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Gc MIL. 




3 1833 01104 2980 

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Prefatory Note iv 

List of Officers v 

Committees ■ : . ."^ . . vi 

List of ^Members *..... vii 

Papers : 

I. The Hartford Couveiition; by Simeon E. Baldwin- 1 

IL Notes on some of the Xew Haven Loyalists, including those 

graduated at Yale; by Fraxklix B. Dexter 29 

III. The Rev. Harry Croswell, D.D., and his Diary; by Fraxklix 

B. Dexter 40 

IV. The Removal of Yale College to Xew Haven in October, 

1716; by J'raxklix B. Dexter 70 

V. The Loss of the Charter Government in Connecticut: by 

LEiiCEL A. "Welles 90 

VI. Fighting the Revolution with Printer's Ink in Connecticut; 

the Official Printing of that Colony from Lexington to the 
Declaratum ; by Albert C. Bates 129 

VII. A Ride across Connecticut before the Revolution; by 

SiMEOX E. Baldwix 161 

M^II. Tlie Citizenship of the Author of the "Quatre Lettres d'un 
Bourgeois de Xew-Heaven sur I'unite de la legislation" 
by SiMEOx E. Baldwix 170 

IX. Jared Ingersoll, Stamp Master, and the Stamp Act; by 

Edwix S. Lixes 174 

X. A Selection from the Correspondence and Miscellaneous 

Papers of Jared Ingersoll; edited by Fraxklix B. 

Dexter 201 

Index 473 

IPrcfator^ Bote 

The iSTe^v Haven Colony Historical Society has published 
nine volumes of its papers ; Vol. I, in 1805 ; Vol. II, in 1877 ; 
Vol. Ill, in 18S2; Vol. IV, in 1888; Vol. V, in ISOI; Vol. 
VI, in 1900; Vol. VII, in 1908; Vol. VIII, in lOU; and 
Vol. IX, in 1918. 

The Society does not consider itself committed to the sup- 
port of the positions taken in any of the papers thus published. 
■ For the statements or conclusions of each, the author is alone 

Among- the Society's possessions is the valuable collection of 
Ingersoll Papers, which Bishop Lines obtained for us when he 
was its President. Included in this volume are the more 
important Letters of that collection, which have been carefullv 
selected and annotated by Prof. Franklin B. Dexter. The 
Publication Committee takes this opportunity to express its 
grateful appreciation to ^Ir. Dexter for his generous help, and 
for the skilful editing which no one else is so well equipped to 

William A. BEAnDsLEv, I 
Tno:\[AS ^[. Pkextice, 

SnrEOx E. Baldwin, y 

WiLLisTox Walker, { 

Theodoke S. Woolsey, i 


// vr 

©mccre of the ll'lcw Mavcn Colony 
Ulicitorical Socict\i 


Prcftidoit : 

willta:\i a. beardsley. 

First Vice President: Second Vice President: 


Secretar;/: Assistant Secretary: 



Advisory Committee 
( Constituting ^vith the above named a Board of Directors) : 
Arthcr T. IIadley, President of Yale University, ex-oficio. 
David E. FitzGekald, Mayor of tlie City of Xew Haven, ex-officio. 
JOHX E. DouGiiAX, Town Clerk of Xew Haven, ex-officio. 

Honorary Directors in. Permanency 
(With power of voting in Board of Directors) : 
Hexry F. English, Hkxry L. Hotchkiss, 

George B. Adams, ' Willistox Walker. 

Directors for Three Years: 
Theodore S. Woolsey, Rctherford Trowbridge, 

Henry T. Blake, He.vry H. Towxsiiexd, 

F. Wells Williams. 

Directors for Tiro Years: 
SiMEOx E. Baldwin-, 

Ln-INGSTOX W. Cleavel.\n-d, Leonard M. Daggett, 

Andrew Keogh. , 

Directors for One Year: 
Edward A. Bowers, Francis B. Trowbridge, 

George D. Watrocs, Osborne A. Day, 

Frederick J. Kingsbury. 

Librarian and Curator: 
Frederick Bostwick. 

Colonial Hall, the building of the Society, is open to the public daily 
«xcept holidays, from 9.30 A. m. to 12.30 p. M., and from 2 i: ii. to 5 p. it"; 
in the winter months closed at 4 p. m. 

StanMmj Committees for 1917^1918 

Executive Connnittee: 
The President, 


Henry F. English, 
BrRTON ^Iansfield, 
Thomas M. Peextice. 

Finance Committee : 


Eli Whitney, 
George D. Watrous. 

House Committee: 
Edward A. Bowers, 
Simeon E. Baldwin, 
Hen-ry F. English, 
Leonard :M. Daggett. 

Publication Committee: 
The President, 
The Secretary, 
Simeon E. Baldwin, 


Theodore S. Woolsey. 

Committee on Papers to be Read. 
The President, 
The Secretary, ■ " 

F. Wetxs Williams. 
Frederick J. Kingsbury. 

Library Com7)iittce : 
Andrew Keogh, 
Frederick Bostwick, 
Edward A. Bowers, 
Fbancis B. Trowbridge. 

Committee on New Members: 
Henry H. Townshend, 
Roger W. Tuttle, 
William M. Hotchkiss. 

Committee on Placing Memorial 

Henry T. Blake, 
Simeon E. Baldwin, 
Andrew Keogh. 

Committee on Relics: 
Livingston W. Cleaveland, 


Thomas Hooker, 

A. McClellan :JLvtiiewson, 

Anson Phelps Stokes. 

Lailiex' Auxiliary Committee: 
Miss Ger.vldine Carmalt, 
Mrs. Arnon A. Alling, 
Mrs. WiLLiAit A. Be.4.edsley, 
Miss Fannie A. Bowers, 
Mrs. Frederick F. Brewster, 
Miss ^iLvry B. Bristol, 
Mrs. Leonard M. Daggett, 
Mrs. Henry F. English, 
;Mrs. ^Tax Fariiand, 
:Mrs. Josei-h :NrAR.SHALL Flint, 
Mrs. H. Stuart Hotchkiss, 
]\Irs. George Harrison Gray, 
Mrs. Burton i[ANSFiELD, 
]^1rs. Joseph B. Sargent, 
Miss Mary E. Scranton, 


Muss Edith Walker, 
Mr.s. Arthur M. Wheeler, 
Mrs. Eli Wiuii^ex. 

fIDcmlKrs ot tbc Society 

Monorars /iBembcrs 

WiLUAM C. WixsLOW, Boston, Mass. Edwin S. Lines, yewark, N. J. 

CorresponMnci /Iftcmbcrs 

L. Ve31.\on Briggs, Eaywvcr, Mass. 

Xite /nbembers 

Roger S. Baldwin. 
Simeon E. Baldwin. 
Charles X. Baxter, Branford 
L. Wheeler Beecher. 
Hiram Bingham. 
T. Whitney Blake. 
Frederick Bostwick. 
Edward A. Bowers. 
Miss Fannie A. Bowers. 
George C. Bryant, Aiisonia. 
Ericsson F. Bushnell, y. Y. 
William H. Carmalt. 
Franklin B. Dexter. 
Henry F. English. 
Mrs. Henry F. English. 
Henry W. Farnam. 
Frederick B. Farnsworth. 


Franklin Farrel, Jr. 

George H. Ford. 

Edwin S. Greeley. 

Edward A. Harriuian. 

Henry L. Hotchkiss. 

Henry Stuart Hotchkiss. 

Miss Susan V. Hotchkiss. 

Charles B. Rowland, Greenicicli. 

Mrs. Charles B. Rowland, Greenwich. 

Mrs. Joseph B. Sargent. 

jNIrs. Elizaljeth Pratt Stevens. 

Henry H. Townshend. 

Rutherford Trowbridge. 

Mrs. Robert B. Wade. 

Miss Alice Johnstone Walker. 

Eli Whitney. 

Mrs. E. C. Woodruff, England. 

Wilbur C. Abbott. 
George B. Adams. 
Nelson Adams, Springfield, 
Frederick M. Adler. 
Mrs. W. F. Alcorn. 
Arnon A. Ailing. 
Arthur N. Ailing. 
David R. Ailing.. 
John W. Ailing. 
Mrs. Mary S. Andreini, N. 
Charles M. Andrews. 
Ricardo F. Armstrong. 
Harry Hall Atwater. 
Frank G. Atwood. 
Samuel R. Avis. 

Bniuial Members 

Leonard W. Bacon. 

Amos F. Barnes. 
Mass. Thomas R. Barnum. 

George J. Bassett. 

Mrs. Samuel A. Bassett. 

V^ernal W. Bates. 

John K. Beacli. 

Miss Elisabeth M. Beardsley. 

William A. Beardsley. 
Y. City. Mrs. William Beebe. 

William S. Beecher. 

Thomas G. Bennett. 

Louis B. Bishop. 

Mrs. Timothy H. Bishop. 

Henry T. Blake. 



Burton L. Blatchley. 

Clarence T>. Bolmer. 

Edward M. Bradley. 

Frederick T. Bradley. 

Mrs. Frederick T. Bradley. 

George T. Bradley. 

Frederick F. Brewster. 

Jolin W. Bristol. 

Miss Mary B. Bristol. 

Mrs. Robert A. Brown. 

Fred B. Bunnell. 

George F. Burgess. 

Charles E. Burton. 

George R. Burton. 

Winthrop G. Bushnell. 

Eugene A. Callahan. 

Walter Camp. 

LeGraud Cannon. 

Minotte E. Chatfield. 

F. Joseph Chatterton. 

Herman D. Clark. 

Livingston W. Cleaveland. 

George R. Coan. 

Miss Harriet J. Cooper. •<' 

Frank Addison Corbin. 

Louis C. Cowles. 

Mrs. George M. Curtis, Meriden. 

Mrs. T. W. T. Curtis. 

Franklin A. Curtiss. 

Leonard M. Daggett. 

Mrs. Leonard M. Daggett. 

Edward S. Dana. 

Miss Susan L. Davis. 

George Family Day. 

Harry G. Day. 

Miss Mary E. Day. 

Osborne A. Day. V 

Eugene DeForest. '.'■'' 

Samuel C. Deniing. 

George S. Dickerman. 

William H. Douglass. 

Miss Eliza deForest Downer. 

John I. H. Downes. 

Miss Caroline E. Dudley. 

Mrs. Timothy Dwight. 

Miss Alice M. English. 

Benjamin F. English. 

Harold K. Enjrlish. 

James English. 

Lewis H. English. 

Miss Olivia H. English. 

Philip H. English. 

Alexander W. Evans. 

Winter H. Everest. 

Henry W. Farnam, Jr, 

Miss Katherine K. Farnam. 

Miss Louise W, Farnam. 

Thomas W. Farnam. 

William W. Farnam. 

Max Farrand. 

Bruce Fenn. 

Harry B. Ferris. 

William T. Fields. 

Irving Fisher. 

Samuel H. Fisher. 

Miss Delia C. Fitch. 

Miss Julia Fleming. 

Charles J. Foote. 

Pierrepont B. Foster. 

John S. Fowler. 

Henry Fresenius. 

Frank B. Frisbie. 

Mrs. Ella F. Gilbert. 

Charles E. Graham. 

Frederick D. Grave. 

Arthur C. Graves. 

Mrs. George Harrison Gray. 

Mrs. Mary F. Woods Greist. 

Frank W. Guion. 

George M. Gunn, MUford. 

William H. Hackett. 

Arthur T. Hadley. 

Henry A. L. Hall. 

Charles S. Hamilton. 

James A. Hamilton. 

Alfred E. Hammer. 

Mrs. Lynde Harrison. 

Mrs. George Seymour Hastings. 

James S. Hemingway. 

Samuel Jlemingway. 

Xatlian W. Hendryx.. 

John Henney. 

Harrison Hewitt. 

James Hillhoase. 

Mrs. James Hillhouse. 

Carleton E. Huadlev. 

/■{<»<: ■■( .-• ' 

1 ' ' 



>[r.s. Horace P. Hoadley. 

Al'ol Ilolbrcjok. 

Miss Olive E. Holbrook. 

Miss ;Mary S. Ilollister. 

Clarence R. Hooker. 

Miss Elizabeth R. Hooker. 

Tlioinas Hooker. 

'll»(mias Hooker, Jr. 

Arthur T. Hopkins. 

William F. Hopson. 

William M. Hotchkiss. 

Philip Hugo. 

William H. Hull. 

F. Thornton Hunt. 

Samuel W. Hurlburt. 

Hobart B. Ives. 

L. Erwin Jacobs. 

Donald L. Jacobus. 

Allen Johnson. 

Joseph C. Johnson. 

John B. Kennedy. 

Andrew Keogh. 

Frederick J. Kingsbury. 

Mrs. William L. Kingsley. 

Cornelius L. Kitchel. 

Isaac L. Kleiner. 

H. M. Kochersperger. 

George T. Ladd. 

Lyman M. Law. 

Mrs. Julia C. Leavenworth. 

Wilson H. Lee. 

Miss Ida L. Leet€. 

George W. Lewis. 

Allen B. Lincoln. 

C. Purdy Lindsley. 

H. Wales Lines, Meriden. 

Harry K. LineSi 

Mrs. Jane B. Linnell. 

Edwin H. Loclavood. 

Seymour C. Loomis. 

George Grant !MacCurdy. 

James H. MacDonald. 

Walter E. Malley. 

Mrs. Austin Mansfield. 

Burton Mansfield. 

Mrs. Burton ^Mansfield. 

Edward F. :\ransfield. 

Stanlev Mansfield. 

Jolin T. ^Manson. 

Mrs. John T. ^iJanson. 

A. McClellan Mathewson. 

Charles M. Matthews. 

John P. McCusker. 

Virgil F. McXoil. 

Charles S. Mellen. 

Adolph Mendel. 

Mrs. Edwin F. Mersick. 

Eli Mix. 

Mrs. F. Henry ^Monroe. 

James T. ^Moran. 

Samuel C. ^Morehouse. 

James A. Munro. 

Charles H. Xettleton. 

Laurence O'Brien. 

Arthur D. Osborne. 

George L. Paine. 

A. Oswald Pallman. 

Theodore D. Pallman. 

Thomas F. Paradise. 

Henry F. Parmelee. 

William M. Parsons. 

Greorge Leete Peck. 

George W. Peck. 

Henry H. Peck, Waterbury. 

Milo L. Peck. 

Cyrus Berry Peets. 

Miss Lina M. Phipps. 

Edwin S. Pickett. 

James S. Pitkin. 

Mrs. Amy B. Porter. 

I. Napoleon Porter. 

Miss Martha Day Porter. 

Thomas ^I. Prentice. 

!N[iss Lillian E. Priidden. 

Horatio G. Redfield. 

Mrs. Edward :M. Reed. 

Horatio M. Reynolds. 

Edward D. Robbins. 

Charles L. Rockwell, Meriden. 

Mrs. Emilie Trowbridge Rogers. 

Henry Wade Rogers. 

Edwin P. Root. 

Henry C. Rowe. 

F. Howard Russell. 

Mrs. Thomas H. Russell. 

Charles E. P. Sanford. 



Mrs. Henry B. Sargent. 

Ziegler Sargent. 

Eniniott A. SaundtTS, ML-^JinicakajInd. 

Miss Ethel Lord Scutield. 

Charles 0. Scoville. 

Miss Mary E. Scranton. 

William D. Scranton. 

George Dudley Seymour. 

Morris W. Seymour, Litchfield. 

Harrison T. Sheldon. 

Simon B. Shoninger. 

Walter C. Skiir. 

Lucius C. Slayton. 

John T. Sloan, Jr. 

Charles H. Smith. 

E. Hershey Sneath. 

Herbert M. Snow. 

H. Merriman Steele. 

James E. Stetson. 

Willis K. Stetson. 

Carleton H. Stevens. 
Ezekiel G. Stoddard. 

William B. Stoddard, Miljord. 

Anson Phelps Stokes. 

Lucius S. Storrs. 

S. Fred Strong. 

Thomas H. Sullivan. 

Mrs. Harriet W. Swan. 

Thomas W. Swan. 

Edward Taylor. 

John H. Taylor. 

Ezra C. Terry. 

Clarence E. Thompson. •": ' 

Graham F. Thompson. 

John Q. Tilson. 

Mrs. Bertha H. Touiisend. 

George H. Townsend. 

Raynham Townshend. 

Charles F. Treadway. 

Miss Caroline II. Trowbridge. 

Courtlandt H. Trowbridge. 

Elford P. Trowbridge. 

Francis B. Trowbridge. 

Frederick L. Trowbridge. 

Hayes Quincy Trowbridge. 
Mrs. Thomas R. Trowbridge. 
Winston J. Trowbridge. 
Charles A. Tuttle. 
Roger W. Tuttle. 
Julius Twiss. 
Victor ilorris Tyler. 
Mrs. William R. Tyler. 
Isaac M. Ullman. 
Louis 'M. Ullman. 
Mrs. John Clrich. 
Addison VanXame. 
William F. Verdi. 
Charles M. Walker. 
Williston Walker. 
Mrs. Williston Walker. 
Frederick M. Ward. 
Frederick S. Ward. 
Mrs. Henry A. Warner. 
William A. Warner. 
Herbert C. \^arren. 
George D. Watrous. 
George D. Watrous, Jr. 
Mrs. George H. Watrous. 
Jesse D. Welch. 
Lewis S. Welch. 
Pierce X. Welch. 
Mrs. Pierce X'. Welch. 
Lemuel A. Welles, New York. 
William S. Wells. 
Alfred X\ Wheeler. 
Edwin S. WTieeler. 
John Davenport Wheeler. 
Roger S. White. 
Roger S. White, 2d. 
Mrs. Eli Whitney. 
Miss Elizabeth Fay Whitney. 
Miss Margaret D. Whitney. 
Charles W. Whittlesey. 
Frederick Wells Williams. 
Arthur B. Woodford. 
Rollin S. Woodruff. 
Theodore S. Woolsey. 
Albort Zunder. 

\ 1 'iJ-s I 


Bv SniEOx E. Baldwin, LL.D. 

[Head December 21, 1914.] 

Hartford has been the seat of three Conventions of States. 
The first was held in 1779; the second in 17S0. Each was 
attended by five States, New York and all New England." The 
third, in which three States (all of New England except New 
Hampshire and Vermont) officially participated, was that the 
centenary of which we meet to celebrate. 

Of gatherings of this general character there had been eleven 
between the Declaration of Independence and the Philadelphia 
Convention which framed the Constitution of the United States. 
During that stage in our history each State was an independent 
sovereign. Each was, nevertheless, a member of a combination 
of States, at first described as Continental, and after March first, 
17S1, taking the shape of a Confederation under a written Con- 
stitution. Was it, under these circumstances, a right of any 
number of States less than the whole to meet in convention for 
either discussion or action on public affairs of common interest ' 

In January, 17S1, while the union remained undescribed in 
written form, Philip Schuyler moved in the Senate of New 
York to request tlie Eastern States to join in a convention, which 
should form a perpetual league of incorporation. **He would 
make this league, however,'' subject to the common interest of all 
the States, ''and invite others to accede to it.'"'t 

Nothing came of this, but two years later, in Eebruary, 17S0, 
the General Court of ^Massachusetts voted to invite the other 
New England States and New. York to meet in convention for 
regulating matters of common conceru. On the first of ^larch 

* See New Haven Coluiiy IIi>t. Sue. rapcis. Id. o7. 
t Bancroft, History of tlie lunstitutimi. I. 'i'.'. 


Xew Hampshire declined to take part in this movement, and in 
Xew York there was similar action a few days later.* 

On the first day of April this matter occasioned some discus- 
sion in the Continental Congress. ^Eercer of Virginia obsen-ed 
that to hold such a convention would constitute a dangerous pre- 
cedent. Colonel Bland of Virginia said that he had always 
considered ''young Congresses'' of this character as improper, 
and contravening the spirit of the Federal government. Madi- 
son and Hamilton, as stated in the diary of the former, '"'disap- 
proved of these partial conventions, not as absolute violations 
of the Confederacy, but as ultimately leading to them and, in 
the meantime, exciting pernicious jealousies. "f 

Biit one of the ten gatherings of States held prior to that of 
17S6 at Annapolis has any really remembered place in American 
history. The only one held since the adoption of the Federal 
Constitution has such a place, and that secured it not for what it 
did, but for what it was feared it might do. 

The Hartford Convention of 1S14 was unquestionably a bi^dy 
of men who might, without much difficulty, have been led to take 
a position beyond the verge of patriotic duty. Happily its 
leadei-s were men of too sound judgment to urge or to admit 
action of such a kind. They shared the thought of the day, 
among the Federalists of the ilamiltonian School, as to the doc- 
trine of States' Eights. But they had also a sincere attachment 
to the United States, and fully recognized it as in some matters 

Among the rights reserved to the States, however, they con- 
sidered, as included, that of meeting for consultation. It had 
been frequently claimed and exercised before the adoption of 
the Constitution. It was not prohibited by it. Therefore, they 
reasoned, it was reseiwed. 

Harrison Gray Otis took this position in his ''Letters in 
Defence of the Hartford Convention, and the People of ^Massa- 
chusettvS," published in lS24.t 

•Journals of the Lt'j,'is.Iature, March S, 10, II. 
t Elliott's Debates, V, 81. 
t p. 28. 


ing little assistance from the military forces of the United 
States. .-„ 

She had no sympathy wirh the policy which brought on the 
"War of 1S12. Early in 1S13 a congratulatory resolution was 
introduced in her legislature, with reference to the recent sink- 
ing of the British sloop-of-war Peacock off the Demerara river 
by the Hornet, under C(jnmiand of Lawrence. 

The Senate threw it our, on tlie report of a committee headed 
by Josiah Quincy, with these words : 

"Resolved, as the sense of the Senate of Massachusetts, that 
in a war like the present, waged without justifiable cause, and 
prosecuted in a manner which indicates that conquest and ambi- 
tion are its real motives, it is not becoming a moral and religious 
people to express any approbation of military or naval exploits, 
which are not immediately connected with the defence of our 
sea-coast and soil.'' 

The defence of the coast and soil of Xew England by the 
forces of the United States, which had been feeble up to the time 
when this report was made, became still feebler during the 
following year. 

The governments of ^lassachusetts and Connecticut had 
refused, at tlie beginning of the war, to comply with the request 
of the United States to put a part of their organized militia into 
service under the ccmmand of otriccrs in the regular army. The 
reasons for this refusal, which they set forth, were that the 
Constitution of the United States secured to each State the right 
to officer its own militia ; that the federal government could only 
call for their services whru needed to execute the laws of the 
Union, suppress insurrectiuus and repel invasions; and that, at 
present, there was no such need, as the President had only 
informed thciu that there was imminent '"danger" of invasion. 
These States, thercfMre. while they made the formal •"detach- 
ment" of as many of their militia as was requested under the 
Act of Congress of A}»ril li', 1^12. refused to put them under 
the command of otlieers ..f \\u- n-gular anuy. 

Governor (rri-woM's ai-Ti«»n in this direction was unre- 
seiwedlv appri'ved by tin- (leiieral Assembly. . A committee 


appointed to consider it at a special session held on August 25tli, 
1S12, used this language in their reports 

''It must not be forgotten that the State of Connecticut is a 
free, sovereigii, and independent State ; that the United States 
are a Confederacy of States ; that "\ve are a confederated and not 
a consolidated Kepublic. The Governor of this State is under 
as high and solemn obligations 'to maintain the lawful rights and 
privileges thereof as a sovereign, free and independent State' as 
he is to support the Constitution of the Fnited States." 

The terms of the obligation thus des-cribed are quoted from 
the official oath for our Governors, — an oath soon afterwards 
changed, bj the Constitution of 1818, to its present form, in 
which the clause in qtiestion is not found. 

Governor Griswold recommended to our legislature the enact- 
ment of a law to raise purely State troops, which the Constitu- 
tion of the United States permits in time of war. Such acts 
were passed in both Connecticutf and ^lassachusetts. The 
United States declined to pay or provision troops not stibject to 
their orders, and the States felt the burden thus thrown upon 
them very keenly. Shortly after the close of the war, Cong-ress 
prepared an Act authorizing the States to raise and officer State 
troops, to be employed within their own territory or that of 
adjoining States, and providing for their pay and subsistence. 
Had such an Act been passed a year or two earlier, said the 
"Appeal to the Citizens of the United States," pttblished in 
1829, in answer to some assertions of John Quincy Adams, the 
Hartford Convention would never have been called. t 

The Governor of Vermont went farthest in asserting the right 
of each State, under the Constitution, to command her own 
militia. On Xovember 10, 1813, Governor Chittenden ordered 
a body of Vermont militia home from Plattsburgh in iiSTew York, 
where they were stationed, under command of a United States 

• Report on the Governor's Speech, page C. 

t Session Lawi, OctobL-r Session. lSl-2. (liap. I, and October Session, 1S14, 
Cliap. 0. 

t Ailanis, New England Federalism, G3, 8iJ. 

il' .-.,> 1< I. 

I ./i 


The officers of the militia sent the Governor a letter refusing 
to obey ; styling his proclamation of recall one of "folly and 
infamy,-' but sugaring the pill by the remark that they consid- 
ered its issue as due to "evil advisers" by whom he was ''encom- 
passed."* "When news of this occurrence reached CongTess, a 
motion was made (January 0, 1S14) that the Attorney-General 
prosecute Governor Chittenden for enticing soldiers to desert, 
but the proposition was laid on the table, and the affair passed 
over in silence. 

In August, 1814, Governor Smith of Connecticut recalled the 
only detachment of militia which this State had sent to be 
enrolled in the national service, f 

We cannot get a clear idea of the practical relations between 
the States and the United States, a hundred years ago, without 
keeping steadily in mind the fact that their theoretical relations 
were unsettled, down to the close of the civil war, and indeed, 
until the courts had pronounced upon the law that must be 
applied in solving the leading problems which the war brought 
to the front. 

The view that it was the right of a State to judge for itself of 
any violation of the Constitution of the United States, and to 
secede from the Union if its decision were disregarded, from 
the very beginnning of the Federal government had many sup- 
porters in the Xorth as well as in the South. It is almost a 
necessary corollary from the Virginia Resolutions of 1703, 
drawn by ^^iadison. 

Senator John Taylor of Virginia, in ^Fay, 1794, wrote for 
^Madison's information an account of a long conversation which 
he ha"d had with two of the leaders of Xorthern political opinion, 
Rufus King, one of the two first Senators from Xew York, and 
Oliver Ellsworth, one of the two tirst from Connecticut, and 
soon to be the Chief Justice of the United States. In this inter- 
view both King and Ellsworth said that by reason of ditferences 
of opinion between the East and the South, as to the scope and 
functions of government, the Union could not last long, and that 

* Records of GoveriKir and Ctnuicil of Veinioiit, VI, 404. 
t Morison. Life of Harrison Cray Otis. II, lOo. 



therefore they cousidereJ it best to have a dissolution at once, 
by mutual consent, rather than by a less desirable mode. Taylor 
himself stated to them that he was opposed to a dissolution of the 
Union, if it were possible to preserve it, but agreed that if that 
became impossible an amicable separation was preferable. 

This memorandum was a confidential one. Madison endorsed 
it with these words: ''The language of 3v and E probably in 
terrorem," and it was never printed until 1905." It was evi- 
dently treated as the expression of an esoteric doctrine; but 
bc>th King and Ellsworth were men of their word, and I see little 
reason to doubt that it was sincerely held by these two statesmen ; 
as it certainly was by many of their constituents at the Xorth 
or, as the States north of Maryland were then termed, '"the 

In January, 1S04, Timothy Pickering, then Senator of the 
United States from Massachusetts, wrote thus to George Cabot : 

"I do not believe in the practicability of a long continued 
Union. A Xorthern confederacy would unite congenial charac- 
ters, and present a fairer prospect of public happiness, while the 
Southern States, having a similarity of habits, might be left to 
manage their own affairs in their o^\^l way" ... "I 
believe, indeed, that if a Northern confederacy were forming, 
our Southern brethren would be seriously alarmed, and probably 
abandon their virulent measures. But I greatly doubt whether 
prudence should suffer the connection to continue much longer. 
The proposition would be welcomed in Connecticut; 
and could we doubt of I^ew Hampshire? But Xew York must 
be associated : and how is her concurrence to be obtained ? She 
must be the center of the confederacy. Vermont and jSTew 
Jersey would follow of course, and Ehode Island of necessity. 
Who can be consulted, and who will take the lead ?"t 

The next month Judge Reeve of Litchfield wrote to Senator 
Tracy of Connecticut : 'T have seen many of our friends, and all 
that I have seen, and most that I have heard from, believe that 

* White. Life of Lyman Trumbull, xxii, note. 

t Lodge, Life of George Cabot, 337. • 



we must separate, and that this is the most favorable moment. 
The ditHculty is, how is this to be accomplished? I have heard 
of only three gentlemen, as yet, who appear undecided upon this 

Governor Griswold, in March of the same year, wrote to 
Oliver Wolcott : ^"T have no hesitation myself in saying that 
there can be no safety to the Xorthern States, without a separa- 
tion from the confederacy. The balance of power under the 
present government is decidedly in favor of the Southern States ; 
nor can that balance be changed or destroyed. . . . The 
question, then, is. Can it be safe to remain under a government, 
in whose measures we can ]iave no effective agency ? . . . 
With these views, I should certainly deem it unforttmate to be 
compelled to place any man at the head of the Xorthern interest, 
who would stop short of the object, or would only use his influ- 
ence and power, for the purpose of placing himself at the head 
of the whole Confederacy, as it now stands. If gentlemen in 
Xew York should entertain similar opinions, it must be very 
import-ant to ascertain what the ultimate objects of Colonel Burr 
are. . . . If we remain inactive, our ruin is certain. Our 
friends will make no attempts alone. By supporting Mr. Burr, 
we gain some support, although it is of a doubtful nature and of 
which, God knows, we have cause enough to be jealous. In 
short, I see nothing else left for us. The project which we had 
formed was to induce, if posssible, the legislatures of the three 
Xew England States, who renuiin Federal, to commence meas- 
ures, which should call for a re-union of tlie Xorthern States. 
The extent of those measures, and the rapidity with which they 
shall be followed up, must be governed by circumstances. ''f A 
few days later, Stephon Iligginson of ^fassachusetts, a member 
in earlier life of the Continental Congress, writes to Pickering: 
'T.have seen your letters {>> 'Mv. Cabot and Mv. Lyman on the 
question of separation, whieh is a very delicate and important 
one, considereil in the abstract. We all agree there can be 
no doubt of its b.'ing desiraljle; but of the expediency of 

• Lodge, Life of (i.-.u-.- Cal.ut. 442. 

t Adams, New Enghind Fi-doialiom, '3o^^, o'tT. 

TiiK HAiri'i'oun coxvKX riox, 


attempting- it, or discussing it now at this moment, we all very 
much doultt. Tt is dangerous to continue under the Virginia 
svsteni: but how to extricate ourselves at present we see not; 
and if we remain long together, we shall l>e bound with so many 
ligatures it will require great efforts to get extricated; and, in 
the present state of public mind, even hero no attempt can be 
excited. It would indeed be very unpopular to suggest the i'lea 
of its being either expedient or necessary/""^ 

Hamilton was strongly against it, writing on the day before 
liis fatal duel with Burr, as his political valedictory, to Theodore 
Sedg^vick, tliat "Dismemberment of our Empire will be a clear 
sacrifice of great positive advantages without any counterbalanc- 
iiicr good, administering no relief to our real Disease, which is 
Democracy, the poison of which by subdivision will only be the 
more concentred in each part; and consequently the more 
virulent. "t 

Some of the Federalist leaders in Xew England entertained 
quite different views. 

Governor William Plumer of Xew Hampshire, in a letter to 
John Quincy Adams, dated December 20, 1828, states that while 
in the Senate of the United States in 1803 and 1804, several of 
the Xew England Senators and Eepresentatives informed him 
that they thought it necessary to establish a separate government 
in Xew England; and that he himself then favored such a 
measure and recommended it in confidential correspondence. 

There can be little question that Senators Tracy and Hillhouse 
of Connecticut were among those with whom he conferred. In 
a letter to Judge Gould, dated April 9, 1829, t Hillhouse denied 
that he "'ever heard or knew of any combination or plot among 
the Federal members of Congress to dissolve the Union of those 
States, or to form a Xorthern or Eastern Confederacy. Xor do 
I believe there ever was any such combination or plot." This 
may be accepted as decisive that no definite plot or combination 

* A(.lam>, Xew "England Fetleralisni, 361. 

7 A.ianis. Xew En-land Federalism, 365: Proceedings of the Mass. Hist. 
S..C.. XL VI II. 76. 

t Young, The American Statesman. 453; Adams, Xew England Federal- 
ism, 100, 144. 

J . ' 'I 

I , 



was, to his knowledge, agreed on, but is not inconsistent with 
Senator Phimer's explicit statement that Hillhoiise obsen-ed to 
him, in 1S03 or 1S04, that "the Eastern States must and will 
dissolve tlie Union, and form a separate govermnent of their 
own ; and the sooner they do this, the better."* 

The embargo of 1S07 swept an important ally, Harrison Gray 
Otis of ^Massachusetts, at least half way over to Pickering's side. 
Otis wrote to Josiah Quincy, on December 15, ISOS, a letter 
containing these passages : 

'•It would be a great misfortune for us to justify the obloquy 
of wishing to promote a separation of the States, and of being 
solitary in that pursuit. . . . ^Vliat then shall we do ( In 
otlier words, what can Connecticut do ? For we can and will 
come up to her tone. Is she ready to declare the Embargo and 
its supplementary chains unconstitutional, — to propose to their 
State the appointment of delegates to meet those from the other 
commercial States in convention at Hartford or elsewhere, for 
the purpose of providing some mode of relief that may not be 
inconsistent with the Union of these States, to which we should 
adhere as long as possible ( Shall ^ew York be invited to 
join; and what shall be the proposed objects of such a con- 
vention?"t .• . -,. ;., ;;■■..;:... ■'. -. ■ • 

In 1S09, Governor Lincoln of ^lassachusetts, a Jefferson 
Democrat, in his inaugural message, intimated that rumors of 
an intended secession from the Union were afloat. The Senate, • 
in answer, said that ''the people of Xew England perfectly 
understood the distinction between the Constitution and the 
administration. They are as sincerely attached to the Consti- 
tution as any portion of the United States. They may be put 
under the ban of the empire, but they have no intention of 
abandoning the Union.'*! 

