 
discrimine  agetur,"  but  also  to  do  their  best  to  stay  the  progTess 
of  the  overwhelming  flood  of  partisan  publications  which  were 
"daily  starting  up  like  hydras  from  every  corner  ...  to  poison 
the  fountain  of  social  and  even  of  domestic  enjoyment." 
Though  this  was  the  plan  which  they  proposed,  they  nevertheless 
cordially  invited  their  subscribers  to  suggest  any  improvements 
and  agreed,  as  far  as  it  was  possible,  to  comply  with  such  sug- 
gestions, with  "this  one  reservation,  that  whatever  may  be  the 
consequences,  nothing  irreligious,  immoral  or  indelicate  shall 
be  suffered  to  stain  our  pages." 

We  could  easily  imagine,  if  the  editors  in  the  second  number 
had  not  themselves  told  us,  the  trepidation  of  the  fraternity 
when  they  had  placed  their  little  Microscope  on  the  tables  of 
the  gentry  of  this  college  town,  to  be  peered  through  by  the 
critical  eyes  of  that  literary  circle.  They  confess  they  hoped 
for  success,  like  every  other  author,  who  "if  suns  revolve  with- 
out affording  any  nourishment  to  his  vanity,  still  flatters  him- 
self that  when  fable  shall  have  thrown  an  obscurity  around  the 
present  century,  the  future  antiquarian  will  in  some  auspicious 
hour,  light  upon  his  volumes  and  present  them  to  the  admiration 
of  a  wondering  world." 

Let  us  hope  that  they  were  allowed  to  enjoy  the  praise  their 
efforts  deserved  in  the  day  of  the  appearance  of  their  paper, 
even  as  I,  in  the  guise  of  "the  future  antiquarian,"  am  now 
presenting  their  volumes  for  your  "admiration." 

I  wish  for  their  sakes  and  for  yours,  that  they  had  some 
better  sponsor,  and  yet  I  am  glad  to  be  able  to  do  this  simple 
act  for  this  fraternity  of  gentlemen  which  was  actuated  by  no 
hope  of  financial  gain  for  themselves  in  undertaking  the  burden 
of  this  publication,  but  solely  by  a  high  desire  to  improve  the 
literary  taste  of  their  community  and  distract  its  attention 
from  the  party  sheets  above  referred  to  as  well  as  incidentally 
to  add  "to  its  stock  of  innocent  and  rational  amusement." 
I  say  I  am  glad  to  do  this  slight  thing  for  them  at  this  late 
date,  for  just  six  months  later,  when  the  last  number  of  The 


'the  MICKOSCOPE"  and  JAMES  GATES  PEECIVAL. 


217 


Microscope  appeared,  the  editors  admit  that  they  are  disap- 
pointed in  being  obliged  to  suspend  so  soon,  not  so  much  because 
the  paper  had  resulted  in  a  financial  loss  to  themselves  "since 
the  hope  of  emolument  was  not  the  motive  that  led  to  the  under- 
taking," but  because  they  had  learned  that  a  paper  of  the 
character  they  had  tried  to  produce  did  not  appeal  to  the  public 
at  large.  I  am  sorry  they  were  thus  disappointed,  for  they  must 
have  worked  hard ;  and  their  noble  ideals  to  publish  a  purely 
literary  paper,  without  a  comic  supplement,  is  deserving  of  the 
highest  commendation,  and  might  be  followed  with  advantage 
by  some  of  our  modern  journalists. 

As  I  have  said,  they  write  in  their  second  number  of  the 
trepidation  with  which  they  awaited  the  reception  of  their  off- 
spring, and  they  tell  of  the  places  in  town  which  they  visited 
to  catch  any  gossip  that  might  be  dropped  about  the  paper,  or 
its  editors. 

They  first  went  to  the  market  at  the  corner  of  State  and 
Chapel  Streets,  but  the  only  topic  of  conversation  there  was 
"the  fall  of  the  price  of  coffee  occasioned  by  the  introduction 
of  rye  into  the  economy  of  the  country,"  which  sounds  as  if 
Postum  had  even  then  begun  its  attacks  upon  the  comforts 
of  the  domestic  breakfast  table.  From  this  they  went  to  the 
Postoffice,  then  situated  on  Church  Street,  but  here  "mail  rob- 
bers, slavery  and  steamboats"  were  the  only  affairs  deemed 
worthy  of  discussion.  Thence  they  wandered  to  the  reading 
room  (possibly  of  the  Social  Library,  a  forerunner  of  the 
Young  Mens  Institute),  where  "Ivanhoe  engrossed  the  con- 
versation of  the  morning,"  although  they  record  that  they 
overheard  a  dispute  in  progress  between  two  dandies  as  to 
who  deserved  the  credit  of  having  invented  the  kaleidoscope, 
which  only  shows  how  metropolitan  Xew  Haven  was,  even  in 
the  modest  days  of  1820,  for  from  an  article  on  the  London 
fashions  of  the  period,  elsewhere  published,  we  learn  that 
"Kaleidoscopes  were  invented  in  1818  and  instantly  became  the 
rage,  everyone  carried  one  about  and  thousands  were  sold." 

We  often  hear  it  said  that  in  those  good  old  days  of  early 
simplicity,  the  subject  of  dress  did  not  occupy  the  thoughts 


218        "the  microscope"   and  james  gates  percival. 

of  men  and  women  as  it  does  in  these  luxurious  times — and  yet, 
if  we  may  judge  from  some  of  the  essaj^s  in  The  Microscope 
which  the  editors  say  was  so  named,  not  because  it  would  enable 
its  readers  to  see  things  "apparently  larger  than  they  really 
are"  but  "to  examine  them  nearer  than  could  be  done  with 
distinctness  of  vision  by  the  naked  eye" — we  must  believe  that 
the  dress  of  the  sterner  sex  at  least  was  a  matter  occasioning 
then  much  more  solicitude  than  at  present. 

Two  of  the  articles  treat  respectively  of  "Dandies"  and 
"The  Dandy  Club  of  l^ew  Haven,"  the  last  purporting  to  be 
written  by  one  of  its  members,  in  which  "corsets  for  the  waist," 
"stays  for  the  coat,"  "bracers"  for  the  arms,  "hippers,  bishops 
and  plumpers,"  not  to  speak  of  "whale  bone  cravat  stiffeners" 
and  other  bygone  beautifiers  are  discussed  with  mock  solemnity. 

Corsets  for  men  seem  to  have  especially  roused  the  ire  of  the 
editors  and  a  petition  appears  in  a  later  number  addressed  by 
the  Ribs  to  "His  Excellency,  the  Head  and  rightly  acknowledged 
Governor  of  the  Human  System,"  detailing  the  sufferings  they 
and  the  internal  organs  of  the  body  were  made  to  endure  "b}^ 
a  certain  formidable  machine  designated  and  well  laiown  by  the 
title  of  Corsets,"  which  the  hands  had  made  and  fastened 
around  the  petitioners. 

The  over-fondness  of  the  students  of  that  day  for  display  in 
dress  is  thus  touched  on  in  some  verses  contributed  under  the 
nom  de  plume  of   "Smoaker." 

"Let's  hasten,   (sorrow  is  a  passion  transient) 
To  College;    here  I  am  afraid  we'll  find 
It's  pupils  now  what  they  were  not  in  ancient 
Times.     The  reason  you  enquire — as  if  ever 
It's  officers  or  laws  were  better — never 

The  answer;    truth  compels  me  to  declare 

That  learning  now  and  science  both  must  yield  to 

Fashion,  whose  blandishments  the  mind  ensnare 

And  which  in  abject  servitude  they've  kneeled  to, 

Were  a  professorship  of  taste  erected, 

The  lectures  would  be  those  the  least  neglected. 

*     *     *     *     Shall  Yale  renew  the  fire 
Poetic,  with  resplendent  lustre  beaming 
From  Humphreys,  Barlow,  Dwight?     Shall  it  expire 
When  Trumbull's  setting  sun  shall  cease  its  gleaming  ?" 


"the  MICKOSCOPe"  and  JAMES  GATES  PERCIVAL.     219 

If  the  writer  of  these  verses  felt  thus  discouraged  about  the 
undergraduates,  another  author  felt  no  less  so  over  the  lack 
of  interest  shown  by  the  community  in  the  affairs  of  the  Col- 
lege, and  the  failure  of  the  General  Assembly  and  the  public 
at  large  to  help  in  easing  its  financial  burdens ;  especially  when 
he  compared  it  with  the  ''noble  generosity  Avhich  has  been 
manifested  towards  the  University  of  Cambridge  not  only  by 
the  legislature  of  Massachusetts  but  also  by  individuals."  In 
that  institution,  he  says,  '"now  professorships  have  been  estab- 
lished on  firm  foundations,  their  library  and  apparatus  have 
been  greatly  increased  .  .  .  and  instances  of  private  munifi- 
cence have  been  exhibited,  which  have  not  been  paralleled  in 
any  other  State  in  the  Union,  but,  unfortunately  for  Yale,  it 
is  located  in  a  State  limited  in  extent  and  population.  The 
views  of  the  inhabitants  of  a  small  independent  district  are 
usually  circumscribed,  and  in  no  country  is  the  truth  of  the 
observation  more  strikingly  exhibited  than  in  this  State.  Every 
donation  made  by  the  legislature  to  the  support  of  this  institu- 
tion has  been  felt  by  the  inhabitants  for  years  and  produced 
a  groan  which  nothing  could  have  elicited  unless  a  direct  attack 
on  their  purses." 

But  in  the  end  the  author  sees  a  brighter  day  approaching 
when  emigration  to  the  west  shall  decrease  and  the  wealth  of 
the  country  increase,  and  there  shall  be  men,  especially  east  of 
the  Alleghenies,  wlio  shall  have  the  time  and  means  to  devote 
their  own  lives  to  the  acquisition  of  learning,  or  will  give  money 
to  enable  others  to  do  so,  or  as  the  writer  prophetically  says,  at 
that  time,  "it  will  become  more  fashionable  for  men  of  fortune 
to  part  with  some  of  their  superfluous  riches,  in  order  to  acquire 
that  reputation  which  those  who  evince  this  liberality,  so  justly 
merit." 

This  article  may  not  have  been  in  vain,  for  perhaps  it  may 
have  been  this  very  appeal,  published  in  1820,  that  brought 
those  gifts  of  Sheldon  Clark  of  Oxford,  Conn.,  to  Yale,  begin- 
ning with  one  of  $5,000  in  1823,  and  followed  by  others  which 
amounted  in  all  to  $30,000 ;  Clark's  entire  estate  being 
eventually  bequeathed  to  the  College  by  his  will,  dated  only 
three  years  after  this  number  of  The  Microscope  appeared,  and 


220        ^^TiiE  ^iickoscope''   axd  jajies  gates  percival. 

this  seems  all  the  more  probable  when  we  remember  that  one 
of  his  donations  Avas  for  the  promotion  of  Graduate  Study, 
an  object  for  which  the  writer  especially  pleads  in  this  essay, 
and  one  which  Mr.  Clark,  on  his  farm  in  Oxford,  w^ould  prob- 
ably not  have  thought  of  without  some  such  suggestion. 

Articles  on  the  desirability  of  giving  to  Yale  perhaps  have 
so  familiar  a  sound  to  our  ears,  that  jou  may  wonder  that  I 
have  quoted  one  of  them  as  part  of  my  paper,  but  I  must  con- 
fess that  this  is  not  the  only  topic  discussed  in  The  Microscope, 
that  is  still  before  us.  One  from  the  pen  of  "Serena,"  on  the 
comparative  mental  abilities  of  men  and  women,  treats  of  a 
subject  that  is  still  debated  with  vigor  in  all  well-regulated 
families,  though  the  masculine  claim  of  the  intellectual  infe- 
riority of  women  is  not  always  met  as  Serena  meets  it.  She 
says,  if  it  is  true  that  women  do  not  have  the  proper  intellectual 
culture,  it  is  the  fault  of  the  men  themselves,  for  "it  is  in 
the  power  of  gentlemen  to  make  their  female  associates  what 
they  would  wish  them  to  be"  .  .  .  therefore  "Let  respectable 
gentlemen  show  that  they  duly  appreciate  a  refined  taste  and 
a  cultivated  understanding  and  they  will  find  them  greatly 
increased"   among  the  fair  sex. 

Poor  Serena  is  greatly  depressed  at  the  state  of  society  as  it 
existed  in  1820  and  she  thus  exclaims  in  justification  of  her 
attitude :  "Why  is  it  that  the  indiscreet,  volatile  and  unin- 
formed Gloriana  is  the  favorite  toast  of  the  day  ?  .  .  .  Gloriana 
is  a  beauty.  But  why  is  it  that  with  all  Gloriana's  personal 
attractions,  she  is  less  a  reigning  belle  than  the  coarse  and 
ill-bred  Victoria  ?  .  .  .  Victoria  is  an  heiress.  Since  then 
intelligence  and  moral  worth  are  no  longer  necessary  to  gain 
distinction  in  society,  it  is  not  surprising  they  are  not  more 
cultivated !" 

I  must  confess,  however,  that  I  was  not  so  much  surprised 
at  seeing  gifts  to  colleges  and  woman's  sphere  discussed  in  these 
pages  as  I  was  in  reading  some  verses  published  on  July  7th, 
in  which  the  then  j)revailing  method  of  celebrating  our  nation's 
birthday  was  called  in  question. 

I  had  supposed  that  the  attempt  to  bring  in  a  "safe  and  sane 
Fourth"    was  a  modern  innovation  and  yet  lo,  this  movement 


"the  microscope"     and  JAMES  GATES  PEKCIVAL.  ^^-1 

seems,  so  far  as  I^ew  Haven  is  concerued  at  least,  to  have 
started  more  than  ninety  years  ago.  Let  me  quote  a  verse 
or  two  from  ''Cleon's"  lines  : 

"Tieclined  on  my  pillow  I  courted  repose, 
Yet  thought  of  the  pleasure  which  morn  should  disclose. 
How  Phoebus  his  circuit  should  rapidly  fly 
And  usher  upon  us  the  Fourth  of  July. 

But  when  nature  exhausted  had  sunk  into  sleep, 
And  fancy  had  ceased  her  long  vigil  to  keep, 
Just  then  the  loud  cannon  seemed  rending  the  sky 
To  welcome  the  dawn  of  the  Fourth  of  July ! 

As  the  sun  in  its  progress  the  morning  revealed 
The  bells  from  the  steeples  incessantly  pealed 
And  seemed  with  the  roaring  of  cannon  to  vie 
In  rendering  vocal  the  Fourtli  of  Jul}'. 

But  my  country  I  blush — shall  the  day  of  thy  birth 
Be  distinguished  bj'  freemen,  by  revelling  mirth, 
Shall  the  sober  and  honest  with  vice  oft  ally 
And  in  toasting  and  shouting  spend  Fourth  of  July? 

Oh  when  shall  religion  difl'use  its  mild  ray 
And  mingle  its  light  with  the  light  of  this  day! 
When  the  bosom  of  virtue  shall  not  heave  a  sigh 
But  with  pleasure  shall  welcome  the  Fourth  of  July!" 

In  the  same  way  the  so-called  modern  movement  for  Town 
Improvement  also  received  the  support  of  the  little  Microscope 
in  its  day,  and  a  continuation  of  the  poem  by  "Smoaker" 
already  quoted,  details  some  of  the  things  that  needed  reforming 
here  in  1S20.  He  first  describes  the  methods  of  reaching  j^ew 
Haven  and  the  landing  on  the  Long  Wharf,  as  follows : 

"If  you  dislike  the  Steam  boat's  fare  or  racket 
And  choose  a  smaller  evil, — take  the  packet 

Which  lands  you  on  a  wharf  a  mile  in  length. 
Of  mud  and  stone  and  wood— these  all  uniting 
To  render  it  a  monument  of  strength 
Where  pleasant  Avalks  and  prospects  all  inviting. 
On  Sunday  after  Church  in  pleasant  weather 
Men,  boys  and  negroes  all  walk  down  together. 

There  is  a  better  promenade,  the  Green, 

And  why  do  they  not  choose  the  best  of  places? 

Can't  be  that  Sunday  they  would  not  be  seen 


222        "the  microscope' 

Thus  walking.     'Tis  not  being  seen  disgraces! 
If  on  both  sides  the  Wharf,  stores  were  erected 
Its  looks  Avoiild  be  improved — but  "twas  expected 

That  we  should  want  the  water  t'other  side, 
For  once  much  faster  was  our  commerce  growing 
Than  harbour  mud:    and  vessels  here  could  ride 
Borne  on  the  buoyant  wave  then  full  o'erflowing 
The  dark  blue  flats  at  times  when  tides  were  highest. 
0  treacherous  sea !    that  aid  thou  now  deniest. 

And  now  my  heart  begins  to  swell  with  pride. 
That  pride  which  every  citizen  possesses — 
And  they  who  seem  to  have  it  not,  but  hide 
Their  feelings,  'tis  hypocrisy  suppresses 
That  fond  delight,  which  nature's  bent  pursuing 
Is  always  seen  when  we're  to  strangers  shewing 

Our  Churches :    when  I  wish  to  quench  that  pride. 
Attentive  gazing  at  the  State  House  does  it. 
The  Church's  not  half  so  gotliic  at  its  side 
As  he  must  own,  who  for  a  moment  views  it 
(Mine  may  be  easier  quenched  than  that  of  others) 
The  burying  yard  and  State  House  are  twin  brothers. 

The  burying  yard — which  since  'tis  past  its  prime 
To  slow  decay  we  without  shame  abandon. 
For  not  a  fence,  the  sacred  spot  encloses. 
Beneath  whose  turf,  our  fathers'  dust  reposes." 

Such  an  attack  could  not  fail  of  results. 

I  have  pointed  out  how  Mr.  Clark's  gift  to  the  College  fol- 
lowed the  article  on  Connecticut's  parsimony.  Can  there  be 
any  doubt  that  these  verses,  published  in  May,  1820,  helped 
to  rouse  the  sentiment  that  in  October  of  the  same  year  caused 
the  Common  Council  to  apjDoint  a  committee  "to  inquire  and 
report  whether  the  ancient  burying  ground  should  be  enclosed,  or 
some  other  course  be  adopted  to  evince  respect  for  the  dead  and 
the  feelings  of  the  survivors" ;  which  committee  duly  reported 
later  that' the  conditions  were  a  disgrace  to  the  City,  and  in 
accordance  with  their  recommendation,  the  old  monuments 
were  removed  in  June,  1821,  to  the  Grove  Street  Cemetery, 
the  ground  was  levelled,  and  the  marble  memorial  tablet  placed 
on  the  rear  wall  of  Center  Church,  all  at  the  expense  of  the 
municipality. 


^THE  MICEOSCOPE        AND  JAMES  GATES  PEKCIVAL. 


223 


Thus  you  see  our  little  Microscope  can  lay  claim  not  only  to 
the  credit  of  having  discussed  many  topics  of  interest  in  the 
short  six  months  of  its  being,  but  also  of  having  accomplished 
something  as  well  for  the  benefit  of  the  community  in  which 
it  lived  and  died. 

You  need  not  think  from  the  quotations  which  I  have  thus 
far  made  that  The  Microscope  contains  nothing  but  what  is 
praiseworthy,  or  that  it  would  satisfy  the  magazine  reader  of 
the  present  day  for  a  steady  diet.  As  we  wander  through  its 
pages  we  are  certainly  impressed  by  the  fact  that  the  literary 
style  and  taste  of  that  day  has  become  as  obsolete  as  the  fashion 
of  its  garments  and  that  all  the  decorations  of  its  prose  and 
verse,  that  then  no  doubt  appeared  so  elegant,  seem  to  us  now 
as  .artificial  as  the  ''hippers,  corsets  and  whalebone  cravat 
stiffeners"   of  their  authors. 

The  tomb  occupies  a  much  more  prominent  place  in  their 
poetical  and  romantic  landscapes  than  in  ours,  and  if  we  were 
to  judge  the  authors  from  their  works,  we  should  suppose  that 
they  were  one  and  all  incipient  Lord  Byrons  in  the  last  stages 
of  physical  decline,  who  spent  most  of  their  time  draped  over 
the  monuments  of  their  departed  friends,  who  were  invariably 
cut  off  in  the  bloom  of  early  youth,  instead  of  being,  as  they 
really  were,  as  healthy  a  lot  of  jSTew  Englanders  as  ever  enjoyed 
a  solid  breakfast  of  codfish  balls  and  buckwheat  cakes  on  a 
winter's  morning. 

Just  listen  to  the  following  cheerful  effusion,  written  by 
''Emma,"  only  a  few  verses  of  which  I  have  space  to  quote,  and 
which  is  entitled: 

"LINES,  WRITTEN  ON  A  PARTICULAR  OCCASION." 

"Clad  in  the  tomb's  cold  drapery 
Thy  semblance  glides  before  me  now, 
I  saw  thee  on  thy  silent  bed 
Ere  the  first  day  of  death  was  fled. 
Thy  cheek  was  beautiful  in  death 
As  when  the  rainbow  vanisheth 
It  leaves  a  soft,  a  tender  hue 
Athwart  the  circling'  arch  of  blue. 


224       "the  miceoscope"   axd  james  gates  peecivat.. 

Closed  was  thine  eye,  no  spirit  there 

Beamed  forth  to  chase  the  Soul's  despair. 

Thou  too  whose  limbs  unshrouded  lie 

In  dark  Columbia's  ocean  wave,  < 

I  hear  the  sea  birds  nightly  cry 

Careering  round  thy  lonely  grave! 

And  when  the  night  is  soft  and  still 

I  see  the  mellow  moonlight  play 

On  thy  sad  grave  as  murnuiring  there, 

The  reckless  waters  roll  away. 

This  form  (i.  e.  the  author's)  shall  rest  within  the  tomb 

That  robe  upon  this  breast  shall  lie 

Uljlifted  by  the  fitful  breeze 

That  howls  above  my  cemet'ry." 

Hear  also  these  verses  of  doleful  prophecy  addressed  by  honest 

Tutor  Wickham  to  Miss  ■ •  whom  he  compares  to  a  rose, 

as  follows : 

"This  may  thine  emblem  prove 
Thou  too  may'st  soon  decay 
For  not  our  fondest  love 
The  approach  of  death  can  stay. 

His  harbinger  Disease 
Before  thee  soon  may  stand 
And  all  thy  glories  seize 
With  pale  and  ruthless  hand. 

Thy  form  the  funeral  pall 
May  hide  in  deepest  gloom 
And  tears  of  sorrow  fall 
Upon  thine  early  tomb!" 

But  let  US  turn  from  these  gloomy  themes  that  seem  to  have 
had  such  an  attraction  for  our  ancestors,  at  this  period  of 
our  literary  development,  to  some  articles  of  a  lighter  vein, 
for  by  careful  peering  through  the  lenses  of  this  Microscope 
a  few  cheerful  spots  can  be  found  among  the  dark  specimens 
like  those  I  have  just  quoted.  Here  is  a  song  appearing  in  the 
sketch  of  a  village  vagabond  called  Gabriel  Gap,  which  lias 
the  real  flavor  of  the  old  time  Yankee  Sea  Ballad  and  which, 
in  the  story,  is  sung  by  a  recruiting  sergeant  of  marines,  clad 
in  his  uniform  with  his  pigtail  hanging  down  behind  as  he 
sits  in  the  tavern  tap  room.     It  is  called 


"the  microscope"  AI^D  JAMES  GATES  PEECIVAL.     225 

"THE  TOP  OF  THE  WAVE." 

"Tho'  now  we  are  sluggish  and  lazy  on  shore, 
Yet  soon  sliall  we  be  where  the  wild  tempests  roar 
Where  the  winds  thro'  the  hoarse  sounding  cordage  shall  rave 
And  fling  the  white  foam  from  the  top  of  the  wave. 

Yet  soon  o'er  the  waters  the  Essex  shall  sweep. 

As  she  bears  all  the  thunders  of  war  o'er  the  deep 

While  the  hands  that  are  hard  and  the  hearts  that  are  brave 

Shall  give  the  bold  frigate  the  top  of  the  wave. 

And  tho'  some  among  us  may  never  return, 

His  comrades  shall  sorrow,  his  messmates  shall  mourn; 

Tho'  his  body  may  lie  in  a  watery  grave, 

His  spirit  shall  rise  to  the  top  of  the  wave. 

Then  a  health  to  John  Adams  and  long  may  he  reign 
O'er  the  mountain,  the  valley,  the  shore  and  the  main 
May  he  have  the  same  breeze,  that  to  Washington  gave 
In  his  cruise  o'er  the  waters,  the  top  of  the  wave." 

But  perhaps  I  have  quoted  enougli  from  The  Microscope  to 
give  you  an  idea  of  its  general  character.  There  are  many 
other  articles  that  I  might  read  from,  to  advantage,  and  other 
poems  that  would  entertain  you,  but  you  remember  that  the 
title  of  my  paper  was  two-fold  and  I  must  pass  to  the  second 
half  without  further  delay.  But  before  I  leave  The  Microscope 
to  discourse  of  Percival  I  must  pay  a  brief  tribute  to  some 
other  members  of  the  fraternity,  who  labored  so  hard  to  uplift 
their  fellow  townsmen.  As  I  have  stated,  the  names  of  the 
editors  were  not  given  on  the  title  page  of  the  magazine  as  it 
appeared,  but  as  I  have  not  said,  all  the  contributions  are  signed 
with  fictitious  names,  which  according  to  the  fashion  are  either 
classical  or  romantic  in  their  sound ;  for  example :  Alcander, 
Menelaus,  Admonitor,  Ephebus,  Philoclericus,  on  the  one  hand, 
and  Montague,  Ludovico,  Edgar,  Theodore  and  Albert,  on  the 
other. 

But  history  records  the  real  names  of  some  of  these  authors, 
and  among  the  more  prominent  are  the  following:  Judge 
Whiting,  Tutor  (Horace?)  Hooker,  Tutor  Jos.  D.  Wickham, 
Cornelius  Tuthill,  D.  L.  Ogden,  J.  G.  C.  Brainard,  Nathaniel 
Chauncey,  J.  S.  Townsend,  Henry  E.  Dwight,  Dr.  J.  G.  Hard- 
year,  A.  ]\I.  Fisher,   and  last  but  not  least,   he  whose  name 


226        "the  microscope"   and  ja:mes  gates  pekcival. 

formed  part  of  my  title,  James  Gates  Percival,  or  as  he  was 
proudly  spoken  of  by  later  Yalensians,    "our  own  Percival." 

I  am  afraid  many  of  my  hearers  never  heard  of  "our  own 
Percival,"  and  how  it  would  hurt  his  sensitive  vanity  if  he 
did  but  know  it,  and  yet  in  1821,  when  his  first  volume  of 
poems  appeared,  Edward  Everett  wrote  in  the  North  American: 
"This  little  volume  contains  the  marks  of  an  inspiration  more 
lofty  and  genuine  than  any  similar  collection  of  fugitive  pieces 
from  a  native  bard.  ...  He  shares  with  few  the  gifts  which 
make  him  a  classical  American  poet,"  and  Whittier  wrote  of 
him  in  1830,  "God  pity  the  man  who  does  not  love  the  poetry 
of  Percival.  He  is  a  genius  of  ISTature's  making,  that  singular 
high  minded  poet!  He  has  written  much  that  will  live  while 
the  pure  and  beautiful  and  glorious  in  poetry  and  romance 
are  cherished  among  us." 

While  these  eulogies  now  seem  hardly  justified,  Percival  was 
undoubtedly  a  man  of  varied  mental  gifts.  He  was  a  linguist 
of  unusual  attainments.  He  is  said  to  have  had  command  of 
every  language  on  the  European  continent  except  Turkish, 
besides  Sanskrit,  Gaelic,  Latin,  Greek  and  many  of  the  dialects 
of  India.  He  was  also  a  geologist  and  botanist  of  ability  and 
he  believed  he  was  also  a  great  poet. 

Some  of  his  contemporaries,  as  we  see,  shared  this  opinion 
also,  but  his  verses  never  appealed  .to  the  public,  largely  I 
think  because  they  lacked  genuineness  and  spontaneity  and 
were  essentially  artificial.  Lowell,  who  attacks  him  most 
savagely,  says  that  while  he  might  have  made  a  good  professor 
of  poetry  (for  he  is  always  telling  us  what  poetry  should  be), 
he  never  could  be  a  writer  of  good  poetry,  because  he  was  not 
by  nature  a  poet,  and  because  he  also  lacked  a  musical  ear, 
and  in  this  Lowell  is  right.  As  we  know,  poets  are  bom,  and 
cannot  be  made  even  from  men  who  are  good  linguists  or 
geologists,  even  though  they  may  have  in  addition,  as  did 
Percival,  a  gift  of  rhyming  words,  and  can  copy  some  of  the 
examples  of  others,  who  reallj^  had  the  divine  spark. 

Professor  Beers,  who  has  written  a  sketch  on  "our  Percival," 
was  obliged  to  invent  a  word  to  describe  PercivaFs  poetry, 
and  it  is  a  very  apt  one.     He  says  his  verses  are  of  the  sort 


"the  microscope"  and  JAMES  GATES  PEECIVAL.     227 

that  used  to  appear  in  those  little  gilded  booklets,  adorned 
with  a  steel  engraving  of  "Emma  at  the  Tomb"  as  a  frontis- 
piece and  called  "The  Souvenir,"  or  "The  Gem,"  which 
always  nsed  to  lie  on  our  marble-topped  center  tables.  For 
this  reason,  and  for  want  of  a  better  one,  he  applies  to  these 
verses  the  adjective  of  "gemmj";  and  "gemmy"  they  most 
certainly  sound  to  modern  ears,  and  yet,  as  the  most  distin- 
guished of  The  Microscope  s  contributors,  and  as  one  of  ISTew 
Haven's  characters  of  bygone  times,  I  cannot  close  my  paper 
without  a  short  account  of  "our  own  Percival" ;  as  odd  a 
stick  as  ever  wandered  beneath  ISTew  Haven  elms  and  wrote 
"gemmy"   poems ! 

Percival  was  born  in  Berlin,  Conn.,  September  15,  1795, 
and  went  to  school  with  his  uncle,  the  Rev.  Mr.  AVoodward  of 
Wolcott,  against  whom  he  acquired  a  violent  prejudice,  which, 
like  most  of  the  many  prejudices  which  he  had  during  his  life, 
seems  to  have  been  unwarranted.  Whether  this  is  so  or  not, 
I  am  sure  the  reverend  gentleman  could  not  have  deserved  the 
following  anathema,  which  Percival  hurled  at  him  in  a  poem 
called  "The  Suicide,"  which  first  appeared  in  The  Microscope, 
taking  up  two  whole  numbers  of  the  innocent  little  sheet,  with 
its  gory  lines. 

"Ye  who  abused,  neglected,  rent  and  stained 
That  heart,  when  pure  and  tender,  come  and  dwell 
On  these  dark  ruins  and  by  Heaven  arraigned 
Feel,  as  you  look,  the  scorpion  stings  of  Hell. 

Yes,  you  will  say  poor  weak,  and  childish  boy, 
Infirm  of  purpose,  shook  by  every  sigh, 
A  thing  of  air,  a  light  fantastic  toy — 
What  reck  we  if  such  shadows  live  or  die? 

Where  minds  like  this  are  ruined,  guilt  must  be. 
And  where  guilt  is,  remorse  shall  gnaw  the  soul. 
And  every  moment  teem  with  agony. 
And  sleepless  thoughts  in  burning  torrents  roll. 

And  thou  arch  moral  murderer  hear  my  curse. 
Go  gorge  and  wallow  in  thy  priestly  sty; 
Than  what  thou  art  I  cannot  wish  thee  worse — 
There  with  thy  kindred  reptiles 
Crawl  and  die!" 


228        "the  mickoscope"   and  james  gates  pekcival. 

Percival  entered  Yale  in  1810,  and  there  his  muse  seems 
to  have  been  actively  employed.  Ever  athirst  for  praise,  he 
used  to  post  his  productions  up  on  one  of  the  buildings,  or  on 
one  of  the  Campus  elms,  and  then  listen  with  eager  ears  to 
the  comments  with  which  they  were  received.  He  roomed, 
while  in  College,  in  the  northwest  corner  room  on  the  fourth 
floor  of  South  Middle,  and  was  considered  a  good  scholar  as 
well  as  a  budding  poet  of  promise.  A  Moorish  tragedy  which 
he  wrote,  called  ''Zamor,"  was  accepted  by  the  faculty  and 
produced  to  an  awe-struck  audience  at  the  time  of  his  gradua- 
tion. After  receiving  his  degree  he  was  invited  to  settle  in 
Hartford,  by  a  classmate,  and  believing  that  it  was  a  literary 
center  where  his  genius  would  be  appreciated,  he  moved  there 
and  made  it  his  abode  for  a  short  period. 

Hartford  did  not,  however,  show  that  degree  of  appreciation 
at  his  decision  that  he  anticipated,  for  though  he  was  cordially 
received,  his  tendency  to  talk  at  great  length  on  single  topics 
not  of  general  interest,  in  so  low  a  voice  as  to  be  almost  inaudible, 
militated  to  some  extent  against  his  social  success,  and  he  there- 
fore promptly  shook  the  dust  of  that  city  from  his  feet,  and  let 
loose  the  blasting  breath  of  his  curse  on  the  snug  little  town 
at  the  head  of  sloop  navigation,  which  he  denominates  "Ismir" 
in  his  poem,  from  which  I  only  quote  six  of  the  sixteen  verses : 

"Ismir,  fare  thee  well  forever. 
From  thy  walls  with  joy  I  go, 
Every  tie  I  freelj^  sever 
Flying  from  thy  den  of  woe. 

May  the  knell  of  ruin  tolling 
Wake  thee  from  thy  feverish  dream 
While  the  aAvful  bolt  is  rolling 
And  the  hags  of  vengeance  scream. 

When  thy  walls  and  turrets  riven 
By  that  bolt  to  earth  are  hurled, 
Ruins  share  in  fury  driven, 

Blot  thy  memory  from  the  world. 

»  *  * 

Wrapped  in  gory  sheets  of  lightning, 
While  cursed  night-hags  ring  thy  knell. 
May  the  arm  of  vengeance  brightning 
O'er  thee  wave  the  sword  of  Hell. 


"the  microscope"  and  JAMES  GATES  PEECIVAE.     229 

WJieii  the  flood  in  fury  swelling 
Heaves  thy  corpses  on  the  shore, 
May  fell  hysenas  madly  yelling 
Tear  their  limbs  and  drink  their  gore. 

Ismir!    land  of  cursed  deceivers. 
Where  the  sons  of  darkness  dwell, 
Hope,  the  cherub's  base  bereavers. 
Hateful  City!    fare  thee  well." 

Having  expressed  Lis  opinion  of  Hartford  in  this  unmistak- 
able style,  he  no  doubt  felt  that  he  would  promptly  meet  with  a 
correspondingly  hearty  welcome  in  ISFew  Haven,  and  he  there- 
fore returned  here  to  take  up  the  study  of  botany  and  medicine 
under  Dr.  Eli  Ives.  But,  as  usual,  he  found  some  disappoint- 
ment awaiting  him,  for  it  is  said  that  while  engaged  in  these 
studies  he  was  crossed  in  love,  and  in  his  despair  endeavored 
to  end  his  own  life  by  the  novel,  if  somewhat  uncertain  and 
laborious,  process  of  hitting  himself  on  the  head  with  a  stone. 
It  is  perhaps  unnecessary  to  state  that  he  was  unsuccessful 
in  this  attempt,  and  when  The  Microscope  began  to  appear  in 
1820,  his  head  had  apparently  so  nearly  recovered  from  any 
damage  he  may  have  inflicted  on  it,  that  he  was  able  to  con- 
tribute some  of  the  verses  for  which  he  had,  up  to  that  time, 
found  no  outlet. 

To  be  sure  it  required  some  urging  to  get  him  to  submit  his 
•first  contribution,  for  it  is  recorded  that  when  the  Rev.  W.  C. 
Forbes,  then  Rector  of  the  Hopkins  Grammar  School,  sug- 
gested to  him  that  he  send  some  of  his  poems  to  the  new  pub- 
lication, "though  he  confessed  to  some  curiosity  to  see  himself 
in  print  ...  he  was  as  modest  and  as  coy  as  a  young  maiden," 
but  after  his  first  poem,  "]S[apoleon,"  appeared,  his  fear 
abated,  and  he  became  a  frequent  contributor.  His  poems 
at  once  attracted  attention  and  emboldened  by  their  success 
he  published  a  volume  of  them  in  1821,  which  was  received  with 
applause  by  many  of  the  American  reviewers,  to  his  intense 
delight.  It  must  have  been  quite  a  feather  in  the  cap  of  the 
editors  of  The  Microscope  to  reflect  that  they  had  introduced 
the  rising  American  poet  to  public  notice  and  Percival  ought 
to  have  appreciated  the  opportunity  they  gave  him,  but  when 


230        "the  microscope"   and  james  gates  peecival. 

a  year  later  (in  June,  1822),  Percival  had  fallen  out  witli  his 
old  friend  Cornelius  Tuthill,  he  spoke  somewhat  scornfully  of 
the  paper  and  its  editor,  in  a  letter  to  a  correspondent.  "I 
write,"  he  says,  "very  small,  because  I  intend  to  put  as  much 
on  my  paper  as  I  can.  If  you  cannot  read  it  in  any  other  way 
you  must  get  a  microscope,  not  the  'New  Haven  Microscope; 
for  although  the  editor  of  that  glorious  affair  calls  himself  my 
foster  father  in  the  Muses  and,  amid  the  many  insults  which 
his  well-meaning  stupidity  hangs  upon  me,  declares  that,  had 
it  not  been  for  his  clearing  the  way  by  inserting  a  few  articles 
of  mine  in  his  great  miscellany,  I  never  should  have  dared  to 
face  the  public,  I  say  notwithstanding  this,  I  hope  my  immor- 
tality is  not  tacked  to  such  perishable  stuff.  I  am  really 
ashamed  to  say  anything  of  myself  since  my  return  here.  I 
have  been  left  entirely  alone.  There  seems  to  be  in  the  better 
circles  of  ISTew  Haven — if  there  are  such— a  marked  neglect, 
a  studied  determination  not  to  know  me.  But  though  they 
cannot  value  me,  they  cannot  destroy  my  reputation  abroad  .  .  . 
T  begin  to  think  there  is  a  difference  between  P.  the  poet  and 
P.  the  man  and  that  they  can  never  be  associated,  without 
injury  to  the  former.  I  suppose  the  keen-scented  jSTew  Haveners 
liave  caught  something  about  me,  which  makes  them  think  I 
am  not  worth  notice." 

Indeed  he  had  become  so  disgusted,  that  he  went  down  to 
Charleston,  S.  C,  and  spent  the  winter  there,  where  he  was 
quite  a  literary  lion,  publishing  his  verses  and  returning  to 
il^ew  Haven  in  1823  in  better  spirits. 

At  this  time  he  lived  on  Chapel  Street,  where  Munro  the 
Florist  now  is,  which  was  then  the  house  of  a  Mr.  Johnson, 
and  when  the  great  Fitz-Greene  Halleck,  "fresh  from  foreign 
travel,  fashionably  dressed  and  of  fascinating  address  and 
graceful  conversation,"  came  to  ISTew  Haven,  he  called  to  see 
his  brother-poet  who  never  blacked  his  shoes,  or  indulged  in 
any  self-adornment  of  any  kind,  and  after  Percival's  shyness 
had  passed  away,  they  enjoyed  each  other's  company.  Alas ! 
would  they  have  talked  thus  cheerfully  had  they  kno"v\Ti  how 
soon  the  poems  of  both  would  bo  relegated  to  the  same  limbo 
of  departed  spirits. 


^THE  MICKOSCOPE"     AND  JAMES  GATES  PERCIVAL. 


231 


I  will  not  attempt  to  follow  Percival  in  all  his  wanderings 
and  disappointments ;  suffice  it  to  say  that  he  left  ^N'ew  Haven 
again,  writing  in  one  of  his  letters,  ''I  abandon  I^ew  Haven.  I 
have  not  a  solitary  friend  here,  not  one  congenial  mind,  not 
one  whom  I  associate  with" ;  that  among  other  positions  that 
he  tried  and  gave  up  was  that  of  an  instructor  at  West  Point, 
which  he  obtained  through  the  good  offices  of  John  C.  Calhoun, 
who  said  with  a  sad  shake  of  his  leonine  head,  when  he  was 
told  that  Percival  had  resigned  in  a  huff,  ''Ah  well,  he's  a  poet, 
he's  a  poet!" 

Several  volumes  of  his  works  had  appeared  by  this  time,  and 
being  known  as  one  of  the  great  American  poets,  he  was 
requested  by  an  enterprising  publisher  to  select  from  his  writ- 
ings a  few  of  the  poems  which  he  considered  his  best,  to  be 
included  in  a  gift  book  to  be  published  under  the  alluring  title 
of  ^'Elegant  Extracts,"  a  name  more  suggestive  to  modern 
ears  of  a  proprietary  medicine  than  a  book  of  poetry.  He  chose 
the  following:  ''Setting  Sail,"  "Address  to  the  Sun,"  "A 
Picture,"  "Liberty  to  Athens,"  "Consumption,"  "The  Coral 
Grove,"  "The  Broken  Heart,"  "How  Beautiful  is  IvTight," 
"The  Wandering  Spirit"  and  "A  Tale."  How  many  of  them 
have  we  ever  even  heard  of !    Possibly  one,   "The  Coral  Grove." 

In  1827,  he  returned  to  ISTew  Haven  again,  to  assist  Mr. 
'Noah  Webster  in  editing  his  dictionary,  and  though  his  knowl- 
edge of  languages  was  of  some  assistance  to  the  lexicographer, 
their  labors  together  seem  to  have  been  accompanied  by  that 
friction  that  usually  appeared  when  Percival  lent  a  helping 
hand. 

From  this  time  till  1853,  he  was  almost  a  constant  resident 
of  our  town,  and  his  slender,  narrow-chested,  stooping  figure, 
dressed  in  the  shabbiest  of  patched  gray  clothes,  with  a  colored 
cambric  necktie  and  an  old  camlet  cloak  wrapped  about  him, 
became  a  familiar  object  on  the  streets.  Shy  and  sensitive,  he 
slipped  along,  his  dark  brown  head  covered  with  an  old  glazed 
cap,  which  in  winter  was  adorned  with  a  pair  of  sheepskin  ear 
tops  worn  with  the  wooll}^  side  in.  Percival's  distaste  for  society 
seems  to  have  increased  to  such  an  extent  that  he  lived  prac- 
tically as   a  hermit.      Ladies  he   studiously   avoided,    and  he 


232       "the  microscope"   and  james  gates  percival, 

admitted  only  a  very  few  chosen  men  to  liis  lonely  apartment. 
His  particular  cronies  were  Dr.  Erasmus  D.  l^orth,  professor 
of  elocution  at  Yale,  David  Hinman,  the  engraver,  Hezekiah 
Augur  the  sculptor  and  Edward  C.  Herrick  the  college  libra- 
rian, and  often,  it  is  said,  they  sat  and  talked  together  till  the 
early  sunrise  lighted  the  quiet  streets  of  the  sleeping  to^vn. 

His  favorite  haunts  in  town  were  the  college  library  and  the 
Young  Men's  Institute,  where  he  would  pore  over  a  book  in 
some  secluded  corner,  reading  rapidly,  and  if  he  found  the 
leaves  uncut  he  would  peer  in  between  the  folded  pages  and 
continue  his  perusal  apparently  without  difficulty. 

Uj)  to  1843,  he  roomed  on  Chapel  Street,  next  to  the  Lyon 
Building,  over  Sydney  Babcock's  store,  and  he  took  his  meals 
at  Bishop's  Hotel,  where  the  Postoffice  now  stands.  I  do  not 
know  the  nature  of  the  dishes  he  ordered,  nor  do  I  intend  to 
cast  any  discredit  on  the  character  of  the  cooking  in  Landlord 
Bishop's  hostelrj^,  but  as  a  veracious  historian  I  am  bound  to 
record  the  fact  that  it  appears  that  at  this  time  the  poor  poet 
was  greatly  troubled  with  frightful  attacks  of  dyspepsia. 

The  market  for  poems  by  "our  Percival''  I  also  regret 
to  say  was  dull,  and  though  his  income  from  this  source  was 
eked  out  by  editing  various  books,  he  had  no  ability  to  hold  any 
position  with  a  salary  attached  to  it  for  any  length  of  time, 
and  so  he  was  soon  reduced  to  great  poverty.  In  1832,  he 
writes  to  Prof.  George  Ticknor  that  his  income  is  about  $65.00 
a  year!  In  1835,  this  desperate  situation  was  somewhat 
relieved  by  his  appointment  to  make  a  geological  survey  of  the 
State  of  Connecticut,  but  when  he  had  rendered  his  report  in 
1843  he  was  again  cut  off  from  this  source  of  income,  which 
was  small  enough  even  while  it  lasted.  "'$600  a  year,"  Percival 
writes,  "out  of  which  I  defrayed  all  expenses,  travelling 
expenses  included!" 

I  have  said  that  the  poet  was  very  shy,  and  yet  he  seems 
to  have  mingled  in  ]^ew  Haven  society  to  some  extent,  and 
though  it  was  often  difficult  to  get  him  to  talk,  Avlien  he  had 
once  overcome  his  bashfulness,  his  flow  of  conversation  would 
go  on  for  hours  at  a  time,  in  a  low  uniform  tone  of  voice,  that 


•the  microscope      a^^d  ja:sies  gates  pekcival. 


233 


was  peculiarly  monotonous  and  trying  to  his  audience.  On 
one  occasion  the  savants  of  the  Connecticut  Academy  were  kept 
for  hours  listening  to  a  talk  by  Percival  on  the  geological 
formation  of  East  Kock,  until  at  last  Professor  Silliman  with 
great  presence  of  mind,  as  the  speaker  stopped  for  an  instance 
for  breath,  leaped  to  his  feet  and  adjourned  the  meeting  sine 
die,  an  aifront  that  Percival  never  forgave. 

It  is  also  related  that  on  another  occasion  he  kept  James  A. 
Hillhouse  and  a  party  of  friends  out  of  their  beds  until  '2 
o'clock  in  the  morning,  while  he  (doubtless  remembering  his 
experience  with  the  Academy)  discoursed  without  pause,  for 
the  entire  period,  on  the  advantages  and  peculiarities  of  hickory 
trees. 

As  I  have  said,  his  knowledge  of  foreign  languages  was 
extensive,  and  of  some  profit  to  him,  and  yet  his  study  of 
German  led  him  into  one  vagary  which  was  hardly  to  l)e 
expected,  namely  a  desire  to  produce  the  German  songs  he 
delighted  in,  on  some  musical  instrument.  The  choice  of  the 
proper  vehicle  to  express  this  longing  was  limited  by  his  pnrse, 
as  well  as  by  his  lack  of  musical  education,  so  on  the  advice  of 
the  Hon.  Benjamin  iN'oyes  (himself  a  performer),  he  decided 
on  the  unpretentious  accordion.  This  was  in  1836,  when  this 
instrument,  now  somewhat  derided,  I  understand,  by  the  best 
artists,  had  just  appeared  before  the  musical  world,  which  was 
then  still  somewhat  uncertain  as  to  the  possibilities  which  might 
be  latent  in  its  bellows-like  interior,  and  yet  Percival,  we  are 
assured  by  his  biographers,  mastered  all  its  intricacies  in  a 
single  night.  '"N'ever,"  writes  one  of  his  enthusiastic  friends, 
who  fails  to  elucidate  his  remark  further,  "Xever  have  I, 
before,  or  since,  heard  such  music  from  an  accordion !" 

I  have  referred  to  Percival's  weak  voice,  which  was  at  times 
almost  inaudible,  and  it  is  probably  fortunate  that  this  same 
lack  of  noise-producing  power  appeared  in  his  performances 
on  his  chosen  instrument.  ^'The  ear,"  writes  Mr.  'Nojes,  in 
speaking  of  the  notes  the  poet  produced,  ^"had  to  be  exceed- 
ingly attentive,  even  when  alone,  to  detect  them."  This  same 
propensity  for  inaudible  music  was  not  confined  to  his  selec- 


234        "the  miceoscope"   and  james  gates  percival. 

tions  on  the  accordion,  for  lie  often  entertained  his  audiences 
with  singing  of  the  same  variety.  At  one  time,  at  a  party, 
he  sat  in  a  retired  corner  of  the  room,  his  gaunt  form  and 
melancholy  face  bent  over  his  accordion,  "his  eyes  full  of  the 
wild  fire  of  genius  and  looking,"  writes  this  correspondent, 
"like  a  minstrel  come  down  from  another  age."  The  expectant 
spectators  supposing  he  had  not  yet  begun,  continued  talking, 
but  the  concert  was  really  in  progress,  and  continued  in  the 
same  purely  psychical  manner  for  some  time  longer,  for,  as 
the  narrative  continues,  the  poet's  "soul  had  floated  off  upon 
his  melody,  and  he  had  that  sufficient  reward  that  many  a  bard 
has — the  silent  rapture  of  song!" 

Do  not  think  I  consider  this  little  peculiarity  a  fault  in  the 
character  of  our  strange  'New  Haven  poet;  on  the  contrary, 
I  regard  Percival's  attempt  to  educate  his  audiences  to  appre- 
ciate the  delights  of  inaudible  music  one  of  his  most  praise- 
worthy endeavors,  and  I  only  wish  the  fashion  could  be 
perpetuated  and  adopted  by  all  beginners  in  the  art. 

His  delight  in  music  had  one  good  result,  however,  for  it 
served  to  draw  him  out  from  his  seclusion,  and  in  the  Harrison 
Campaign  of  1S40,  he  was  one  of  the  organizers  and  active 
members  of  "The  ISTew  Haven  Sing-Song  Club,"  which  ren- 
dered Whig  songs  at  the  political  rallies  in  honor  of  "Tippe- 
canoe and  Tyler  too."  The  verses  which  he  wrote  for  the 
Club's  use  are  far  from  "gemmy,"  and  they  ring  true  with 
the  spirit  of  the  genuine  enthusiasm  of  an  actual  crisis,  instead 
of  being  adorned,  like  his  poetry,  with  the  bogus  sentiment  that 
went  with  "bowers"  and  "dells"  and  "silent  tombs"  and 
other  Byronic  trappings  that  were  then  regarded  as  necessary 
for  real  poetic  utterance  and  which  it  would  have  taken  a 
greater  genius  than  Percival's  to  have  discarded. 

Let  me  quote  a  part  of  one  of  these  war  songs  which  was 
sung  to  the  tune  of   "The  Campbells  are  Coming." 

"Bold  Tippecanoe  has  come  out  of  the  West 
To  deliver  the  land  from  a  horrible  pest; 
A  plague  such  as  Freedom  before  never  knew 
Has  fled  at  the  touch  of  Old  Tippecanoe! 


"the   MICEOSCOPe"     and  JAMES  GATES  PERCIVAL.  235 

The  foul  spot  that  darkened  the  roll  of  our  Fame, 
The  black  lines  recording  our  Annals  of  Shame, 
A  proud  hearted  nation  no  longer  shall  rue, 
They've  all  been  expunged  by  old  Tippecanoe. 

A  hard  work  he'll  have  the  foul  palace  to  clean, 
But  soon  it  all  garnished  and  swept  shall  be  seen 
And  decently  simple  and  plain  to  the  view. 
Shall  the  House  be  that  shelters  Old  Tippecanoe ! 
No  carpets  from  Brussels,  no  Vanity  Fair — 
Nor  gold  spoons,  or  bouquets  or  ormolu  there! 
Good  stuff  from  our  workmen  shall  furnish  it  through 
The  Mansion  of  patriot  Tippecanoe. 

No  parties  exclusive,  no  Minuet  Balls, 

No  Levees  a  la  Royale  shall  flout  in  his  Halls, 

The  string  of  his  door  shall  be  never  drawn  through. 

Always  Welcome's,  the  word  with  Old  Tippecanoe. 