Two years later, Josiah (Quincy, as a representative from 
Massachusetts in Congress, declared on the floor of the House 

* Adams, Now Eu;ilaiul Ft'iipi-.tlisin. Ii1ti. 

t Adams, Hist, of the U. S.. IV. 403: Quincy, Life of Jo>iah Qiiiiicy, 164. 
t Baldwin, Xew England SL'i.'os>iunist». in tlie New Englandor for March, 
1S78, 152. 



that should Louisiana be admitted as a State, it would be so 
flagrant a disregard of the Constitution as virtually to dissolve 
the Union, "freeing the States composing it from their moral 
obligation of adhesion to each other, and making it the right of 
all, as it would become the duty of some, to prepare definitely 
for separation ; amicably if they might, violently if they must." 
The Speaker ruled the concluding portion of the remarks out of 
order, but the House reversed his decision by a close vote, in 
which the majority was chiefly made up of Federalists. But 
the Federal party in general did not share these sentiments. 
The Federalist legislatures did not. In 1812, those of Massa- 
chusetts and Connecticut both affirmed in plain terms their 
devotion to the Union in all its integrity. - 

In 1S09 the Editor of the Biclunond ^yJl^g was prosecuted for 
a libel against Timothy Pickering, published during the summer 
of that year. The statement complained of was that Pickering 
had been concerting with George Canning a separation of the 
Eastern States from the Union. The ^V]Lig found that it could 
not support the charge, and published a retraction on May 20, 

In 1813, a report to the Massachusetts legislature on the Gov- 
ernor's address, referring to the purchase of Louisiana, went as 
far, in binting at secession, as any official documents of that era. 

''If," it said, ''the President and Senate may purchase land, 
and Congi-ess may plant States in Louisiana, they may with 
equal right establisli them on the Xortliwest Coast or in South 
America. It may be questioned hereafter whether, after this 
formation of new States, the adherence of the old ones which 
dissented from the measure, is the result of obligation or expe- 
diency. . . . We regard the L^nion as only one of the 
objects- of the Constitution. The others, as expressed in the 
instrument are 'to establish justice, insure domestic tranquility, 
provide for the common defence, promote the general welfare, 
and secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity.' 
So long as the Union can be made the instrument of these other 

• Holli^t^r, Hist, of Connecticut, II, 470. . 



In judging the course of historical events, however, the politi- 
cal theories of leading statesmen are entitled to little account, 
unless they retlcct the political and moral convictions of the 
people in general. Particularly has this been always true of 
Xew England, owing to her early system of universal education. 
A well-kno^Ti American author said of the Xew England of a 
hundred years ago, and it is as true to-day, that it was one of her 
characteristics "that all classes read, reflect, and form opinions. 
These give direction to politicians, not politicians to thcni.'"'^ 

The Hartford Convention was the expression of the general 
feeling of the people of Southern Xew England, both for what 
it said and for what it did not say. Xeither in the South nor in 
the Xorth did public opinion, in ISli, support the chiim that a 
State could secede, or as the phrase then was, "■recede''t from the 
Union, if dissatisfied with the methods of administering it. 
The Convention was called with the hope to improve those 
methods, and among other things to strengthen the Union itself 
by the ordinary process of constitutional amendment or by 
calling a second Constitutional Convention. 

Xoah Webster, one of those most active in pushing the move- 
ment, which was started in "Western ^Massachusetts where he 
then lived, declared, twenty years later, that ^-'the thought of 
dissohang the Union never entered the head of any of the pro- 
jectors, or of the members of the Convention.''! When it ^v-as 
under discussion in the House of Eepresentatives, of which he 
was one, he argued that for a State to initiate a project of a 
Convention of the States to improve the federal constitution 
there was a precise precedent, namely, the Convention of five 
States- held at Annapolis in IVSG, which virtually convoked the 
Constitutional Convention of ITS". Webster, however, clearly 
ignored the important distinction between what the confederated 
States could do before the Constitution of ITSO, and what they 
could do after that instrument had made them the United States. 

* S. G. Gooilrich, Recollections of a Life Time, I, 450. 

t See IX Am. Hist. Review, 'JO. 

J Welj-ter, Collection of rapci-s on PriHtical. Liteiuiy, and :\roral Sub- 
jects. ?Ao. Cf. his letter to Daniel ^^^•l.-tel• oi Se[it. G. 18,34, given in IX 
Am. Hist. Rev., 06. 



Here was the same error on wliicli Jefferson Davis founded his 
first inaugural message to the C ontVderute Congress in 1862.* 

In the call of ]\Iassachuselts for the Convention, as issued, the 
objects proposed were to deliberate on the dangers to which the 
Eastern section of the Union was exposed by the war ; to devise, 
if practicable, means of security and defence, "not rcpug-uant to 
their obligations as members of the Union,"' and to inquire 
whether the Constitution of the "nation" could not be improved 
by amendments on the initiative of these States, or through a 
new Constitutional Convention. f either of all the States, as pro- 
vided by the Constitution, or, if that mode of proceeding should 
be deemed impracticable, of such as should approve of holding it. 
That to secure such a convention as the Constitution provides 
for would be impracticable was the opinion of tlie committee on 
whose report the resolution was adopted.:;: 

Both the resolution and the call were promptly referred by the 
General Assembly of Connecticut to a special committee. Its 
report was drafted by Eoger IMinott Sherman (though not the 
chairman) and recommended that Connecticut send delegates, 
as requested. § The paper was moderate in tone. Connecticut 
has never been inclined to move in the field eitlier of law or 
philosophy as rapidly or as uncompromisingly as Massachusetts. 

The Massachusetts delegates to the Hartford Convention were 
appointed by the terms of the resolution to ''confer with delegates 
from the other Xew England States, or any other, upon the sub- 
ject of their public grievances and concerns; and upon the best 
means of preserving our resources ; and of defence against the 
enemy ; and to devise and suggest for adoption by those respec- 
tive States such measures as they may deem expedient; and 
also to take measures, if they shall rliiuk it proper, for procuring 
a convention of delegates from all the United States in order to 
revise the Constitution thereof, ami more effectually to secure 
the support and attachment of all the people, by placing all upon 
the basis of fair representiition." ■ , i ^ 

* Davis. "Rise and Fall of the Cnnfcdorate Government, T. 232. 
t Dwi^'lit, History of tlio Hartford Convention, 343. 
1 Adani-s. IHstory of tlie United States. VIII. 225. 
§ Goodrich, Recollections of a Life Time, II, 27. 


It will be noted that the objects tlnis specified arc not precisely 
those mentioned in the call. The most important deviation is 
tliat while the resolution looks ultimately to a constitutiunal 
convention of all the States, the call looks to an extra-constitu- 
tional convention of a part of them only. 

The Connecticut delegates were appointed to confer with the 
delegates that might be sent from any other of the Xew England 
States on the subjects proposed in the ^Lassachusctts resolution 
and any other "for the purpose of devising and recommending 
such measures for the safety and welfare of the States, as may 
consist with our obligations as members of the Xational 

The delegates elected from the three States which participated 
in the Convention were carefully selected for their general mod- 
eration and good judgment. Xo extremists were present. James 
Hillhouse and Harrison Gray Otis were indeed appointed, but 
Josiah Quincy was passed by. He had been too pronounced in 
his public assertions. t Hillhouse was not known in his own 
State to have been inclined, ten years before, to transplant the 
doctrine of the Kentucky and Virginia Resolutions of 179S and 
1799 to Xew England soil.t Eoger Griswold and Senator 
Tracy, probably the only Connecticut men who understood his 
position at that time, were now both dead. 

It is important not to confound the consultations of 1S03 and 
1804, described by Adams and Plumer, wdth those which imme- 
diately preceded the Hartford Convention. Plumer himself had 
changed his views, and was doing what he could to oppose any 
secession by Xew England, even f(jr a time. The conferences 
of 1804 had looked towards a secret meeting of a few individuals 
at Boston. It was not until ISOS that any public suggestion 
was made of a con.ference of delegates regularly appointed by 
the States, to act on a proposition to establish a Xortheru Con- 
federacy. Such a meeting was then advocated in the news- 
papers, and Xew Haven was named as a suitable place at which 

• Dwight, History of the Hartford Convention, 340. 

t Quincy, Life of .7(>>iah Quincy. .337. 

tSee Wartield, The Ky. Ken.lutions of 170S. 174. 



to hold it." But it wtis not until the annexation of Louisiana 
had been followed by an embarao, and that by war, and that by 
the difference of views between tlie Xew Enii'land States and the 
general movement as to the ealliug of the militia into its service, 
that the movement towards a possible dissolution of the Union 
gained any real strength. f 

Disunion at this time was feared on the part of the West, as 
well as the East. 

Charles Carroll of Carrollton wrote to Robert Goodloe Harper, 
on December 4, 1814, in relation to the British expedition 
against I^ew Orleans, "Should the enemy succeed, perhaps the 
Western States, partly by force and partly by advantages which 
the British may hold out to them, may be induced to form a 
separate confederacy. Their separation will secure the union 
of the Atlantic States, and form the best security for Canada. "t 

A clever satire on the calling of the Hartford Convention was 
published in ^Yindsor, Vermont, in 1S15. It begins thus : 

''1. And it came to pass in the days of James the President, 
that certain infuriate Princes and Xobles of the Eastern Prov- 
inces mutinized, saying: We will not have this man to reig-n 
over us. 

2. i^Tow the dominions of James were very extensive, con- 
sisting of eighteen provinces and several large territories. 

3. And tliere was among the mutineers one Caleb Bael 
parazim, tetrarch of a Province that lietli toward the ZST. E., 
bordering on the sea-coast. 

4. This man wrote letters to the tetrarchs of five of the 
provinces which lie roundabout, saying, 

5. . Appoint ye men to go up to the palace of a city that lieth 
in the South West province, that we may consult together, and 
make war with -lames ami with the people of the other provinces, 
and separate ourselves from them ; 

* Young, The American Statesman. 437, 441, 443, 440. 449. 

t Se« the Extract-i from the New En<,'land newspapers collected by Frank 
M. Anderson, in .1 Foraottin I'luisr of th: .Ycif Emjlnnd Opposition to the 
\Var of 1S12, :Mass. Valley Hust. A^>"n Proceedings, Vol. VI. 

} Rowland, Life of Charji'^ Carrull of Carrollton, II, 307. 


6. That it niiglit be fulfilled which was spoken by the 
prophet John, whose sir-name was Ileurv, savin'^- 

7. The legislature of ]\Iassachiisetts will give the tone to the 
neighboring States; will invite a new CongTess, to be composed 
of delegates from the several States; and erect a separate gov- 
ernment for their common defence and common interest.'"* 

The legislature of Vermont, largely through the efforts of 
Chief Justice Xathaniel Chipman, voted unanimously to send 
no delegates to the Convention. Xew Hampshire appointed 
none; but two of her citizens, appointed by county con\-entions, 
were admitted to seats. So was a citizen of Vermont, having 
similar credentials from a county convention described in the 
1 ermont liepublican as '-composed of a few Lawyers, Doctors, 
and Merchants. "t 

When Ehode Island followed Connecticut in appointing dele- 
gates, the Boston Centinel of November 9, 1814, announced 
their accession under the head line, 


It will be recollected that in 1S12 certain correspondence fell 
into the hands of our government which showed that an Eu"-- 
lishman, one John Ilenrv, under secret instructions from the 
Canadian government, had visited Boston and other Xew Eng- 
land points, in 1S09, to learn what was the state of public 
opinion with regard to our relations with Great Britain. His 
reports indicated the existence of gi-eat dissatisfaction, and their 
disclosure was a heavy blow to the Federalist party. When, 
two years later, tlie Hartford Convention was held, Jefferson 
tormed the opinion that it was a project fomented by the British 
ministry. He writes, on December 10, IS 14, to John Melish, 
that tlie British conditions of peace had been ^'desigiiedlv put 
into an impossible form to give time for the development of 
their plots and concerts with the factionisls of Boston, and that 

* Morison, Life of irarri-.oii Gray Otis, II, 12G. 

t Records of Governor and CDUiK'il of Vermont, VT, 4G2. 



they are liolJiug uli" to see the issue, nut of the Congress of 
Vienna, but that of Hartford,'' 

On l)eceinl)er 27, 1814, he writes to M. de Serra that "'the 
negotiators at Ghent are agreed uow on every point save one, the 
demand and cession of a portion of ]\[aine. This, it is well 
known, cannot he yielde>l by ns, nor deemed by them an object 
for continuing a war so expensive, so injurious to their com- 
merce and manufacturers, and so odious in the eyes of the world. 
But it is a thread to hold by until they can hear the result, 
not of the Congress of Vienna, but of Hartford. "When they 
shall know, as they will know, that nothing Avill be done there, 
they will let go their liold, and complete the peace of the world. 
by agreeing to the siatus ante beUinn/'^ 

So in writing to Lafayette on February 14, IS 15, he speaks 
of the British ministry as having formed some hopes of carrying 
the war to a successful issue on the state of the finances, but 
"more in their Hartford Convention." ''Their fears/' he con- 
tinues, "of Republican France being now done away, they are 
directed to republican America, and they are playing the same 
game for disorganization here, which they played in your coun- 
try. The iMarats, the Dantons and Robespierres of ]\Iassachu- 
setts are in the same pay, under the same orders, and making the 
same efforts to anarchise us, that their prototypes in France did 
there. I do not say that all who met at Hartford were under the 
same motives of money, nor were those of France. Some of 
them are Outs and wish to be Ins; some the mere dupes of the 
agitators or of their o^ti party passions, while the Maratists 
alone are in tlie real secret ; but they have very different mate- 
rials to work on. The yeomanry of the United States are not 
the canaille of Paris. We might safely give them leave to go 
through the United States recruiting their ranks, and, I am 
.satisfied, thoy could not raise one single regiment (gambling 
merchants and silk-stix^king clerks excepted) who would support 
them in any etTort to separate from the Union. "t 

* Writinrrs of Thomas .JetrtT^on. XI\'. 221. 22 j. 
jlbid., 251. 


John Quiney Adams liad been the leader in charging projects 
of secession on the Federalist party. lie had stated his convic- 
tions as to this to President Jert'erson. That President 2\[adison 
believed the accusation is plain from his Message of March 9, 
1S12, accompanying the Henry letters, in which he describes 
them as throwing light on a scheme "of destroying the Union, and 
forming the Eastern part thereof into a political connection with 
Great Britain,'' President John Adams accepted his son's posi- 
tion with reference to plots of disunion. He said to George 
Ticknor of Boston, in December, ISl-t, that George Cabot, the 
President of the Hartford Convention, w^anted to be President of 
Xew England. 

The Convention was looked upon with great ill will by the 
Republicans, or as they were now coming to be called, the 
Democrats, of Hartford. On the day of its first meeting, a 
small conipany of recruits for the United States army marched 
through the streets with muffled drums and reversed arms ; the 
British flag was displayed at half mast at the recruiting station ; 
and the bell of the Baptist church was tolled, as at a funeral, 
at the instance, — it w^as reported, — of one of the city physicians, 
Dr. Sylvester AYells.* He was repaid for it by the following 
lampoon : 

" And is it true, then, Doctor Wells 
You got the folks to toll the bells 

Kindly to notice the Convention? ' i , i,. i '■ 

Unless loud fame a falsehood tells 
Your physic often, Doctor Wells, 
Has made the people toll the bells 

Without your kind intention. 

In vain you tried with sapient fate 
To cure the evils of the State 

By federal purgation. 
Democracy will ne'er control us ,, . 

Its horrid slang cannot cajole us 
Pray give your patients, give a bolus 

To tlie rulers of the nation."! 

* Goodrich, Recollections of a Life Time, II. 32. 

t Conn. Mag.. XII. 121. The verses are found in a -Ms. owned by Mrs. 
Anna ^Morris Perry of Hartford. 



Major Tliouias S. Jesup of Iventucky was at this time Lead 
of the militarv District of ■C'unnecticut. The Secretary of War, 
James ]\[oiiroe, ordered him to superintend the recruiting office 
at Hartford, and while there to report to him the doing-.s of the 
Convention and, in case any sign of rebellion appeared, to call 
on the Govei'nor of Xew York fur military aid. Daily reports 
were accordingly made from December 15, ISl-i, when the Con- 
vention opened, nntil January 2o, 1815.* They contained 
notliing of importance. 

The Convention sat with closed doors, and great was the solici- 
tude of the public to know what was under consideration. 

Would they make a threat of secession ? Would they be for 
keeping all their militia, as a home guard ? "Would they attack 
the non-intercourse Act of Congress as unconstitutional ? 

The best guess was made by Josiah. Quincy. ''What do you 
suppose will be the result of this Convention V asked a friend 
who met him on the street one day, when it was in progress. "I 
can tell you exactly," was his answer. "'Can you indeed," said 
the inquirer, "and what will it be ?" "A great pamphlet," ho 

It was freely asserted at the time that the Convention was 
working for a peace at any price. This was certainly unwar- 
ranted. Harrison Gray Otis says with truth, in his Letters in 
Defence of the Hartford Convention and ilie People of Massa- 
chusetts/] that the Convention "was, correctly speaking, a icar 
measure, rather than a peace measure. It was one of a series 
of propositions for raising men and money for puhlic defence." 
. . . It was "professedly and truly a Council of War." 

The great pamphlet, which had been predicted by Quincy, 
appeared in January, ISl."), in the shape of a lengthy and well- 
drawn report of the conelusions of the Convention. 

In this, after expre^si(ln of the conviction that the people of 
other States will yet come to feel that Xew England "cannot be 
made exclusively tlu* victim of a capricious and impassioned 
policy," are added tin- culy {>a>sai!('s looking to secession : 

* Von Hoist. Hi-t.ny .-f tl..' (mii-i Uutinn ,,f tlio Uiiito.l States. 1750-1S3.5, 
2G.t: HiMr.'tli. lli-tMiy ..f tl.o riiii.-.l St;Ut-. III. X. S., 54t3. 
t Pages 14, 21. 


^'Finally, if the I'liiou be destined to dissolution by reason of 
tlie multiplied abuses of bad administrations, it should, if pos- 
sible, be the work of peaceable times, and deliberate consent. 
Some new form of confederacy should be substituted among 
those States which shall intend to maintain a federal relation to 
each other. Events may prove that the causes of our calamities 
are deep and permanent. . . . Whenever it shall appear 
that these causes are radical and permanent, a separation by 
equitable arrangement will be preferable to an alliance by con- 
straint, among nominal friends, but real enemies, inflamed by 
mutual hatred and jealousy, and inviting, by intestine divisions, 
contempt and aggression from abroad. But a severance of the 
Union by one or more States, against the will of the rest, can be 
justified only by absolute necessity."' ... 

"That Acts of Congress in violation of the Constitution are 
absolutely void, is an nndeniahle position. It does not, however, 
consist with respect and forbearance due from a confederate 
State towards the general government, to fly to open resistance 
upon every infraction of the Constitution. The mode and the 
energy of the opposition should always conform to the nature 
of the violation, the intention of its authors, the extent of the 
injury inflicted, the determination manifested to persist in it, 
and the danger of delay. But in cases of deliberate, dangerous 
and palpable infractions of the Constitution, affecting the sover- 
eignty of a State, and liberties of the people; it is not only the 
right but the duty of such a State to interpose its authority for 
their protection, in the manner best calculated to secure that end. 
When emergencies occur which are either beyond the reach of 
the judicial tribunals, or too pressing to admit of the delay 
incident to their forms. States which have no common umpire, 
must be their own judges, and execute their own decisions. It 
will thus be proper for the several States to wait the ultimate 
disposal of the obnoxious measures recommended by the Secre- 
tary of AVar, or pending Wfore Congress, and so to use their 
power according to the character these measures shall Anally 
assume, as effectually to protect their own sovereignty, and the 
ric:hts and liberties of their citizens.'' 


"With this view thev suggest an arrangement, which may at 
once be consistent with the honour and interest of the national 
government, and the security of these States. This it will not 
be difficult to conclude, if that government should l>e so disposed. 
By the terms of it these States might be allowed to assume their 
own defence, by the militia or other troops. A reasonal>le por- 
tion, also, of the taxes raised in each State might be paid into 
its treasury, and credited to the United States, but to l)e appro- 
priated to the defence of such State, to be accounted for with 
tlie United States." . . . ''Should an application for these 
purposes, made to Congi-ess by the State 1-egislatures, be attended 
with success, and should peace upon just terms appear to be 
unattainable, the people would stand together for the common 
defence, until a change of administration, or of disposition in 
the enemy, should facilitate the occurrence of that auspicious 
event. It would be inexpedient for this Convention to diminish 
the hope of a successful issue to such an application, by recom- 
mending, upon supposition of a contrary event, ulterior pro- 
ceedings. Xor is it indeed within their province. In a state 
of things so solemn and trying as may then arise, the legislatures 
of the States, or conventions of the whole people, or delegates 
appointed by them for the express purpose in another Conven- 
tion, must act as such urgent circumstances may then require." 

Among the recommendations of this report were the adoption 
of suitable measures to protect the citizens of the States repre- 
sented in the Convention from subjection to conscriptions or 
impressments not authorized by the Constitution of the United 
States, and an immediate application of these States to the 
government of the United States for their consent to the 
arrangement as to taxes above indicated. 

Then followed a specification of seven amendments to the 
Constitution which the States were advised to propose. 

The first only has since been adopted. It was for proportion- 
ing representation in Congress to the free population of each 
State. That was not to come until slavery had been abolished, 
half a century later. The sixth was directed against aliens, and 
would have made anv of them, thereafter naturalized, incliirible 


to civil office uuder the federal government. The scveuth would 
have confined the President to a sin^'le term, and forbidden the 
choice of a citizen of the same State as his immediate successor. 
The report concluded with the two following resolutions : 

"Eesolved, That if the application of these States to the gov- 
orimient of the United States, recommended in a forefroinir 
resolution, should be unsuccessful, and peace should not be con- 
cluded, and the defence of these States should be neglected, as 
it has been since the commencement of tlie war, it will, in the 
opinion of this convention, be expedient for the legislatures of 
the several States to appoint delegates to another convention, to 
meet at Boston in the State of ^Massachusetts, on the third 
Thursday of June next, with such powers and instructions as 
the exigency of a crisis so momentous may require. 

Resolved, That the Hon. George Cabot, the Hon. Chauncey 
Goodrich, and the Hon. Daniel Lyman, or any two of them, be 
authorized to call another meeting of this convention, to be 
holden in Boston, at any time before new delegates shall be 
chosen, as recommended in the above resolution, if in their 
judgment the situation of the country shall urgently require it." 

Massachusetts and Connecticut were the only States which 
joined in the proposal to Congress for the seven amendments to 
the Constitution. Eight States expressly refused to support 
them. Xew York and Pennsylvania were among these, and 
letters from their Governors were laid before the legislature of 
Vermont in October, IS 15.* 

The people of the United States generally were satisfied with 
the Constitution as it then stood. They looked with suspicion 
on any proposition to amend it. An organization for its defence 
was formed in Xew York city in ISOS, which soon spread into 
Xew England. It was largely composed of Federalists and 
styled the Washington Benevolent Society. Its members took 
an oath to support and preserve the Constitution against the 
inroads of despotism, monarchy, aristocracy and democracy.f 

* Records of tlie Governor and C'ounril of Vermont, VI, 455, 4G4; Report 
of Am. Hist. Association for 18Uti, II, 40. 

fMorison, Life of Harrison Gray Otis, II, 301. 



It Lad licKl the Ana-riean people together fairly well for 
twenty years. If it were to be radically changed, no one could 
predict the result. 

Bonaparte said that a Constitution should be short and 

That of the United States is certainly short. It is also, in 
some parts, and was meant to be, obscure. Its meaning bas been 
and is daily being gradually interpreted by the courts. The 
judiciary, in exercising this funotion, has not been blind to the 
times. It has thus far kept fairly in accord with prevailing 
public opinion. If new readings have thus been devised, they 
have at all events been in harmony with the general scheme of 
the original document. Every amendment is necessarily some- 
what inconsistent with that scheme. Else why adopt it ? 

Propositions to amend the Constitution emanating from an 
irregular convention of a group of States were not likely to find 
much favor outside of that gi'oup. 

Xo such convention of otiicial delegates, to deal with questions 
of a political character, had been held since that of 1787 at 
Philadelphia. Xone such has ever since been held, and none 
is likely to be. The balance of power between State and nation 
is delicatelv adiusted in our constitutional svstem. A bodv of 
the character of that which met in Hartford in 1814- might 
easily disturb it. 

It was largely this sentiment which cast an odium upon the 
Hartford Convention which has never l)een completely removed. 

Another thing, hardly less powerful in bringing it into general 
disfavor, was that, durimr a great war, it was a movement in 
acknowledged opposition to the policy of the administration as 
to the best means of conductin:: that war, on our side. It was 
made up of men who luul virtually pronounced in advance that 
the war measures ado}>ted ly the President and Congress were 
unwise, if not unconstitutiunal. 

A letter which Calvin (loddard. one of our delecates, on 
Xovember 1, 1^1K wrote trom Xew Haven, where he was 
attending the Gemral Assembly a- a memlx-r of the Council, to 



Senator David Da^c'gett at Washington, plainly shows the tense 
feeling of the leading spirits there. We find in it these words: 

"'Wc must not — will not submit to despotism. I am a repub- 
lican — truly — absolutely and entirely so — born — bred — edu- 
cated to be so. I am willing for the sake of repose to make 
sacrifices, but not to become a slave or to entail slavery upon 
srix dear little ones who are to come after me. If heads are to 
l>e lost, one is less valuable than six in my estimation. 
I am no rebel — have no scheme of severing the Union. I should 
consider it as an evil of no small magnitude if accomplished by 
compact in. the most peaceable way; as horrible if accomplished 
by force. But there are evils, it must be remembered, greater 
than even this. Xew England are not yet taught to be slaves. 
It will be a difficult lesson for them to learn. AVe do not mean 
to threaten, but I do strongly suspect that this military conscrip- 
tion, if carried into effect, will raise a storm not easily quelled. 
Indeed, no one can anticipate, except with horror, the crisis to 
which the United States are arriving by means of this accursed 

A few weeks later President Madison, in a letter (Xovember. 
26, 1814) to Governor JSTicholson of Virginia, gives the view of 
the administration, and, we may say, in the main of the country, 
as to what then seemed to be the policy of Xew England. It 
runs thus : 

''You are not mistaken in viewing the conduct of the Eastern 
States as the source of our greatest difficulties in carrying on the 
war, as it certainly is the greatest, if not the sole, inducement 
with the enemy to persevere in it. The greater part of the 
people in that quarter have been brought by their leaders, aided 
by their priests, under a delusion scarcely exceeded by that 
recorded in the period of witchcraft; and the leaders are becom- 
ing daily more desperate in the use they make of it. Their 
object is power. If they could obtain it by menaces, their 

* The DaL'sett :M3>. (1S14) in tlio lil.iarv of Yale UniverMtv. 


efforts would stop there. These failing, they are readv to go 
every length for which they can train tlieir followers. Without 
foreign cooperation, revolts k separation will hardly be risked, — 
and what the eti'eet of so profligate an experiment may be, first 
on deluded partisans, and next on those remaining faithful to 
the nation, who are respectable for their consistency and even 
for their numlx;rs, is for conjecture only. The best may be 
hoped, but the worst ought to be kept in view.'''^ 

Mr. Otis published his ''Letters'' iu defence of the Convention 
in 1819, but it fell flat. 

It was generally thought unwise thus to revive an old contro- 
versy. Jeremiah Mason wrote thus of it, on April 15, 1S20, to 
Rufus King : 

^'The good people of Xew England have been much disturbed 
during the past AYinter by the appearance of the ghost of the 
Hartford Convention, so adroitly conjured up by !Mr. Otis in 
his defence of the character of the defunct. When I was in 
Boston, last Autumn, he mentioned to me his intention of under- 
taking that defence. I tried to dissuade him from the attempt. 
I do not know what he thinks of his success, but I am told that 
all his friends, as w^ll as the friends of the Convention, are 
heartily sorry that he brought this unlucky subject back from 
the oblivion into which it was fast sinking.''t 

How it was regarded by the Democratic leaders of the day in 
Connecticut may be made more clear by a reference to it made 
by a pamphleteer, styling himself ''a Federal Republican," in 
a tract published at the othce of the Hartford Times in ISlT, 
entitled "the Politics of Connecticut." In this the Hartford 
Convention is described as ''the foulest stain on our State 
esctitcheon. . . . This Convention," he proceeds, "was suf- 
fered to engender within our very bosom and now sits like an 
Incuhus upon the breast of every virtuous citizen.'" 
It was "an imperishable monument of infamy and deposits in 
the archivL-s of the nation a record of history in testimony against 

* Writ ill J.'-- of James ^Madison, VIU, 319. 
t Memoirs of J. remiali ^lason, 240. 

. 1 I ; I r 1 



us, which overwhehas us with astonishment and confusion, and 
will entail opprobrium upon our latest posterity." 

Hai'rison Gray Otis ran for Governor of !Massachusetts in 
1S23. His part in the Hartford Convention was at once 
recalled and served powerfully to defeat him. This squib, pub- 
lished during the campaigii, may illustrate the feeling of the 


" Who was at Hartford? 

I, says Sir Harry, 

At Hartford did tarry 

And I was at Hartford. . 

Whom mot yon at Hartford? ,(. 

Three and twenty wise men , 

Separation devising 

These met I at Hartford. 
And honest men frown, wlienever they mention 
The names of Sir Harry and the Hartford Convention."* 

The people are generally right in their judgment upon large 
questions. The American people out of Xew England, as a 
whole, condemned the calling of the Convention. It might have 
led to serious consequences. If the requests it voted to make at 
Washington should be unheeded, its resolutions provided for the 
holding of another convention. It was probable that they would 
be unheeded. What would then be the probable outcome of a 
second convention ? 

The question became unimportant by the conclusion of the 
Treaty of Ghent. The commissioners appointed to repair to 
the capitol did so, but the news of the peace got there ahead of 
them. From that moment there was nothing but distrust, dis- 
like and ridicule, in the nation at large, for the Hartford 
Convention and all that belonged to it. 

In 1S41 an attack was made in a letter to the Xew Yorh 
Erpress upon Daniel Webster, on account of certain of his votes 
in the House of Representatives, during the War of IS 13. One 
of them was thus described : 

"On the 1st of December, only a few days before the sitting 
of the Hartford Convention, he voted against a bill to provide 
additional revenue for defraying the expenses of the government 

* Moriion, Life of Harrison Gray Otis, II, 242. 



and maiiitainiiii: the public credit." The Xational Intelligencer 
published a reply, in- which it is remarked that ''this reference 
to the Hartford Couvt-'ntion is merely for etfect, and to make 
unfair and false impressions ; as it is known to all, who are not 
wilfully ignorant, that ^Ir. Webster had nothing to do wirh the 
Hartford Convention.'' 

I mention this incident simply as showing the general unpop- 
ularity attaching to those who were identified with that Assembly. 
This is well illustrated also by a story told of Eoger IMinott 
Sherman. Long after the Convention had been held, he was 
travelling in Virginia, and stopped at a country inn. The land- 
lord showed gTeat curiosity in questioning him as to who he was, 
where he came from, and whither he was going. At last Mr. 
Sherman said, ''Sit down and I will tell you all about it. I am 
from the Blue Light State of Connecticut.'' The landlord 
stared. '*! am a deacon in a Calvinistic church." The land- 
lord was evidently shocked. ''I was a member of the Hartford 
Convention."' This was too much, and the landlord walked 
sadly away.^ 

Xot far from the same time, a visitor to Hartford from a 
Southern State strolled into the State House and asked to be 
shown the room in which the Hartford Convention sat. It was 
the one used as the Senate Chamber, and over the President's 
chair hung the picture of Washington by Gilbert Stuart which 
now adorns Memorial Hall in the Supreme Court building. 
It may be recollected that the portrait is rather highly colored, 
and no doubt more so then than now. The stranger turned his 
eyes to it and asked if Washington's picture was there when the 
Convention sat. "Certainly," replied his guide, '"Well," said 
the man, looking at it again, ■'111 be damned if he's got the 
blush off yet."t : . .1 , ■ 

* Goodrich, Eecollections of a Life Time, II. 47. 
if Ibid., 34. 




By Fkanklix B. Dextek, Litt.D. 
[Read January IS, 1015.] 

A good many years ago, while spending a summer in London, 
I was interested in turning over, in the Government Record 
Office, the manuscript reports of the Commissioners appointed 
in 1783 to review the applications made by the American Loyal- 
ist refugees for compensation for losses which they had suffered. 
At that time I made notes of the testimony in cases of special 
interest; and some of these notes have formed the basis of the 
present paper. I should mention, however, that more recently 
a full transcript of all these records has been secured for the 
Xew York Public Library, in New York City; and as this 
transcript can be freely consulted by any one, with very slight 
trouble, my notes have no longer even the modest value which 
I may have once attached to them. 

Any sketch, however slight, or superficial, of the sentiment in 
Connecticut at the time of the Revolution must be based pri- 
marily upon our historical development. , 

Under the self-government provided by the comparatively 
Ul>eral charter of 10 02, this Colony had been, generally speak- 
ing, quiet and prosperous for a century; with the consequence 
that in the exciting decade before the outbreak of the Revolu- 
tion, a large proportion of the shrewdest and most influential 
public and professional men doubted, to say the least, if they 
were not likely to be better off under existing conditions in this 
favored spot than they would be if independent of Britain : — 
this beincT not merelv a conviction in relation to their individual 



welfare, but also in coiisideratiou of the pennaiient interests of 
the comniuuity. 

Foremost in the opposite scale was the healthy instinct of 
loyal cooperation in the united action of other provincial govern- 
ments, which in its turn involved also a broader and more com- 
prehensive self-interest; and in most cases this process of 
deliberation and argument resulted in the ungrudging support 
of a policy of armed resistance. 

By a law of human nature, hesitation in taking up the 
attitude of rebels was at first especially the rOle of \he older 
generation of public men, under the dominion of the habits of 
a life-time. Of this class an early example was the Governor 
of the Colony, Thuuuis Fitch, of 'Xoi-walk, born in 1700, and 
graduated at Yale in 1721, who after a lifelong service of the 
State, culniinatiug in twelveyears' tenure of the chief magis- 
tracy, was relegated to private life in 176G, for regarding it his 
bounden duty to take the oath required by the British govern- 
ment to put in operation the odious Stamp Act. Of course I 
would not imply that Govenior Fitch is to be classed as a pro- 
nounced Loyalist ; but his attitude, and that of the four members 
of his Council who stood by him in this crisis (John Chester, of 
Wetherstield, Benjamin Hall, of Cheshire, Jabez Hamlin, of 
Middletown, and Fbenezer Silliman, of Fairfield), and of Jared 
Ingersoll, of Xew Haven, the unhappy Stamp- Agent, was prac- 
tically an anticipation of tliat of many others who were active 
in public matters eight and ten years later ; and when the need 
of decision arrived for these also, we cannot wonder if a natural 
instinct constrained some such to remain faithful to their 
traditionary obligations. ,■ , ,; .. 

Perhaps I may illustrate the customary ways in which the 
thinking men of this next generation were affected by the prob- 
lem set k-fore tliem. by taking the examples of five of the more 
conspicuous public niL-n of the group of Yale graduates in 
Connecticut,— a gi-oup, however, which included a Targe propor- 
tion of the leading men in civil life. The live whose names 
suggest themselves, and who were all about sixty years of an'e in 
1774, are Gorge Wylly>, ,jf the Class of 1720; Elihu Hall, 


Class of 1731; Abraham Davenport, Class of 173:?; and 
Benjamin Gale and Samuel Talcutt, Class of 1733. 

Colonel Wyllys, of Hartford, had grown gray in official servioe 
as the Secretary of the Colony, and continued to hold that nseful 
station acceptably uutil his death at the ripe age of eighty-five; 
and tliough he was currently understood to be averse at first to 
the change of allegiance, he refrained prudently from overt 
action, and not only outgrew completely the faint odium of 
loyalty, bnt even the repute and recollection of it. 

Colonel Elihu Hall, of Walling-ford, on the other hand, is the 
sole representative in this gi-oup of pure and consistent toryism. 
His birth and family connections opened to him tlie best that 
Connecticut had to offer; and after his admission to the bar 
his success as a lawyer was phenomenally rapid. An extensive 
practice led to repeated trips to England, which increased his 
attachment to the mother country, and ensured his choice of it 
as a refuge after war began. He fled from Xew Haven to Xew 
lork in January, 1779 ; and a letter is preserved, retailing his 
report to British authorities of conditions in Connecticut at 
that date, which is as untrustworthy as such reports were apt to 
be. He estimates, for example, that two-thirds of the inhabi- 
tants of the Colony are in favor of reunion with Great Britain ; 
and announces that Governor Trumbull's popularity is declin- 
ing — as evinced at the polls : an assertion entirely inconsistent 
with all other evidence. He also intimates that important con- 
versions to the British side are imminent; but unfortunately 
the only two examples which he specifies do not display shrewd 
judgment. One of these, his own brother-in-law, the Rev. 
Chauncey Whittelsey, pastor of the First Church in Xew Haven, 
IS abundantly knowTi as of unswerving and otherwise unsus- 
pected patriotism ; and the same is, so far as I can learn, true 
of the other individual named. Colonel Thomas Seymour, of 
Hartford. Such baseless gossip was bound to react on the 
informer and his value as an adherent; and the sequel is not 
out of keeping with this prologue. For our latest glimpse of 
Colonel Hall is in London, after the war, pleading that, having 
lost his large American property, his only support, in an infirm 

/ -■■;!' 


and lonely old ag-e, is his pension of £S0 a year, which will not 
allow him to keep a servant. Others of the London colony of 
refugees add their testimony to the dismal picture, — to the 
effect that he has in earlier life been confined in a madhouse, 
and now squanders the little he has in liquor and debauchery. 

In the College class below him was Abraham Davenport, of 
Stamford, a great-grandson of the first minister of Xew Haven, 
a prominent memlx?r of the Governor's Council, or Upper House 
of the General Assembly, and Judge of the County Court. He 
was naturally conservative in his judgment of public questions, 
and it was no secret that he viewed with great hesitation and 
disfavor a rupture with Great Britain ; but when it became 
necessary for the Colony to range itself definitely in the organ- 
ized struggle, he yielded to the paramount claims of the common 
cause, and thenceforth no one was more firm or more constant in 
it5 service. . , ■■. • . - 

In the Class of 1T33 were Dr. Benjamin Gale, of Clinton, 
and Colonel Samuel Talcott, of Hartford. Dr. Gale was a 
learned and skilful physician, of very pronounced and not alto- 
gether orthodox views in religion and pliilosophy. He took also 
a deep interest in politics, and had served for years in the 
Assembly. He was one of the most striking characters of his 
generation in Connecticut, very pessimistic and critical in his 
outlook, and acknowledging no man and no group of men as 
mast-er. To such an observer the revolutionary movement was 
full of danger. He was fimily attached to the cause of liberty, 
as he conceived it, but differed conscientiously from his neigh- 
bors and associates as to the proper mode of opposition to 
Great Britain; but in the issue, even this perverse and 
captious critic was clear-sighted enough to concede that one's 
preferences as to mode must give way, in cases where another 
mode has been commonly agreed upon. 

His classmate, Samuel Talcott, son of the Governor of the 
Colony, and therefore, like George Wyllys and Abraham Daven- 
port, placed at the head of his chiss by social standing, was by 
inheritance and descent counted among the richest and most 
highly favored gentry of the period. In middle life he had 


performed his due share of civil aud inilitary service, and now, 
in a leisurely old age, his circumstances and habits illy adapted 
him to welcome tlie hardships of the Revolution. In the result. 
however, he too is found standing firmly by the new State govern- 
ment and withholding nothing. 

Like these, in their different ways, the better part of the 
nuiturer intelligence of the Colony went through the ordeal of a 
conflict between self-interest, or private judgment, and public 
policy, and rallied effectively in support of independence. 

Under the Connecticut charter, the people elected their own 
rulers, and accordingly there was here no such large official 
class, dependent on the British power, as in the other American 
colonies; and what constituted the largest section of the Tory 
party in most of the neighboring governments, was here prac- 
tically non-existent. 

As one result of this situation, the most numerous group in 
Connecticut of those who were by personal affiliations predes- 
tined to sympathy with Great Britain, was the body of mission- 
ary clergy of the Church of England, all of whom, on receiving 
orders in the mother country, had taken a special oath of alle- 
giance to the cro^vn, and were moreover dependent in good part 
on the stipends furnished by the English "Society for the Propa- 
gation of the Gospel." 

If I have counted correctly, there were at the outbreak of the 
war nineteen Episcopal clergy-men in Connecticut, of whom 
fifteen were Yale graduates. The eldest of this group, the Eev. 
John Beach, born in Stratford in 1700, and gTaduated in 1721, 
had come as an undergraduate under the influence of Samuel 
Johnson; then Tutor; and after his settlement in the Congrega- 
tional ministry in Xewtown, while Johnson was in charge of the 
Church of England mission in the adjoining tovmship of Strat- 
ford, he was led by the same intluence to conform to Episcopacy, 
and eventually to accept the cure of missions in Xewtown and 
Ttedding. It may be an indication of the weight of his character 
that the proportion of Episcopalians in Xcwtown before the 
Kovolution is said to have been higher than in any other town- 
slii{) in ( 'onneeticut. He is specially remembered for his 



intrepidity in continuing- to u?e in public worship, after all his 
fellow-presbytcrs had closed their church-doors, the appointed 
prayer for the King, Avhieh inclu.led a petition to ''strengthen 
him that he may vanquish and overcome all his enemies.'' 

Xext to Mr. Beach, at least among those of Connecticut hirth, 
in leng-th of service in the Colony, was the Eev. Jeremiah 
Learning, born on the confines of Durham and ]\Iiddletown in 
1717, and graduated at Yale in 1745. lie also had been 
touched by Samuel Johnson's influence, and, after receiving 
orders and serving temporarily elsewhere, became in 1758 the 
minister of the parish in Xorwalk, where after twenty years of 
devoted labor he suffered unhappily at the hands of both parties 
to the war, — first as a tory from wanton exposure while lodged 
on the floor of the county jail in winter, which rendered him a 
wretched cripple for the rest of his days, and secondly from the 
destruction of all his personal effects, a year later, when General 
Tryon, though himself a member of the Venerable Society whose 
commission Learning bore, with equal wantonness burned his 
house and his church in the invasion of Xorwalk. He was then 
transported within the British lines, but after the peace came 
back to Connecticut, and found in his destitute and forlorn old 
age an asylum here with that devoted Churchwoman, ]\Iadam 
Hillhouse, in whose mansion, known to us as Grove Hall, he 
died in ISOL 

The most blatant and most notorious member of this group of 
Church clergy was Samuel Peters, of Hebron, born of Episcopal 
parents in 1735, and gTaduated at Yale in 1757, who became a 
missionary in his native town and the vicinity. On the news 
of British troops firing on Boston, in 177-1, his arrogant and 
offensive attitude, and especially his activity in publishing reso- 
lutions condemning the popular opposition to Parliament, pro- 
voked such treatment and such threats that he fled forthwith to 

His sworn statements of his resources and his losses, which 
are still on file there, in connection with his applications for 
compensation, are ludicrously and impudently overdrawn. He 
claims, for instance, that his father, who was a plain, ordinarily 


well-to-do farmer, in one of the poorest towns in Hartford 
County, had been the richest citizen of the entire Colony, and 
that his own contiseatod estate was valued at the absurd figure 
of upwards of £40,000. By this extravagant tale ho succeeded 
in gaining a pension of £200 a year, which was withdrawn some 
twenty-five years later, after fuller experience of his pretentious 

It may seem like slaying the slain to enlarge on the falsehoods 
of the notorious Parson Peters ; but whenever I read over anew 
any of his attemi)ts at narration, I am reassured thai his colossal 
powers of untruth have never been properly appreciated. Take, 
for instance, his article in the Political Magazine of London, on 
the History of his near neighbor. Governor Trumbull, of 
Lebanon, who had striven hard to protect him from the mob in 
his troubles, but whose life Peters pretends to sketch in a series 
of the most outrageously unblushing and libelous falsehoods. 
In justification of such a characterization it will be enoua-h to 
recall the initial statement in Peters' biogi-aphy :— that Jonathan 
Trumbull, a scion of a family of unblemished reputation, was 
really an illegitimate child, and probably the son of the Rev. 
Samuel Welles, the minister of the town, — and this regardless 
of the plain fact that I^Ir. "Welles vras not settled in Lebanon until 
more than a year after TrumbulFs birth. 

It only emphasizes Peters' peculiar character, or lack of char- 
acter, to note that he was the only minister of the Church of 
England in the Colony who thought it advisable or necessary to 
forsake his post for a foreign asylum, before the war began; 
though four others, James Scovil of Waterbury, Roger Yiets 
of Simsbury, Samuel Andrews of Wallingl'ord, and Richard 
Clarke, of Xew ^lilford, were induced, after peace was declared, 
under stress of poverty by the removal of their floclcs, rather 
than from experience of enmity or odium, to accept the cure of 
parishes in the British Provinces, of kindred origin and 

There remain a dozen other Episcopal incumbents, whom I 
nave not mentioned specifically, who retained their places 
through the Revolutionary struggle, with more or less discomfort 


and some ill-usage, and ilnally ac(|uiesced peacefully in the 
results accomplished. Of this number were such familiar fig- 
ures in this vicinity as the Hex. Richard 3Iansfield, Yale 1741, 
of Derby, the Rev. Bela Hubbard, Yale 175S, of Xew Haven, 
and the Rev. Abraham Jarvis, Yale 17G1, of Middletown — all 
of whom lived to be doctorated in a succeeding generation by 
their Alma Mater. It should perhaps be noted that Dr. ]Mans- 
field, though not in any wise to be classed with Peters, had once 
found it prudent to take temporary refuge on Long Island, on 
account of the excitement caused by the report of a letter of his 
to a British officer, which merely included some conjectural 
estimate of the strength of Loyalist sentiment in Western 

Many lay-members of the Episcopal Church were also avowed 
or suspected loyalists ; but comparatively few went to the length 
of exile. In such a conspicuous case as that of the Hon. William 
Samuel Johnson, of Stratford, Yale 1744, one of the most emi- 
nent lawyers in the Colony, he must be credited with an honest 
doubt as to the right course of action ; on finding himself unable 
conscientiously to advocate independence, he retired definitely 
from all public employment, but let it be known that he had no 
inclination to aid the enemy, and Jiad without hesitation con- 
tributed to the patriotic cause : and when peace was established, 
he assumed a prominent and effective part in the councils of the 
State and of the nation. 

One locally well-known lay-churchman who had to be dealt 
with for his loyalty was Ralph Isaacs, a native of Xorvvalk, who 
had settled in Xow Haven as a merchant after his graduation 
at Yale in 1761, and became the grandfather of the Hon. Ralph 
Isaacs Ingersoll, and uncle of the wife of the elder President 
Dwight. He was a rather volatile person, and was early mis- 
trusted as a sympathizer with the enemy, so that for over a year 
he was held under observation and restraint in one of the 
interior towns, where it was presumed he would lack opportunity 
of making trouble ; but he soon transgressed by taking advantage 
of his partial liberty to supply his neighbors surreptiti':'usly with 
rum. After a further period of surveillance, he took the oath 

. '.r .-i. 

t : ' :;/-;' 

'. . . // 


of fiilelity. ami lived tlK'ncetorth in comparative retirement, and 
mostly on his farm in ]k'anford. 

Another lay-churchman of Xew Kaven, who accompanied ]\Ir. 
Isaacs in his temporary banishment, was Captain Abiathar 
Camp, a native of Durham; and he also, after a like period of 
detention, took the oath and was allowed to return to his resi- 
dence here. But his allegiance was tickle, and finally he and 
his family went olf with the British after the invasion in 1779. 
He had been a successful merchant, and in presenting in 17S3 
a claim for compensation, he estimated his income from his 
business at £200 per anrmm, and his total losses at over £8000, 
though this claim was eventually much reduced. It may be of 
inte-rest to know that while a diligent business man at that date, 
of no special educational advantages, he owned a library of 
English and Latin books, valued at ten guineas ; and also that 
he tiled in support of his demands a certificate of loyalty, fur- 
nished in 1786 by his quondam fellow-to^vnsman, General 
Benedict Arnold, — which document praises him specifically 
for activity in providing guides and pilots for the expedition 
which Arnold himself had conducted against Xew London in 

Captain Camp died in Xova Scotia soon after the adjudication 
of his claim. I should add that there were included in his com- 
pany in exile a son, Abiathar Camp, Junior, who had entered 
lale in 1773, but did not reach graduation, and Avho died in the 
Provinces at a gi-eat age in 1841 ; and also a son-indaw, Daniel 
Lyman, Junior, Yale. 17 70, a convert to the church, who became 
eventually a Major in the British army. 

Besides' the Episcopalians, there was one other minute group 
of less conspicuous sectarian Loyalists. 

Eor local reasons Connecticut had never proved congenial soil 
for Quaker colonists; but abotit 176-1 the disciples of Robert 
Sandeman, called Sandemanians, who imitated the Quakers in 
being conscientiously bound to a policy of passive resistance to 
^var, and thus considered themselves obliged to remain loyal to 
King George, had gained a scanty foothold here, especially in 
Danburv and Xcw Haven. 

38 notp:s ox some of the xew ir.vvEX loyalists. 

They were mostly of uudistiruruished social standins: and small 
political iufluence. The best known of the group were Kichard 
Woodhnll, Yale 1752 ; Daniel Humphreys and Joseph Pynchon, 
Yale 1757; Titus Smith, Yale 17G4; and Theophilus Cham- 
berlain, Yale 17G5. 

Eichard ^Yoodhull. from Long Island, had been a favorite 
pupil of President Clap, and had therefore been employed to 
fill with rather indifferent success for seven or eight years a 
College tutorship. He remained, after his first conscientious 
protest; peaceably and inconspicuously in ^ew Haven until his 
death. Daniel Humphreys, the ablest member of the company, 
was a son of the minister of Derby, and brother of General 
David Humphreys. He practiced law here, and also taught a 
private school of high grade ; but removed by the close of the 
war to Portsmouth. Xew Hampshire, where he had a long and 
rather brilliant career at the bar. His classmate, Joseph 
Pjnchon, from Spring-field, had inherited a good estate, and 
lived in digTiified leisure in Guilford, where he had married. 
After becoming a Sandemanian, he removed to Xew Haven, 
perhaps for religious privileges, but was made so uncomfortable 
here that he retired within the British lines, thus sacrificing a 
large portion of his estate. He returned a year or two after the 
peace to Guilford, and is to be remembered as the ancestor of 
well-known Xew Haven citizens and of President Pynchon, of 
Trinity College. Titus Smith and Theophilus Chaml>erlaiii, 
who were also of ^lassafhusetts birth, had both done good service 
as missionaries among the Indians, and after their abandonment 
of Congregationalism were recognized as the preaching elders in 
charge of the obscure handful of Sandemanians in this city. 
Like Pynchon, they felt constrained to take refuge with the 
British, and they both ended their days in Halifax, 

Aside from these whom I have enumerated, the next most 
notable company of Loyalist exiles from the Xew Haven town- 
ship was the family circle of Joshua Chandler, Esquire, Yale 
1747. He was a native of Woodstock, and a fellow-townsman 
and first cousin of that stout Churchman, the Eev. Thomas 
Bradbury Chandler, Yale 1745, of Xew Jersey, who was active 


just before the Ilevolution in promoting tlie scheme for an 
American Episcopate, and went hiter into exile as a Loyalist. 

Joshua Chandler had adhered to tlie Congregational church, 
and had become a successful lawver, with every worldly motive 
to prompt him to side with the popular current. His ample 
town-house, built early in the same decade (1760-TO) with other 
notable old Xew Haven residences, on the site of the Tontine 
Hotel and tlie new Post-otlice, and thence removed in 1824 or 5, 
is now occupied by Mr. Henry B. Sargent. Like other well-to-do 
citizens of the day, Mr, Chandler had also bought extensive 
landed estate in. the suburbs, and after 1765 lived principally 
on one of his farms in iSTorth Haven. In 1775, in the full tide 
of his professional and political reputation, as Justice of the 
Peace, Selectman, Deputy to the General Assembly, and Chair- 
man of the town's Committee of Correspondence, he announced, 
from conscientious motives, his determined loyalty to King 
George, and accepted the consequent suspicion and obloquy, 
r'our years later he left town with the British invaders, accom- 
panied by his wife, a daughter of Joseph Miles, of Xew Haven, 
three daughters, and four sons. He had moved in the first 
circles in the community, and in letters sent back after his flight 
professed a strong affection for his native country; but the 
records of the London commissioners in 1783 who received his 
appeal for compensation quote his statement to them that he 
had remained so long as he did in the Colony, as thinking that 
lie might thus be able to communicate essential information to 
^Tcneral Tryon in his invasion, and in other ways to be of service 
to the home government. The property which he abandoned, 
to the estimated value of about £4000, was confiscated by the 
town, and he recovered compensation, covering three-fourths of 
that amount. vl •^::.. v' i ■ 

His eldest son (John Chandler, Yale 1772) alone remained 
here; but his career was blighted by the opprobrium of the 
family record. The second son, William Chandler, Yale 1773, 
liud early espoused the British cause, and in 1777 raised a com- 
pany in Xew York of over a hundred men for the King*'s service ; 
and he and a younger brother earned infamy by aiding to pilot 


, ,1the British in tiieir invasion of Xew Haven. It is a satisfaction 

V'' ■ wto know that ho failed to secure an allowance from the goveru- 

nieut after the close of the war, except a paltry annual pension 

of £40 ; which was to cease, if he should be put on half-pay as 

a retired army-officer. 

With the family went also Amos Botsford, Yale 170.3, a son- 
iu-law and a Xew Haven attorney, who stated frankly in his 
later application for compensation that he was obliged to flee on 
account of the odium arising from the action of his brothers-in- 
law as guides to the invaders. He claimed that he had aban- 
doned property worth over £2500, including a library, chiefly 
of law-books, valued at £o7 sterling; and that his annual pro- 
fessional income was about £000, of which he had been able tu 
lay up on an average £225, after spending £375 for the support 
of his family, which included a wife and three children. He 
"i ■■'■'■ also testified that, when filing this application in Annapolis, his 
.' available income scarcely exceeded thirty guineas a year : an(d 

on this showing ho was allowed an annual pension of £224. 
■ There remain a few other names of notable Xew Haveners, 

i who were temporarily or permanently disaffected. One such is 

} that of Judge Thomas Darling, of Woodbridge, Yale 1740, a 

son-in-law of the Rev. Joseph Xoyes, pastor of the First Church : 
a stubborn, cross-grained person, of strong convictions, unable 
on principle to accept without dispute the current arguments for 
renouncing British sovereignty, but judicious enough in the long 
run to restrain himself from fruitless opposition to the moral 
sense of the community in which his lot was cast. With him 
may be named his College classmate and pastor, the liev. 
Benjamin Woodbridge, in whose honor, when the farmers of 
Amity Parish asked for town privileges, they prefen-ed the name 
of WoodbridgG- — a sufficient proof that imperfect sympathy on 
the part of their ol<l pastor with the new political order had not 
made any serious breach in the regard of his people. 

The two classmates, Darling and Woodbridge, agi'eed also in 
their theological position, both being firm supporters of the Old- 
Light party, which some of the patriotic Xew Lights tried t-:- 
discredit generally, as applying its conservatism to the political 


tirlil. But in fact disatYectioii was not limited, among the Con- 
-n-irational clergy, to the conservatives. Dr. John Smalley, of 
Xew Britain, Yale IToG, a leader of the now theology of the 
day, may serve as a typical instance of one who, starting from 
a reasoned policy of non-resistance, reproved at first the patriotic 
ardor of his flock, and was niily slowly and laboriously converted 
to their point of view. 

Within College walls sentiment was overwhelminglv on the 
side of the American cause. President Ezra Stiles, the typical 
!. road-minded student of his generation, and strictly speaking 
jifirher a politician nor a theologian, had been from the first an 
..utspoken patriot; and Professor Daggett's fearless, not to say 
i'.x>lhardy, exposure of his person is one of the best known inci- 
Jnnts of the attack on Xew Haven. But, on the other hand, the 
■•nly other permanent member of the Faculty, the Eev. Xehe- 
uiiah Strong, the Professor of Mathematics and Xatural 
Philosophy, who was by the way an Old Light in theology, was 
•iecidedly lukewarm in his support of revolution, and perhaps 
lor this reason in part was provided so meagre a stipend that he 
found himself in the course of the struggle driven to resign his 

The student body could naturally be counted on as enthusi- 
Jiitic for liberty, with a few marked exceptions: such, for 
instance, as John Jones, a native of Stratford, of the Class of 
nrr., who went directly from College into the British army; 
and Jared :Mansfield, of Xew Haven, of the following class, a 
nephew of the Rev. Dr. Ptichard Alansfield, who after a lawless 
and broken College career, was among those inhabitants who 
rt-mained -passively in the town when the British troops took 
povsession of it, and thus laid himself open to the charge of 
■'■•ryi.m. The public spirit and etHciency of his later career 
iiave redeemed the memory of his early vagaries. 

One peculiarly interesting connection of Yale w^ith the con- 
^'•nding armies relates to the family of Dr. George Muirson, of 
^•'•Mg Island, who spent his last years in Xew Haven, and had in 
€-arly life taken a highly notable part in the promotion of inocu- 
iation for the small-pox in America. Himself a loyal Church- 


man, two of liis sons, graduates respectively in 1771 and 177G, 
fonglit in the war — the elder on the British and the yoiina'er on 
the American side, — an unparalleled instance in Yale or Xew 
Haven history. Besides at least one other line of Xew Haven 
descendants, a sister of these yonths was the paternal grand- 
mother of President Woolsey. 

There were perhaps somewhat over a thousand Yale graduates 
in active life at the time of the Revolution, and it is a satisfac- 
tory evidence of their substantial agreement in sentiment that 
less than twenty-five, or 2io per cent, sided at once and per- 
manently with the mother country and sought refuge in British 
territory or died in British military service ; of this number the 
majority were employees of either the Crown or the Church of 

Besides such of this brief list as have already been noticed, 
only some half dozen more of the Yale Loyalists were persons 
of any special distinction; and their record can be easily 

There was, for instance, the Tiev. Dr. Henry Caner, of Eng- 
lish birth, the son of that master builder who was brought to J^ew 
Haven in 1717 to construct the original building named Yale 
College, and who through the marriage of a granddaughter into 
the Hillhouse family furnished a name for our (misspelt) 
Canner Street. Born in the Church of England, he entered her 
ministry in Fairfield, after his graduation in 1724. and proved 
so attractive a preacher that in 1747 he succeeded to the rector- 
ship of the most conspicuous and aristocratic Episcopal congTC- 
gation in Xew England, that of King's Chapel in Boston. 
When the Revolution came, in his old age, he accompanied tlie 
British on their evacuation of the town, and finally settled down 
in England in poverty and obscurity. His attested loss of an 
annual income of £200 was at length made up by an equivalent 
pension; and he attained a great age, which made him for eight 
years the oldest surviving graduate of Yale. 

A second venerable Loyalist of prominence, who also attained 
the distinction of beine- the oldest living graduate, was David 
Ogden, of Xewark, Xew Jersev, Class of 1728, the loadinj]; 


lawvtT o^ tluit rruviiico, ;iikI a Judge of tlie Supreme Court. 
As early as January, 1777, his active sympathy with the British 
If'l him to seek the protectiou of the troops in Xew York and to 
receive honor there as a political counselor. Then followed 
exile in England, where he lived in pitiful illness and loneliness, 
on borrowed money, under the care of a servant, until on the 
representation of his losses he was given a pension of £200, which 
he relinquished, however, in extreme old age, to return to the 
asylum which he craved under the flag of the United States. 

Of a younger generation was another eminent graduate, who 
was firm in conscientious opposition to the Kevolution, William 
Smith the younger, the historian of the Province of Xew York, 
of the Class of 1745. As a lawyer he stood at the head of his 
profession for ability and integrity; and after he felt con- 
strained to an attitude of neutrality, his advice in matters of 
law and policy was still sought by his former associates and 
freely given. Finally, when unable to take the oath of allegiance 
to the new government, he was driven into the British lines, 
where he was complimented with the titular rank of Chief Jus- 
tice of Xew York, and after the peace with the real and valid 
appointment of Chief Justice of Canada. 

Three years younger in College age was the Kev. Samuel 
Seabury, a native of Groton, who took orders in the Episcopal 
church, in which he had been reared. The approach of the 
Revolution found him stationed in Westchester, X. Y., on the 
Connecticut border, where he had already been extensively 
occupied as an anon;>Tnous pamphleteer in behalf of the claims 
of the Church of England, and in opposition to the union of 
the Colonies. In 1774 he printed, still anonymously, a series of 
remarkably able and even brilliant papers in criticism of the 
Continental Congress, the authorship of which he avowed in his 
appeals to the Commissioners for compensation in 17S3, 
although contradictory statements over his signature are also 
alleged to exist. In Xovember, 1775, he was seized and brought 
to Xew Haven by a posse of Connecticut soldiers, who resented 
his partisan activity, was paraded ignominiously through our 
streets, and was kept here under guard for a mouth. After his 

44: XOTES OS so.xrE of the ni:\v havex loyalists. 

release he took refuge within the British lines, and tliere 
received an appointment as Chaplain.' from which he enjoyed to 
the end of his life a small half-pay pension. His later career, 
as the first Bishop of the American Episcopal Church, to which 
office he was chosen after the peace, while still in Xew York 
City, is too well known to need rehearsal. 

Another graduate of high official standing who adhered to the 
British side was Judge Thomas Jones, of the Xew York 
Supreme Court, of the Class of 1750. He held court for the 
last time in April, 177G; and after repeated experiences of 
arrest and imprisonment for disaffection to the American cause, 
he embarked for England in 17S1. In 17S3 he estimated his 
losses at upwards of £14,000 sterling; and a small pension was 
assigned him, which he received until his death in 1702. He 
is now perhaps most generally remembered as the author of a 
bitterly partisan History of Xew York- during the Bevolution. 
which was published from his manuscript in 1S79 ; in this work 
he refers to his AJma- Mater as '"then and still a nursery of sedi- 
tion, faction and republicanism.'" 
' Another of the same group was Edmund Fanning, a native 
of Long Island, and a graduate of 1757. He settled as a lawyer 
in ^NTorth Carolina, where he so won the favor of Governor Tryon 
as to become a trusted and influential factor in the public 
service. When Tryon was promoted in 1771 to the Xew- York 
governorship. Fanning went with him, and there also held impor- 
tant office. In 177G, as an ardent Loyalist, he raised and took 
command of a regiment, remaining in the field throuo-h the war. 
Later, as a reward for his fidelity, he was made successivelv 
Lieutenant-Governor of Xova Scotia and of Prince Edward 
Island. He accompanied Tryon on his expedition for the inva- 
sion of Xew Haven, in 1770, and when soliciting an honorary 
degree from Yale a quarter of a century later claimed that 
through his intervention the College buildings were saved from 
pillage and destruction, 

I have not as yet emphasized the admitted fact that a consid- 
erable minority of the lousiness men of Xew Haven in these 
pre-Revolutionary days are credited with Tory proclivities: but 


it is fair to remember that, however exasperating the differences 
in opinion may have been, there was no open scan(hil ; and the 
vote in town-meeting in ITGG, of 22() to 4S in favor of support- 
ing the Colony otlieials in igTioring the Stamp Act, probably 
expresses about the usual strength of the two parties. 

In any account of ]Srew Haven society, I should also mention 
that, after the trying experiences of the war were over, and the 
community had settled down again into its ordinary routine, the 
development of interests tended to consolidate, in their opposi- 
tion to the older and more conservative elements, the greater 
part of the Episcopalians with the more venturesome commer- 
cial adventurers and the restless, drifting fringe of the popula- 
tion, who, with little at stake, were indifferent to hardly-won 
standards. These miscellaneous elements, the nucleus of the 
future Jeff'crsonians and Tolerationists, absorbed into their camp 
the remnants of the loyalist faction, and so conspicuous a part 
did these form that the whole group was often described as 
''Tories," and classed as not altogether well-aft'ected to the 
Federal government. Thus, President Stiles, when he com- 
ments in his Diary on the inauguration of the City government 
in 17S4, refers w^ith evident asperity to the numerous Tory 
element — estimating one-third of the duly enrolled citizens as 
"hearty Tories," one-third as ''Whigs," and one-third as "indif- 
ferent." Of the forty voters who are Episcopalians, he labels 
all as "Tories" but two, and includes from the same camp from 
twenty to thirty of the Eirst-Church flock. The credulous 
President's figures may have been v/arped by gossip and preju- 
dice; but at all events it is clear that thus early after the war 
a considerable weight in public affairs was conceded to the party 
which embraced the former Loyalists, in whom — so far as local 
traditions show — thore was no pretence of reversion to dead 
issues, but a healthy and active interest in helping to work out 
the adaptation of the familiar conditions of life in our old 
democratic Colony to a new set of responsibilities and obliga- 
tions in the Union of independent States. 



By Fkaxklix B. Dextei;, Litt.D. 

■ ' [Read January 17,1916.] ' 

I have long been accustomed to count it a matter of peculiar 
good fortune that my personal recollections of Xew Haven go 
back so far as to include a living impression of almost every 
one of that group of notable men who vrcve the conspicuous 
figures in this community at the middle of the last century. 

And inasmuch as at my coming here in 1857 I took rooms on 
College Street, at the corner of Crown, it is natural that one of 
the most distinct in that panorama of stately personages who 
were then just passing otf the stage was the Rev. Dr. Croswell, 
as I was accustomed to see him almost daily on his walks to and 
from his house, half Avay down the next block, on Crown Street. 

These glimpses of him, in his long cloak and top boots, joined 
with the companion picture of his deliberate march up and down 
the central aisle of Trinity Church in fidl canonicals, have left 
with me a striking image of dignified and venerable age, not 
melancholy and forlorn as that of his somewhat older neighbor, 
Ex-President Day, but distinctly suggestive of active kindliness 
and of watchful human sympathy, not altogether crushed and 
broken by the labors and sorrows of almost eighty years. 

Harry Croswell, the seventh of eight children of Caleb and 
Hannah (Kellogg) Croswell, of West Hartford, Connecticut, 
was born in June, 17 TS. His father was a native of Charles- 
town, !Massachusetts, and his mother of West Hartford, where 
the family lived in humble circumstances. 

He was bred as a Congregationalist, under the pastoral care 
of the Rev. Dr. Xathan Perkins, a graduate of Princeton Col- 


lege, who was settled iu that suburbnn parish for two-thirds of 
a century. 

Xoah Wel)ster, the lexicoirrapher, was also a native and early 
resident of West Hartford ; and Harry Croswell at the age of 
eleven lived for one winter as errand-boy in ^Fr. "Webster's 
family, receiving help in his lessons in partial return for his 

After leaving school he became a clerk in a country store in 
Warren, in Litchfield County, but soon juigrated to Catskill, 
]Sr. Y., to learn the printer's art from an older brother, who was 
also one of the proprietors of a weekly newspaper, The Catskill 

While thus occupied, he ventured to send occasional anony- 
mous contributions to that sheet, which led to the recognition of 
his promise as a writer, and finally to his instalment in the 
editorial chair. 

In August, 1800, he was married to Susan Sherman, a native 
of Xew Haven, of a family long identified with Centre Church, 
who since the death of her parents was living in Catskill in the 
family of an older brother. 

A few months later he removed across the river to the flour- 
ishing city of Hudson, where he established, in May, ISOl, in 
partnership with Ezra Sampson, a Yale graduate, and a retired 
Congregational minister, an independent weekly newspaper, of 
high character, called Tlie Balance, which soon attained a fair 
circulation, and is still esteemed by students of that period for 
its exceptional literary excellence. Jlr. Sampson was a prac- 
ticed essayist, and Mr. CroswelFs own contributions included 
frequent poetical efforts, as well as a constant supply of prose 
material, especially in the political field. During the most of 
his editorial career he also conducted a bookselling business ; and 
for a short time held the rank of Lieutenant in the State ^Militia. 

In the summer of 1S02 he undertook further the publication 
of a small occasional sheet, called Tlie ^yasp, which was designed 
by the Federalists of Hudson as an antidote to The Bee, a Demo- 
cratic paper just begun there; of The Wasp only twelve 
numbers were issued. 