No  Banquets  he'll  give  k  la  mode  de  Paris, 

No  wines  of  great  price  on  his  board  shall  you  see, 

But  Sirloin  and  Bacon  and  Hard  Cider  too. 

Shall  be  the  plain  fare  of  Old  Tippecanoe. 

Then  let  us  all  stand  by  the  Honest  old  Man, 

Who  has  rescued  the  country  and  beat  little  Van. 

The  Spirit  of  Evil  has  gotten  its  due, 

It's  laid  by  the  strong  arm  of  Tippecanoe! 

In  the  Front  Rank  our  Nation  shall  now  take  its  stand. 

Peace,  Order,  Prosperity,  brighten  the  land! 

Then  loud  swell  the  voice  of  each  good  man  and  true — 

Success  to  the  Gallant  Old  Tippecanoe!" 

After  sucli  a  stirring  ballad  there  could  have  been  no  other 
result  than  the  complete  rout  of  little-  Van  and  a  sweeping 
victory  for  the  advocates  of  Tippecanoe  and  Hard  Cider.  But 
alas,  for  the  uncertainty  of  human  success !  Just  a  month  after 
his  inauguration  Harrison  died,  and  at  the  Commemorative 
services  in  Center  Church,  the  hymns  of  mourning  sung  were 
from  the  pen  of  Percival,  which  had  before  inscribed  such  songs 
of  victory. 

In  1843  he  left  his  quarters  on  Chapel  Street,  and  moved 
out  to  the  Hospital,  where  he  rented  three  rooms  in  the  top 
of  that  building,  which  he  occupied  till  about  1851,  when  he 
left  them  at  the  urgent  request  of  the  Hospital  authorities. 
Here  he  lived  the  life  of  a  recluse,   splitting  his  own  wood 


23<)        "the  zniicroscope"   and  james  gates  pekcival. 

behind  the  buikling,  and  taking  his  meals  of  crackers,  herring 
and  dried  beef,  in  his  own  quarters.  The  furnishings  of  these 
were  of  the  scantiest;  a  cot,  mattress  and  blankets,  but  no 
sheets  or  pillow.  The  rooms  were  never  swept  and  he  kept  the 
door  tied  up  in  some  way  with  a  rope;  just  how  I  can't  quite 
understand  from  his  biographer's  account.  Only  a  few  chosen 
visitors  were  admitted;  if  any  one  else  called,  he  talked  to 
them  in  the  entry,  though  it  is  said  that  when  Longfellow 
visited  him  to  pay  his  respects,  Percival  received  him  in  the 
reception  room  of  the  Hospital. 

His  poverty  was  extreme,  and  though  his  shyness  and  eccen- 
tricities prevented  him  from  making  many  friends,  'New 
Haveners  felt  proud  to  claim  him  as  a  fellow  citizen,  and 
excused  his  idiosyncrasies,  as  did  Calhoun,  with  a  shake  of  the 
head  and  the  half  pitying  words,  '"Oh  well,  he's  a  poet,  he's  a 
poet !"  And  yet,  in  spite  of  this  charitable  attitude  which  many 
took  towards  him,  I  have  no  doubt  he  had  many  snubs,  especially 
from  strangers,  which  wounded  his  sensitive  vanity  sorely. 

When  Ole  Bull  came  to  JSTew  Haven  in  1844,  for  example, 
Percival  composed  an  ode  to  him  in  Danish,  an  achievement 
which  the  local  newspaper.  The  Daily  Herald,  proudly 
announced  to  its  readers  with  the  comment  "we  have  poets 
who  can  make  the  Muse  talk  in  their  own  vernacular,  but  to 
endow  her  with  the  gift  of  tongues  is  a  power  confined  to  our 
fellow  citizen,"  and  3^et,  unfortunately  for  Percival,  the  violin- 
ist understood  Danish  better  than  the  editor,  and  when  Percival 
presented  a  co'pj  of  the  ode  to  him  after  the  concert,  he  only 
glanced  carelessly  over  it  and  patronizingly  remarking  that 
there  were  only  a  few  mistakes  in  it,  he  laid  it  aside  without 
further  comment. 

In  1853,  Percival  left  JSTew  Haven  to  make  a  geological  survey 
for  the  State  of  Wisconsin.  Either  in  his  absence  or  shortly 
after  he  left  the  Hospital,  some  of  his  admirers  built  a  little 
house  for  him  to  occupy  on  his  return,  situated  on  the  east  side 
of  Park  Street  near  George,  but  he  never  occupied  it  long,  if 
at  all,  for  he  died  in  Wisconsin,  May  22,  1856,  and  the  house 
was  subsequently  removed. 


"the  microscope"  and  JAMES  GATES  PERCIVAL,     237 

Such,  ill  brief,  is  the  career  of  the  strange  man  who  was  first 
introduced  to  the  reading  public  of  America  through  the  pages 
of  The  Microscope.  Like  the  paper  itself,  he  failed  to  make  the 
lasting  success  in  literature  for  which  he  strove,  but,  like  it, 
he  never  lowered  his  ideal,  and  like  it,  "nothing  irreligious, 
immoral  or  indelicate  was  suffered  to  stain  his  pages." 

It  was  a  period  when  our  national  literary  style  was  affected, 
sentimental  and  often  crude,  and  Percival's  poems  and  the  pro- 
ductions of  the  editors  of  The  Microscope  reflect  the  times, 
but  they  were  a  gallant  fraternity  of  gentlemen  after  all,  men 
we  all  might  emulate,  "voices  crying  in  the  wilderness,"  who 
strove  with  all  the  light  that  was  within  them  to  improve  the 
culture  of  their  times,  and  to  offer  some  literary  refreshment 
to  the  thirsty  souls  of  their  fellows. 

Let  us  therefore,  wish  a  happy  repose  to  their  gentle  shades, 
and  return  The  Microscope  and  the  poems  of  "our  Percival" 
to  the  library  shelves,  where  they  will  again  undoubtedly  accu- 
mulate the  shroud  of  dust  which  our  perusal  of  them  this 
evening  has  removed  for  the  first  and  last  time  in  many  years. 


THE  FUNDAMENTAL  ORDERS  AND 
THE  CHARTER. 

By  Rev.  Samuel  Hart,  D.D. 

[Read  October  21,  1912.] 


The  government  of  Connecticut  began  with  the  appointment 
of  a  constable  for  that  new  plantation  on  the  3d  day  of  Sep- 
tember in  the  year  1635.  Three  companies  had  come,  or  begun 
to  come,  from  the  Dorchester  and  I^Tewtown  and  Watertown 
of  Massachusetts  Bay  to  found  places  of  the  same  name  just 
below  the  head  of  navigation  on  the  further  side  of  the  great 
river  to  the  west ;  and  those  who  rather  grudgingly  gave  them 
leave  to  depart  still  took  care  that  they  should  not  be  quite 
without  the  form  of  civil  administration.  Presently  the  authori- 
ties in  the  Bay  issued  a  commission  to  eight  men,  two  from 
each  of  the  settlements  just  named  and  two  from  Agawam 
further  up  the  river,  at  the  desire  (we  are  told)  of  those  who 
were  removing  and  who  judged  it  "inconvenient"  (that  is, 
unseemly)  to  go  away  without  any  frame  of  government.  It 
was  dated  the  3d  day  of  March,  1636 — before  Mr.  Hooker 
and  his  immediate  company  had  arrived — and  it  was  to 
hold  but  for  a  year.  The  commissioners  were  authorized  to 
try  civil  causes,  to  punish  offenders,  and  to  make  orders  for 
the  peaceable  and  quiet  conduct  of  the  new  plantations.  How 
far  the  Massachusetts  General  Court  held  that  it  was  granting 


Note. — The  chief  authorities  and  sources  for  this  paper  are  the  "Colonial 
Records  of  Connecticut";  Dr.  J.  Hammond  Trumbull's  "Historical  Notes 
on  the  Constitutions  of  Connecticut"  (Hartford,  1873)  ;  Governor  Bald- 
win's "The  Three  Constitutions  of  Connecticut"  (in  Vol.  V  of  New  Haven 
Colony  Historical  Society  papers;  page  182  line  S,  read  1645,  new  style)  ; 
Judge  William  Hamersley's  "Connecticut,  the  Origin  of  her  Courts  and 
Laws,"    in  Vol.  I  of   "The  New  England  States"   (Boston,  1897). 


THE    FUNDAMENTAL    ORDEES    AND    THE    CHAKTEK. 


239 


a  power  to  be  exercised  under  itself,  and  how  far  the  Connect- 
icut adventurers  were  ready  to  acknowledge  responsibility  to 
the  Court  which  issued  the  commission,  we  cannot  tell.  Prob- 
ably all  knew  that  the  three  river  settlements,  as  they  were 
called,  were  below  the  Massachusetts  line  as  defined  by  charter, 
and  Mr.  Pynchon  had  hopes  that  he  also  was  outside  of  the 
Bay  jurisdiction;  probably  the  Connecticut  "Court" — for  so 
it  was  named  from  the  first- — ^would  have  declared  that  it  repre- 
sented those  who  had  withdrawn  by  permission  from  under  the 
authority  of  the  Massachusetts  Court.  At  any  rate,  we  have  no 
reason  to  believe  that  any  one  here  would  have  thought  of 
carrying  an  appeal  there,  or  that  any  one  there  claimed,  through 
the  commissioners  or  otherwise,  any  authority  here. 

The  first  ''Court  holden  att  l^ewton"  (that  is,  Hartford),  of 
which  we  have  any  record,  was  on  the  26th  of  April,  1636. 
But  the  abrupt  way  in  which  its  record  begins  makes  it  almost 
certain  that  there  had  been  one  or  two  meetings  before  that 
date.  The  business  of  the  day  was  varied:  it  had  to  do  with 
the  swearing-in  of  three  constables,  trading  with  the  Indians, 
the  ordering  of  strange  swine,  and  the  organization  of  a  church 
in  Watertown.  Six  more  meetings  were  held  before  the  year 
of  the  appointment  of  the  commissioners  had  expired,  at  the 
last  of  which  the  three  plantations  were  given  their  present 
names.  All  sorts  of  business  was  transacted  at  these  meetings, 
as  by  one  sovereign  government,  including  the  defining  of  "the 
bounds  of  Dorchester  towards  the  Falls  and  of  Watertown 
towards  the  mouth  of  the  River."  ISTear  the  end  of  March  there 
was  another  meeting,  the  commissioners  apparently  assuming 
that  they  could  "hold  over." 

But  on  the  first  day  of  May,  1637,  the  records  begin  with 
a  new  heading,  "Generall  Corte  att  Harteford" ;  and  after  the 
names  of  six  of  the  former  commissioners  as  present,  we  find, 
with  the  heading  "Comittees,"  the  names  of  three  men  from 
each  of  the  river  plantations.  We  do  not  know  how  they  were 
elected  or  who  gave  order  for  their  election;  but  there  had 
certainly  been  the  introduction  of  a  new  democratic  element  into 
the  government,  as  soon  as  the  jurisdiction  was  free  from  all 


240  THE    FUKDAMEA'TAL    OKDEKS    AK'D    THE    CHAKTEE. 

semblance  of  connection  with  the  aristocratic  colony  of  the 
Bay;  and  quite  probably  the  feeling  that  a  declaration  of 
"offensive  war  against  the  Pequoitt"  was  impending,  and  that 
it  would  be  necessary  to  make  requisition  upon  the  people  of 
the  several  towns  for  its  maintenance,  suggested  this  provision 
for  representation,  (In  April  of  the  next  year,  by  the  way, 
Agawam  was  represented  at  the  General  Court  by  both  magis- 
trates and  committee-men.)  Dr.  J.  Hammond  Trumbull 
quotes  from  a  letter  of  Rev.  Thomas  Hooker,  written  in  the 
autumn  of  1638,  which  enables  us  to  see  how  the  Court  was 
constituted.  He  says:  "x\t  the  time  of  our  election" — prob- 
ably in  March — ''the  committee  for  the  town  of  Agawam  came 
in  with  other  towns,  and  chose  their  magistrates,  installed  them 
into  their  government,  took  oath  of  them  for  the  execution  of 
justice  according  to  God,  and  engaged  themselves  to  submit 
to  their  government  and  the  execution  of  justice  by  their  means 
and  dispensed  by  the  authority  which  they  put  upon  them  by 
choice."  This  falls  in  with  the  doctrine  of  Hooker's  sermon 
so  often  quoted,  and  points  the  divergence  of  the  jDrinciples 
of  the  Connecticut  jurisdiction  from  that  of  Massachusetts; 
for  in  the  latter,  as  Winthrop  confesses,  though  ''the  people 
had  long  desired  a  body  of  laws,  great  reasons  there  were  which 
caused  most  of  the  magistrates  and  some  of  the  elders  not  to 
be  very  forward  in  the  matter."  On  the  9th  of  February, 
1638,  the  record  closes  with  these  words :  "It  is  ordered  that 
the  General  Court  now  in  being  shall  be  dissolved,  and  there 
is  no  more  attendance  of  the  members  thereof  to  be  expected 
except  they  be  newly  chosen  in  the  next  General  Court." 

There  must  have  been  an  election,  then,  holden  on  or  before 
the  8th  of  March,  which  is  the  date  of  the  next  record,  at 
which  eight  magistrates  were  present  and  eleven  committee- 
men ;  the  twelfth  "committee,"  a  Wethersfield  man,  was  fined 
for  his  absence   "Is.  to  be  forthwith  paid." 

This  court  transacted  all  sorts  of  business :  it  took  up  the 
case  of  an  Indian's  imprisonment  at  Agawam,  and  decided 
"to  pass  over  Mr.  Plummer's  failings  in  the  matter" ;  it  made 
a   contract   with   ]\Ir.    Pynchon   about   the   price    at   which   he 


THE    rUA^DAME^'TAL    OEDEI^S    AXD    THE    CniARTEE.  241 

would  furnish  corn;  it  gave  orders  as  to  the  treatment  and 
discipline  of  the  Indians :  it  ordered  50  "costlets"  to  be 
provided  for  military  nse ;  it  appointed  Captain  Mason  a  pub- 
lic officer,  with  power  to  train  the  military  men  in  each  planta- 
tion ten  days  in  every  year,  "so  it  be  not  in  June  or  July," 
and  ordered  that  all  persons  above  the  age  of  sixteen  years 
should  bear  arms,  not  tendering  a  sufficient  excuse  or  being  or 
having  been  commissioners  or  church  officers,  and  provided 
also  for  magazines  of  powder  and  shot ;  and  it  made  a  rule 
that  "whosoever  doth  disorderly  speak  privately  during  the 
sittings  of  court  with  his  neighbor  or  two  or  three  together 
shall  presently  pay  Is.  if  the  courte  so  think  meet."  There 
was,  then,  evidently  an  organized  government  by  a  legislature 
and  judicial  court,  consisting  of  two  bodies  of  representatives, 
one  chosen  by  the  whole  body  of  citizens  within  the  jurisdic- 
tion, the  other  made  up  of  four  committees  of  three  chosen 
by  the  citizens  of  the  four  plantations  respectively;  they 
evidently  sat  together,  but  we  are  not  told  how  the  vote  of  the 
court  was  taken. 

]^ow  all  this  was  done,  and  a  form  of  civil  government  was 
adopted — even  if  its  permanence  was  not  guaranteed — before 
the  famous  sermon  or  lecture  of  Rev.  Thomas  Hooker  was 
preached  on  Thursday,  the  last  day  of  May,  1638.  The  lecture 
may  well  have  been,  as  Dr.  J.  Hammond  Trumbull  said, 
"designed  to  lead  the  way  to  the  general  recognition  of  the 
great  truths  which  were  soon  to  be  incorporated  in  the  Funda- 
mental Laws"  or  Orders ;  but  it  is  quite  too  much  to  say  that 
it  was  the  original  inspiration  of  those  "Orders."  Mr. 
Hooker's  "doctrine"  in  the  discourse,  as  Henry  Wolcott's 
cipher  was  deciphered  by  Dr.  Trumbull,  was  three-fold: 
"1.  That  the  choice  of  public  magistrates  belongs  unto  the 
people  by  God's  allowance ;  3.  The  privilege  of  election  which 
belongs  unto  the  people,  therefore,  must  not  be  exercised  accord- 
ing to  their  humors,  but  according  to  the  blessed  will  and  law 
of  God ;  3,  They  who  have  power  to  appoint  officers  and 
magistrates,  it  is  in  their  power  also  to  set  the  bounds  of  the 
power  and  place  unto  which  they  call  them."     The  second 


242  THE    FUNDAMENTAL    OEDEES    AND    THE    CHAETEE,. 

point  of  this  "doctrine"  has  to  do  with  personal  duty  and  its 
motives ;  it  is  matter  of  exhortation ;  and  it  cannot  be  brought 
to  an  external  test.  But  the  first  and  third,  that  the  people 
may  elect  their  own  magistrates  and  that  the  same  people  may 
also  set  the  bounds  of  the  magistrates'  power,  had  been  acted 
on  already;  and  there  is  not  the  slightest  reason  to  think  that 
the  congregation  who  listened  to  the  lecture,  including  the 
members  of  the  General  Court,  needed  persuasion  on  these 
points,  though  they  probably  were  pleased  to  have  an  apologia 
for  what  had  been  done  and  for  what  it  was  in  their  minds 
to  do.  And  while  there  can  be  no  doubt  of  Mr.  Hooker's  influ- 
ence or  of  the  direction  in  which  it  was  applied,  it  certainly 
was  not  needed  to  move  the  people  of  the  jurisdiction  to  act 
on  principles  of  government  which  they  had  already  accepted. 
Dr.  Bacon's  remark  that  the  sermon  is  "the  earliest  known 
suggestion  of  a  fundamental  law,  enacted  not  by  royal  charter, 
nor  by  concession  from  any  previously  existing  government,  but 
the  people  themselves,"  attributes  to  the  preacher  what  the 
people  had  already  accepted  as  a  principle,  having  learned  it 
perhaps  from  the  minister  of  Hartford,  but  also  quite  certainly 
from  the  influential  lawyer  of  Windsor. 

We  may  be  quite  sure  that  the  Fundamental  Orders  of  the 
fourteenth  day  of  January,  1639,  did  little  more  than  put 
definitely  into  writing  a  rather  complicated  form  of  administra- 
tion already  in  use,  and  also — no  little  thing,  indeed — provide 
for  a  head  of  the  government  in  the  person  of  a  governor ;  and 
this  latter  may  have  been  thought  by  some  to  be  rather  a 
weakening  than  a  strengthening  of  the  pure  democracy  which 
had  been  founded.  At  any  rate,  on  the  day  just  named,  "the 
inhabitants  and  residents  of  Windsor,  Hartford,  and  Wethers- 
field,  cohabiting  and  dwelling  in  and  upon  the  River  of  Con- 
necticut and  the  lands  thereunto  adjoining" — or  at  least  so  many 
of  them  as  were  thought  fit  to  form  a  compact  with  one  another, 
for  their  democracy  did  not  imply  universal  suffrage — meeting 
together  as  one  body  did  associate  and  conjoin  themselves  to 
be  as  one  Public  State  and  Commonwealth.  Such  indeed  they 
had  been ;    and  yet  it  was  no  little  thing  which  they  did  when, 


THE    FUNDAMENTAL    ORDERS    AND    THE    CHARTER.  2tt3 

witli  the  help  of  a  skillful  mind  and  pen,  they  put  their  articles 
of  agreement  into  writing.  For,  as  has  been  so  often  pointed 
out,  it  was  the  first  time  in  the  history  of  the  world  that  a  body 
of  men,  recognizing  no  allegiance  to  any  human  authority, 
though  they  had  been  and  might  have  held  themselves  to  be 
subjects  of  a  government  which  had  an  organized  colony  not 
far  from  them,  constituted  for  themselves,  in  a  formal  way 
and  with  the  impressiveness  of  a  written  document,  an  abso- 
lutely new  and  independent  commonwealth.  The  common- 
wealth and  the  general  court,  indeed,  date  from  a  few  years 
further  back;  but  the  "orderly  and  decent  government  estab- 
lished according  to  God,"  with  duties  and  powers  and  restric- 
tions put  into  writing  and  published,  dates  for  Connecticut 
and  for  the  civilized  world  from  this  14th  of  January,  1639. 

This  Constitution,  for  such  it  really  was,  contained  eleven 
Fundamental  Orders;  and  in  them  we  see  so  much  either 
stated  or  implied  in  the  records  of  General  Courts  held  before 
this  time,  that  we  are  warranted  in  believing  that  in  other 
matters  not  evidently  new  we  have  the  continuation  of  prin- 
ciples already  recognized  and  acted  upon.  They  were  the 
principles  of  a  true  self-regulating  democracy,  assuming  sover- 
eignty and  providing  for  its  own  perpetuation.  The  more 
important,  for  our  purpose,  may  be  thus  stated.  Once  a  year 
the  whole  body  of  citizens  were  to  choose  a  governor  and  at 
least  six  other  magistrates  from  a  list  put  in  nomination  at 
a  court  held  not  less  than  six  months  in  advance ;  a  very 
ingenious  plan,  as  it  continued  for  many  years,  for  securing 
reelection  of  a  large  part  if  not  all  of  the  magistrates  who 
did  not  make  themselves  specially  obnoxious ;  for  each  person 
nominated  was  voted  for  or  against  severally  in  the  order  of 
nomination.  Also,  twice  a  year,  before  each  regular  meeting 
of  a  General  Court,  the  admitted  inhabitants  of  each  of  the 
three  towns — Agawam  being  dropped  out,  as  belonging  to 
Massachusetts — and  of  each  of  such  other  towns  as  might  be 
admitted,  were  to  meet  and  choose  three  or  four  deputies  to 
be  members  of  the  court;  and  here  at  any  rate  there  was 
great  room  for  freedom  of  choice  and  the  possibility  of  fre- 


244  THE    FUNDAMENTAL    ORDEKS    AND    THE    CHARTEE. 

quent  change.  Thus  a  general  court  of  governor,  magistrates, 
and  deputies  was  constituted,  having  the  supreme  power  of 
the  Commonwealth.  In  case  the  governor  and  magistrates 
should  neglect  or  refuse  to  call  the  court,  the  freemen  might 
order  their  own  constables  to  summon  them  and  thus  might 
meet  together,  apparently  in  a  mass  meeting,  and  have  all  the 
powers  of  the  court;  thus  provision  was  made  against  any 
wilful  or  accidental  stoppage  of  the  wheels  of  government. 
Also — and  this  is  an  anticipation  of  a  bicameral  legislative  body 
in  a  democracy,  which  has  hardly  received  the  attention  it 
deserves — the  deputies  might  meet  by  themselves  before  they 
went  into  the  court  with  the  governor  and  magistrates,  to 
inquire  into  their  own  elections  and  to  "consult  of  all  such 
things  as  may  concern  the  good  of  the  public" ;  in  fact,  they 
might  prepare  business  for  the  court  and  bring  it  in  with  the 
strong  sanction  of  their  agreement.  But  the  sovereigTity 
remained  where  it  had  always  been,  in  the  whole  body  politic 
of  the  jurisdiction.  There  was  no  recognition  of  any  higher 
sovereignty;  the  governor— the  only  person,  by  the  way,  who 
was  required  to  be  a  church  member — was  sworn  to  maintain 
all  lawful  privileges  of  this  commonwealth,  and  also  all  whole- 
some laws  made  by  lawful  authority  here  established,  and  to 
further  the  execution  of  justice  according  to  God's  word;  and 
the  magistrates'  oath  was  in  the  same  tenor  and  almost  exactly 
in  the  same  words.  In  everything  there  was  the  calm  assertion 
of  independence,  as  well  from  Massachusetts  as  from  England. 
Thus  was  the  practice  of  a  few  years,  somewhat  modified, 
put  into  writing  to  serve  as  fundamental  orders  or  constitution 
for  the  jurisdiction  of  Connecticut;  and  under  this  form  of 
government  Connecticut  continued  for  twenty-three  years, 
undisturbed  by  changes  which  took  place  in  the  government  of 
the  Bay  Colony  or  of  England,  a  government  by  itself  and  for 
itself.  Yet  there  were  changes  made  in  the  methods  of  that 
government.  ISTothing  had  been  said  in  the  Orders,  adopted 
(it  must  be  remembered)  by  the  vote  of  the  whole  community, 
as  to  any  possible  amendment  of  them ;  it  might  be  assumed, 
one  would  say,  that  the  same  authority  would  be  needed  for  the 


THE    FUNDAMENTAL    ORDERS    AND    THE    CHAETEK.  245 

amending  as  for  the  first  establishing  of  so  important  a  docu- 
ment. And  one  change  was  thus  made  in  1660,  allowing  the 
reelection  of  the  governor,  which  had  been  forbidden  by  the 
first  of  the  orders.  The  court  of  April  propounded  the  amend- 
ment to  the  consideration  of  the  freemen,  and  desired  that 
proxies  on  the  question  should  be  sent  to  the  May  court.  The 
proxies,  in  the  form  of  written  or  blank  votes  received  in  the 
several  towns  and  sent  to  Hartford  at  the  time  of  the  election, 
approved  the  change ;  and  John  Winthrop  the  younger,  who 
had  up  to  this  time  been  governor  in  alternate  years,  was 
thenceforth  elected  each  year  continually  until  his  death  in 
1676.  But  in  another  important  matter  a  fundamental  order, 
or  as  we  should  say  a  section  of  the  Constitution,  was  amended 
by  a  vote  of  the  General  Court  without  any  reference  to  the 
people.  It  had  been  required  that  the  governor  or  other  mod- 
erator and  four  others  of  the  magistrates  at  least  should  be 
present,  with  the  major  part  of  the  deputies,  to  make  a  quorum 
of  any  court.  In  1665,  it  was  "ordered  and  adjudged"  that 
three  magistrates  besides  the  moderator  should  be  the  number 
required  for  a  lawful  court.  And  at  the  same  time  it  was 
required  that  to  make  a  vote  of  the  court  there  should  be  the 
concurrence  of  the  major  part  of  the  magistrates  and  the  major 
part  of  the  deputies  there  present,  either  magistrates  or  deputies 
being  allowed — it  is  expressly  said — a  negative  vote.  Thus  the 
court  became  an  assembly  of  two  bodies,  debating  together 
but  voting  separately,  and  a  great  change  of  a  democratic 
nature  was  made,  and  that  without  reference  to  the  parties  who 
were  most  concerned,  the  whole  body  of  freemen. 

Perhaps  it  has  not  been  sufficiently  noticed — though  Judge 
Hamersley  called  attention  to  it  when  writing  on  the  origin 
of  the  Courts  and  Laws  of  Connecticut — that  the  court  of  those 
early  days  exercised  judicial  as  well  as  legislative  functions. 
It  sat  as  a  "general  court"  for  the  exercise  of  all  powers  and 
as  a  "particular  court"  for  the  trial  of  a  special  case.  There 
were  particular  courts  as  early  as  1639,  in  which  the  magistrates 
sat  with  the  governor  and  the  deputy  governor,  but  without 
the  deputies  from  the  towns ;    and  we  find  mention  of  a  jury 


246  THE    FUNDAMENTAL    OKDEES    AND    THE    CHAETEE. 

both  before  and  after  the  date  of  the  fundamental  orders.  The 
orders  themselves  say  nothing  as  to  the  particular  courts  or 
the  juries;  it  is  evident  that  they  were  looked  upon  as  a  part 
of  the  former  administration  which  had  not  been  modified 
by  the  written  law.  In  October,  1639,  less  than  nine  months 
after  the  orders  were  adopted,  provision  was  made  for  the 
establishment  of  a  court  in  each  town,  consisting  of  three,  five, 
or  seven  of  the  chief  inhabitants  to  be  chosen  annually,  and 
to  meet  once  in  two  months,  with  jurisdiction  over  parties  living 
in  the  town  in  civil  causes  not  exceeding  40  shillings ;  the  right 
of  appeal  to  a  higher  court  was  guarded.  The  office  of  these 
men  was  not  the  same  as  that  of  the  townsmen  or  selectmen, 
though  doubtless  the  same  persons  might  be  chosen  to  both 
offices;  and  there  is  no  reason  to  think  that  they  had  juries 
in  their  courts.  (At  the  same  session,  by  the  way,  a  beginning- 
was  ordered  to  be  made  for  the  preservation  of  a  record  "of 
those  passages  of  God's  providence  which  have  been  remarkable 
since  our  first  undertaking  these  plantations,"  under  the  direc- 
tion of  the  General  Court ;  this  was  just  200  years  before  the 
renewal  of  the  charter  of  the  Connecticut  Historical  Society 
and  the  beginning  of  its  active  existence.)  We  have  thus  a  true 
judicial  system,  the  administration  of  justice,  "according  to  the 
laws  here  established,  and  for  want  thereof  according  to  the  rule 
of  the  word  of  God,"  acknowledged  to  be,  rather  than  placed,  in 
the  hands  of  those  called  magistrates,  who  sometimes  shared 
this  power  with  the  deputies  but  as  a  rule  administered  it  by 
themselves,  lesser  cases  however  being  disposed  of  (when  pos- 
sible) in  town  or  neighborhood  courts.  It  may  be  that  facility 
of  pleading  was  found  to  be  an  encouragement  of  litigiousness, 
which  indeed  some  have  called  a  Connecticut  failing  from  the 
beginning;  for  we  find  in  the  records  as  early  as  1642  an  entry 
declaring  that  "it  is  the  apprehension  of  the  General  Court  that 
the  particular  courte  should  not  be  enjoined  to  be  kept  above 
once  in  a  quarter  of  a  year."  Five  years  later  an  addition,  in 
form  of  an  interpretation,  was  made  to  the  tenth  of  the  funda- 
mental orders,  declaring  that  for  a  particular  court  it  was  not 
necessary  to  have  the  presence  of  the  governor  or  deputy  gover- 


THE    FUNDAMENTAL    OEDEES    AND    THE    CHAETEE. 


247 


nor  and  four  (that  is,  a  majority)  of  the  magistrates,  which  was 
required  when  they  made  a  part  of  the  General  Court ;  but 
that  two  of  the  magistrates  with  the  governor  or  the  deputy 
governor,  or  three  magistrates  when  neither  of  the  higher 
officials  could  attend,  might  hold  a  particular  court.  The  ses- 
sions of  this  court,  which  dealt  with  both  civil  and  criminal 
cases,  became  pretty  frequent;  in  1646  there  were  six  and  in 
1647  seven,  at  all  of  which  except  one  a  jury  was  empanelled. 
The  whole  matter  of  juries  was  regulated  by  the  general  court 
in  1644-5.  After  a  while  assistants  and  commissioners  were 
appointed  for  newly  admitted  towns  which  had  no  resident 
magistrate;  and  from  them  came  by  development.  Judge 
Hamersley  tells  us,  the  "Justices  of  the  Peace."  A  grand  jury 
of  twelve  persons,  called  as  a  rule  year  by  year,  was  first 
ordered  in  1643,  to  make  presentment  of  any  misdemeanors 
they  knew  of  in  the  jurisdiction;  and  in  1660,  grand  jurymen 
were  appointed  for  the  several  towns,  the  number  of  which 
had  increased  to  ten.  Probate  matters,  with  allowance  of  wills 
either  written  or  nuncupative,  were  regulated  from  1639 ; 
intestate  estates  were  to  be  taken  charge  of  by  the  "orderers 
of  the  affairs  of  the  towns"  and  the  goods  divided  "to  wife 
(if  any  be),  children,  or  kindred,  as  in  equity  shall  be  seen 
meet."  In  all  this  time  the  population  of  the  whole  juris- 
diction was  less  than  1,000,  and  the  number  of  freemen  prob- 
ably did  not  exceed  150. 

Thus,  under  the  fundamental  orders  and  their  expansion, 
matters  went  on,  until  the  application  for  a  charter  and  its 
grant  by  the  Crown  of  England  made  Connecticut  in  law 
what  it  had  already  been  sometimes  called,  a  Colony  of  Eng- 
land. In  the  time  of  the  Commonwealth  no  change  had  been 
necessary  here;  but  the  end  of  the  Commonwealth  and  the 
restoration  of  the  Stuarts  made  it  a  matter  of  prudence  and  of 
safety  that  this  thriving  jurisdiction,  situated  between  the 
stronger  and  wealthier  jurisdictions  of  Massachusetts  Bay  and 
l^ew  York,  and  exposed  to  the  attacks  of  enemies,  should  have 
the  protection  of  the  government  of  the  mother  country.  And 
the  changes  which  had  taken  place  and  were  impending  beyond 


248        THE  fuxda:mextal  oedees  a^^d  the  charter. 

the  sea  made  it  also  a  matter  of  prudence  and  of  safety  that 
this  independent  community  should  preserve  its  independence 
and  continue  to  exercise  the  rights  of  self-government  which 
it  had  so  carefully  and  ingeniously  secured  and  held.  It  is 
interesting  to  note  that,  as  the  practices  of  the  years  before 
1639  were  carried  over,  with  some  amendments  for  the  better, 
into  the  fundamental  orders,  so  the  rules  of  these  orders  and 
the  practices  under  them  were  carried  over,  likewise  with  some 
amendments,  into  the  charter. 

There  is  not  time  to  speak  at  length  of  the  petition  for  the 
charter,  the  draft  of  such  a  document  which  Governor  Winthrop 
carried  to  England,  the  influence  Avhicli  he  brought  to  bear 
upon  Charles  II  and  his  ministers,  and  the  way  in  which  it 
extended  the  jurisdiction  of  Connecticut  so  that  it  included 
that  of  the  Xew  Haven  confederacy.  The  suppliants  prayed 
for  a  continuance  of  their  former  liberties,  rights,  authorities, 
and  privileges ;  and  these  Avere  all  confirmed  by  that  most 
remarkable  document  of  250  years  ago,  signed  on  St.  George's 
day,  exhibited  to  the  commissioners  of  the  United  Colonies  in 
Boston  in  September,  and  read  in  the  audience  of  the  freemen 
in  Hartford  on  the  9th  day  of  October,  as  to  which  one  won- 
ders how  it  ever  passed  the  Privy  Council  or  obtained  royal 
approval.  The  people  of  Connecticut  looked  upon  it  as  granted 
at  their  petition  and  accepted  by  themselves  quite  as  really 
as  their  former  constitution ;  they  found  in  it  a  confirmation 
of  their  own  free  government,  and  they  interpreted  what  they 
deemed  "minuter  parts"  in  the  new  documents  in  accordance 
with  the  former  principles  which  were  not  contravened.  It 
is  easy  to  see  how  all  this  could  be  held  and  made  the  basis 
of  action.  The  charter  enacted  the  freemen  of  the  Company  and 
Society  of  the  Colony  of  Connecticut  into  a  "Body  Corporate 
and  Politick" ;  it  ordered  that  there  should  be  a  governor,  a 
deputy  governor,  and  twelve  assistants,  to  be  chosen  once  a  year 
by  the  freemen ;  and  that  the  assistants,  with  the  freemen  or 
deputies  of  the  freemen  not  exceeding  two  from  each  town  or 
city,  should  have  twice  a  year  a  general  meeting  or  assembly ; 
that  the  officers  should  take  oath  for  the  performance  of  their 


THE    FUNDAMENTAL    OEDEES    AND    THE    CHAETEK. 


249 


duty,  nothing  being  said  as  to  the  form  of  what  is  called  "the 
said  oath"  or  of  a  promise  or  declaration  of  allegiance  to 
any  external  authority;  that  the  governor  and  assistants 
assembled  in  courts  might  ''make  ordain  and  establish  all 
manner  of  wholesome  and  reasonable  laws  statutes  ordinances 
directions  and  instructions  not  contrary  to  the  laws  of  this 
realm  of  England,"  nothing  here  being  said  as  to  the  necessity 
of  any  royal  or  other  approval  or  as  to  any  way  of  determining 
the  fact  of  a  conflict  with  the  laws  of  the  realm;  Connecticut 
interpreted  the  w^ords  to  mean  that  any  law  of  its  own  could 
hold  within  its  borders,  with  the  possible  exception  of  cases  in 
which  England  had  made  a  different  law  expressly  for  this 
very  colony.  It  will  be  seen  that  the  General  Court,  which 
soon  began  to  be  called  the  General  Assembly,  was  continued, 
that  judicial  authority  emanated  from  that  Court,  and  that  the 
authority  of  the  governor  was  somewhat  increased. 

The  charter  seems  to  have  expected  that  all  the  freemen  would 
meet  in  person  before  the  assembling  of  the  General  Court,  "then 
and  there  to  advise  in  and  about  the  business  of  the  company" 
or  corporation ;  and  certainly  it  required  that  the  governor, 
the  deputy  governor,  and  the  assistants — these  corresponding 
to  the  former  magistrates  and  now  twelve  in  number — should 
be  chosen  at  the  annual  meeting  of  the  company  by  the  major 
part  of  the  members  of  the  company  then  and  there  present. 
It  has  seemed  to  some  careful  students,  as  to  our  present  gov- 
ernor, that  the  charter  intended  to  pass  the  real  management 
of  the  Colony  to  the  governor  and  assistants,  oftener  called  the 
governor  and  council ;  and  he  notes  that  the  letters  from  the 
Crown  oflicials  in  England  were  generally  addressed  to  the 
governor  and  council.  Yet  the  charter  did  provide  for  the  elec- 
tion of  deputies,  not  exceeding  two  persons  from  each  place 
town  or  city,  elected  by  the  major  part  of  the  freemen  of  the 
respective  towns  cities  and  places ;  and,  as  Governor  Baldwin 
himself  says,  '""Whatever  the  intention  of  its  authors  may  have 
been,  Winthrop's  charter,  when  it  reached  Connecticut,  was 
read  as  if  it  made  the  deputies  of  the  freemen  as  full  a  part 
of  the  legislature  as  they  had  always  been."     And  perhaps  the 


250  THE    FUNDAMENTAL    ORDERS    AND    THE    CHARTER. 

Crown  law,yers  meant  no  more  by  the  clauses  which  imply 
that  in  some  cases  the  governor  and  assistants  might  act  without 
the  deputies  from  the  towns,  than  the  people  here  were  accus- 
tomed to  see  in  the  frequent  sessions  of  the  particular  court. 
In  point  of  fact  this  part  of  the  assembly  was  presently,  by  vote 
of  the  general  assembly  itself,  constituted  a  council,  "to  act 
in  emergent  occasions" ;  and  though  the  vote  was  repealed  two 
years  later,  it  was  re-enacted  in  1675. 

The  assembly  on  the  9th  of  October,  1662,  having  read  the 
charter  to  the  freemen  and  declared  it  to  belong  to  them  and 
their  successors,  went  about  its  business  as  usual.  But  first 
it  put  the  document  into  the  custody  of  three  chosen  men, 
directed  the  constables  to  collect  corn  from  their  towns  "to  dis- 
charge the  country's  engagement  for  the  charter,"  ordered 
that  the  seal  of  the  general  court  be  retained  as  the  seal  of  the 
Colony,  accepted  the  submission  of  certain  plantations  and 
inhabitants  formerly  of  the  ISTew  Haven  confederation,  and 
declared  "all  the  laws  and  orders  of  this  Colony  to  stand  in 
full  force  and  virtue,  unless  any  be  cross  to  the  tenor  of  our 
charter."  In  fact,  Connecticut  maintained  from  the  first  that 
the  charter  made  no  real  difference  in  her  form  of  government, 
and  that  this  document  was  in  reality  in  the  nature  of  a  con- 
tract, the  Cro^vn  benefiting  by  an  increase  of  territory,  acquired 
by  the  labor  and  at  the  cost  of  the  colonists,  and  also  by  the 
allegiance  of  a  well-placed  body  of  subjects,  and  the  Colony 
gaining  an  assurance  of  protection  and  of  interest  in  the  affairs 
of  the  mother  country.  Thus  indeed  the  preamble  reads ;  and ' 
thus  the  rights  derived  from  the  charter  were  declared  to  be 
"sacred  and  indefeasible,"  and  the  charter  itself  was  declared 
"to  stand  upon  the  same  basis  with  the  grand  charters  and 
fountains  of  English  liberty."  "This  construction  of  the 
charter" — I  use  Judge  Hamersley's  words — "as  a  confirming 
grant  by  the  Crown  of  the  form  of  self-government  already 
established  by  the  people,  was  maintained  with  unvarying 
persistency,  marked  by  shrewd  caution  as  well  as  stubborn 
courage." 

And  the  General  Assembly  had  no  more  hesitation  in  amend- 
ing the  charter  than  the  General  Court  had  had  in  amending 


THE    FUNDAMENTAL    ORDERS    AND    THE    CHARTER.  ^51 

the  fimdamental  orders.  The  charter,  (as  has  been  alreadv 
noted,)  provided  that  once  in  the  year  for  ever,  the  governor, 
deputy  governor,  and  assistants  of  the  company  should  be  newly 
chosen  for  the  year  ensuing  by  the  greater  part  of  the  said 
company  (of  freemen)  being  then  and  there  present;  and  in 
this  it  followed  what  was  evidently  the  original  custom  or  rule, 
giving  occasion  for  an  ambiguity  in  the  use  of  the  term 
General  Assembly,  which  sometimes  means  the  personal 
assembling  of  the  freemen  and  sometimes  their  assembling 
by  their  deputies  or  representatives  with  the  governor  and 
magistrates.  This  would  serve  as  long  as  the  freemen  all  lived 
within  a  few  miles  of  the  place  of  assembling ;  but  at  the  date 
of  the  charter  there  were  freemen  of  the  Colony  in  towns  as 
remote  as  Saybrook,  ISTew  London,  and  Xorwalk,  and  the  num- 
ber was  then  increased  by  the  incorporation  of  the  IlTew  Haven 
jurisdiction.  Before  this  time  the  freemen  of  the  remote  plan- 
tations, as  we  know  from  the  wording  of  a  record  in  1660,  had 
been  used  to  send  their  proxies,  that  is  to  say  to  transmit  their 
ballots,  duly  cast  in  freemen's  meetings  and  sealed  up,  to 
Hartford,  that  they  might  be  counted  with  the  votes  of  those 
who  were  assembled  there.  In  all  probability  this  rule  or  custom 
was  continued,  and  the  more  readily  because  it  had  been  a  pro- 
vision of  the  fundamental  agi-eement  at  ISTew  Haven;  at  any 
rate,  it  was  confirmed  or  reestablished  in  1670,  and  that  in  the 
very  teeth  of  the  charter,  that  all  the  freemen  should  or  might, 
on  the  second  Thursday  of  May  yearly,  attend  at  Hartford 
either  in  person  or  in  proxy,  and  consummate  the  election  of 
the  general  officers  of  the  Colony.  The  method  of  proxy  voting, 
which  was  held  in  the  towns  on  the  last  Tuesday  of  April,  was 
that  the  freemen  voted  first  for  governor,  then  successively  for 
deputy  governor,  treasurer,  and  secretary,  and  the  ballots  in 
each  case  were  sealed  up.  Then  the  twenty  nominations  made 
for  assistants  w^ere  read  in  order,  the  names  taken  first  being 
those  of  the  men  already  in  office  who  were  renominated  or 
willing  to  accept  reelection ;  each  freeman  voted  in  each  case, 
putting  in  a  marked  ballot  if  he  wished  to  vote  for  the  person 
named  or  a  blank  ballot  if  he  preferred  to  vote  against  him ; 
the  ballots  in  the  case  of  each  candidate  were  sealed  up;    and 


252  THE    rU]S^DAMENTAL    ORDEES    AND    THE    CHAETEE. 

when  all  were  counted  at  Hartford,  the  twelve  candidates  who 
had  the  largest  number  of  marked  ballots  were  declared  elected 
assistants  for  the  year."^  The  provision  as  to  voting  by  marked 
or  blank  ballots  is  as  old  as  the  fundamental  orders,  and  prob- 
ably can  be  traced  further  back  in  England.  The  ''stand-up 
law"  was  not  passed  until  1801. 

Another  amendment  of  the  provisions  of  the  charter,  without 
authority  from  the  Crown  or  even  from  the  body  of  the  freemen, 
was  made  in  1698.  After  the  granting  of  the  charter,  the 
assistants  or  Council  and  the  deputies  had  continued  to 
sit  together  in  one  house,  probably  voting  separately  as  of  old ; 
but  now  the  General  Assembly  divided  itself  into  two  houses. 
The  governor  and  deputy  governor  with  the  Council  met  as 
the  "upper  house,"  the  governor  or  his  deputy  presiding ;  and 
the  rej)resentatives  of  the  towns  met  as  the  "lower  house," 
choosing  their  own  speaker.  This  act,  though  in  the  line  of 
governmental  development  and  (we  may  think)  encouraged  by 
the  changes  of  the  revolution  in  England  which  gave  rise  to 
modern  parliamentary  government,  was  in  its  nature  revolu- 
tionary. It  attached  the  governor  to  one  branch  of  the  assem- 
bly, that  in  which  most  of  the  judicial  power  was  vested,  and 
it  removed  him  from  immediate  contact  with  the  other  branch, 
in  which  most  of  the  legislation  Avould  be  apt  to  originate. 
About  the  same  time  it  was  ordered  that  justices  of  the  peace 
should  no  longer  be  chosen  annually,  but  should  hold  office 
during  the  pleasure  of  the  General  Assembly.  Both  these  acts, 
said  Samuel  Welles  writing  to  Governor  Fitz-John  Winthrop, 
were  expected  to  "strengthen  the  government,  when  they  are 
not  at  the  dispose  of  the  arbitrary  humors  of  the  people,  and 
yet  subject  to  be  called  to  account  by  the  General  Court."  To 
us,  the  former  change  at  least  might  seem  in  reality  to  strengthen 
the  power  of  the  democratic  element.  Certainly  it  seems  to 
have  been  believed  that  the  omnipotence  of  Parliament  was 

*  This  use  of  the  word  "proxy"  is  noted  in  the  new  Oxford  Dictionary 
as  peculiar  to  Connecticut  and  Eliode  Island,  and  is  marked  as  obsolete. 
Proxies,  in  the  sense  of  documents  authorizing  one  person  to  vote  for 
another,  have  never  been  known  in  English  elections  or  legislatures  except 
in  the  House  of  Lords;    they  were  discontinued  there  in  1868. 


THE    rUNDAMEIv^TAL    OEDEES    AND    THE    CHAETEK.  258 

communicated  to  the  General  Assembly  of  Connecticut  under 
its  charter;  and  it  would  have  taken  much  persuasion  to  con- 
vince the  people  of  Connecticut  that  their  legislature,  or  General 
Assembly,  had  not  sovereign  powers. 

And  Connecticut,  rather  warily  to  be  sure,  but  very  plainly, 
did  under  the  charter  and  before  independence  of  the  British 
Crown  was  secured  exercise  sovereign  powers.  Its  legislature 
granted  a  University  charter  to  the  Collegiate  school  of  1701 ; 
it  issued  bills  of  credit ;  it  divided  intestate  estates  in  violation 
of  the  law  of  England  though  in  accord  with  the  law  of  Deuter- 
onomy; it  framed  or  assumed  a  common  law  divergent  from 
that  of  England.  Thus  it  claimed  and  exercised  the  powers 
of  a  sovereign,  and  to  those  powers  it  set  none  but  moral  limits. 
John  Read,  the  great  colonial  lawyer,  argued  from  a  Connect- 
icut standpoint  in  174:3,  when  he  said :  ''God  and  nature  have 
given  unto  mankind,  or  human  society,  a  power  of  assent  and 
dissent  to  the  laws  by  which  they  are  to  be  governed  (those  only 
excepted  which  proceed  from  absolute  sovereignty)  ;  and  this 
is  the  known  privilege  of  Englishmen,  to  be  governed  by  laws 
to  which  they  have,  in  one  form  or  another,  given  their  consent." 

At  the  time  of  the  Revolution,  which  issued  in  the  recogiii- 
tion  b}'  Great  Britain  of  the  independence  of  Connecticut  and 
twelve  other  States,  this  State  did  not  need  to  frame  a  Consti- 
tution. In  October,  1776,  the  General  Assembly,  declaring 
that  the  King  of  Great  Britain  had  abdicated  the  government 
of  this  State,  approved  the  Declaration  of  Independence, 
absolved  the  inhabitants  from  allegiance  to  the  British  Crown, 
and  enacted  "that  the  form  of  Civil  Government  in  this  State 
shall  continue  to  be  as  established  by  charter  from  Charles  the 
Second,  King  of  England,  so  far  as  an  adherence  to  the  same 
will  be  consistent  with  an  absolute  independence  of  this  State 
on  the  Crown  of  Great  Britain." 

In  178-1,  a  revision  and  codification  of  the  laws  being  made, 
it  was  solemnly  declared  that  "The  people  of  this  State,  being 
by  the  Providence  of  God  free  and  independent,  have  the  sole 
and  exclusive  right  of  governing  themselves  as  a  free  sovereign 
and  independent  state  ;  and  having  from  their  ancestors  derived 


254  THE  fcndamejnttal  ordees  and  the  chaetee. 

a  free  and  excellent  constitution  of  government,  whereby  the 
legislature  depends  on  the  free  and  annual  election  of  the 
people,  thej  have  the  best  security  for  the  preservation  of 
their  civil  and  religious  rights  and  liberties." 

This  action  and  this  declaration  Avere  not  submitted  to  the 
people,  but  they  were  accepted  by  them;  and  it  was  not  till 
1818  that  the  principles  of  the  Charter  of  1662,  received  from 
the  Fundamental  Orders  of  1639,  and  reaching  back  to  the 
very  foundation  of  the  Colony,  were  embodied  in  a  formal 
Constitution. 


BRITISH  PRISONERS  OF  WAR  IN    HARTFORD 
DURING  THE  REVOLUTION. 

Bj  Heebeet  H.  White. 

[Eead  January  20,  1913.] 


The  inland  location  of  Hartford,  rendering  it  comparatively 
safe  from  attack,  either  by  sea  or  by  land,  and  the  fact  that 
it  was  an  important  strategic  point,  were  not  the  only  reasons 
for  its  comparative  security  throughout  the  War  for  Inde- 
pendence. In  character  its  people,  from  the  earliest  settlement, 
have  been  courageous  yet  discreet,  determined  yet  diplomatic. 
These  are  traits  that  make  for  peace  and  prosperity,  and 
although  in  its  history  it  has  faced  local  crises  or  shared  in 
widespread  events  of  war,  disaster  or  political  revolution,  it 
has  remained  unmolested,  peaceful,  and  prosperous.  During 
the  period  of  the  American  Revolution,  it  was  never  entered 
by  the  enemy  other  than  as  prisoner,  spy,  or  ambassador.  More- 
over, its  loyalty  to  the  cause,  the  ardor  of  its  patriots,  its  gen- 
erous aid  in  men  and  money,  and  the  presence  of  such  influential 
men  as  Governor  Trumbull,  Colonel  Wadsworth,  Silas  Deane, 
and  others,  brought  it  into  prominence  early  in  the  war. 

These  considerations  undoubtedly  account,  in  a  measure  at 
least,  for  its  selection  as  one  of  the  important  places  for  the 
consignment  and  safe  keeping  of  captured  prisoners  and  sus- 
pected or  known  loyalists.  Other  Colonies  bore  their  share 
of  responsibility  and  burden,  but  I  think  Connecticut  held  a 
position  of  great  importance  in  this  work.  The  Continental 
Congress  at  Philadelphia  regulated  the  disposal  of  prisoners, 
and  as  the  General  Assembly  was  often  in  session  here  with 
Governor  Trumbull  in  attendance,  the  gTeater  portion  of  those 
consigned  to  Connecticut  were  brought  first  to  Hartford.     Some 


256  BEITISII    PEIS02s"EES    OF    WAR    IX    HAETFOED 

were  later  placed  in  other  towns,  but  all  were  more  or  less 
directly  under  the  care  of  the  local  Committee  of  Safety.  The 
surprise  and  capture  of  Fort  Ticonderoga,  only  three  weeks 
after  the  battle  of  Lexington,  was  planned  here  in  Hartford 
and  financed  mostly  by  Hartford  County  men. 