His senior partn.n- withdrt-w from The Balance at the end of 
1503; and earlv in ISOi some of the Democratic State-leaders 
resolved to crush Mr. Croswell, in consequence of articles \vhich 
he had published rellecting severely on President Jefferson. He 
was made defendant in several libel cases, founded on matter 
which had aj.peared in The Balance and the defunct Tra-s;>; 
and the courts IxMng controlled by his opponents, he was heavilv 
mulcted, beyond his ability to pay. One of these suits gained 
special renown from the appearance of Alexander Hamilton, 
then at the zenith of his career, as one of the volunteer counsel 
of :\Ir. Croswell, and his delivery of a masterly argument in 
defence of the liberty of the press, only five months before his 
tragic death. 

At the close of ISOS, 'Mr. Croswell ventured, unwisely, to 
transfer the office of his paper to Albany, where, however, he 
failed to receive the party support of which he had been assured. 
His advertising patronage was also very meagre, his subscription- 
list small, and multiplied libel suits continued to harass him. 
A climax was reached in the Spring of 1811, when one of his 
creditors, who was a leading Federalist, obtained a judgment 
against him for a small debt which he could not discharge, and 
for three or four months he was obliged to edit his paper while 
confined within jail limits. Cut to the quick by what he felt to 
be gross disloyalty on the part of a representative of the partv 
for which he had done and suffered so much, he announced tha\ 
the Balance would suspend publication at the end of the current 
year, expressing franldy also his disgust at the falseness and 
desertion of his Federalist patrons, in such terms that he was 
understood to renounce his former associations, and was even 
suspected of a purpose of joining the Democrats. In fact, he 
never agaiii attended a political meeting (unless as a clerical 
duty), or exercised his rights as a voter; his revulsion from 
Federalism was so entire, that in later life his tacit sympathv 
was evidently with the Democratic party. 

Early in 1S12 he conformed to the Episcopal Church, receiv- 
ing ba])tism in July, and confirnuuion a week later at the hands 
of Bishop Hobart. 

.i;'i<.:f'i "J 


He was then led to consider the claims of the Christian 
ministry, and after a hasty preparation, under the direction of a 
yonng clergyman then hoarding with him, the Kev. Timothv 
Clowes, who was rector of St. Peter's Church, he was ordained 
Deacon in St. John's Church, Xew York City, by Bishop 
Hobart, on :\Iay 8, 1S14, being then nearly 30 years of age ; 
and when we recall that for upwards of ten years he had 
been prominent in the public eye as the strenuously combative 
editor of a violently partisan journal in Hudson and the vicinity, 
it is a remarkable tribute to the respect inspired by his character 
that on the first Sunday after his ordination he assumed charge 
of Christ Church in Hudson. 

While thus engaged, having occasion to visit Xew Haven dur- 
ing the ensuing summer on family business, he was invited, on a 
sudden emergency, to conduct the services for a single Sundav in 
Trinity Church, at the time when the Eector, the Rev. Henry 
Whitlock, a Williams College graduate, of about Mr. Croswell's 
age, was prostrated with a fatal illness. 

Mr. Whitlock's resignation was received in October, and on 
the same day Mr. Croswell was invited to fill his place, with an 
annual salary of $1000, the same that he w^as receiving in 
Hudson. The chairman of the committee of notification was 
the venerable Dr. Eneas Munson, an uncle of I\Irs. Croswell. 

The oft'er was especially tempting, for the sake of the four 

sons to whose education he was looking forward, and as restoring 

his wife to the companionship of a large circle of relatives. 

, Accordingly, his acceptance followed, and he began his long 

ministry here on Sunday, January 1, 1S15. 

At that" date the Rev. ]^athanicl W. Taylor, eight years 
younger than Mr. Croswell, had been for three years pastor of 
the First Congregational Church ; and the Rev. Samuel Merwin, 
who was but three years Mr. Croswell's junior, had been settled 
over the United Church for ten years. The new First Church, 
or the "Middle Brick," as it soon began to be called, a name 
changed by a later and more fastidious generation to the "Centre 
Church," had been dedicated on the previous Tuesday; and the 
Xorth Church then building was rcadv for dedication in the 


following December. Dr. Dwiglit was the President of Yale 
College, and pastor of the College Church, but was soon pros- 
trated under the painful disease which ended his life two years 

!Mr. Croswell was domiciled in a hired house on the east side 
of Orange Street, just above Crown; and the Trinity Church 
of that day, on the east side of Church Street (which was 
named from this location), and a little below Chapel Street, 
was an old wooden structure, with long round-topped windows, 
doors, vestibules, and inside entrances, which had undergone 
successive enlargements since it was built, 60 years before, but 
was so inadequate for the accommodation of the perhaps 130 
families of iSTew Haven and vicinity who made up the parish, 
that already, in the previous May, the corner-stone had been laid 
of a new stone church, on the Public Green, of which Ithiel 
To\vn was the architect. 

Five months after his arrival, ]\[r. Croswell was admitted to 
Priest's orders by Bishop Griswold, of the Eastern Diocese. 
Bishop Jarvis, of Connecticut, having died in 1S13 ; and in 
February, ISIG, he was instituted into the rectorship, on the day 
after the new church, which was heralded as the first attempt at 
Gothic in church-building in Xew England, and one of the 
largest structures for that purpose in America, was duly 

A large increase in tlie numbers of the congregation follow^ed 
at once, and from the standing of Trinity Parish in the diocese, 
Mr. Croswell held from the tirst a position of avowed leader- 
ship ; as was shown in particular by his being mainly responsible 
for directing attcntioTi to a clergyman of near his own age, the 
Pev. Thomas Church Brownell, of the Xew York diocese, who 
was elected Bisliop of Connecticut in ISIS. 

In April, 1S21, wlun he was in his 43d year, and had lived 
in Xew Haven for six years, he began to keep a Diary, which he 
continued until his death, in lSr>S, and which exhibits a remark- 
able record of in<iivitlual activity, and of the shrewd comments 
of a critical observer vu persons and events within his daily 
experience. The whole amounts to nearly 5000 pages of manu- 
script, written in a beantitiilly minute and uniform hand. 


"With reference to this Jocmuent it shonhl be remembered that 
tlie author wrote and acted under certain obvious limitations. 
Embarrassed, perhaps not altogether consciously, by hi-s lack of 
College and ministerial training, and wholly without those 
intimate associations with his contemporaries which naturally 
accompany such training, he felt ill at ease in the Yale atmos- 
phere, and chose to keep aloof from the friendly advances made 
by gentlemen of the College, and to confine his social relations 
almost exclusively to the families of his own parish. The 
honorary degTee of Master of Arts was conferred on him at Yale 
in 1817, without any apparent effect on his feelings. 

Embittered also by his experience in the political arena, he 
assumed from the first an attitude of reserve and suspicion 
towards those of differing faith or practice, which tended -to 
induce and to aggravate similar feeling and action on their part. 
His conception of his duty to Church principles prevented easy 
or natural relations with dissenters, so that much of the best 
which other newcomers found here was to him, from his own 
choice, under the ban, and the stimulus of friendly contact and 
sympathy in intellectual pursuits was so far denied him. 

These limitations, on the other hand, made the concentration 
of his powers on the daily round of direct pastoral effort more 
and more amazingly effective. He did little reading, beyond 
current newspapers and Church periodicals, and after the first 
few years found the composition of fresh discourses somewhat 
irksome; but outside of his study, the incessant and varied 
demands of a large parish were full of absorbing interest and 
inspiration. He made it a rule, in his own language, "never to 
suffer anything to interfere with pastoral duty" ; and the record 
of days without number is completely filled with the recital, not 
merely of more strictly ministerial acts, such as baptisms, funer- 
als, and marriages, but of an exhausting round of visits to the 
sick, the afilicted, and the needy, among his own parishioners, 
i^s well as to many who were uncared for by any other agency. 
His house was also a centre of hospitality and of service. He 
enjoyed informal social intercourse, and until hampered by age 
and infirmity was a familiar and welcome figure in the homes of 
Jds people, as they in his. 

.T I : I ■ ; 


On tlio other hand, formal gatherings of a fashionable sort 
were distasteful to him, as might be shown by many extracts 
from his Diary like the following,: — 

"July 0, 1844. At 9 p. m. went to ]\[rs. Keese's, M-here Mrs. j 

Croswell had spent the evening. Found a large and disagree- j 

able party there, an<I after enduring the customary hardships ou | 

such occasions until i-o past ten, came home, and made a new | 

mental resolution — not to get caught so again." j 

"December 3, 1844. Took tea and spent the evening at 'Mr-. \ 

Ingersoll's, with a small party — pleasant enough, but the time ] 

thrown away." / ' | 

Akin to such feelings was his strong disinclination to appear \ 
in public on any show-occasion, unless required by his duty as \ 
a clergyman. One instance out of many may illustrate this :• — , 

"'October 9, 18:21. This being the day assigned for the Agri- ] 
cultural Fair and Cattle Show, I was solicited by the Committee ^ 
of Arrangement to join in the procession, and attend on the ; 
exercises at the meeting house, and afterwards to dine with the | 
Societv. It was a great sacrifice of feeling and convenience — 1 
but I attended. The clergy who attended were Baldwin, of | 
Stratford, Taylor, congregationalist. Hill, baptist, and Yitch. j 
professor of divinity in Yale College. Proceeded from the from j 
of the Court house, around the square, to the Xortli ^Meeting- j 
House — where we were foisted into the pulpit with the orator, j 
Burraire Beach, Esq., of Cheshire. Taylor read a psalm — and j 
then made a prayer. Then followed the oration. Then Hill j 
read a psalm, and delivered a prayer of very handsome composi- 
tion, which some friend, probably Abraham Bishop, had pre- | 
pared to his hand. Tlien he read another psalm — and thus j 
ended this i>art of the cattle-show. We were next dragged iii j 
procession to Hillhouse's Avenue to see the oxen, kc. — and after j 
this we were conducted to the dinner table — and by the time the i 
fare was over, it was past 4 o'clock. For my part, I felt tired j 
and ashamed of the whol.- business."' i 

And this extract illu-^tratcs perhaps as clearly the author-- i 
striking" niuih-srv, a crowning manifestation of which is dn- ] 



played in his record of the Coinnienceinent at Washington, now 
Trinity, College in 1S31, with its entire omission of any refer- 
ence to the fact that one incident (if the occasion was his own 
reception of the honorary degree of Doctor of Divinity. 

A kindred instance of unaffected humility is this entry of 
:^^arch29, 1S22:— 

''The Bishop [Dr. Brownell] called towards evening, with a 
prospectus for his Commentary on the Book of Common 
Prayer — wishing me to look it over and correct it ! It is really 
a great trial to my feelings to have such a thing occur ; but I 
endeavored not to discover anything of the kind. I took the 
manuscript, and actually suggested two or three verbal altera- 
tions, which the Bishop readily adopted." 

From almost any page of this voluminous record it would be 
possible to select a specimen day in illustration of his unremit- 
ting routine labors iu the direct line of professional duty. Any 
single example of this sort may be unimpressive ; but the cumu- 
lative effect of such a lifelong chronicle of unwearied devotion 
and self-sacrifice is unquestionable and overwhelming. I quote 
as the record of only a j^art of an ordinary day's occupations, this 
extract from his entry for Monday, April 20, 1S35 : — 

"Bose early. Spent an hour before breakfast in making 
entries in Parish Bcgister, Journal, S:c. After the morning 
errands, commenced my round of duty by visiting and praying 
with Dr. Elijah ]\Iouson's wife. Then called at Mr. O'Xeil's 
to see Grace Jacocks, who is here on a visit. Then called to see 
Julia Deforest, who, being confined by slight lameness, is turn- 
ing her attention, and apparently with much interest to the 
subject of religion. ... p. m. Becommeuccd my round 
of duty. Called a moment to see the bride, ^Irs. Granger. 
Then took a loug pull, and visited and prayed with Mr. Thorp 
and wife, who are lx)th sick in one room with typhus fever. 
[I believe on the corner of State & Bradley sts.] This is the 
extremest part of the town on the Xorth. Stopped a moment at 
J. Ball's. Then visited ^Vlary Ann Bradley, whose case, I fear, 
is begiiming to wear a threatening aspect. Xcxt, visited and 


prayed with Harriet Fiteb, \vlio is declining rapidly. Xext, 
visited and prayed with S. J. Chirke's children, both dangerously 
sick. Called ou ^Iv. Dykeman, II. W. Brintnall, and Dr. 
Robertson. Got caught in an April shower, and on coming 
home found plenty of company, who had also got caught, ^liss 
Gilbert, and Miss ^Macbeth and !Miss Ogden staid to tea. In the 
evening was called to marry Benjamin D. Xorris." 

With respect to the demands made upon him, it should be 
noted that he served not merely as a spiritual counselor, but 
placed all his faculties and capacities at the command of his 
people. As the Diary testities, he was often called on, for 
instance, to draft a new will, to write a troublesome business 
letter, to make peace with an unruly servant, to plan a new 
house, or a new church, or even to make a perverse chimney 

In some cases it may be difficult to decide whether the author 
of a diary wrote solely for his own eye, or whether he contem- 
plated the possibility of his words becoming public. In the 
present case, there can be, I think, no doubt that Dr. Croswell's 
original object was solely to register, as an aid to memory, the 
consecutive performance of professional duty, without thought 
of other readers. We may ask, then, if the record should have 
been preserved, and if it should be a subject of public analysis 
and criticism. But as neither the writer nor his surviving 
children expressed any wish to the contrary, when the decision 
lay wholly in their hands, and as his last descendant died nearly 
half a century ago, it seems clear that the settlement of such 
questions was willingly left to the discretion of those on whom 
the responsibility might fall. 

Meantime, some things are certain. Least of all would Dr. 
Croswell have shrunk from entire frankness in any exposition 
of the quality of his churchmanship and his relations with 
representatives of other Chri^^tian bodies. 

He would be described. [ suiq^ose, as a typical example of the 
old school of CouiKcticut High Churchmen, sharply distrustful 
of the Bruad Church attitude of Dr. iMuhlenlx-r^: and Dr. Har- 


wood; and equally out of sympathv with the Low Churchman- 
ship of Bishops Bedell and Eastburn and Dr. Tyng. 

He was inflexibly loyal to the Prayer Book ; and such excep- 
tional variations as that noted in the following passage from the 
Diary are therefore the more remarkable. 

'•April 4, 1822. Was called to attend the funeral of Isaac 
Basset's child, the methodist minister being out of town. All 
strong methodists — so I wore no gown — used an extempore 
prayer at the house — and accommodated myself as far as pos- 
sible to their feelings, without departing from any positive rule 
of the Church." -' ■ " ' 

An incident which merits comparison with this is given under 
''February 2S, 1S2S. The funeral of Mr. Sherman [a 
brother of Mrs. Croswell] was attended in the afternoon. I per- 
formed the whole service. After returning to the house, I 
invited old Mr. Stebbins [of AVest Haven], who had attended 
as a mourner, on account of the relationship of his wife to I\[rs. 
Sherman, to pray with tlie family. The old gentleman, though 
a Congregational clerg}'man, knelt down and made a very con- 
sistent prayer, closing with the Lord's Prayer. The kneeling 
and Lord's Prayer would have been considered by a man more, 
bigoted, as too much of a compliance with church-customs." 

Compare, also, with these another funeral entry, which, if 
unique in his o^vn case, must have had parallels elsewhere : — 

"Sunday, iSTovember 15, 1S35. After afternoon service hast- 
ened down to the Chapel, to attend the funeral of young 
Murphy. . . . Mr. Bennett performed the service at the 
Chapel — and I performed all that was- done at the grave, but 
as it had become so dark, that I could not disting-uish a letter, 
I dare not venture on the Collect from memory." 

As has been said already. Dr. Croswell found the w^ritiug of 
sermons a burden; and judging from the serial numbers 
attached to his discourses, he seems during a ministry of nearly 
4-4 years to have made on the average a new sermon only once in 
alx)ut three weeks. His Diarv reveals oreat in2;enuitv also in 

56 REV. }[akf;v ctioswell, d.d., and tits t>iakv. 

the adaptation of oM material to new uses. Witness such 
entries as these :— 

''Friday, December 4, 1S29. [15 years after ordination.] 
Tried, in vain, to set myself about sermons— but finally Avas 
obliged to select two from my old stock, of which the number is 
so large, and embracing so many topics, that I tlnd it difficult 
to strike out a new one." 

"Saturday, February 25, 1S32. iSTot having time to finish 
a sermon, resorted to my pigeon-holes, and found a substantial 
old sermon, which had not been preached in eight years. Let 
them remember this, if they can." 

"Saturday^ May 5, 1S32. ^Yent to work in the morning, and 
took an old sermon, and ripped oil' the collar and wristbands — - 
that is, rigged it out with a new text, introduction, and conclu- 
sion, and intend to try it to-morrow." 

"j\Iay 21, ISIS, ^ly sermon, which I had substantially 
re-written from an old one, with three convertible texts, to adapt 
it to Advent, Epiphany, or Easter, was now desigTied partly as 
a missionary sermon, and seemed to take very well." 

Once he enlarges on his method of composition : — 
' *^anuary 11, 1^22. In llie evening transcribed a few pages 
into my sermon, which I had composed in the course of the 
afternoon. This is a labour to which I have always stibjected 
myself — composing first in a very small hand, on small scraps 
and slips of paper, and afterwards transcribing into the notes from 
which I deliver, and which are always written in a fair, though 
rather small hand, and broken up into sentences, and parts of sen- 
tences, to assist the eye in the delivery. This last peculiarity has 
excited the curiosity of stich of my brethren of the clergy as have 
noticed it : but they don't seem to understand it — and for one of 
the plainest reasons in the world : — their sermons have no points, 
nor are the sentences so formed as to admit of any regular di\n- 
sion of their members. ... I designed the plan, because I 
knew my inability to write without emendations— and I cannot 
bear to see a manuscript full of erasures, alterations, and inter- 
lineations. Sermons written off Ji and are apt to be slovenly in 


their style — and tliey are as inncli extoaporc sermons, as if they 
were preached without notes. It is my aim to finish my ser- 
mons, as much as my great and arduous labors will permit." 

There is little in the Diary which bears upon the teaching in 
his sermons. He was not given to speculation, and his daily 
record is occupied with practical and external data, — least of all 
with theological investigation, or self-examination. Comments 
on the sermons of others are frequent, and not always favorable, 
but such sidenotes as the following, with reference to his own 
mode of thought, are unusual : — 

"Sunday, September IS, 1S25. Mr. SLelton preached three 
times. He writes handsomely, and preaches impressively — but 
his sermons have no spice of gospel spirit. He urges obedience, 
and inculcates the necessity of faith — but not one word of 
repentance. In his evening sermon he told of every way of 
coming to God, but the right one (with a penitent and broken 
heart and contrite spirit)." 

His theoretical attitude towards his neighbors who were out- 
side the pale of the Church, is expressed in the following 
extract : — 

"Tuesday, May 1, 1S21. In the evening held my regular 
lecture at the Orange-Street school room, and spoke on Chris- 
tian unity, principally with a view of pointing out the absurdity 
of attempting to harmonize the dilferent denominations of 
Christians, by drawing them into mixed meetings of laymen, to 
hear lay-preachers. liecommended the iniitij of spirit, without 
hoping, in the present state of the world, to produce unity of 
sentiment." His method, however, of illustrating the "'unity of 
spirit" in practice was not specially calculated to promote the 
object, as may be gathered from the following out of numerous 
descriptions in his Journal of services conducted by noncon- 
formists: — . • 

"November 17, 1824. Having been invited by President Day 
to attend the dedication of the new College Chapel — went at 2 


o'clock. It was rather a singular exhibition. They first sang 
an anthem — not in the best style. Having no female voices, 
the treble solos Avere murdered in cold blood. Then President 
Day read some scattered verses from the Psalms — in l^ad shape, 
without any qualification. Then Professor Pitch made a short 
hobbling prayer — in worse style than either of the other perform- 
ances. Then another anthem was sung, decently. Then Pro- 
fessor Fitch delivered a dull, cold, labored sermon, in wretched 
style. Then President Day made a tolerable prayer. And 
last, the choir sung a diddling hymn — and Professor Fitch ended 
with a son of benediction." 

Again, while visiting at the house of the Rector of St. John's 
Church, in Providence, ''June 15, 1S22. Mr. Crocker asked 
me to attend a prayer-meeting of Mr. ^^laffit s (the strolling Irish 
methodist), in the lecture-room of Mr. Wilson's (congi-egational) 
meeting-house. I declined — but finding the family all on a 
tip-toe to go — I changed my mind and went. This lecture-room 
is the undergTound story of a very large meeting-house — the 
ceiling low — the walls and floor dirty — the whole very dark — 
and the air close and offensive. Into this den an immense 
crowd followed the miserable adventurer, who had set the town 
agog by his vapid attempts to preach the gospel. People of 
wealth and fashion, without distinction of age, sex, or condition, 
were here huddled together. The desk was occupied by Maffitt, 
Mr. Taft, minister of the Episcopal Church at Patucket, a 
young baptist preacher, and a methodist preacher. This prayer- 
meeting was opened 'with a hymn, which was followed by a short 
exhortation from 3IafHtt. Then he sang a song, of his own 
composition, tune and all, alone, in a soft, sweet strain which 
seemed to produce a wonderful effect upon his female auditors, 
who languished as he languished and responded sighs to his 
sweet notes. Then ^Maflitt prayed in the language of the liturgy, 
for a few minutes. Then he sang again. Then the baptist 
exhorted, the methodist prayed, ^laflitt sang, and the rest joined 
him. He closed with another exhortation, and a hymn, in true 
methodist style — and thus endt.'d a prayer-meeting, in a cellar, 

i '- 

■ I. !;..»' 



attended by the Rector of St. John's Church, Providence, and 
his lady, the Eev. Professor of Mathematics and Natural 
Philosophy in Brown University, in episcopal orders, and the 
Rector of Trinity Church, Xew Haven, who blushes to his 
fingers' ends on his recording this instance of his departing from 
a conscientious sense of duty, from mere complaisance to the good 
people with whom he staid." Again, 

"March 9, 1S25. Having received an invitation to attend 
the ceremony of installing the Rev. Leonard Bacon over the 
first congregational society in this city— went to the meeting- 
house at ^/2 past 10. Service commenced at 11. Sermon, by 
Mr. Hawes, very good. ' Charge, by Mr. Taylor, very bad. 
Right hand of fellowship, by Mr. Merwin, no better. Singing 
flat. TTas invited to dinner, but had to attend a funeral." 

Then, two weeks later, ''March 23, 1S25. Called to see Mr. 

.Bacon, the new congregational minister of the 1st Society in 

this city. He is, to all appearance, a pleasant young man — but, 

I should think, unequal to the task which he has undertaken. 

Time will show." 

Again, ten years later, ''June 3, 1S35. Went to Captain 
Goodrich's, by invitation, to see his daughter married by Mr. 
Bacon to Frederick Uhlhorn. A splendid wedding. After the 
ceremony, took my cake and wine, and then took my leave, as I 
had no desire to meet the throng of company invited at a later 
hour. Mr. Bacon has improved the mode of conducting a 
marriage, since I have witnessed one, as performed in the 
Presbyterian way. But it is still a meagre service." 

"July 10, 1S20. At 3 p. m. went by invitation to the Dedica- 
tion of the new congregational meeting-house [on Court Street] . 
It was a shabby concern — all the exercises being meagre and 
spiritless, with the exception of the sermon by Mr. Bacon, which 
was probably none of his best. President Day began by reading 
a portion of scripture, gathered partly from the Chronicles, and 
partly from Solomon's dedication prayer, but without any 
intimation from whence he was reading. It was all continued 
on, as if nothing intervened — and Solomon's prayer was used 


with omissions, till he got to the middle — and then he stopped, 
and gave out a hymn of eight verses. This l)eing all sung out, 
with the congregation sitting — Professor Fitch made one of his 
long hitching prayers, with no other difference, only that he 
hegan by substituting a wretched imitation of Dr. Barber's 
drawling for his native grunt [Dr. Barber being a teacher of 
elocution]. This was followed by another singing, and the 
sermon — and then another prayer, by a strange clergyman, and 
another hymn. The main body of the house was filled with 
ladies, the galleries with men and boys, the platform under the 
pulpit with deacons — one of whom slept quietly through the 
whole concern, in which exercise he was devoutly followed by 
more than one of the fair sex— and I could not blame them. 
About ministers were in the pulpit — which Professor Pitch 
was particular to dedicate, together with the seats, — but nothing 

"]May 10, 1S21. Passed round to the I^s'orth-'West corner of 
the Green, where the ^Methodists were laying the corner-stone of 
their new meeting-house [on the Green]. Like a presbyterian 
dedication, it was a formless jumble of exercises, consisting of 
singing three hymns, making a prayer, and delivering an 
address, all carried on by their minister, Mr. Thatcher. The 
comer-stone, however, instead of being the top of the comer, 
was the first stone laid in the foundation, several feet under 
ground! On this stone, and in this awkward situation, the 
little minister performed his several parts — speaking, not as out 
of a tub, but as if immersed in a cistern — the people standing in 
the deep trenches, or on the banks, or on the piles of lumber and 
stone with which the place was encumbered. He discharged the 
office, however, with a considerable degree of propriety — and 
with a zeal and enthusiasm peculiar to his sect. The Metho- 
dists had been violently opposed by the Presbyterians in their 
project of erecting this house in so public a place — but this had 
in no wise disheartened them; and their opponents, findimr 
force ineffectual, had resorted to softer means, and had finally 
offered them a sum of money, say about $1200, to induce them 
to select a more retired spot. This was resented, and the work 



pushed with renewed ardor. The house will stand within two 
or three hundred feet of the Meeting-House of the United 
Society, and about an equal distance from the dwelling-house of 
the President of Yale College. Xo wonder, therefore, that the 
Presbyterians are opposed to the erection.'' 

Without further multiplication of such passages, I pass to 
other phases of his disapproval of the manifestations of sectarian 

'•'July 19, 1S21. Abigail Heaton called to talk with me on 
the subject of her joining a missionary family to go to the 
Sandwich Islands (one among the latest of the sectarian 
schemes). She is an excellent, pious, and warm-hearted girl, 
who has been persuaded by the arts of Presbyterians to believe, 
that it is her duty to sacrifice herself to the visionary object of 
civilizing and then Christianizing the natives of these islands. 
The plain English of the business is— that a number of indigent 
young men have been gratuitously educated by the Presbyterians 
for the purpose of going on foreign missions. But, timid souls, 
the terrors of such a mission as their employers demand are too 
great, imless the girls will go with them! . . . Lord help 
us ! what are we coming to t As Miss Heaton is a fine girl, and 
a very worthy communicant of the Church, ... I am 
satisfied that it is my duty to endeavour to rescue her from the 
snare thus laid for her by a set of men, possessing more than 
Jesuitical cunning." 

"April 25, IS'2'2. Spent the evening at Mr. Heaton's, where 
there was half a dozen of their friends. Here I was informed 
of another "of the ten thousand schemes which are invented to 
draw Churchmen into allegiance with schismatics. Mrs. Heaton 
had been invited by the Presbyterian ladies to join them in a 
society for converting the Jews I When will this shameful 
ostentation cease ^''' 

"July 11, 1823. Attended a meeting of a few gentlemen at 
Hitchcock's office, at the request of Judge "White, for the purpose 
of making some arrangements for re-organizing a Bible Society, 
auxiliary to the Xational Bible Society. Found Theodore 



Dwigiit from Xew York, President Day, :\rr. Menvin, iNFr. 
.Luckev, and Judge White, besides :\rr. Iliteheock. Dwiglit 
asserted that agents were coming from Xew York to attend to 
the business, and wished a meeting to be notified on Tuesday 
evening next, in the newspapers and in the pulpits. He pn^ 
tended that Dr. Lyell [a Xew York rector] was coming amoDL' 
the agents. Having seen the pill well sugared over in this 
way, I very deliberately entered into an explanation of my 
reasons for declining to promote the object, either directly or . 
indirectly, grounded generally upon the impropriety of attempt- 1 
ing to amalgamate religious denominations, kc." 

Other passages show how the author allowed his surmises of 
sectarian politics and of mixed motives to govern him also in 
the field of humanitarian effort. 

"December 13, 1S20. Preached my new re-written sermon, 
on intolerance and bigoti-y, from Eomans xiv, 4, "Who art thou 
that judgest another man's servant,' cl'c. It had been preached 

for the last time twelve years ago — and as I altered the text ] 

and the matter, nobody dreamed of its being re-written — ] 

especially as it was supposed to have a bearing on certain trans- 1 

actions now in progress. The Congrcgationalists have entered ' 

into a combination to denounce and proscribe every man, woman, 1 
and child, who will not subscribe to the total abstinence system." 

"June S, 1855. A young man came, to get subscribers for | 

Maine-law publications, and gave jue an opportunity to expres? j 

my opinions on the whole fanatical concern." | 

"January 8, 1830. Wrote a note to Professor Goodrich, | 

declining his invitation to attend a meeting to be held this even- | 

ing at the 'Middle Brick', to get up a fever about the Georgia j 

Indians [that is, for the protection of the Cherokecs in retaining: | 

their lands]. . . . [Added later :] A large meeting asseni- | 

bled, as I understand ; and Professor Goodrich took occasion to j 

say, that there was no political motive in the business; it was a | 

grand Christian scheme. »S:c." | 

"June 22, 1^54. Had all sorts of calls in the morning, j 

Anions others, a black man seeking- aid to buv his family, out oi \ 


slavery, into poverty and misery. Treated liim kindly, and sent 
liim to the abolitionists." 

"July 24, 1S55. Spent a portion of the forenoon, in prepar- 
ing a brief and pungent reply to the circular received yesterday 
from the jS'ew England Emigrant Aid Company, to be enclosed 
in an envelope, already stamped, and directed to Rev. E. E. 
Hale, of Worcester. An impudent attempt to draw me into a 
l)olitical crusade against the admission of Kansas, kc.'' 

As a contrast to the picture quoted above, of a corner-stone 
service by ATethodists, I cite the description of the ceremony, 
eight years later, when what we know as St. Paul's Church was 
begim : — 

"Saturday, April 8, 1829. A fine day— and a proud and 
splendid day for the Churchmen of Xew Haven. The Corner- 
stone of the new Chapel was to be laid in the afternoon — and a 
considerable part of the forenoon was taken up in preparation. 
Opened Trinity Church at 1 o'clock, and admitted the Sunday- 
School. The congregation collected at 2. ]\Ir. Hawks [the 
assistant minister] read a selection of service for the occasion, 
highly appropriate. A procession was then formed — Sunday- 
School first — singers — Wardens and Vestry — Building Com- 
mittee — Contractors — Clergy — Officiating Clergy — and then 
citizens, etc., a street full. The clergy of other denominations 
bad been invited — and a part of them attended, with President 
Day at their head. On coming to the foundation of the new 
cliapel. Psalms selected were read in appropriate responses — 
tlien a Hymn sung — then the stone was laid by me — then ISlv. 
Hawks read a prayer — and I closed with a spirited address, 
^vhich the puritans won't forget in a hurry.'' 

For sixteen years St. Paul's Chapel was administered in con- 
junction with Trinity Church by the Rector and his assistants; 
and it was only after a long and hard-fought struggle, in which 
Dr. Croswell was worsted, that an independent church was 
^Tganized. The Diary for :\rarch 23, 1845, tells the result:— 
"I'lt-asant as the day was ... it had many painful asso- 
ciations, for to-morrow the parish meeting is to decide the ques- 



tion^oii the division of the parish— and doubtless in favor of the 
suicidal measure." 

The error in the gloomy prophecy of the last words recalls an 
earlier instance of similar perverseness, respecting the destinv 
of what is now Trinity College, which Dr. Croswell had tried 
hard to secure for Xew Haven : — 

^"May 6, 1S24. The Trustees of ^Yashington College met in 
iS^ew Haven this day, and after some discussion, fixed the loca- 
tion of that Institution in Hartford— a location which will prob- 
ably prove fatal to the interests of tlie institution." \ 

These instances of defeated plans suggest wliat was Dr. 
■Croswell's outstanding fault of temperament, and none the less ! 
so, although, so far as the Diary reveals, it was one of which he 
was utterly unconscious. While gracious and affable in ordi- 

. nary intercourse, he showed himself in more serious matters of 
policy, where opinions differed, strong-willed, self-sufficient, and 

■ autocratic, particularly iu official relations with his assistants 
and his vestry, and was often unjust and severe in his reflection; 
on those who were not willingly subservient to his purposes. 

He had a genuine interest in the prosperity of 'New Haven : 
but was chary, doubtless from convictions of duty, of givim:- 
public expression to his views on any local measure which might 
possibly make differences in the parish through sectarian^or 
political controversy, while at the same time indulging in the 
freest criticism on the pages of his Diary. An early specimen 
of such criticism occurs in his notes on the removal of the stone- 
from the old bnrying-ground, in the centre of the public Green. 

":May 22. Amid the cares and duties which necessarily 
devolve upon me, it is my lot to be vexed and troubled with th"- 
endless schemes of sectarians to draw me into responsibilitiL-i 
which may affect my popularity and diminish my usefulness 
Some time last season, a scheme was set on foot to get rid of 
the monuments ajid grave stones in the old burying-gTound. 1' 
being a very tendiu- subject, the promoters of the scheme wltc 

.1 -n 



under the necessity of proceeding cautiously — and tliey accord- 
ingly caused a town-meeting to l>e called, and a committee was 
appointed to propose plans to effect the object, I cannot recol- 
lect the course which the affair took in all its details — but the 
result was, the appointment of a committee to carry a certain 
plan into etTect. I heard a rumor at the time, that all the 
clergymen of the city were placed on that committee, for the 
purpose of giving a sanction to the proposed measure. But I 
received no notice of the appointment, nor was I called upon to 
meet with them. Last week, however, a notice appeared in the 
newspapers, stating that this committee being now ready to 
proceed to the removal, would delay till the 20th of the month, 
to give to any person so disposed, an opportunity to remove the 
tombstones or remains of their friends to their private lots in 
the new burying-ground. At the same time, Abraham Bishop, 
Esq., called upon me with an address which he had written to be 
delivered at one of the meeting-houses on the occasion of the 
removal, and which he wished me to peruse and return to him 
this day. He partially disclosed the scheme — and common 
report furnished me with the rest. The committee, it seems, 
consisted of James Ilillhouse, Esq., Abraham Bishop, Esq., 
William !Mix, Esq., and the four clergymen of the city — that is, 
one Churchman, two Congregationalists, and one ]\Iethodist- — the 
la^Tnen of the Committee being all Congregationalists. This 
committee, or in other words Mr. Ilillhouse, by the help of ^h\ 
Bishop, had agreed to purchase of the said ]Mr. Ilillhouse a piece 
of waste laud, near the new burying-grounds in the suburbs of the 
to^^Tl, at a most enormous price [$2S0 an acre] and to cause all 
the remaining gravestones to be removed thither, and set up in 
the ground in due order, about a mile from the place where the 
bodies were deposited I . . . To a project so ridiculous it only 
remained to obtain the sanction of the ministers, and then the 
projectoi-s flattered themselves that everything would go down 
smoothly with the people — a calculation too often made with great 
success. I resolved, however, to impro\'e the tirst opportunity that 
had been afforded me. of washing my hands of any particii)ation 
in the measure. I stood al<.>ne, as the sole representative of the 



largest religious society in town, — I had no concern in the 
affair, — had no connections in the burying-ground — and had a 
very unfavorable opinion of the plan."' 