We  learn  through  Trumbull's  History  of  Hartford  County 
that  "they  borrowed  money  from  the  Colonial  Treasury  to 
defray  the  expense,  giving  their  individual  obligations  with 
security.  Their  proceedings  were  carried  on  ostensibly  with- 
out the  knowledge  of  the  Assemblj^,  then  in  session,  and  a  com- 
mittee was  appointed  to  complete  the  arrangements  for  this 
daring  project.  This  committee  selected  sixteen  men  from 
Connecticut,  who  went  to  Pittsfield,  where  Colonel  James 
Easton  of  that  town,  a  native  of  Hartford,  joined  them  with 
forty  men  from  Berkshire  County.  At  Bennington  they  were 
reinforced  by  one  hundred  men,  and  Colonel  Ethan  Allen,  born 
and  raised  in  Connecticut,  took  command  of  the  expedition. 
The  result  of  the  attack  is  well  known,  but  the  initiative  taken 
by  Connecticut  has  not  always  been  recognized.  At  the  same 
time  that  Ticonderoga  was  taken,  was  captured  also  Major 
Skene  of  Skenesborough,  a  prominent  loyalist,  with  several 
members  of  his  family.  They  were  sent  to  Hartford  with 
Captain  Delaplace,  the  commander  at  Ticonderoga,  and  other 
officers.  The  remaining  prisoners,  forty-seven  in  number,  came 
later,  under  the  escort  of  Mr.  Epaphras  Bull." 

Captures  from  the  enemy  soon  began  to  be  frequent  and 
numerous.  The  Connecticut  Courant  of  August  5,  1775, 
reports  ''three  Tory  prisoners  brought  last  Saturday  from  Xe^\' 
Canaan  and  committed  to  jail."  August  26,  "A  number  of 
gentlemen  were  brought  to  this  town  from  ISTew  York,  where 
they  were  lately  taken  up  on  suspicion  of  entertaining  senti- 
ments unfriendly  to  the  American  States."  The  fate  of  the 
Ticonderoga  prisoners  may  have  furnished  General  Washington 
a  suggestion  regarding  the  disposal  of  some  of  the  more  prom- 
inent persons  captured,  whom  he  thought  should  be  kept  safely 
and  treated  humanely,  because,  at  this  time,  by  his  orders, 
came  also  Major  Christopher  Erencli   (to  whom  I  shall  refer 


DUEIXG    THE    REVOLUTION,  257 

later)  and  four  others  of  liis  party,  arrested  at  Gloucester,  Mass., 
shortly  before. 

The  following  is  a  copy  of  the  minutes  of  the  Connecticut 
Committee  of  Safety,  September  14,  1775. 

"At  a  meeting  of  tlie  Governors  &c  present — The  Gov.  laid  before  lis  a 
request  and  desire  of  the  Hon.  General  Assembly  of  the  Massachusetts 
Bay,  communicated  by  tlie  Hon.  James  Otis,  President  of  the  Council 
representing  that  their  jails  are  generally  crowded  Avith  prisoners, 
etc.  and  moving  for  liberty  to  send  some  of  their  prisoners  into  this 
Colony.  And  in  consideration  of  the  circumstances  in  this  case,  it  is 
agreed  and  resolved,  that  altho  we  have  many  prisoners  from  the  North- 
ward, and  much  burdened  in  many  ways,  and  are  very  greatly  in  advance, 
yet,  from  our  great  aflfection  for  the  common  cause,  this  Board  do 
not  refuse  to  receive  some  of  the  prisoners  referred  to,  but  depend  that 
said  Assembly  will  also,  apply  to  R.  I.  and  N.  H.  Assemblies  or  Conven- 
tions for  the  same  purpose  and  send  as  sparingly  as  may  be;  and  those 
who  may  be  sent  in  pursuance  of  this  license  shall  be  received  in  the 
Counties  of  Hartford  and  Windham  for  the  present  and  until  this  Council 
shall  determine  otherwise." 

In  November,  Governor  Trumbull  informed  the  Continental 
Congress  that  "'Major  Gen.  Schuyler  hath  lately  sent  prisoners 
taken  at  La  Prairie  or  thereabout  and  by  his  letter  of  Oct. 
27th  ult.,  informs  me  that  he  intendeth  to  order  the  officers 
and  soldiers,  with  women  and  children,  in  all  nearly  200,  taken 
at  Chambly,  into  this  Colony  under  my  direction."  From  the 
Courant,  August  12,  1776,  we  read  of  the  arrival  of  a  new 
batch  of  Tories,  "between  twenty  and  thirty,"  and  it  adds 
with  apparent  glee,    "They  are  a  motley  mess." 

In  1777  prisoners  taken  at  Princeton  and  on  Long  Island 
were  brought  here,  among  them  several  Hessian  officers,  and 
later  a  number  of  Burgoyne's  soldiers.  Colonel  Spade,  a 
Hessian,  being  one.  Others  were  Captain  Williams  and  Lieu- 
tenants McFarlan  and  Smith  of  the  Royal  Artillery,  officers 
Gregory  and  Stanhope  of  the  King's  i^avy.  Governor  William 
Franklin  of  JSTew  Jersey  (a  son  of  Benjamin)  quartered  just 
over  the  line  in  South  Windsor,  Governor  Montfort  Brown  of 
Providence,  one  of  the  Bahama  Islands,  Mr.  Sistare,  born  at 
Barcelona,  Mayor  Cuyler  and  party  from  Albany,  consisting 
of  Mr.  Monier,  Postmaster,  Lieutenants  McDonnell  and  Dun- 
9 


258  BRITISH    PEISONERS    OF    WAR    IN    HARTFORD 

can,  Mr.  Delancy,  Mr.  Hilton,  attorney,  and  Mr.  Herring, 
Mayor  Mathews  of  'New  York,  transferred  later  to  Litchfield, 
Captain  McKay,  captured  at  St.  Johns,  Peter  Herron,  a  Tory, 
and  Captain  Jacob  Smith,  taken  at  Long  Island.  All  these 
are  disclosed  from  only  a  partial  search  of  the  records. 
Undoubtedly  many  more  were  received  here  during  the  war  who, 
with  those  already  mentioned,  made  quite  a  formidable  com- 
pany injected  into  the  life  of  the  little  community.  Their  care 
and  custody,  occupation  and  comfort,  laid  a  full  burden  of 
responsibility  on  its  citizens,  for  we  must  bear  in  mind  that  in 
1775  there  were  only  5,000  people  in  the  town,  which  then 
included  within  its  territorial  limits  West  and  East  Hartford 
and  Manchester. 

The  prisoners  arrived  in  more  or  less  destitute  condition, 
physically  and  financially,  but  all  were  made  as  comfortable  as 
circumstances  would  permit,  and  the  townspeople  could  aiford. 
Some  of  those  on  parole  were  housed  in  private  families,  others 
lived  at  the  taverns.  They  were  allowed  to  go  about  within 
prescribed  limits  and  they  entered  somewhat  into  the  social  life 
of  the  community.  Some  of  the  common  soldiers  were  lodged 
in  jail,  but  more  were  sent  to  ITewgate  Prison  in  Simsbury. 
Li  1777  the  prisoners  from  ISTewgate  Prison  were  taken  to  the 
Hartford  Jail  and  probably  the  Prison  was  not  used  again 
until  1780.  At  one  time  the  prisoners  were  confined  in  the 
Court  House,  but  on  October  11,  1776,  the  General  Assembly 
ordered  these  prisoners  to  be  removed  to  other  quarters  in  charge 
of  Ezekiel  Williams,  Commissary  of  Prisoners  (Sheriff). 

To  the  townspeople  the  coming  of  the  first  captives  must 
have  been  a  great  event.  They  had  seen  the  companies  of 
Patriots,  some  of  their  own  kinsmen,  march  forth  to  war,  and 
had  learned  from  letters  and  the  occasional  newspaper  reports 
of  far  distant  skirmishes  and  battles.  But  here  was  a  sight 
of  the  enemy  face  to  face,  comparatively  harmless  to  be  sure, 
in  his  present  condition,  but  the  real  thing,  nevertheless.  They 
must  have  met  hostile  eyes  as  they  walked  about,  and  sometimes 
have  heard  uncomplimentary,  perhaps  insulting  remarks  about 
themselves  or  their  king.     Thev  in  turn  looked  down  on  the 


DURING    THE    EEVOLUTIOjST. 


259 


populace  as  country  bumpkins,  rude  and  coarse,  base  traitors 
to  the  government  of  His  Glorious  Majesty,  George  the  Third. 
But  there  were  gentle  people  among  both  victors  and  vanquished 
and  many  evidences  of  warm-hearted  courtesy  were  shown  on 
both  sides.  In  contrast  with  the  busy,  bustling  life  of  our  town 
to-day,  that  comprises,  within  the  ancient  boundaries,  more 
than  125,000  people,  it  is  interesting  to  look  back  to  the  simple 
village  life  a  century  and  a  third  ago,  its  quietness  disturbed 
by  the  excitement  and  alarm  incident  to  the  great  struggle  then 
in  progress.  Human  nature  was  much  the  same  as  it  is  to-day ; 
violent  passion  and  hatred,  exultant,  boisterous  nagging  and 
teasing  by  the  boys,  suspicion  and  watchfulness,  obstinacy  and 
misunderstanding  on  the  part  of  the  elders,  gentleness  and  warm 
sympathy  at  times  by  all. 

The  citizens  who  lodged  and  boarded  these  unfortunates  could 
not  be  expected  to  bear  the  expense  personally,  nor  were  the 
prisoners  on  parole  at  all  backward  in  asking  for  pocket  money 
and  other  essentials.  For  instance.  Major  French  demanded  a 
daily  allowance  of  17s.  6d  for  himself  and  the  gentleman  with 
him. 

The  whole  question  was  brought  before  the  General  Assembly 
at  its  May  session,  at  which  a  committee  was  appointed  to  take 
the  matter  in  charge,  but  it  is  evident  from  the  following  Act 
of  the  same  body,  passed  in  October,  1775,  that  if  anything 
had  already  been  done,  it  was  insufficient  to  the  needs  of  the 
occasion. 

"Whereas  this  Assembly  at  their  session  in  May  last  appointed  Col. 
Woleott,  Capt.  Samuel  Wadsworth,  Capt.  Ezek.  Williams,  Mr.  Epaphras 
Bull,  Henry  Allyn  Esq.,  Col.  Fisher  Gay,  Col.  Matthew  Talcott,  Col.  Jas. 
Wadsworth,  Capt.  Jona  Wells,  Ebenezer  White,  Esq.,  and  Col.  Jonathan 
Humphrey,  a  Com.  with  instructions  at  the  expense  of  this  Colony  to  take 
care  of  and  provide  for  a  number  of  officers  and  soldiers  with  their  families 
etc.,  who  were  then  prisoners  of  war  in  the  town  of  Hartford,  and  this 
assembly  being  informed  that  such  prisoners  are  now  in  this  Colony  and 
no  provision  is  made  for  their  confinement  and  support,  therefore  resolved 
that  the  Com.  aforesaid  be  empowered  and  they  are  hereby  fully  author- 
ized to  take  care  of  and  provide  for  all  such  prisoners  as  are  or  shall 
be  ordered  and  directed  to  this  Colony  by  authority  in  the  same  manner 
as  in  said  Act  they  are  directed." 


260  BRITISH    PEISOZS^EIiS    OF    WAR    IX    HARTFORD 

The  townspeople  and  others  who  had  made  advances  in  caring 
for  the  prisoners  were  afterwards  reimbursed,  as  we  learn  in 
the  account  of  the  General  Expenses  of  Connecticut  for  taking 
Ticonderoga,  etc.,  rendered  hj  the  Committee  in  Xovember, 
1775.     In  this  account  are  found  the  payments  to 

Ely  Warner,  jailor  £22-13-6 

Jennet  Collier,  tavern  12 

31-  0-5 
John  Haynes  Lord  10-15-0 

17-  9-0 
E.  Williams,  Sheriff  &  Com.  51-14-0 

65-  0-0 
Patrick  Thomas  1-  5-0     211-16-11 

For  boarding  and  providing  for  the  prisoners. 

Doctor  Tidmarsh  5-  6-0 

Dan'l  Butler  4-  9-8 

E.  Fish  1  12-0 

Cheeney  10-  0-0 

Asa  Yale  19-3       22-  6-11 

For  doctoring,  medicines  and  dieting  sick  prisoners. 

Stejjhen  Turner  4-16-0 

Providing  for  and  tending  sick  prisoners. 

Uriah  Burkett  0-  6-6 

Digging  grave  for  a  prisoner  (.John  McKnell,  who  died  June  17,  1776). 

In  1776  Epaphras  Bull  was  appointed  Commissary  of  the 
prisoners  of  war  in  this  State,  to  observe  all  the  orders  of  the 
General  Assembly  and  the  Continental  Congress,  and  to  make 
monthly  returns  of  the  conditions  of  said  prisoners  to  the 
Board  of  War  appointed  by  Congress.  This  action  probably 
settled  the  matter  satisfactorily,  as  no  complaints  of  any  conse- 
quence were  afterwards  made. 

We  may  readily  imagine  that  the  prisoners,  especially  the 
officers,  who  chafed  under  their  paroles,  were  continually  seek- 
ing to  enlarge  their  liberties  and  kept  the  Committee  of  Safety 
and  other  officials  busy  in  passing  on  their  various  requests 
and  complaints.  In  October,  Major  French  preferred  a  request 
to  Governor  Trumbull  for  permission  to  be  removed  to  Middle- 
town,  ''together  with  the  gentlemen  with  him,  who  are  of  the 
same  persuasion,"  in  order  that  they  might  "worship  according 
to  the  Church  of  Enaland  in   which  he  was  educated."      The 


DrRIXG    THE    EEVOLrTIOX. 


261 


request  was  refused  because,  in  Middletown,  was  greater  oppor- 
tunity for  escape,  but  they  were  told  they  coukl  worship  at 
Simsbury,  where  there  was  an  Episcopal  Seminary.  The  change 
to  Simsbury  was  unwise,  as  we  shall  see  later.  They  were,  how- 
ever, allowed  sometimes  to  w^alk  to  Middletown  to  Church  on 
condition  of  returning  the  same  day. 

Social  life  between  citizens  and  prisoners  did  not  always 
run  smoothly.  Sometimes  the  prisoners  were  suspected  of 
hostile  designs  or  violations  of  parole,  which  they  hotly  denied. 
They  often  treated  the  citizens  with  superior  disdain,  and  it 
is  not  surprising  that  minor  broils  and  outbreaks  occurred. 
When  the  Colonial  Arms  suffered  reverses,  and  their  fortunes 
of  war  were  at  a  low  ebb,  as  surely  they  were  at  times,  the  pris- 
oners became  jubilant  and  insolent.  Their  boundaries  would 
then  be  curtailed  and  they  would  be  put  into  jail  for  safe  keep- 
ing. In  fact  some  escaped,  by  the  aid  of  disloyal  Americans; 
were  recaptured,  escaped  again,  and  gave  no  end  of  trouble. 
Perhaps  short  sketches  of  a  few  of  the  more  prominent  may 
shed  a  little  light  on  the  times  and  manners  of  this  stirring 
period. 

As  already  noted,  among  the  captured  at  Ticonderoga  was 
Major  Andrew  P.  Skene  (son  of  Governor  Skene\  his  aunt, 
two  sisters,  and  Mr.  Brook,  who  was  looked  upon  as  a  bigger 
enemy  to  his  country  than  ]\Iajor  Skene.  The  Major  imme- 
diately petitioned  the  General  Assembly  for  permission  for 
himself  and  family  to  return  to  Skenesborough  or  to  have  some- 
one care  for  his  property  there.  The  ladies  w^ere  soon  released 
and  sent  to  Quebec  under  escort  of  Capt.  John  Bigelow.  His 
expenses  for  this  trip,  150  pounds,  were  repaid  by  the  General 
Assembly.  Major  Skene  was  held  longer,  but  was  afterwards 
exchanged  for  Jemmy  Lovell,  a  classmate  of  Governor  Trum- 
bull, and  later  delegate  to  the  Continental  Congress.  The  elder 
Skene  figured  quite  prominently  here  for  a  time.  I  find  a 
short  sketch  of  him  in  Jones's  "History  of  ^ew  York  in  the 
Revolution'' : 

"Col.  Philip  Skene,  or  Gov.  Skene,  as  he  was  called  after  his  appoint- 
ment as    'Lt.  Gov.  of  Ticonderooa  and  Crown  Point  and  Surveyor  of  His 


262  BRITISH    PKISONERS    OF    WAR    IN"    HARTFORD 

Majesty's  woods  and  forests  bordering  on  Lake  Champlain,'  was  a  Scotch- 
man whose  wife  was  a  descendant  of  tlie  famous  William  Wallace.  He 
was  born  about  1720,  entered  the  British  army  at  age  19,  came  to 
America  in  1756  in  the  French  War,  was  at  the  repulse  of  Ticonderoga 
under  Lord  Howe^  and  in  1759,  was  in  command  of  Crown  Point.  In  1763 
he  went  to  England,  got  an  order  from  the  King  for  a  grant  of  land, 
returned  in  1765,  obtained  from  New  York  a  patent  for  a  tract  of  25,000 
acres  embracing  a  settlement,  which  he  named  Skenesborough.  In  1788 
that  name  was  changed  to  Whitehall,  its  present  appellation.  While  he 
was  absent  in  England  in  1775,  Ticonderoga  was  captured  and  his  family 
brought  here  as  prisoners." 

He  returned  to  Philadelphia  in  June,  1775,  and  was  imme- 
diately arrested  by  order  of  the  Continental  Congress  as  a 
"dangerous  partisan  of  administration,"  was  consigned  on 
parole  to  Governor  Trumbull  of  Connecticut  and  so  remained 
until  his  exchange  in  1776. 

He  joined  Burgoyne's  expedition  in  1777  and  surrendered 
with  it  at  Saratoga,  October  7,  1777.  He  was  Burgoyne's 
adviser  and  was  said  to  be  the  person  who  advised  him  to  pro- 
ceed direct  to  Fort  Edward  in  preference  to  the  route  by 
Ticonderoga  and  Lake  George.  This  insured  the  construction 
of  a  good  road  through  his  domains  and  united  the  waters  of 
Lake  Champlain  with  those  of  the  Hudson.  King  George 
Third,  in  remarking  on  the  plan  of  campaign,  advised  the  Lake 
George  route,  saying,  "If  possible,  possession  must  be  taken 
of  Lake  George  and  nothing  but  an  absolute  impossibility  of 
succeeding  in  this  can  be  the  excuse  for  proceeding  by  South 
Bay  and  Skenesborough." 

Thus  the  canny  Scot,  though  openly  loyal  to  His  Gracious 
Majesty,  sought  to  enrich  himself  without  personal  expense  by 
the  opportune  use  of  the  King's  soldiers.  The  arduous  work 
delayed  and  weakened  Burgoyne's  Army  so  greatly  as  to  become 
no  small  factor  in  its  later  disaster. 

During  his  sojourn  in  Hartford,  Governor  Skene  was  iK^t 
popular,  as  the  Courant,  October  16,  1775,  would  indiqate  by 
this  item  of  news : 

"It  is  reported  that  General  Washington  a  few  days  ago  sent  in  a  Flag 
of  Truce  to  Boston,  proposing  the  exchange  of  prisoners.  Maj.  French 
for  Col.  Pai-ker,  Lt.  Knight  of  the  Navy  for  Capt.  Scott,  and  His  Excel- 


DUKING    THE    KEVOLUTION".  263 

lency  Gov.  Skene  for  Corporal  Guile  of  Capt.  Doude's  Co.  of  riflemen.  The 
two  former  were  accepted  with  readiness,  but  the  last  exchange,  General 
Gage  rejected  with  scorn  as  an  insult  to  his  understanding,  so  that  in  all 
probability  we  shall  have  the  honor  of  His  Excellencj^  Gov.  Skene's 
residence  among  us — God  knows  how  long." 

It  is,  however,  from  the  diary  of  Major  French,  left  behind 
when  he  escaped  in  December,  1776,  that  we  are  able  to  cull 
information  concerning  the  life  and  feeling  among  the  towns- 
people and  their  treatment  of  prisoners.  The  Courant  from 
time  to  time,  however,  gives  us  another  side  of  the  picture. 

Major  French  appears  to  have  been  a  middle-aged,  senti- 
mental Irish  gentleman,  small  in  stature,  of  considerable 
refinement  and  culture,  ardent  in  his  loj^alty  to  his  King,  some- 
what hot-headed  at  times,  assuming  military  and  paternal 
command  over  other  officers  imprisoned  here,  insistent  on  his 
rights,  obstinate  to  an  unnecessary  degree,  a  genial  companion 
among  his  equals  and  warm-hearted  and  sympathetic  to  those 
in  trouble.  His  diary  begins  January  1,  1776,  about  eight 
months  after  his  capture  and  four  months  after  his  arrival  here. 

He  and  four  others.  Ensign  Rotton,  Terence  McDermott, 
volunteer,  and  Goldthorp  and  Allen,  privates,  arrived  at  Glou- 
cester, having  sailed  from  Cork  early  in  1775.  They  brought 
a  quantity  of  clothing  intended  for  General  Gage's  Army  in 
Boston.  They  were  arrested  as  they  landed  and  sent  to  the 
Committee  of  Safety  at  Philadelphia,  who,  having  obtained 
their  paroles,  ordered  them  transferred  to  General  Washing- 
ton at  Cambridge.  They  set  out  under  escort  of  Captain  Webb, 
aid-de-camp  to  General  Putnam.  The  Committee  of  Safety 
probably  had  in  mind  the  possibility  of  an  exchange  for  one  or 
more  of  the  Patriots  imprisoned  in  Boston,  General  Gage,  how- 
ever rejected  all  proposals  and  French  was  then  consigned  to 
Hartford.    His  parole  read  as  follows : 

"Christopher  French,  Major  of  his  Majesty's  22d  Regiment  of  Foot,  a 
prisoner  in  the  power  of  the  Com.  of  Safety  for  the  Province  of  Pa.,  and 
being  kindly  treated  and  protected  by  them  and  enlarged  on  parole,  do 
hereby  solemnly  promise  and  engage,  on  the  honor  of  a  soldier  and  a  gen- 
tleman, that  I  will  not  bear  arms  against  the  American  United  Colonies 
in  any  manner  whatever  for  the  space  of  twelve  months,  or  until  I  may 


264  BRITISH    PRISONERS    OF    WAR    IN    HARTFORD 

be  exchanged;  nor  will  I  during  that  time,  take  any  measures  to  give 
intelligence  to  General  Gage  or  the  British  Ministry  or  to  any  person 
or  persons  whatever,  relative  to  American  affairs,  but  will  proceed  with 
all  convenient  expedition  to  General  Washington  and  submit  myself  to 
his  further  directions;  and  that  I  will  not  directly  or  indirectly  attempt 
to  procure  any  person  or  persons  whatever  to  rescue  me,  and  that  I  will 
not  go  on  board  any  British  ship  of  war  during  the  continuance  of  my 
engagement  not  to  bear  arms." 

His  exchange,  apparently  acceptable  in  Octol)er,  1775,  as 
above  noted,  was  not  made,  and  he  therefore  remained  here, 
an  unwilling  prisoner  for  seventeen  months.  French  soon 
got  into  trouble  with  the  authorities  on  the  question  of  wear- 
ing his  sword  and  on  some  other  matters.  The  dispute  became 
so  heated  as  to  call  forth  letters  to  General  Washington  from 
both  the  Committee  of  Safety  and  the  haughty  Major.  Wash- 
ington's answer  shows  that  nobility  of  character  so  justly 
attributed  to  him.     It  reads  as  follows : 

"Gentlemen: — Your  favor  of  the  18tli  instant  and  one  from  Maj.  French 
on  the  same  subject  have  come  safely  to  our  hand.  From  the  general 
character  of  this  gentleman  and  the  acknowledged  politeness  and  attention 
of  the  Com.  of  Hartford  to  the  gentlemen  entrusted  to  their  care,  I  flatter 
myself  there  would  have  been  a  mutual  emulation  of  civility,  which  would 
have  resulted  in  the  ease  and  convenience  of  both.  I  am  extremely  sorry 
to  find  it  otherwise.  Upon  reperusal  of  former  letters  respecting  this 
gentleman,  I  cannot  think  there  is  anything  particular  in  their  situation 
which  can  challenge  a  distinction.  If  the  circumstances  of  wearing  their 
swords  had  created  no  dissatisfaction  I  should  not  have  interfered,  con- 
sidering it  in  itself  a  matter  of  indifference.  But  as  it  has  given  offence, 
partly  perhaps  by  the  inadvertent  expressions  which  have  been  dropped 
on  this  occasion,  I  persuade  myself  that  Maj.  French,  for  the  sake  of 
his  own  convenience  and  ease  and  to  save  me  farther  trouble,  will  concede 
to  what  is  not  essential  either  to  his  comfort  or  happiness  farther  than 
mere  opinion  makes  it  so.  On  the  other  hand,  allow  me  to  recommend 
a  gentleness  even  to  forbearance  with  persons  so  entirely  in  our  power. 
We  know  not  what  the  chance  of  war  may  be,  but  let  it  be  what  it  will, 
the  duties  of  humanity  and  kindness  will  demand  from  us  such  a  treat- 
ment as  we  should  expect  from  others,  the  case  being  reversed.  I  am, 
gentlemen,  your  very  obedient  and  most  humble  servant. 

George  Washington." 

About  the  time  French  begins  his  diary,  he  spent  an  evening 
with  Gen.  Charles  Lee,  a  soldier  of  unpleasant  memory,  who 
spent  several  days  in  Hartford  in  January,  1776.     Washing- 


DUKIXG    THE    EEVOLUTIOX.  265 

ton  had  ordered  Lee  to  proceed  from  Cambridge  to  Comiecticut 
to  recruit  fresh  troops  and  to  march  to  the  vicinity  of  "New 
York  to  watch  and  intercept  General  Clinton,  shonld  he  try 
to  disembark  his  army.  French  persuaded  Leo  to  write  a 
letter  to  General  Washino-ton  to  grant  him  liberty  to  go  to 
Ireland  on  his  parole,  but  Washington,  February  10,  1776, 
declined  to  grant  the  request,  rebuked  French  for  making  it, 
and  suggested  that  he  "compare  his  situation  with  gentlemen 
of  ours,  who  by  the  fortunes  of  war,  had  fallen  into  the  hands 
of  their  enemies.  What  has  been  their  treatment?  Thrown 
into  loathsome  prison  and  afterwards  sent  in  irons  to  Eng- 
land— and  then  say  whether  he  has  cause  to  repine  his  fate.'' 
Washington  probably  was  referring  to  Ethan  Allen's  fate. 

In  French's  diary.  May  10,  we  find  the  following  letter  to 
General  Lee,  which,  though  somewhat  involved  in  one  or  two 
sentences,  exhibits  a  delicious  sense  of  flattery  and  sarcasm : 

"Sir: — No  doubt  you  remember  that  when  you  passed  through  this 
place  in  Jan.  last,  you  made  a  bet  of  ten  guineas  with  me  that  Quebec 
would  be  taken  by  the  Provincials  in  the  course  of  the  current  winter. 
That  event  has  not  happened  (nor  is  there  now  the  least  prospect  that  it 
ever  will,  as  there  are  accounts,  not  only  of  its  having  been  re-inforced 
by  a  part  of  His  Majesty's  fleet  and  a  large  body  of  his  troops,  but  that 
his  Excellency,  General  Carlton  has  drove  them  entirely  from  before  it) 
and  indeed  your  own  papers,  unaccustomed  as  they  are  to  communicate 
to  the  public  anything  which  argues  against  their  successes,  have  lately 
inserted  some  very  desponding  letters  from  that  quarter;  they  also  regret 
that  you  was  not  sent  to  command  them,  and  though,  as  you  are  become 
our  enemy,  I  cannot  be  so  gross  as  to  Avish  you  had  with  success,  yet 
I  am  not  so  much  yours  as  to  envy  you  the  honor  you  might  have  acquired 
by  a  well-concerted  retreat,  which  though  you  might  not  have  affected, 
yet  I  know  you  would  have  attempted,  a  circumstance  which,  from  your 
being  at  the  head  of  raw  and  undisciplined  forces,  could  only  have  added 
to  the  brilliancy  of  your  measures.  You  will  please  direct  Mr.  Lawrence, 
Treasurer  here  to  pay  me,  wliich  will  much  oblige.  Sir,  Yours  most  etc. 

C.  F." 

Peculiar  interest  attaches  to  this  letter  in  the  exhibit  of  the 
craven  spirit  of  Lee  under  the  keen  insight  of  Major  French. 
If  we  lay  the  letter  alongside  the  record  of  Lee's  behavior  at 
Monmouth  more  than  two  years  later,  the  characterization 
appears    almost    prophetic.      Lee,    in    charge    of    the    advance 


266  BRITISH    PEISONERS    OF    WAR    IN    HAETFOKD 

column,  under  specific  orders  from  Washington  to  attack, 
reached  a  position  from  which  it  could  be  made  with  every 
promise  of  brilliant  success.  Suddenly,  without  apparent 
reason,  he  ordered  (attempted)  "a  well  concerted  retreat"' 
which  "he  did  not  effect"  wholly  because  the  quickwitted 
I^afayette,  realizing  the  significance  of  the  movement,  informed 
Washington,  who  immediately  hurried  to  the  front,  deposed 
the  cowardly  Lee  from  his  command,  restored  order  and  spirit 
to  the  soldiers,  and  saved  the  day.  Washington's  anger  was 
probably  never  stronger  nor  more  thoroughly  justified  than 
on  this  occasion.  It  is  to  be  regretted  that  the  patriots  did 
not  discern  General  Lee's  character  as  readily  as  did  Major 
French. 

The  defeat  of  General  Montgomery  at  Quebec  in  December 
became  known  in  Hartford  about  the  middle  of  January,  1776. 
It  stirred  the  populace  to  wild  excitement  and  they  looked  for 
any  excuse  for  expressing  their  rage  and  resentment.  Major 
French  describes  in  his  diary  a  lively  and  somewhat  thrilling 
experience  with  a  small  band  of  patriots. 

"Tuesday,  16  January,  '76.  An  account  came  of  the  defeat  of  Gen'I  Mont- 
gomery at  Quebec  on  the  31st  of  December,  between  the  hours  of  four 
and  six  in  the  morning,  in  which  he  was  killed  and  his  Second  in  Com- 
mand (Arnold)  wounded,  etc.  This  day  we  all,  viz.  Capt.  McKay,  Messrs. 
Eotton  and  McDermott,  and  I  went,  according  to  a  prior  agreement,  to 
dine  with  Gov.  Slcene,  who  is  a  prisoner  of  war  in  the  West  Division,  five 
miles  from  us,  in  a  sled.  Capt.  McKay  drove  us,  and  as  is  customary, 
hallooed  a  good  deal  to  the  horses,  which  we  did  not  conceive  could  give 
umbrage  or  have  any  bad  consequences. 

"In  the  evening  whilst  we  were  playing  at  whist  for  our  amusement, 
we  were  informed  that  upwards  of  20  men  were  assembled  at  a  house 
immediately  opposite  to  us,  who  were  determined  to  attack  us  because  they 
said  we  were  come  there  to  make  merry  and  rejoice  at  their  misfortune 
at  Quebec.  We  retired  to  an  upper  room,  in  number  five,  (viz.  Gov. 
Skene,  Capt.  McKay,  and  his  servant.  Ensign  Rotton,  and  I.  McDermott 
had  returned  to  town  upon  some  business  or  amusement  of  his  own) 
determined  to  defend  ourselves  to  the  last  and  to  die  rather  than  be 
insulted.  We  sent  a  negro  man*  to  the  house  to  find  out  what  was  doing, 
who  soon  returned  and  told  us  the  Capt.  of  the  Militia  (one  Sedg^vick) 
was  endeavoring  to  persuade  them  to  desist,  and  that  he  believed  he 
would  succeed.  In  a  short  time  the  woman  of  the  house  (who  was  greatly 
frightened)  went  out  and  at  her  return  told  us  they  had  dispersed." 

*  Presumably  Gov.  Skene's  slave. 


DURING    THE    REVOLUTION.  267 

Thus  ended  this  affair  happily  without  bloodshed,  but  it 
seems  the  infection  spread,  for  on 

"Wednesday  17th  January,  four  of  the  Committee  came  to  us  and  told 
us  that  thirty  or  forty  of  the  populace  at  Hartford  had  assembled  with  a 
resolution  to  come  out  and  insult  us  and  had  gone  so  far  as  to  say  that 
if  they,  the  Committee,  did  not  do  their  duty,  they  would.  They  pro- 
posed that  we  should  return  to  Hartford  to  quiet  the  minds  of  the  people, 
to  M'hich  we  readily  consented,  telling  them  we  should  be  sorry  to  be 
the  occasion  of  any  commotion.  Three  people  came  on  liorseback  to  meet 
us  and  turned  back  as  if  to  escort  us  in  triumph.  Last  night  a  paper  was 
fixed  up  at  the  meeting  house  door  and  another  at  the  State  House,  the 
words  of  whicli  were  taken  from  the  4th  verse  of  the  58th  Chapter  of 
Isaiali,  viz.  'Behold  ye  fast  for  strife  and  debate  and  to  smite  with  the 
fist  of  wickedness.  Ye  shall  not  fast  as  ye  do  this  day  to  make  your 
voice  to  be  heard  on  high.'*  This  was  imputed  to  us,  and  they  said  McDer- 
mott,  w^ho,  as  has  been  observed  came  in  that  night,  was  sent  in  to  put 
the  papers  up.  I  should  have  observed  that  Capt.  McKay's  calling  to  the 
horses  was  interpreted  into  shouts  of  triumph  for  their  defeat." 

We  have  all  heard  of  the  custom  of  the  Kegroes  of  Connect- 
icut in  Colonial  days  of  electing  one  of  their  own  race  as 
Governor  over  them.  This  occurrence  was  so  unusual  to  a 
stranger  like  French  that  he  makes  note  of  it,  referring  also 
to  that  annual  event  of  former  Connecticut  life  that,  even  as 
late  as  my  own  boyhood  time,  was  called  "Election  Day."  In 
his  diary,  May  9th,  we  read, 

"Tlie  election  of  a  governor  etc.  came  on  when  the  old  one  (Trumbull) 
was  reelected,  he  marched  in  great  state,  escorted  by  his  guardsf  in  scarlet 
turned  up  with  black,  to  the  State  House  and  from  thence  to  the  meeting 
house.  The  next  day  the  negroes,  according  to  their  custom  elected  a 
governor  for  themselves,  when  John  Anderson,  Gov.  Skene's  black  man  was 
chosen.  At  night  he  gave  a  supper  and  ballj  to  a  number  of  his  electors, 
who  were  very  merry  and  danced  till  about  three  o'clock  in  the  morning." 

The  election  of  Governor  Skene's  l^egro  naturally  created 
a  strong  suspicion  of  a  plot  on  the  part  of  the  British  officers 
here.  Governor  Skene  was  closely  questioned  and  his  lodgings 
searched  for  any  evidence,  but  none  was  found  and  he  hotly 

*  This  was  a  Fast  Day  by  order  of  the  Provincial  Assembly. 

t  These  were  our  own  dear  Foot  Guard,  then  only  five  years  old. 

$  This  supper  and  ball  were  given  at  Knox's  tavern,  where  French  lived. 


268  BEITISir    PRISO:S'ERS    of    war    IX    HARTFORD 

denied  the  existence  of  any  hostile  move.  Tlie  Xegro  also  con- 
fessed ignorance  of  any  disloyal  purpose,  and  declared  that 
another  Negro  suggested  his  appointment  and  he  entered  into 
the  suggestion  as  a  piece  of  diversion.  It  had  cost  him  $25. 
As  no  plot  was  discovered,  the  fears  of  the  people  were 
dispelled. 

The  stir  over  the  supposed  loyalist  jSTegro  plot  had  no  more 
than  quieted  when,  on  the  20th  of  May,  French  writes : 

"The  meeting  and  schoolhouse  bells  were  rung  before  5  o'clock  this  niorii- 
ing  bj^  one  Watson,  Printer*  and  one  Tucker  in  order  to  raise  a  mob  to 
send  us  all  to  jail;  they  assembled  accordingly  and  forming  a  committee 
of  their  own,  sent  them  to  the  Town  Committee,  then  sitting  for  that 
purpose,  Imt  were  pacified  by  these  last." 

The  Committee  in  these  stirring  times  certainly  did  not  find 
life  one  continuous  round  of  joy  and  pleasure. 

The  grievance  of  Watson  and  Tucker  may  have  been  due 
to  the  fact  that  French  had  tried  to  shield  a  prisoner,  who  was 
charged  with  speaking  disrespectfully  of  the  Continental  Con- 
gress. He  also  had  a  spirited  conversation  with  General  Lee 
(when  he  was  here),  replying  to  the  charge  that  Parliament 
was  composed  of  a  set  of  rascals,  said  that  not  an  individual 
in  Parliament  was  so  great  a  rascal  as  the  Continental  Con- 
gress, individually  and  collectively.  The  Committee  (of 
patriots)  were  also  charged  by  him  with  the  intention  of . 
obliging  the  soldiers  (prisoners)  to  work  at  building  powder 
mills,  making  powder,  saltpetre,  arms  of  any  sort,  and  casting 
of  cannon  and  shot. 

This  the  Committee,  however,  publicly  denied  and  expressed 
the  opinion  that  it  would  be  unsafe  to  employ  the  prisoners 
in  any  work  of  this  nature. 

May  ISth  Captain  McKay  broke  jail  and  escaped,  but  was 
soon  caught.  We  find  two  accounts  of  the  event.  Major  French 
said, 

"22d  May  C'apt.  McKay,  who  left  ISth  ]\hiy  was  caught  at  Lanesboro. 
four  miles  from  Pittsfield,  ^lass.,  brought  back.  Ife  was  beaten  and 
brviised  by  his  captors." 

■""Of  llic  Coinircl iciil   Coitrauf. 


DURING    THE    REVOLUTION.  269 

ISTow  from  the  Coumnt: 

"The  infamous  Capt.  McKay,  who  is  so  lost  to  every  principle  of  honor 
as  to  violate  his  parole  and  endeavor  to  make  his  escape,  as  mentioned 
in  our  last,  Avas  last  ]Monday  apprehended  and  taken  by  a  number  of 
gentlemen  at  Lanesborough  in  Berkshire  County,  and  on  Wednesdaj'  fol- 
lowing, was  safely  brought  to  this  town  and  lodged  in  the  common  gaol. 
His  servant,  McFarland,  together  with  a  certain  John  Graves  of  Pitts- 
field,  were  likewise  taken  with  him  and  both  were  committed  to  prison. 
Graves  is  an  inhabitant  of  Pittsfield,  in  the  province  of  Mass.  Bay,  where 
he  has  considerable  property;  but,  being  instigated  by  the  devil  and  his 
own  wicked  heart,  he  had  undertaken  to  pilot  Capt.  McKay  to  Albany, 
and  had  promised  fresh  horses  at  proper  stages  on  the  road,  to  expedite 
his  flight.     Query:     What  does  the  last  mentioned  villain  deserve?" 

Also  from  tlie  same  issue  of  the  Coumnt: 

"Last  Thursday  Gov.  Skene,  who  has  been  some  time  past  in  this  town, 
was  committed  to  gaol  by  order  of  the  Committee  for  the  Prisoners,  for 
refusing  to  sign  his  parole." 

The  narrative  of  events  for  the  next  few  months  can  perhaps 
best  be  told  in  French's  own  words,  with  what  additional 
information  is  supplied  by  the  Courant.  Continuing  his  diary, 
we  read : 

"On  1st  July — "The  Com.  passed  a  resolve  that  the  prisoners  should  not 
go  out  after  dark  on  pain  of  imprisonment.  Next  day  some  of  them 
went  to  the  Com.  to  represent  to  them  that  their  resolve  prevented  meeting 
to  supper  at  the  reasonable  hour  of  nine  o'clock  and  to  request  that  they 
would  name  10  or  11  o'clock  for  the  hour  of  parting,  and  that  they  might 
imprison  anyone  found  out  after  that  time,  but  they  Avere  told  they  must 
conform  to  their  customs  and  abide  by  their  resolve." 

"11th  July — I  saw  a  proclamation  of  the  4th  inst.  by  which  the  Con- 
tinental Congress  declared  the  Colonies  Free  States  and  independent  of 
Great  Britain.  Sentries  were  now  kept  constantly  near  our  quarters  at 
night  because  (I  was  told)  they  apprehended  we  received  and  sent 
intelligence. 

"Col.  Humphreys,  Mr.  Epaphras  Bull,  Brazier,  and  Mr.  Nichols,  attor- 
ney, had  come  from  the  Com.  to  search  our  quarters  for  firearms  and 
ammunition,  apprehending  as  'twas  said  that  I  intended  to  head  a  party 
of  Tories  and  cut  all  tlieir  throats.  'The  wicked  man  shall  tremble  at 
his  own  shadow  and  shall  be  afraid  when  there  is  none  to  hurt  him.'  " 

The  conduct  of  the  prisoners  was  now  becoming  so  suspicious 
that  the  following  proclamation  was  published : 


270  BEITISH    PKISOA^ERS    OF    WAR    IN    HAKTFOED 

"July  15th,  1776 — Com.  at  the  several  towns  of  Springfield,  Westfield, 
Hartford,  Etc. 

"1.  Resolved,  whereas  dangerous  Aveapons  have  been  found  on  some 
of  the  prisoners;  the  several  committees  be  desired  to  make  special  search 
in  each  of  their  packs,  pockets,  etc.  for  the  discovery  of  any  such  weapons 
or  inimical  letters  therein  contained. 

"2.  That  the  said  prisoners  be  not  suffered  to  go  out  of  any  town 
or  parish  where  they  reside,  upon  any  occasion  or  pretense,  Avithout  a 
special  permit  from  the  Committee  of  such  town  or  parish,  nor  allowed 
to  be  absent  from  their  employers  at  any  time  without  their  leave;  and 
that  no  leave  of  absence  ought  to  be  given  them  later  than  i^  hour  after 
sunset,  and  that  they  have  no  leave  to  be  absent  on  Sundays,  except  to 
attend  public  worship. 

"3.  That  the  venders  of  spirituous  liquors  ought  not  to  suffer  any  of 
the  said  prisoners  to  be  drinking  in  their  respective  houses,  either  at  their 
own  expense  or  others;  but  if  either  of  the  committees  of  the  respective 
towns  and  parishes,  shall  judge  it  expedient  and  needful  that  they  have 
strong  drink,  they  shall  appoint  some  suitable  person  to  supply  them; 
but  in  a  very  sparing  and  moderate  manner. 

"4.  That  whoever  shall  employ  any  of  the  above  said  prisoners,  shall, 
within  the  space  of  three  weeks  from  the  time  of  their  receiving  them, 
transmit  to  the  Committee  from  whom  they  received  them,  a  copy  of 
their  agreement. 

"5.  That  no  person  may  purchase  any  clothing  or  wearing  apparel 
whatever,  belonging  to  the  said  prisoners. 

Elisha  Paeks,  Chair. 
John  Ptnchon,  Clerk." 

Following  this  proclamation,  Major  French  discovered  that 
he  had  lost  his  pistols  (or  thought  they  had  been  stolen)  and 
that  he  could  not  conveniently  comply  with  the  above  named 
order ;  this  we  infer  from  the  following  advertisement  in  the 
Courant,  August  19,  1776 : 

"Whereas  the  Com.  of  Safety  at  Hartford  have  insisted  that  Maj. 
French  should  deliver  to  them  a  case  of  pistols  which  were  in  his  posses- 
sion and  were  some  time  since  stolen,  or  at  least,  taken  away  without 
his  privity;  he  hereby  offers  a  reward  of  one  guinea  to  any  person  who 
will  deliver  them  to  the  printer  hereof  or  to  Mr.  Knox,  tavern  keeper  near 

the   Ferry   House,   Hartford,   nor    shall   questions   be    asked    R. 

They   are   locking   pistols   with   the    cock    in    the    center    and    have    silver 
thumbplates." 

July  13,  he  notes  in  his  diary: 

"Wrote  to  General  Washington,  reminding  him  of  the  termination  of 
my  parole  12  August  next,  and  my  desire  to  be  exchanged." 


DURING    THE    REVOLUTION. 


271 


He  was  not  released  at  the  expiration  of  his  parole,  prob- 
ably because  he  had  made  himself  obnoxious  to  the  Committee 
by  assuming  authority  over  the  actions  of  other  prisoners  (sub- 
ordinate officers)  in  matters  relating  to  church-going  and  their 
loyalty  to  King  George.  He  had  also  been  obstinate  and 
discourteous  when  rebuked  for  this  misconduct. 

In  these  days  of  the  up-to-date  reporter,  we  can  hardly  find 
more  vivid  imagery  in  expression  and  exuberance  of  rhetoric 
than  the  Courant  exhibits  in  its  account  of  the  following 
occurrence : 

"Hartford,  July  29— 
"Last  Thursday  one  James  Mahar,  an  Irishman,  and  of  a  savage  and 
bloodthirsty  disposition,  was  committed  to  gaol  for  an  act  of  outrage  to 
Lieut.  McDermott,  a  regular  officer,  and  a  prisoner  in  this  place,  in  giving 
him  a  dangerous  wound  with  a  cooper's  knife.  Mahar  is  a  ruffian  who 
properly  belongs  to  a  man-of-war  in  the  service  of  the  British  King,  and 
it  is  greatly  to  be  regretted  that  he  found  means  of  escaping  from  them, 
as  such  fellows  ought  never  to  be  on  the  land  unless  closely  confined. 
Mahar  it  seems,  being  at  the  house  of  Mr.  Ivnox,  (who  by  the  way  was 
not  at  home)  became  so  impertinent  and  troublesome  that  Mrs.  Knox 
grew  uneasy  and  gave  intimation  that  her  comfort  was  intimately  con- 
nected with  his  leaving  the  house.  These  hints,  instead  of  producing 
the  desired  effect,  brought  on  a  paroxism  of  rage,  and  drew  forth  a 
shower  of  infernal  rhetoric  from  the  magazines  of  his  wrath.  A  number 
of  the  regular  officers  in  the  chamber,  perceiving  the  disagreeable  situa- 
tion of  Mrs.  Knox,  one  of  them,  viz.  Capt.  Hill,  looking  out  of  the  window, 
desired  her,  if  she  could  get  a  kettle  of  hot  water,  to  scald  the  fellow  out 
of  the  house.  It  must  be  noted  that  these  officers  conceived  they  had 
sundry  times  met  with  personal  abuse  from  Mahar,  and  on  that  account, 
as  well  as  Mrs.  Knox's,  perhaps,  interfered  in  the  quarrel  with  less 
reluctance.  The  thoughts  of  being  scalded,  however,  gave  new  sensibility 
to  the  feelings  of  this  nervous  rascal,  and  furnished  him  with  a  fresh 
supply  of  vengeance  for  the  inventors  of  such  an  inflammatory  expedient 
to  clear  the  house.  Mahar  in  the  first  place,  as  an  item  of  his  feelings, 
consigns  Capt.  Hill  over  to  damnation,  and  then  gives  him  to  understand 
that  if  he  would  venture  down,  he  might  receive  a  further  conviction  of 
his  folly  in  being  officious  in  the  quarrel,  upon  which  Capt.  Hill  descended 
and  Mahar  was  soon  stretched  in  a  horizontal  posture  and  levelled  with 
the  dust.  By  this  time  it  is  easy  to  see  that  nothing  short  of  blood 
could  appease  the  wrath  of  the  incensed  Mahar — He  arose  from  the  earth 
and  went  deliberately  to  a  house  a  few  rods  distance  and  having  armed 
himself  with  a  cooper's  knife  (handle  and  blade  perhaps  2  feet  in  length), 
returned,  doubtless  with  intent  to  take  the  life  of  his  antagonist,  but  Capt. 
Hill   defended  himself   with   a  billet  of  wood,    till   at   length  he   sprang 


272  BRITISH    PRISONERS    OF    WAR    IX    HARTFORD 

behind  him  ami  clinclied  hold  of  liis  arms,  whilst  ^laj.  French  and  ^Ir. 
^IcDermott  were  endeavoring  to  wrest  the  knife  from  liis  hand.  In  this 
struggle  Mahar  gave  the  wound,  which  probably  would  have  been  fatal 
if  the  use  of  his  arms,  like  a  man  pinioned,  had  not  been  greatlj'  restrained 
by  Capt.  Hill.  The  above  is  a  true  representation  of  the  facts,  as  they 
appeared  from  the  evidence  on  examination  before  a  magistrate." 

Mahar  publicly  apologizes  in  the  Courant,  August  12.  James 
Mahar  issues  notice  saying,  ''T  will  take  back  my  wife,"'  whom 
he  had  previously  advertised  for  having  left  him,  and  that  he 
is  sorry  for  the  affray  at  Mr.  Knox's.    We  quote  his  words : 

"Mr.  McDermott's  misfortune  yields  me  the  most  cutting  reflections, 
though  as  far  as  the  operations  of  intoxicating  spirits  can  extenuate  the 
criminalities  of  such  rash  and  vmguarded  actions;  I  hope  my  fellow  men 
will  view  me  in  as  favorable  a  point  of  light  as  possible,  and  afford  mc 
all  the  indulgence  which  the  nature  of  the  case  will  admit." 

Matters  were  comparatively  quiet  for  three  weeks,  until  on 
August  19,  a  quarrel  occurred  in  the  Knox  house  over  the 
kicking  over  of  a  chair  by  Ensign  Moland,  who  said,  "Damn 
the  chair."  ]\Ir.  Knox  reproved  him  and  he  threw  the  chair 
over  again  and  said,  "Damn  the  chair,  and  you  too."  Knox 
retorted,  "You  rascal,  do  you  damn  me  in  my  own  house  f 
upon  which  Moland  knocked  him  down  and  Mrs.  Knox  got  a 
black  eye  for  trying  to  part  them.  'Next  day  they  were  all 
reproved  before  Mr.  Payne  and  Mr.  AVadsworth. 

In  the  early  part  of  August,  considerable  correspondence 
passed  between  Major  French  and  Captain  Delaplace  because 
the  latter  went  to  church  at  which  the  Continental  Congress 
and  the  success  of  the  American  armies  were  prayed  for. 
Delaplace  justified  his  act  in  spirited  terms,  but  finally  desisted. 
French,  on  August  28th,  was,  however,  brought  before  a  com- 
mittee, Jesse  Root,  chairman,  Mr.  Payne  and  Samuel  AYads- 
worth,  accused  of  the  ''heinous"  crime  (as  he  called  it)  of 
issuing  orders  and  directions  which  were  termed  in  libel  of  the 
State  of  Connecticut.  He  was  told  to  withdraw  his  order  and 
to  sign  a  new  parole.  He  refused  and  went  to  jail.  In  jail 
he  continues  his  diary,  and  writes : 

"Sept.  3d.  A  young  lad  who  was  working  at  some  picketing  which 
was  putting  round  the  gaol  for  fear  we  should  escape,  said  in  the  course 
of   talkinsi'  of  thi'   defeat   of   the   Provincials   on   Long   Island,   tliat   he   did 


DUEIlSrG    THE    KEVOLUTIOX.  JiS 

not  know  but  the  Regulars  might  soon  be  in  possession  of  Hartford,  Init 
he  was  prettj-  sure  we  should  not  live  to  see  it.  Upon  asking  him  why 
he  tho't  so,  as  we  were  all  in  good  health,  he  answered  that  he  was 
•sartin  sure"  the  people  would  put  us  all  to  death,  as  he  had  heard  snme 
of  them  declare  they  would. 

"4  Sept.  This  night  one  of  the  sentries  over  us  was  Mr.  Root,  the 
Chairman  of  the  Committee's  son,  so  scarce  of  men    'are  they.' 

"5  Sept.  I  am  informed  my  son  was  wounded  at  the  attack  on  Long 
Island — Thanks  to  the  Gods — my  boy  has  done  his  duty. 

"10  Sept.  Capt.  McKay  and  Mr.  Graves  made  their  escape  tiiis  night 
in  a  manner  which  surprised  all  without  as  much  as  us  of  their  fellow 
prisoners,  since  there  was  no  ajjpearance  of  any  breach  and  two  strong 
prison  doors  were  bolted  and  the  outside  one  locked." 

The  Courant  for  September  23,  ITTG,  advertises  their  escape 
as  follows : 

"70  DOLLARS  REWARD— 

"Escaped  from  Hartford  gaol  in  the  State  of  Connecticut,  in  the  night 
following  the  10th  inst.,  one  Samuel  McKay,  a  Lieut,  in  the  British  service, 
taken  at  St.  Johns  and  confined  bj'  the  Conunission  for  having  before 
broke  his  parole  by  running  away,  and  one  John  Graves  of  Pittsfield,  who 
was  imprisoned  for  being  a  vile  Tory  and  assisting  said  McKay  in  getting 
away  as  beforesaid.  Said  McKay  has  a  wife  in  Canada,  is  of  light  com- 
plection,  light  colored  hair  and  eyes,  considerably  pitted  with  small-pox, 
lias  a  long  nose,  is  tall  in  stature,  has  a  droll,  fawning  way  in  speech 
and  behavior,  uncertain  what  clothes  he  wore  away;  had  with  him  a 
blue  coat  with  white  cuffs  and  lapels,  a  gray  mix't  colored  coat,  and  a 
red  coat,  white  waistcoat,  a  brown  camblet  cloak  lined  with  green  baize, 
and  a  pair  of  brown  corduroy  breeches.  Graves  is  short  in  stature,  has 
long  black  hair,  brown  complection,  dark  eyes,  one  leg  shorter  than  t'other, 
appears  rather  simple  in  talk  and  behavior,  had  a  snuff  color'd  surtout 
and  coat,  green  waistcoat  and  white  flannel  ditto,  leather  breeches  and 
white  trousers.  Whoever  shall  take  up  and  return  to  the  gaol  in  Hartford 
the  aforesaid  ]\IcKay  and  Graves  shall  be  entitled  50  dollars  reward  for 
said  McKay -and  20  dollars  for  said  Graves  by 

EzEKiEL  Williams,  SJierijf. 
Hartford  Sept.  11,  1776." 

Returning  again  to  the  diary: 

"11  Sept.  We  were  confined  more  rigidly  on  account  of  their  escaping. 
I  sent  two  pair  leather  breeches  to  be  cleaned,  which  were  not  allowed 
to  pass  till  narrowly  examined.  Our  sentries  were  doubled.  The  next 
day  we  were  even  more  closely  confined  to  the  lockup  behind  two  doors, 
and  allowed  to  speak  to  my  servant  only  through  bars  and  in  the  presence 
of  the  sentries." 


274 


BRITISH    PKISOJSTEES    OF    AVAR    IX    HARTFORD 


"13  Sept.  We  made  a  paper  night-cap  (the  emblem  of  the  Committee) 
and  put  it  on  a  little  iron  figure  of  a  man  smoking  and  which  had  been 
the  front  of  an  and-iron  in  our  gaol  room  and  broke  off;  we  also  made 
him  a  paper  petticoat  on  which  we  wrote  the  following  lines  with  a  small 
alteration  from  Hudibras — 

'I  like  a  maggot  in  the  sore 

Do  that  which  gave  me  life  devour.' 

This  we  put  in  our  iron  window  for  the  inspection  of  passengers." 

Here  the  journal  of  Major  French  ends.  We  may  reason- 
ably infer  that  the  escape  of  the  other  prisoners  made  him  feel 
quite  lonesome  and  think  it  was  time  for  him  to  "get  busy" 
and  to  make  his  break  for  liberty.  He  did  so  on  ISTovember 
15th,  together  with  EnsigTi  Moland  and  three  others,  but  they 
were  caught  at  Branford  and  brought  back.  The  following 
advertisement  in  the  Courayit  of  I^^ovember  18th  may  have 
stimulated  their  pursuers : 

"Whereas  Major  Christopher  French,  Ensign  Joseph  Moland,  and  John 
Bickle,  belonging  to  the  British  Army,  Peter  Herron,  a  Torv,  and  Capt. 
Jacob  Smith,  who  was  taken  lately  on  Long  Island  in  Arms,  all  escaped 
from  gaol  last  night  to  join  the  British  Army;  said  French  is  little  in 
stature,  said  Moland  and  Herron  are  tall  and  thin,  said  Bickle  is  middling 
fixed  and  of  ruddy  countenance.  All  persons  and  especially  all  officers,  civil 
and  military,  are  requested  to  assist  in  pursuing  and  taking  said  prisoners. 
Whoever  shall  take  up  and  return  either  of  said  prisoners  to  Hartford 
gaol  shall  be  entitled  to  a  premium  of  ten  dollars  and  all  necessary 
charges  paid  by 

EzEKiEL  Williams,  Sheriff. 

Hartford  Nov.  16,  1776." 

On  December  27th,  he,  Moland,  and  one  other,  made  a 
second  attempt  to  obtain  liberty,  this  time  with  success,  thanks 
to  the  aid  of  Rev.  Roger  Viets,  the  Sirasbury  clergyman,  who 
secreted  them.  Viets  was  arrested,  tried  in  January,  1777, 
sentenced  to  pay  a  fine  of  twenty  pounds  and  to  suffer  a  whole 
year's  imprisonment. 

John  Viets  was  the  first  keeper  of  ISTewgate  Prison,  which 
was  opened  in  December,  1773.  Query:  Was  Rev.  Roger 
Viets,  who  aided  Major  French's  escape,  a  relative,  and  was 
this  a  reason  for  suspecting  Warden  Viets  of  disloyalty?  If 
so,  it  may  have  a  bearing  on  the  removal  of  the  prisoners  to 
Hartford  in  1777. 


DURING    THE    EEVOLUTION.  275 

The  Selectmen  of  Hartford  petitioned  the  General  Assembly, 
January  8,  1778,  that  the  prisoners  be  removed  to  some  other 
place ;  complaining  "that  the  continuing  of  the  prisoners  in  this 
town  was  attended  with  innumerable  ill  effects ;  that  the  public 
stores  and  magazines  were  greatly  exposed  and  in  some  instances 
lost;  that  intelligence  was  communicated  to  the  enemies  of 
the  country;  that  the  prices  of  the  necessities  of  life — wood, 
meat,  and  clothing — were  much  increased  by  the  British  officers 
and  their  servants  who  do  not  stick  at  any  sum  to  obtain 
the  same,  and  that  there  was  danger  of  their  forming  com- 
binations with  the  blacks  to  injure  the  lives  and  property  of 
the  people." 

Although  we  have  not  found  records  of  the  escape  or  release 
of  other  prisoners,  it  is  probable  that  there  were  such  from 
time  to  time.  Some  were  no  doubt  exchanged,  others  may  have 
died.  Toward  the  close  of  the  war,  Congress  entered  into  nego- 
tiations with  the  State  of  Connecticut  for  the  use  of  iSTewgate 
Mines  as  a  prison  for  the  reception  of  British  prisoners  of  war, 
but  peace  was  declared  before  arrangements  were  completed. 

We  are  able  to  locate  some  of  the  places  of  interest  men- 
tioned herein.  We  must  remember  that  even  as  late  as  1850, 
much  of  the  principal  business  and  some  of  the  best  residential 
section  of  the  town  lay  east  of  Main  Street. 

In  the  days  of  the  Revolution,  the  Committee  of  Safety 
all  lived  on  Main  Street.  Jesse  (afterwards  Judge)  Root,  cor- 
ner Main  and  Kingsley  Streets;  Benj.  Payne,  lawyer,  next 
house  south  of  Col.  Jeremiah  Wadsworth,  the  present  site  of 
our  Public  Library ;  Capt.  Samuel  Wadsworth,  near  Main  and 
Asylum.  Knox's  tavern  was  near  the  Ferry  House,  possibly 
on  the  present  Kilbourn  or  on  that  part  of  Commerce  Street 
now  included  in  the  Connecticut  Boulevard.  Widow  Collier's 
tavern  occupied  the  site  of  the  old  United  States  Hotel  on  the 
north  side  of  City  Hall  Square,  and  Hill  and  Wright's  leather 
shop,  where  Major  French  sent  his  breeches  to  be  mended,  was 
next  door.  Epaphras  Bull  was  a  brazier  (or  worker  in  brass) 
whose  shop  was  opposite  the  South  Meeting  House  (the  present 
South  Congregational  Church).  The  Courant  office  (Watson 
the  Printer)  was  on  Main  Street  by  the  great  bridge  (corner 


276  BRITISH    PEISOXEES    OF    WAR    liST    HAETFORD, 

Main  and  Wells).  Governor  Skene  and  family  were  made 
comfortable  at  the  then  Hooker  house,  still  standing  at  the 
top  of  Elmwood  Hill  (opposite  the  present  red  schoolhouse). 

The  jail  stood  on  the  site  of  the  present  Case^  Lockwood  & 
Brainard  Building,  corner  Pearl  and  Trumbull  streets,  and 
was  then  so  far  out  of  town  that  at  one  time  the  prisoners  for 
debt  in  confinement  there,  petitioned  the  General  Assembly 
(then  sitting  at  the  State  House,  the  site  of  our  present  City 
Hall)  that  the  jail  limits  be  enlarged  so  far  East  as  the  Court 
House,  "representing  that  they  labor  under  many  inconven- 
iences, hardships  and  disadvantages, — By  reason  that  the  Gaol 
is  in  so  retired  and  back  part  of  the  town  so  seldom  frequented 
by  any  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  Town."  The  grim  humor 
of  this  petition  is  evident  when  we  reflect  that,  if  granted,  it 
would  have  technically  put  the  whole  General  Assembly  into 
jail  by  its  own  act  whenever  it  should  be  in  session. 


THE  FP]NIANS  OF  THE  LONG-AGO  SIXTIES. 

By  Laurence  O'Beiex. 
[Read  March  17,  1913.] 


Senator  John  P.  Hale  of  Xew  Hampshire  said  that  all  over 
this  country,  throughout  Canada,  and  in  Ireland,  there  are  hun- 
dreds and  thousands  and  hundreds  of  thousands  of  true-hearted 
Irishmen,  who  have  long  prayed  for  an  opportunity  to  retaliate 
upon  England  for  the  wrong  which  for  centuries  that  govern- 
ment has  inflicted  upon  their  fatherland. 

The  senator  knew  well  what  he  was  talking  about;  his 
maternal  ancestor  was  the  daughter  of  Jeremiah  O'Brien  of 
Machias,  Maine,  who  with  his  six  sons  fought  the  first  naval 
battle  of  the  Revolution,  and  captured  two  English  war  ships 
off  the  harbor  of  Machias. 

The  Fenian  soldiers  in  the  British  army  were  ready  to  take 
the  field  when  called  upon.  The  Civil  War  in  this  country 
was  over;  President  Andrew  Jackson  called  upon  England  to 
pay  for  the  damage  done  to  American  shipping  by  the  Alabama, 
the  Sumter,  the  Florida,  the  Shenandoali  and  all  the  fleet  of 
blockade  runners.  The  British  Premier  refused  to  pay  and 
gave  little  attention  to  the  President's  call.  Secretary  of  State 
William  H.  Seward  took  hold  and  quietly  notified  the  ofiicers 
on  the  Canadian  border  not  to  interfere  with  the  Fenians  if 
they  wanted  to  take  Canada,  which  they  were  getting  ready  to 
do.  Seward  let  it  be  publicly  known  that  England  refused  to 
acknowledge  the  Alabama  claims.  It  was  the  Irishmen  who 
raised  the  cry,  ''We  will  collect  the  claims  for  the  United 
States."  Gen.  Benjamin  F.  Butler  told  Seward  he  could  raise 
eight  regiments  in  Massachusetts  without  expense  to  this  coun- 
trv.     The  Fenians  were  marchino-  to  the  border  of  Canada  and 


278  '      THE    FENIANS    OF    THE    LONG-AGO    SIXTIES. 

Gen.  John  O'^eil  took  his  advance  guard  over  and  fought  the 
battle  of  Ridgeway,  where  he  defeated  General  Booker,  who  met 
with  a  complete  disaster.  The  British  Premier  saw  the  way 
to  acknowledge  the  claims  and  paid  up,  but  the  United  States 
shipping  has  not  been  restored  since  that  time. 

The  Fenians  were  stopped  in  their  invasion  of  Canada  by 
order  of  Seward  and  then  we  gave  our  attention  to  fighting 
in  Ireland.  When  news  of  the  battle  of  Ridgeway  was  tele- 
graphed over  the  country  United  States  soldiers  left  their  posts 
to  help  the  Fenians.  Ninety  per  cent  of  General  Sheridan's 
command  at  'New  Orleans  went  up  the  river.  General  Shafter 
was  ready  with  the  first  regulars.  He  sent  Gen.  Thomas 
Sweeney  with  word  that  when  the  fight  was  on  he  would  fol- 
low with  all  the  regiment.  But  Seward  ordered  the  fighting 
stopped,  and  the  soldiers  had  nothing  to  do  but  go  back  to 
their  commands.  The  railroads  gave  them  their  passage  free 
and  the  steamboats  on  the  Mississippi  and  Ohio  rivers  carried 
them  without  charge.  They  had  left  without  leave  of  absence, 
and  they  assembled  at  Carrollton,  above  New  Orleans,  and 
sent  one  of  their  number  to  report  at  the  barracks  in  New 
Orleans.  When  the  officer  of  the  guard  saw  the  messenger  he 
called  out  in  a  loud  tone :  ''Here,  get  on  duty  and  no  other 
questions  asked."  Word  was  sent  back  to  the  men  in  Carroll- 
ton,  who  reported  for  duty  in  like  manner.  Gen.  Phil.  Sheridan 
knew  where  they  had  been. 

England  arrested  some  of  the  Fenian  leaders  in  her  army 
and  sentenced  eight  of  them  to  death,  a  punishment  which  was 
commuted  to  life  imprisonment  for  high  treason.  Among  them 
was  John  Boyle  O'Reilly,  who  after  a  couple  of  years'  captivity 
in  Australia  took  a  small  boat  and  went  to  sea,  and  after  some 
days  adrift  was  picked  up  by  the  ISTew  Bedford  whaleship 
Gazelle.  After  many  narrow  escapes  he  arrived  in  ]^ew  York, 
bringing  news  of  his  comrades  whom  he  left  in  Western  Aus- 
tralia. The  British  Premier  Gladstone  released  all  the  civil 
prisoners,  but  would  not  hear  any  appeal  for  releasing  the 
soldiers.  Finally  the  Fenians  in  this  country  sought  secretly 
for  financial  aid  to  rescue  them,  and  more  than  a  hundred  thou- 


THE    FENIANS    OF    THE    LONG-AGO    SIXTIES. 


279 


sand  responded  with  their  mite.  They  knew  what  they  were 
doing  it  for,  and  in  less  than  a  year  a  sufficient  sum  was  received. 
At  a  convention  held  in  Baltimore  in  1874,  a  committee,  of 
which  Capt.  P.  O'Connor  was  a  member,  recommended  that 
the  work  of  rescue  be  entrusted  to  James  Eeynolds  of  ^ew 
Haven,  John  W.  Goff  and  John  Devoy  of  ISTew  York  City. 
This  committee  went  to  Boston  and  consulted  with  John  Boyle 
O'Keilly,  also  with  Captain  Hathaway,  mate  of  the  whaleship 
Gazelle,  who  befriended  O'Reilly  in  his  escape.  They  planned, 
and  bought  the  bark  Catalpa,  and  engaged  J.  B.  Richardson 
to  fit  her  as  for  a  whaling  voyage.  Richardson  made  his  son- 
in-law  captain  and  entrusted  him  with  the  knowledge  of  the 
mission  for  which  the  vessel  was  intended.  A  trusted  man, 
Dennis  Dugan,  was  brought  to  be  one  of  the  crew.  Before  the 
ship  reached  Fayal  the  captain  had  forty  barrels  of  oil  which 
he  shipped  home  to  I^Tew  Bedford.  After  a  good  passage,  they 
arrived  off  Bunbury,  Western  Australia.  One  of  the  passen- 
gers, Capt.  George  S.  Anthony,  found  it  necessary  to  confide 
the  object  of  the  voyage  to  his  mate.  Smith,  who  said  he  would 
stand  by  him  to  the  death. 

After  the  Catalpa  left  l!^ew  Bedford  one  of  our  greatest  men, 
John  Breslin,  was  sent  overland  by  way  of  San  Francisco, 
where  he  was  joined  by  another  true  man,  Thomas  Desmond. 
Both  went  to  Western  Australia  and  made  arrangements  to 
rescue  the  prisoners,  communicated  with  them  and  had  every- 
thing in  readiness  when  the  Catalpa  should  put  into  Bunbury 
for  supplies.  When  Anthony  got  in  touch  with  John  Breslin, 
a  place  was  agreed  upon  where  he  would  come  ashore  on  the 
coast  nearest  the  point  where  Breslin  would  arrive  with  the 
prisoners.  When  they  came  thither  by  means  of  horses  and 
traps  they  got  into  the  boat  and  were  soon  out  on  the  sea 
looking  for  the  ship.  Several  hours  passed  before  she  espied  the 
boat  and  headed  for  them.  In  the  meantime  when  the  escape 
of  the  prisoners  was  discovered  at  the  prison  in  Fremantle,  a 
gunboat,  the  Georgette,  was  sent  out  to  look  for  them  and  was 
now  in  sight.  A  stiff  breeze  was  in  favor  of  the  Catalpa.  The 
captain  of  the  Georgette  saw  the  prisoners  get  on  board  the  ship 


280  THE    FE^'IAXS    OF    THE    LOXG-AGO    SIXTIES. 

and  he  eame  up  within  hailing  distance  of  the  Catalpa  and 
demanded  sui-render  of  the  prisoners,  or  he  would  blow  the 
masts  off  the  (Jaialpa. 

Captain  Anthony  ran  up  the  Star  Spangled  Banner  and  said : 
''There  are  no  convicts  on  this  ship ;  every  man  on  board  this 
ship  is  a  free  man.  We  are  on  the  high  sea ;  this  is  an 
American  ship,  there  is  the  American  flag,  fire  on  it  if  you 
dare."  At  that  time  the  ship  was  sailing  fast  and  (Japtain 
Anthony  wanted  to  get  where  he  could  make  a  good  tack.  The 
captain  of  the  Georgette  thought  that  he  would  be  run  down. 
He  turned  and  kept  at  a  distance ;  and  Captain  Anthony  put 
his  ship  before  a  fair  wind  and  sailed  for  Xew  York,  where 
he  landed  his  men  all  safe  and  in  good  health  in  July,  1876. 

The  Irishman  who  could  forget  what  the  Stars  and  Stripes 
have  done  for  his  countrymen  deserves  that  in  time  of  need  that 
flag  shall  forget  him. 

Capt.  Henry  C.  Hathaway,  chief  of  police  of  Xew  Bedford ; 
John  C.  Richardson  the  agent,  Capt.  George  S.  Anthony  who 
made  the  expedition  a  complete  success,  and  Mate  Smith,  were 
all  true  blue  Puritan  Yankees. 

In  the  year  18(35,  I  was  "State  Center"  of  the  Fenian 
Brotherhood  in  Connecticut.  In  the  month  of  August,  John 
O'Mahony  w^rote  me  a  letter  stating  that  the  fight  for  freedom 
would  begin  in  Ireland  as  soon  as  the  harvest  was  gathered,  and 
we  should  see  that  none  of  it  was  allowed  to  go  out  of  the 
country.  He  also  informed  me  that  all  officers  of  military  skill 
and  ability,  who  expected  to  help  in  the  fight,  should  arrive  in 
Ireland  before  the  rising,  as  the  blockade  would  then  be  on  and 
it  would  be  difficult  to  get  in  afterwards. 

I  notified  the  sympathetic  officers  who  lived  in  my  district, 
and  we  reported  at  headquarters  in  Xew  York  and  received 
our  instructions.  When  I  was  going  aboard  the  steamer  to 
sail  I  was  met  by  Secretary  James  W.  O'Brien,  who  told  me 
the  council  wanted  me  to  remain  in  !N^ew  York  until  further 
orders.  News  had  just  arrived  of  the  seizure  of  the  news- 
paper, TJie  Iristt  People.  After  one  week's  delay  in  ISTew  York 
I  was  instructed  as  to  my  mission  by  John  OAFahony,  who  gave 


THE    FENIANS    OF    THE    EONG-AGO    SIXTIES. 


281 


me  a  bag  of  one  thousand  sovereigns,  in  gold,  a  second  bill  of 
exchange  for  £1,500,  which  was  the  money  regarding  which 
the  Belmonts  informed  the  British,  and  later,  John  O'AIahony 
had  a  lawsuit  about — the  money  was  never  recovered. 
O'Mahony  also  gave  me  a  sealed  dispatch,  not  to  read  until  I 
was  one  day  at  sea.  I  was  to  commit  it  to  memory  and  to 
destroy  the  dispatch  before  I  arrived  in  Ireland.  I  carried  out 
my  instructions  correctly,  by  giving  to  Col.  Thomas  Kelly  the 
money,  which  was  much  needed  at  the  time,  and  wrote  the  dis- 
patch for  him.  I  was  then  to  hold  myself  in  readiness  to 
take  the  field  at  short  notice. 

I  went  to  Tipperary  and  found  all  the  young  men  willing  and 
ready  to  do  their  part.  After  one  week  spent  in  my  native 
town,  Caher,  I  returned  to  Dublin.  Daniel  Donovan  of  Lowell. 
]\Iass.,  told  me  I  was  wanted  at  ISTo.  19  Grantham  Street;  I 
reported  and  was  sent  to  Paris  in  December  to  meet  John 
]\Iitchell,  who  informed  me  what  his  business  was.  I  returned 
to  Dublin  and  wrote  out  the  information  conveyed  to  me  by 
Mitchell,  and  after  it  was  read  the  paper  was  burned  in  my 
presence.  After  a  couple  of  weeks,  I  was  notified  to  report  for 
a  journey  and  bring  my  valise.  I  was  sent  to  locate  in  Paris 
until  further  orders,  and  there  received  all  money  coming  from 
America,  and  receipted  to  John  Mitchell  for  the  same.  During 
my  stay  in  Paris,  December,  1865,  January,  February  and 
March,  1866,  John  Mitchell  turned  over  to  me  one  hundred 
and  thirteen  thousand  dollars  ($113,000.00),  all  of  which  I 
sent  to  Ireland  by  messengers,  and  not  one  cent  of  which  was 
lost  or  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  enemy.  The  messengers  to 
whom  I  gave  the  money  were,  William  O'Donovan,  ISTicholas 
Welch,  Garret  O'Shaughnessy,  and  the  Misses  Ellen  and  Mary 
O'Leary,  Think  of  the  true  grandeur  their  faithfulness  por- 
tra^^ed.  The  habeas  corpus  act  was  suspended  in  Ireland.  The 
division  of  our  people  in  this  country  left  us  in  a  bad  fix. 
They  had  expected  war  with  Great  Britain  over  the  Alabama 
claims.  That  prospect  had  now  suddenly  vanished  and  with 
it  much  of  our  hopes.  In  Ireland  we  were  preparing  to  strike 
and  spent  the  money  in  getting  ready,  when  all  at  once  our 


282  THE    FENIANS    OF    THE    LONG-AGO    SIXTIES. 

supply  was  cut  off.  Had  we  been  notified  we  could  have 
governed  ourselves  accordingly.  I  left  Paris  to  go  to  Dublin, 
but  when  I  arrived  in  Liverpool  in  March  word  was  sent  from 
headquarters  for  me  to  remain  there,  and  to  ask  the  chief  men 
in  Liverpool  to  find  quarters  for  the  officers  who  had  escaped 
arrest  in  Ireland,  and  nobly  the  organization  responded.  As 
the  men  arrived  I  had  places  to  send  each.  Among  the  lot  was 
the  notorious  Coiydon,  who,  in  company  with  Capt.  John  Ryan, 
was  located  with  Austin  Gibbons  at  Richmond  Rowe.  Also 
Michael  O'Brien,  the  Manchester  martyr,  who  gave  his  life 
for  the  cause,  whose  last  words  on  earth  were :  ^^God  save 
Ireland." 

The  council  in  Dublin  sent  word  that  we  would  be  called 
upon  to  go  to  Ireland,  and  that  they  would  notify  us  when 
they  were  ready.  We  agreed  that  we  would  remain  there  as 
long  as  there  was  a  chance  for  a  fight. 

In  January,  1867,  I  went  to  Ireland  by  way  of  Holyhead 
and  Kingstown,  and  in  Dublin  I  met  l^ed  Duffy — the  noble 
fellow  was  then  sick,  but  he  said  that  when  we  were  fighting 
it  would  revive  him.  Gen.  Thomas  Francis  Burke,  Major  John 
Delehanty  (who  had  served  under  Sherman),  and  I,  were 
to  meet  in  Clonmel,  and  be  prepared  to  join  with  the  Waterford 
forces  when  they  would  come  up  the  valley  of  the  Suir,  but, 
while  waiting  in  Clonmel,  word  came  to  us  that  we  were  to 
rally  at  or  near  the  junction  at  Tipperary.  But  some  one  with- 
out authority  sent  word  to  Col.  John  O'Connor  in  Kerry,  "^that 
all  was  ready,"  and  he  called  upon  his  men  and  they  com- 
menced in  Killarney  to  strike  terror  to  our  foes.  When 
the  news  reached  us  that  they  were  up  in  Kerry,  we  came  to 
the  conclusion  that  the  best  thing  to  do  was  to  prevent  the  Brit- 
ish troops  from  Curragh  Camp  getting  to  the  south.  Major 
Delehanty  contracted  a  cold  during  his  stay  the  previous  month 
in  London,  and  was  so  sick  that  General  Burke  and  myself  were 
obliged  to  send  him  to  Fethard,  where  he  died  a  couple  of  days 
after  reaching  there.  General  Burke  started  for  the  place  of 
rendezvous  and  finally  reached  it.  My  route  was  by  way  of 
Cashel,  where  I  was  trying  to  hire  a  car  to  take  me  to  Golden, 


THE    FENIANS    OF    THE    LONG-AGO    SIXTIES. 


283 


when  I  was  arrested  and  brought  before  one  of  the  most  cold- 
blooded scoundrels  I  ever  saw,  and,  of  course  I  was  committed 
to  jail  for  being  a  stranger.  There  was  a  special  jury  con- 
vened in  my  case.  As  I  had  traveled  through  the  country  for 
nearly  a  year  and  on  the  Market  and  Fair  days  mixed  freely 
among  the  people,  I  passed  all  right;  but  not  having  any 
references  I  was  detained  in  Cashel  for  the  next  two  weeks. 
During  my  detention  in  Cashel  I  was  four  times  brought  before 
the  grand  jury,  and  all  kinds  of  questions  were  asked  me. 

When  for  the  fourth  time  I  was  brought  before  a  packed  jury, 
and  they  gave  me  to  understand  that  they  had  no  business  to 
detain  me  if  I  could  get  some  one  or  two  friends  who  would 
come  and  vouch  for  me,  I  told  them  that  I  did  not  have  a 
friend.  A  man,  whose  name  I  afterwards  learned  was  Martin 
J.  French,  came  with  a  lot  of  armed  police,  and  read  to  them 
a  warrant  to  convey  me  to  Clonmel  jail,  by  order  of  the  Lord 
Lieutenant.  When  arrested  I  gave  the  name  of  Osborn,  but  in 
the  Lord  Lieutenant's  warrant  it  was  "Osborn,  or  O'Brien." 
They  had  learned  who  I  was,  but  not  from  me.  I  was  escorted 
in  irons,  by  armed  police  to  Clonmel  jail,  and  after  three  weeks 
there  were  fifteen  Fenian  prisoners  confined  in  the  jail.  I  sent 
word  to  my  friends  outside  that  no  one  must  come  near  me, 
or  intimate  that  they  knew  I  was  there.  After  about  five  months 
my  confinement  was  getting  monotonous ;  we  were  all  called 
together  in  the  yard,  formed  in  line,  and  in  came  four  police- 
men followed  by  a  man  whom  I  never  saw  before,  and  after 
him  French,  who  pointed  to  me  and  said  "that  is  Osborn,  that's 
him."  JSTot  one  of  my  companions  ever  saw  the  man  before, 
nor  did  I.  After  they  were  gone  I  was  called  into  the  office 
and  there  was  old  French  with  others  I  did  not  know.  The 
man  who  came  into  the  yard  commenced  to  read  a  paper  which 
he  had  in  his  hat.  When  he  would  hesitate  old  French  would 
tell  him  what  to  say  from  a  paper  he  had  before  him  on  the  desk. 
The  contents  of  the  papers  were  that  the  witness  swore  he  had 
known  me  for  three  years,  and  that  he  was  present  where  I 
had  addressed  meetings,  urged  and  conspired  to  overthrow  Her 
Majesty's  government  in  Ireland,  and  that  I  was  a  dangerous 


284  THE    FE^^IAiXS    OF    THE    LONG-AGO    SIXTIES. 

and  suspicions  person.  This  witness  was  the  notorious  Talbot 
who  met  his  jnst  deserts  sometime  later.  A  month  had  passed, 
when  we  were  again  lined  up  in  the  yard,  and  who  should  come 
out  guarded  by  policemen  but  the  notorious  Johnny  Corydon, 
A  part  of  his  testimony  was  a  copy  of  what  Talbot  had  sworn 
in  my  presence  a  month  previous,  and  I  was  then  charged  with 
high  treason  against  Her  Most  Gracious  Majesty,  and  a 
separate  charge  of  treason  felony  was  laid  against  me.  T  then 
saw  that  I  was  an  object  of  attack,  and  that  it  was  about  time 
to  be  doing  something  in  my  own  behalf,  for  it  seemed  clear  to 
me  that  they  were  bound  to  kill  me.  I  then  looked  at  my  prison 
surroundings  and  formed  two  plans  of  escape.  The  first  was 
to  make  a  break  in  daylight  by  getting  over  the  walls  while 
some  workmen  were  repairing  the  roof,  to  have  a  horse  and 
saddle  in  waiting,  and  escape  to  the  country,  and  if  I  did  not 
succeed  end  my  life  in  fighting.  But  when  I  went  to  my  cell 
that  evening  I  examined  the  cell  window  bars  and  formed  my 
second  plan  to  cut  the  bars  and  escape  through  the  window, 
which  I  succeeded  in  doing.  While  in  prison,  my  comrades 
and  I  were  confined  in  cells  from  three  o'clock  afternoon  until 
six  o'clock  next  morning ;  during  the  day  we  were  in  one  of  the 
yards.  There  were  about  two  hundred  prisoners  who  came  in 
with  General  Burke  when  he  was  arrested  at  Ballyhurst.  One 
of  them  was  a  young  boy,  wdio  became  an  object  of  persecution 
by  the  officials,  who  first  tried  on  him  torture  and  close  con- 
finement and  threats  of  jail  for  life,  if  he  did  not  tell  them 
all  he  knew  about  General  Burke  and  the  other  leaders.  When 
torture  and  threats  failed,  they  changed  to  offers  of  reward 
and  bribes  of  money,  and  showed  him  the  money,  but  he  was 
proof  against  all  temptations  and  proved  true  to  his  colors. 
His  answer  first  and  last  was  that  he  was  a  journeyman  tailor, 
and  was  away  from  home  looking  for  work,  and  his  kit  of  tools 
was  found  on  his  person — a  needle  in  a  piece  of  cloth  with 
some  thread  in  his  vest  pocket.  When  his  trial  came  he  was 
discharged  for  want  of  evidence.  This  was  Jerome  Byrne,  who 
was  a  messenger  to  Gen.  Tom  Burke  and  an  aide  to  him  at 
Ballyhurst,  one  of  many,  good  and  true. 


THE    FEXIAXS    OF    THE    LOXG-AGO    SIXTIES.  2S5 

Take  our  countrymen  throughout  Ireland  and  England  and 
whether  wearing  the  red  coat  of  the  soldier,  the  green  stripe  of  the 
peeler,  or  the  blue  of  prison  warden,  they  have  a  warm  spot  for 
the  old  land  and  those  who  would  tight  for  her,  and  among  the 
wardens  of  Clonmel  jail  I  found  two  good  friends  who  granted 
any  request  I  asked  of  them.  Through  one  of  them  I  was 
able  to  keep  up  communication  with  friends  outside.  This  was 
Mat  Meehan,  who  died  before  I  escaped.  The  other,  Patrick 
McCarthy,  who  is  now  my  close  neighbor  in  Xew  Haven, 
brought  me  the  files  and  tools  with  which  I  cut  the  bars,  and 
gave  me  the  points  about  the  jail  rules  and  time  of  guards 
that  helped  me  in  my  plans,  and  also  furnished  me  with  some 
strong  twine.  While  I  was  working  nights  it  was  necessary  to 
keep  off  suspicion,  and  the  way  I  did  it  was,  I  quarreled  with 
the  wardens,  and  I  choked  one  of  them  one  day,  and  he  hollered 
murder !  The  others  came  at  me  with  muskets  and  I  was 
marched  into  the  office.  The  governor  ordered  me  confined  in 
the  condemned  cell.  I  was  kept  there  for  two  days  on  low 
diet.  I  was  then  put  back  in  my  old  cell  with  the  reprimand 
to  behave  myself  or  'twould  be  worse  for  me.  In  consultation 
with  three  of  my  comrades  I  formed  the  idea  that  if  I  succeeded 
it  w^ould  be  a  good  plan  to  place  suspicion  on  the  governor  and 
the  deputy  governor.  We  caught  some  young  birds  and  I  gave 
them  to  the  deputy's  son,  and  my  comrades  saw  me  do  it.  I 
used  to  go  to  the  office  window  and  ask  favors  and  thank  them 
in  a  loud  voice  as  though  it  was  all  right.  I  would  nuike  signs 
and  motions  with  my  hands  and  talk  to  the  family  of  the  deputy 
governor,  and  all  this  was  seen  by  my  comrades. 

In  the  meantime  the  strong  twine  that  Patrick  McCarthy 
brought  to  me  I  gave  to  three  of  my  comrades,  who  were  in 
one  large  cell,  and  they  made  a  rope  of  three  thicknesses,  and 
when  after  a  month's  labor,  all  was  ready  I  notified  friends 
outside  that  I  would  come  out  between  twelve  and  one  o'clock 
on  the  night  of  the  18th  of  September,  which  I  did  not  succeed 
in  doing  until  between  four  and  five  in  the  morning  of  the 
lUth.  The  friends  who  were  waiting  for  me  went  away  in 
despair  at  three  o'clock,  but  when  I  came  to  my  senses  after 


286  THE    FENIANS    OF    THE    LONG-AGO    SIXTIES. 

being  stunned  in  falling  from  the  outside  wall,  just  before  day- 
break, I  started  for  the  country  and  met  friends  four  miles 
away,  with  whom  I  remained  for  two  days  in  rest. 

In  the  fall  oif  the  wall  I  broke  my  right  collar  bone,  and  my 
face  was  badly  disfigured,  but  after  four  days  I  traveled  nights 
by  way  of  Mullinahone  into  the  county  of  Kilkenny,  along 
the  Booley  mountains,  crossed  the  river  Suir  at  Granny  Castle 
by  taking  one  of  Lord  Bessborough's  pleasure  boats,  and  when 
on  the  Waterford  side  shoved  the  boat  adrift. 

While  in  Ireland,  after  I  escaped  from  jail,  all  my  travels 
were  done  in  the  darkness  of  night;  the  leaders  of  each  town 
always  sent  for  me  in  the  person  of  a  true  and  faithful  guide. 
As  a  rule  I  traveled  on  the  road,  for  the  police  were  terror- 
stricken  and  never  were  out  of  their  fortified  barracks  after 
dark.  Once  after  I  left  Killmaganny  before  I  got  to  Fiddown, 
my  guide  and  I  made  a  cut  through  some  fields  and  when  we 
came  out  on  the  road  it  was  in  front  of  a  police  barracks.  There 
were  two  police  there  and  when  they  saw  us  they  got  inside 
the  barracks  in  haste  and  didn't  even  bid  us  good  night.  I  was 
well  armed,  and  I  looked  towards  my  guide,  who  reached  for 
his  revolver  and  whispered  to  me  saying:  ''I'll  stand  by  you 
to  the  death."  With  a  comrade  like  that  the  force  of  any  one 
police  barracks  would  not  discommode  us. 

We  were  not  interfered  with  and  when  I  told  Mr.  O'Donnell, 
who  was  a  miller  at  Fiddown,  of  the  courage  and  pluck  shown 
by  my  guide  he  assured  me  that  all  his  men  were  of  the  same 
stuff,  brave  and  true.  O'Donnell  was  the  heaviest  taxpayer  in 
that  part  of  the  country.  He  knew  all  the  people  of  his  district 
and  would  not  allow  a  doubtful  or  suspicious  man  to  be  admitted 
into  his  ranks.  I  remained  in  O'Donnell's  charge  while  he 
went  to  the  city  of  Waterford,  and  William  Hearn  sent  a  good 
man  to  guide  me  to  the  city.  O'Donnell  came  with  us  to  within 
one  mile  of  Granny. 

The  men  in  Waterford  sent  a  boat  up  from  the  city  to  meet 
me,  but  when  my  guide  gave  the  signal,  boats  appeared  in  all 
directions.  The  river  was  full  of  poachers  and  my  friends 
thought  it  was  a  trap  for  them  and  did  not  come  to  the  signal, 
and  that  is  why  we  had  to  take  a  boat  of  our  own.     After  many 


THE    FENIANS    OF    THE    LONG-AGO    SIXTIES. 


287 


trying  ordeals  I  got  into  the  city  and  relieved  the  anxiety  of 
friends,  who  were  well  pleased  at  my  safe  arrival.  I  remained 
in  Waterford  seven  weeks,  when  a  merchant  prepared  one  of 
his  schooners  and  told  the  captain  that  I  w^as  his  brother-in-law 
and  had  had  a  fight  with  the  police  and  he  must  take  good 
care  of  me,  which  he  did.  After  being  three  days  wind-bound, 
on  the  fifth  day  I  arrived  in  Cardiff,  Wales,  where  I  procured 
black  clothes  and  got  to  London  and  stopped  with  a  friend 
until  midnight,  and  left  London  for  Paris  by  way  of  I^ewhaven 
and  Dieppe,  and  when  I  got  to  Dieppe  I  immediately  sent  a  let- 
ter to  my  father  for  money.  The  next  day  I  arrived  in  Paris  and 
the  first  man  I  met  at  the  bankers,  Bowles,  Drevet  &  Co.,  was 
Captain  Bowles,  head  of  the  firm.  We  had  been  comrades  in 
ISTew  Orleans  during  the  Civil  War  and  served  together  on  Gen. 
James  Bowen's  stafl^.  When  he  saw  me  in  the  club  room  he 
hugged  me  with  joy,  but  he  was  more  than  pleased  when  he 
found  that  I  was  the  O'Brien  of  whom  he  had  read  so  much 
in  the  papers,  and  rejoiced  at  my  escape.  He  took  my  arm 
and  introduced  me  to  his  head  clerk  and  ordered  him  to  honor 
any  call  for  money  that  I  should  make,  and  told  me  to  do  all 
my  banking  business  with  the  firm.  I  drew  150  francs  which  I 
assure  you  was  welcome,  and  it  lasted  me  until  my  own  money 
arrived  from  ISTew  Haven.  That  night  I  met  William  O'Dono- 
van,  l^icholas  Walsh,  and  Alfred  O'Hea,  who  did  not  have  a 
hundred  dollars  to  spare,  and  after  I  stood  the  supper  for  three 
I  told  them  I  engaged  them  to  have  a  series  of  dinners  as  guests 
with  some  American  officers,  who  were  then  sojourning  in 
Paris.  For  two  weeks  we  enjoyed  the  company  at  the  dinners 
of  our  American  friends,  who  were  delighted  at  the  opportunity 
to  show  their  good  will  to  us  and  the  cause  in  which  we  were 


Before  I  left  Paris  for  home  I  learned  all  about  the  effect 
my  escape  had  had  on  the  authorities  in  Clonmel.  When  I  was 
missed  at  six  o'clock  in  the  morning  by  one  of  the  wardens 
he  was  bewildered,  and  shouted  "Osborn  is  gone,"  and  gave 
the  alarm.  The  others  came  to  know  the  cause,  and  one  of 
them  ran  to  the  governor,  who  hurried  half-dressed  and  ran  up 
the  stairs  in  his  excitement,  not  looking  ahead ;    when  near  the 


288  THE    FENIAXS    OF    THE    LOXG-AGO    SIXTIES. 

top  of  the  fourth  flight  he  jumped  into  John  Forgarty,  who  was 
carrying  his  bucket  from  the  cell  to  be  cleaned  in  the  yard ; 
the  governor  got  the  contents  of  the  bucket  on  the  head. 

The  governor  did  not  stop  at  this  accident,  and  when  he 
reached  my  cell  he  kept  running  around.  He  was  bewildered 
and  confused ;  over  half  an  hour  passed  before  they  alarmed 
for  the  police,  and  then  called  for  the  military,  both  foot  and 
horses,  who  scoured  the  country  in  every  direction  and  searched 
all  suspected  places  in  town.  In  the  afternoon  my  friends 
learned  I  was  safe  out  of  town,  and  they  then  helped  the  police 
to  try  to  find  me  in  the  tow^n,  and  had  some  fun  in  placing 
suspicion  among  some  of  the  enemy. 

The  board  of  prison  guardians  held  a  court  of  inquiry,  and 
my  comrades  were  brought  before  it  and  all  had  the  same  story 
to  tell ;  that  I  had  no  friends  outside  or  in  the  country  that 
they  knew  of,  the  only  friendship  they  saw  was  shown  by  the 
governor's  family ;  they  told  what  they  saw  me  do  and  heard  me 
say,  and  how  I  gave  the  pet  birds  to  the  governor's  young  son 
and  heard  me  express  thanks  for  favors  in  the  oifice,  all  of  which 
was  true. 

The  court  suspended  the  governor  and  deputy  governor  and 
removed  their  families  from  inside  the  prison  pending  the  inves- 
tigation by  the  Lord  Lieutenant  the  week  following,  when 
the  same  routine  followed,  and  my  friends  had  the  same  story 
to  tell.  The  two  priests  who  visited  me  the  day  before  I 
escaped  were  summoned  and  put  under  oath,  which  they  did 
not  like,  Father  Lonergan  of  Ballylooby,  who  christened  me, 
fretting  for  fear  I  w^ould  be  caught.  Father  Power  did  not  like 
it  for  fear  it  would  prevent  his  promotion,  but  he  was  loyal 
to  the  Crown  and  he  became  bishop  of  Waterford.  While  talk- 
ing to  them  in  the  jail  office  it  came  to  my  mind  that  if  I 
succeeded  they  would  have  to  prove  their  innocence  of  knowl- 
edge about  my  escape,  but  they  were  exonerated, — the  court 
found  the  same  verdict  as  the  previous  one.  Old  Grubb,  the 
governor,  took  it  to  heart,  that  after  thirty-three  years'  service 
he  should  be  suspected,  and  he  died  in  five  weeks.  He  was  a 
cold-hearted  man,  and  we  had  our  revenge. 


THOMAS  GREEN 

By  Albert  C  Bates. 
[Read  April  21,  1913.] 


It  seems  necessary  in  giving  any  sketch  of  Thomas  Green, 
an  early  Connecticut  printer,  to  begin  back  almost  at  the  first 
settlement  of  IS^ew  England  by  the  English.  Among  those 
who  came  to  Massachusetts  in  1030  with  the  Winthrop  party 
was  Bartholomew  Green  and  his  family,  including  his  son 
Samuel,  then  sixteen  years  of  age.  In  1640  this  Samuel  under- 
took the  management  of  the  printing  press  at  Cambridge,  which 
had  been  conducted  for  ten  years  by  Stephen  Day  under  the 
patronage  of  Harvard  College  and  at  the  expense  and  under 
the  general  supervision  of  Eev.  Joseph  Glover.  From  this 
time  until  the  close  of  his  business  career  Samuel  continued  in 
the  work  of  printing  in  Cambridge.  lie  died  in  1702  at  the 
age  of  87  years,  having  been  the  father  of  sixteen"'  children. 
At  least  three  of  his  six  known  sons  and  the  brother  of  the 
wife  of  one  of  them  became  printers. 

One  of  these  three  sons,  Timothy  Green,  removed  from  Bos- 
ton to  jSTew  London  in  1711  and  became  the  second  printer  in 
Connecticut — Thomas  Short,  the  brother  of  his  sister-in-law 
having  been  the  first — and  continued  in  the  work  there  until 
his  death  in  1757.  Five  of  his  six  sons  who  lived  to  maturity 
followed  the  printer's  trade. 

Among  these  sons  was  Samuel,  sometimes  called  "Samuel, 
junior,"  or  "Samuel,  printer,"  who  was  born  in  Boston  in 
1706.  He  came  with  his  parents  to  jSTew  London  in  1714, 
and  thereafter  made  that  place  his  home.  Although  a  printer 
Samuel  had  no  office  of  his  own,  but  was  doubtless  employed 

*  Thomas  says  nineteen. 
10 


290  THOMAS   GREE:sr. 

by  bis  fatber,  Timotbj.  He  married  in  17 So  Abigail,  daugb- 
ter  of  Rev.  Samuel  Clark,  late  minister  at  Cbelmsford,  Mass. 
He  died  in  1752,  leaving  a  widow  and  ten  cbildren,  among 
wbom  were  tbree  sons  wbo  became  printers.  It  is  tbe  oldest 
of  tbese  tbree  sons,  Tbomas,  born  at  ISTew  London  August 
25,  1735,  baptized  September  7,  about  wbom  our  interest  now 
centers.  He  was  a  little  over  sixteen  years  of  age  at  the  time 
of  bis  father's  death. 

Isaiah  Thomas,  in  his  "History  of  Printing,"  says  that 
Thomas  Green  was  instructed  in  printing  by  his  uncle.  This 
may  be  true ;  but  as  his  uncle  IS^athaniel  (probably)  had  no 
printing  office  of  bis  own,  his  uncle  Timothy  was  printing  in 
Boston  until  1752,  and  his  uncle  John  bad  no  printing  office 
of  his  own  until  a  few  months  before  his  death  in  1757,  it  is 
likely  that  the  instruction  was  received  in  the  office  of  his 
grandfather,  Timothy.  And  the  actual  instructor  may  have  been 
his  grandfather,  his  father,  or  any  of  his  tbree  uncles. 

It  seems  probable  that  the  changes  in  tbe  ownership  and 
management  of  the  printing  office  which  followed  as  a  con- 
sequence of  the  death  in  1757  of  his  grandfather  caused  Thomas 
to  leave  ISTew  London  and  take  up  his  trade  of  printing  in  l^ew 
Haven.  Here  he  entered  the  employ  of  James  Parker  &  Com- 
pany. Parker  himself  remaining  in  ISTew  York;  the  firm  was 
represented  in  ISTew  Haven  by  his  partner,  John  Holt,  who  was 
postmaster  as  well  as  printer.  In  1760  it  became  necessary 
for  Holt  to  remove  to  N^ew  York  to  aid  Parker  in  the  work 
there,  and  the  press  and  postoffice  at  ISTew  Haven  were  left 
in  charge  of  Thomas  Green — the  printing  continuing  to  be 
done  in  the  name  of  Parker  &  Company   "at  the  postoffice." 

In  the  issue  of  June  21,  1760,  of  the  Connecticut  Gazette, 
is  the  following  notice : 

"The  printer  of  this  paper  being  about  to  remove  to  New  York,  desires 
all  persons  whose  accounts  have  been  unpaid  above  the  usual  and  limited 
time  of  credit,  immediately  to  discharge  them;  else  he  shall  be  obliged 
to  leave  them  in  otlier  hands  to  collect;  and  he  hopes  they  will  not  be 
against  allowing  interest.  The  business  will  l)e  carried  on  as  usual  by 
Mr.  Thomas  Green  in  New  Haven." 


THOMAS    GREEN. 


291 


It  is  unlikel}'  that  Green,  then  a  young  man  of  twenty-five, 
would  have  been  placed  in  this  responsible  position  if  he  had 
not  already  had  experience  in  Parker's  office,  both  as  printer, 
newspaper  editor,  and  postmaster;  and  it  seems  reasonable  to 
suppose  that  he  had  been  in  Parker's  employ  for  the  two  or 
three  years  since  his  uncle  Timothy  took  over  the  printing- 
office  in  'New  London.  This  supposition,  however,  is  apparently 
negatived  hj  Thomas'  description  of  himself  in  a  deed""  dated 
September  11,  1759,  as    ''of  New  London." 

Thomas  continued  in  the  printing  business  in  IsTew  Haven, 
representing  the  firm  of  Parker  &  Company,  from  1760  until 
1764.  Besides  the  weekl,y  issue  of  the  Connecticut  Gazette, 
Parker's  newspaper,  and  the  first  established  in  Connecticut, 
there  are  some  forty  books  and  pamphlets  and  fifteen  broad- 
sides known  to  have  been  printed  in  New  Haven  during  these 
years.  Most  of  them  bear  Parker's  imprint;  but  all  were 
actually  the  work  of  Green.  Mecom's  work  is  of  course  not 
included  in  this  summary. 

In  1764  Parker  &  Company  discontinued  the  printing 
business  in  ISTew  Haven.  Isaiah  Thomas  says  "they  resigned 
the  business  to  Benjamin  Mecom."  The  previous  year  Mecom 
had  been  printing  in  ISTew  York  City.  He  was  a  nephew  of 
Benjamin  Franklin,  and  was  by  him  appointed  postmaster  at 
New  Haven.  Mecom's  imprints  at  I^ew^  Haven  bear  dates 
1764  to  1767. 

Both  Parker  and  Mecom  seem  to  have  been  particular  to 
place  their  imprint  on  all  publications  issued  by  them,  l^o 
]S[ew  Haven  publication  during  the  years  1755  to  1767  inclu- 
sive  has  come  to  my  notice  that  does  not  bear  the  name  of  one 
or  the  other  of  these  printers,  ivith  a  single  exception/]  This 
exception  is  the  "Brief  ISTarrative  of  the  Proceedings  .  .  . 
against  Mr.  White,  Pastor  of  the  first  Church  in  Danbury," 
which  has  the  imprint,  "j^ew-Haven :  Printed  in  the  Year 
1764."  Who  printed  this  and  why  is  the  printer's  name 
omitted  i     The  question  cannot  be  answered  from  the   type, 

*  New  London  Land  Records,  vol.  IG,  p.  248. 

t  Also  one  printed  in  1761    "for  Sarah  Diodate.'* 


292  THOMAS    GRF.E]Sr. 

for  both  Parker  and  Mecom  used  similar  type  to  what  is  used 
ill  this  ''ISTarrative."  N"or  do  the  ornaments  used  settle  the 
query;  for  of  the  three  used,  two  identical  ones  were  used 
by  Parker  and  two  by  Mecoiii.  The  style  of  printing  is  dis- 
tinctly not  that  of  Mecom,  and  the  size  of  type  used  is  not 
that  commonly  employed  by  him.  The  proceedings  related 
in  the  "ISTarrative"  end  March  31,  1764,  so  that  it  could  not 
have  been  printed  earlier  than  xipril  of  that  year.  The  Con- 
necticut Gazette,  which  Thomas  Green  had  printed  in  jSTew 
Haven  in  the  name  of  and  for  Parker  &  Company,  was  dis- 
continued because  of  lack  of  encouragement*  with  the  issue  of 
April  17,  1764  {'^o.  471),  and  it  is  reasonable  to  presume 
that  the  work  of  Parker's  press  ceased  at  that  time.  In  that  case 
there  would  not  have  been  time  to  prepare  the  copy  and  print 
the  "jSTarrative"  during  the  two  and  one-half  weeks  between 
the  close  of  the  proceedings  there  related  and  the  shutting  down 
of  the  work  of  the  press.  It  is  my  belief,  although  I  confess 
it  incapable  of  proof,  that  this  ''ISTarrative"  was  printed  by 
Thomas  Green  with  the  type  and  other  materials  of  the  Parker 
printing  office,  and  that  it  is  the  first  printing  work  done  by 
him  for  himself,  that  is  when  not  in  the  employ  of  another. 
The  style  of  the  printing  of  the  ^"'ISrarrative"  closely  follows 
that  of  Green's  work  while  printing  in  Hartford;  the  type 
is  the  same  as  was  used  by  him  the  following  year;  one  of 
the  three  ornaments  is  identical  with  one  used  by  him  and  the 
other  two  with  two  that  appear  upon  a  Green  &  Watson  imprint 
of  1770.  What  more  likely  than  that  Green,  contemplating  set- 
ting up  a  printing  office  of  his  own,  should  have  bought  a  part 
at  least  of  the  outfit  of  the  Parker  office,  and  before  his  removal 
of  the  materials  to  Hartford  should  have  printed  this  "Narra- 
tive" in  N^ew  Haven.  A  ''Vindication"  of  the  proceedings 
set  forth  in  the  "I^arrative"  was  issued  the  same  year  and 
bore  Mecom's  imprint.  If,  as  is  stated  by  Isaiah  Thomas,  and 
as  seems  probable,  Parker  &  Company   "resigned  the  business"' 

*  "As  tlie  encourajiement  for  the  continuation  of  this  papor  is  so  very 
small,  the  printers  are  determined  to  discontinue  it  after  this  week.  They 
request  all  tliose  who  are  indebted  to  make  speedy  payment." 