Again, a month later, "June 20. At 8 o'clock in the morning, 
the bells began to ring for the grand parade of removing the old 
burying-gi-ound — that is, for preparing the public mind for tlie 
removal of the .grave-stones. The people assembled at !Mr. 
Taylor's meeting-house, and a course of services were performed 
in this wise. — Singing — prayer by Mr. Merwin, giving a 
detailed account of many things of which he supposed the people 
were igTiorant, but of which he could not have supposed the 
Being whom he affected to address was ignorant — singing 
again — and then ^Ir. Hill, the baptist minister, performed the 
dignified office of reading 3Ir. Bishop's address. He strutted 
in his borrowed plumes, and put on such a pompous air as to 
render this part of the exhibition ridiculous. He was followed 
by ]\Ir. Thatcher, the methodist minister, who laid out the ground 
for a long extempore address — but observing, before he was 
half through with his exordium, that the people were withdraw- 
ing, he very abruptly broke off. . . . After singing once 
more, Mr. Taylor made the concluding prayer. Mr. Hillhouse, 
with some hired labourers, now proceeded to the burying-ground, 
and began to pull down tlie old grave-stones, and the work is to 
proceed until they are all removed. These circumstances are 
detailed by others, for, instead of being present, I visited Xancy 
Bonticou, iSrc." 

I may trespass on your time to add a few other notes relating 
to special localities or more general incidents. 

"September 9, 1^2:.. . . . Stopped a moment at ]Mrs. 
Sanford's. . . . Walked on, it being a delightful morning, 
taking the powderdiouse road [/. e., Prospect Street] till I came 
to the forest alwut Hillhouso's avenue — crossed the avenue which 
I now saw in its whole extent f<;.r the first time." He probably 
refers to the view from the cleared space on which the Hillhouse 
mansion was built a little later; the avenue itself had long been 


'Olay G, 1S20. This day the canal-commissioners decided 
on the route of the Canal through the city, taking the middle or 
Creek-route — a question which has excited much interest in the 
town/' Two other routes had been especially talked of, — one 
issuing through Brewery Street to Long Wharf, and one coming 
out next to Tomlinson's Bridge. 

''February 19, 1S2S. Towards noon it was announced that 
the Canal was full of water — and at 3 in the afternoon a Ijoat 
was put afloat, and was lifted up all the locks in town, passing 
through the whole length of the Canal to the basin of Mr. Hill- 
house, "and returning to the last level. The crowd to witness 
this first exhibition was immense, and filled the town with joy, 
the bells rang, cannons fired, &-c.'' 

"March IS, 1S39. Was called to visit a poor sick woman at 
Barnesville [i. e. Fair Haven], and just as I left her the Steam 
Boat arrived, and I stopped to see fur the first time the train of 
railroad cars st-art off. It was but a small train, but it went off 
in good style." Daily trains had been running from Xew 
Haven to Meriden since the 1st of January. 

His first embarkation on a railroad had been three and a half 
years earlier, in Xew York City, when he wrote : 

"August IS, 1835. We had only barely time to get on board 
the rail-road line for Philadelphia. . . . This was my first 
experience on rail-roads — and the first sensations were very 
singular. I could not at first divest myself of the idea, that we 
were drawn by a team of horses upon the full run — but I soon 
became accustomed to it, and felt perfectly at ease." , 

Of the conditions of travel on foot at that day, a single citation 
will represent what those whose memory goes back before the 
Civil War can recall: — ''January 2G, lSo9, A most tempestu- 
ous Xorth East rain storm. After praying with the Superior 
Court undertook to get to the Post Ofiice [that is, from Temple 
St. to the railroad cut] Init the rain came in torrents, and I 
found Chapel Street so fiooded, that it was impossible to get 

I.'; ,]-■:■ ,i; 


along without going deeper than my overshoes wouhl warrant, 
and so I gave it up." 

I quote but one more narrative — that of the commemoration 
in 1S'3S of the founding of the town : — 

"Wednesday, April 25. This day being fixed upon by the 
Connecticut Academy of .Vrts and Sciences', for the celebration 
of the 200th anniversary of the settlement of Xew Haven, it 
was turned into a gala-day, and many fantastic pranks were 
performed, official and non-official. Kinging of bells and firing 
of cannon opened and closed the day. A procession -was formed 
at 9 A. :\r. at the State House, consisting of everybody and every- 
body's children, and escorted by two military companies and a 
band of music. This body moved to the corner of College and 
George Streets, where the Pilgrims held their first meeting, 
under an oak — and here were prayers and singing — and then 
they proceeded round the original squares, and returned to the 
Center meeting-house, where they had religious- services, and a 
historical discourse by Professor Kingsley. I had been invited 
to take part in these exercises, but declined, and Mr. Bennett 
[the Assistant Minister] Avas called in to fill the gap. T had a 
quiet forenoon at home." 

From these somewhat rambling excursions into the Diary I 
return to the expression in a more general way of the light on 
Dr. Croswell's character and infiuence, to be gathered from his 
writings. The lapse of nearly sixty years since his death has 
left with us scarcely any who can testify from mature and inti- 
mate re<.'ol lection of what he was in private intercourse, and what 
his standards and purposes were, as shown in the direct results 
of his prolonged ministry. But the Diary reveals, beyond what 
his contemporaries witnessed or imagined, the mental habit and 
springs of actiiui of the author. 

He was not what we call a good judge of men, and his record 
bristles with hasty estimates, both favorable and unfavorable — 
to l>e followed hitcr l)y virtual retractions and revisions of 
opinion; but I think I am not mistaken in inferring that his 


severest criticisms were those of the pen, while in personal inter- 
conrse with his fellow-men, he was uniformly genial and over- 
tlowing with practical beneficence. 

With regard to this last trait, it is evident that, like the rest 
of his generation, he observed none of the methods of our modern 
Organized Charities. Beggars thronged his door, and found 
him the easiest of prey, while fully aware of his own weakness. 
His standard of duty to his own people was extraordinarily 
high. The constantly recurring opportunities of intellectual and 
social recreation in a University town, were resolutely and con- 
sistently set aside, on principle, for the sake of the common- 
place ofinces incumbent on the chief pastor of a large citv parish, 
in which the poor and the friendless were always the major and 
the more appealing part. In his conception of the Christian 
ministry, here lay his strength and his special call to service. 
To this work he had consecrated in a characteristically matter-of- 
fact way all his powers of mind and body ; he had no ambition 
for place or power in any wider sphere ; but in his own province 
he brooked no interference and allowed no rival. To the last 
week of his life he kept in his own hands all the details of his 
official charge, and fulfilled his ideal of the rectorship of Trinity 
Church, without fear or favor, under responsibility to no one 
but his Divine Master. 


Bj Fraxklix B. Dexter, Litt.I). 
[Read October 23, 19IG.] 

In these passing days we have all been hearing and seeing so 
much of the history of the Collegiate School of Connecticut, that 
it may be rash to attack so well-worn a theme from any addi- 
tional point of view : but it is certainly fitting that the Colony 
Historical Society should t^ke its part in commemorating such 
an anniversary as this, and I have been called to the duty of 
spokesman. It is obvious that no new material can be discov- 
ered at so late an hour : I can merely challenge your interest in a 
plain restatement of some of the historical data, in such form as 
the special occasion may suggest. 

In every rehearsal of these events, emphasis is primarily and 
justly laid on the fact that the founders of this Colony included 
a College in their original plans ; it is also noteworthy that the 
language in which this intention was expressed anticipated the 
phrases to which we are accustomed as the chosen emlxjdiment 
of the Yale idea in modern days. 

It may be worth while to expand this assertion by recalling 
certain significant passages in the history of the earliest plan for 
higher education in New Haven. 

First of all, in the revision of the town statutes, in February, 
164:5, not yet seven years after the k'ginning of the settlement, 
among other provisions, which it is explained had already been 
agreed uj)on, but by oversight had not been put on record, 'Tt is 
ordered that a free school be set up, for the better training up 
of youth in this town, that through (J-od's blessing they may l.>e 
fitted for public service hereafter, either in church or common- 


wealth/' The phraseology was undoubtedlv John Davenport's, 
though not necessarily original with him, and was frequently 
re-ei^hoed in his public utterances. 

Three years later, in 3Iarch, IG-IS, the General Court of the 
Colony took the first active steps towards setting up a college 
in Xew Haven: but necessary funds were lacking, until the will 
of Governor Edward Hopkins, whose wife was a daughter of the 
wife of Governor Eaton, offered in 1657 a prospect of 

In May, 1659, therefore, with a view of securing a share in 
this bequest, the General Court, in Davenport's language again, 
'•kM:)king upon it as their gi-eat duty to establish some course that 
through the blessing of God learning may be promoted in the 
Jurisdiction as a means for the fitting of instruments for public 
service in Church and Commonwealth, did order that -10 pounds 
a year shall be paid by the treasurer for the furtherance of a 
grammer school." 

A year later, Davenport, as the trustee, to whom the portion 
of the Hopkins bequest intended for Xew Haven had been paid, 
in offering to turn over the trust to the General Court of the 
Colony, described the design as being "that a small college (such 
as the day of small things will permit) should be settled in Xew 
Haven for the education of youth in good literature, to fit them 
for public services in church and commonwealth." 

And again, in April, 1664, the Colony having failed to put 
this design into effect, Davenport offered the same trust to the 
town of Xew Haven, "to be improved.*' in his own lanffuasre, 
"to that end for which it was given by Mr. Hopkins, viz., to fit 
youth (by learning) for the service of God in church and 

This, of course, was the origin of the Hopkins Grammar 
School, with which Davenport's connection ceased in 166S, when 
he removed to Boston ; but he left on file in our records a formal 
deed of trust of the legacy from which he had expected so much, 
declaring it to be "for the encouragement and breeding up of 
hopeful youths, both at the grammar school and college, for the 
public service of the country in these foreign plantations." 

;i il r.c. 


With this message Davenport passes out of our historv; but 
the principle which lie had labored to iuij)hint was not entirely 
lost sight of; and so, a generation later, wh.-n a little companV 
of Comiecticut ministers, mainly from the seaside townships, 
took up anew his project of "a small college,'' it was a happy and 
not undeserved coincidence that James Pierpont, then occupying 
Davenport's pulpit, was in the forefront of the movement,\and. 
suggested to the trained counsellors who drew up the Charter of 
1701 a reproduction of Davenport's phraseology, in the incorpo- 
ration of ''a Collegiate School wherein youth may l)e instructed 
in the arts and sciences, who through the blessing of Almightv 
God may be fitted for public employment both in Church °and 
Civil State." And thus the spirit of John Davenport and of 
^^ew Haven was to a certain extent a part of Yale College horn 
its beginning; and it is pleasant to tind, among the documents 
which antedate the charter, unmistakable evidence that Xew 
Haven was at the time suggested as the ideal place for the 
College. But, so far as can now be st^n, no pressure was 
brought to bear at that date by Pierpont or by any other repre- 
sentative of the town to influence the deliberating Trustees to 
install the proposed school here, rather than in Savbr«x.k, or 
Middletown, or Hartford, or :\Iilford, or Stratford, each' of 
^vhich places had some fair claim for consideration. 

The extant records of these deliberations are consecutive and 
distinct enough to justify the conviction that the preliminarv 
conferences of the ministers concerned were thoroughly amicable, 
and that Saybrook was agreed upon with substantiarunanimitv 
as being the most fairly acceptable compromise for the variuu's 
interests involved. 

By 1710, however, the case had materially altered. For a 
good part of the intervening periu.l Saybn.ok had been oblioed 
to share with its next-door neighbor, little Killingworth, what- 
ever prestige or advantage there was in harboring the Collegiate 
School ; while for the rest of the time the lack of a settled rc^-tor, 
and the death of the venerable parish minister (Thomas Buck- 
ingham) who had been the local centre of authority and intlu- 
enee for over forty years, had kept down the School to a 


discouraginglj low level of acliievement and even of promise. 
!Meantiine Xew Haven had outstripped Ilartfctrd as the leading 
town of the Colony in numbers and in prosperity; while several 
of its more thrifty neighbors, such as Fairfield, Stratford, ]Mil- 
ford, and Guilford, had grown faster than the other plantations 
of like history, eastwards or inland, and exercised a proportion- 
ately greater intluenee. In recognition of this development the 
General Court, which met in May and October annually, had 
resolved in 1713 to hold its autumn sessions henceforth in Xew 
Haven ; and this action should be noted as one factor in deter- 
mining the removal hither in 171 G. 

The changes in the composition of the Board of Trustees since 
1701 were also of significance in this crisis. The three men 
who had been most prominent in shaping the early policy of the 
institution were Abraham Pierson of Killing'worth, Thomas 
Buckingham of Saybrook, and James Pierpont of Xew Haven ; 
but these were now all dead,— besides two others who had taken 
no special part in College matters, Mr. Chauncy of Stratford and 
^Ir. Kussel of Middletown — leaving as the one strong survivor 
among the trustees named in the charter the elderly pastor of 
the First Church in Hartford, Timothy Woodbridge, who had 
l:K?en kept by illness and absence in Boston from active participa- 
tion in the deliberations of 1701, but who now stood ready to 
interpose his aggressive and dominating personality in antag- 
onism to the prevailing judginent of the seaside trustees. 

Of the recent accc^ssions to the board the most notable were 
•John Davenport of Stamford, a grandson of the original John 
and nephew of Eector Pierson, and Thomas Buckingham, min- 
ister of. the Second Church in Hartford, and nephew of the 
Saybrook trustee of the same name. In the struggle which 
ensued, resulting in removal to Xew Haven, Mr. Davenport was 
chief spokesman of the victorious party ; while Mr. Buckingham 
stood as the sole supporter of his toumsman, ^[r. Woodbridge, 
in advocacy of an inland location for the College. 

But IMr. Pierpont's death had still another bearing on the con- 
troversy. His place in the Xew Haven pulpit had not been 
easily filled, and finally the choice of a successor had narrowed 


down to two young Saybrook graduates, — Samuel Cooke and 
Joseph Xoyes. ^Ir. Cooke was already a prominent figure in 
the to^^^l. He bad been for eight years Rector of the Hopkins 
Grammar School, and during the last six sessions of the General 
Assembly one of the Deputies from 'New Haven. He had also 
married early into the Lx-ally prominent and wealthy Trowbridge 

Mr. Xoyes on the other hand had the prestige of being a son 
of one of the oldest and most eminent ministers of the Colony, 
and after a successful tutorship at Saybrook was now being 
sought as colleague to his father. Finally Mr. Xoyes was 
chosen, in July, 1715 ; and his acceptance turned out to l>e an 
additional factor of importance in behalf of Xew Haven as the 
site of the college. In proof of this it is necessary only to recall 
the circumstances of the eventful meeting of eight of the ten 
living trustees in Xew Haven on Wednesday, the iTth of Octo- 
ber, 1716. Besides the formal record of this meeting, we have 
a brief narrative of what occurred, apparently written a few 
months later by Joseph Xoyes, the newly ordained minister. 
He sets down first the convincing argument of figures, stating 
that Hartford county had oifered to give 6 or 700 pounds for the 
college, if settled there, and that Xew Haven donations given 
and offered amounted to 1600 pounds. Five trustees then voted 
for l^ew Haven, — Andrew of ^Milford, Webb of Fairfield, Eus- 
sel of Branford, Ruggles of Guilford, and Davenport of Stam- 
ford; while the two Hartford ministers voted in the negative. 
The moderator, Moses Xoyes of Lyme, an nnclo of the Xew 
Haven minister, declared, as the record says, that "'he doth not 
see- the necessity of removing the Scho<:>l from Saybrook, but if 
it must be removed, his mind is that it be settled at Xew Haven,'' 
or, as Joseph Xoycs's account puts it, '"Rev. !Mr. Xoyes of Lyme 
was silent after his nephew was settled at Xew Haven." The 
absent trustees were James Xoyes of Stonington and Samuel 
Mather of Windsor. To quote Joseph Xoyes again, 'Olr. 
Mather was disabled by illness, but had by letter to Rev. ^Ir. 
Pierpont formerly/' that is, in 1701, '"'signified his approbation 
of Xew Haven. And ^Ir. Xoves of Stonimrton cave certain 


intimations of his mind for Xow Iluven/' as reported, perhaps 
hy letter, '"and afterwards signed the doings of the Trustees", 
in token of his approval. 

The choice, then, of Joseph Xoyes for the Xew Haven pulpit 
was immediately justified ; if his rival, Samuel Cooke, had been 
preferred, it is at least doubtful whether the event which we now 
commemorate could have occurred in 1716. He would have 
brought no special claim of influence over individual trustees, 
nor so good a prospect of usefulness as an assistant in instruction 
and oversight as that which his competitor enjoyed. It may be 
conceded that Pastor Xoyes did not prove ultimately an eminent 
theologian or a productive scholar ; but a study of his portrait, 
hanging on our walls, gives an impression of buoyant and san- 
guine youthfulness, though the hair is silvered, and justifies, I 
have always fancied, the promise of his earlier manhood. 

And what of the Xew Haven to which the (Dollegiate School 
came in October, 171G ? The plantation had been in existence 
for three-quarters of a century, and the children of the first- 
comers who survived were now mostly in advanced years. A 
daughter-in-law of John Davenport still occupied the old Daven- 
port mansion, on the present site of the Presbyterian Church on 
Elm Street. On the opposite side of the road one or two grand- 
children still kept a foothold on the estate of Governor Eaton ; 
while the family of Elihu Yale, Mrs. Eaton's grandson, who 
was destined to take so conspicuous a part in the College history, 
was also represented just below at the corner of State Street by a 
first cousin, the wife of Samuel Bishop. And a considerable list 
might easily be named of other elderly residents whose recol- 
lections included distinct impressions of the early years of the 
settlement and the men and women who were leaders in it. 

There is no reason, however, to suppose that traditions of 
Davenport's purpose of '"a small College" still lingered here to 
any such extent as to affect public policy: there were no persons 
of outstanding influence who would have been the natural chan- 
nels of such tradition, or strong enough to ensure their wider 
acceptance, and local pride had found a sufiicient reward in the 
modest growth of the Hopkins Granmiar School. 



The population of the compact portion of the touii was prob- 
ably not much over VOO : while the membership of the h^irst 
Church (still the only church in the whole territory, except that 
recently organized in East Haven ^•illage) was not far from 300. 
The entire community eonforme.l to one system of reli-ions 
Wief, and probably at this date there was not within the town 
limits a single adherent of the Church of England, any more 
than of the Church of Rome, or of the Jewish Synagog-ue." 

The community was also in the main socially homogeneous, 
much more so tlian at the beginning, when the distinctions of 
wealth and blood brought with the emigrants from the mother 
country were sharply drawn and recogiiized ; neither was tlio 
town dominated by any connnanding personalities, as in the first 

Besides the new minister, who was only 2S, there were two 
other Saybrook graduates living in the town plot: — John Prout, 
Junior, 27 years old, a rising business man on lower State Street 
and Xaval officer of the Port, and Daniel Browne, Junior, in his 
19th year, who had lately been promoted from the rank of 
assistant-master to that of rector of the Grammar School, in 
succession to Mr. Cooko^ who had jnst been ordained pastor of 
what is now the First Church in Bridgeport, having sold his 
house on Elm Street, opposite the Davenport mansion, to Mr. 
Xoyes, who was about to be married to a daughter of the late 
minister, Mr. Pierpont. Browne himself was a native of the 
village of the West Side, now the borough of West Haven, and 
had a younger brother to whom we owe a detailed map of Xew 
Haven as it was in 1724:, an invaluable document for our earlv 

In addition to tliese three gra<lnates, living in the centre of the 
town, there were Jacol) Heminway, the minister to his kinsfolk 
and neighbors in East Haven, a graduate of 1704, and Daniel 
Elmer of 1710, who was preaching temporarily for the "West 
farmers," who ha.l tak.-n steps for gathering a church, but were 
not yet able to do so. Of the five thus noted, Heminway, Prout 
and Browne were tlie only Xew Haveners who had been sent to 
Saybrook since the Collegiate School began, and during that 


period none of their townsnu-n lia<l boon educated at Harvard ; 
in the same time there had been traineiJ at Saybrook an e(]ual 
number of Hartford boys, and thriee that number from Saybrook 

There was also in Xew Haven a solitary .Harvard graduate, 
Warham blather, 50 years of age, of the best ^Massachusetts 
blood, an uncle of Jonathan Edwards, but, although a man of 
undoubted ability, not nnudi of a success in life. He had failed 
in his chosen vocation of preaching, and his wife being a daugh- 
ter of the Madam Davenport who was spending her last years in 
the family home on Elm Street, they had come here to live with 
and care for her, while he divide<l most of his time between 
amateur medical practice (in which line he had no competitor) 
and public business as a side-judge of the county court and 
(subsequently) judge of probate. He tilled a rather prominent 
place in the community, more perhaps owing to a dearth of other 
loaders than to the eminence of his own powers. 

These four men, tJien, Mather, Prout, Xoyes, and Browne, 
stood for the higher education in the Xew Haven town plot of 
171G; and ranking with them in dignity and influence were 
such official persons as John Punderson and Abraham Bradley, 
the two ancient deacons of the Church; John Ailing, judge of 
the probate court, who became also treasurer of the Collegiate 
School; Samuel Bishop, who shared with Dr. Mather and 
Deacon Bradley the station of assistant judge of the county 
court; Joseph Whiting, captain of the local militia; and 
Sergeant Abraham Dickernian, the tirst townsman or selectman. 

The majority of the community comprised the customary 
assortment of active or retired farmers, traders, artisans, sea- 
faring men, voluntiiry servants, and a small number of negro 
slaves from the West Indies; there were also perhaps an even 
smaller number of half-civilized Indians, besides the feeble 
remnant of a settlement of the Quinnipiac tribe in the East 
Haven region. 

There were few persons of more than the average amount of 
estate; few dependants on charity; and tramps were then and 
f"r a century longer almost wholly unknown. The nucleus 



of the original planters had ]>oon a small group of rich London 
merchants, who had brought with them a staff of inferior 
retainers, in the expectation of erecting here a state of society, 
modeled after that in the old country, with marked divisions of 
standing and culture, in one compact feudal community. As 
it was speedily found that this e.\[>ectation was fallacious, this 
humbler class was colonized on some of the farming lauds in the 
outlying edges of the town, which were in 1716 just developing 
into independent villages. 

When the pioneers of Xew Haven sailed up in 1G3S the "West 
Cjeek, then navigable at least to the foot of College Street (a 
creek which was long traceal>le to the north of Chapel Street, 
just beyond Park), with admirable foresight they employed one 
of their number, John Brockett, who had some experience as a 
surveyor, to lay out a town-plot, of nine equal squares, the 
meeting-house gTcen or market-place being the central one. The 
lines of this plot were determined by the two creeks on the 
George Street and State Street borders, with one unfortunate 
result, that the streets bounding the nine squares, being laid out 
parallel to these creeks, are hopelessly out of relation to the 
cardinal points of the compass. We are accustomed, to be sure, 
to ignore this patent irregularity, and always speakfor instance 
of Elm Street as the northern boundary of the Green ; but the 
earlier land records do not observe any rule on this head, and 
are nearly as apt to describe a lot on the Chapel Street side of 
Elm Street, for instance, as bounded on the west by the highway, 
as they are to say bounded on the south. 

Wjthin these limits, then, of George, York, Grove, and State 
Streets (the intermediate streets being then and until after the 
devolution mostly unopened), and on the outlying roads leading 
towards the harbor and the country (Water Street, Meadow 
Street, Commerce Street, Broad Street, Broadway and Whitney 
Avenue), the main body of the townsfolk dwelt; and until the 
College fostered a new center of life and interest, the principal 
activities of the settlement were gathered al)out State Street and 
the water front, which then of course and for one hundred and 
liftv vears later beiran at what is now Water Street. 



The Green bad upon it lour public buildings. First, the 
\voo<len niecting-bouso, built on ground a little to the east and 
south of the present Centre Church in IGTO, and continued in 
use during practically the entire ministries of Xicholas Street, 
James Pierpont and Joseph Xuyes. The area was about sixty 
by fifty-five feet, with three entrances on the eastern front, two 
on the north, and two on the south. The pulpit was placed 
originally at the west end, as in the modern church, facing two 
tiers of benches, those on the northern side for women, and those 
on the southern for men. Influential people had been allowed 
by the town to build private pews on the north and south walls ; 
and when more room had recently become necessary, it had been 
gained by pushing out the western wall twenty-five feet further, 
leaving the pulpit where it was, and filling the added floor-space 
behind it with more private pews, facing the main congregation. 
There were also put at the western end stairways leading to the 
back and side galleries, and at the northeast and southeast cor- 
ners stairs to the large front gallery, in which henceforth the 
College was to hire sittings for graduate and undergraduate 
students. Even with these additions the house was hardly suf- 
ficient for the demands upon it, until relieved by the establish- 
ment of worship in East Haven, Xorth Haven and "West Haven ; 
but, however inadequate, it was destined to remain for forty 
years longer, and to serve, not only as the place for religious 
assemblage, but also, until a Court House was built south of it 
in 1719, as the forum for transacting all civic business, in the 
public town-meetings and in the general court of the Colony and 
subordinate courts. 

The graves of the forefathers were scattered irregularly in the 
proximity of the meeting-house to the West and Xorth, those 
still to be seen in the crypt under the Centre Church showing 
what was the former level of the ground in that vicinity. 

The minor structures on the Green comprised a small building 
used as a jail, on College Street, perhaps somewhere nearly 
opposite the present Lawrance Hall : another smaller one, a little 
further north, used as a shelter for the night-watch ; and an old 
huildine: on Elm Street, about where the United Church now 


stands, in which the Graniinar Schudl was kept. Such were the 
only public buildings of the town. 

One striking advantage of Xew Haven in comparison with 
other sites proposed for the college was the sightliness and 
amplitude of the meeting-house green ; and steps were taken at 
once by the Trustees, after October, IT 10, for the purchase of 
land for a building in a situation connnanding this fair prospect. 
Such was found in the lot of one and a quarter acres on the 
corner of College and Chapel Streets, l>eing the space now 
occupied by Osboni Hall, the adjoining wing of Vanderbilt Hall, 
Connecticut Hall, and about one-half of Welch Hall, — a lot, 
which had been bequeathed by Mrs. Esther Coster some twenty- 
five years earlier to the First Church, to l>e. improved for the 
encouragement of religion and learning by the maintenance of a 
semi-annual lecture. These lectures had been held in ]\[r. 
Pierpont's day in the spring ami fall of each year, and had been 
made more important by the custom of using such occasions for 
the formal admission of members to the church. 

On the Chapel Street side of the Coster lot stood an old 
dwelling house, built by one of the first comers, but now so 
dilapidated as to produce no income for the lecture fund. The 
Church, therefore, as allowed by the donor's will, and in further- 
ance of the declared object of the trust, conveyed the property 
in 1717, to the College authorities, for 26 pounds, about one- 
fourth of the price which Mrs. Coster had paid in 16SG. 

But it should also be remembered that the removal to Xew 
Haven was ensured by the liberal offers of real and personal 
estate from public and private sources. Thus, the Proprietors 
of common and undivided town lands gave to the College eight 
unimproved acres (about half the size of the Green) in the quar- 
ter to the northwestwards of the town-plot, near enough to be 
long utilized as pasture for the President's cow, of which owner- 
ship the memory is still preserved in the name of University 
Place, opening out of Whalley Avenue. 

It is a pleasure to commemorate also the names of some of 
the more notably generous donors of land or money, such as 


Joseph Peck, El>euezcr ;^[anstleld, !Mary Trowbridge, Kicliard 
Sperry, Senior, and four of his sons, Thomas Hitchcock, Thomas 
Holt, William Hotchkiss, John Morris, John !Mix, Samuel Ives, 
James Gibbs, Xathaniel Yale (of Xorth Haven, a first cousin 
of Elihu), John Bassett, John Glover, and Samuel Burwell. 

Of the Xew Haven of 171G the more striking natural features 
are all that remain. Of buildings then standing, the only one 
left, now or at any time within recent memory, is the frame 
of an ancient house, with wholly reconstnicted exterior, on 
Meadow Street, in the rear of a brick block on this side of the 
Armory, which was then the residence of Lieutenant Stephen 

Into this community the Collegiate School, or rather a frag- 
ment of it, was brought in 1716; and what was then the 
Collegiate School ? 

It had a background of six formative years in Killing-worth, 
followed (after liector Pierson's death) by nine lean years in 
Saybro<3k. During these fifteen years the degree of Bachelor 
of Arts had been given in course to fifty-five persons, all but one 
of whom were still living. The average age at the time of 
admission had been about sixteen years, — the two extremes in 
this respect having been Henry "Willes, who entered at twenty- 
one, and Daniel Browne, who entered at twelve and a half. Of 
the graduates, about two-thirds had given themselves to the 
ministry, and more than a score of this number were now 
improved in Connecticut parishes. Three or four were tem- 
porarily at least teachers, and about a dozen had settled down 
in civil life within the Colony limits. •'•■ 

Xone of the little group could have been expected to reach as 
yet distinction ; though it included young men with such capaci- 
ties as Dr. Jared Eliot, of Killingworth, one of the earliest 
s^cientific lights of Xew England, Jonathan Dickinson, the first 
president of Princeton, and Samuel Johnson, first president of 

Xeither was there in the baker's dozen of undergraduates who 
a>sembled here in October, ITIO, more than one who attained 

'•T\M' .■'H' 


eminence, — the exception being the English-born William Smith 
(the only Sophomore), who rose to the headship of the Xew 
York bar, and declined the place of Chief Justice of the Suprouit^ 
Court of the Province. But a greater than he, Jonathan 
Edwards, was now a Freshman in the rival camp of seceded 
students at Wethersfield, who later transferred himself to Xew 
Haven, in time for graduation and a tutorship, and fur finding 
here a bride in the person of the saintly daughter of ^ladam 
Pierpont, in the foraier parsonage on Elm Street, where Temple 
Street now enters the Green. 

Eminence, however, was hardly to be expected in sucli a home- 
spun group, as is evident in comparison with the much longer 
list of Bachelors of Arts at Harvard College from 1702 to 1710 : 
out of their total of 174 names, those that are now best known 
are only such as Edward Holyoke, a' President of Harvard, 
Elisha Williams, Pector of Yale, Thomas Prince, the Boston 
antiquary, and Benning Wentworth, Royal Governor of Xew 
Hampshire ; while of the perhaps eighty undergraduates who 
made up President Leverett's flock in Cambridge in October, 
1716, there is not a single name that has now anything beyond 
the most limited local familiarity. 

As a place of study the College in 1716 was not essentially 
different from what it continued to be through the eighteenth 
century. The conditions of admission were refreshingly simple. 
Those who were admitted must "be found expert in both the 
Greek and Latin grammar, as also skilful in construing and 
grammatically resolving both Latin and Greek authors and in 
making good and true Latin." This sufficed; and on this 
foundation was built the superstructure of what was then a 
liberal education, comprising some degree of training in Greek, 
Latin, and Hebrew, physics and metaphysics, with possibly a 
little mathematics, and extensive practice of forensic disputa- 
tion and other rhetorical exercises. 

Certain general requirements in the official ''Orders and 
Appointments," as the College Laws were at first styled, were 
doubtless ''counsels of jx'rfection," and not in reality effectual. 


Such was, for instance, tlie order that "Xo schohir shall use the 
Eng-lish tongue in the College with his fellow-scholars, unless he 
be called to public exercise proper to be attended in the English 
tongue; but scholars in their chambers and when they are 
together shall talk Latin." It is a matter of tradition that this 
regulation was early a dead letter — not merely evaded by the 
use of mock Latin, but glaringly disregarded. So, again, the 
formal provision that "Every student shall exercise himself in 
reading Holy Scriptures by himself every day," takes for 
granted a higher universal gTade of personal piety than the facts 
and conditions of undergraduate life entirely warrant. 