THOMAS    GKEEX. 


293 


of  printing  in  ]^ew  Haven  to  Mecom,  who  was  located  there 
as  earlj^  as  June,  1764,"  Green,  who  had  been  in  Parker's 
employ,  may  not  have  wished  to  appear  as  a  rival  printer  at 
the  very  time  when  ]\Iecom  was  setting  np  his  press  there. 
This  would  seem  to  be  sufficient  reason  for  his  omitting  his 
name  from  the  imj^rint  of  any  publication  issued  by  him  in 
I*»[ew  Haven  at  that  time. 

When  Parker  &  Company,  by  whom  he  was  employed,  dis- 
posed of  their  printing  business — ''passed  it  over"  as  Thomas 
expresses  it — to  Benjamin  Mecom,  Green  evidently  deter- 
mined to  establish  a  business  of  his  own  and  looked  about  for 
a  fresh  field  in  which  to  practice  his  craft.  At  the  age  of 
thirty-two,  a  printer  since  his  boyhood  and  one  of  a  family  of 
printers,  a  married  man  with  two  children,  no  doubt  he  was 
ambitious  to  see  his  own  name  appear  in  the  imprint  placed 
upon  his  work.  Hartford,  although  not  the  largest,  was,  by 
reason  of  its  being  one  of  the  two  capitals  and  a  county  seat, 
the  most  important  town  in  the  colony  in  which  there  was  no 
printing  office  or  which  was  not  quickly  and  easily  accessible 
to  the  offices  in  ^ew  London,  Xew  Haven  or  over  the  border 
in  'New  York  City.  Here  he  determined  to  settle,  and  here 
he  probably  took  up  his  abode  with  his  family  in  the  late 
summer  of  1764. 

In  the  autumn  of  1764  we  find  Thomas  Green  located  in 
Hartford  and  established  in  the  printing  business  for  himself 
and  in  his  own  name  "at  the  Heart  and  Crown  near  the  Xorth- 
^leeting-House.''  Through  the  statement  made  by  George 
Goodwin  to  John  W.  Barber  in  1836,  and  the  researches  made 
in  the  town  records  by  Albert  L.  Washburn,  it  is  a  pleasure 
to  be  able  to  make  a  definite  and  positive  statement  as  to  the 
location  of  this  first  printing  office.  It  was  on  the  west  side 
of  Main,  then  Queen  Street,  on  the  north  corner  of  the  ceme- 
tery, about  where  the  south  corner  of  the  Waverly  Building 
now  stands ;    and  it  was  situated  up-stairs  over  the  barber  shop 

*  In  its  first  issue  by  him,  July  5.  ITOo,  Mecom  says:  "A  year  is 
passed  since  the  printer  of  this  paper  published  proposals  for  reviving  the 
Connecticut  Gazette.  It  is  needless  to  mention  the  reasons  why  it  did  not 
appear  sooner." 


2'J-i  THOMAS    GREEN. 

of  James  Mookler.  Possibly  its  proximity  to  the  barber  sho]i 
was  looked  upon  as  advantageous  for  the  gathering  of  local 
news. 

The  passer-by  of  that  day  would  have  no  difficulty  in  find- 
ing the  office,  from  the  sign  of  the  "Heart  and  Crown"  which 
doubtless  hung  near  its  door.  Green's  idea  of  a  name  and  sign 
to  distinguish  and  identify  his  place  of  business  was  not  a 
new  or  unusual  one  at  that  period.  It  was  common  for  inns 
to  have  a  pictorial  sign,  and  to  be  called  by  the  name  which 
the  sign  expressed — as  "The  Bunch  of  Grapes''  in  Hartford. 
William  Jepson  sold  drugs  at  the  sign  of  the  ''Unicorn  and 
Mortar."  Various  other  tradesmen,  including  printers  also, 
had  their  distinctive  signs.  In  London  we  find  the  signs  oi 
the  Bible,  the  Angel,  the  Ked  Lyon,  the  Sun  and  Bible,  the 
Looking  Glass,  and  the  Hand  and  Pen  used  by  printers.  In 
Boston  we  find  the  Bible  and  Heart  on  Cornhill ;  and  what 
is  more  to  the  point,  the  Fleets,  also  located  on  Cornhill,  for 
many  years,  dating  both  before  and  after  this  time,  did  their 
printing  at  the  Heart  and  Crown,  and  used  a  cut  containing 
these  symbols  on  some  of  their  printed  w^orks.  From  this  sign, 
which  he  may  have  seen.  Green  no  doubt  obtained  both  the  idea 
and  the  name  for  his  own  sign.  Many  of  the  early  numbers 
of  the  newspaper  wdiich  he  established  contain  in  the  headline 
a  cut  showing  a  device  which  in  all  probability  was  copied  from 
his  sign. 

This  device  is  in  the  general  form  and  style  of  a  coat  of 
arms.  The  shield,  if  it  may  be  so  called,  is  surrounded  by 
rather  elaborate  scroll  work,  out  of  which  spring  small  sprays 
of  flowers  and  conventionalized  leaf  designs.  On  the  shield  is 
a  heart  surmounted  by  a  crown;  below  the  whole  is  a  ribbon, 
and  at  the  top  in  place  of  a  crest  stands  a  bird  with  wings 
extended  bearing  a  folded  letter  in  its  beak. 

Only  the  Courant  and  the  two  almanacs  for  17 Q6  bear  the 
imprint  of  "near  the  ISTorth-Meeting-House,"  and  it  is  doubt- 
ful if  any  others  of  his  laiown  publications  were  issued  from 
that  place. 

In  the  Courant  for  May  lo,  1765,  No.  25.  is  an  announce- 
ment b}'  which:    "The  Publiek  arc  informed,  that  the  Printing- 


TnOj\[AS    GEEEjST. 


295 


Office  is  removed,  to  the  Store  of  Mr.  James  Church,  opposite 
the  Court-House,  and  next  Door  to  Mr.  Bull's  Tavern." 

This  location  was  also  up-stairs,  on  the  west  side  of  Main 
Street,  opposite  the  present  City  Hall,  and  where  the  building 
of  the  State  Bank  now  stands.  Here  the  office  continued  until 
the  second  week  in  December,  1768,  when  it  was  removed  to 
a  building  fitted  up  for  the  purpose  "near  the  Great-Bridge," 
as  the  bridge  on  Main  Street  over  the  present  Park  river  was 
then  called.  Here  the  office  remained  for  nearly  or  quite  half 
a  century. 

Undoubtedly  Green's  most  notable  work  in  Hartford  was 
the  establishing  and  editing  of  The  Connecticut  Courant,  a 
newspaper  which  to-day  is  proud  of  its  distinction  as  the  oldest 
paper  in  America  published  continuously  under  the  same  name 
in  the  same  town. 

Its  first  issue,  "JSTumber  00,"  bears  the  date  of  Monday, 
October  29,  1764,  and  states  that  it  "will,  on  due  Encourage- 
ment be  continued  every  Monday,  beginning  on  Monday, 
the  19th  of  iSTovember  next."  It  opens  with  the  following 
prospectus : 

"Of  all  the  Alts  which  have  been  introduc'd  amongst  Mankind,  for  the 
civilizing  Human-lSrature,  and  rendering  Life  agreeable  and  happy,  none 
appear  of  greater  Advantage  than  that  of  Printing:  for  hereby  the  great- 
est Genius's  of  all  Ages,  and  Nations,  live  and  speak  for  the  Benefit  of 
future  Generations — 

"Was  it  not  for  the  Press,  we  should  be  left  almost  intirely  ignorant  of 
all  those  noble  Sentiments  which  the  Antients  were  endow'd  with. 

"By  this  Art,  Men  are  brought  acquainted  with  each  other,  though  never 
so  remote,  as  to  Age  or  Situation;  it  lays  open  to  View,  the  Manners, 
Genius  and  Policy  of  all  Nations  and  Countries  and  faithfully  transmits 
them  to  Posterity. — But  not  to  insist  upon  the  Usefulness  of  this  Art 
in  general,  which  must  be  obvious  to  every  One,  whose  Thoughts  are  the 
least  extesive  [extensive?]. 

"The  Benefit  of  a  Weekly  Paper,  must  in  particular  have  its  Advantages, 
as  it  is  the  Channel  which  conveys  the  History  of  tlie  present  Times  to 
every  Part  of  the  W'orld. 

"The  Articles  of  News  from  the  different  Papers  (wliich  we  shall  receive 
every  Saturday,  from  the  neighboring  Provinces)  that  shall  appear  to  us, 
to  be  most  authentic  and  interesting  shall  always  be  carefully  inserted; 
and  great  Care  will  be  taken  to  collect  from  Time  to  Time  all  domestic 
Occurrences,  that  are  worthy  the  Notice  of  the  Publick;  for  which,  Ave 
shall  always  be  obliged  to  any  of  our  Correspondents,  within  whose  Knowl- 
edge they  may  happen. 


290  TJIOMAS    GKEEJ^. 

"The  CoNXECTicuT  CouRAXT,  (a  Specimen  of  which,  tlie  Publick  are 
now  presented  witli),  will,  on  due  Enconragenient  be  continvied  every 
Monday,  beginning  on  Monday,  the  19th  of  November,  next:  Which  En- 
couragement we  hope  to  deserve,  by  a  constant  Endeavour  to  render  this 
Paper  useful,  and  entertaining,  not  only  as  a  Channel  fov  Xews,  but 
assisting  to  all  Those  wiio  may  have  Occasion  to  make  use  of  it  as  an 
Advertiser. 

SS'  "Subscriptions  for  this  Paper,  will  be  taken  in  at  the  Printing-Offiee, 
near  the  North-^Meeting-House,  in  Hartford." 

This  prospectus  is  said  on  the  authority  of  the  late  Charles 
J.  Hoadlj  to  have  been  written  by  Abraham  Beach,  at  that 
time  a  resident  of  Hartford.  Beach,  who  was  born  in  1740 
and  was  graduated  from  Yale  College  in  1757  with  a  reputa- 
tion for  remarkable  scholarship,  was  the  son  by  a  former 
husband  of  the  wife  of  Dr.  Jonathan  Bull  of  Hartford.  At 
the  time  this  prospectus  was  written  Beach  had  a  store  in 
Hartford,  and  the  following  year  was  collector  of  taxes  there. 
Late  in  1767  he  left  for  England,  where  he  was  ordained  a 
priest  of  the  Episcopal  conmiunion,  and  returning  to  this 
country  was  active  in  the  church  in  ]S^ew  Jersey  and  Xew  York. 

This  first  issue  of  the  Courant,  October  29,  1761,  was  of 
four  pages  in  what  was  known  as  pot  folio  size.  The  greater 
part  of  its  contents  is  made  up  of  foreign  news,  some  of  it 
bearing  date  as  early  as  July  10,  and  the  latest  September  5. 
There  is  also  American  news  dated  from  iSTew  York  and  from 
Boston,  October  25,  and  on  earlier  dates  from  Charleston, 
S.  C,  and  Williamsburg,  Va.  The  last  column  contains  four 
paragraphs  of  Connecticut  news,  including  one  death  in  Hart- 
ford. 'Next  comes  an  advertisement  of  Ellsworth's  Almanack 
"to  be  sold  by  the  Printer  hereof,''  with  the  announcement: 
'"Of  whom  also  may  be  had,  Blanks,  Primers,  Spelling-Books, 
Bibles,  Watts'  Psalms,  Catechisms,  Writing  Paper,  »S:c.''  And 
following  this  at  the  foot  of  the  column  is  Abraham  Beach's 
announcement  that  he  ''exchanges  choice  Saltertudas  fr  Anguilla 
Salt  for  Flax-Seed,  on  the  best  Terms.''  If,  as  is  believed. 
Beach  wrote  the  prospectus  contained  in  this  issue,  this 
announcement  is  no  doubt  the  first  example  iu  Hartfoi'd  of 
"dead  head"    newspaper  advertising. 


TPIOMAS    GKEEN. 


297 


The  Courant,  imder  Green's  editorship,  compared  very 
favorably  with  other  newspapers  of  the  period.  As  seems  to 
have  been  expected  at  that  time,  a  hirge  portion  of  the  paper 
was  taken  np  with  foreign  news;  and  a  smaller  portion  with 
the  happenings  in  various  parts  of  this  coimtry.  There  was 
also  a  goodly  array  of  communications  from  those  who  were 
convinced  that  they  had  something  to  sa}-  upon  a  great  variety 
of  subjects;  and  there  were  numerous  political  contributions, 
some  of  which  are  of  no  little  historical  interest  to-day.  Con- 
siderable space  was  given  to  matters  relating  to  the  Stamp 
Act,  which  was  the  foremost  topic  of  the  day.  And  last,  but 
far  from  least  in  interest,  are  the  numerous  advertisements. 

The  size  of  the  paper  varied  from  time  to  time ;  and  occa- 
sionally the  paper  consisted  of  but  one  sheet,  instead  of  the 
usual  two.  The  subscription  price  of  the  Courant  is  given 
(May  2,  1768)  as  six  shillings  lawful  money  per  year.  And 
(on  the  same  date)  advertisements  "of  a  moderate  length" 
were  "taken  in  and  inserted  at  3  sh.  for  3  weeks,  6  d,  for 
each  week  after  and  longer  ones  in  proportion."  The  best 
file  now  existing  for  these  early  years  is  the  one  for  which 
Judge  Jeclediah  Strong  of  Litchfield  was  the  subscriber,  and 
which  is  now  in  the  possession  of  the  Connecticut  Historical 
Society. 

At  this  time  "the  Posts"  bringing  letters  and  papers  from 
the  outer  world  reached  Hartford  once  a  week,  on  Saturday ; 
the  two  posts,  one  from  ISTew  York  and  one  from  Boston,  meet- 
ing there.  That  all  might  know  of  their  arrival  they  were 
instructed  to  "wind  their  Horns"  upon  arrival  at  the  post- 
office,  and  to  do  the  same  one-half  hour  before  their  departure. 
The  postmaster  was  instructed  to  deliver  on  the  following 
morning  to  persons  living  in  the  town  "all  Letters  and  Pacquets" 
not  called  for  on  the  day  they  were  received  at  the  postoffice. 

These  posts  were  frequently  delayed,  presumably  by  storms 
or  bad  roads,  much  to  the  embarrassment  of  the  printer  who 
depended  on  the  newspapers  he  received  for  a  considerable 
part  of  the  "news"  in  his  paper — both  that  from  foreign  coun- 
tries  and   from   other   colonial   cities.      Thus,   the   Courant   of 


298  THO:\rAS    GREE]^f. 

Monday,  December  24,  1764,  notes,  "The  N'ew  York  Post, 
not  arrived,  at  tlie  Publication  of  This  Paper."  And  the  issue 
next  following,  Monday,  December  31,  states,  "As  neither  of 
the  Posts  are  arrived,  the  Publication  of  this  Paper  will  bo 
deferred  till  To-Morrow" ;  and  in  the  next  column  is  a  "Post- 
script," dated  Tuesday,  "VII  o'clock  Afternoon,  the  Posts 
not  arrived." 

In  January,  1768,  there  appears  to  have  been  a  re-routing 
of  the  posts.  Under  the  new  arrangement  the  post  left  Hartford 
on  Tuesday,  arriving  at  ]^ew  London  the  following  day;  and 
set  out  from  there  on  Thursday,  bringing  the  ISTew  York  and 
Boston  mails,  reaching  Hartford  on  Friday.  But  after  a 
two-months'  trial  of  this,  the  old  arrangement  was  reestablished. 

In  addition  to  the  government  "post"  there  was  a  local 
"Post  Itider"  who  delivered  letters  and  newspapers  in  the 
near-by  towns.  In  1765  this  service  was  performed  by  Joseph 
Bunco  of  Hartford,  who  advertises  in  May  for  his  "dark  bay 
mare,"  which  has  strayed  away.  She  "trots  and  paces  well," 
and  if  the  old  rhyme  is  to  be  believed  was  a  worthy  beast,  for 
she  had  one  white  foot.  ISTo  doubt  the  editor  of  the  Gourant 
was  almost  as  anxious  as  the  owner  that  she  should  be  found. 
in  order  that  his  papers  might  be  promptly  delivered  to  out- 
of-town  subscribers. 

In  addition  to  being  a  printer  Green  was  also  editor, 
publisher,  bookseller  and  stationer  "at  the  Heart  and  Crown" ; 
likewise  a  kind  of  general  bureau  of  information. 

It  is  interesting  to  note  that  almost  without  exception,  while 
in  Hartford,  Green  made  a  distinction  in  the  imprint  placed 
on  the  works  published  by  him  and  those  which  he  merely 
printed  for  another.  In  the  case  of  the  Courant  it  was  unneces- 
sary to  indicate  that  he  was  the  publisher.  Eleven  of  his 
issues  state  in  the  imprint  that  they  are  "printed  and  sold," 
that  is  published,  by  him.  These  are  all  advertised  in  the 
Courantr    There  also  appear  the  advertisements  of  two  respect- 

■"  All  issues  of  the  Courant  between  Oct.  14  and  Dec.  30^  1765,  where 
sc]iarato,  adveitisements  of  Ames'  and  Ellsworth's  Almanacks  for  the  fol- 
lowinj;-  year  would  probablj^  be  found,  are  missing;  but  the  issue  of  Jan.  13, 
17(>6,  says:  "To  be  sold  at  the  Heart  and  Crown,  Hartford:  Ames, 
Huteliiiis,  and  Ellsworth's  Almanacks,  for  tlie  Year  17G6." 


THO:\rAS    GREEIN'.  299 

ing  whose  imprints  no  data  is  at  hand ;  of  two  (one  of  them 
his  earliest  work)  which  were  only  "printed''  by  him;  and  of 
one  which  was  to  be  ''Sold  at  the  Printing  office  in  Hartford," 
although  probably  printed  for  him  in  JvTew  London.  ^o 
advertisements  appear  in  the  Courant  of  any  of  the  other  works, 
more  than  one-half  the  total  number,  printed  by  him  in  Hart- 
ford. Most  of  them  bear  the  imprint  ''printed  by  Thomas 
Green,"    or   "printed  at  the  Heart  and  Crown." 

In  the  Courant  of  September  16,  1Y65,  Green  has  the  fol- 
lowing long  advertisement  which  gives  a  good  idea  of  the  stock 
in  his  shop : 

"To  be  sold,  at  the  Heart  and  Crown,  Opposite  the  State-House,  in 
Hartford:  Plain  and  gilt  Bibles — Common  Prayer  Books,  plain  &  gilt — 
Testaments — Dillworth's  Spelling  Books — Psalters — Death  of  Abel,  neatly 
bound  and  gilt,  Ditto,  stitcli'd — Tryal  of  Abraham — Watts's  Psalms — Tate 
and  Brady's  Ditto — Penetential  Cries^Royal  Primmer — -Heading,  no 
Preaching — War,  an  Heroic  Poem — Mayhew's  Thanksgiving  Sermons, 
Ditto,  on  Popish  Idolitry — ^Winthrop's  Voyage  from  Boston,  to  Newfound- 
land, to  observe  the  Transit  of  Venus,  Jvme  1,  1761. — The  Rights  of  the 
British  Colonies — Mather's  Dissertations,  concerning  the  venerable  Name 
of  Jehovah — New-England's  Prospect:  Being  a  true,  lively,  and  experi- 
mental Discription,  of  that  Part  of  America,  called  New-England,  by 
William  Wood. — Small  Histories,  Plays,  &c. — 2,  3,  4,  and  5  Quire  Account- 
Books,  Copy  Books,  Dutch  Quills,  and  Pens — Slates — Wafers  in  Boxes — 
Red  and  black  Sealing-Wax — Memorandum  Books — Pewter  and  Led  Ink- 
Stands — Leather  Ink-Pots — Temple  and  common  Spectacles,  in  Cases — 
Painted  Ink-Chests — Holman's  genuine  Ink-Powder — Horn-Books— Writing- 
Paper,  &c." 

In  addition  to  advertisements  of  books  printed  by  him  and 

to  one  or  two  long  advertisements  of  a  general  stock  of  books 

which  he  offers  for  sale  Green  advertises  the  following  books, 

printed  elsewhere  than  in  Hartford,  as  they  were  from  time 

to  time  published : 

Clap,  Thomas.     Essay  on  moral  virtue.      [New  Haven.] 

The  Stamp  act.     [New  London.] 

Necessity  of  repealing  the  stamp-act.     [Boston.] 

Rights  of  the  colonies  to  privileges  of  British  subjects.     [New  York.] 

Devotion,  Ebenezer.     Examiner  examined.     [New  London.] 

Leaming,  Jeremiah.     Defence  of  the  Episcopal  government  of  tlie  church. 

[New  York.] 
Walter,  Thomas.     Grounds  and  rules  of  music. 
The  oeconomy  of  human  life,  7th  ed. 
Ingersol,  Jared.     Letters  relating  to  the  stamp  act.      [New  Haven.] 


300  THOMAS    GEEEN. 

The  printer  and  his  ofSce  formed  a  local  intelligence  bureau, 
as  witness  the  following  (quoted  from  advertisements  in  his 
newspaper)  information  regarding  each  and  all  of  which  could 
be  obtained  by   "enquiring  of  the  Printer  hereof"  : 

Found,  a  small  bundle. 

To  be  sold,  a  likely,  liealthv,  good  natured  negro  boy,  about  fifteen  years 

old. 
Wanted,  an  apprentice  in  a  sliop. 
To  be  sold,  a  neat  sley  and  harness. 
Wanted,  an  apprentice  to  a  black-sniitli. 
Farm  to  let. 

To  be  sold,  a  few  j^air  of  genteel  London  made  stays. 
Lost,  a  half  Johannes  wrapp'd  up  in  a  piece  of  clean   paper — one   dollar 

reward. 
Tobacconist  partner  wanted. 
Steers  or  heifers  wanted  to  keep  until  next  spring. 

Green  also  offered  for  sale  tickets  in  Faneuil-Hall  lottery 
'No.  5  and  in  Amenia  lotter}-.  In  the  issues  for  July  14,  1766, 
and  in  numerous  later  issues  is  the  advertisement : 

"Cash  given  for  Rags,  at  the  Printing-Office  in  Hartford,  for  the  Use  of 
the  Norwich  Paper  Manufactory. — 

"[The  Inhabitants  of  this  Colony  are  requested  to  consider  the  public 
Utility  of  this  Undertaking,  and  collect  and  save  as  many  clean  Linnen 
Rags  as  possible.]" 

As  illustrating  the  time  in  which  Green  lived,  perhaps  one 

month's  items  from  the  account  of    ''House  Expenses"    of  a 

prosperous  Hartford  merchant  may  not  be  without  interest. 

It  is  for  August,  1762 : 

f     s       d 

3  Loaves  Bread  @  8d  2 

^.  Washing  Womens  hire  for  two  Days  &  four  Hours  3       2 

2  Quarters  jMutton  3/     1  Cask  bisket  0/  12 

2  Loaves  Bread  1       4 

1  Load  Wood  8 

2  lb  Butter  @  lOd  IS 
2  lb  Chocolate  @  2/G  P/o  lb  butter  (a;  lOd  6  3 
11/2  lb  Candles  @  lOd  13 
11/2  Butter  @  10  d  U  lb  Beef  [fS  ]  4d  0  3 
2  Loaves  bread  @  8  d  14 
1  Load  Wood  «  0 
1/4  Bushel  pears  1  0 
Squashes  (Jc   Cviciunbers  2       6 


THOMAS    GEEEN". 


301 


£      s 
8   15 

d 
0 

3 

0 

9 

11 

1 

8 

1 

3 

1 

6 

9 

2 

101/2 

3 

1 

4 

1 

8 

9 

%  Cask  wine  drank  from  May  to  this  day  [Aug.  21st] 

131/0  lb  Beef  @  21/2   [d] 

17  lb  Tallow  (ft)  7d 

2  lb  Candles  @   lOd 

11/2  lb  Butter  @  lOd 

flower  Ground  at  Mill 

20%  lb  Tallow  @  5d 

11  lb  Beef  @  2i/2d 

2  doz  biskett  @  8d 

2  lb  Butter  @   lOd 

1  doz  pigeons 

The  wliole  amounting  to  13     0     lli/^ 

You  will  note  that  almost  two-thirds  of  this  amount  is  for 
the  one  item  of  wine  drank  during  four  months.  Drinking  was 
universal  in  these  days ;  and  no  doubt  both  Thomas  Green  and 
his  spouse  took  a  little  something  for  the  stomach's  sake.  This 
same  merchant  built  a  '^shop''  in  Hartford  in  1765 — ^we 
would  to-day  call  it  a  store — and  kept  an  itemized  account  of 
its  cost.  The  total  cost  of  building  it,  including  stone,  lime, 
sand,  timber,  boards,  clapboards,  shingles,  cartage,  nails,  glass, 
hinges,  locks,  joiners'  work  and  board  of  joiner  amounted  to 
£58-10-9i/>;  and  of  this  £o-2-2l//>  or  more  than  four  per  cent 
was  for  rum — and  rum  then  cost  but  four  shillings  per  gallon. 
Tea  at  this  time  was  selling  at  from  8  shillings  to  10  shillings 
per  pound. 

Some  writer,  I  cannot  now  recall  who  it  was,  has  given  a  very 
striking  description  of  the  streets  of  Hartford  about  the  middle 
of  the  eighteenth  century.  He  states  that  they  were  totally 
unpaved  and  after  heavy  rains  they  were  a  veritable  slough 
of  despond.  The  mud  became  so  deep  that  crossing  them  on 
foot  at  such  times  was  almost  impossible,  except  at  certain 
places  where  large  stones  had  been  placed,  on  which  one  might 
pick  his  way  from  one  side  to  the  other.  ^0  wonder  that 
pattens  (shoes  on  stilts  they  might  be  called)  were  worn  by 
the  ladies  of  that  period.  But  an  effort,  let  us  hope  a  success- 
ful one,  was  made  to  change  this  not  long  before  Green  came 
to  Hartford.  The  General  Assembly  in  May,  1760,  granted 
a  lottery,    upon   petition   of   a   number   of   inhabitants,    which 


302  THOMAS    G-EEEN". 

should  net  £270  for  tlie  purpose  of  repairing  (Ellery  says 
"to  pave")  the  main  streets  of  Hartford  on  the  west  side  of 
the  river.  The  most  prominent  men  of  the  town  were  inter- 
ested in  and  guaranteed  the  scheme.  William  Ellerj  bought 
thirty  tickets  at  12  shillings  each,  amounting  to  £18.  On 
these  he  was  so  fortunate  as  to  draw  one  prize,  which  after 
the  usual  ten  per  cent  deduction  netted  him  £22-10s. 

There  were  very  few  public  amusements  in  Hartford  at  this 
time.  We  may  feel  reasonably  certain  that  Mr.  Green  attended 
the  games  of  "bowl"  or  "cricket" — probably  what  was  later 
called  wicket — the  following  challenges  for  which  were  pub- 
lished in  his  paper.  The  first  is  in  the  issue  of  Monday,  May 
5,  1766: 

"A  Challenge  is  hereby  given  by  the  Subscribers,  to  Ashbel  Steel,  and 
John  Barnard,  with  18  young  Gentlemen,  South  of  the  Great  Bridge,  in 
this  Town,  to  play  a  Game  at  Bowl  for  a  Dinner  and  Trimmings,  with 
an  equal  Number,  North  of  said  Bridge  on  Friday  next. 

"William  Pbatt, 
"Dx\xiEL  Olcott. 

N.  B.  If  they  accept  the  Challenge,  they  are  desired  to  meet  us  at  the 
Court-House,  by  9  o'clock  in  the  Morning." 

A  return  game  was  indulged  in  a  year  later,  again  on  the 
day  after  the  annual  election,  as  witness  the  following  from  the 
issue  of  May  11,  1767 : 

"Fifteen  Young  Men,  on  the  South-Side  the  Great-Bridge,  hereby 
challenge  an  equal  Number  on  the  North  Side  said  Bridge,  to  play  a 
Game  of  Cricket,  the  Day  after  the  Election,*  to  meet  about  ix  o'clock. 
Forenoon,  in  Cooper-Lane,  then  and  there  to  agree  on  Terms  &  appoint 
proper  Judges  to  see  Fair-Play." 

The  result  of  this  second  game  is  shown  by  the  following 
challenge  which  appears  in  the  issue  of  June  first: 

"Whereas  a  Challenge  was  given  by  Fifteen  Men  South  of  the  Great 
Bridge  in  Hartford,  to  an  equal  Number  North  of  said  Bridge,  to  play  a 
Game  at  Cricket  the  Day  after  the  last  Election— the  Public  are  hereby 
inform'd,  that  the  Challenged  beat  the  Challengers  by  a  great  :Majority. 
And  said  North  side  hereby  acquaint  the  South   Side,   tliat  they  are  not 

*  May  15. 


THOMAS    GEEEN.  303 

afraid  to  meet  them  with  any  Number  they  shall  chiise,  and  give  them 
not  only  the  Liberty  of  picking  their  Men  among  themselves  but  also  the 
best  Players  both  in  the  West-Division  and  Weathersfield.  Witness  our 
Hands   (in  the  Name  of  the  whole  Company) 

"William  Peatt, 
"NiELL  McLean,  jun." 

In  1766  George  Goodwin  of  Hartford,  tlien  a  boy  of  nine 
years,  entered  Green's  employ.  The  story  is  told  that  on  his 
applying  for  work  Green  told  him  he  was  too  small,  but  added 
"if  you  can  bring  a  pail  of  water  upstairs  you  may  come." 
This  he  proved  his  ability  to  do  and  was  taken  into  the  office. 
He  remained  with  the  Courant  during  practically  the  whole 
of  his  long  life.  He,  with  his  two  sons,  became  its  owners  in 
1815 ;  and  when  they  sold  it  in  1836  it  was  stipulated  that 
he  should  thereafter  have  the  right  to  work  in  the  office  when 
he  pleased,  a  privilege  of  which  he  often  availed  himself. 

Ebenezer  Watson,  born  in  Bethlehem,  Conn.,  in  1744,  was 
in  the  employ  of  Green  in  Hartford.  It  is  stated  by  Isaiah 
Thomas  that  Green  taught  him  the  printer's  trade.  If  this 
be  true  he  probably  worked  with  Green  in  ISTew  Haven  before 
a  press  Avas  set  up  in  Hartford.  He  may  be  said  to  have 
established  himself  in  Hartford  by  his  marriage  on  October 
1,  1767,  to  Elizabeth,  daughter  of  Richard  Seymour.  This 
was  just  at  the  time  that  Thomas  Green  and  his  brother  Samuel 
were  entering  into  partnership  in  the  printing  business  in  'New 
Haven.  xYnd  so,  as  Green  contemplated  removing  to  New 
Haven,  he  entered  into  a  partnership  in  Hartford  with  Watson, 
under  the  firm  name  of  Green  &  Watson.  The  terms  of  this 
partnership  are  not  now  known.  It  began  about  the  middle 
of  December,  1767,  and  is  supposed  to  have  continued  until 
the  middle  of  March,  1771,  at  which  time  Watson  became  the 
sole  proprietor  of  the  Courant.  During  the  period  of  the  part- 
nership Watson  is  supposed  to  have  had  the  entire  management 
of  the  press ;  Green's  interest  being  only  a  financial  one, 
although  his  (Green's)  name  alone  appeared  on  the  Courant 
as  its  publisher  up  to  (and  including  the  issue  of)  April  18, 
1768. 


304  THOMAS    GKEEJf. 

In  17(>0  we  first  find  Samuel  Green,  the  younger  brother 
of  Thomas,  printing  in  !N'ew  Haven.  Two  imprints  of  his  of 
that  ,year  are  known  (one  of  them  actually  printed  at  N^ew 
London),  and  two  of  the  following  year,  1707,  one  of  them 
printed  by  him  "for  Roger  Sherman."  His  printing  office 
(during  the  latter  year  at  least)  was  "'at  the  Old  State-House," 
which  stood  on  the  Green,  and  which  had  been  no  longer  used  for 
its  original  purpose  since  the  building  of  a  new  State  House 
in  17G3.  Very  likely  he  also  kept  a  small  store  for  the  sale 
of  a  few  books,  blanks,  stationery,  etc. 

It  seems  to  me  very  probable  that  Samuel's  presence  in  Xew 
Haven  as  a  printer  was  due  to  the  enterprise  and  foresight 
of  his  brother  Thomas,  who  may  even  have  given  a  financial 
backing  to  the  undertaking.  For  certainly  Samuel  could  not 
have  supported  himself  from  the  limited  output  of  his  press. 
Thomas  knew  ]^ew  Haven  and  understood  the  possibilities  of 
the  place  from  a  printer's  point  of  view.  He  probably  also 
knew  Mecom  (whom  he  left  printing  there),  by  reputation  at 
least,  as  a  good  printer  but  a  man  of  little  business  ability. 

Foreseeing  that  Mecom  would  probably  be  unsuccessful,  what 
more  likely  than  that  he  should  have  established  his  brother 
Samuel  in  a  printing  office  in  H^ew  Haven,  in  order  that  no 
opportunity  should  be  given  for  any  other  printer  to  enter 
the  field  there  in  the  event  of  Mecom's  removal  or  failure. 
And  that  was  exactly  the  way  it  worked  out,  except  that  the 
Greens  did  not  wait  until  the  discontinuance  of  the  Connecticut 
Gazette,  Mecom's  newspaper,  with  the  issue  of  February  19, 
1768,  which  probably  marked  the  close  of  his  career  there 
as  a  printer.  Yet  the  rival  printers  appear  to  have  parted  on 
the  most  friendly  terms,  for  in  the  final  issue  of  his  paper. 
Me  com  says  : 

"The  printer  of  tins  paper  now  informs  the  public  that  he  is  preparing 
to  remove  from  this  place  with  his  family;  and  that  he  chiefly  depends 
on  his  debtors  for  something  to  pay  the  expense.  Since  he  now  dis- 
continues this  Gazette,  it  may  not  be  improper  to  say  that  all  persons 
may  be  supplied  with  a  newspaper  by  Messrs.  Thomas  and  Samuel  Green, 
at  the  Old  State  House,  where  other  printing  work  is  done  and  books 
bound." 


TIIO^FAS    GKEEX. 


305 


111  October,  1707,  N'elson  says  on  the  2;)(1,  Thomas  and 
Samuel  Green,  working  in  partnership,  issued  in  Xew  Haven 
the  first  number  of  a  new  newspaper  established  by  them,  The 
Connecticut  Journal  and  New  Haven,  Post-Boy.  Its  imprint 
was  "Printed  by  Thomas  &  Samuel  Green,  at  the  Printing 
Office  in  the  Old  State-House,''  which  imprint  was  soon 
changed  to  "near  the  College,"  although  the  location  remained 
the  same. 

Apparently  believing  that  the  prospects  for  success  in  N'ew 
Haven  were  brighter  than  in  Hartford,  Thomas  soon  began  to 
arrange  his  Hartford  business  so  that  he  could  remove  per- 
manently to  IS^ew  Haven.  He  doubtless  spent  the  most  of  his 
time  there  after  the  middle  of  October,  1767.  His  home  in 
Hartford,  perhaps  during  the  entire  period  of  his  residence 
there,  was  on  the  corner  of  the  present  Central  Row  and  Pros- 
pect Street,  one  of  the  most  desirable  locations  in  the  town 
for  residence,  it  would  seem.  Here  he  rented  from  Samuel 
Gilbert  of  Hebron  the  house  and  garden,  bought  by  him  (Gil- 
bert) in  July,  1765,  for  £100,  which  had  been  the  residence 
of  the  late  Dr.  Rhoderick  Morrison.  This  house,  "lately  occu- 
pied by  Mr.  Thomas  Green,"  was  advertised  "to  be  sold,  or 
let,"  February  8,  1768.  He  evidently  removed  with  his  family 
to  ISTew  Haven  during  the  winter  of  1767-1768,  probably  about 
the  beginning  of  Fel)ruary,  1768.  Let  us  hope  that  they  were 
not  en  route  on  the  fourth  during  "that  terrible  storm  of  wind 
and  snow,  .  .  .  the  snow  being  very  deep,"  which  occurred  then. 
We  can  be  sure  that  Mrs.  Green  was  not  here  to  witness  from 
her  front  windows  the  prisoner  "brought  to  this  town  pinion'd" 
on  February  12  and  tried  and  found  guilty  the  same  day, 
probably  in  the  State  House  just  in  front  of  her  home.  He  was 
sentenced  to  "ten  stripes  on  the  naked  body — which  he  very 
patiently  received  the  day  following."  And  it  is  not  probable 
that  she  was  here""  on  the  second  when  Thomas  Baldwin  of 
Meriden,  found  guilty  of  blasphemy,  stood  one  hour  in  the 
pillory  and  received  ten  stripes  on  his  naked  body. 

The  following,  which  appeared  in  the  Couvant,  is  not  without 
interest : 


306      -  THOMAS    GREEN. 

"New-Haven,  April  16,  1768. 

"The  Situation  of  my  Business  at  Hartford,  having  made  my  Return  to 
this  Place  necessary,  I  earnestly  request  of  all  my  Customers  there, 
indebted  for  News-Papers,  and  on  every  other  Account,  to  make  imme- 
diate Payment,  either  in  Cash,  or  Country  Produce,  to  Mr.  Ebenezer 
Watson,  at  the  Printing-Office  in  Hartford,  whose  Receipt  shall  be  a 
Discliarge,  for  any  payments  made  to  him,  on  my  Account. — -And  as  my 
Connections  in  the  Printing  Business  there,  in  some  Measure,  still  subsists, 
I  hope  for  the  Continuation  of  the  Public  Favors. 

"I  take  this  Opportunity  of  returning  my  unfeigned  Thanks,  for  the 
Ivindnesses  conferred  on  me,  and  my  Family,  by  the  Neighbourhood,  in 
wliich  we  were  so  happy  as  to  reside,  while  we  liv'd  in  Hartford. 

"Thomas  Green." 

Mention  has  already  been  made  of  the  advertisement  appear- 
ing in  July,  1766,  and  in  numerous  later  issues  of  the  Courant 
offering  cash  for  clean  linen  rags  for  the  use  of  the  paper  mill 
in  jSTorwich,  and  in  one  issue  a  long  article  appeared  urging 
all  families  to  save  their  rags  for  that  purpose.  The  ]S"orwich 
mill  was  established  in  1766  by  Christopher  Leffingwell,  and 
was  the  first  paper  mill  in  the  Colony.  The  second  paper  mill 
was  that  belonging  to  Watson  &  Goodwin,  publishers  of  the 
Courant,  and  was  located  in  the  present  town  of  Manchester. 
It  dates  from  just  before  the  breaking  out  of  the  Revolution. 

A  third  paper  mill  was  established  the  following  year,  1776, 
by  our  enterprising  'New  Haven  printers,  Thomas  and  Samuel 
Green,  on  West  river  just  outside  of  the  town.  For  this  pur- 
pose Joseph  Munson  and  Lemuel  Hotchkiss  in  April,  1776, 
sell  to  the  two  Greens  and  to  Isaac  Beers,  Joel  Gilbert  and 
Samuel  Austin,  all  of  ISTew  Haven,  one  and  a  half  acres  of  land 
on  the  river  below  the  grist  mill  of  Joseph  Munson,  and  give 
them  the  right  to  erect  a  paper  mill  thereon  and  to  turn  the 
river  out  of  its  natural  course.  Three  months  later  the  mill 
was  in  process  of  construction,  and  paper  was  expected  from 
it    ''after  a  few  weeks." 

At  the  time  of  his  residence  in  Hartford,  Thomas  appears  to 
have  been  devoted  to  the  cause  of  colonial  liberty  as  represented 
by  opposition  to  the  Stamp  Act.  But  later,  as  was  true  of  many 
other  Episcopalians,  liis  sympathies  wore  not  with  the  American 


THOMAS    GREEIST. 


307 


cause,  and  lie  was  spoken  of  as  a  Tory.  This  may  be  one  reason 
why  the  number  of  issues  from  his  press  decreased  noticeably 
during"  the  years  of  the  Revolution.  Ezra  Stiles,  president  of 
Yale  College,  makes  the  following  entry  under  date  of  August 

2,  1781: 

"Sir  Chans  [Henry  Clianning,  a  graduate  of  that  year]  returned  fr. 
Hartford,  the  Printer  there  has  engaged  to  [print]  the  Commencemt 
Theses,  Catalogues,  &  QuiPstiones  Magistrales.  The  Press  in  New  Haven 
(Tho.  Green)  is  a  Tory  j^ress  &  unobliging  to  College.  This  the  Reason 
of  sending  abroad." 

The  town  of  ISTew  Haven  in  December,  1773,  finding  that 
its  two  oldest  books  of  town  records  had  become  so  worn  that 
it  was  needful  they  be  rebound,  voted  that  the  selectmen  and 
town  clerk  employ  Mr.  Green  to  bind  the  same  and  see  what 
new  alphabets  are  needful  to  be  made  to  the  "antient"  book 
and  cause  the  same  to  be  made.  I  have  seen  but  one  other 
direct  reference  to  either  Thomas  or  Samuel  as  a  binder ;  but 
it  was  true  of  practically  every  printer  of  those  days  that  he 
was  a  bookbinder  as  well,  and  no  doubt  Thomas  practiced  both 
crafts  as  occasion  required. 

And  here  in  New  Haven  the  two  brothers  Thomas  and 
Samuel  continued  in  the  business  of  printing,  issuing  books, 
pamphlets,  almanacs,  session  laws,  college  publications,  and 
a  newspaper,  until  the  death  of  Samuel  in  February,  1799. 
Thomas,  the  younger,  was  then  taken  into  partnership  with 
his  father,  and  the  business  continued  in  the  name  of  Thomas 
Green  &  Son  until  January,  1809,  at  which  time  the  elder 
Thomas,  then  seventy-four  years  of  age,  appears  to  have  retired. 
A  little  more  than  three  years  after  his  retirement  from  busi- 
ness, in  the  latter  part  of  May  [before  the  26th],  1812,  he 
died  in  ISTew  Haven  at  the  age  of  77.  The  notice  of  his  death, 
published  at  the  time,  says  of  him :  "He  was  a  gentleman  of 
peculiar  suavity  of  manner,  great  benevolence,  and  universally 
esteemed;    every  house  in  New  Haven  was  to  him  as  a  home." 

It  is  interesting  to  attempt  an  estimate  of  the  publications 
issued  by  Green,  even  though  the  total  may  be  presumed  to  be 
more  or  less  inaccurate. 


308  tho:mas  GEEE^^ 

While  lie  was  managing  the  press  in  jSTew  Haven  and  print- 
ing for  and  in  the  name  of  Parker  »^'  Co.,  1761  to  1764,  there 
are  fifty-four  publications  known.  While  printing  in  his  own 
name  in  Hartford,  1761  to  1767,  he  may  be  credited  with  forty 
publications,  although  it  must  be  confessed  that  his  printing 
of  two  or  three  of  these  is  somewhat  of  an  assumption.  In 
J^ew  Haven,  from  1767  to  1799,  the  firm  of  Thomas  and 
Samuel  Green  issued  at  least  271  publications ;  of  these  twenty- 
nine  are  broadsides  and  twenty-six  laws.  After  the  death  of 
Samuel,  Thomas  Green  &  Son  issued  seven  publications  in 
1799  and  1800,  and  an  unkno'wn  number  in  the  years  follow- 
ing, until  the  retirement  of  Thomas.  The  total  number  here 
noted  is  372 ;  and  so,  allowing  for  the  omission  of  some  in 
making  up  the  list  and  the  entire  loss  of  others,  it  is  safe 
to  estimate  that  the  total  number  of  publications  in  which 
Thomas  Green  had  a  part  was  nearly  or  quite  400. 

Probably  his  best  and  most  worthy  work  was  the  editing 
in  succession  of  three  newspapers.  First,  the  Connecticut 
Gazette  in  Xew  Haven,  which  he  edited  and  printed  for  Parker 
i:  Co.  Second,  the  Connecticut  Courant,  which  he  established, 
edited  and  printed  in  Hartford.  Third,  the  Connecticut  Jour- 
nal, wdiich  he  and  his  brother  Samuel  established,  edited  and 
printed  in  jS^ew  Haven. 

It  is  also  worthy  of  note  that  from  the  time  of  his  taking- 
charge  of  the  press  for  Parker  &  Co.  in  I^ew  Haven,  until 
his  retirement  from  business,  not  a  year  passed  that  he  (or 
his  firm)  did  not  publish  at  least  one  almanack. 

At  the  age  of  twenty-six  Thomas  married  in  N^ew  Haven 
on  September  30,  1761,  Desire  Sanford,  who  was  doubtless  a 
resident  of  ]^ew  Haven,  the  marriage  being  found  on  the  records 
of  the  Congregational  Church  there.  Her  burial  appears  on 
the  Episcopal  Church  records,  October  13,  1775.  Their  first 
child,  Anna,  sometimes  called  ^NTancy,  was  born  September  21, 
1762.  She  married  Amaziah  Lucas,  ^lay  4,  1794.  The  second 
child,  Lucy,  was  born  March  24,  1764;  ''the  amicable  and 
ingenious  Miss  Lucy  Green,"  President  Stiles  calls  her.  At 
the  age  of  twenty-one  she   took  the   small-pox  by   inoculation 


THOMAS    GREEX. 


309 


at  the  hospital  a  mile  and  a  half  from  her  home  and  died  of 
the  dread  disease  June  13,  1785.  She  was  buried  at  ten  o'clock 
in  the  evening  of  the  following  day  in  the  usual  burying  place 
in  the  city.  There  was  "a  numerous  funeral"  of  such  as 
had  had  the  small-pox.  A  broadside  commemorating  her  was 
printed.  It  is  entitled,  "Elegiac  Reflections  on  the  Death  of 
Miss  Lucy  Green.""  It  consists  of  13-1  lines  of  poetry,  printed 
in  two  columns,  followed  by  an  extract  of  twenty  lines  from  the 
New  Haven  Gazette. 

Their  third  child,  Thomas,  born  at  Hartford  it  is  to  be  pre- 
sumed, in  1765,  was  baptized  August  17,  1766,  in  the  (Epis- 
copal) Church  of  the  Holy  Trinity  at  Middletown.  He  died 
April  22,  1825,  aged  60.  Mention  is  made  of  his  wife  Desire. 
A  fourth  child,  probably  an  infant,  was  buried  in  the  yard 
of  the  Center  Church,  Hartford,  ISTovember  3,  1767. 

Thomas  married  a  second  wife,  Abigail,  of  whom  no  record 
has  been  found  beyond  her  death  on  the  Congregational  Church 
records,  September  20,  1781,  at  the  age  of  thirty-seven;  and 
the  baptism  on  the  Episcopal  Church  records,  August  11,  1779, 
of  their  infant  daughter.  Desire,  followed  by  her  burial  three 
days  later. 

For  his  third  wife  Thomas  chose  Abigail  Miles  and  their 
marriage  appears  on  the  Episcopal  Church  records,  March  21, 
1782.  On  the  same  records  the  baptism  of  two  children  appear : 
Alfred,  March  30,  1783,  and  William  Samuel,  December  16, 
1786.  Mrs.  Green  died  February  24,  1814.  In  her  will,  dated 
February  21,  "in  the  evening,"  and  signed  with  her  mark, 
she  gives  all  her  estate  to  her  two  daughters  Sophia  and  Lucy 
and  makes  her  brother  George  Miles  executor.  While  Thomas 
in  his  will,  dated  1810,  mentions  only  his  wife  Abigail  and  his 
children  Thomas  and  Anna. 


THE  OLD  NEW  HAVEN  BANK. 

By  Theodore  S.  Woolsey,  LL.D. 
[Read  May  10.  1913.] 


This  is  the  laud  of  steady  habits.  Si  monumentum  requiris, 
rircnmspice.  As  we  look  about  in  the  daily  routine  of  our  lives, 
our  eyes  and  our  thoughts  tell  us  of  an  enduring  past.  We 
were  schooled  perhaps  upon  a  foundation  of  1660.  Our  col- 
lege nurture  dates  from  1700.  The  churches  in  which  we 
worship,  the  streets  w^e  tread,  the  very  waning  of  the  giant 
elms  which  shade  them,  are  mysteriously  alive  with  memories 
of  things  gone  by.  We  think  of  the  West  as  progressive  and 
the  West  glories  in  the  term.  It  concentrates  upon  the  present 
because  it  has  no  past.  As  it  says  of  itself,  it  has  no  back- 
ground. But  does  it  not  miss  something?  The  stability  of 
habit,  the  continuity  of  right  and  simple  living,  the  conser- 
vatism of  thought  which  tests  and  studies  the  new  before 
swallowing  it  whole.  We  too,  recall  our  judges,  but  only  to 
honor  their  memories. 

It  is  to  an  institution  which  can  almost  be  called  ancient 
that  I  ask  your  attention  this  evening,  the  l^ew  Haven  Bank, 
our  oldest  bank,  and  so  steady  in  its  habit  of  paying  dividends 
that  since  early  in  1797  it  has  never  missed  a  year. 

The  year  1792  is  the  date  of  its  incorporation,  by  the  Gen- 
eral Assembly,  at  its  October  session,  under  the  "stile"  Presi- 
dent, Directors  and  Company  of  the  JSTew  Haven  Bank,  on 
petition  of  David  Austin,  Isaac  Beers  and  Elias  Shipmau. 
It  was  not  until  1795,  however,  that  the  bank  opened  for  busi- 
ness, owing  partly  to  a  delay  in  placing  the  stock,  partly 
perhaps  to  the  epidemics  of  scarlet  and  yellow  fever  whioli 
raised  the  deaths  in  New  Haven  from  fiftv-one  in  1792  to  ISO 


THE    OLD    NEW    HAVEN    BANK. 


311 


in  1794  and  155  in  1795.  This  delay  enabled  two  other 
state  banks  to  get  under  way,  in  Hartford  and  in  Xew  London, 
which  were  chartered  no  earlier.  1792  was  a  prolific  year 
in  bank  establishment  in  the  United  States,  no  less  than  ten 
having  been  thus  founded,  and  nine  being  already  in  existence, 
according  to  the  London  Times  of  January  12,  1805. 

What  was  the  jSTew  Haven  of  1792  like,  and  what  commercial 
needs  had  it  which  a  bank  could  satisfy  ?  It  had  a  population  in 
1787,  according  to  the  Connecticut  Journal,  of  3,820 :  in  1798, 
white  males  1,529  ;  females  1,827 ;  blacks  225  ;  a  little  less  than 
ten  years  before.  The  elms  were  just  planting.  An  average 
of  seventy  vessels  in  foreign  trade  entered  arid  cleared  annually. 
It  had  registered  shipping  of  7,250  tons.  It  had  three  ship- 
yards, which  built  many  vessels.  In  1794,  its  Chamber  of 
Commerce  was  established,  and  a  little  later  a  Marine  Insur- 
ance Company  with  $50,000  capital.  Two-thirds  of  its  foreign 
trade  was  with  the  West  Indies.  The  coastwise  trade  was  also 
important,  e.  g.  in  1791  a  sailing  packet  plied  twice  a  week  to 
ISTew  York.  To  serve  local  distribution  and  foreign  commerce 
alike,  this  bank  was  founded,  and  its  first  president  was  also 
Collector  of  Customs  for  this  district.  By  the  Act  of  Incor- 
poration The  jSTew  Haven  Bank  was  given  a  capital  stock  of 
$100,000  or  500  shares  of  $200  each,  with  the  proviso  that 
no  person,  copartnership,  or  body  politick  should  own  more 
than  sixty  shares.  The  voting  privileges  of  the  shares  were 
curiously  curtailed  as  follows :  the  holder  of  one  or  two  shares 
had  one  vote ;  if  he  owned  ten  shares  he  had  a  vote  for  every 
two  of  them ;  if  thirty  shares,  a  vote  for  every  four ;  if,  how- 
ever one  person's  holding  was  in  excess  of  thirty  shares  he 
had  but  one  vote  for  every  six.  This  limitation  led  to  the 
anomaly  that  the  owner  of  twenty-eight  shares  had  seven  votes, 
while  the  owner  of  thirty-six  shares  had  but  six, 

A  statement  of  debts  and  of  surplus  was  to  be  made  to  the 
stockholders  every  two  years.  The  bank  was  forbidden  to  trade 
in  anything  except  bills  of  exchange,  gold  and  silver  bullion, 
goods  pledged  for  money  lent  which  was  not  redeemed  in  due 
time,  lastly  in  lands,  taken  for   debts  previously  contracted. 


312  -,       THE    OLD    XEW    IIAYEX    BAXK. 

Interest  upon  loans  was  limited  to  0  per  cent.     The  directors 
were  to  be  nine  in  number. 

As  has  been  intimated,  there  was  difficultv  in  placing  the 
$100,000  of  capital  stock  and  by  a  supplementary  Act  of 
October,  1795,  this  was  changed  to  not  less  than  $50,000  with 
privilege  of  increase  as  deemed  expedient  up  to  $400,000.  The 
new  capitalization  also  gave  each  share  a  vote,  "any  law  to 
the  contrary  notwithstanding."  Upon  this  more  generous,  one- 
share-one-vote  basis  of  representation,  a  stock  subscription  was 
opened  December  9,  1795,  at  the  house  of  Ebenezer  Parmelee 
and  400  shares  were  taken.  Thus  the  bank  started  with  a 
capital  of  $80,000.  Here  are  a  few  of  the  first  stockholders, 
including  the  larger  ones,  names  not  unfamiliar  to  our  ears. 

David  Austin   30 

William  Harriman    30 

Eli   Whitney   20 

John   Nicoll    20 

Samuel  Wm.  Johnson    10 

Elizur    Goodrich    8 

Pierpont  Edwards  4 

Simeon   Baldwin    3 

David  Daggett   2 

Isaac  &  Kneeland  Townsend 2 

William   Lyon    2 

Dyer   White    1 

Five  per  cent  of  the  subscription  was  to  be  paid  at  once, 
twenty  per  cent  in  sixty  days;  twenty-five  per  cent  in  six 
months  ;   the  balance  six  months  later. 

The  first  stockholders'  meeting  was  held  at  Parmelee's  house, 
December  22,  1795,  and  the  following  were  elected  directors: 
''David  Austin,  Isaac  Beers,  Elias  Shipman,  Elizur  Goodrich. 
Joseph  Drake,  Timothy  Phelps,  John  Xicoll,  Thaddeus  Beecher, 
Stephen  Ailing." 

At  the  first  meeting  of  the  directors,  on  the  same  day,  by  a 
vote  of  eight  out  of  nine  (you  notice  his  modesty)  David  Austin 
was  chosen  president,  and  William  Lyon,  cashier,  at  a  salary 
of  $500. 

From  a  MS.  sketch  of  David  Austin  by  ^Nlrs.  Edward  C. 
Beecher,   in  possession   of  the  bank,   I  extract  a   few  details. 


THE    OLD    XEW    IIAVEX    BAXK. 


010 
oio 


He  was  born  in  1732,  thns  being  sixty-three  when  chosen  presi- 
dent. He  had  neither  business  nor  profession,  but  was  a  man 
of  property,  leaving  an  estate  of  over  $30,000.  He  was  a 
deacon  in  the  I^^orth  Church  for  forty-three  years,  an  alder- 
man under  Mayor  Roger  Sherman,  member  of  various  important 
committees,  and  Collector  of  Customs  from  1703  until  his  death 
in  1801.  He  lived  on  the  southeast  corner  of  Church  and 
Crown  Streets.  His  daughter  Rebecca  married  John,  eldest 
son  of  Hon.  Roger  Sherman. 

William  Lyon,  our  first  cashier,  born  1748,  ancestor  of  the 
Bennetts  and  of  Prof.  William  Lyon  Phelps,  was  town-born 
if  any  one  ever  was,  being  descended  from  Governor  Eaton 
through  his  "son  and  daughter  Jones."  He  was  fitted  for 
college  but  prevented  from  entering  by  his  father's  failure.  A 
niember  of  the  Governor's  Foot  Guards,  he  marched  to  Cam- 
bridge on  the  Lexington  alarm.  Later  he  became  captain  of 
the  2d  Company  and  was  appointed  colonel  of  a  regiment  in 
1795  by  the  General  Assembly.  He  was  a  widely  read  man. 
an  antiquarian  and  historian  of  repute,  exact  in  his  performance 
of  duty,  and  abhorred  extravagance,  e.  g.  he  helped  build  the 
Methodist  Church  on  the  northwest  corner  of  the  Green  because 
it  was  so  plain.     His  portrait  hangs  in  our  directors'  room. 

With  the  officers  determined  upon,  the  next  step  was  to  pre- 
pare for  operation.  This  was  done  through  committees.  One 
was  directed  ''to  obtain  information  and  prepare  a  draft  of 
the  necessary  rules  and  regulations  for  the  management  of  the 
business  and  affairs  of  the  bank."  Another  was  charged  "to 
procure  the  mould  and  box  and  water  letters  and  paper  for 
the  making  of  all  bills ;  also  the  necessary  plates  and  such 
stationery,  account  books  and  money  scales  as  the  business  of 
the  bank  will  require."  A  third  committee  was  to  select  a  site 
and  report  upon  the  best  mode  of  constructing  a  vault  or  vaults. 
These  preparations  were  not  so  elaborate  as  they  seem.  The 
banking  rooms  were  leased  from  the  cashier's  own  house  on 
the  north  side  of  Chapel  Street  between  Orange  and  State 
Streets,  at  twelve  pounds  a  year.  The  cost  of  fitting  up  the 
rooms  was  eleven  pounds,  nine  shillings  and  eleven  pence,  but 


314  THE    OLD    NEW    HAVEN    BANK. 

the  fittings  were  to  be  bank  property.  The  vault  was  to  be  a 
chest,  of  wrought  iron  if  possible,  otherwise  of  cast  iron,  three 
feet  in  length.  Plates  were  ordered  for  bills  of  the  denomina- 
tions of  one,  two,  five,  ten,  twenty,  thirty,  fifty,  one  hundred 
dollars.  Sixty  thousand  dollars  in  bills  was  printed  off  these 
plates  by  Amos  Doolittle,  under  supervision,  and  the  cashier 
prepared  deposit  books,  and  six  quires  of  cheques.  One  won- 
ders if  these  original  cheques  and  the  bank  bills  bore  the 
familiar  '"beehive"  symbol.  The  earliest  example  of  the 
"beehive"  I  have  found  is  dated  1811.  Late  in  February, 
1T96,  discounting  of  notes  and  other  business  began  under  the 
following  rules  and  regulations : 

"The  Bank  shall  be  open  every  day  in  the  year  except  Sun- 
days, Christmas  Day,  Good  Friday,  the  Fourth  day  of  July, 
Commencement  in  Yale  College,  public  fasts  and  Thanksgiv- 
ings, and  Saturdays  in  the  afternoon."  The  hours  of  business 
were  ten  to  one  and  three  to  five,  but  changed  a  few  months 
later  to  nine  to  twelve  and  two  to  four.  ISTotes  desiring  dis- 
count had  to  be  submitted  to  the  cashier  by  letter,  and  execute'd 
in  the  city  of  'New  Haven ;  moreover  drawer  or  endorser  must 
be  resident  in  jSTew  Haven. 

The  discounting  of  notes  was  permitted  only  on  Tuesdays 
and  Fridays,  for  no  longer  than  thirty  days,  plus  three  days 
grace.  There  was  no  collection  charge,  or  charge  on  cheques. 
February  22d,  the  cashier's  bond  of  $20,000  was  accepted,  he 
was  authorized  to  enter  on  the  duties  of  his  office,  and  the 
bank  began  its  career.  There  is  little  to  record  of  its  first 
vear.  After  a  few  months  the  cashier's  salary  was  increased  to 
$750,  which  shows  prosperity,  but  on  the  other  hand,  payments 
on  the  stock  were  slow  and  the  General  Assembly  was  appealed 
to  for  leave  to  postpone  the  instalment  due  early  the  next  year. 
This,  however,  did  not  prevent  dividends,  eight  per  cent  being 
declared  for  the  year  ending  February  24,  1797.  At  the 
annual  stockholders'  meeting  in  July,  1797,  the  statement 
showed  a  dividend  earned,  $100  to  be  applied  to  initial  expenses 
and  no  bad  debts  or  counterfeit  money.  Austin  was  again 
chosen  president.     Tn  February.  179S.  after  declaring  iinotlior 


THE    OLD    NEW    HAVEN    BANK. 


315 


four  per  cent  on  the  stock,  at  the  request  of  the  cashier,  a  com- 
mittee of  audit  was  appointed  to  inspect  books,  money  and 
securities,  and  this  was  reguLarly  done  thereafter.  The  directors 
met  twice  a  week  on  what  were  called  discount  evenings.  In 
July,  1799,  a  new  president,  Isaac  Beers,  came  in.  The  cashier 
was  also  allowed  an  extra  $350  for  clerk  hire,  from  Avhich 
we  may  infer  that  business  was  increasing. 

Isaac  Beers,  our  second  president,  holding  office  for  four- 
teen eventful  years  in  our  country's  history,  was  the  proprietor 
of  what  even  then  bore  the  name  of  Apothecaries  Hall. 

The  old  records  give  less  information  than  one  could  wish 
as  to  the  business  methods  of  those  days.  Only  here  and  there 
does  an  entry  or  a  note  depart  from  the  usual  routine  and  then 
its  motive  is  not  always  clear.  Take,  for  instance,  a  vote  of 
January  16,  1800,  ''that  the  cashier  return  Deacon  Austin  the 
National  and  jSTew  York  Bills  offered  by  him  this  day  as  a 
deposit  and  that  he  take  no  bill  of  any  bank  as  a  deposit,  ^ew 
Haven  excepted,  but  in  payments  he  may  receive  them."  Were 
Isew  York  bills  refused  from  distrust  of  their  soundness  or 
from  dislike  of  their  distance  from  a  redemption  point  ?  And 
if  the  latter,  why  should  they  be  accepted  for  payments  and 
not  for  deposits,  or  why  should  not  a  transportation  charge  be 
added  ?  Cases  of  mutilated  or  false  bills  were  occasional  and 
were  equitably  dealt  with.  Thus,  in  May,  ISOO,  it  was  voted 
to  pay  two  dollars  to  one  of  the  Atwaters  Avho  produced  ''a 
bill  with  nearly  one  half  wanting  which  he  declared  was  burnt 
by  accident."  Enos  Tuttle  of  Hamden  was  voted  five  dollars, 
''he  having  declared  that  a  bill  of  that  value  was  nearly  con- 
sumed by  fire  accidentally  and  produced  the  remainder  to  the 
satisfaction  of  the  Board."  A  few  years  later  Gen.  David 
Smith  came  before  the  Board  and  ' 'produced  affidavits  respect- 
ing a  counterfeit  eagle."  He  got  good  money  back  and  an  extra 
dollar  for  expenses.  Later  still  equity  became  liberality,  for 
it  was  voted  ''to  pay  Dr.  ^Eneas  Monson,  Jr.,  12.^*^  on  account 
of  a  counterfeit  fifty  dollar  bill  in  the  hand  of  David  Thompson 
which  said  Thompson  supposes  he  received  from  the  bank  four 
or  five  vears  ae'o." 


316  THE    OLD    jS'EW    HAVEN    BANK. 

And  as  another  example  of  easy-going  ways,  notice  the  vote 
of  January  15,  1801,  '^that  the  cashier  pay  the  drafts  of  Mrs. 
Salter  during  the  absence  of  her  hnsband  for  any  or  all  the 
money  he  has  deposited  in  bank."  One  wonders  whether  ^Ir. 
Salter  was  pleased  when  he  came  back,  but  doubtless  the 
directors  knew  what  was  fitting.  They  could  even  afford  to  be 
generous.  Regular  dividends  of  four  per  cent,  or  $8  per 
share,  were  paid  each  six  months ;  $1,000  surplus  was  reported 
in  June,  1800;  the  next  January  came  an  extra  of  two  per 
cent;  by  July  the  surplus  was  still  larger  and  four  and  a  half 
per  cent  was  declared  in  December,  ''being  nine  dollars  on  each 
share  for  the  profits  of  six  months."  I  may  remark  here  that 
it  was  not  the  policy  of  the  bank  until  1865,  so  far  as  I  can 
discover,  to  accumulate  a  surplus  fund  against  an  occasional 
loss,  without  wdiich  to-day  banking  would  be  thought  unsound 
indeed.  Every  other  year  or  so,  the  profits  accumulated  were 
merged  in  the  dividend  fund  and  distributed.  If  now  a  loss 
was  made  it  was  charged  on  the  debit  side  under  the  head  of 
profit  and  loss,  to  be  gradually  extinguished  by  application  of 
profits. 

The  valuation  and  redemption  of  state  bank  bills,  a  hundred 
years  ago,  tried  the  soul  of  a  cashier.  They  were  promises  to 
pay  by  a  maker  of  doubtful  repute  and  payable  at  a  distance. 
Transportation  was  slow  and  costly.  Here  is  a  vote  of  Decem- 
ber, 1800,  in  illustration:  "That  $15,000  in  western  bills  be 
delivered  by  the  cashier  to  Colonel  Joseph  Drake  to  be  by  him 
sent  to  Mr.  John  ^icoU  in  J^ew  York  and  to  be  exchanged 
for  specie  at  the  Banks  and  remitted  to  this  Bank  by  the 
Packets  in  sums  not  exceeding  $5,000  at  a  time — to  be  at  the 
risque  of  the  Bank."  The  narrow  sphere  of  a  country  bank 
made  necessary  by  transportation  difficulties  and  intensified 
by  the  incoherence  of  the  state  banking  systems  is  a  feature 
of  the  financial  history  of  the  country,  and  our  bank's  records 
from  time  to  time  reveal  this.  Its  'New  York  collecting  agent 
in  1802  was  the  branch  of  the  Ignited  States  Bank,  and  Xew 
York  funds  were  favorably  regarded.  Thus  the  new  stock 
issued  in  1805  might  be  paid  for  in    ''Xew  Haven  bank  bills, 


THE    OLD    NEW    IIAVEX    BA]N'K. 


317 


iu  gold  or  silver,  in  United  States  bills  except  the  Charleston 
branch,  in  ISTew  York  bills  and  such  as  are  current  in  that  citv." 
In  1809,  on  the  other  hand,  it  was  determined  "not  to  receive 
bills  of  Norwich  and  Kew  London  banks  after  January  1st 
next."  But  in  181-4,  having  become  the  depository  of  "the 
United  States  Customs,  internal  revenue  and  direct  tax''  our 
bank  announced  that  it  would  receive  such  ''in  specie,  bills  of 
any  of  the  banks  of  the  city  of  Xew  York  or  of  this  State,  and 
exchequer  bills." 

There  was  also  a  disinclination,  even  more  marked,  to  collect 
notes  for  any  but  certain  favored  neighbors.  Thus  it  was  voted 
in  1808,  taking  into  consideration  the  inconveniences  resulting 
from  the  collection  of  notes  for  the  Bridgeport  Bank,  not  to 
receive  any  such  thereafter. 

And  again  the  next  year,  in  more  general  terms,  ''that  the 
Custom  House  bonds,  notes  of  the  Insurance  Company  and 
notes  from  the  banks  of  this  State  that  are  East  of  this  bank 
be  received  for  collection  as  heretofore  and  that  all  other  notes 
be  refused." 

Another  bank  note  difficulty,  which  appeared  as  early  as  1802, 
lay  in  the  f)revalence  of  counterfeiting,  which  in  the  simple 
design,  printing  and  paper  stock  of  the  bills  of  those  days  was 
presumably  easy.  For  David  Ruggles  of  Massachusetts  was 
voted  a  gratuity  of  $50  ''on  account  of  his  expense  and  trouble 
in  detecting  and  bringing  to  justice  a  number  of  villains  con- 
cerned in  counterfeiting  the  Bills  of  this  and  other  Banks.'' 

Evidently  the  banks  now  springing  up  united  in  protecting 
their  interests  as  is  shown  in  this  vote  of  four  years  later : 
"Whereas  Elisha  Wood  and  Jno  ITotchkiss  who  were  active  in 
bringing  to  justice  the  company  of  counterfeiters  of  bank  notes 
in  this  town  have  received  the  reward  granted  by  the  State  in 
such  cases  and  also  the  sum  of  $500  from  the  ]\Ianliattan  Bank. 
And  inasmuch  as  there  is  a  third  person  whose  name  for  suf- 
ficient reasons  must  be  concealed,  who  has  acted  under  the 
orders  of  this  board  in  discovering  the  aforesaid  villainy  and 
giving  information,  who  has  yet  received  no  recompense ;  voted, 
that  tlio  donation  of  $100  received  from  the  Cheshire  Bank  at 


318  THE    OLD    KEW    HAVEN    BANK. 

Keene  which  was  to  be  disposed  of  at  the  discretion  of  this 
board  be  paid  to  the  said  Third  person  and  also  that  $50,  a 
donation  from  this  bank  be  given  to  the  same  man." 

More  than  forty  years  later  came  another  epidemic  of  coun- 
terfeiting, shown  by  the  following  votes :  "Spurious  $10  notes 
of  the  bank  having  appeared,  received  through  the  Phccnix 
Bank  of  Hartford  and  the  Suffolk  Bank  of  Boston,  voted  to 
charge  same  to  these  banks  and  inform  them  of  the  fact:  also 
to  destroy  the  old  plates  and  obtain  new."  And  1S19,  voted 
"to  expend  $500  if  necessary  in  prosecution  of  W.  E.  Brockway 
and  others  for  counterfeiting  the  notes  of  this  Institution." 

But  we  must  turn  back  to  early  days  again.  On  January 
25,  1802,  the  following  regulations  were  adopted  to  make  the 
labors  of  the  cashier  less  burdensome : 

1.  'Xo  business  shall  be  done  out  of  bank  hours  except  with  a  Director, 
the  Collector  of  Customs  or  liis  deputy,  admittance  at  the  Bank  door 
being  refused  to  all  others. 

2.  Xo  "accommodation  notes  shall  be  offered  for  peisons  who  neglect 
to  apply  for  them." 

3.  "Xo  apology  shall  be  made  for  Xotes  returned  not  accepted." 

4.  The  "Cashier  shall  neither  write  notes  nor  furnish  stamps  for  any 
persons  doing  business  at  the  Bank." 

.5.  "It  is  not  the  duty  of  the  Cashier  personally  to  call  upon  those  who 
do  not  pay  their  Xotes  when  due." 

7.  "Checks  shall  be  put  in  some  convenient  place  and  a  half  quire 
given  gratis  to  customers." 

5.  Iniistands  pens  and  ink  shall  be  provided. 

10.  The  Cashier  shall  furnish  brass  or  copper  weights  "sufficient  to 
weigh  at  one  Draught"    4000  dollars  in  gold. 

14.  The  "Cashier  shall  be  less  particular  in  the  inspection  of  dollars, 
even  at  the  expense  of  losing  a  few  dollars  in  the  course  of  a  year." 

15.  Bank  books  shall  be  made  of  good  paper  and  be  covered  with 
leather. 

16.  "The  specie  allotted  each  day  for  checks  and  bank  bills  shall  be 
paid  without  comment  and  all  unnecessary  conversation  and  argument  be 
avoided." 

17.  "Fifty  dollars  additional  shall  be  paid  for  clerk  help." 

AVhat  a  vista  of  primitive  usage  these  regulations  open  up. 
Nevertheless  things  were  going  swimmingly.  In  1802  nine 
per  cent  was  paid  in  dividends  and  an  extra  of  two  per  cent 
cleaned  up  the  accumulated  profits  of  the  last  two  years.    More- 


THE  OLD  NEW  HAVEN  BANK. 


819 


over,  the  State  became  a  stockholder  in  a  small  way,  using  the 
proceeds  of  bonds  repaid  it  by  the  general  government. 

Yet  further  funds  were  needed,  so  at  the  end  of  1803  the 
stockholders  voted  to  increase  the  capital  by  $40,000,  owing 
to  "the  increase  of  trade  in  the  city  and  vicinity  of  New 
Haven,"  holders  to  have  the  right  to  subscribe  for  fifty  per 
cent  of  their  holdings.  And  again  in  1805,  the  capital  stock 
was  doubled  "by  adding  six  hundred  shares  of  $200  each  at 
a  premium  of  $5,  which  premium  was  paid  back  together  with 
an  extra  of  $5."''"  per  share  the  very  next  year."  The  paid  in 
capital  was  now  $240,000. 

The  salary  of  the  cashier  was  raised  to  $800,  and  again  to 
$1,000;  his  son  William  Lyon,  Jr.,  was  made  clerk  at  $500, 
and  an  additional  clerk.  Fitch,  was  employed  at  $400. 

Isaac  Beers  was  still  president,  and  the  other  directors  elected 
on  a  general  ticket,  July,  1806,  were:  Joseph  Drake,  Abraham 
Bishop,  Frederick  Hunt,  John  l^icoll,  Abraham  Bradley,  Elias 
Shipman,  Ebenezer  Huggins,  ^neas  Monson,  Jr.;  only  four 
having  been  on  the^  original  board. 

In  January,  1807,  there  was  another  extra  of  one  dollar, 
and  in  July  the  cashier  informed  the  stockholders'  meeting 
that  "all  the  profits  that  had  been  made  up  to  this  time  were 
divided"  and  that  only  one  note  remained  unpaid  in  the  bank 
of  those  that  were  run  out,  yet  in  1808  undivided  profits  of 
nearly  $1,000  appear. 

Under  the  stimulus  of  such  prosperity  it  is  not  surprising 
that  the  bank  was  not  content  with  a  rented  house.  It  seems 
to  have  changed  its  location  once  to  the  house  next  door,  although 
the  records  do  not  show  it,  but  in  May,  1809,  a  special  stock- 
holders' meeting  voted  "that  it  is  expedient  to  build  a  new 
banking  house,"  and  that  the  directors  be  "requested  to  receive 
proposals  from  such  persons  as  have  lotts  for  sale."  To  oft'er 
full  facilities  and  to  prevent  undue  competition  is  sound  bank- 
ing policy  and  that  same  month  a  committee  went  to  the  General 
Assembly  to  oppose  a  petition  for  a  bank  in  Derby. 

After  various  votes  on  the  site  of  the  banking  house,  the 
matter  came  to  a  head  at  the  annual  meeting  in  1809,  when  the 


320  THE    OLD    KEW    HAVE??"    BANK. 

committee  reported  ''that  we  prefer  the  two  following  proposals : 
first  of  Thaddeus  Beecher  for  a  lot  eastward  of  the  house  of 
John  Miles,  fronting  30  ft.  on  Chapel  St.  and  extending  north- 
w^esterly  into  the  square,  60  feet,  at  $1500: 

"Second :  of  Abraham  Bradley  3rd  for  a  lot  at  the  corner 
of  Chapel  and  Orange  Streets  (25  ft.  on  Chapel  St.  and  60  ft. 
on  Orange  St.  at  $1900:  with  a  covenant  on  the  part  of  said 
Bradley  that  if  a  building  shall  be  erected  in  his  lifetime 
adjoining  northwest  of  the  bank  it  shall  be  fireproof,  and  we 
respectfully  submit  to  the  choice  of  the  stockholders  the  above 
proposals." 

The  stockholders  chose  the  second  of  the  two  lots  and  ordered 
a  banking  house  erected,  the  purchase  money  to  be  "charged 
to  the  capital  stock  of  the  bank,"  and  August  Y,  1809,  the 
directors  voted  "that  the  new  baidving  house  is  to  be  44  ft. 
long,  built  with  brick  with  stone  caps  and  stools  for  the  win- 
dows." On  this  site  the  bank  has  stood  ever  since.  Two  years 
later  came  the  final  stock  increase  to  $500,000,  to  be  paid  by 
instalments  of  $100,000  annually  under  direction  of  the  Gen- 
eral Assembly  and  on  terms  to  subscribers  similar  lo  those  of 
the  Hartford  Bank.  This  has  been  taken  slowly,  for  101  years 
later  a  small  part  of  the  increase  remains  unissued. 

In  1812,  having  carried  through  the  new  banking  house  and 
new  stock  issue,  Isaac  Beers  declined  reelection  after  fourteen 
years  of  service  and  ^Eneas  Monson  reigned  in  his  stead.  Wil- 
liam Lyon  still  held  office,  though  on  a  new  and  curious  salary 
arrangement,  of  four  per  cent  of  the  dividends  paid  if  said 
dividends  were  not  less  than  six  per  cent,  wdiich  was  a  possible 
$1,600  if  eight  per  cent  Avas  declared  on  the  full  authorized 
capitalization.  He  was  then  getting  a  thousand.  It  was  an 
ingenious  profit-sharing  scheme. 

This  is  a  convenient  moment,  at  the  outbreak  of  war  with 
England,  and  at  the  change  of  presidents,  to  ask  the  cause  of 
the  great  prosperity  of  these  fifteen  years.  It  was  due,  I  think, 
to  our- neutral  attitude  in  the  great  continental  wars.  France 
tried  in  vain  to  entangle  the  United  States  in  the  struggle.  Eng- 
land, bv  Jav's  Treatv,  in  1794,  laid  the  foundation  for  our  com- 


THE    OLD    NEW    HAVEN    BANK. 


321 


mercial  advance.  Both  states  by  their  decrees  and  orders  in 
council,  their  spoliation  and  impressment,  their  exaggeration 
of  blockade,  their  varied  and  countless  attacks  upon  our  trade 
did  their  best  to  kill  it.  But  there  were  no  other  constant 
neutrals :  in  spite  of  all  the  restrictions  the  logic  of  the  posi- 
tion was  in  our  favor  and  our  carrying  trade  increased  by  leaps 
and  bounds.  Profits,  as  well  as  risks,  were  great.  The  maritime 
ports  must  have  profited.  And  though  after  1815  our  internal 
development  continued,  our  ocean  commerce  declined.  Even 
in  1830  its  tonnage  was  not  equal  to  that  of  this  golden  period. 

I  quote  a  few  statistics  from  Atwater's  History  in  this  con- 
nection, to  illustrate  both  the  risk  and  the  growth  of  our  foreign 
trade  during  the  wars.  In  1794,  eleven  ITew  Haven  ships  were 
on  trial  for  violation  of  edicts  in  British,  and  eight  in  French 
colonial  ports.  In  1800  ISTew  Haven  shipping  registered  over 
11,000  tons. 

Ten  New  Haven  ships  caught  seals  on  the  Galapagos,  traded 
them  for  produce  at  Canton,  and  brought  back  tea,  silks  and 
spices.  One  ship  paid  $35,000  in  duty.  Another  in  1803  had 
a  cargo  of  pepper  worth  $100,000.  In  1809,  one  hundred 
foreign  bound  vessels  sailed  from  this  port,  and  there  were 
thirty-two  houses  in  the  foreign  trade. 

Dr.  ^neas  Monson  proved  perhaps  the  ablest  of  our  presi- 
dents, though  he  fell  upon  trying  times.  He  had  graduated 
at  Yale  in  1780 ;  had  practiced  as  a  physician,  had  traded 
and  speculated ;  had  insured  cargoes,  engaged  in  whaling 
ventures,  dealt  in  real  estate ;  yet  throughout  this  varied  finan- 
cial career,  says  Dr.  Bronson,  "for  financial  ability,  sound 
discretion  and  shrewd  practical  sense  no  man  in  I^ew  Haven 
had  a  better  reputation."  He  lived  at  the  northeast  corner  of 
Elm  and  York  Streets.    He  headed  our  bank  for  nineteen  years. 

What  were  the  customary  bank  investments  of  these  early 
days  ?  A  few  hints  appear  in  the  minutes.  Our  bank  bought 
$50,000  worth  of  stock  of  the  City  Bank  of  N'ew  York  in  1815 ; 
it  took  $10,000  of  the  ITew  York  City  seven  per  cent  loan; 
and  the  same  amount  of  United  States  seven  per  cent  stock ;  it 
petitioned  the  Legislature  for  liberty  to  subscribe  to  ITnited 
11 


322  THE    OLD    NEW    HAVEN    BANK. 

States  Bank  stock;  it  lent  money  on  real  estate;  in  1819  it 
lent  money  on  Bank  of  America  stock  at  85 ;  it  lent  15,436 
Spanish  dollars  (now  in  City  Bank,  j^ew  York)  to  Benjamin 
Huntington  at  eight  per  cent,  this  being  a  special  deposit;  it 
owned  manufacturing  stock;  it  lent  money  to  the  Episcopal 
Church;  and  finally,  alas,  it  lent  money  to  the  Farmington 
Canal,  but  of  this  later. 

When  William  Lyon's  account  as  cashier  was  closed  and 
turned  over  to  Henry  E,.  Pynchon  in  1814  (of  whom  we  have 
an  oil  portrait),  we  have  a  statement  of  assets  showing  the 
nature  of  its  cash  balance  which  is  interesting: 

Gold  of  America,  England,  Spain  &  Portugal   ....  $15,240.25 

Silver  in  dollars  and  parts  of  dollars   29,759.75 

Dollars  in  Hartford  bank   8,000.00 

Specie  in  use   891.27 

Total     $53,891.27 

Of  the  liabilities  I  mention 

Bank  Bills  in  Vault     $118,000.00 

Bank  Bills  in  Use     1,595.75 

Post  Notes    .  .  .  ." 301,353.00 

The  banking  house  Avas  valued  in  1815  at  $10,988. 

It  is  noteworthy  that  the  only  apparent  effect  of  the  war 
of  1812  upon  the  bank  was  to  increase  its  dividends,  which 
rose  to  five  per  cent  for  the  half  year  ending  in  June,  1814. 
So,  likewise,  the  only  noticeable  effect  of  the  Civil  War,  save 
for  the  suspension  of  specie  payments,  seems  to  have  been  an 
increase  in  dividends,  41/0,  41/2  +  1  (1862),  iy..  +  ll/o,  for 
three  half  years,  free  of  Government  tax.  But  the  investments 
of  so  patriotic  an  institution  in  1862  were  entirely  in  Govern- 
ment, State  and  Town  war  loans. 

A  feature  of  our  early  banking  usage  not  yet  touched  upon, 
but  constantly  recurring  in  the  records,  was  the  destruction  of 
bank  bills  by  a  committee  of  directors.  The  paper  was  flimsy 
and  the  printing  poor,  very  little  use  was  enough  to  deface 
them  and  they  were  held  as  they  came  in  and  burned  by  the 
tens  of  thousands.     There  may  have  been  a  change  of  engraved 


THE    OLD    JSTEW    HAVEjS"    BANK. 


323 


form  to  account  for  the  burning  of  $278,235  on  January  5, 
1816. 

One  other  matter  needs  explanation  and  then  we  must  turn 
to  graver  things. 

At  a  meeting  of  the  directors,  held  on  the  evening  of  Feb- 
ruary 19,  1821,  it  was  "resolved  that  a  piece  published  in  the 
Register  of  the  17th  intitled  'Old  Federal  Bank  and  Public 
Opinion — A  Dialogue,'  is  in  the  opinion  of  this  Board  a  very 
indecent  and  improper  publication,  replete  with  misrepresenta- 
tions and  unfounded  insinuations,  calculated  to  deceive  the 
public  and  injurious  to  the  interests  of  this  Institution."  Let 
us  gratify  a  natural  curiosity  by  consulting  the  files  of  that 
date. 

The  communication  is  marked  "continued"  but  I  do  not 
find  part  one.  It  is  too  long  for  reproduction.  The  gist  of  it 
was  a  charge  couched  in  homely  and  jocose  dialogue,  that  our 
bank  had  loaned  a  third  of  its  funds  to  a  Wall  Street  broker 
at  less  than  six  per  cent  and  without  security,  thus  depriving 
an  earlier  borrower  at  six  per  cent  who  gave  security.  The 
plain  implication  was  that  the  directors  divided  with  the 
favored  broker :  "went  snacks  with  him"  being  the  language 
used. 

It  was  said  also  that  the  bank  speculated  in  the  stocks  of 
other  banks  contrary  to  its  charter,  and  was  in  fear  lest  the 
Assembly  should  in  consequence  take  its  charter  away.  And 
finally  came  the  charge  that  the  bank  discriminated  vs.  Repub- 
licans in  the  matter  of  accommodation;  altogether  a  nasty 
article,  half  political  in  its  bias  as  the  sneer  at  the  Old  Federal 
Bank  in  the  caption  shows.  'No  wonder  the  directors  passed 
resolutions.  To  me,  I  confess,  the  name  Old  Federal  Bank 
used  ninety  years  ago  as  a  term  of  reproach  gives  our  institution 
an  added  savour. 

And  now  we  come  to  certain  crises  in  our  bank's  history, 
local  or  national,  the  Eagle  Bank  failure,  the  episode  of  the 
Farmington  Canal,  and  the  Panic  of  1837. 

The  Eagle  Bank  had  been  founded  in  1811;  it  had  an 
apparently  prosperous  existence  of  fourteen  years.     A   stone 


324  THE    OLD    NEW    HAVEN"    BANK. 

banking  house  on  the  corner  of  Chapel  and  Church  Streets  was 
in  process  of  erection  for  it,  when  out  of  a  clear  sky  came  the 
smash.  As  it  turned  out,  the  officers  of  the  bank  had  loaned 
on  bad  or  at  least  on  unrealizable  security,  largely  to  one  firm, 
the  Hinsdales  of  Middletown,  its  entire  capital,  its  deposits 
and  its  circulation. 

There  were  features  which  made  this  Eagle  Bank  failure  a 
serious  catastrophe.  Its  president,  George  Hoadly,  was  also 
Mayor  of  the  city;  the  State  owned  $30,000  of  its  stock;  after 
some  delay  one  of  the  Hinsdales  was  put  in  jail  on  a  criminal 
charge ;  the  bank  in  Derby  also  suspended  and  discredit  was 
brought  upon  the  other  financial  institutions  of  the  State,  so 
that  the  l^ew  York  banks  voted  to  receive  no  State  bank  bills 
except  our  own  and  those  of  the  Bridgeport  Bank. 

A  committee.  Judge  Baldwin,  Roger  Sherman  and  Henry 
Dennison,  was  asked  to  aid  the  Eagle  Directors  in  an  examina- 
tion and  statement  of  their  condition. 

The  liabilities  were  $2,140,000;  capital  stock,  $623,000; 
notes  for  circulation,  $430,000;  post  notes,  $730,000.  The 
assets  included  doubtful  or  bad  loans,  $1,650,000 ;  cash  on 
hand,  $39,000.  And  a  report  the  following  year  only  empha- 
sized the  completeness  of  the  disaster. 

Our  bank  records  do  not  show  any  action,  but  the  Columbian 
Register  of  six  weeks  or  so  after  the  failure  (i^ovember  12, 
1825)  has  this  bit  of  news:  "We  understand  the  vault  of  the 
Eagle  Bank  was  attached  on  the  part  of  the  jSTew  Haven  Bank 
a  few  days  ago.  The  contents,  however,  had  been  principally 
removed  and  the  amount  obtained  was  not  much." 

By  this  time  Eagle  bills,  at  first  taken  by  tradespeople  on  a 
basis  of  mere  temporary  difficulty,  had  sunk  to  30-40  cents 
on  the  dollar.  A  million  and  a  half  of  the  working  capital 
of  the  city  was  wiped  out  and  depression  followed,  which  all 
local  interests  must  have  felt.  Our  bank's  direct  loss  by  the 
Eagle  failure  was  only  $13,586,  however,  and  was  made  up  by 
August,  1827.  The  high  and  low  of  deposits  for  1825,  the 
year  of  the  failure,  was  $114,000  and  $50,000. 

Before  the  railway  era,  the  interior  towns  of  the  State — like 
the  little  hill  cities  of  Italy  in  the   Cinque   Cento — had  an 


THE    OLD    NEW    HAVEN    BANK.  325 

importance  as  distributing  trade  centers  which  was  relatively 
large.  Thus  the  plan  to  connect  Farmington  and  'Rew  Haven 
by  canal  was  regarded  mnch  as  railway  connection  between 
Worcester  and  Boston  is  to-day.  And  when  the  Mechanics 
Bank  was  founded  and  its  stock  offered,  specifically  to  help 
the  Canal  along,  with  a  subscription  of  $200,000,  the  process 
was  aided  by  such  statements  as  this  of  March  29,  1825,  in 
the  Register:  "The  Canal  promises  incalculable  advantages 
to  the  cities  of  jSTew  Haven  and  jSTew  York,  as  well  as  to  the 
section  of  the  country  through  which  it  is  to  pass."  The 
Farmington  Canal  vision,  however,  was  larger  and  more 
glorious  than  this.  It  foresaw  an  extension  to  the  Connecticut 
valley,  which  was  realized;  it  carried  the  waterway  up  the 
Connecticut  to  our  northern  boundary ;  it  dreamed  of  a  Cana- 
dian canal  from  the  St.  Lawrence  southward  to  meet  it,  thus 
making  the  Great  Lakes  its  feeder.  jSTo  wonder  then  that  a 
writer  in  the  Register  of  May  14,  1825,  assured  his  public  that 
"with  this  magnificent  adjunct  gratuitously  annexed  to  the 
Farmington  Canal,  not  even  conjecture  itself  can  rationally 
assign  limits  to  its  business  or  to  the  profits  of  the  Co." 

This  is  not  the  time  for  a  history  of  the  Farmington  Canal. 
But  it  is  necessary  to  my  narrative  to  emphasize  the  fact  that 
local  pride  and  local  interest  united  in  the  completion  and  the 
maintenance  of  the  enterprise. 

In  1829,  the  city  subscribed  for  $100,000  of  stock.  In  1832, 
the  City  Bank  was  incorporated  in  aid  of  the  canal  and  sub- 
scribed $100,000.  It  was  opened  to  Farmington  in  1828 ;  to 
Westfield  in  1829,  and  to  ^Northampton  in  1835,  Henry  Farnam 
being  chief  engineer. 

But  the  Connecticut  River  Company,  with  legislative  influ- 
ence, was  hostile;  the  trade  never  rose  above  sixteen  or  seven- 
teen boats  a  day;  the  cost  of  maintenance  was  high  with 
freshets  frequent,  and  then  the  railway  era  set  in.  So  that 
the  canal  was  always  a  losing  venture ;  it  never  earned  its 
upkeep,  let  alone  interest  and  dividends,  even  after  the  reor- 
ganization and  merger  of  the  two  concerns,  the  canal  to  Farm- 
ington and  its  extension  to  ISTorthampton  in  1836. 


326  THE    OLD    NEW    HAVEN"    BANK. 

Again,  in  1839,  'New  Haven  offered  $100,000  aid,  but  gave 
less,  $20,000,  and  thereafter  $3,000  a  year  for  use  of  the 
canal  water  and  power,  for  there  was  a  city  mill  run  by  it. 
In  1846  the  backers  of  the  canal  gave  in  and  substituted  for 
it  the  plan  and  charter  of  the  railway  which  was  to  follow  its 
course,  on  a  towpath  so  far  as  might  be. 

In  this  long  and  losing  venture  our  bank  aided  and  suffered. 
I  may  add  that  it  squirmed  a  little  also.  Its  loans  to  the  Canal 
Company  by  or  in  1833  were  $40,000,  and  it  offered  to  take 
sixty-five  cents  on  the  dollar  for  them.  At  the  reorganization 
of  1836,  the  ISTew  Haven  Bank  refused  to  turn  its  claim  into 
the  new  stock  but  offered  a  release  for  $10,000,  being  twenty- 
five  cents  on  the  dollar.  This  offer,  so  far  as  appears,  was  in 
vain,  and  I  fear  the  $40,000  was  a  total  loss.  So  that  we,  too, 
bled  but  died  not,  for  six  per  cent  dividends  in  1835  were 
maintained. 

Then  came  not  merely  a  local  but  a  national  disaster,  the 
Panic  of  1837.  The  causes  of  this  panic  given  in  President 
Van  Buren's  message  were  "over  action  in  all  departments 
of  business."  In  point  of  fact  there  were  wild  speculation  in 
western  lands,  over-trading,  unwarranted  extension  of  credits, 
unproductive  improvements  like  our  Earmington  Canal  and 
other  similar  causes.  Mercantile  failures  became  numerous, 
prices  fell  (e.  g.  of  cotton  from  17  to  10 ;  of  slaves  from  1200 
to  300),  foreign  loans  were  called,  banks  suspended  specie 
l)ayments  universally,  and  great  distress  resulted.  Our  bank 
was  evidently  hard  hit  with  the  rest.  Following  many  assign- 
ments of  its  borrowers,  it  was  forced  to  give  time — eighteen 
months  to  two  years — and  its  July  dividend  was  passed, 
though  the  last  and  the  coming  January  was  paid,  so  that  no 
year  of  our  life  has  been  barren. 

The  ISTew  York  banks  suspended  specie  payments  May  10, 
1837,  ISTew  Haven,  Hartford,  Providence,  Philadelphia,  and 
Baltimore  next  day,  Boston  the  day  after.  And  this  lasted  a 
little  more  than  six  months.  Por  on  ISTovember  16,  1837,  our 
records  read,  "At  the  meeting  of  the  Board  this  evening,  a 
communication    having   been    received    from    a    committee    of 


THE    OLD    NEW    HAVEN    BANK. 


32: 


banks  in  JSTew  York,  notifying  a  convention  in  fkat  City  on  the 
2Ytli  instant,  to  take  into  consideration  tke  resumption  of 
specie  payments,  it  was  voted  that  the  President  be  requested 
to  attend  said  Convention  as  a  Delegate  from  this  Institution 
and  that  if  called  upon  to  state  the  condition  of  this  Bank — ■ 
or  if  a  convenient  opportunity  offer — that  he  state  to  the  Con- 
vention that  we  are  prepared  to  resume  whenever  a  general 
resumption  shall  be  agreed  upon."  And,  accordingly,  January 
15,  1838,  specie  resumption  was  ordered. 

A  faint  echo  of  that  troubled  year  is  heard  in  another  vote 
of  our  board,  July  15,  1839,  "that  the  rent  of  the  room  occu- 
pied by  the  ISTew  Haven  Savings  Bank  be  remitted  for  one  year 
and  that  the  rent  for  the  second  year  be  $75." 

Almost  twenty-three  years  later,  at  the  breaking  out  of  Civil 
War,  came  another  suspension  of  specie  payments,  rather  more 
lasting,  but  that  is  later  than  the  limit  proposed  for  this 
narrative  of  The  Old  ISTew  Haven  Bank. 

It  is  worthy  of  mention  that  so  far  as  the  deposits,  the 
dividends  or  the  records  of  the  bank  show,  its  earning  capacity 
was  scarcely  affected  by  disasters  and  panics  either  local  or 
national.    After  the  war  the  average  of  deposits  dropped. 

Even  the  Panic  of  1873  had  no  marked  effect. 

There  remain  a  few  details  of  a  more  personal  sort  as  our 
story  closes. 

In  1831,  in  the  midst  of  the  canal  trouble,  Dr.  ^neas  Monson 
resigned  the  presidency. 

"Thirty-one  years  this  present  month  completes  the  routine 
of  my  services  in  the  Isew  Haven  Bank  during  which  time  I 
have  been  an  active  agent  in  its  concerns.  I  feel  an  interest  in 
the  success  and  prosperity  of  the  Institution  but  have  arrived 
to  that  period  of  life  which  seeks  repose  and  invites  retire- 
ment. I  hereby  signify  to  you  my  resignation  and  decline  all 
future  service  in  the  'New  Haven  Bank.  I  bid  you  an  affec- 
tionate and  lasting  farewell." 

In  view  of  this  touching  farewell  to  business  cares,  it  is 
worthy  of  notice  that  Dr.  Monson  became  president  of  th(i 
Mechanics  Bank  the  next  year,  and  of  the  City  Bank  in  1837. 


328  THE    OLD    NEW    HAVEN    BANK. 

The  reply  of  the  directors  emphasizes  Monsoii's  "prudence, 
skill,  integrity  and  industry." 

The  next  year  William  Lyon  resigned,  also,  after  more  than 
thirty  years'  service  as  teller.  And  we  recall  gratefully,  also, 
Amos  Townsend,  Jr.,  who  came  into  the  bank  in  October,  1825, 
and  served  it  fifty-four  years,  and  Ezra  Stiles  Hubbard,  who 
died  in  1861  after  keeping  its  books  for  thirty-four  years.  Our 
late  president,  Wilbur  F.  Day,  had  forty-nine  years  of  service, 
thirty-seven  as  president.  Mr.  Couch  was  in  the  bank  thirty- 
seven  years,  and  Mr.  Mix,  our  present  cashier,  has  been  with 
us  thirty-nine  years,  and  is  a  young  man  still. 

Is  it  not  proper  to  say,  then,  as  my  final  word  that  the  keynote 
of  this  ancient  bank  has  been  that  of  honorable  service  to  the 
community,  and  that  the  spirit  of  noblesse  oblige  has  animated 
its  employees  from  president  to  youngest  clerk  for  these  event- 
ful hundred  and  seventeen  years,  during  which  our  dear  land 
has  climbed  from  its  cradle  to  the  seats  of  the  mighty. 


THE  NEW  HAVEN  OF  TWO  HUNDRED 
YEARS  AGO. 

By  Franklin  B.  Dexter,  Litt.D. 
[Eead  December  15,  1913.] 


Among  the  most  substantial  and  worthy  citizens  of  this 
town  two  hundred  years  ago,  then  known  to  everybody,  but 
now  as  universally  forgotten,  was  Oapt.  Francis  Browne,  a 
namesake  of  his  grandfather,  who  was  one  of  the  seven  original 
settlers  at  Quinnipiac  in  1637,  and  who  took  up  his  permanent 
abode  on  East  Water  Street,  facing  the  harbor.  There  Captain 
Browne  was  born  in  1679,  and  died  in  1741.  Though  an  only 
surviving  son  (of  Samuel  and  Mercy  Tuttle  Browne),  he  had 
a  large  family  connection,  which  was  expanded  by  his  marriage 
into  another  still  wider  circle — his  wife  being  a  daughter  of 
Judge  John  Ailing.  Francis  Browne  united  with  the  ISTew 
Haven  church,  probably  in  1715,  as  his  wife  had  done  before 
her  marriage.  His  piety  was  shown  by  his  gift  to  the  church 
of  a  silver  tankard,  which  is  still  used  in  a  modified  form. 

His  oldest  son  was  graduated  at  the  college  in  1728,  and 
left  numerous  descendants ;  but  the  line  of  representatives  of 
Francis  and  Hannah  Browne,  with  which  we  are  more  familiar, 
trace  their  descent  from  the  only  daughter  of  the  household, 
Mabel,  who  married  Daniel  Trowbridge,  also  a  Yale  graduate, 
and  is  the  ancestress  of  the  Trowbridge  families  who  have  been 
and  are  so  prominent  in  this  community. 

Francis  Browne,  a  skilled  seaman,  was  commander  and  part 
owner  of  a  sloop  called  the  Speediuell,  and  for  many  years  did 
a  prosperous  business  by  plying  between  iN'ew  Haven  and  Bos- 
ton, carrying  from  this  port  consignments  of  grain,  pork,  beef, 
tow  cloth,  and  other  products  of  the  farm  and  of  the  loom,  and 


330  THE    NEW    HAVEN    OF    TAVO    HTJNDKED    YEARS    AGO. 

brinffino-  back  their  value  in  mercliandise  bouffbt  for  his 
customers  in  Boston  shops. 

The  day-book  in  which  he  kept  the  -record  of  twenty-five 
such  voyages,  between  lYOT  and  1716,  has  been  lately  given 
to  the  University  Library,  and  has  suggested  the  present  paper. 
His  patrons  included  about  two  hundred  men  and  women  of 
prominence  in  I^ew  Haven  and  its  suburbs  (the  present  East 
Haven,  West  Haven,  Woodbridge,  I^Torth  Haven  and  Hamden) , 
with  perhaps  twenty  of  the  leading  inhabitants  of  Derby,  and 
smaller  numbers  in  Wallingford,  Stamford,  Stratford,  Middle- 
town,  Woodbury  and  Killingworth.  Occasionally  the  vessel 
had  to  be  piloted  up  "Darby  River,"  as  the  Housatonic  was 
then  also  called,  to  take  in  freight,  and  quite  regularly  stops  were 
made  in  l^ew  London  and  elsewhere  on  the  route ;  once  at 
least  a  detour  was  made  to  ISTew  York  City.  I  note  that  the 
skipper  always  describes  his  course  as  down  to  Boston  and  up 
to  'N&w  Haven. 

I  have  mentioned  the  general  nature  of  the  articles  exported 
from  l^ew  Haven,  Wheat  and  flour,  Indian  corn  and  rye  were 
the  usual  crops,  with  a  few  oats ;  there  were  large  amounts 
of  pork  and  bacon,  beef  in  much  smaller  quantities,  and  a  good 
deal  of  spring  butter;  also  occasional  lots  of  peas  and  beans, 
but  no  other  vegetables  (the  potato  was  still  unknown  here)  ; 
honey,  beeswax,  and  baybeny  wax  or  tallow;  hazel  nuts,  but- 
ternuts, and  chestnuts;  once  or  twice  a  basket  of  eggs,  and 
equally  rarely  a  bag  of  mustard  seed  and  a  bushel  of  oysters. 
The  last,  by  the  way,  sold  for  a  shilling,  but  we  must  remember 
that  the  prices  of  that  date  need  to  be  nearly  doubled  to  corre- 
spond to  money  values  of  our  day.  AVe  do  not  know  the  sloop's 
tonnage,  but  the  cargo  on  any  voyage  did  not  usually  exceed 
more  than  1,600  bushels  of  grain.  I  may  add  that  in  the  later 
years  the  exports  increased  in  variety,  the  first  shipments  being 
almost  entirely  of  wheat  and  butter. 

Flax  and  wool  were  also  furnished  to  a  large  extent,  both 
in  bulk  and  manufactured,  with  the  coarser  linen  and  worsted 
cloths,  especially  tow  cloth,  sail  cloth,  and  shoe  thread. 


THE    NEW    HAVEN    OF    TWO    HUNDEED    YEARS    AGO.  331 

Barrel  and  hogshead  staves  and  lumber  (in  boards)  were 
also  occasional  exports ;  but  these  were,  after  1Y14,  by  order 
of  the  Colony  government,  subject  to  a  special  prohibitory  duty. 