Since Eector Pierson's death the teaching staff in Saybrook 
had consisted of a couple of young tutors, under the distant 
and infrequent supervision of the Rector pro tempore, !Mr. 
Andrew of Milford; and on the transfer to Xew Haven it 
happened to be necessary to fill these tutorships with new 
appointees. One of those elected preferred to cast in his 
lot with the group of students who w^ent to Wethersfield ; 
and this left as the sole resident officer here, Samuel Johnson, 
a man destined to large success in mature life as the Apostle 
of Episcopacy in Connecticut, but then only two years 
from graduation and twenty years of age. But Parson 
Xoyes, who had retired from the same office only the year 
before, after filling it with distinction, now consented to take 
charge for the coming year of the Senior class, which appar- 
ently consisted of only two members ; leaving to Mr. Johnson 
a Junior class of eight (two of whom were several years older 
than their tutor), and a Freshman class of two, besides a single 
Sophomore. And a somewhat similar scanty and uncertain 
attendance of students continued to be the experience for three 
years to come. . .■ -^ : -' '■'■' '' '' 

I have already referred in a general way to the leaders in the 
discussions of the trustees over the site of the College in 1716: 
on the one hand the Eev. John Davenport of Stamford, sup- 
ported by ^fr. Ilussel of Lranford, Pector Andrew of Milford, 
^Ir. Ruggles of Guilford, and ]\lr. AVelib of Fairfield ; and on the 



other hand the two IlarttorJ ministers, "Woodbridge and Buck- 
ingham ; while the two Xoyeses of Stonington and L}ine, tliou-h 
not counted in the original vote, were ultimately for Xew Haven. 
Outside of the Board of Trustees, the question was to some 
extent involved with general Colony politics. Between the 
Eastern and Western sections of the Colony there was a growin- 
competition for place and power; and in the present case the 
Western section as a rule took np vigorously the support of Xew 
Haven; while Hartford was led in consequence to ally itself 
for the time being with Xew London county, the principal con- 
stituent of the Eastern section. In the deliberations of the 
Upper House of the Assembly, or Governor's Council, Governor 
Saltonstall, who had active atiUiation with both sections, as a 
former minister of Xew London, as well as a large landowner 
in his wife's right in Branford and Xew Haven, endeavored to 
hold the scales even between the contending interests, until the 
action of a clear majority justified him in throwing his influence 
on the Western side. On the same side were Jonathan Law. 
Judge of the Xew Haven county court, and some of the most 
active of the Assistants, including especially Judge John Ailing 
of Xew Haven, and two prominent citizens of Hartford, Judge 
William Pitkin and ^lajor Joseph Talcott, the latter of whom 
succeeded next to the governorship, and held the oflBce for a 
longer period than has any one since. These two gentlemen, of 
the very highest standing in their ovm. community, in a spirit 
of protest against local jealousies, and in order to maintain their 
position and influence in the colony at large, found it their duty 
in the present emergency to side with the Xew Haven party, 
against their militant fellow-townsmen. 

One sequel of ^Major Talcott's breach with his pastor, 'Mv. 
Woodbridge, may be mentioned in connection with a further 
development of the College history. In the progress, two or 
three years later, of the tight against the establishment at Xew 
Haven, after the Sayl)rook people had been ordered by the 
Governor and Council to give up the College books and records. 
and had refused, a scheme was devised for getting control of the 
Assembly by electing the Hartford ministers as Deputies, in the 


lin[io that they might shape h'lrislatiun which shoiihl undo the 
Xi'W Haven settleineut. The result was far ditferent; Mr. 
lluckingham waived his election, and ^[r. WoodbriiJae's ricrht to 
8it in the House was at once challenged l>y a Fairfield Deputy, 
(>ri the ground that he had defamed the Gtjvernment by virtually 
charging the L'pper House with theft and constructive nmrder 
in ordering such violent measures at Saybrook; and Major 
Talcott was cited as a witness to his pastor's defamatory charges. 
A voluminous record of Woodbridge's prosecution is on file in 
tiii^ State Library and further reveals his relations with Talcott, 
whom he endeavored to debar from the connnunion table because 
of his evidence in this case. The upshot was that Woodbridge 
did not sit in the Assembly, but signed an apology acceptable to 
the Lower House, though not to the L'pper ; the personal con- 
troversy was referred to a council from abroad, and in the end 
was accommodated on the basis of mutual forbearance. 

It is pleasant, however, to remember that about the same time 
that reconciliation with his aggrieved parishioner was effected, 
that is, three years after the settlement at Xew Haven, Mr. 
Woodbridge resumed attendance on the meetings of the Trustees, 
and thenceforth took the honorable and conspicuous part in 
College affairs to which he was entitled by age and dignity. 

The breach in the friendly relations of the Trustees was thus 
healed; but the injury due to the detention of College property 
in Saybrook could never be fully repaired. The loss of books 
from the Library stored in the house of Squire Buckingham, the 
village justice, was not permanently serious ; but the confiscation 
of the records of the proceedings of the Trustees from 170-i to 
ITlG will always remain an irreparable and seemingly inde- 
fensible detention and destruction. 

In the discussion of a site, the advocates for Xew Haven 
were able to urge fairly that on the evidence of the annual tax 
lists this was now the chief town of the Colony ; that it was 
♦•specially well placed for direct communication by water as well 
as by land with both Boston and Xew York, and with the river 
and coast settlements of Connecticut as well ; that the pecuniary 
<"JK-ouragement here offered far exceeded that offered by any 

i ; J 


other locality; that the situation for a college house, facinir the 
green, was exceptionally favorahlo; while the natural advantai:. -i 
of soil and climate and a relatively low cost of living were crown- 
ing arguments. On the other hand, the Hartford malconteii;> 
claimed that they represented the ancient and central seat of 
government, with a ring of prosperous towns about it; and ly 
the unnatural device of coupling Xew London county with their 
own, as the alternate of the Western section, made out a larp:Lr 
aggregate both of population and of students in the school, while 
also urging against Xew Haven inaccessible remoteness, espe- 
cially in view of the uncertainties of transportation by water in 
the winter season. These alleged disadvantages were bound tu 
lessen with the passage of time; nor was their place likely to It- 
supplied by any of greater weight; unless indeed Xew London 
preferred a claim of pre-eminence from having had since 17^0 
the only printing-press in the Colony, — a distinction which Xew 
Haven was not able to rival until 1754, nor Hartford until 1704. 

The productions of the Xew London press had been hitherru 
of a purely matter-of-fact sort, including mainly official docu- 
ments, such as Colony Acts and Laws, the Governor's Proclama- 
tions, the annual Election Sermons, the Saybrook Platform ot 
Church Doctrine and Discipline, besides primers for children. 
For instance, in the year which we commemorate, the only 
known output of Timothy Green's press in Xew London is tin; 
Election Semion preached that year by the Rev. Anthony Stod- 
dard, of "Woodbury ; while the much more prolific presses of 
Boston and Xew York were printing such notable products from 
our standpoint as the original edition of Col. Benjamin Church ; 
"History of King Philip's War,'' and a treatise on Infant Bap-~ 
tism, by the Bev. Jonathan Dickinson, a Saybrook graduate ot 
1706, who by this token won the rank of the first Yale man 
to appear in print as an author. 

But if we look across the Atlantic, the scantiness of the record 
of the same year in the older and richer field of British literature 
and history, may serve to remind us how limited was still tin-' 
horizon, not merely for the Colonies, but for all English-speakinu' 
peoples of that date. In October, 1716, the first of the GeorgL■•'^ 
had been for two years on the throne, and though Great Britain 



was still in intermittent turmoil from Jacobite uprisings, the 
homesick Xing was absent on a six months' visit to his beloved 
Hanover, while the unattractive columns of the journals of the 
dav are singularly devoid of interest to the student of two cen- 
turies later. Testing them by the standard of American news, 
the results are almost nil. For instance, Mercurius Polliicus, 
the promising monthly periodical beg-un in May, 17 IG, under 
PeFoe's editorship, in its early numbers contained absolutely 
no reference to this quarter of the world ; and from the weekly 
news-sheets near the date we celebrate, the only recoverable 
items of value for their bearing on American affairs are, one in 
the Post Boy of July 12, which locates Annapolis Royal in Xew 
England, and a second in a later issue of the same paper, which 
chronicles the departure of Colonel Shute on July 31 for "his 
Government of Xew England," making the same territorial 
designation serve as an equivalent for Massachusetts, which it 
had formerly used for Acadia. 

The Boston Xeics Letter, our only American paper for the 
same dates, is a like disappointment to any anxious gleaner for 
items of information. The two scanty weekly pages are occu- 
pied almost wholly with foreign despatches, reports of the move- 
ments of coasting vessels into and out of Boston harbor, and a 
few local advertisements, with otherwise an utter absence of 
personal and local items — the elements of success for a news- 
paper in later days. 

Xor was 1716 eminent in the annals of British literary his- 
tory. Among the publications of that year, all that can excite 
from any of us even the feeblest present interest are one volume 
of Pope's translation of the Iliad, and a pamphlet by John 
Dunton, a former transient inhabitant of Boston. Of the lights 
of the Augustan Age of Queen Anne, DeFoe, Swift, Addison 
and Steele were then in middle life; among the active spirits 
of the younger generation were Tiichardson, Pope, Gay and 
Bishop Butler; while Fielding, Johnson, Hume, and Sterne 
were not yet out of the nursery. Of their fellow-countrymen 
who were later to have any considerable American experience, 
George Berkeley, at the age of 32, was a college tutor, idling 
away his time in London; John "Wesley had just entered his 



teens ami Edward Braddock his majority; and George White- \ 

field was in his infancy. | 

Of the greater historical tignres on tlie American stage. Increase ? 

Mather was now 77, and his son Cotton 53, and Jonathan i 

Edwards a boy of 13. Benjamin Franklin and Jonathan ^ 

Trumbull were children of ten and six respectively, and the rest : 

of the leading participants in our revolutionary struggle were as | 

yet unborn. i 

The story of 1716 is incomplete without some reference to the ^ 

gifts of Governor Yale, which were directly induced by the con- > 

nection of his family with Xew Haven. Yale's father had come | 

here as a young man with his stepfather, Governor Eaton; but t 

had migrated after three or four years to Massachusetts Bay, \ 

where his son Elihu was born; and thence returned to England. i 

The friendly efforts of Jeremy Dunnner, the Agent of Connect- f 

icut at the British Court, had brought before Governor Yale's • 

notice as early as 1711 the struggling Collegiate School of Con- I 

necticut; and his timely suggestions were furthered and made ; 

fruitful in 171S by a persuasive appeal from Cotton Mather. | 

Mather, iudgino- from the laniruaa'e of his diarv, wrote purely * 

of his own suggestion; and his letter resulted in- the handsome j; 

gifts, a few months later, ^Vhich caused the donor's name by its | 

adoption here to become a familiar syllable, as we fondly hope, | 

in the thoughts and speech of endless generations. S 

Wealthy patrons, whether British or American, were then rare i 

and uncertain; and in default of this generous assistance the ^ 

simple removal of the Collegiate School to Xew Haven would | 
probably have had as its immediate result only a more tedious 
and precarious development, and a later flowering of many of 
its historic ex^x^riences and achievements. And, on the other 
hand, without the event of October, 1716, it is reasonably certain 
tliat. there never could have been any YaJc College, here or else- 
where, and that the host of loyal sons of Yale would have been 
marslniled under the auspices of some other name of inferior 

I have outlined familiarly the salient points in the local setting 
of the event which Yale and Xew Haven have undertaken to 



n>iniueinorate at this anniversary; but it is hardly my province 
to dwell on the broader significance of the historic coming 
together of the Collegiate School of Connecticut and the mother- 
town of the ancient Xew Haven Colony. Time would fail me 
to do justice to even the conspicuous instances in these crowded 
centuries in which each of the two parties to this union has been 
distinctly the gainer by its combination with the other. In the 
ciise of the personal element only, Iicav greatly have the develop- 
nu'ut and the renown of Xew Haven been fostered by the adop- 
tion into its life of the stream of hundreds upon hundreds of 
educated men, apart from the otHcers of the College, who have 
taken up their abode here, subsequent to graduation ; how much, 
for example, has been due to the new blood infused by such 
ac(iuisitions as James Hillhou^e and Eli Whitney, Jonathan 
Iiigcrsoll and Simeon Baldwin, David Daggett and Leonard 
Bacon. And if the city has been strengthened by constant and 
varied accessions to its professional and civic and social life, with 
corresponding constancy and variety it has returned the gift. 
To cite again but a sample illustration, what appreciation of the 
achievements and aims of the University has been shown, in our 
own generation merely, by the resources placed at its disposal by 
such typical representatives of our best citizenship as (to name 
only a selection) Joseph E. Shetheld and Henry Eaniam, Augus- 
tus 11. Street and Oliver F. Winchester, Henry Bronson and 
Philip ]\larett, Augustus E. Lines and Edward M. Beed, Pierce 
•N. A\'elch and Justus S. Hotchkiss, 

The union of the town and the Collegiate School in 1716 was 
nccomplished without profuseness of words or of display ; and 
tliruughout the years the consolidation of their interests has gone 
on in quietness and sobriety. Both the city and the University 
iiiay reasonably to-day review the result with evident and even 
t'lithusiastic demonstration, in devout and earnest gratitude and- 
^varm congratulations for the past, and with contident and eager 
iiope for the future. . , 


Bv Lemuel A. Welles, M.A., LL.B. 
[Read December 18, 19 IG.] 


Tlie aim of the Stnart kiugs of England was to establish a 
government closely dependent upon the Crown. What the King 
thought was best for the people, and not what the people or their 
representatives thought best, was to be the rule of government. 
This violated the English Constitution, but at the times of whieli 
I am to speak, it was no new thing for the English Government 
to trample upon the rights of the people. Charles I made 
illegal exactions of moneys ; and even the great Cromwell, who 
had revolted because, among other things, of illegal taxation, 
himself felt obliged to levy and collect taxes without the author- 
ity of Parliament. In the days of Charles II Englishmen kncv; 
their rights, and had seen them violated. 

The City of London was the stronghold of the Whig party, 
which was opposed to the extension of the royal power. The 
City of London sent Whig representatives to Parliament, and. 
unlike most places in England, had the right to elect its own 
sheriff, and the sheriff chose the grand jury. The Earl of 
Shaftsbury had tried to carry through Parliament the Exclusion 
Bill, preventing the Duke of York from succeeding Charles II 
as king. He was most obnoxious to the King and his brother, 
who had him arrested for high treason, but was popular in the 
City of London, and the grand jury there refused to indict him, 
and he was released from jail. The partisans of royal authority. 
therefore, attacked the charter and privileges of the City ut 
Ixmdon by bringing legal proceedings by means of a writ of 
(juo \\ arranto to forfeit the charter because of some small irrei:- 

I "1.^ i'. i;'[. 



ularities. The corrupt judges decided in favor of the Crown, 
and on Juno 12, 1GS3, judgment was recorded against the 
London charter. It was a most astounding thing that this 
ancient city, the metropolis of England, which had enjoyed its 
privileges for centuries, should suddenly be deprived of them 
and become dependent wholly upon the royal favor for its rights 
and upon the appointees of the Crown for its officers. Embold- 
ened by this success, the King proceeded to attack other charters, 
and in 1GS4 the infamous Judge Jeffreys made a circuit through 
the northern counties, when it was said borough charters fell 
before him like the walls of Jericho. 

The loss of these English charters was reported in Xew Eng- 
land as soon as the news could be carried, and caused great con- 
sternation and fear among the people of these Colonies. If the 
City of London lost its charter, what would happen if their 
charters were attacked ? Furthermore, the people here looked 
at their charter not only as the Constitution of Government, but 
also to some extent as a patent or confirmation of their titles to 
the real estate, which was the principal possession of the great 
majority of the inhabitants of Xew England. 

Edward Eandolph, the collector of royal customs in !N'ew 
England and its untiring enemy, who had previously complained 
against the Massachusetts Government, on June 4, 1G63, pre- 
sented seventeen articles of complaint against the Government 
•»f that Colony, chief of which were that they had erected a 
I'ublic mint in Boston to coin money; that they had imposed 
upon the consciences of his ]\Lajesty's subjects in matters of 
religion by their ecclesiastical laws repugnant to the laws of 
Kngland, and that they had refused appeals to his Majesty in 
council in matters relating to the Crown. On October 27, 1083, 
the writ of Quo Warranto was served on ]\[assachusetts. Judg- 
'lU'ut against the Massachusetts Charter was entered in the Court 
of Chancery on October 27, 1GS4.* What then happened at the 
King's council is described by Macaulay as follows : 

* Tlie Quo Warranto proceedings whicli were in the Court of King's 
r5''nch were dropped l)fcau>;e of a defect in the writ, and a new proceeding 
h' scire facias was begun in the Chancery Court. 


"At one of the last councils which Charles held a remarkable scene lock 
place. The charter of Massachusetts had been forfeited. A question .arov,. 
how, for the future, the colony should be governed. The general opinion nf 
the board was that the wliole power, legislative as well as executive, shoiil 1 
abide in the crown. Halifax (Lord Privy Seal) took the opposite side, an ' 
argued with great energy again.=;t absolute monarchy, and in favour >,: 
representative government. It was vain, he said, to think that a populatio:, 
sprung from the English stock, and animated by English feelings, wouji! 
long bear to be dejirived of Englisii in>titutions. Life, he exclaimed, wouiil 
not be worth having in a country where liberty and property were at tl.r 
mercy of one despotic master. The Duke of York was great!}- incensed h\ 
this language, and represented to his brother the danger of retaining in 
oflice a man wlio appeared to be infected with all the worst notions of 
Marvell and Sidney." 

James the I]d was proclaimed King in February, 18G5. On 
July 1st a copy of the judgment against the Massachusetts Char- 
ter was delivered to Secretary Tiawson, and after some montlis 
Joseph Dudley was made President, who with a council was 
appointed to govern !^[assachusetts, and some other parts of Xew 
England; and a little later Sir Edmund Andros was commis- 
sioned Governor. Thus the greatest stronghold of Puritanism 
fell ; and men who for years had defied all human authority 
but their own, and wdio had braved every danger, became the 
abject subjects of royal favor. 

The first mention I have found of the proposition to take away 
the Connecticut Charter is in a letter by Edward Cranfield, of 
New Hampshire, to Wm. Blathwayt, the Secretary of the Com- 
mittee of Trade & Plantations, dated October 5, 1683." This 
was over a year before the judginent against the Massachusetts 
charter was entered, and yet he speaks of it, and with reason, 
as though the matter were all settled. He says, with reference to 
Connecticut: "The humour of the Inhabitants and method "f 
their Governm'. being the same w'^' Boston as corrupt, but mii.-li 
more ignorant, therefore if his ^l-a}^ please to reassume thein 
into his hands as well as Boston, it may make a thorough 
Reformation among them." The Commissioners of the rnito! 
Colonies met at Hartford Sept. 5, 16S4, and ordered that ()''t- 
22 should be observed as a day of humiliation for gencriil 
reformation, ''and that we may obtain the favor of God f<>r a 

• Randolph Papers, vol. G, p. 148. • . . 

.• if 

' ,' :' 


farther lengthening out of our tranquillity under the shadow 
of our sovereign Lord the King." Xews of the judgment 
airainst the ^Massachusetts charter reached Connecticut in Janu- 
ary, 1HS5 ; and on the 0th of that month Randolph wrote from 
London to Dudley:'^ '*lts yet very uncertain whether prooesse 
will issue out against Rhode Island and Connecticut collony 
to hring in Ixith them before the governr.iur come over, or to do 
that afterward in case they refuse to submit to a general gov- 
emour, as yet nothing has been discovered of it. A committee 
of Lords for Saturday next is appointed for that busines." 

Both Randolph and Cranfiold were very talkative men, and 
no doubt enjoyed telling what they were to cause to happen to 
the Connecticut Charter, and kept Connecticut people alarmed. 
In the address of the Governor and Council to the King in April, 
lGS5,f on receiving notice of his accession, they use these words : 
""Humbly beseeching your most excellent ]Ma^'® to grant the 
benigne shines of your favour to this your poore Colony of 
Connecticut, in the continuance of the liberties and properties 
granted to us by o"" late Sovereigne Charles the second of blessed 
memorie, that we may be encouraged in our small beginnings 
and live under your royall shadow a quiet and peaceable life in 
all godlyness and honesty." 

The first official act of the Connecticut General Court w-hich 
shows they were preparing for the storm, and which is also a 
tribute to their caution and foresight, was taken at the May 
session 1G85. It provided: ''This Court for the prevention of 
future trouble, and that every township's grants of land as it 
hath been obteyned by gift, purchass or otherwayes, of the 
natives and grant of this Court, may be setled upon them, their 
heires, successors and assigns forever, according to our charter 
granted by his late 'Ma}'" of happy memory. This Court doth 
order that every township in this colony shall take out Pattents 
for their sayd grants, of the Governo'' and Company, which this 
Court doth hereby order shall l)e granted unto them . . ."j 

* Randolph Papers, vol. 4, p. 14. 
t Conn. Col. Rec, vol. 3, p. 341. 
tibid., p. 177. 


The towns did take out patents under tins statute. The Charter, 
as stated above, was regarded not only as a constitution of gov- 
ernment, but also as a patent of real estate. The Charter was 
unquestionably in legal force at this time, and so before it could 
be taken away from them they took advantage of its authority to 
cause formal patents to be issued to the towns for all their 
previous grants and Indian purchases. 

On May 5, 1685, llandolph had made representations to the 
Committee of Trade and Plantations against the remaining 
charter governments in Xew England, and they had ordered him 
"to prepare a paper containing all such particulars upon which a 
Quo "Warranto may be grounded against their charters." Pur- 
suant to this order, Eandolph, on July 15, 1685, presented to 
the committee his articles of ''High Misdemeanours" against 
Connecticut and Khode Island.* There were six of these 
"articles" against Connecticut. 1. That they had made laws 
contrary to the laws of England. 2. That they impose fines 
and convert them to their own use. 3. They enforce an Oath 
of Fidelity without Administering the Oaths of Allegiance and 
Supremacy. 4. They do not permit the exercise of the Religion 
of the Church of England. 5. The inhabitants of other Colo- 
nies cannot obtain justice in their courts. 6. They exclude from 
the government ail gentlemen of known loyalty. Two days later 
the Council considered the report of the Committee and Ran- 
dolph's articles of misdemeanor and recommended that the 
Attorney General bring writs of Quo Warranto against the 
Colonies, which the King approved and ordered. f 

Xow, that the Connecticut Charter has been formally attacked. 
let us stop for a moment to consider the leading men entrusted 
at this time with its government. Connecticut in 1085 consisted 
of twenty-live towns. The men who led the settlement fifty 
years before were now mostly gone. It has sometimes been said 
that the second and third generations showed a marked decline 
in intellectual power from the first settlers, and this is probably 
true to some extent as far as the clergy were concerned, for there 

• Ran(lol[)h Papers, vol. 4, p. 21. ''■" ' i ■ ■ 

jlb'uL, p. 24. 



were no ministers in the Colony in 1G85 who were of tbe rank 
of Hooker and Davenport. It is not so easy to compare tbe 
statesmen. A reading of the letters and State papers of Haynes, 
Ludlow, Willis, Hopkins, Welles and Webster indicates, I think, 
that they were better educated than Treat, Allyn, Fitch, the two 
Stanleys and the Talcotts. Tbe former men had performed an 
•extraordinary feat in the framing and adopting the Funda- 
mental Articles or the first constitution of Connecticut, and in 
laying the foundations of the government on broad principles 
of democracy (such, for instance, as not requiring church mem- 
bership as a condition of being made a freeman). The latter 
firroup showed extraordinary' wisdom and courage in the embar- 
rassing matters they were called upon to manage, and no crisis, 
it seems to me, was ever managed better than their conduct in the 
matter of the loss and later of the resumption of their charter 
government. Both groups were fearless, prudent, earnest and 
religious men, and may well stand forth as models whose high 
example their successors in modern times would do well to 
emulate. The three men who were the most influential in the 
Colony, and who stand out head and shoulders above all others 
were Major Robert Treat of Milford, the Governor, Capt. (after- 
wards Lieut. -Colonel) John Allyn of Hartford, the Secretary, 
and Capt. (afterwards Major) James Fitch of Xorwich, an 
Assistant. Gov. Treat, who was now over sixty years old, had 
held office and been a member of the Assembly or General Court 
in three different Colonies, Xew Haven, Xew Jersey and Con- 
necticut. He had held the highest military command in the 
<-'olony in King Philip's War, and had been a magistrate for 
niany years. We have several glimpses of his personality. His 
piety is shown by an incident which occurred in Xew Jersey.'* 
He was one of a committee from Xewark which met a committee 
from Elizabethtown to settle a boundary dispute. We are told 
tliat the two committees met on a little round hill, afterwards 
called Divident Hill, and that Hobcrt Treat first led them in 
prayer "that there might be good agreement between them." 

* Stearns' First Church in Newark, p. 40, quoting Answer to Bill in 
(liancery, p. 47. 



How Treat appeared to a fellow governor is shown bv Gov. 
Dongan, of Xrw York, who wrote (Oct. 21, 1GS7) :* "As for 
your Gov'"n'', he is an easy good natured gentleman." His con- 
duet to those who qnestioned his autliority at a trial is descrilK-il 
by Gershuni Bnlkek'v :t '"The govenior claps his hand to his hilt, 
and, says he, If 1 })Ut on my harness I will subdue these rebel- 
lious fellows, and make them pay their dues," and again,:!: tho 
"governor then said, that the pe<jple had put him in, and he lui^l 
ventured all he had above his shoulders on the account, and 
tlierefore he would maintain it." How the Connecticut Coun- 
cil regarded Treat, appears from their order y\st before he led 
the forces to the Great Swamp fight, when they commanded § 
"all the captaines and 1"^^ of the army to be tender and carefull 
of Major Treat that he be not exposed to too much hazard, and 
that they alott him a sutficieut guard to attend his person at all 
times." He had been in tight places before this. President 
Stiles conjectures that it was Treat who in the anxious consulta- 
tion stiffened up the wavering Xew Haven magistrates to delay 
the execution of the King's warrant for apprehension of the 
regicides. I would remark here that President Stiles, while 
holding some curious views, had a remarkably shrewd eye and 
discerning judgment in estimating character. 

We do not know so nuich alx)ut the Honorable Lieut. Col. 
John Allyn, as his tombstone calls him, as we do about Treat. 
He was now about Treat's age, and had been for years an Assist- 
ant and Secretary of the Colony ; he had also been Town Clerk 
of Hartford and Clerk uf his Church. He had been on imiior- 
tant commissions to neighboring Colonics. He was a writer and 
with William Pitkin wrote and published a pamphlet entitled 
"Their Majesties Colony of Conneeticut Vindicated,'' d:c. His 
labor for the Colony had been simply tremendous. There is more 
of Secretary Allyn's handwriting in the State Archives than of 
any other person before 1700. J. H. Trundnill thinks Bulkeley 

* Conn. Col. Rpc, vol. .3. p. 387. 

t Conn. Hist. Soc. Coll.. vol. 3. p. 200. > . . . 

t Ihi<l.. p. ISit. 

§ Conn. Col. Kec, vol. 2. p. 38S. . ' 



referred to Allyn when be speaks of the ''dictator/' who '"could 
easily iiiflueiice the Court with his gloss and move them to speak 
in his dialect.-'* Samuel Willis, writing to Fitz-John Win- 
throp, from Hartford, April 1(3, 1G87, refers to Capt Allyn in 
these words: "who you know is a leadinge man in atfairs here 
. . . who can influence further in on'' Court y'' others"' 
(unjHiblished letter in the I\Iass. Historical Society). 

Probably more influential than either Gov. Treat or Secretary 
Alh-n or any one else in Connecticut, was Capt. James Fitch, 
of Xorwich, an Assistant. He was the son of Rev. James Fitch, 
a prominent clergyman, and grandson of Rev. Henry Whitfield, 
the leader of the Guilford settlement, and was now under forty 
years of age. Randolph says of him in IGSQf : "he being the 
head and leading man in Connecticott Colony." Samuel Willis, 
writing to Fitz-John Winthrop in 1697, says that Capt. Fitch 
has been the principal "'minister of State in your absence."! 
Bulkeley writes in 1692: "There is a great question in Con- 
necticut which needs a decision, and that is, Avho it is that sits 
upon the throne I Whether it be King William and Queen 
^fary, or James Fitch and Xathaniel Stanly and their 
accomplices." § He was a clever, nervous, active, impetuous and 
popular man. We read of him as going to i!^ew York to confer 
u'ith Jacob Leisler, the reform Governor there; of riding up 
and down the Colony "from Dan to Beersheba" on political 
errands, of drinking too much and under discipline of his church 
on that account, il of being put in charge of the Indians and 
securing for himself large grants of land from the Indians. He 
was a land surveyor, land speculator and recorder, and founder 
of to\\Tis. • I suppose Capt. Fitch was personally known to every 
man in the Colony, and had probably taken a drink of flip at 
every tavern wdthin its limits. He was also a student and 

• Conn. Col. Rec, vol. 3, p. 400. 

t Randolph Papers, vol. G, p. 313. 

JMass. Hist. Soc. Coll., Sixth Scries, III, 31. 

§ Conn. Hist. Soc. Coll., vol. 3, p. 257. 

Il Caulkins' Hist, of Norwich, p. 13S. 



writer. We find him busy re-writing the laws of the Colony, 
and the author of two pamphlets in favor of the resumption of 
charter government, entitled *"A Plain Short Discourse/' »S:c., 
and "A Little of the Much," &c. Xo copy of these has come 
down to us. He had a personal interest, on account of his 
extensive holdings by Indian deeds, to wish to keep away 
Andros, who said such titles were worth no more than the 
"scratch of a bear's paw." He quarreled with the "Winthrops 
and later with Gov. Saltonstall."^ The Winthrops nicknamed 
him '"'Black James" and their bitterness toward him is shown by 
a letter written twenty years later by John Winthrop to Gov. 
Fitz-John Winthrop.f He says "The freemen of Connecticott 
certainly intended to act a tragic-comedy this year, to re-elect 
Black-James y^ Sagamore of Pigscomscutt, after all his open k 
scandalous villanies. The Attorney General told me y' other 
day y^ we should quickly hear it an article against y* charter y' 
they elected such a scandalous fellow into the magistracy I" 
But he kept his hold in popular favor notwithstanding his fight- 
ing the aristocracy and his constant litigation. We remember 
him also as one of the first benefactors of Yale College. Xot- 
withstanding he was at one time said to be the largest land holder 
in the Colony, he died poor after surviving all who were promi- 
nent at this time. He was certainly a picturesque character. 
but he was more than that. I think it is due to his influence 
that there was no formal surrender of the Charter, and certainly 
he was njost active in the resumption of charter government. 
He therefore performed public services which give him a high 
place among the great men of Connecticut and for which we owe 
him'a debt of p'atitude. Other leading men in the Colony wore 
!Major John Talcott and his brother Capt. Samuel Talcott, 
Ensign Xathanicl Stanley, Caleb Stanley, Samuel Willis, AVil- 
liam Pitkin, Andrew Leete, Major Xathan Gold, James Bishop 
and John Wadsworth. 

To return to the attack on the Charter, the story is told by the 
letters of the time, some of which were not published till 1900. 

* Learned's Ili-t. <if Windham County, I, 150-154. 
t Mass. Hist. Sue. Coll., Si.xth Series, III, 334 



Tlio writs of Quo Warranto aaaiiist Connecticut were duly 
i-i>uod, and Randolph -wrote Sir Robert Soutlnveld,'^ on July 30, 
1(;S5, *"I have 5 Quo Warr'*^" by me: against Connecticutt, Road 
Hand, the two East »!c West Xew Jarseyes & Delaware : I am 
in great expectation of orders to go to Xcw Eng'^ in a little tyme 
with a commission to settle a temporary Gom\" He did not, 
however, arrive with the writs in Boston until May 14, 1GS6, 
and then the time of return had lapsed. There were two Quo 
Warrantos, the first returnable Xovember IS, 16S5, and the 
second April 15, IGSG. Of course, both writs were wholly 
ineffective. Randolph was perfectly aware of this, and his 
scheme therefore was to conceal this fact, but to inform Con- 
necticut officials that he had the writs, and to construe their 
acknowledgment of that information as the voluntary surrender, 
which he urged upon them. He wrote Secretary Blathwayt,t 
May 29th, "I have likewise been forc'd to conceal the Quo 
Warr"° ag^*^ R*^. Island and Connecticutt Colony: least they 
should all combine and stand out : but I shall have by me to go 
to those parts and must do what I can by perswasion for the 
writts were by my tedious voyage out of Date 15 dayes before 
I arrived : I treat them at a distance with proffession of great 
friendship, and the sight of the frigott may operate more than 
a legall summons." Here is what he wrote Gov. Treat and 
Council two days before (May 27, 16S6)t : "I am heartily glad 
for your sakes that I am, through the blessing of God,' safe 
arrived in Boston. ... I am now to address to the con- 
cernes of yo'' Colonie ; against w*^ I have w^^ me two Quo War- 
rantoes as also against Road Island : his Ma^'^ intends to bring 
all Xew England under one Governem^ and nothing is now 
remaineing on yo'" part but to think of an humble submission 
and a dutifull resignation of your Charter, w'^ if you are so 
liardie so (as to) offer to defend at law, whilste you are con- 
tending for a shaddow you will in the lirste place loose all that 
part of your Colonie from Connecticot to X. Yorke and have 

* Ilamlolph Papers, vol. 4, p. 27. - . • 

t Hid., vol. 6, p. 173. J -ry 

t Ibid., vol. 4, p. 73. . , . 


it annexed to that gonerm^, a thing you are to certainly enformcd 
of already: «S: nothing will prevent, but yo"" obuiating so generall 
a callamitie to all Xew England by an heartie and timely 
application to his IMa*^**" with an humble submission w'*" an 
annexed petition : to gTant libertie of conscience, a confirmatiO 
& continuation to you of all y*^ lands now under your Gouerne- 
ment and such other fauo" as yo^ wants can best dictate unto 
you : . . . S" bless not yourselves w'''^ vaine expectation of 
advantage & spinninge out of time by my delay: I will engage 
tbo' the weather be warme the writs will keep sound and as good 
as when first landed :" 

But Connecticut was not so easily to be imposed upon. Gov. 
Treat summoned a meeting of his Council June 11th, which 
approved a reply to Randolph's letter.* After some courteous 
remarks they say : "As to y® Quo Warranto's against this Colony 
of which we cannot tell w"" return to make to yo^self concerning 
them yet You may assure Your Selfe that it is our duty and 
shall be our endeavour to approve our selves his Maj"" faithfull 
and loyall Subjects, ready to observe what we shall understand 
to be our duty, thereby to divert whatsoever may justly procure 
his Majestyes Displeasure against us and for the obteining his 
royall favour towards us :'' 

Three days later (June 14th) Gov. Treat sent this letter of 

Randolph to Gov. Dongan, of Xew York,t telling him it "'was 

a private letter to myself and two other gentl" in my absence; 

the grounds of his opinion we know not, of any calamitie to 

X. E. if Conecticot Col. must fall and part of it be Westward 

but it may be as easie for us to fall that way as Eastward. I 

think I may say that by any of ^Ir. Randolph says to move us 

to encline eastward hath not at all p"'judiced us against yo'' bono' 

or yo' Goverm^ w'*^ whom we have had so neighbourly a C<>r- 

respjndenee and desire it may long continue so. ^Ir. Randolph 

enfonnes us of a Quo Warranto y* is w*^^ him against this Gourui" 

but we have seen nothing (as yet) but abide according to h:= 

^Majesties proclamation and Royall pleasure be further known. 