Another  large  item  which  JSTew  Haven  contributed  consisted 
of  furs,  specified  in  detail  as  wolf,  bear,  fox,  raccoon,  mink, 
otter,  marten,  beaver,  and  cat,  that  is  wild-cat,  skins. 

A  study  of  the  names  of  Captain  Browne's  consignors  is  a 
good  introduction  to  the  figures  prominent  in  'New  Haven  life 
two  hundred  years  ago. 

I  have  spoken  of  the  captain  and  his  large  circle  of  kindred. 
Among  these  the  most  important  was  his  father-in-law,  John 
Ailing,  who  had  conspicuously  served  the  public  for  many  years 
as  deputy  in  the  General  Assembly,  one  of  the  governor's  coun- 
cil, and  judge  of  the  probate  and  county  courts,  and  held  for 
fifteen  years  the  oflice  of  treasurer  of  the  Collegiate  School  in 
Saybrook. 

He  was  originally  a  blacksmith,  and  lived,  I  think,  on  Church 
Street,  near  the  site  of  the  Bijou  Theater.  As  recorder  of  the 
town  for  over  twenty  years,  his  bold,  regular  handwriting  is 
a  joy  to  all  who  consult  the  records  for  that  period. 

Captain  Browne's  list  of  ^'Father  Alling's"  commissions 
includes  many  items  significant  of  the  simple  scale  of  living 
demanded  here  at  that  date  for  an  elderly  official  personage, 
of  solid  financial  standing. 

He  buys,  for  instance,  in  1707,  a  silver  spoon,  costing  13/3, 
the  next  year  a  pair  of  silver  shoe  buckles,  and  later  pays  for 
mending  a  silver  chain — doubtless  for  his  wife;  other  single 
purchases  are  a  silk  handkerchief,  a  quire  of  paper,  a  small 
Bible,  an  ivory  comb,  and  in  1713,  in  striking  contrast  to  all 
his  other  purchases,  one  real  luxury,  a  brass  kettle,  costing 
£3.13.9. 

The  various  sons  and  daughters  of  his  family  were  also 
frequent  patrons  of  the  Speedwell.  I  need  not  exemplify 
further  than  how  "Sister  Whitehead"  orders  a  black  gauze 
fan  on  one  voyage,  and  on  another  a  small  pair  of  shears  and 
a  jack  knife,  or  a  silk  gauze  handkerchief,  or  a  pound  of  whale- 
bone    (unusual    extreme    of    fashion),    or    500    pins;     how 


33'2  THE    NEW    HAVEN    OF    TWO    HUNDEED    YEAES    AGO. 

"Sister  Susanna,"  an  ancestress  of  tlie  present  White  brothers, 
invests  in  a  pair  of  shoe  buckles  or  a  pair  of  gloves ;  and 
"Sister  Sarah  Ailing,"  afterwards  Mrs.  Mansfield,  when  a 
young  woman  of  twenty-two,  sends  on  four  pounds  and  a  half 
of  beeswax  and  a  couple  of  bushels  of  hazelnuts,  from  which  she 
gets  a  pound  in  silver  for  pocket  money,  a  fragment  of  which 
is  invested  six  months  later  in  one  wine  glass. 

To  the  captain's  credit  be  it  said  that  in  the  case  of  his 
numerous  relations  and  relations-in-law,  as  well  as  in  the  case 
of  other  specially  favored  or  respected  friends,  like  his  pastor, 
his  custom  of  charging  freight  on  the  goods  sent  from  here  and 
a  commission  on  purchases  was  generally  intermitted.  In 
ordinary  cases  his  commission  varied,  but  was  usually,  I  think, 
about  five  per  cent. 

It  was  the  natural  result  of  the  Ailing  connection  that  Captain 
Browne  was  sometimes  employed  to  purchase  supplies  for  the 
Collegiate  School,  which  later  became  Yale  College,  and  of 
which,  as  has  been  said.  Judge  Ailing  was  the  treasurer,  while 
the  'New  Haven  minister  was  the  most  influential  member  of 
its  board  of  trustees ;  and  so  these  records  help  us  to  a  few 
hints  of  the  requirements  of  that  feeble  community  on  Say- 
brook  Point,  numbering  perhaps  from  a  dozen  to  twenty  mem- 
bers, and  devoted  to  plain  living,  if  not  also  to  high  thinking. 
It  may  be  significant  of  popular  usage  that  Captain  Browne's 
entries  sometimes  call  the  institution  "the  college,"  instead 
of  by  its  strict  title,  "the  Collegiate  School." 

On  the  first  voyage  of  the  Speedwell  of  which  we  have  record, 
in  the  spring  of  1707,  just  after  Rector  Pierson's  death,  the 
sloop  took  on  at  ISTew  Haven,  on  account  of  the  Collegiate 
School,  fifty  bushels  of  wheat  and  about  half  as  much  rye,  the 
value  of  which  was  mainly  returned  to  Treasurer  Ailing  in 
cash,  the  sole  item  of  merchandise  being  a  couple  of  casks  of 
green,  that  is,  not  fully  matured  wine,  costing  about  four 
pounds.  In  the  fall  another  quarter-cask  of  green  wine  was 
needed,  and  at  the  same  time  twenty  yards  of  material  for  a 
set  of  curtains  (bed  curtains,  I  suppose),  with  a  set  of  brass 
drops  or  rings,  a  pewter  basin,  a  pound  of  alum,  a  pound  of 


THE    NEW    HAVEN    OF    TWO    HUNDRED    YEARS    AGO. 


333 


nutmegs,  and  seventeen  yards  of  silk  crape.  The  last  item, 
which  might  to  the  uninitiated  imply  a  new  dress  for  the  house- 
keeper, was  doubtless  meant  for  gowns  for  the  two  resident 
tutors. 

In  the  following  spring  the  amount  remitted  went  {horresco 
referens)  for  a  hogshead  of  rum,  costing  £12.16.6,  On  the 
next 'voyage  the  proceeds  of  180  bushels  of  corn  and  fifteen 
bushels  of  rye  were  mainly  paid  in  cash  to  Mr,  John  Dixwell 
of  Boston,  doubtless  in  settlement  of  accounts  which  he  had  con- 
tracted for  the  school;  other  trifling  purchases  for  use  in  the 
modest  establishment  at  Saybrook  were  two  and  one-quarter 
yards  of  blue  calico, — the  first  recorded  instance  of  the  tradi- 
tional Yale  color, — a  hair  sieve,  a  brass  skillet,  a  steel  candle- 
stick, and  an  ounce  of  lace  thread.  Business  for  the  school  on 
later  voyages  consisted  mainly  in  providing  by  the  sale  of  grain 
for  payments  to  other  agents  in  Boston  besides  Dixwell, 

But  Captain  Browne  had  higher  patronage  still;  the  colony 
government  itself  appears  on  one  occasion  in  his  accounts.  This 
was  in  September,  1711,  just  after  Governor  Saltonstall  and 
his  council,  of  whom  John  Ailing  was  one,  in  session  in  l^ew 
Haven,  had  taken  part  in  equipping  a  futile  expedition  under 
Admiral  Walker  against  Quebec;  and  a  couple  of  barrels  of 
poor  beef,  presumably  the  refuse  of  the  outfit,  were  entrusted  to 
the  skipper  of  the  Speedwell  for  the  Boston  market ;  the  pro- 
ceeds, £2,14,  were  invested  on  the  colony  account  in  "hats,"  if 
I  read  aright  the  blurred  entry. 

The  first  citizen  of  New  Haven  in  this  decade  was  the  Rev. 
James  Pierpont,  an  ancestor  of  our  friend  and  secretary,  Mr. 
Blake,  and  our  vice  president,  Mr.  Whitney,  of  Presidents 
Woolsey  and  Dwight,  of  Aaron  Burr  and  Pierpont  Morgan,  and 
countless  other  notable  persons,  the  pastor  of  the  only  church 
in  town  (until  that  in  East  Haven  was  gathered  in  1711), 
whose  life  closed  in  1714  in  the  parsonage  on  the  public  library 
lot  on  Elm  Street.  His  refined  and  gentle  countenance  is 
familiar  to  us  in  the  only  portrait  which  is  preserved  of  any 
Connecticut  minister  of  that  generation.  He  was  a  liberal 
patron  of  Captain  Browne's  facilities  for  trade,  and  it  may  be 


334  THE    NEW    HAVEN    OF    TWO    HUNDRED    YEAKS    AGO. 

of  interest  to  note  some  of  the  household  supplies  which  he  was 
prompted  to  import.  In  1707,  at  a  cost  of  £1.3.10,  he  acquired 
two  pounds  of  white  sugar,  two  of  raisins,  two  wine  glasses, 
a  pound  of  allspice,  a  piece  of  tape,  an  ounce  of  treacle  (doubt- 
less for  medicinal  use),  one  of  mithridate  (a  panacea  for  all 
ailments),  a  little  saffron,  half  an  ounce  of  mace,  a  yard  and  a 
half  of  ribbon,  and  1,000  pins. 

In  1708  the  good  minister  laid  in  a  barrel  of  green  wine,  a 
tobacco  box,  and  a  dozen  pipes,  which  last  supply  was  so  nearly 
exhausted  seven  months  later,  that  another  dozen  had  to  be 
ordered.  In  1711,  a  horn  book  was  purchased,  for  thrip-pence, 
from  which  no  doubt  his  youngest  daughter,  then  fifteen  months 
old,  who  became  the  wife  of  Jonathan  Edwards,  was  destined 
to  learn  her  letters.  In  1712  four  gallons  of  rum  were  added 
to  the  parson's  storeroom.  In  1713  two  looking  glasses  were 
among  his  acquisitions;  also  three  boys'  hats  of  felt,  for  his 
three  eldest  sons,  aged  from  14  to  9 ;  also  "12  Sarmons," 
copies  I  suppose  of  that  sermon  which  he  had  preached  in  Bos- 
ton during  a  notable  sojourn  there  in  1711,  when  his  portrait 
was  painted,  and  which  had  been  printed  under  Cotton  Mather's 
direction. 

The  most  expensive  items  among  his  purchases  (besides  the 
wine)  were  materials  for  clothes ;  twice,  it  would  appear,  within 
six  brief  years,  he  had  jiew  broadcloth  suits,  and  twice  a  new 
preacher's  gown  of  silk  crape;  while  Mrs.  Pierpont  and  her 
children  were  equally  amply  provided  for. 

The  families  of  Mr.  Pierpont's  predecessors  are  also  repre- 
sented in  these  lists,  by  the  venerable  widow  of  John  Davenport's 
only  son  (a  sister  of  Rector  Pierson),  and  her  children;  and 
by  Samuel  and  Nicholas  Street,  grandsons  of  the  second  'New 
Haven  pastor.  The  elder  of  these  brothers,  both  active  busi- 
ness men  in  Wallingford,  was  the  progenitor  of  many  well- 
known  ISTew  Haven  citizens,  among  them  Abraham  Bishop, 
Augustus  R.  Street,  and  of  the  living  Mr.  Justus  Street 
Hotchkiss. 

Of  Governor  Eaton,  the  civil  leader  of  the  colony,  the  one 
descendant  whose  name  I  am  sure  of  in  this  record  is  his 
granddaughter,    the    widow    Sarah    Morrison,    who    in    1707 


THE    ::^EW    HAVEN    OF    TWO    HUNDRED    YEARS    AGO.  335 

invested  the  proceeds  of  three  pounds  of  old  pewter  in  a  couple 
of  wine-glasses,  a  beaker  (or  goblet) ,  and  a  pint  of  wine. 

Of  the  Yale  family,  who  were  a  part  of  the  Eaton  household, 
and  who  otherwise  deserve  special  notice,  the  only  representative 
on  these  pages  is  l^athaniel  Yale  of  ISTorth  Haven,  a  first  cousin 
of  Elihu  Yale,  and  a  Deputy  to  the  General  Assembly. 

There  are  also  grandchildren  of  Deputy  Governor  Goodyear 
and  of  Deputy  Governor  Gilbert. 

A  step  below  the  chief  magistracy  and  the  ministry  in  dignity 
were  the  deacons  of  the  church;  and  Abraham  Bradley  and 
John  Punderson,  then  in  office,  are  of  this  company.  There 
is  nothing  special  about  their  commissions,  except  that  Deacon 
Punderson,  living  on  the  south  side  of  Chapel  Street,  on  York, 
seems  to  have  been  more  than  usually  inclined  to  lay  in  a  good 
stock  of  wine ;  Deacon  Bradley  was  also  prominent  in  civil 
life  as  for  years  one  of  the  deputies  to  the  General  Court. 

It  is  fair,  perhaps,  to  name  with  these,  four  others  who  sub- 
sequently attained  the  rank  of  deacon, — Isaac  Dickerman,  John 
Punderson,  Junior,  John  Munson,  and  Jonathan  Mansfield. 
Two  of  these,  Deacons  Punderson  and  Mansfield,  married  sis- 
ters of  Mrs.  Browne,  and  availed  themselves  pretty  constantly 
of  Captain  Browne's  services. 

"Brother  Punderson,"  by  trade  a  cooper,  occasionally  barters 
hogshead  staves  for  articles  of  merchandise;  he  was  also  a 
small  store-keeper,  importing  jackknives  and  inkhorns  and 
ivory  combs  and  alchemy  spoons  by  the  dozen,  and  molasses  by 
the  hundred  gallons.  Alchemy  spoons,  it  may  be  noted,  were 
the  customary  inexpensive  substitutes  for  silver  spoons,  of  baser 
metallic  composition,  imitating  gold  in  color. 

"Brother  Mansfield,"  who  lived  on  the  site  of  the  new 
county  court  house,  was  an  ancestor  of  the  most  of  the  bearers 
of  that  name  among  us,  and  it  may  emphasize  for  us  his 
environment  to  find  on  his  record  of  purchases  in  1Y08  an 
account  book  and  a  sermon  book,  that  is,  a  volume  of  sermons, 
and  to  trace  at  the  same  date  some  emplojonent  of  his,  under 
his  father-in-law,  Treasurer  Ailing,  in  the  conduct  of  the  money 
matters  of  the  Collegiate  School. 


336  THE    NEW    HAVEN    OF    TWO    HUNDRED    YEAES    AGO. 

The  next  minister  ordained  within  the  ancient  limits  of  the 
town  after  Mr.  Pierpont,  was  Jacob  Hemingway,  whose  nearly 
seven  years  of  informal  pastoral  employment  in  his  native  vil- 
lage at  the  iron  works,  or  East  Haven,  were  followed  by  his 
ordination  there  in  October,  1711.  His  need  for  Captain 
Browne's  agency  first  appears  in  1709,  when  he  equips  him- 
self with  material  for  a  black  broadcloth  coat  and  with  an 
expensive  castor  hat,  presumably  made  of  rabbit's  fur,  and 
costing  one  pound;  besides  other  scattered  purchases,  in  1711 
he  orders  a  thousand  eight-penny  nails,  implying  perhaps  that 
he  was  engaged  in  enlarging  or  repairing  the  parsonage, 
preparatory  to  his  marriage. 

The  other  learned  professions  were  more  slowly  recruited. 
In  1708  for  the  first  time  regulations  were  framed  by  the 
General  Assembly  for  the  admission  of  attorneys  to  the  bar, 
and  the  first  person  thus  admitted,  for  this  county,  in  the  fol- 
lowing October,  was  Jeremiah  Osborne,  already  for  jea,rs  a 
deputy  to  the  General  Court,  and  a  justice  of  the  peace  and 
quorum.  As  his  wife  was  an  aunt  of  Mrs.  Browne,  he  naturally 
made  use  of  Browne's  agency.  Among  his  errands  were  the 
purchase  of  a  pair  of  silver  buckles  and  clasps  in  1707,  and 
of  eight  metal  (probably  brass)  buttons  and  a  tankard  in  1708. 
I  regret  to  say  that  our  only  lawyer  died  insolvent  in  1713, 
and  that  he  had  no  successor  during  the  period  of  our  survey. 

So  far  as  we  know  there  was  in  these  years  no  regular 
practitioner  of  medicine  in  I^ew  Haven  except  Warham 
Mather,  who  would  in  any  case  deserve  mention  here  as  a  lead- 
ing citizen.  A  Harvard  graduate,  and  first  cousin  of  Cotton 
Mather,  he  had  served  for  some  twenty  years  as  a  preacher 
in  various  localities,  before  settling  in  l^ew  Haven  about  1705. 
Here  he  held  honorable  rank  as  a  justice  of  the  peace  and 
quorum,  and  eventually  succeeded  John  Ailing  as  judge  of 
the  probate  court.  Like  many  of  the  bright  intellects  of  that 
day,  he  had  added  the  study  of  medicine  to  his  clerical  train- 
ing, for  on  the  rude  map  of  'New  Haven  in  1724  his  name, 
"W.  Mather,  Physician"  is  affixed  to  the  old  Davenport 
house,  on  the  site  of  the  Presbyterian  church  on  Elm  Street, 
which  he  occupied  as  the  inheritance  of  his  wife,  a  daughter 


THE    NEW    HAVEN    OF    TWO    HUNDRED    YEARS    AGO. 


33: 


of  Johii  Davenport,  Jr.  He  sends  by  Captain  Browne  con- 
tinually for  physic,  and  for  drugs  from  the  apothecary's,  to 
large  amounts.  Moreover,  in  1711  he  is  credited,  besides  his 
wheat  and  rye  and  money,  with  three  shillings,  eight  pence, 
for  "physic  at  home,"  which  means  clearly  that  Captain 
Browne  had  employed  him,  to  some  extent  at  least,  as  his 
family  physician  and  was  thus  paying  a  debt.  The  remaining 
incident  of  note  in  Mr.  Mather's  accounts  in  Captain  Browne's 
da.y-book  is  that  in  1710  he  indulged  in  ordering  a  knife  and 
fork.  ISTow  knives  were  a  necessity,  but  forks  came  into  use 
in  'New  England  very  slowly,  after  1700,  and  there  is  but  one 
other  mention  of  them  in  these  records.  Judge  Mather's  name 
is  memorable  also  on  account  of  the  inventory  of  his  estate 
in  our  probate  records,  with  a  list  of  his  theological  library, 
mainly  inherited  from  distinguished  relatives,  and  of  unparal- 
leled length  and  minuteness. 

I  may  add  that  I  suppose  it  is  not  a  mere  coincidence  that  the 
physician  next  preceding  Mather  in  New  Haven,  ISTathaniel 
Wade,  a  native  of  Massachusetts,  was  the  husband  of  another 
of  John  Davenport's  granddaughters,  a  sister  of  Mrs.  Mather 
and  of  a  former  wife  of  Mr.  Pierpont.  Mrs.  Mather,  I  pre- 
sume, after  Wade  had  left,  about  1700,  took  her  sister's  place 
in  the  care  of  the  aged  Madam  Davenport,  and  Mather,  perhaps 
as  a  makeshift,  succeeded  to  the  abandoned  medical  practice  of 
Dr.  Wade. 

Next  to  these  professional  men  should  be  counted  the  rector 
of  the  Hopkins  Grammar  School,  who  was  for  all  this  period 
Samuel  Cooke,  a  college  graduate,  who  married  a  ISTew  Haven 
girl,  Anne  Trowbridge,  in  1708,  and  was  ordained  over  the 
Stratfield,  now  Bridgeport,  church  in  1716.  His  youthful 
promise  gained  for  him  for  several  of  these  years  election  as 
a  deputy  to  the  General  Assembly.  His  purchases  through 
Captain  Browne  seem  to  have  been  mainly  for  his  wife's  ward- 
robe, and  were  probably  paid  for  with  her  money,  not  from 
the  meager  stipend  of  the  rector. 

One  of  his  classmates  whose  name  is  also  here  is  the  Rev. 
Samuel  Whittelsey,  pastor  in  AVallingford  and  father  of  a 
future  pastor  of  ISTew  Haven.     He  was  ordained  in  1710,  and 


338  THE    NEW    HAVEJNT    OF    TWO    HUNDRED    YEARS    AGO. 

in  1711  sent  to  Boston  for  the  items  needed  for  a  country 
parsonage — among  them  camlet  for  a  suit  of  clothes  and  a  pair 
of  worsted  stockings  for  himself;  Scotch  cloth  (a  thin  dress 
stuff)  and  a  mourning  veil  for  his  mother,  he  being  still  a 
bachelor;  a  pair  of  money  scales;  and  (a  unique  order)  six 
wash-balls,  equivalent,  I  take  it,  to  our  cakes  of  soap. 

With  these  graduates  may  be  mentioned  also  the  Kev.  Joseph 
Moss,  jr.,  a  Harvard  bachelor  and  Yale  master  of  arts,  a  native 
of  ISTew  Haven  and  first  cousin  of  Mrs.  Browne,  who  became 
the  minister  of  Derby  in  1Y07.  We  trace  his  progress  in  these 
pages  by  his  purchase  of  6,000  eight-penny  nails  in  June, 
1707,  probably  for  house  repairs  or  enlargement;  and  marvel 
at  his  temperance  in  ordering  a  single  pint  of  wine  therewith 
for  refreshment.  A  year  later  he  is  able  to  afford  the  customary 
broadcloth  coat  and  crape  gown  of  his  vocation.  In  1710  he 
buys  a  large  Bible,  and  an  expensive  record  book,  a  barrel 
of  gunpowder,  200  pounds  of  shot,  and  half  a  gTindstone — the 
other  half  being  credited  to  a  parishioner.  In  1711  we  detect 
his  growing  prosperity  by  his  indulgence  in  a  brass  kettle  cost- 
ing £5.3  and  twenty-four  glass  bottles,  at  six  pence  each,  a 
glass  inkhorn  (an  unusual  luxury),  and  a  trimk  with  drawers; 
and  by  1712  he  rises  to  the  extravagance  of  six  gallons  of 
madeira.  Twice  during  these  years  he  buys  a  book,  his  selec- 
tions being  Henry  Care's  "English  Liberties,"  a  digest  of 
documents  with  ample  commentary,  and  a  small  book  called 
"The  Clerk's  Guide,"  both  volumes  useful  in  his  capacity  as 
town  clerk  and  general  public  counsellor. 

A  few  other  prominent  citizens,  besides  those  already  speci- 
fied, had  served,  or  were  serving  during  these  years,  as  deputies 
to  the  General  Assembly.  Of  these  one  of  the  oldest  was 
Capt.  John  Bassett,  among  whose  significant  purchases  are 
a  rapier  in  1710,  two  gold  rings  in  1711,  two  more  in  1712, 
and  a  valuable  pair  of  silver  shoe  buckles  in  1713.  Another 
long-time  deputy  was  Col.  Joseph  Whiting,  of  Hartford  birth, 
whose  name  still  lives  in  Whiting  Street,  which  marks  at  its 
entrance  into  State  the  site  of  his  former  dwelling.  It  must 
have  been  a  house  abounding  in  hospitality,  as  the  owner's  first 


THE    NEW    HAVEN    OF    TWO    HUNDKED    YEARS    AGO. 


339 


recorded  payment  to  Captain  Browne  was  for  six  dozen  wine 
glasses,  at  six  shillings  apiece.  Jared  Ingersoll,  the  stamp 
agent,  married  one  of  his  daughters,  and  the  Rev.  Chauncey 
Whittelsey  of  the  First  church  a  second.  Another  of  these 
ancient  office-bearers  was  the  Joseph  Moss  whose  wife  was 
an  aunt  of  Mrs.  Browne. 

Perhaps  also  I  should  mention  in  this  connection  two  of 
the  East  Haven  patrons  of  Captain  Browne,  Thomas  Goodsell 
and  John  Russell,  who  had  been  sent  by  their  neighbors  to  the 
General  Assembly  after  East  Haven  was  granted  village  and 
church  privileges,  but  who  had  no  right  to  the  representative 
function,  and  on  the  remonstrance  of  the  mother  town  were 
debarred  from  further  service,  as  East  Haven  was  not  then 
legally  a  separate  body  politic. 

xlmong  other  leading  citizens  of  somewhat  ample  means,  and 
of  the  leisured  though  not  the  professional  class,  was  John 
Hodson,  or  Hudson,  who  died  in  1711,  in  his  forty-fifth  year. 
Young  though  he  was,  he  appears  in  Captain  Browne's  record 
as  acquiring  a  periwig,  which  cost  him  fifteen  shillings,  the 
year  before  his  death.  His  house,  I  think,  was  on  the  west  side 
of  State  Street,  between  Chapel  and  Crown. 

Another  leading  citizen  who  had  dealings  with  Captain 
Browne,  though  partly  retired  by  age,  was  John  Prout,  a  sea 
captain,  of  English  birth,  who  lived  on  State  Street,  opposite 
Water  Street,  where  his  name  is  preserved  in  the  narrow, 
crooked  alley  called  Prout  Street.  His  only  son  was  a  graduate 
of  the  Collegiate  School  in  1708. 

Still  another  of  the  wealthier  magnates  of  that  generation 
was  Mr.  Thomas  Trowbridge,  third  of  that  name,  with  his 
domicile  on  Meadow  Street  to  the  north  of  the  armory.  The 
house  is  still  standing,  in  the  rear  of  other  buildings,  greatly 
changed,  and  with  a  mistaken  legend  on  its  front,  implying 
that  it  dates  from  1642  (instead  of  1684).  "With  this  exception 
no  house  of  200  years  ago  is  now  or  has  been  for  many  years, 
extant. 

Another  marked  group  with  claims  to  distinction  may  be 
found  among  the  "honorable  women  .  .  .  not  a  few,"  who 
made  more  or  less  regular  purchases  through  Captain  Browne. 


34:0  THE    NEW    HAVEN    OF    TWO    HUNDRED    YEAES    AGO. 

There  were,  for  instance,  Mrs.  Dixwell,  tlie  venerable  relict 
of  the  regicide,  on  the  garden  of  whose  home  lot  this  building- 
stands,  and  who  lies  buried  in  the  city  Green;  the  widow, 
Elizabeth  Gaskell,  a  great-aunt  of  Roger  Sherman ;  Mrs.  Eliza- 
beth Maltby,  by  a  later  marriage  mother  of  Judge  Abraham 
Davenport,  the  hero  of  the  '^Dark  Day" ;  and  Mrs.  Lydia 
Rosewell,  the  wealthy  widow  of  John  Alling's  predecessor  as 
treasurer  of  the  Collegiate  School,  whose  mansion  occupied  the 
northwest  corner  of  Meadow  and  Water  Streets,  and  one  of 
whose  daughters  became  in  later  years  Captain  Browne's  sec- 
ond wife.  Among  Mrs.  RosewelFs  descendants  was  a  former 
active  member  of  this  society,  Hon.  Lynde  Harrison. 

On  the  earliest  extant  map  of  l^ew  Haven,  that  of  1724, 
while  the  occupations  of  many  householders  are  given,  only 
one  person  is  described  as  a  '"merchant" ;  and  probably  at  the 
time  of  which  I  am  speaking  there  were  very  few  general  stores 
in  the  town,  though  I  realize  that  Captain  Browne's  recorded 
transactions  give  us  only  a  partial  view  of  the  situation.  As 
far  as  his  pages  show,  the  largest  dealer  was  Jonathan  Atwater, 
an  ancestor  of  the  late  Wilbur  F.  Day  and  the  late  E.  Hayes 
Trowbridge,  who  lived  on  the  west  side  of  College  Street,  north 
of  Crown,  and  whose  transactions  with  Boston  as  here  shown 
were  of  far  larger  volume  than  those  of  any  other  citizen.  He 
seems,  also,  to  have  been  part  owner  of  the  sloop ;  and  I  sur- 
mise that  this  relation  may  have  led  both  Browne  and  Atwater 
to  some  extent  into  general  trading  as  a  profitable  pursuit. 

At  any  rate  we  find  Jonathan  Atwater  debited  with  numerous 
entries  such  as  these,  which  could  hardly  have  been  meant  on 
the  scale  of  living  of  that  day  for  the  consumption  of  his  own 
household:  in  1708,  three  dozen  jackknives,  two  dozen  thorn- 
hafted  knives,  three  dozen  combs,  and  600  gallons  of  rum;  in 
1711,  60,000  nails,  15  scythes,  two  dozen  large  scissors,  300 
flints,  six  pounds  of  pepper,  and  a  dozen  primers ;  and  in  1713, 
three  dozen  more  primers,  at  threepence  apiece,  and  1,000 
])ounds  of  sugar.  As  an  example  of  his  mode  of  payment,  he 
is  credited  on  the  voyage  of  these  last  purchases  with  bulky 
items  like  42  barrels  of  pork,  which  sold  for  £157,  and  over 
400  pounds  of  bread,  bringing  about  £5. 


THE    NEW    HAVEN    OE    TWO    HUNDRED    YEARS    AGO. 


341 


There  is  also  evidence  in  tlieir  accounts  that  Jonathan 
Atwater's  nephew,  Joshua  Atwater,  an  ancestor  of  many  of 
the  Hotchkiss  and  Townsend  families  of  the  present  day,  and 
Samuel  Smith  of  West  Haven  were  part  owners  of  the  Speed- 
well; the  former  seems  also  to  have  been  one  of  the  ship's  crew 
on  some  voyages. 

Besides  Jonathan  Atwater  and  Captain  Browne  himself  these 
pages  intimate  that  Richard  Hall  also,  who  lived  (I  think)  on 
State  Street,  opposite  George,  did  some  business  as  a  general 
trader.  How  else  can  be  explained  such  wholesale  exports  from 
Boston  as  a  dozen  jackknives  at  a  time,  repeatedly,  half  a  dozen 
hour-glasses,  half  a  dozen  catechisms,  half  a  dozen  pounds  of 
alum,  and  half  a  dozen  bottles  of  elixir  ? 

There  were  also  one  or  two  merchants  in  Derby  who  were 
frequent  customers.  John  Weed,  for  example,  imported  all 
kinds  of  needles  and  pins  by  the  hundred  and  the  thousand, 
basins  and  porringers  by  the  dozen,  and  other  goods  in  like 
proportion. 

One  index  of  the  standing  of  our  colonists  is  seen  in  the 
friendships  which  these  entries  reveal  with  Boston  people.  In 
a  large  number  of  accounts,  for  instance,  there  is  evidence  of 
the  most  intimate  friendly  and  business  connections  with  John 
Dixwell,  jr.,  the  only  son  of  the  New  Haven  regicide,  and  a 
leading  gold  and  silversmith.  Again  we  find  repeated  proofs 
of  familiar  relations  with  Mrs.  Sarah  Knight,  the  lively  school 
mistress,  to  whose  pen  we  owe  a  well-known  record  of  travel 
from  her  home  in  Boston  to  ISTew  York  in  1704.  In  1713 
Captain  Browne  delivered  to  her,  free  of  charge,  a  barrel  of 
pork  and  two  bushels  of  wheat,  as  a  present  from  Mrs.  Gaskell, 
a  Massachusetts  woman  by  birth,  who  sent  also  on  the  same 
occasion  similar  gifts  to  other  friends,  in  one  case  including  a 
basket  of  eggs. 

And  similarly  Madam  Hannah  Trowbridge,  the  widow  of 
Thomas  the  second,  sends  the  same  Madam  Knight  in  1707  a 
bag  of  shoe  thread  and  a  couple  of  bushels  of  wheat. 

A  long  list  might  be  made  of  Boston  merchants  of  old 
familiar  names,  headed  by  the  Huguenot,    "Andrew  Funnell," 


342  THE    XEW    HAVEN    OF    TWO    HUNDRED    YEARS    AGO. 

uncle  of  the  munificent  donor  of  Faneuil  market,  with  whom 
the  l^ew  Haven  planters  were  in  constant  intercourse. 

One  special  class  of  commercial  correspondents  of  Captain 
Browne  should  be  noticed,  though  I  am  not  entirely  able  to 
explain  their  standing.  I  refer  to  Boston  merchants,  who  were 
certainly  never  resident  here,  but  who  appear  to  have  had  con- 
siderable dealings  by  this  channel  with  the  ISTew  Haven  market. 
Thus,  Andrew  Belcher,  a  wealthy  provincial  councilor  of  Massa- 
chusetts, father  of  a  future  royal  governor,  was  one  of  Browne's 
chief  customers,  exporting  from  here  very  large  quantities  of 
the  regular  staples,  for  which  he  received  part  pay  in  money 
and  part  in  such  common  necessities  or  luxuries  as  green  wine, 
rum,  molasses,  salt,  and  powder  and  shot,  which  he  sent  back 
to  ISTew  Haven.  Among  these  ventures  of  his  for  sale  here 
there  is  but  one  of  a  unique  sort,  that  of  2,000  shingles,  or 
shindels,  as  the  name  was  then.  Details  are,  however,  wanting 
as  to  the  agency  through  which  these  staples  were  gathered  for 
him  and  others  like  him  for  transmission  to  Boston,  and  through 
which  the  realized  proceeds  were  distributed  here. 

Mention  has  been  incidentally  made  of  many  importations 
which  ISTew  Haven  households  owed  to  Captain  Browne's  enter- 
prise, but  it  may  be  of  interest  thus  to  trace  something  of  the 
progress  of  comfort  and  comparative  luxury  in  such  a 
community. 

The  ordinary  table  supplies  which  were  not  the  products 
of  the  native  fields  and  gardens  and  stockyards  formed  a  major 
part  of  each  cargo,  being  chiefly  sugar,  molasses,  salt,  and 
various  kinds  of  spices  and  liquors ;  the  wines  were  sometimes 
direct  imports  from  Fayal,  on  which  Captain  Browne  paid  the 
freight  and  the  duties.  Of  what  might  be  called  luxuries  of 
diet  I  recall  only  salad  oil,  salt  mackerel,  figs,  raisins,  and 
currants.  (Tea  and  coffee,  it  should  be  remembered,  were  not 
then  known  here.)  Tobacco  was  indulged  in  to  a  moderate 
extent,  as  repeated  items  of  tobacco  pipes,  boxes,  and  tongs 
testify;  an  occasional  entry  such  as  "fifty  canes"  refers,  I 
suppose,  to  this  usage,  the  weed  being  supplied  in  slender  sticks 
or  canes. 


THE    ^EW    HAVEN    OF    TWO    HUNDEED    YEAES    AGO.  o4:^ 

Utensils  and  requirements  for  the  household,  the  farm,  and 
the  sailing  vessel  formed  another  bulky  item.  Among  the 
things  most  frequently  necessary,  "vvhicli  craftsmen  of  the  neigh- 
borhood could  not  furnish,  were  iron  and  steel  bars,  powder 
and  shot,  oakum,  tar,  nails,  knives  of  all  sorts,  scissors,  razors, 
sheep-shears,  scythes,  grindstones  and  rubstones  (the  equivalent 
of  whetstones),  fishhooks,  pots  and  kettles,  pans  and  basins, 
platters  and  dishes  of  pewter  and  earthenware,  and  implements 
for  weaving  and  for  navigation.  Glass  and  lead,  evidently  for 
windows,  are  mentioned  but  once. 

Every  householder  with  pretensions  to  comfortable  living 
had  to  supply  himself  from  outside  with  warming  pans  for  his 
beds,  and  with  pewter  platters  and  mugs  and  one  or  two  wine 
glasses  for  his  table;  pewter  instead  of  wooden  plates  and 
tankards  were  almost  equally  necessary,  and  alchemy  spoons 
of  imhealthy  brass  or  copper  alloy,  while  one  or  two  glass 
tumblers  and  one  or  two  silver  spoons  marked  a  slightly  higher 
style  of  living.  Once  or  twice  a  silver  cup  is  ordered  through 
Captain  Browne,  but  the  richer  citizens  preferred  probably  to 
deal  directly  with  Mr.  Dixwell  and  others  of  his  trade,  rather 
than  trust  another's  selection.  The  most  expensive  single  house- 
hold utensil  was  the  big  brass  kettle,  the  height  apparently  of 
universal  ambition. 

Ordinary  benches,  stools,  beds  and  tables  were  put  together 
by  the  village  joiners,  but  occasionally  half  a  dozen  chairs 
would  be  imported ;  also  the  more  elaborate  needs  in  heating 
and  cooking  apparatus,  as  tongs,  shovels,  bellows,  and  chafing 
dishes. 

Rugs  are  scantily  mentioned,  and  carpets  unknown.  I  note, 
however,  in  the  town  records  for  1Y15  that  the  term  "carpet" 
is  affixed  as  a  marginal  reading  to  the  entry  of  the  generosity 
of  Jonathan  Atwater  in  "freely  offering  to  the  town  a  cloth 
to  be  serviceable  at  funerals,"  presumably  as  a  pall,  though 
called  a  carpet.  Clocks  and  watches  do  not  appear,  but  hour- 
glass and  half-hour  glasses  are  in  frequent  demand.  Looking 
glasses  are  also  regular  articles  of  commerce.  Lanterns  and 
candlesticks  had  constantly  to  be  got,  and  occasionally  a  tin 


344  THE    ]>fEW    HAVEN    OF    TWO    HUXDRED    TEAKS    AGO. 

lamp ;  the  former  were  mainly  equipped  with  candles  of  home 
manufacture,  though  "white  amber,"  that  is  spermaceti,  and 
whale  oil  and  blubber  were  also  imported,  the  latter  not  so  much 
for  lamplight  as  for  use  in  curing  leather,  one  of  the  infant 
industries  of  the  town. 

These  pages  instruct  us  also  in  the  dress  of  the  clients  for 
whom  Captain  Browne  bargained.  jSTew  Haven,  to  be  sure, 
had  its  tailors  and  dressmakers,  but  they  carried  no  stock  of 
materials,  and  a  large  vocabulary  of  fabrics  then  in  vogue  might 
be  compiled  from  these  entries.  Sailcloth,  bed-ticking  and 
bunting  had,  of  course,  other  uses,  and  linsey-woolsey,  though 
also  for  clothing,  appears  mainly  in  demand  for  bed-curtains. 

For  coarse,  heavy  clothes  there  were  stuff,  frieze,  fustian, 
buckram,  drugget,  cantaloon,  twist,  serge,  sagathy  and  kersey; 
and  finer  grades  in  broadcloth,  camlet,  calamanco,  russel,  and 
tammy.  The  most  coveted  manufactures  of  fine  linen  were 
cambric,  garlits,  holland,  and  kenting,  and  of  the  coarser  linens, 
dowlas  and  osnaburgs.  Besides  these  were  calicos  and  muslins, 
Scotch  cloth  (a  cheap  sort  of  lawn),  and  shalloon  for  linings. 
Of  silks  there  were  the  heavier  and  coarser  grograms  and  pop- 
lins, ordinary  black  silk  for  gowns,  the  glossy  lutestring,  the 
thin  light  alamode  (the  favorite  summer  wear),  crape  for 
mourning  and  for  the  clergy,  and  damask  and  plush  for  persons 
of  extra  style.  The  luxuriance  allowed  in  men's  dress  appears 
in  the  item  of  buttons,  which  were  regularly  ordered  with  the 
material  for  coats  and  waistcoats  at  the  rate  of  three  or  four 
dozen  for  each  garment. 

Hats  for  men  and  boys,  of  felt,  beaver  and  castor  were  called 
for  in  great  numbers.  What  were  brought  for  women's  head- 
gear I  do  not  so  clearly  make  out,  except  "silk  caps,"  which 
were  doubtless  hoods.  In  one  case  only,  a  hairbrush  was 
ordered. 

Gloves  of  all  sorts,  sometimes  of  wash-leather,  were  frequent 
articles  of  commerce,  occasionally  also  "half-handed  gloves'' 
or  mitts,  and  mittens.  The  "worsted  stockings"  which  often 
appear  as  purchased  in  Boston  were  not  I  suppose  knitted,  for 
those  could  be  had  at  liome,  but  sewn  together  of  cloth. 


THE    NEW    HAVEN    OF    TWO    HUNDEED    YEAES    AGO. 


345 


Handkerchiefs  were  among  the  commonest  articles  of  mer- 
chandise, especially  of  silk,  and  of  the  inferior  silk  or  cotton 
material  known  as  romal.  In  one  case  Captain  Browne  charges 
himself  with  three  neckcloths.  Shoes  were  commonly  well 
enough  made  by  local  cobblers,  but  a  few  of  better  style  were 
imported,  and  one  constant  item  was  women's  wooden  heels. 
It  was  the  decree  of  fashion  that  high  heels  be  worn,  and  the 
wooden  constructions  in  the  Boston  market  were  so  cheap  as 
to  be  attractive,  but  wore  out  so  fast  that  they  had  to  be  ordered 
by  the  dozen,  or  even  by  the  half-dozen  dozen. 

A  pair  of  spectacles  was  quite  often  needed,  and  Captain 
Browne  could  be  trusted  to  suit  the  eyes  of  each  customer; 
occasionally  a  cane,  or  a  sword  and  belt,  or  a  periwig  was 
also  left  to  his  judgment. 

Of  personal  ornaments  and  embellishments  of  apparel  but 
few  appear.  Gold  rings  are  two  or  three  times  purchased; 
silver  shoe-buckles  and  clasps  with  considerable  frequency,  and 
more  rarely  silver  chains,  shirt  buttons,  lockets  (or  lockers), 
and  even  whistles  are  mentioned.  Strings  of  beads  often 
appear;  and  coral  is  in  some  way,  I  do  not  quite  understand 
why,  a  very  popular  acquisition.  Silver  thimbles  are  occasion- 
ally mentioned,  but  cheaper  thimbles,  not  especially  described, 
were  probably  of  brass.  Fans,  often  specified  as  of  gauze,  ivory, 
cane,  or  leather,  were  favorite  demands  of  Captain  Browne's 
female  patrons. 

A  good  deal  of  his  time  must  have  been  spent  in  waiting  on 
the  apothecary,  for  a  remarkable  assortment  of  drugs  and 
physic  appears  in  his  ledger.  Among  the  commonest  remedies 
the  following,  at  least,  should  be  included — saffron,  spirit  of 
hartshorn,  aniseed,  licorice,  rhubarb,  linseed  oil,  blistering 
salve,  treacle,  mithridate,  alum,  brimstone,  jalap,  salammoniac, 
senna,  diapalm  (a  favorite  plaster),  cochee  pills,  and  spirits  of 
turpentine.  The  formidable  enumeration  might  be  much 
lengthened,  but  this  is  enough  to  provoke  a  reminiscence  of 
the  atrocious  couplet  in  Hudibras  decrying  those 

"Stored  with  deletery  med'cines 
Which  whosoever  took  is  dead  since." 


346  THE    NEW    HAVElSr    OF    TWO    HUNDRED    YEAKS    AGO. 

Any  light  on  tlie  attitnde  of  ISTew  Haven  people  towards 
books  and  learning  two  hundred  years  ago  is  of  interest;  but 
very  little  is  to  be  gathered  from  this  source.  Browne  himself, 
though  he  sent  one  son  to  college,  was  not  a  devotee  of  litera- 
ture. In  the  list  of  purchases  for  his  own  use  are  several  Bibles 
and  for  the  use  of  his  children  hornbooks  and  primers ;  and 
finally  in  1T16,  when  his  oldest  child  was  in  his  eleventh  year, 
he  buys  "A  Accidence,"  which  perhaps  marks  the  first  steps 
of  this  boy  in  his  college  training. 

The  Speedivell  in  these  voyages  brought  to  this  port  some 
forty  copies  of  the  Bible  to  as  many  private  families — several 
copies  containing  also  the  metrical  version  of  the  Psalms  by 
Sternhold  and  Hopkins  with  music,  besides  copies  of  this  ver- 
sion separately.  More  than  half  a  dozen  times  too,  there  is 
record  of  Bibles  sent  back  by  Captain  Browne  to  Boston  for 
rebinding.  Bibles  of  all  sizes  are  described,  from  one  great 
Bible,  probably  designed  for  pulpit  use ;  and  Captain  Browne 
once  imports  for  his  own  use  a  ^'painted  Bible,"  which  may 
mean  one  with  colored  plates. 

Hornbooks  and  primers  are  ordered  many  times ;  an  arith- 
metic more  than  once ;  and  once  what  is  summarily  described 
as  a   ^'military  book." 

Other  literary  ventures  for  ISTew  Haven  and  vicinity  include 
a  copy  of  that  staunch  Presbyterian,  John  Plavel's  ''Husbandry 
Spiritualized,"  bought  in  1711  for  Jacob  Johnson  of  Walling- 
f ord,  an  ancestor  of  the  late  Hon.  Frederick  J.  Kingsbury ; 
"•The  Mariner's  Compass,"  a  manual  of  navigation,  ordered 
by  Moses  Mansfield,  himself  a  veteran  sailor,  in  1713 ;  a 
curious,  not  very  high-toned  miscellany,  called  "Wit's  Cabinet, 
a  Companion  for  Gentlemen  and  Ladies,"  affording  instruc- 
tion in  the  interpretation  of  dreams,  in  palmistry,  and  the  con- 
coction of  cosmetics,  together  with  a  collection  of  songs — 
consigned  in  1708  to  John  Beach  of  Wallingford.  In  the  same 
.year  Stephen  Munson,  a  learned  blacksmith  for  his  day,  Avho 
lived  on  the  northwest  corner  of  Grove  and  State  Streets,  and 
is  said  to  have  been  an  ancestor  of  Thurlow  Weed,  became  the 
owner  of  an  edition  of  the    "Pilgrim's  Progress"    and  of  a 


THE    NEW    HAVEN    OF    TWO    HUNDRED    YEARS    AGO. 


347 


compilation  called  "The  Experienced  Secretary/'  besides  a 
"Psalm  Book." 

His  older  brother,  Theophilus  Mimson,  a  gunsmith  and  lock- 
smith of  College  Street,  near  the  south  end  of  Woolsey  Hall, 
in  1711  with  astonishing  foresight  bought  a  Latin  dictionary 
for  seventeen  shillings — though  his  son  Daniel,  who  was  grad- 
uated at  Yale  in  1726,  was  then  only  two  years  old  and  can 
scarcely  have  been  expected  to  begin  his  classical  training  at 
that  age  or  through  that  vehicle.  But  however  this  may  have 
been,  when  Samuel  Mix,  who  lived  on  the  Battell  Chapel  site, 
is  credited  in  the  same  year  with  "3  Latin  books,"  we  may 
feel  sure  that  they  were  destined  for  the  use  of  his  oldest  son, 
a  boy  of  eleven,  who  was  graduated  nine  years  later. 

I  said  just  now  that  our  captain  was  not  a  devotee  of  litera- 
ture; and  a  fortunate  result  of  this  is  that  he  used  in  his 
accounts  a  system  of  phonetic  spelling,  so  complete  that  we 
can  almost  universally  tell  just  how  he  pronounced  the  names 
of  every  person  and  thing  that  he  dealt  with.  In  general  his 
practice  leans  toward  economy,  as  for  instance  in  reducing 
Goodyear  to  five  letters,  Gudyr,  and  Cooke  to  three,  Cuk,  and 
checkered  (describing  a  lining)  to  six,  chekrd. 

Of  course  in  most  cases  the  result  is  altogether  natural.  We 
find  thus  that  Derby  was  to  Captain  Browne  Darby,  just  as 
the  cis- Atlantic  namesake  of  the  English  Hertford  had  already 
become  Hartford;  and  just  as  he  wrote  sarmons  for  sermons, 
and  sarge  for  serge,  so  to  him  Sherman  was  usually  Sharman. 
But  the  unexpected  thing  is  that  he  persists  in  this  particular 
vowel-change  in  unaccented  syllables  in  his  common  vocabulary 
to  a  remarkable  extent ;  I  content  myself  with  only  an  example 
or  two  of  what  is  a  constant  practice ;  thus  Mather  is  wi'itten 
Mathar,  primer,  primar,  and  even  father,  brother  and  sister, 
fathar,  brothar  and  sistar. 

Similar  changes  with  other  vowels  are  shown  in  Thorp 
always  becoming  Tharp,  and  the  Christian  name  Dorcas  becom- 
ing Darkis.  The  converse  of  this  change  is  traceable  in  the 
name  of  a  family,  of  the  nieces  and  nephew  of  Mr.  Pierpont, 
who  came  hither  from  Boston  early  in  the  18th  century,  the 


348  THE    KEW    HAVEN    OF    TWO    HUNDRED    YEARS    AGO. 

Haywards,  as  we  should  call  them,  but  always  known  then  as 
Ha  (r)  wards,  and  later,  after  the  y  had  been  discarded  in  the 
spelling,  Howards. 

Other  vagaries  in  the  pronunciation  of  family  names  are 
such  as  Balding  for  Baldwin,  Hodson  for  Hudson,  Person  for 
Pierson  (as  Perse  in  our  own  day  for  Pierce),  Belshar  for 
Belcher,  Punshard  for  Punchard,  Stodder  for  Stoddard,  and 
Orsburn  for  Osborn. 

Other  common  words  which  appear  in  Captain  Browne's 
manuscript  with  the  mispronunciations  which  we  now  think 
vulgar,  such  as  hankercher  or  handkechif,  ornery,  leftenant, 
jiner  for  joiner,  and  Giney  for  Jenny,  need  not  detain  us;  nor 
need  reasons  for  raisins,  which  was  still  considered  proper,  I 
believe,  within  living  memory.  On  the  other  hand,  in  the  only 
reference  on  these  pages  to  the  institution  of  domestic  slavery, 
a  record  of  money  paid  to  the  negro  of  the  Rev.  Joseph  Moss, 
the  spelling  is  faithful  to  the  correct  sound. 

This  incidental  mention  of  slavery  calls  up  the  sole  reference 
in  these  pages  to  another  of  the  ordinary  social  conditions  of 
life,  in  the  expenditure  of  upward  of  £16  on  securing  and 
bringing  from  Boston  in  1713,  a  "Jarsey  boy"  to  be  appren- 
ticed to  Samuel  Riggs,  a  wealthy  merchant  of  Derby. 

In  a  desultory  way  I  have  thus  attempted  to  make  a  prosaic 
account  book  tell  something  of  our  predecessors  of  200  years 
ago,  and  their  way  of  living,  but  I  have  left  myself  little  space, 
even  if  I  had  the  power,  to  construct  a  satisfactory  picture  of 
the  plantation  as  a  whole.  We  must  remember  primarily  that 
the  settled  part  of  the  town  extended  only  from  York  and  Grove 
Streets  to  the  water ;  and  that  the  whole  region  between  York 
and  Church  Avas  comparatively  sparsely  peopled,  since  the 
business  center  was  on  the  waterside  and  its  tributary  streets, 
especially  State  Street,  The  plantation  had  still  so  much  the 
character  of  a  village  that  the  streets  had  no  distinctive  names, 
but  each  one  is  likely  to  be  described  in  deeds  and  wills  of  the 
period  as   "the  town  street." 

The  central  green  was  the  common  rendezvous,  where  the 
townsmen  drilled  for  military  service,  where  the  entire  com- 


THE    KEW    HAVEN    OF    TWO    HUNDRED    YEAKS    AGO. 


349 


mimity  gathered  in  one  house  for  worship,  and  where  in  the 
same  house  the  General  Assembly  of  the  Colony  and  the  County 
Court  held  their  regular  sessions,  as  we  may  all  learn  fully 
from  Mr.  Blake's  delightful  book. 

The  inhabitants  formed  a  simple,  homogeneous  society,  with 
few  distinctions  and  few  pleasures.  Captain  Browne  observes 
carefully  in  his  record  the  usual  early  gi-adations  of  dignity. 
Military  officers  are  punctiliously  mentioned  by  title,  and  the 
designation  of  "Mr.,"  which  was  at  an  earlier  period  so 
sparingly  used,  is  apparently  still  limited  to  persons  of  special 
civil  and  family  desert.  The  corresponding  term  '^Mistress" 
is  reserved  for  married  women — an  inferior  social  standing- 
being  indicated  in  only  two  cases  by  the  term  "Goody" ;  single 
women  are  mentioned  without  title. 

The  population  of  the  compact  portion  of  the  town  I  find 
it  hard  to  estimate ;  but  I  doubt  if  it  was  much  over  TOO.  In 
1707,  when  these  accounts  begin,  just  seventy  years  had  passed 
since  the  advance  guard  of  the  first  settlers  had  arrived  here ; 
and  their  generation  had  already  disappeared,  the  last  male 
survivor,  as  I  suppose,  being  Deacon  William  Peck,  who  died 
in  1694;  but  his  widow  lived  on  until  1717,  and  the  widow  of 
Matthew  Gilbert,  one  of  the  original  seven  pillars  of  the  church, 
lived  until  1706. 

In  1715,  just  before  the  termination  of  Captain  Browne's 
record,  Joseph  I^oyes  of  Stonington  was  called  to  succeed  Mr. 
Pierpont  as  the  minister  of  the  town;  and  this  decided  the 
removal  of  the  college  to  ISTew  Haven.  Rival  towns  were  con- 
tending for  it,  and  wlien  young  iSToyes  accepted  the  call  here, 
this  threw  the  weight  of  the  influence  of  his  father  and  uncle, 
two  of  the  most  influential  trustees,  into  the  scale  in  favor  of 
'New  Haven. 

The  definite  settlement  of  the  college  here  in  October,  1716, 
created  a  new  local  center  of  activity,  with  immediate  and 
permanent  changes  in  the  vicinity  of  the  college  buildings,  all 
of  which  resulted  in  the  development  of  a  different  life  in 
the  toAvn,  with  intellectual  interests  and  aspirations  before 
unknown. 


350  THE    NEAA/     HAVEIST    OF    TWO    HUNDEED    YEARS    AGO. 

In  the  N^ew  Haven  of  our  story,  before  it  was  spoiled  or 
improved,  whichever  you  choose  to  consider  it,  by  the  intro- 
duction of  the  college,  intercourse  with  the  outside  world  was 
maintained  by  post  as  well  as  by  water.  A  post-boy  rode  regu- 
larly between  'New  York  and  Boston,  and  vessels  like  the 
Speedwell  were  not  permitted  to  carry  letters  except  for  delivery 
in  port  directly  to  the  postmaster.  Some  half  dozen  times  in 
Captain  Browne's  day-book  we  find  charges  to  customers  for 
postal  dues  which  he  has  paid,  usually  for  a  single  letter,  vary- 
ing from  six  pence  to  a  shilling,  and  in  one  case,  that  of  the 
Rev.  Mr.  Moss  of  Derby,  he  settles  an  account  amounting 
to  £1.4.6. 

By  water  there  was  important  commerce  with  the  West  Indies, 
besides  doubtless  other  common  carriers  than  our  friend,  Cap- 
tain Browne ;  but  it  may  be  that  no  record  as  complete  as 
his  is  still  extant ;  and  until  one  is  made  public,  and  annotated 
by  some  future  and  more  skilful  investigator,  I  venture  to  hope 
that  these  scattered  notes  may  serve  to  illustrate  our  early 
domestic  commerce,  as  well  as  to  revive  the  memory  of  one  of 
its  worthiest  promoters. 


IjVJSCRIPTIONS 


ON 


TOMBSTONES  IN  NEW  HAVEN, 

ERECTED  PRIOR  TO  1800. 


A  copy  of  these  inscriptions,  so  far  as  legible,  was  printed  (with  annota- 
tions) in  Volume  III  of  the  Papers  of  this  Society,  in  1882.  Recently  a 
transcript  of  a  portion  of  these  inscriptions,  made  in  1851,  has  been  found; 
and  as  this  includes  some  copies  of  stones  which  had  disappeared  before 
1882,  it  has  been  thought  desirable  to  publish  tliese,  with  some  corrections 
for  the  previous  list  and  for  the  annotations. 

These  corrections  are  numbered  to  correspond  to  the  former  list;  the 
new  inscriptions  are  numbered  in  continuation. 

Franklin  B.  Dexter. 
March,  1914. 


INSCRIPTIONS    ON    TOMBSTONES    IN    NEW    HAVEN. 


CORRECTIONS. 

23.    Roger  Ailing  died  Apr.,  1759. 
28.    Should  be  in  heavy  type,  as  from  the  Crypt. 

82.    Elisha,  son  of  David  Austin,  died  Aug.  6,  1771,  aged  17  months; 
Ebenezer  Elisha  died  Apr.  5,  1773,  aged  14  months. 

86.    Son  of  Elias  and  Eunice,  of  Durham,  baptized  Feb.,  175 1/2. 

142.  Daughter  of  Jonathan  and  Sarah  (Beach)  Nichols,  of  Stratford, 
b.  May  26,  1716.    He  next  married,  Jan.  20,  1765,  Abigail. 

149.  Samuel  Bishop,  Sr.,  was  deacon  ist  Church,  1717-48;  Samuel,  Jr., 
deacon  ist  Church,  1756-71. 

154.    Daughter  of  Nathaniel  and  Mary  (Todd)  Heaton,  b.  June  14,  1712. 

161.    The  father  d.  1779. 

163.  The  stone  commemorated  a  first  wife.  A  second  wife,  also  Mary, 
b.  Dec.  IS,  1704,  was  dau.  of  D.  Goodrich,  etc. 

172.    He  died  Oct.  12,  1718;    deacon  from  about  1685. 

182.    In  her  8th,  not  38th  year. 

190.    Died  1739. 

194.  Amelia  d.  Dec.  31 ;  dau.  of  Phebe,  dau.  of  Dr.  Zophar  Piatt,  of 
Huntington,  L.  I. 

199.    Dau.  of  John  Ailing  (No.  16). 

206.    Olive  Brown  was  sister,  not  daughter,  of  197. 

231.    Married  in  Boston,  Dec.  14,  1714,  wid.  of  David  Cutler. 

257.  Son  of  David. 

258.  Dau.  of  Dugald  and  Sarah  Mackenzie,  of  Fairfield. 
281.    He  d.  1676. 

294.    Should  be  in  plain  type.    Son  of  William  and  Elizabeth   (Brent). 

342.  Dau.  of  Richard  and  Hannah  (Easton)  Miles  (No.  568)  ;  b. 
March  19,  1707;   wid.  of  907. 

Z^2.    Add  to  stone  : 

Lamented.  She  died  of  the  small  pox  at  Cheshire,  February  y®  19th 
A.  D.  1782  &  in  the  36th  year  of  her  Age. 

370.    Dau.  of  744  and  745 ;   b.  Dec.  26,  1695. 

ZTZ-    Grandson  of  Nos.  72,  ^T)  \    d-  1774- 

383.  Died  Oct.  21,  1796.  The  mother  was  daughter  of  Joseph  and 
Patience  (Sperry)  Mix. 

398.    Mary  L.  Hillhouse  d.  1822. 

412.    Died  1689. 

427.    Son  of  No.  425. 

437.  Died  Dec.  29. 

438.  Son  of  John  and  Experience,  who  was  a  sister  of  Rev.  James  Pier- 
pont  (No.  691). 

456.  Dau.  of  Samuel  and  Meletiah   (Bradford). 

457.  Dau.  of  Abraham  and  Elizabeth  (Glover)  Dickerman,  and  widow 
of  Michael  Todd.  His  3d  wf.  was  widow  of  Wm.  Stevens,  of  Marble- 
head,  Mass. 

465.    Died  1794. 


INSCEIPTIOXS    03v"    TOMBSTO^^ES    IN    NEW    HAVEN.  353 

477.  Dau.  of  Janna  and  Dorothy  (Griswold)  Hand,  of  East  Guilford; 
b.  Sept.  5,  1725. 

478.  Dau.  of  Orchard  and  Mary  (Foote)  Guy,  of  Branford;  b.  Dec.  5, 
1738;   m.  Samuel  Huggins,  July  3,  1760. 

494.  Aged  74  years. 

498.  Died  1780. 

516.  Son  of  Augustus  and  Bathsheba  (Eliot),  of  Newport,  R.  I. 

535.  The  will  quoted  is  the  will  of  Ebenezer,  Jr. 

540.  Aged  63. 

568.  Dau.  of  Joseph  Easton,  of  E.  Hartford. 

571.  Son  of  Lieut.  Richard  and  Hannah  (Easton),  (No.  568)  ;  b.  Aug. 
4-  1 701. 

572.  Dau.  of  Rev.  John  and  Sarah  (Rosewell)  Woodward  (No.  940). 
578.    Died  March  8. 

600.  Dau.  of  John  and  Hannah  (Tuttle)  Pantry,  of  Hartford;  d. 
March,  1724. 

601.  Son  of  599  and  600. 

623.    Benj.  Munson  living  1796;    son  of  Nos.  636  and  637. 

632.    Born  Hollingsworth,  of  Milford. 

635.    Died  1759. 

637.    Dau.  of  Nos.  586  and  587. 

641.    For  MAO»-  read  MAG'". 

707.    Died  July  25,  1740. 

709.    For  Barrott  read  Barrett. 

741.  Son  of  Isaac  and  Jemima  (Sage),  of  Wethersfield :  b.  Dec.  10, 
1748.  His  wid.  m.  Maj.  Jonathan  Heart,  of  Berlin,  May  7,  1778.  He  d. 
Nov.  4,  1790,  and  she  m.,  Aug.,  1797,  Rev.  Dr.  Cyprian  Strong,  of  Chat- 
ham, who  d.  Nov.  17,  181 1.     She  d.  in  North  Haven,  Feb.  15,  1815. 

750.    Dau.  of  Col.  Nicholas  and  Mercy   (Tillinghast)    Power. 

764.    Dau.  of  Samuel  and  Rebecca  (Bunnell)  Burwell ;    b.  May  13,  1692. 

778.    Died  1794. 

781.    Died  1773. 

791.    First  married  Hezekiah  Howe,  who  d.  Apr.,  1776. 

803.    Merit  Tappen  d.  1794,  aged  3  years. 

805.    Dau.  of  Samuel  and  Rebecca  (Browne)  Clark;   b.  March      ,  1710. 

828.    Son  of  Samuel  and  Mary  (Bradley)  ;    b.  March  14,  1686/7. 

864.    Thankful  Trowbridge  b.  1755. 

887.  Married  Catharine,  dau.  of  Capt.  Isaac  and  Catharine  ( Baldwin'* 
Miles,  b.  175s,  d.  May  26,  1837. 

889.   James  G.,  not  C.  Wallace. 

906.    Dau.  of  Nos.  16  and  17;    b.  Sept.  14,  1680;    d.  March,  1759. 

910.    Born  Sept.  22,  1722. 

926.  A  more  probable  conjecture  is  that  these  initials  stand  for  Eliza- 
beth Wakeman,  wf.  of  John,  and  dau.  of  William  Hopkins,  of  Bewdley. 
England. 


354 


INSCEIPTIONS    ON    TOMBSTONES    IN    NEW    HAVEN. 


952 


953 


954 


955 


Here  lies  y"  Body 

of  M's  Dinah 
Attwater  y^  Wife 
of  Mr  James  Attw- 
ater Who  Died 
Dec'"  y®  29,  1739 
in  y®  38  Year 


Susana 

Daughter  of  M^ 

Ebenezer  &  M" 

Susana  Basset 

died  Oct^"^  29th 

A.  D.  1763  in  her 

jQtb  year 


Jesse  y*' 
Son  of  Ml- 
Abner  &  M" 
Abigail  Brad- 
ley died 
August  y®  6*'^ 
1739  aged  2 
Years 


Hannah  y® 

Daughter  of 

Ml'  Timothy 

&  Mis  Hannah 

Browne  died 

decem''  y®  13*11 

1747  Aged 

4  Months 


ADDITIONS. 


956 


Mary  Carpenf^ 

Daughter  of  Mi" 

Anthony  & 

M^s  Abigail 

Carpenter 

who  died  N[ov.] 

I2tii  A.  D.  17  [60] 

Her 


957 


In  Memory  of  Elijah 
Crane  Son  of  Elijah  & 

Mary  Crane  who  de 

parted  this  Life  August 

29*11  1795  in  the  9*^  Year 

of  his  age 


958 


wife  of 

Samuel  Fames 

who  Died  March 

4  170?  Aged  58 


959  Nathanael  Son  of 

Mr.  Nathanael  &  Mrs. 

Mary  Fitch  born  Feb  -  - 

nth  1771  &  died  22*^  of  y^  same 

William  Son  of  y®  above 

Parents  Born  April  28 

1772  &  died  Octo^i'  8,  177    -  - 


"^^  Dau.  of  No.  761 ;  wf.  of  No.  45. 

°"  Ebenezer  Bassett  m.  Susanna,  daughter  of  John  and  Susanna  White 
(Nos.  894,  895)  ;    dau.  b.  Apr.  3,  1754. 
'•"'  Son  of  Nos.  167  and  168. 
"^^  Dau.  of  No.  210. 
"^^  Dau.  of  Nos.  232  and  233. 
""^  Sons  of  No.  324  and  of  Mary,  dau.  of  Nos.  808  and  809. 


INSCEIPTIONS    ON    TOMBSTONES    IN    NEW    HAVEN. 


355 


960             In  Memory  of 

964 

In  Memory  of 

M^'s  Mary  Hine 

Lieutenant 

wido^  of  M^ 

Daniel  Sperry 

Allexander  Hine 

who  died  April  24*^ 

at  Woodbridge  who 

1750  in  His  86*11 

died  October  25^'! 

Year 

1790  in  the  90*^^ 

Year  of  her  age. 

965 

961            In  Memory  of 

Deborah 

Lieu* 

Wife  of  Daniel 

Richard  Miles 

Sperry  who 

who  died  July 

Died  Dec'"  16:  171 1 

ye  5th  A.  D.  1756 

Aged  39  Years 

in  the  86*^  year 

of  His  Age. 
All  living  must, 

Return  to  Dust. 

966 

Rachel 
Daughter  of 

962          Here  lies  y^  Bod^ 

M""  Joshua 

of  Rebeckah  Osb 

&  Mrs  Amy 

orn  Daughter  to  M»' 

Sperry 

Jeremiah  &  M^s 

died  Novt>r  8th 

Elisabeth  Osborn 

1748  in  Her  3^ 

who  Died  Aug^* 

-    - 

ye  27tli  1738  in  ye 

963 

Mary  y^ 

Thomas  y^ 

967 

In  Memory  of 

Daughter 

Son  of  Mr 

Mrs.  Elizabeth 

of  Ml"  John 

lohn  &  Es- 

Tallmadge 

&  Esther 

ther  Potter 

Dautr  of  Mr. 

Potter  di- 

died March 

Robert  &  Mrs. 

ed  Feb^y 

13th  1740 

Abigail  Tallm 

28*'^  1740 

Aged  7 

adge  who  died 

Aged  3 

Years 

D^thev  J I  1-58  In  her 

Years 

52d  Year 

"'"  He  d.  in  Milford,  1767. 

^"Son  of  John  and  Elizabeth  (Harriman)  ;    b.  March  21,  1671/2. 

'''  Dau.  of  No.  656. 

"*'' Thomas,  s.  of  John  and  Esther  (Lines),  b.  June  15,  1733;  Mary,  b. 
March  2,  1737. 

"''^  Son  of  Richard  and  Dennis;  m.  Deborah  (No.  965);  and  next 
Sarah,  dau.  of  William  and  Sarah  (Thomas)  Wilmot  (No.  927),  and 
wid.  of  Thomas  Hotchkiss,  b.  March  8,  1663,  d.  July      ,  1732. 

'"'Dau.  of  Joseph  and  Sarah  (Ailing)  Peck,  b.  July  31,  1672;  wife  of 
964. 

^"''Born  Apr.  11,  1746. 

°''  Born  Nov.  4,  1717. 


356 


INSCRIPTIONS    ON    TOMBSTONES    IN    NEW    HAVEN. 


968 

[William] 

[Thomas 

Son  of  M"" 

Son  of  M"" 

Daniel 

Dani]  el 

Tallmadge 

Tallmadge 

died  April 

died  June 

21  1741 

ye  -^Qth  1740 

Aged  10 

Aged  10 

Days 

Days 

0G9 

M"- 

Benjamin 

Thomas 

970      In   Memory  of  Sarah 
Chamberlain  Ward 
Daughter  of  Ambrose 
&  Rebecca  Ward 


971 


972 


who  died  August 

27^^  1795  aged  3  Years 

and  4  Months 


Elizabeth 

Wife  of  Mr. 

John  Winston 

Died  Feb""  21  171  [i] 

Aged  56  Years 


John 

ye  Son  of  M^' 
John  &  M''s 
Desire  Woo 

din  died 
Septir  ye  21 

1742  Aged  6 
Years 


""^  Sons  of  Daniel  and  Mary  (Thompson). 

°"  Dau.  of  Stephen  and  Anna  (Gregson)  Daniel;     b.  Oct.  i,  1755;    wf. 
of  No.  931. 
°'' Son  of  John  and  Desire  (Cooper),  b.  March  14  1736. 


INDEX   TO    VOLUME   VIII. 


Abbott,  Jacob,  30. 

Adams,  Rev.  Eliphalet,  210. 

Adams,  John,   15.   143,  144. 

Adams,  Pygan,  210. 

Adgate,  William,  209. 

Aird,  David,  207. 

Allen,  Ethan,  256,  265. 

Allen,  Joel,  207. 

Allen,  John,  96,   172. 

Allen,  John    (silversmith),  190. 

Ailing,  John.  329,  331-333,  335,  336, 
340. 

Ailing.  Stephen,  312. 

Allyn,  Henry,  259. 

Almost  Forgotten  Xew  Haven  Insti- 
tution, 20. 

Anderson,  John,  267. 

Andrew,  Eev.  Samuel,   179. 

Andrews,  Ethan  Allen,  20.  22.  24,  27- 
30,  33. 

Andrews,  Mrs.  E.  A.,  30,  34. 

Andrews,  Rev.  Samuel,  208. 

Andros.  Edmvuid,  96,97.  174,  176,  177. 

Anthony,  George  S.,  279,  280. 

Appleton,  Samuel,   171. 

Arnold,  Benedict,   134,  266. 

Arnold,  Welcome,   14. 

Ashburton,  Lord,  5. 

Atwat«r,  Jeremiah,   192,   193. 

Atwater,  Jonathan,  340.  341,  343. 

Atwater,  Joshua,  341. 

Augur,  Hezekiah,  232. 

Austin,  David,  310,  312-315. 

Austin,  Ebenezer,  205. 

Austin,  Rebecca,  313. 

Austin,  Samuel,  306. 

Babcock,  Sidney,  232. 

Bacon,  Leonard,  23,  58,  59,  62,  80, 
100,  193,  242. 

Baldwin,  Rev.  Ebenezer,  100. 

Baldwin,  Lewis  F.,  178. 


Baldwin,  Richard,   167. 

Baldwin,  Simeon  E.,  1,  82,  249. 

Ball,  Stephen,  193. 

Barber,  John  W.,  135,  136,  140,  293. 

Barnum,  Rev.  Caleb,  59. 

Bassett,  John,  338. 

Bates,  Albert  C,  289. 

Battle  of  Lake  George,  109. 

Baylies,  Francis,  60. 

Beach,  Abraham,  296. 

Beach,  Miles,  203. 

Beardsley,  Rev.  Wm.  A.,   132. 

Beecher,  Mrs.  Edward  C,  312. 

Beecher,  Thaddeus,  312,  320. 

Beers,  Henry  A.,  226. 

Beers,  Isaac,  306,  310,  315,  319,  320. 

Belclier,  Andrew,  342. 

Belcher,  Jonatlian,  197. 

Benjamin,  John,  199. 

Bickle,  John,  274. 

Bigelow,  John,  261. 

Bishop,  Abraham,  23,  34,  319,  334. 

Blackstone,  William,  83. 

Blake,  Eli  Wliitney,  birtli  and  edu- 
cation, 36;  beginning  business,  37; 
contribution  to  American  Journal 
of  Science,  38-44;  degree  from  Yale, 
43 ;  invention  of  "The  Blake 
Crusher,"  45;  its  value  in  the 
construction  of  roads,  49,  50;  its 
use  in  mining,  51,  52;  its  relation 
to  concrete,  53,  54;    death,  57. 

Blake,  Henry  T.,  20,  36,  109,  333. 

Blake,  James  Kingsley,  215. 

Blake,  John,  37. 

Blake,  Philos,  36,  37. 

Blodgett,  William,  208. 

Bontecou,  Timothy,   199. 

Boyd,  Peter,  206. 

Bradford,  Jeremiah,   191. 

Bradford,  William,   14,  171. 


358 


INDEX. 


Bradley,  Abraham,  319,  320,  335. 

Bradley,  Aner,  202. 

Bradley,  Charles  W.,  106. 

Bradley,  Phineas,  202. 

Bradstreet,  Governor  Simon,   176. 

Brainard,  J.  G.  C,  225. 

Brearley,  David,  14. 

Breslin,  John,  279. 

Brewer,  Charles,  207. 

British  Prisoners  of  War  in  Hartford 

during  the  Revolution,  255. 
Bronson,  Henry,  321. 
Bronson,  Isaac,  211. 
Bronson,  Josiah,  211. 
Brown,  Mrs.  Chauncey,  29. 
Brown,  Governor  Montfort,   257. 
Browne,  Francis,  329,  331. 
Browne,  Mrs.  Francis,  338,  339. 
Browne,  Hannah,  329. 
Browne,  Mabel,  329. 
Browne,  Samuel,  329. 
Buckingham,  Mrs.  John  W.,  178. 
Buckingham,  Samuel,   193. 
Buckingham,  William  A.,  174. 
Buel,  Abel,  137,  199-202,  207. 
Bulkeley,  Gershom,  96,  181. 
Bull,  Caleb,  205. 

Bull  Epaphras,  256,  259,  260,  269,  275. 
Bull,  Jonathan,  296. 
Bull,  Martin,  137,  213,  214. 
Bull,  Ole,  236. 
Bunyan,  John,  76,  77,  80. 
Burke,  Edmund,  17,  282. 
Burke,  Thomas  Francis,  282,  284. 
Burnap,  Daniel,  209. 
Burr,  Aaron,  333. 
Burr,  Thaddeus,  195. 
Butler,  Benjamin  F.,  277. 
Butler,  John,  14. 
Butler,  Nicholas,  76. 
Butler,  Zebulon,  14. 
Byrne,  Jerome,  284. 
Calamy,  Edmund,  72. 
Camden,  Earl  of,  6. 
Campbell's,    Thomas,      "Gertrude    of 

Wyoming,"    12. 
Canfield,  Samuel,  207,  208. 
Capes,  Rev.  W.  W.,  56,  57. 


Carpenter,  Joseph,  209. 

Gates,  John,  193,  194. 

Champion,  Mrs.  Henry,  178. 

Champlin,  John,  210. 

Channing,  Henry,  307. 

Charles  I,  1,  84,  90-92,  143,  166,  167. 

Claarles  II,   1,  64,   95,   164,   167,   174, 

194,  248,  253. 
Chauncey,  Nathaniel,  225. 
Chittenden,  Ebenezer,  199,  200,  202. 
Chittenden,  Thomas,  202. 
Christophers,  Christopher,  190. 
Clap,  President  Thomas,  112,  131,  299. 
Clark,  Abigail,  290. 
Clark,  Daniel,  91. 
Clark,  Samuel,  290. 
Clark,  Sheldon,  219,  222. 
Cleveland,  Grover,  209. 
Cleveland,  William,  209. 
Coit,  Thomas  C,  210. 
Collier,  Jennet,  260,  275. 
Cone,  William  R.,  191. 

Coney,  John,  187,  188. 
Congregationalist    Separates    of    the 
XVIIIth  Century  in  Connecticut,  151. 

Connecticut  in  Pennsylvania,  1. 

Connecticut  Journal  and  Neio  Haven 
Post-Boy,  first  number  of,   305. 

Cooke,  Samuel,  337. 

Corydon,  Johnny,  282,  284. 

Cotton,  John,  160. 

Couch,  Robert  I,  328. 

Cowell,  William,  187,  191. 

Cowles,  Isaac,  21. 

Cowles,  Lucy,  21. 

Cowles,  Samuel,  21. 

Cromwell,  Henry,  61. 

Cromwell,  Oliver,  1,  60,  61,  64,  65,  194. 

Cromwell,  Richard,  65. 

Croswell,  Rev.  Harry,  22,  23. 

Curtis,  George  Munson,  181. 

Cutler,  Richard,  202. 

Daggett,  Elizabeth,   144,   145. 

Dana,  Mrs.  James  D.,  29. 

Davenport,  Abraham,  340. 

Davenport,  John,   56,   61,   65,   66,   73, 
143,  163,  334,  337. 

Davie,  John,  189,  190. 


INDEX. 


359 


Day,  Jeremiah,  23,  29. 

Day,  Stephen,  289. 

Day,  Wilbur  F.,  328,  340. 

Deane,  Silas,  255. 

Delehanty,  John,  282. 

Dennison,  Henry,  324. 

Deshon,  Daniel,  197,  210. 

Desmond,  Tliomas,  279. 

Devoy,  John,  279. 

Dexter,  Franklin  B.,  20,  68,  329. 

Dexter,  Henry  Martyn,  68. 

Dickerman,  Isaac,  335. 

Dieskau,  Baron,  109,  114-116,  118, 
119,  121-125. 

Dixwell,  John,   166. 

Dixwell,  John,  Jr.,  187,  188,  190,  333, 
341,  343. 

Dixwell,  Mrs.  John,  340. 

Doolittle,  A.  B.,  145. 

Doolittle,  Abraham,  133. 

Doolittle,  Ambrose,  133. 

Doolittle,  Amos,  birth  and  removal  to 
New  Haven,  133;  first  engravings, 
134;  story  of  how  they  were  made, 
135-137;  map  of  Connecticut,  138; 
his  part  in  the  defence  of  New 
Haven,  139-141;  "Displays"  of 
U.  S.,  142-144;  marriages,  145, 
146;  book-plate  work,  147-149; 
death,  149;  mentioned,  188,  203,  314. 

Doolittle,  Eliakim,  146. 

Doolittle,  John,  133. 

Doolittle,  Martha  Munson,   133. 

Doolittle,  Phebe  Tuttle,   146. 

Doolittle,  Sally,  145. 

Doolittle,  Samuel,  133. 

Doolittle,  Silas,  133. 

Drake,  Joseph,  312,  316,  319. 

Dummer,  Jeremiah,   187,   188. 

Dutton,  Rev.  Samuel,   157. 

Dwight,  Henry  E.,  21,  23,  225, 

Dwight,  Sereno  E.,  21,  23. 

Dwight,  Timothy,  Senior,  22,  29,  112, 
123,  201,  333. 

Dyer,  Eliphalet,  4,  15. 

Earle,  Ralph,  135,   136. 

Early  Silver  of  Connecticut  and  its 
Makers,  181. 


Easton,  James,  256. 

Eaton,  Theophilus,  96,   163,   165,  166, 

173,  196,  313,  334. 
I  Edward  I,  82, 
1  Edwards,  John,  190. 
j  Edwards,  Jonathan,  143,    155,   334. 
I  Edwards,  Pierpont,  312. 
JEldon,  Lord,  99. 

Ellery,  John,  191. 

Ellery,  William,  302. 

Ellsworth,  Governor  W.  W.,  21. 

Emery,  Rev.  S.  H.,  59,  79. 

English,  Henry  Fowler,   166. 
j  Everett,  Edward,  58,  226. 
IFairchild,  Robert,  186,  199,  200,  202. 

Farnam,  Henry,  36,  325. 

Fenians  of  the  Long-ago  Sixties,  277. 

Fenn,  Benjamin,  168. 
]  Fenwick,  George,  1,  87,  91,  92,  95,  97. 

Finley,  Samuel,  158. 

Fisher,  A.  M.,  225. 

Fiske,  John,  162. 

Fitch,  Eleazar  T.,  21,  23. 

Foote,  Caroline  Street,  29. 

Forbes,  Rev.  W.  C,  229. 

Ford,  George  Hare,   162. 

Forgarty,  John,  288. 

Fowler,  William,  166,  168. 

Franklin,  Benjamin,   257,  291. 

Franklin,  William,  257. 

French,    Christopher,    256,    259,    260, 
262-268,  270,  272,  274,  275. 

French,  Martin  J.,  283. 
I  French,  Stiles,  28,  34. 

French,  Truman,  34. 

Fundamental  Orders  and  the  Charter, 
238, 

Funnell,  Andrew,  341. 

Gage,  General  Thomas,  11,  263,  264, 

Gallaudet,  Elisha,  137. 

Gardiner,  John,  194,  211. 

Gaskell,  Elizabeth,  340,  341. 

Gay,  Fisher,  259, 

George  III,   114,   140,  259,  262,  271, 

Gibbons,  Austin,  282. 

Gibbs,  Josiah  W.,  23. 

Gilbert,  Joel,  306. 

Gilbert,  Matthew,  335,  349. 


360 


INDEX. 


Gilbert,  Samuel.  305. 

Gladstone,  William,  278. 

Glover,  Joseph,  289. 

Goff,  John  W.,  279. 

Goffe,  William,  65,  66,  73,  79.  166.  167. 

Gold,  Nathan,  172. 

Goodrich,  Channcey  A.,  21,  23. 

Goodrich,  Elizur.    149,   312. 

Goodsell,  Thomas.  339. 

Goodwin,  George,  293.  303. 

Goodyear,  Stephen,  165.  335. 

Gorges,  Ferdinando.  88.  94. 

Gorham,  John.  203. 

Gorham,  Miles,  203. 

Gould,  Judge  James,   36. 

Graves,  John,  269,  273. 

Gray,  John,  210. 

Gray,  Samuel,  210. 

Green,  Abigail,  309. 

Green,  Bartholomew,  289. 

Green,  John,  290. 

Green,  Nathaniel,  290. 

Green,  Samuel  ( son  of  Timothy ) , 
289. 

Green,  Samuel  (brother  of  Thomas), 
303-308. 

Green,  Thomas,  ancestry  and  birth, 
289,  290;  learned  the  printer's 
trade,  290;  employed  by  Parker  & 
Co.,  New  Haven,  290,  291;  re- 
moval to  Hartford,  293;  estab- 
lished Tlie  Connecticut  Courant. 
295 ;  connection  therewith,  295- 
303;  returned  to  New  Haven,  305: 
started  a  paper  mill,  306;  mar- 
riages and  children.  308-309: 
death,  307. 

Green,  Timothy,  289-291. 

Greenleaf,  David,  209. 

Griffin,  Cyrus.  14. 

Grignon,  Rene,  197. 

Gurley,  William,  210. 

Hale,  John  P.,  277. 

Hall,  Richard,  341. 

Hallam,  John,  211. 

Hal  leek,  Fitz-Greene,  230. 

Hamlin,  Giles,  182. 


Hamlin,  John,   101. 

Hammersley.  Judge  William,  245,  247, 
250. 

Hampden,  John,   1. 

Hancock,  John,   139.  203. 

Hardyear,  J.  G.,  225. 

Harland,  Thomas,  209. 

Harrison,  Lynde,  340. 

Hart,  Charles  Henry,   142. 

Hart,  Judah,  207,  209. 

Hart,  Samuel,  238. 

Hartford  Courant,  first  issue  of,  296. 

Hathaway,  Henry  C,  279,  280. 

Hawks,  Rev.  Francis  L.,  22,  23. 

Haynes,  John,  90,  172,  260. 

Hearne,  William,  286. 

Hemingway,  Jacob,  336. 

Hempstead,  Joshua,  210. 

Hendrick.  Chief,  or  King.  109,  110, 
114,   115.   117,   121. 

Hequemburg,  Charles,  203. 

Herriek,  Edward  C,  232. 

Herron.  Peter.  258,  274. 

Higginson,  Rev.  Francis,  94. 

Hilldrupp,  Thomas,  205. 

Hillhouse,  James  A.,  233. 

Hinman,  David,  232. 

Hinman,  Robinson  S.,  106. 

Hinman.  Royal  R.,   105. 

Hitchcock,  Eliakim,   133,  203. 

Hoadly,  Charles  J.,  95,  98,  101,  106, 
296. 

Hoadly,  George,  324. 

Hoare,  Elizabeth,  27. 

Hoare,  Samuel,  27. 

Hodson   (Hudson).  John.  339. 

Holmes,  Israel,  212. 

Holt,  John,  290. 

Hooke,  Anna,  56. 

Hooke,  Ebenezer,   62,   63. 

Hooke,  Elizabeth,  62. 

Hooke,  John,  56.  62,  63.  65. 

Hooke,  Mary,  62. 

Hooke,  Walter,  62.  63. 

Hooke,  Rev.  William,  birth  and  par- 
entage, 56;  education  and  orders 
in  the  Church  of  England.  57;  cmi- 


INDEX. 


361 


gration  to  New  England,  57;  set- 
tlement in  Taunton,  58;  removal 
to  New  Haven,  60.  61;  returned 
to  England,  61:  children.  62,  63; 
Master  of  Savoy  Hospital,  64; 
troubles  incident  to  the  death  of 
Cromwell,  65 :  intercepted  letter  to 
Davenport.  66-73 ;  effect  of  Five 
Mile  Act.  74.  75 ;  license  under 
Proclamation  of  Indulgence,  76; 
Proclamation  cancelled,  77 ;  pas- 
torate in  Spitalsfield,  78;  increas- 
ing infirmities,  death,  burial  in 
Bunhill  Fields.  79,  80. 

Hooker,  Horace,  225. 

Hooker.  Thomas.  90,  162,  163.  172, 
238,  240-242. 

Hopkins,  Edward,  92,  173. 

Hopkins,  Jesse,  212. 

Hopkins,  Joseph,  186,  212-214. 

Hopkins,  Stephen.   180.  212. 

Hosmer,  Titus,  101. 

Hotchkiss,  Jonathan,  317. 

Hotchkiss,  Justus  S..  334. 

Hotchkiss,  Lemuel,  306. 

Houston,  William  C,  14. 

Howe,  John,  64. 

Hubbard,  Ezra  Stiles,  328. 

Huggins,  Ebenezer,  319. 

Hull,  John,  187,  189. 

Humfrey,  John,  86. 

Humphrey,  Jonathan,  259. 

Hunt,  Frederick,  319. 

Huntington,  Benjamin,  322. 

Hvmtington,  Philip,  209. 

Himtington,  Roswell,  209. 

Hinitington,  Samuel,  101. 

Hurd,  Nathaniel,  137. 

Ingersoll,  Jared,  7.  299,  339. 

Inscriptions  on  Tombstones,  351. 

Ives,  Eli,  229. 

Jackson,  Richard,  5,  201. 

Jay,  John,   10. 

Jefferson,  Thomas,   144. 

Jepson,  William,  294. 

Jesse,  David,   187. 

Jessop,  W^illiam,  89. 


I  Jocelin,  Simeon,   141. 
I  Johnson,  Andrew,  277. 

Johnson,  Edward,  62. 

Johnson,  Guy,  4. 

Johnson,  Isaac,  86. 

.Tohnson,  Jacob,  346. 

Johnson,  Rev.  Samuel,  202. 

Johnson,    General    William,    109-122, 
124,   125. 

. Tohnson,  William  Samuel,    15. 
'  Johonnot,  William,  207. 

Judd,  William.  6. 

Kellogg,  Ebenezer,  21. 

Kelly,  Thomas,  281. 

Kensett,  .John  Frederick.   145. 

Kensett,  Thomas.   144. 

Kierstead,  Cornelius,   197.   198. 

King,  Joseph,  207. 

Kingsbury,  Frederick  J.,  346. 

Kingsley,  James  L.,  23. 

Kingsnorth,  Henry,  189. 

Knight,  Jonathan,  38. 

Knight,  Joseph,   194. 
I  Knight,  Madam  Sarah,    190,  341. 
[  Langston,  John.  76,  78,  79. 

Lawrence,  Abbott,  56. 

Learning,  Jeremiah,  299. 

Lechford,  Thomas,  86. 

Lee,  General  Charles,  264-266,  268. 

Leete,  WMlliam,   166,   167,   172,  173. 

Leffingwell,   Christopher,   300. 

Lockwood,  James,  134. 

Lockyer,  Nicholas,  64. 

Longfellow,  Henry  W.,   236. 

Lord,  Richard,   191. 

Loton,  Richard,  76. 

Lovell,  Jemmy,  261. 

Lucas,   Amaziah,   308. 

Lyman,  Phineas,  110-113,  120-129,  131. 

Lyman,  Mrs.  Phineas,  129. 

Lyon,    William,    312,    313,    320,    322, 
328. 

Lyon,  William.  Jr.,  319. 

Lyon-Turner,  G..  68,  73,  76. 

McCarthy,  Patrick,  285. 

McDermott,    Terence,    263.    266,    267, 
271,  272. 


362 


INDEX. 


McKay,  Samuel,  258,  266-269,  273. 

Mahar,  James,  271,  272. 

Maltbj',  Elizabeth,  340. 

Manchester,  Earl  of,  86,  88,  89. 

Mann,  Alexander,  207. 

Mansfield,  Elisha  H.,  210. 

Mansfield,  Jonathan,  335. 

Mansfield,  Moses,  198. 

Mansfield,  Sarah,  332. 

Mascall,  Robert,  76. 

Mason,  John,   164,  170. 

Mather,  Cotton,  62,  334,  336. 

Mather,  Increase,  65,  79. 

Mather,  Eichard,  57,  58. 

Mather,  Rev.  Samuel,  179. 

Mather,  Warham,  336,  337. 

Mecom,  Benjamin,  291-293,  304. 

Merriman,  Marcus,  141,  203. 

Merriman,  Samuel,  203. 

Merwin,  Samuel,  23. 

Microscope,    The,    and    .James    Gates 

Percival,  215. 
Miles,  Abigail,  309. 
Miles,  George,  309. 
Miles,  John,  320. 
Mix,  Edward  E.,  328. 
Mix,  Samuel,  347. 
Moland,  Ensign  Joseph,  272,  274. 
Monson,  Aeneas,   315,   319,  321,   327, 

328. 
Morgan,  Pierpont,  333. 
Morris,  Luzon  B.,  106. 
Morrison,  Norman,  205. 
Morrison,  Rhoderick,  305. 
Morrison,  Sarah,  334. 
Morse,  Jedediah,  143. 
Morse,  Samuel  F.  B.,  21. 
Moss,  Rev.  Joseph,  Jr.,  338,  339. 
Munson,  John,  335. 
Munson,  Joseph,  306. 
Munson,  Stephen,  346. 
Munson,  Theophilus,  347. 
Napier,  Robert  D.,  42. 
Negro  Governors  of  Connecticut,  267. 
Newark,  settlement  of,  168. 
New  Haven   Bank,   incorporation   of, 

310,  311;    some  of  first  stockhold- 


ers, 312;  selecting  a  site,  313; 
earliest  example  of  "beehive"  sym- 
bol, 314;  business  methods  of  those 
days,  315,  316;  prevalence  of  coun- 
terfeiting, 317,  318;  rules  to 
lighten  cashier's  burdens,  318;  in- 
crease of  capital,  319;  move  to 
build  new  banking  house,  319,  320; 
investments,  321;  dividend  record 
in  Civil  War,  322;  Eagle  Bank 
failure,  323,  324;  Farmington 
Canal,  325,  326;  Panic  of  1837, 
326. 

New  Haven  of  Two  Hundred  Years 
Ago,  329. 

NeAvman,  Francis,   166. 

Nicoll,  John,  312,  316,  319. 

North,  Erasmus  D.,  232. 

Noyes,  Benjamin,  233. 

Noyes,  Rev.  Joseph,  113,  349. 

Noyes,  Samuel,  209. 

O'Brien,  Eliza  Maria,  36. 

O'Brien,  Jeremiah,  277. 

O'Brien,  Laurence,  277,  283. 

O'Brien,  Michael,  282. 

O'Connor,  John,  282. 

O'Donovan,  William,  281,  287. 

Ogden,  D.  L.,  225. 

Olcott,  Daniel,  302. 

Old  New  Haven  Bank,  310. 

O'Leary,  Ellen,  281. 

O'Leary,  Mary,  281. 

Olmsted,  Denison,  23,  25. 

Olmsted,  Frederick  Law,  50. 

O'Mahony,  John,  280,  281. 

Oneco,  Chief,  171. 

O'Neil,  John,  278. 

O'Reilly,  John  Boyle,  278,  279. 

"Osborn,"    or  O'Brien,  283,  287. 

Osborne,  Jeremiah,  336. 

O'Shaughnessy,  Garrett,  281. 

Otis,  James,  257. 

Otis,  Jonathan,  206,  208. 

Paine,  Abigail,  179. 

Paine,  Elisha,  158. 

Paine,  Rev.  George  Lyman/  179. 

Paine,  Robert  Treat,  signer,  178. 


INDEX. 


363 


Paine,  Eobert  Treat,  philanthropist, 
179. 

Paine,  Rev.  Thomas,  178. 

Paine,  Thomas  Treat,  179. 

Palmer,  Rev.  Charles  Ray,  20,  56. 

Palmer,  Ray,  29-31,  34. 

Parker,  Rev.  Edwin  P.,  151. 

Parker,  James,  290-292,  308. 

Parkman,  Francis,  117. 

Parks,  Elisha,  270. 

Parmele,  Samuel,  208,  209. 

Parmelee,  Ebenezer,  312. 

Pavilion  Hotel,  27. 

Payne,  Benjamin,  272,  275. 

Peck,  Timothy,  206. 

Peek,  William,  349. 

Pelletreau,  Elias,  212. 

Penn,  William,  5,  8,  11. 

Pereival,  James  Gates,  birth  and 
early  education,  227;  settlement 
in  Hartford,  228;  return  to  New 
Haven,  229;  first  contribution  to 
TJie  Microscope,  229 ;  personal 
characteristics,  231-236;  estimates 
of  his  poetry,  226;    death,  236. 

Peters,  Hugh,  64. 

Phelps,  Timothy,  312. 

Phelps,  William  Lyon,  313. 

Pickett,  Adam,  190. 

Pierpont,  James,  333. 

Pierpont,  John,  347,  349. 

Pierson,  Abraham,  168,  332,  334. 

Pinchbeck,  Chr.,  208. 

Pitkin,  William,  172. 

Poole,  Elizabeth,  58,  GO. 

Porter,  Ebenezer,  141,  142. 

Porter,  Isaac  G.,  28. 

Porter,  Noah,  21. 

Porter,  Sarah,  28. 

Potwine,  John,  192,  198,  203. 

Pratt,  Charles,  6. 

Pratt,  William,  302,  303. 

Prince,  Job,  197. 

Prout,  John,  339. 

Prudden,  Peter,   165. 

Punderson,  John,  335. 

Putnam,  Israel,  263. 


Pym,  John,   1,  56. 

Pynchon,  Henry  R.,  322. 

Pynchon,  John,  270. 

Quintard,  Pierre,  198. 

Read,  Daniel,  141. 

Read,  John,  253. 

Reed,  Joseph,   14. 

Revere,  Paul,  137,  187,  188. 

Reynolds,  James,  279. 

Rich,  Nathaniel,  87,  89. 

-Rich,  Robert,  87. 

Richardson,  J.  B.,  279. 

Riggs,  Samuel,  348. 

Robert  Treat:    Founder,  etc.,  162. 

Robertson,  Mrs.  John  B.,  29, 

Root,  Jesse,  15,  272,  273,  275. 

Rosewell,  Henry,  85. 

Rosewell,  Lydia,  340. 

Rouse,  William,   189. 

Ruggles,  David,  317. 

Russell,  John,  339. 

Russell,  Talcott  H.,  20. 

Russell,  William  H.,  20,  34. 

Russell,  Mrs.  W.  H.,  28. 

Ryan,  John,  282. 

Saltonstall,  Gurdon,  98,  143,  151,  163, 

188,  190,  210,  333. 
Saltonstall,  Richard,  71. 
Sanderson,  Robert,  187. 
Sanford,  Desire,  308. 
Sanford,  Isaac,  203. 
Sargeant,  Jacob,  206. 
Say  and  Seal,  Lord,  85-89,  93,  173, 
Seabury,  Bishop  Samuel,   194, 
Seal  of  Connecticut,  82. 
Sergeant,  Jonathan  D.,  15. 
Sewall,  Samuel,  95. 
Seward,  William  H.,  277,  278. 
Seymour,  Elizabeth,  303. 
Seymour,  Richard,  303. 
Sheldon,  Bishop  Gilbert,  65. 
Shelton  &  Kensett,  144. 
Shepard,  Charles  U.,  28. 
Sheridan,  Philip,  278. 
Sherman,  John,  313. 
Sherman,  Roger,    101,   304,   313,   324, 

340. 


364 


INDEX. 


Shipraan,  Elias,  310,  319. 

Shipman,  Nathaniel,  209. 

Short,  Thomas,  289. 

Silliman,  Benjamin,  23,  25,  233. 

Silliman,  John,  192. 

Skene,  Andrew  P.,  256,  261. 

Skene.  Governor  Philip,  259.  261-263, 

266,  267,  276. 
Smith,  David,  315. 
Smith,  Jacob,  258,  274. 
Smith,  Captain  John,  84. 
Smith,  William,  7. 
Smyth,  Newman,  62. 
Stanley,  Nathan,   175. 
Stanley,  William,   191. 
Steel,  Ashbel,  302. 
Sterry,  Peter,  63,  64. 
Steuben,  Baron  de,  143. 
Stiles,    Ezra,    11,    59,    143,    175,    190, 

201,  307,  308. 
Stiles,  Rev.  Isaac,  113,  117. 
Stoddard,  Solomon,  22. 
Stoughton,  John,  68. 
Street,  Augustvis  Pv.,  334. 
Street,  Rev.  Nicholas,  58,  60,  334. 
Street,  Samuel,  334. 
Strong,  Jedediah,  297. 
Strong,  Julia,  29. 
Stuart,  Gilbei-t,   144. 
Sweeney,  General  Thomas,  278. 
Talcott,  Mattliew,  259. 
Tapp,  Edmund,  166,   168,  178. 
Tapp,  Jane.   166. 
Taylor,  Nathaniel  W.,  23. 
Taylor,  William,  147. 
Terry,  Eli,  209. 
Thacher,  Thomas,  24. 
Thomas,  Isaiah,  290-292,  303. 
Thompson,  David,  315. 
Thurlow,  Edward,  5. 
Ticknor,  George,  232. 
Tiley,  James,  204. 
Tompkins,  Edmund,  212. 
Townsend,  Amos,  Jr.,  328. 
Townsend,  J.  S.,  225. 
Tracy,  Gurdon,  209. 
Treat,  Eunice,   178. 


Treat.  Katharine,   164. 

Treat,  Richard.   164,  168. 

Treat,  Robert,  baptism,  164;  settled 
in  Milford,  165;  marriage,  166; 
interest  in  the  regicides,  167; 
moved  to  New  Jersey,  168;  re- 
turned to  Milford,  169;  military 
career,  169;  fight  with  Indians,  170, 
171;  chosen  Deputy  Governor,  172; 
contest  with  Andros  over  the 
Charter,  174-176;  practical  farmer, 
177;  his  house  in  Milford,  178; 
family,  178;  death  and  inscription 
on  tombstone,  179;  memorial  slab 
on  Milford  bridge,  180. 

Treat,  Rev.  Samuel,  178. 

Trott,  John  Proctor,   190,  211. 

Trott,  Jolin,   163. 

Trott,  Jonathan,  211. 

Trott,  Jonathan,  Jr.,  211. 

Trott,  Richard,  163. 

Trowbridge,  Anne,  337. 

Trowbridge,  Daniel,  329. 

Trowbridge,  E.  Hayes,   340. 

Trowbridge,  Francis  B.,  164. 

Trowbridge,  Hannah,  341. 

Trowbridge,  Joseph.   195. 

Trowbridge,  Thomas.  163,  339,  341. 

Trowbridge,  William  P.,  46. 

Trumbull.  Benjamin,  7,  85,  86,  143, 
157. 

Trumbull,  J.  Hammond,  240,  241. 

Trumbull,  Jonathan,  8,  100,  101,  174, 
255,  257,  260-262,  267. 

Tully,  William,  28. 

Turner,  James,  137. 

Turner,  Stephen,  260. 

Tuthill,  Cornelius,  225,  230. 

Tuttle,  Ebenezer,  146. 

Tuttle.  Enos,  315. 

Tuttle,  Eunice  Moss,  146. 

Tuttle,  Mercy,  329. 

Tuttle,  Phebe,  146. 

Van  Buren,  Martin,  326. 

Van  Dyke,  Peter,  192. 

Vaudreuil,  Governor,   118,   125. 

Vernon,  Samuel,   189. 


INDEX. 


305 


Viets,  John,  274. 

Viets,  Roger,  274. 

Wade,  Xathaiiiel,  337. 

Wadsworth,  James,  259. 

Wadswortli,  Jeremiah,  275. 

Wadsworth,  Samuel,  259,  275. 

Walker,  George  Leon,  161. 

Wallace,  William,  262. 

Walsh,  Nicholas,  287. 

Walter,  Thomas,  299. 

Walworth,  Daniel,  207. 

Ward,  Billions,  208. 

Ward,  James,  204,  206. 

Ward,  Timothy,  206. 

Wareham,  John,  163. 

Warner,  Eli,  260. 

Warwick,  Earl  of,  1,  85,  87-90,  93. 

Washburn,  Albert  L.,  293. 

Washington,    George,    142,    143,    256, 

262-266,  270. 
Watson,  Ebenezer,  303,  306. 
Webster,  John,   173. 
Webster,  Xoah,   173,  231. 
Wedderburn,  Alexander,  5. 
Weed,  John,  341. 
Weed,  Thurlow,  346. 
Welch,  Nicholas,  281. 
Welles,  Samuel,  252. 
Welles,  Thomas,  173. 
Wells,  Chloe,  21. 
Wells,  Jona,  259. 
West,  Benjamin,   135. 
Whalley,  Edward,  61,   166,   167. 
Whalley,  Frances,  61. 
Whallej^  Jane,  61. 
Whalley,  Richard,  61. 
Wheelock,  Eleazar,  193. 
Whipple,  William,  14. 
White,  Dyer,  312. 
White,  Rev.  Ebenezer,  259,  291. 
White,  Herbert  H.,  255. 
White,  Jeremiah,  64. 
White,  Oliver  S.,  20. 
Whitefield,  George,   155,   156,   157. 
Whitelocke,  Bulstrode,  89. 
Whitfield,  Nathaniel,   73. 
Whiting,  Charles,  209. 


Whiting,  Joseph,  338. 

Whiting,  Nathan,   110,   112,   115,   117, 

118,  123-125,  130,  131. 
Whitney,  Eli,  36,  37,  202,  312. 
Wliiton,  James  Milton,  21. 
Whittlesey,  Chauncey,  339. 
Whittlesey,  Rev.  Samuel.   195,  337. 
Wickham,  Joseph  D.,  225. 
Willcox,  Alvan,  209. 
Williams,  Colonel  Epliraim,  115,  117, 

118. 
Williams,   Ezekiel,   258-260,   273,   274. 
Williams,  Bishop  John,   194. 
Williams,  Richard,  59,  60. 
Williams,  Walter,  88,  89. 
Wilson,  James,  14. 
Wilson,  John,  58. 
Wilson,  Samuel,    66-70. 
Winslow,  Edward,  187. 
Winslow,  Josiah,  171. 
Winthrop,  Fitz-John,   176,  252. 
Winthrop,  Francis  B.,  23. 
Winthrop,   John,   of   Connecticut,   63, 

65,    66,    73,   87,   92,    143,    164,    167, 

168,   172,   173,  245,  248. 
Winthrop,  John,  of  Massachusetts,  85, 

162,  163. 
Wolcott,  Henry,  241. 
Wolcott,  Roger,  98,  192,   198. 
Wood,  Anthony,  57. 
Wood,  Elisha,  317. 
Woodbridge,  Abigail,   191. 
Woodbridge,  Timothy,  191. 
Woodward,  Antipas,  206. 
Woodward,  Moses,  206. 
Woolsey,  Theodore,  29. 
Woolsey,  Theodore  D.,  333. 
Woolsey,  Theodore  S.,  310. 
Wyllys,  Governor  George,   173. 
Wyoming,  Battle  of,  12. 
Yale,  Asa,  260. 
Yale   College,   engraving   of,   by   Doo- 

little,  145. 
Yale,  Elihu,  335. 
Yale,  Nathaniel,  335. 
Yeldall,  Dr.,   194. 
York,  Duke  of,  2,  6,  7,  114. 


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