* Randolph rapt-rs, vol. 6, p. 175. 
t Conn. Col. Rec, vol. 3, p. 354. 


waiting w'^ syleneo and patience what may be next, hopeing that 
we shall in all things approve o'' selves his ^Ma'""'^ loyall and good 
subjects and shall tinde his princely favo" and protection for 
our encourageui* therein." His I\[ajesty's proclamation,* 
referred to by Treat, was the letter of James II, dated June 2G, 
l<'tS'», t<» Connecticut — his first communication after his acces- 
sion. — in which he said; "We shall at all times extend Our 
Ivoyall Care and Protection to them in the preservation of their 
Kights and in the Defence and Security of their Persons and 
Estates which Wee think fitt that you signifie unto the 
Inhabitants of that our Colony, whereof you are Governor." 
Connecticut attached great importance thereafter to those 
expressions of the King. 

The editor of the last two volumes of the Randolph papers, 
published by the Prince Society, says in reference to this corre- 
spondence,! "But Treat was a match for Randolph in duplicity." 
I fail to see it, and I think the remark an unjust one. He 
was a match for Randolph in ability, but the word "duplicity" 
is not properly used. The ]\Iassachusetts government wanted 
Connecticut annexed to that jurisdiction, and only nine days 
before (on June 2) Dudley's Council ordered "That the Secre- 
tary draw up and deliver to ^Ir. ]\[ason and desire him to lodge 
with Mr. Blathwayte a !Memoriall that if judgment pass against 
Road Island and Connecticut, or they resigiie, it will be of gi-eat 
Importance and satisfaction to all his ^laj'^^ subject in those 
and this Colony to be annexed, under tlie same Government — at 
least that the free commerce that hath always been between the 
said Colonyes may be continued without which neither can 
subsist." Since the gentlemen in the saddle both in Boston 
and Xew York desired the poor but sturdy little Colony of Con- 
necticut to be annexed to their domain, it was fair and proper 
for Treat to send the impudent letter of Randolph to Dongan. 
In fact he would have been negligent if he had failed to keep 
each of the two enemies apprised of the other's evil designs. 
Randolph feared Dongan, for he writes Povey at this time (June 

* Conn. Col. Rec, vol. 3, p. 345. 
t llandolph Papers, vol. G, p. 21. 


27th)* ''should h(,' gett Coniiecticott Colony to whom he has also 
writt. we should be in danger of Starving for wee have great 
part of Our Corn from thence." He says also: "I expected to 
meet some of the !^f agistrates of Connecticutt at the Xarragansett 
but they were so weak as to feare I would make an attachment 
of the Quo Warranto and giue them personall trouble at that 
distance from home. I intend to be with them in 14 dayes tyme: 
then the letter from X. York may force them to a surrender also ; 
otherwise you have tryed what a scire facias will do and must 
to that extream remedy. . . . Our Gom*. will be quite 
ruined should but the Southern part of Connecticott Colony, 
which was (as by a Grant to that Colony) many yeares setled 
vnder the name of Quinnepict or Xew Haven Colony consisting 
of 4 townes: and by their joint consent in 1GG2 annexed in 
their charter to Connecticott : The j^. York Gom*. makes vs pay 
after the Rate of 6 per cent for all Goods imported from thence 
to our Gom*. besides those people will neuer agree to be subject 
to N^. York : in regard they haue been all along part of vs." On 
July 1st Randolph wrote Blathwaytf that he intended to go to 
Connecticut in ten days "and Giue them a Summons to appeare 
tho' the Writts are out of Date." 

In his eagerness to secure a surrender Randolph at first made 
the absurd claim that the letter of the Governor and Council 
acknowledging his letter to the effect that he had the writs was a 
surrender. This is shown by Treat's letter to Dongan of July 
Sd.t "Mr. Randolph in his laste letter to Gov^ and Companie 
seemes to wind up his resolve, instead of serving his Quo War- 
ranto, to report as a private Gentleman lineally y* he hath such a 
thing, and y® receat of such a letter is owned by o'' Counsell, w* 
he saith, is sufficient for to justifie him at "White hall without 
any further serving or showing any authority from his Majestie 
at all about this Colony, w"^ way of proceeding we understand 
not, seing its his Majesties proclamation to continue as we 

• Randolph Papers, vol. 6, p. 170. 
■ t Hid., p. ISO. 

t Conn. Col. Rec, vol. 3, p. 355. 


were till bis Koyall pleasure be manifested to us, and there we 
stand and must doe so for ought I see vet." 

Gov. Treat called a special meeting of the General Court, on 
July 6th; this Court ordered an huniLle petition and address 
to the King. It was as follows : "' 

"To the most hi.trh and mighty Prince, James the Second, of England, 
Scothind, France & Ireland, King, Defender of the Fayth, &c. 

"The humble Petition and Address of your loyal subjects, the Govt and 
Company of your ^Maties Colony of Connecticutt, humbly showeth. 

"That whereas we are informed that there is a Quo Warranto emitted 
against this your Mamies Colony of Connecticutt, not yet com to or sight, 
we have taken this opportunity to prostrate orselves upon our bended 
knees at your Ma'ies feet, most humbly begging your Ma^'e, out of your 
great compassion and princely grace, freely to pardon and remit all such 
mistakes or faylures in o'" management of that power and trust of Govern- 
ment committed to us, {which upon the first intimation we are ready to 
reforme,) in and by his late Matie of blessed memory, Charles the Second, 
his Royall Grant to us, bearing date April 23d, in the fowerteenth year 
of his reigne, and graciously continued by your Maties Proclamation, (as) 
have proceded rather from want of a right understanding in law than 
otherwise; and that your Matie would be gratiously be pleased still to 
continue this Mamies Colony, happy in the full and free enjoyment of all 
or liberties and properties as formerly, and by your Royall comaud recall 
the writ of Quo Warrantoe forementioned. 

"For, may it pleasure your Ma^ie, though we are a poore, yet a loyall 
people, very unwilling to doe any thing which may be unpleasant to o' 
Soveraigne; for we are resolved through the assistance of allmighty God 
to approve o^'selves your Mamies most dutifull subjects, as we have been to 
your Matin's Royall predecessors (which, if we misstake not,) to our 
comendation was asserted by our late Soveraigne, your Mamie's most dear 

"Dread Soveraigne. We hixmbly beg and earnestly beseech your MaUe to 
continue us an intire Province or Goverment, within o' known bownds and 
colony limits, which we conceive will be most for the profBt and health of 
your Ma ties subjects here inhabiting, and the contrary (no doubt) will be 
very prejudicial! to them, which may easily be evinced by good reason, and 
therefore hope to obteyn your Maties favoure and protection therein. 

"Great Sr, We desire and humbly pray your ^Matie's favoure that we may 
still be continued in and enjoy or Christian liberties, without any inter- 
ruption from any other. 

"Most Gracious Soveraigne, We beseech your Matie we may find grace in 
your sight and receive a gracious answer to this or humble addrcsse, that 
we may experience that in the light of the King's countenance is life, and 

• Conn. Col. Rec, vol. 3, p. 209. ". . . 


his fiivour is as the clowd of the latter rayne; and we shall not cease to 
pray the God of Heaven, whoe is the King of King-?, to save, bless and 
prosper your Mati"?- 

"We are your Maties loyall and dutiful! subjects, Tiie Governo'' and Com- 
pany of this yuur Colony of Connecticut, 

"Hartford, July G, 16SG. Robt Treat, Crovr- 

"Signed by order of the Court, 

p John Allyn, SeCy." 

It is doubtful if this address ever reached the king. 

Kandolph served the writs July 20-21, at 12 or oue o'clock 
in the morning on the two Assistants, Major John Talcott and 
Secretary Alh-n."^ These Quo Warrantos, tested in the name of 
the infamous George Lord Jeffreys, in Latin, are now, together 
with the translation of the second writ by Secretary Allyn, 
among the State Archives. liandolph's account of his doings at 
Hartford are given in his letter to Andros (July 28) t: '*! am 
safe returned from my wildernes work hauing travelled round 
the Countrv bv wav of Eoad Island to Stonino:ton thence to 
Hartford from thence to !Major Pincheons at Springfield and 
so to Boston which in England would make 300 miles. . . . 
and now to Hartford where on "Wednesday last weeke I mett 
the Gon^ treat, he gaue me great respect as he thought when he 
told me he had an honour for all persons who came from the 
Imperiall Crown : I tooke it so and in return presented him 
with the Quo Warr*''. told him the meaning and desired an 
answear (!Major Talcott, Allen and one M^ Ffitch — Magistrates 
being present) wheither they would Surrender or send oner an 
xVgent instructed to make their defence, much tyme being 
spent I expected their resolues — Imt I was questioned by what 
Commission I was impowred to bring a Quo: Warr^° to them: 
I told them I left that nixjn record in Eng*^. ready to l>e seen 
by their Agent: I find them very indifferent wheither they 
surrender their Charter or suffer his Ma^'^ to take it by processe 
at law: as also vnder what Gom\ they fall but had rather be 
continued independent with some small alteration in their 

* Conn. Col. Rec, vol. 3, pp. 3.56 i: 357. 
t Randolph Papers, vol. G, p. 190. 


Lawes : the truth is they are discouraged by Cap^ George put- 
ting men aboard their vessels coming to Boston : and also by our 
Presidents disobliging carriage to the members of the Councill : 
but rather by private letters advising them to protract tyme that 
the presid'. and others may enjoy their places of profitt and 
advantage; hoping thereby to prevent or at least delay the 
Coming oner of a Gon^" 

On the same day he wrote Blathwayt" : "T was with the 
governor of Connecticott and delivered to him the quo woranto. 
I suppose they intend not to stand it out, our councill have sent 
3[ajor Pincheon and Capt. Winthrop to Hartford to perswade 
them to accommodate the matter, so as they may be added to the 
government here ; how f arr they will prevaie I know not ; they 
are sensible of !Mr. Dudleyes encroachment on all and every 
side, and are unwilling to trust him, and are strongly invited to 
come under Xew Yorke, but it is more for the publick advantage 
to have that colony continued to us." He wrote a third letterf 
that day, to the Committee of Trade and Plantations, in which 
he says that he has served the writs : ''tho' by a tedious passage 
of almost 6 months from London to this place, the tyme of 
their return was laps'd : however the Gou'. of Connecticutt vpon 
my deliuering the writt to him at Hartford on y^ 21 instant has 
appointed a_ meeting of the Gen^. Court of that Colony to be 
called together to Surrender their Charter to his Ma"* if not 
pcrswaded by the factious party here (who are unwilling to 
depend upon his 'Ma^'''\ favour) to stand a tryall : onely to gain 
tyme ^S: delay his Ma''", sending over a Gen'^ Gou'." Dudley 
^^•as not quite so hopeful as Eandolph. He writes (to Blath- 
wayt July 31), t. ''What Connectieot will Do is uncertain and 
I am apt to beleive they will not resolve themselves, untill they 
bo Determined by his Ma'^'^ Disposall of them." In the mean- 
time Dudley wrote Treat (July 21 )§ that he was sensible of the 
difficulty Connecticut was in. ''and that your parts as lying 

* Randolph Papers, vol. 4, p. 97. , 

f lhi<l., p. 100. 

t Ibid., vol. 6, p. 196. 

§ Conn. Col. Kec, vol. 3, p. 358. 


between the two seats of goverm'^ (i. e. Boston and ISTew York) 
may be tbe more easily poysed either way if early soUicitcd." 
Within a week (July 27) Dudley wrote Treat again* advising 
that it would be "ruinous" to Connecticut and inconvenient to 
Massachusetts for Connecticut to be annexed to some other gov- 
ernment, and "■sincerely" recommending an early application to 
the King. 

This is ^vhat Connecticut did do, and as yet it was not at all 
what Randolph predicted or Dudley or Dongan wanted. As 
soon as they could be convened after the service of the writs, on 
July 2Sth, Gov. Treat called a General Court. 

The Court voted and declaredf that they judged it necessary, 
and accordingly ordered and agTeed to appoint an Agent with 
power to manage their affairs in England ; that the Agent 
should certify to the King of the time when they received the 
writs of Quo "Warranto, and should petition the King for the 
continuance of their properties, liberties and privileges, civil and 
ecclesiastical, as formerly they had enjoyed them as an entire 
Province and Colony, and should inform the King that it would 
be very prejudicial and grievous to divide the Colony. They 
also. voted "'that if so be there be case of necessity, the Agent may 
have instructions in behalf of this Colony to accept and submit 
to such regulations as his Majestie shall think fit." William 
Whiting, a London merchant who was an old Hartford boy, was 
appointed Agent. His instructions in the handwriting of Gov. 
Treat is an able document.'! He was instructed to inquire 
about the former address and to present another address, "'and 
to advise and consider well in what manner and by what means 
or mediation for access and a favorable hearing may be had; 
wherein great wisdom and foresight is to be used and to be fol- 
lowed with that due obsequies and solicitation of such Ministers 
of State or others as you may have to do with all, until you have 
obtained your answer from his Majestic to our address." If the 
matter is dismissed to a trial at law. Whiting was to advise with 
counsel in defending the Charter at common law or Chancery 

* Conn. Col. Eec, vol. 3, p. 303. 
^Ibid., p. 211. 
tibid., p. 368. 

,. , 1 



and retain able and faithful counsel to plead the casej he was 
to take advantage of the fact that both the times of the appear- 
ance named in the writ was passed, but if such writs be pleadable 
and bind the Colony to an appearance he is to endeavor that the 
Colony be informed and have sufficient time to make necessary 
defense. In case nothing will do, notwithstanding the Colony's 
addresses and all pleas made in our behalf and the Charter 
should be forfeited, \Yhiting is to consider whether by petition 
or some other way a suspension of entering judgment may not 
be obtained from the King until the Colony have notice and 
opportunity to make a further address. Finally, if he cannot 
obtain such suspension, he is to diligently inquire concerning 
the King's intention for the future disposition of the Colony, 
whether it is likely to be annexed to Massachusetts or Xew York, 
or whether it is to be divided between them. But he is to try 
to keep the Province entire and distinct, undivided and unbroken 
as hitherto. The petition to the King bears the same date as 
the instructions to "Whiting. 

The General Court then adjourned and the Governor and 
counsel replied^ (August 4) to the letter of President Dudley 
in Council, in which they acknowledged the visit of their 
honored friends Major John Pynchon and Capt. AYait Win- 
throp and say, "Yet Ave must tell you we love our own things 
if wo may injoy them; but if we bo deprived of them it is our 
duty to say the will of the Lord be done." The following words 
stricken out in the draft of this letter are sig-nificant: "As to 
o"" choys, whether we may injoy it if we should make it is not 
certain. If we doe make it and should not injoy it, wJiat preju- 
dices may follow is doubtfull.'' The next day Treat wrote Gov. 
Donganf and asked his advice, and sent ^lajor Gold down to 
Xew York to confer with the Governor, who repliedt (August 
13), "If therefore my advice be taken I would persuade to a 
downright humble submission and most effectual means to secure 
w' is most advantageous, liberty, property, and what is of all 
things the most tender and dearest, Peligion." As just stated, 

• Conn. Col. Rec, vol. 3, p. 3G4. 
^ Ibid., p. 3(35. 
tibid., p. 3G0. 


however, the instructions to "Whiting, which were dated hiter 
than the advice from Gov. Dongan, and the advice of President 
Dudley, showed that the Connecticut people followed neither. 

A regailar session of the General Court occurred on October 
14, but there is no mention of the Charter question other thou 
an approval of what the Council had done, and we find no refer- 
ence to the subject for more than two months. Randolph did 
not think the General Court should be permitted to meet. 

All seems to have been quiet in Connecticut until the arrival 
of Sir Edmund Andros, the new Governor, in Boston, on 
December 20th, He had been instructed to demand the sur- 
render of the Khode Island Charter in pursuance of the declara- 
tion and address of that Colony, and "in case it shall happen, 
that upon the like writ of Quo Warranto, issued against the 
Charter of our Government and Company of our Colony of 
Connecticut, they shall be induced to make surrender of their 
Charter" to receive such surrender and take said Colony under 
his government.* On December 2Sth, at 11 o'clock at night, a 
messenger delivered to Gov. Treat a letter from Gov. Andros, 
written two days after his arrival in Boston, and a letter from 
Randolph, written the next day. Randolph's letter is as 
follows :j 


"His Maty, hath commanded me to serve another Writt of Quo Warranto 
upon you. It's returnable the first of next Tearm. You find by a Letter 
from his Excellence S^" Edmond Andross, herewith sent you, that as yet a 
door is open for you, and 'tis your own faults if you fail of the enjoyments 
and indulgencies which his Ma^y. has been graciously pleased to grant to the 
Colonyes of New Plymo. and Road Island now annexed to this Governm'^. 

"By serveing of this Quo Warranto, and you not appearing to defend your- 
selves, judgmt. will be entered against you upon your nonappearance, so 
that tis not in your choice how next to dispose of yourselves. You have 
no way to make yourselves happy but by an early application to his Excel- 
lence, which is all, and more then you might expect to hear from me with 
•whom you have so often and unkindly trifled with. However, I will not 
be disoblidged, but am, Gentlemen, 

Your humble servant, 

Ed. Randolph." 

• • Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., 3d Series, vol. 7, p. 162. 
t Conn. Col. Rec, vol. 3, p. 375. 


Andres wrote:* 


"I am commanded and authorized by his Maty., at my arrivall in these 
Parts, to receive in his name tlie surrender of your Charter, (if tendered 
by you) and to take you into my present care and cliarge, as other parts of 
the Government, assureing his Matys. good subjects of his countenance and 
protection in all things relating to his service and their welfare. 

'•I have only to add that 1 shall be ready and glad to doe mv duty 
accordingly, and therefore desire to hear from you as soon as may be, and 

Your very aflFectionate friend, 
'. . . E. Andros." 

The messenger at the same time served the third writ of Quo 
Warranto on Gov. Treat. This writf is like the others in form, 
except that it is returnable on February 9, 1687, and that it was 
tested in the name of Herbert, the Chief Justice. 

On the same day that Andros wrote to Treat, Eandolph wrote 
Blathwayt as follows :t 

"I haue sent the Quo Warr*°. to the Gon". of Connecticutt the 
Gon". and my indisposition would not allow me to vndertake so 
long a Journey this winter tyme. Its accompanied with a very 
easy letter from the Gon". to them and that attended with others 
from :Sr Dudley W Wharton and others of the Councill and wee 
think to catdi the Sturgeon.'' Sturgeon, like whale, w^ere royal 
fish when caught near the land or thrown ashore. Eandolph 
probably thought the surrender of the Connecticut Charter was 
a similar fortunate occurrence for the King. He also wrote § 
(December 28) to Major Pynchon at Spring-field, advising him 
that he had sent a messenger to serve another writ of Quo War- 
ranto on-the Governor of Connecticut, "where I am well assured 
the physick is to operate. I hear the little Quacks there are 
endeavouring to divert their coming under one government, but 
his Excellency has his Majesty's commands to accept of their 
surrender, which they cannot avoid, they must for publicity. 
. . . We have Road Island already, and I fear not Con- 

* Conn. Col. Rec, vol. 3, p. 37(5. 

t X. E. Hist, ii Gen. Register, vol. 23, p. 169. 

t Randolph Papers, vol. 6, p. 200. 

§ Ibid., vol. 4, p. 139. 



neoticutt. A dutifull submission will well become them, and 
place them in his ILajesties favour. His Excellency will pro- 
pose greater advantages for their ease and happiness than their 
weak phancy's can project." 

Wo have seen that Connecticut was advised by Gov. Domran 
of iSTew York and Gov. Andros and Edward Randolph to make 
a submission to the King, and that their old compatriots, Major 
P%'nchon and Capt. Wait Winthrop, had journeyed do\\Ti to 
Connecticut to urge the same. And in fact, it seems as though 
that was the only thing left for them to do unless they wished 
to take their chances in Court, where they were sure to meet the 
same judgment that the City of London and the Colony of 
Massachusetts had met. It is not surprising, therefore, to find 
that Secretary Allyn was among those who thought it was best 
to submit. He wrote to Fitz-Johu Winthrop on January 7r 
that they had been informed the King had authorized Andros 
to receive the resigiiation of the Charter if tendered and take 
the Colony under his owm charge, '•'which," he says, "is the best 
we can expect, yet some are so blind that they cannot see what 
is their o%%ti interest." He informs Winthrop that they have not 
yet surrendered to Sir Edmund, but have called a General Court 
to consider the matter further, and he does not know what their 
resolves may be. He asks for a copy of Gov. Andros's com- 
mission and of the indulgence gi-anted in religion and other 
favorable clauses for the purpose of encouraging the Connecticut 
people to a present sulmiission. Winthrop repliedy on January 
13th as follows : 

"I have seene his Maties. instructions to the Govr. under his :Maties. signe 
manual!, to authorize and impower his Excellence to receive the surrender 
of Tor charter, and take the people under his care and governmt in tlie 
same manner as in this and the other collonves, comanding his Excel- 
lence to give an acc^ of yor behavour and preceding therein: and tis 
thought much better to accept of his Mat^^. gratious offer than to stand a 
tryall, -r-cIi can in noe \yise be advantageable to the intrest of the collony 
for future improvemt^, nor can ony one believe that the issue of the tryall 
will fall on yor side, it being his Mati'3. pleasure to make some alteration 

*Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., Cth Series, vol. 3, p. 478. 
t/''icZ., 5th Series, vol. 8, p. 301. 


in all hi3 governmta in America; and it will be pitty that many of yor 
selves should not be continued in place of trust. It is now in the power 
of his Excellonce to call to the council! such of yor selves as he shall think 
fit, and noe good man needs doubt that it will' not fall to his share, but 
may be greatly hazarded if yor selves shall wayte the issue and consequence 
of a tryall. All such overtures are generally attended with much alteration, 
and many persons possibly may be imposed upon you that yoi- selves may 
not think suitable to promote the interest and prosperety 'of the people', 
vch his Matie doth greatly desire, and to that end has granted indulgence' 
in matters of religion; and we are assured allsoe his Matie will gratiously 
protect us in all our civill injoyments. I finde noe material! alteration in 
the forme of judicature." 

As soon as he was served with this writ Gov. Treat called a 
special meeting of the General Court, which met at Hartford on 
January 26. After attending to some ordinary matters, they 
passed two votes,* evidently in anticipation of losing their 
Charter; the first that the dues to the Colony Treasurer^should 
be used to discharge the country's debts, and if any overplus 
remain, it was to be paid to the several counties in equal pro- 
portion according to the list of estates, by them to be improved 
for the encouragement of grammar schools in each toTvn, or in 
defect of such to other schools. The second granted certain 
lands of the Colony, not theretofore granted, to Hartford, Wind- 
sor, Wethersfield, Middletown, Farmington and Kenilworth. 
The purpose of these acts was to secure funds and lands belong- 
ing to the Colony from seizure by the royal governor. The 
Court also left it with the Governor and Council to take care 
to do what was requisite to bo done in reference to the Colony 
affairs in England and the last Quo Warranto. The Court also 
approved of a letterf to the Earl of Sunderland, Secretary of 
State, although the record does not show it. This letter \vas 
considered the most important document in the subsequent con- 
troversy when the charter government was resumed. After 
reciting service of the Quo Warrantos and their appointment of 
^rr. Whiting as Agent to appear in their behalf, they say: 

'•May it pleasure your honour, we are his ^lajcsty's loyal subjects, and 
we are heartily desirous that we may continue in the same station thlt we 
are in, if it may consist with his princely wisdom to continue us so: But, 

* Conn. Col. T^.ec., vol. 3, pp. 224, 225. 
t Ibid., p. 37S. 


if his ^[ajesty's royal purposes be otlierwise to dispose of us, we shall, as in 
dutv bound, subniit to his royal commands; and, if it be to conjoin us 
with the other colonies and provinces, under Sir Edmund Andros, his 
^rajesty's present governor, it will be more pleasing than to be joined with 
any other province." 

These were the words which were thought by the royalists to be 
a sufiicient surreuder of the Charter. That it was not intended 
as a surrender by the writers is conclusively shown by a letter'^ 
from Secretary Allyn to Fitz-John "W'inthrop a few days later 
(February 3). I believe this letter represents correctly the 
actual feeling- of the General Court, which was that a surrender 
would look like giving away that which was precious to them, 
and that they could rather be passive than active in parting with 
their Charter. Ho writes as follows : 

"I have hoped that this time we should have bin ready to have joyned 
or divisions &; to have made an intire body, but by or statesmen it is thought 
not convenient yet. Si they will not be moved beyond their pace; notwith- 
standing the advantage that ofiFers to encourage a present union, they will 
not be persuaded to it. It lookes so like a giveing away that which is 
precious to them, which they can rather be passive then active in parting 
with it; &, allso those difficulties that threaten the standing out, — as the 
procureing his Majties displeasure, makeing our termes the harder, &, loose- 
ing the litle share we possibly might have in the Goverm* if cheerfully 
submitted to, — seemes of litle weight with too many. The result of p^sent 
considerations are that we must stand as we are untill his Matie farther 
dispose of us, &. all that is gained is o^ gent° rather choose to be con- 
joyned wth Massachusetts than with any other Province or Colony. S'', 
I doubt not but you will so exercise your wisdom &, wonted kindness towards 
yoiir friends in these parts, to keep off what may be inconvenient & to 
promoate their tranquility to the utmost. You will, I doubt not, see our 
General Court's letter to his E.xcelencie, which smells too much of that scent 
that you took notice of in that which came from our Councill in December 
last &"in your last tould me of it softly. It was drawn, I can assure you. 
more ceremoniously than his Excelency will receive it, Sc corrected & 
amended till it came to a button allmost: but such as it is, you will find 
it, which needs pardon & a good construction from his Excelencye, which I 
hope he will grant." 

Winthrop apparently showed this letter to Randolph, as he 
uses almost AUyn's words in a lettert to the Committee of Trade 

•Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll.. Oth Series, vol. 3. p. 470. 
t Randolph Papers, vol. 4, p. 152. 


aiul riautations (March 2.")). liaridolpli says: "My Lonls I 
hmnbly propose it very necessary for his ]\ra^'". Service that the 
Charter of Coiinccticiitt Colony be prosecuted to effect. I know 
they will employ none to defend it, but let the Law take its 
Course, That (with the late Gom*. at Boston) they may be pas- 
sive k not be Said to giue away the peoples Itights :'' The 
same day,^'" and all this was two months after the General Court's 
It'tter to the Earl of Sunderland, he wrote the Lord President : 
"ilis Excellence besides my Serving a Second writt of Quo 
\Varr'°. against the Charter of Connecticott, has vsed all meanes 
to a Submission & Surrender of their Charter. The inhabitants 
are very desirous to bee vnder this Gom^ The addition of that 
Colony may in tyme raise about 3000'^ a yeare thro' the whole 
Dominion towards defraying y^ publick charg: they send 
fonnall k dilatory letters onely to gain tyme, but very much to 
the damage of the whole Territory, for as Our Shipping & fishery 
cannot be carried on without Supplyes of Land provisions from 
thence. So neither can they find a markett for the produce of 
their Colony but with vs. It's therefore for his iMa"*". Seruice 
that the prosecution against their Charter be pursued to effect:" 
^farch 14th Randolph wrotef Blathwayt that Andros had 
tried all ways to engage the Colony of Connecticut to a sur- 
render of their Charter, and adds : "Butt tis a great vnhappiness 
to find men so inclined to the old way, that they can hardly be 
brought off where the common interest (as they beleiue) is con- 
cerned ; they are fond of Indian Purchases wee want a man 
viiinterested to make a Judge to trye Their titles betwixt his 
^la^'^ and them :" This reference to an attack on the Con- 
lu-eticut tifles to land, and a letter J: (of i^Larch 31) to Blath- 
^vayt urging him to assist in bringing Connecticut under their 
iTovernraent and saying that Connccticutt would bring in £1500 
a year or more so that the governor could be supported and live 
honorably, show the real motive for their desire to get hold of 
Connecticut, and that motive was revenue, and that, not for 

* Randolph Papers, vol. 4, p. 153. 

^ Ihi<l., vol. 6, p. 216. 

XIli'L, p. 217. , ., .:-. 


public purposes, but for the pockets of the officials. Randolph 
even suawsted that Blathwavt would jrct somethincr out of it for 
he tells him: "'Tlje addition of Connecticut will improve that 
branch of your income." 

Pie had previously written Blathwavt" (Feb. 3) rcgardinir 
Connecticut: ''thc-v haue not yet concluded to Surrender their 
Charter/' and had again represented that it would be detri- 
mental to his Colony and ruinous to Connecticut if it were 
annexed to Xew York, because Massachusetts secured from 
Connecticut great quantities of pork, peas, &c., without which 
they could not send their fishing boats out to sea. 

At the same time (Jan. 2G) that they wrote to the Earl of 
Sunderland, Gov. Treat and the General Court, and Gov. Treat 
individually, replied to Sir Edmund Andros's courteous letter. 
We have no copy of these, but from the subsequent correspond- 
ence we learn that they were disappointing to Andros. He, 
therefore, wrote againt (Feb. 2.5) to Gov. Treat and Council 
indicating surprise that their previous letter showed no com- 
pliance with the King's pleasure and commands and saying: 
"^'Finding your delay on such mis (taken) notions, and yett pro- 
fessing your desires to demonstrate yo^ loyalty, obedience and 
xiuty, this is by advice of his ]Ma'''*'^ Councill here, to give you 
another opportunity of suitable and dutifull resolves, soe much 
importing y"" owne wellfare, if you yett doe itt, and lett mee 
heare from you without delay, that I may not be wanting in my 
duty." Andros also wrote the same day a personal lettert to 
Treat, referring to the General Assembly as follows : "to whom 
as by my letter I yett give a farther opportunity of doeing their 
dutyes, but w^^ perticular regard to l^'^self, whom I have knowne. 
and some other Gentlemen amonge you, whose loyall and dutifull 
inclinations as intimated, I will not doul)t, but whilst you have 
noe more regard to reiterated Quo AVarrantos nor gratious opcr- 
tunityes by his Ma'"'\ commands to mee, as signified to you ait 
my arrivall, but still act with the most obstinate and adverse 
io his !Ma'"'. service, you thereby hazard the advantages might 

Tvandolph Pai-rrs, v..l. G, p. 212. 
t Conn. Col. Rec, vol. 3, p. 379. 
ilbid, p. 379. 


bee to y' Colony, and totally your ownc, w^'^ others even of this 
Colony have pVented by a considerable part of them now in 
place submitting and leaveiug the r.-fractory ; and unless you 
shall doe yo^ part without delay, you will not only make mee 
uncapable to serve you as I would, butt occation the contrary; 
butt doc hope better of you and whole Colony by yo^ good 
eiisample and loyall acting in y' station ere too late." 

Gov. Treat again called a special meeting of the General 
Court. It will be remembered that ho had done this when he 
received Kandolph's letter stating he had the first two Quo War- 
rantos again when they were served, again when he received 
Andros's letter and was served with the third Quo Warranto, so 
now this ^vas the fourth special meeting. Besides, the regular 
October meeting had considered the matter. That Treat should 
have referred this subject to five General Courts in less than a 
year notwithstanding the Governor and Council had been given 
by the General Court full power to act, and notwithstanding the 
great difficulty and inconvenience of such meetings especially 
in winter, shows how extremely careful Treat was in handling 
a matter of such transcendent importance to the Colony. 

The General Court met on March -SOth. On the opening day 
It received an important communication, which was no less°than 
a formal advice in writing by Secretary Allyn, Major John 
Talcott and Capt^iin Samuel Talcott, all assistants, that thev 
should submit. It is as follows : " 

"To the Iloiierd Genii Court. Gentn^: Upon the reasons which have 
been layd before you, with many more that might be given, we do declare 
that we do verily believe it is for the Advantage of this Court, Freelv 
and voluntarily to submit yorselves to his iJatie. dispose, and not' to be-"in 
or hold any further Suits in Law with his Mat^y, which in noe wise can°be 
expected will promote or profitt or wealfare. 

"And for or own parts, we do declare, and desire vou would take notice 
we are for answering his Matis' expectation, by a present submission, and 
aje against all further prosecutions or engagements by Law Suits in oppo- 
sition to his Mate3. known pleasr for or submission. 

30th March, 1687. 

r.John Talcott, 
Per us < John Allyn, 

tSamii Talcott. 

• X. E. Hist. & Gen. Register, vol. 23, p. 174. 



Instead of following the advice of Allvn and the two Talcotts, 
the General Court voted* "'that they did not see sufficient reasrm 
to vary from the answer they gave Sir Edmund Andros to a 
motion of a surrender January last." The patents which they 
had previously ordered the towns to take out they now feared 
had not been properly executed, and so passed another vote that 
they were understood to be granted by the Governor and com- 
pany, and that all patents should be signed again by the Secre- 
tary in the name of the Governor and company. They also 
ordered that in the future the deputy should attend the Court 
at the charge of the respective towns to which they belonged, and 
they ordered that a letter which was read to the Court be signed 
by the Secretary and sent to Sir Edmund Andros, In this 
letterf they say : 

"For yr Eccelencie's and their care of U5 and love to us, we return you 
or hearty thanks, but we humbly request that we may wthout offence inform 
your Honor that as matters are circumstanced wth us we cannot vary from 
what we informed your Excelency in or letters of January 26 past, by reason 
we have by o"" severall addresses formerly sent to his Ma^ie. left o^selves 
so fully to be guided and dissposed by his princely wisdome, and have not 
rece<l. any return or direction from his Ma'ie. since, and therefore we request 
that a good neighborhood and an amicable correspondence may be continued 
between your Excelency and y^. Colony till his Mamies, farther pleasure be 
made kno'v\Ti to us." 

The General Court held their regular election and session at 

Hartford on the 12th of May. J. Hammond Trumbull sayst 

of this session : . 

"It will be observed that the records of this session make no allusion 
whatever to the matters which might be supposed to have, almost exclu- 
sively, engrossed the attention of the Court. Not a word is said of the 
Quo Warranto, or of the reiterated demands of Andros. Unmoved either 
by threats or promises, the colony adhered to its determination to await 
an answer to the petition and address to the King, and to make no sur- 
render of the charter except by his express command. The 'masterly inac- 
tivity' of those who guided the counsels of the colony, though it could not 
avert the necessity of temporary submission to Andros, was successful in 
its great object, — the preservation of the charter. Connecticut alone, of the 

• Conn. Col. Keo., vol. 3, p. -227. 
t Ibid., p. 3S0. 
t Ibid., p. 229. 

.1 T.VJJ .' 
.1/. I,-.''. 'I 


Kew England colonies, might justly characterize the government of Andro3 
as a 'Usurpation,' — to wliich no judgment against, or voluntary surrender 
of, her charter, gave color of right." 

In the meantime, (on the 12th of March) the Colony's Agent 
in London, William Whiting, wrote a personal letter to Secre- 
tary Allyn. As this letter has never Ix-'on published, and is in 
private hands, I give it in full as follows : •■ - 

"London 12 March 1686 
"Hon flfriend 

"I have now writ you at Large in answer to yor Collony".s Letter, these 
are to you as my old flriend and schoole fellow, and to give you some 
intimation, which you may make use of as you please, as for yor charter I 
conclude it will in a little tyme be gon, if God do not incline his ^Majesty's 
Grace and favour towards you, whether it be gon by surrender, Judgment 
at Law or not defending it, is all one; yor Libertys seem to be lengthened 
out for some tyme, ye quo warranto served by Mr. Randolph, cannot affect 
you, there must be new granted befor you will come to a tryall, as I am 
told. I cannot direct you, but pray God to do it, and that you may find 
favour in the heart of the King, and you may do what doth become loyall 
subjects and good Christians, as for my own part, I am so circumstanced 
that I cannot serve you, and uppon mature deliberation have come to a 
Resolution not to appcare in it, neither can I fynde any here willing to 
undertake it, though I know severall that have both more leisure and 
greater interest, therefor you must think of some of yor selves that are 
fit for it, who will appeare v,-^^ greater Advantage to you than any here 
can, I am tyred with writing so must beg vor excuse for not enlarging now, 
but wth all due respects to you and your 

I am Sr 

■ •...■, yor Reall friend & 

• " ■ ' Servt 

Wm. Whiting" 

On receipt of Whiting's letters, for he wrote one to the Gen- 
eral Court" of which we have no copy, in addition to the personal 
letter to Allyn, Gov. Treat again assembled the General Court, 
which met at Hartford on June 15th. lie informed the Court 
tliat he had received a letter from AVhiting, to the effect that if 
they concluded to defend the Charter at law, they must send 
over one or more of themselves to manage it, and he asked the 
Court's consideration and determination of the matter. The 
Court voted* as follows : 

• Conn. Col. Rec, vol. 3, p. 237. ^ ' 



"This Court declared that considering the p^sent circumstances of o' 
estate, we doe ni)t see ourselves in a fit posture to rayse money to send an 
agent to England at present, an<I therefore this Court desired the Gov., 
Dept. Go\-r. and Assistants, in their name and behalfe to write to '!SIt. Wni. 
Whiting, to give liim the thankes of this Court for wiiat he liath done for 
us, and to recjuest him to continue (to) doe for us what shall be requisit>' 
to be don, both in appeareing for us, and in or behalfe to make answer t^j 
what shall be objected against us, and generally, to doe whatsoever sliall 
be needfull to be don for us. And this Court declared that they would give 
reasonable satisfaction to ^Mr. Whiting for what he shall doe for us." 

This Court also passed a vote,* which has given rise to con- 
siderable speculation by historical writers since that time. This 
vote is as follows : 

"Sundry of the Court desireing that the Patent or Charter 
might be brought into the Court, the Secretary sent for it, and 
informed the Governo'^ and Court that he had the Charter, and 
shewed it to the Court; and the Governo'^ bid him put it into 
the box againe and lay it on the table, and leave the key in the 
box, which he did forthwith."' 

- To me this call for the Charter does not seem strange. We 
have before seen that Secretary Allyn and the two Talcotts had 
fonnally advised the Court to submit. We know that there was 
a very strong opposition to doing this and Bulkeley tells us 
that the freemen were very angry with the Governor and Assist- 
ants when they subsequently accepted office under Sir Edmund 
Andros. It was a time of excitement and suspicion. The 
Charter at this time was in the possession of Secretary Allyn. 
What more natural than for some of the Court to have reproached 
Allyn and the others for recommending submission and to have 
said to him : ''How do we know but you have already sur- 
rendered tlie Charter? Let us see whether we still have it.'' 
At any rate, it was called for and laid on the table, with the key 
in the box, and a record was made of this fact to show forever 
that the officers of the Colony had not betrayed their trust. 
Secretary Allyn sent for the Charter, and he it was who entered 
in permanent form on the Colony records the fact of its produc- 

• Conn. Col. Rec, vol. 3, p. 23S. 


tioii. This seems to indicate that he wished to silence a charge 
tliat he had given up the Charter. 

Two days before this General Court met, Andros wrote* to 
Gov. Treat and Council another letter (June 13), in which he 
tells them that he has been advised from England that by that 
time judgment would be entered against their Charter, and again 
urging them to a present compliance and surrender. At the 
same time (June 14th) John Saffin, who had been Speaker of 
the :\lassachuset.ts House of Eepi-esentatives at the time their 
Charter was forfeited, wrote Secretary Allvn a letter,t in which 
he protests that he never pretended to be a statesman, but yet 
as a private friend tells AUyn that it is believed that all pa"^rts 
of America, from ^^orth Carolina to the French, will be brought 
under a more immediate dependency and subjection to the King; 
that those who stand out longest will fare the worst at last, and 
that if Connecticut adheres to the West, they will be undone and 
part with their best friends. 

Randolph arrived in Hartford with Andros's letter before- 
mentioned the day after the adjournment of the General Court; 
but Treat and Council wrotet (June ISth) Andros, "by what 
we took notice of theire minds we conclude they would not have 
altered or varyed any thing from what in their former letters 
they wrot unto you ; for at their last session they resolved to 
continue in the station they are in, till his Ma'^''. pleasure be 
made known to them (for a change), and they haveing so 
declared, it is not in our power to vary or alter what they have 
so resolved; (therefore, according to the circumstances we 
stand under, we cannot make a surrender of o"" Charter at pres- 
ent) but must wayte his ]\Ia^'^'. pleasure for our farther disspose, 
which shall readily be submitted unto by us." 

During the summer between the 11th of June and the first 
of September, :\Ir. Whiting, the London Agent, wrote four 
letters§ to Secretary Allyn. In the first he informs him that 
the General Court's letter of January 26th, to the Earl of 

•Conn. Col. Eec, vol. 3, p. 3S1. ' ' ■ - 

■f Ibid., p. 3S2. . • • . . 

tibid., p. 383. , , . . .. 

§ Ibid., p. 384-386. ■ , , 


Sunderland, Secretary of State, was immediately after its receipt 
delivered to Lord Sunderland, and by him communicated to 
Lords of the Committee of Forei^rn Plantations, and by them 
to the King-. He tells Allyn that Andros had not made any 
return to the Quo Warranto; "but it was his sense that you 
would surrender your Charter, and it is expected here that the 
next ship will bring an account of it;" although he had pre- 
viously written that he would not act for them, he says he has 
taken care that if any processes should be made, he would have 
notice of it, and he adds, referring to the Charter, "I writ you 
formerly, and am still of the same mind, that it will be lost. I 
cannot see any way of preventing it." The royal authorities 
apparently intended to follow Randolph's advice to proceed 
against the Charter, for Whiting writes (on June 14) that on 
June 11th was passed a rule of court for Connecticut to give 
appearance the following day, or judginent would pass against 
it. He wrote again (August 9), that he took advice of counsel, 
and sealed in behalf of the Colony a warrant of attorney to one 
of the clerks of the Crown's office to appear in accordance with 
the requirements of tlie rule of court referred to, but, he tells 
them, although this power of attorney was signified to his 
Majesty's officer, there being no information then nor since given 
in against the Colony, ''the case stands as it did." He says he 
does not know whether any information will be put in before 
the next term or not. The Colony has not been heard from, 
though several ships have come in lately from Xew England. 
It is reported that Connecticut is for a surrender of its 
Charter ; but he himself does not believe it, and winds up by 
saying that, if they desire to answer any information given in 
against them and defend their Charter, thev must send more 
money. The last letter (September 22) informs Allyn that no 
information has yet been given in against the Charter; but if 
it is intended for him to defend the Charter, they must send over 
more money. 

These letters of ~Mv. Whiting show clearly that the Colony's 
letter to the Earl of Sunderland was not considered as a sur- 
render of the Charter, because after its receipt they entered a 
rule of the court for the appearance of the Colony before the 


last day of the term, aud the Colonj did appear by virtue of the 
warrant of attorney given by Whiting. As no information was 
filed against the Colony, the matter there rested. "We have 
Wfore seen from Secretary Allyn's letter to Fitz-John Winthrop 
that at the time the letter was written to the Earl of Sunderland, 
it was not considered by the writers to be a surrender of their 
Cliarter, and we learn from Whiting that it was not so considered 
by the English authorities. This ought clearly to dispose of the 
subsequent contention that the Colony surrendered their Charter. 
Here then was the situation in the fall of 1GS7. Connecticut 
Lad absolutely refused to surrender its Charter, It had pro- 
tested its desire to remain as it was, but would, though unwil- 
ling, submit to the royal commands, and preferred to be annexed 
to Massachtisetts rather than Xew York. Gov. Dongan heard 
l)y letter from Whitehall of the Colony's preference for Massa- 
chusetts in its letter to the Earl of Sunderland, and it was a hard 
blow to him. He severely reproached" both Treat and Allyn 
for this preference. The General Court held its regular session 
in October; and it was destined to be its last regular October 
meeting for two years. The crisis could not be prolonged. The 
Colony s position was clear, and was well known. The King 
decided to take advantage of their expressed willing-ness to sub- 
mit to his royal commands, even though they preferred otherwise, 
and so dropped the legal proceedings against the Charter, and 
directed Andros to annex Connecticut to his Government. Con- 
sequently Gov. Andros wrote to Gov. Treat on October 22nd the 
following letter :j 


"This is to" acquaint you that I have received effectuall orders and coui- 
niands from his }*Iati«. for Connecticott, annexed to this Government, {in a 
very gratious manner) with particuler regard and favour to yselfe. .•^nd 
resolve to send or be myself att Hartford ab* the end of next -weeke, pur- 
suant thereunto to meete you and such Gent", as you shall think fitt for his 
Matieo. sd. service -w* I Trill not doubt to yr satisfaccon, and other his 
MatJes. loyall subjects in y parts; and remain, S^, 

"Yor very aflfectionate Friend, 

(E. Andros.)" 
* Conn. Col. Eee., vol. 3, p. 386. 

t Ibid., p. 3S7. 


Treat summoned a meeting of the General Court on Oct. 31, 
pursuant to Andres's request. 

Even though he was feeling sick at the time, Andros couLI 
not have failed to enjoy his ride from Boston to iN'ew York in 
the fine October weather. His mounted guard, with the gentlr- 
men, merchants, and members of his Council, must have made a 
picturesque procession through the Xew England woods ; but 
their red coats could hardly have been more brilliant than the 
autumnal foliage through which they passed. The irritating, 
vexatious and long drawn out question of the Connecticut Gov- 
ernment was at last to be settled as Ajidros desired. 

We have several accounts of that highly interesting event in 
Connecticut history — the taking over the Government by Sir 
Edmund Andros. 

This is the way Sir Edmund Andros reported it to Secretary 
Blathwayt: "I received his Majesty's commands for annexing 
Connecticut, which, having communicated to the Council, I 
resolved as necessary. I set out as soon as I could, and well 
accompanied for said services, and the first instant in the Court 
House at Hartford, all their magistrates being there, removed 
said Colony under my Government accordingly, without any 
contest." '- • 

A more picturesque account is contained in Randolph's report 
to Blatliwayt,"^ Xovember 23 : "I wrote you in my last that his 
Excellence was not well : . . . yet vpon the notice of Con- 
necticutts being added to this : he resolued to go him selfe and 
was attended by a Gard of Granadeers mounted and well 
ecquippd with all their habilaments: and nigh GO Gents and 
Alercts well acoutred with 6 members of the Council : he was 
hon^'*'. receiued and hauing called them together read his AEa'^. 
Commission and the Order of Councill to take them vnder his 
care : all tlieir Deputyes were very busy in town and were pres- 
ent but he woald not give them leaue to debat or aske questions 
but swore their Gon''. and CapS Allen of the Councill and dis- 
solued tlieir meeting: his presence was very necessary for 
seuerall Inhabitants of the Townes adjacent vpon jST: York were 

• Randolph Tapers, vol. 6, p. 233. 

f .' 


prepared by Coll : Dongan to decoy in their neighbors and would 
liaue been troublesome." 

A still more interesting account is that given by Gershom 
Biilkeley in his Will and Doom.* It is as follows : 

"On Monday, Oct. 31, ICST, Sir E. A. (with divors of the members of his 
council and other gentlemen attending him, and with his guard,) came to 
ilarttord, where he was received with all respect and welcome congratula- 
tion that Connecticut was capable of. The troop of horse of that countv 
conducted him honorably from the ferry through Wethersfield up to Hartford 
where the trained bands of divers towns, (who had waited there some '^irt 
of the week before, expecting his coming then, now again, bein- com- 
nianded by their leaders,) waited to pay him their respects at his comin-. 

Being arrived at Hartford, he is greeted and caressed by the governor 
and assistants, (whose part it was, being the heads of the people, to be 
most active in what was now to be done,) and some say, thou-h T will not 
confidently assert it, that the governor and one of the assistant's did declare 
to him the vote of the general court for their submission to him 

"However, after some treaty between his excellency and them that evenin- 
he was the next morning waited on and conducted by tlie governor, deputv 
povernor, assistants and deputies, to the court chamber, and by the -ov- 
ornor himself directed to the governor's seat; and being there seated, "the 
ate governor, assistants and deputies being present, and the chamber 
hronged as full of people as it was capable of,) his excellencv declared, 
that his majesty had, according to their desire, given him a commission to 
come and take on him the government of Connecticut, and caused his 
commission to be publickly read. 

"That being done, his excellency shewed, that it was his majestv's pleasure 
to make the late governor and Capt. John Allyn members of his council, and 
called upon them to take their oaths, which they did forthwith; and all 
this in that publick and great assembly, nemine contradicente, only one man 
oaid that they first desired that they might continue as they were. 

"After this, his excellency proceeded to erect courts of judicature, and 
constituted the said Jno. Allyn, Esq., judge of the inferior court of common 
pleas for the county of Hartford; and all other who before had been 
"^'istants, and dwelling in the same county, he now made justices of the 
pf-ace for the said county. 

"From hence his excellency passed thro' all the rest of the counties of ' 

- ■ Haven, X. London and Fairfield, settling the government, was everv 

«here cheerfully and gratefully received, and erected the king's courts as 

aioresaid, wherein those wiio were before in the office of £rovernor, deputv 

;:overnor and assistants, were made judges of tlie pleas, or justices of the 

P<?ace not one excepted, nor (finally) excepting but accepting the same; 

^ome few others being by his excellency added to them in the several coun- 

•0., not without, but by and with their own advice and approbation, and 

sworn by the oaths (of allegiance and) of their respective offices, to do 

• Conn. Hist. Soc. Coll., vol. 3, p. 137. 



equal justice to rich and poor, after the laws and customs of the realm of 
England and of this his majesty's dominion. 

"His excellency also made sherifl's in the several counties and gave order 
for the making and swearing of constables in the several towns, etc. 

"Hereupon the late charter government was by them (who before had 
the exercise of it) thought to be dissolved; as a pledge whereof, the secre- 
tary, who was well acquainted witli all tlie transactions of the general 
court, and very well umh-rstood their meaning and intent in all, delivered 
their common seal to Sir E. A." 

. . .• "the general court present, but passing no act against it, nor 
manifesting any dissent, but conduct his excellency to the court chamber, 
and place him in the governor's seat, hear his commission and make no 
protest? Do they think that nobody took notice hoAV Sir E. A. wa=! 
caressed by them? Uow brisk and jocund they were at that time? What 
liberal healths some of them (for all indeed are not addicted to such 
frolicks) drank then, and afterwards in remembrance of it? Were not all 
his excellencies proceedings fair and candid? Did he use any fraud or put 
any force upon them?" . . . 

"I do not say, or think, that they were most willing. Their former 
actions shew that they were too fond of their former sovereignty; but 
contraries, light and darkness, willingness and unwillingness, cannot consist 
in stimmo grad^i. The particulars alK)ve mentioned demonstrate, that tliere 
was a deliberate willingness, and a prevailing willingness, consequently 
they were not most unwilling. 

"And do we not very well know the man, (the most likely person in all 
the colony to vent, and his most untrue suggestion,) who personally attend- 
ing upon his excellency, upon the Monday, Oct. 31, 1687, on his journey to 
Hartford, posted away before him to the river, and there by the fullness 
of his authority (for he was an assistant) created a constable, authorizing 
him to press boats and men to carry over his excellency and retinue without 
delay, and then posted away to Hartford, to give notice of his excellency's 
coming that way, (who was expected another way,) by means whereof the 
troop was posted away to Wethersfield to meet and conduct his excellency 
to Hartford, as aforesaid; and who afterwards was (if he be not grossly 
bely'd) as brag and brisk as a body-louse, that he was made one of the 
king's justices? and yet, doubtless, this mau was most imwilling. It is our 
hard fate, that we should have any man pretending to government over 
us that hath no more truth in him than this comes to, and such men had 
need to rcuicmlK'r Zedckiah." 

This is the way SecreUry Allyn entered the transaction in 
the public records,! after reciting the names of the members of 
the Court Avlio were present: 

"His ExceUncy S^ Edmond Andross Kn*, Capt. Generall & Govr of hi^ 
Ma'i<^ Teritorie iSc Dominion in Xew England, by order from his Ma""^ Jam-'s 

• Conn. Hi^t. Soc. Coll., vol. 3, p. 140. 
t Conn. Col. lu-e., vol. 3, p. 248. 


the second, King of England, Scotland, France & Ireland, the 31 of October, 
1687, took into his hands the Goverment of this colony of Conecticott, it 
boing by his Jra*'<-' annexed to the IMassachusets & other colonys under his 
lACt'lencies Government. Finis." 

So far we liave shown how the government in Connecticut was 
taken over by the royal Governor; bnt we have said nothing 
aliout the tangible Charter itself. Great importance in those 
(lays was attached to the physical possession of the Charter. It 
seems to have been thought, since the Charter originated by 
royal grant, that every vestige of it should be canceled and made 
of no force and effect. The Connecticut Charter was not given 
up; but both the original and the duplicate remained in the 
possession of the Colony. You all know the story of the Charter 
Oak. I see no reason to doubt it. There is an early mention 
of the seizure of the Charter by Gov. Wolcott in a communica- 
tion on historical matters to President Clap in 1759. Gov. 
Wolcott was eight years old at the time Andros visited Hartford. 
He was a member of the Conference Committee in 1715 to pass 
on the resolution to reward Capt. Joseph "Wadsworth for his 
conduct in preserving the Charter. This Conference Committee 
must have discussed all the details of the preservation of the 
Charter, and I think that Gov. Wolcott knew accurately and 
fully what the facts were. He wrote President Clap as 
follows :* 

"In October, 1087, Sr Edmond Andross came to Hartford. The Assembly 
niot and sate late at night. They ordered the charters to be set on the table, 
nud unhappily or happily all the candles were snutTed out at once, and when 
tliey were lighted the charters were gone. And now S^ Edmund being in 
town and the charters gone, the Secretary closed the Colony records with the 
word Finis and all departed." 

Gov. Wolcott also told President Stiles in 1701, as recorded 
in Stiles's Itinerary, '"Xathanicl Stanley, tlie fatlier of the late 
Col. Stanley, took c>ne of the Connecticut Charters, and Mr. 
Talcott, late Gov. Talcott's father, took the other, from Sir 
Edmund Andros in Hartford meeting house — the lights blown 
out." In IGOS Capt. Joseph Wadsworth produced before the 
^'overnor and Council theduplicate Charter and atfirmed that he 

• Conn. Hist. Soc. Coll., vol. 3, p. 331. 



had the order of the General Court to keep it. The Council 
thereupon authorized him to continue as its custodian. In 1715 
a bill was })assed by the Lower House of the Assembly to awavil 
Capt. Josei)h Wadsworth four pounds. 'J'his was negatived iu 
the Upper House, and the Committee in Conference, of which 
Roger Wolcott was one, as above stated, agreed to give hiuj 
twenty shillings. It is as follows : 

''Upon consideration of the faithful and good service of Capt. Joseph 
Wadsworth, of Hartford, especially in securing tlie Duplicate Charter of 
this Colony in a very troublesome season when our constitution was L.-uck 
at, and in safely keeping and preserving the same ever since unto this i.._ • 
This Assembly do, as a token of their great ful resentment of such his faith- 
ful and good service, grant him out of the Colony treasury the sum of 
twenty shillings."* 

There were two members of the General Assembly which vuted 
to reward Capt. Joseph Wadsworth who were members and 
present at the session when Andros took over the government, 
namely, Capt. Cyprian Xichols of Hartford, and Col. Ebenezcr 
Johnson of Derby. 

The Rev. Thomas Ruggles, the minister in Guilford, and a 
son of the minister there of the same name, wrote in 1769 on the 
history of Guilford, and referring to Andrew Leete, says : 'It 
is said and believed (that he) was the principal hand in securing 
and preserving the Charter, when it was just upon the point of 
being given up to Sir Edmund Andros. In his house it found 
a safe retirement until better times." 

Of the names mentioned al>ove, Talcott was Major John Tal- 
cott, an Assistant, and present when Andros took over the gov- 
ernment, Xathaniel Stanley was a Deputy of the General Court 
and also present at that meeting, and was subsequently- very 
active in the resumption of the Charter Government; Andrew 
Leete was also an Assistant and present at the meeting; Capt. 
Joseph Wadsworth was not a member of the Court, but his 
brother, John Wadsworth, was one of the Assistants. t 

• Conn. Col. Rec, V, 507. 

t Tlie late Chas. J. Iluadly, LL.D., wrote a paper, published by the Acorn 
Club, on the hiding of the Charter in which he gives the facts an-l al-' 
some of his own conjectures. 


There is no time to enter upon a criticism of the administra- 
tion of Sir Edmund Andros. Some of his apologists have said 
that it was a lino idea to unite all Xew England under one 
covernment, so that it could resist attack from the outside. This 
would be true if each Colony had insisted on acting independ- 
ently in war time. Those who make the above criticism over- 
look the body known as the Commissioners of the United 
Colonies, which had successfully conducted the great Indian 
War. They made blunders in their conduct of King Philip's 
War, but not so many or so important mistakes as were made 
later in the French and Indian \Yar, with its Braddock's defeat, 
Lake George, die, which was conducted under royal appointees. 
The inhabitants of Connecticut had always exercised the right-s 
of Englishmen to be represented in the Government. Before 
they settled in Connecticut they had the right to be represented 
in Parliament, and while they lived in Connecticut they had the 
right to be represented in tlie General Assembly. When Sir 
Edmund Andros took over the Government they lost absolutely 
this right. His Government was, therefore, illegal and arbi- 
traiy, unless it was done with the consent of the governed. 
From the foregoing story I think it appears that Connecticut 
never did consent. They submitted, and I question very much 
whether if the General Court had consented to a surrender of 
these inalienable and constitutional rights of Englishmen, it 
would have been binding upon all the freemen of the Colony 
and their successors. 

The administration of Andros in Connecticut does not seem 
to have been so burdensome as it was in ^Massachusetts. He 
attempted there to collect quit rents for confirmation of the titles 
to real estate of the land owners. Such a title rested upon pos- 
session, Indian purchase, and grant from the General Court 
under authority of the Charter. The General Court's grants, 
however, were not under the seal of the Colony, and, as Dr. 
Hoadly has pointed out, a corporation at common law could only 
act under its seal. The old corporation of ]\rassachusetts having 
l»oen dissolved, Andros attempted to take advantage of this and 
^0 demand fees for contirming titles. In Connecticut, however,. 

> 1 


tlie General Court had been shrewd enough to issue patents to 
tlie towns which were under seal of the Colony to make good 
its previous grants as well as Indian purchases, and I do not find 
that Andros attempted to collect quit rents here. Among the 
laws passed by Andros and his Council, a copy of which was 
sent to Connecticut officials soon after he took over the Govern- 
ment, was one that tuwn meetings should not be held oftener than 
once a year," and then for the purpose of electing town ofHcers. 
I have examined the records of a number of towns during this 
period, and find instances of several meetings within a year 
during his administration. So this law seems to have been 
disregarded in Connecticut. Andros was unpopular in Con- 
necticut, and Gov. Roger Wolcott has preserved one anecdote 
illustrating it. He tells us : ''Yet the discontents of the people 
made such impression upon him that one morning he told Doctor 
Hooker he thought the good people of Connecticut kept many 
dayes of fasting and prayer on his account. Very probable, 
says the doctor, for we read that this kind gocth not out by 
other means." 

The outstanding fact in the foregoing narrative is the clever- 
ness, patience and foresight of the Connecticut Government. 
They could not be coaxed by their friends, or threatened by their 
enemies to formally surrender their Charter or their government. 
They did submit, but were passive rather than active in doing so. 
Their conduct seemed almost as if they had in mind what subse- 
quently happcmed. They were careful to leave a record that 
could not afterwards be used against them. The result was that 
interruption to Charter government here was only temporary. 
\\ hen the Prince of Orange landed in England and Andros was 
imprisoned in Boston, the Connecticut Charter was brought out. 
and Treat and Allyn and Fitch and the others at the demand of 
the freemen resumed their old form of government — not without 
opposition, for there were Tories then in Connecticut with as 
liigh notions as those INlacaulay tells us about in England. But 
this resumed government persisted, and was recognized by the 
Crown, and lasted until ISlS, and its etfects until the present. 
• Conn. Col. Rec, vol. 3, pp. 427, 429. 


By Albert Carlos Bates. 
, [Read January 15, 1917.] 

We find it not an easy task now, after the lapse of more than 
a century and a third, to look hack and discover exactly what 
were the feelings and temper of the people of Connecticut at the 
time of the actual breaking out of the hostilities Avhich marked 
the beginning of tlie Revolutionary War. So far as can now 
be judged they were extremely jealous of any interference with 
what they considered their rights and liberties— the rights which 
they had exercised and preserved almost without exception from 
their first settlement here, of making and executing their own 
laws for their own government in the manner that best suited 
them ; and the lil>erty of action ■without the interference or 
restraint of the home government in England, which amounted 
tu a j)ractical freedom and independence. Yet alongside of 
tliese somewhat advanced views there is good reason for believ- 
ing that there was a deep and widespread feeling of patriotism 
towards and love for the mother country. The ties of nation- 
ality, kindred and association were strong. There was a hope 
and desire for peace and for a renewal of good feeling between 
the tw'o countries. All talk or consideration of the possibility 
<^>f war was deprecated, disunion was not desired. Yet with the 
forethought which is perhaps characteristic of Connecticut 
['t'oj>le, while they were using a conciliatory tone in their cor- 
f'-"^{»ondenee with the Colony's agent in England and with the 
f'-presentatives of British authority in this country, they were 

) Ml'.l 


at the same time making preparations for an armed struiiglo 
should such resistance become necessary, being desirous only for 
a place honorable to themselves and consistent \vith their own 

When the news of the encounter at Lexington and Concor'l 
reached Connecticut on April 20, 1775, the day following' Tin 
battle, the excitement was intense and the action inmiediate. 
As soon as they could gather and c^uip, companies of armed 
militia to the number of several thousands set out in a somewhat 
irresponsible manner for the scene of action. On their return 
a few days later they doubtless brought with them and circu- 
lated throughout the Colony vivid accounts of the bloody doings 
of that day when ''the shot heard 'round the world" was fired, 
as well as the utterly untrue or greatly exaggerated accounts of 
horrible cruelties perpetrated by the British soldiers, which 
obtained a wide circulation and credence. An immediate change 
of feeling seems to have occurred at this time. There was little 
further talk of peace and reconciliation, but immediate and 
busy preparation for war. Such action was rebellion and 
treason ; yet it is of interest to note the utter disregard of conse- 
quences with which acts were passed and resolutions adopted, any 
one of which might mean an ignominious death to all who weri- 
concerned in it. And not only was such action officially adopted, 
but it was officially printed and published to the world. Verily 
these were days of courage and brave deeds. And it is my pur- 
pose now to bring to your attention in detail fliese Kevolutionarv 
acts and resolutions which were officially printed and published 
by the authority of the government of the Colony of Connecticur. 
from the time of the Battle of Lexington until the atloptiou "t 
the Declaration of Independence, when it was sagely remarked 
by one of the signers that now they must hang together or they 
would hang singly. 

On the 20th of April, 177."», just one week after the Battle ui 
Lexington, the General Assembly met in Hartford in respon>e 
to the order of Governor Trumbull ; and the second item ot 
business transacted at this special session was the passage of the 
following: resolution : 


"That an Embargo be fortlisvith laid upon the exportation out of thi-i 
Colony by water of the following articles of provision, viz: wheat, rye, 
Indian corn, pork, beef, live cattle, pease and beans, bread flour, and every 
kind of meal, except necessary stores for vessels bound to sea; and that 
his Honor the Governor be, and he is hereby, desired to issue a proclama- 
tion laying such embargo and prohibiting the exportation of such provisions 
ocourdingly : Such embargo to continue till the 20th day of May next."* 

If there was to be war it Lehove the Colony to conserve the 
food stutfs within her' borders for the use of her own residents 
and soldiers. Eighty copies of this proclamation, practically 
one for each town (there were seventy-nine towns at this time 
iucluding- AVestmoreland in Pennsylvania), were at once printed 
by Ebenezer Watson of Hartford. t Xo copy is now known. 

This was followed by a "Proclamation stating the bounty and 
wages of soldiers/'j: 400 copies of which were printed by 
Ebenezer AVatson, the essential features of which were: That 
one-fourth part of the militia were ordered to be "'forthwith 
iiilisted" "for the special defence and safety" of the Colony; 
each was to receive a premium of 52 shillings upon iidistment 
and "supplying themselves with a blanket, knapsack, cloathing 
^•c.," and a further premium of 10 shillings to each "who shall 
jTuvide arms for himself, well fixed with a good bayonet and 
<-art<>uch box,'' provision being made for the appraisal of such 
arms and payment for any that should be lost in servace ; each 
was also to receive '"'one month's advanced pay," and six pence 
{)er day for billeting money until other provision was made by 
'he Colony. For wages a sergeant was to receive -4S shillings 
[•er month, a corporal 4-i shillings, a drummer or fifer -44 shil- 
liiigs and a private 40 shillings.§ Xo copy of this proclamation 
'•< knriwn. 

^t'Xt came a "Vote of the General Assembly encouraging the 
I'laking of firelocks," ;i no copy of which has survived, also 
i'rinted by Ebenezer Watson: 

• Col. Rec. XIV, 415. 

t Conn. Arch. Rev. III. Glfi. 

xibid. . - ■ /, ■. 

I Col. Rec. XIV. 410. 

i! Conn. Arch. Rev. III. GIO. 


"That the three thousand stands of arms to be procured for tlie use <( 
this Colony be of the following dimensions, to wit: tlie lengtli of the barrel 
three feet ten inches, the diameter of the IxMe from inside to inside tlin.- 
quarters of an inch, the length of the hla<le of the bayonet fourteen inoli«-«. 
the length of the socket four inches and one quarter; that the barrels be of 
a suitable thickness, with iron ramrods and a spring in the lowest loop tu 
secure the ramrods, a good substantial lock, and a good stcxik well nioiint*-! 
with brass and marked with the name or initial letters of tlie makfr> 

"That all the arms that shall be made and compleatcd according to abm-.- 
regulation in this Colony by the first day of July next shall be purchaseil 
and taken up by this Colony at a reasonable price."* 

The next step was the issue of 400 orders authorizing inli-i- 
ments,t two copies of which are now known, also printed liv 
Watson, commonly known as ''beating orders," in the foUowini: 
words : 

"Jonathan Trumbull, Esqi", Governor of the Colony of Connecticut, 

"To .... Greeting. 

"I do hereby authorize and impower you, by beat of drum or otherwise, 
to raise .... by inlistment, a company of able-bodied effective volui;- 
teers within this Colony, to consist of one hundred men, including officer-, 
for the defence of this Colony, during the pleasure of this Assembly, not 
exceeding seven months: And the colonels of the respective regiments of 
militia, and the several officers thereof, are required to afford you all proper 
aid and assistance: And the captains in the several regiments are hereby 
required to muster their respective companies when requested thereunto by 
you, for the purpose aforesaid. 

"Given under my hand this first day of May, 1775." 

For the purpose of carrying these orders into effect Watson 
printed 7,000 inlistment hlankst reading thus: 

"I .... of .... do acknowledge to have voluntarily inlisti'il 
myself a Soldier, to serve in a Regiment of Foot raised by the Colony "1 
Connecticut, for the Defence of the same, to be commanded by . . . • 
during the Pleasure of the General Assembly, and as they shall direct, n<^t 
exceeding seven Months. As witness my Hand, the .... Day of 
. . . . .in the Year of Our Lord, 1775."§ 

* Col. Rec. XIV, 420. 
t Conn. Arch. Rev. Ill, 610. 

§ Ibid. I, SO. This is the official copy indorsed by the Clerks of botli 


To make provision for the commanding of those who should 
iiilist, three hundred comtnissions were })rinted for officers.* 
These are too long- to be copied in full here. An interesting 
point about them is that the governor granted these commissions 
and the power which they conveved, "By virtue of the Power and 
Authority to me given, in and by the Royal Charter to the Gov- 
ernor and Company of the said Colony nnder the great seal of 
England." This differed from previous commissions in which 
the power was granted by the governor, ''by Virtue of the Letters 
Patents from the Crown of England, to this Corporation, ^le 
thereunto enabling." This difference of wording and omis- 
sion of direct reference to the Crown could hardly have been 
accidental. These first 300 commissions were at once set aside 
and a new edition of 300 issued, Watson the printer noting "the 
fonner 300 being from an imperfect copy."t This careless 
preparation of "copy," and the giving of any of the resolutions 
and proclamations into the hands of Watson of Hartford for 
printing, are both evidences of the haste deemed needful in 
bringing these matters before the people, for the official printer 
of the Colony was Timothy Green whose printing office was 
located at Xew London. To him under all ordinary circum- 
stances the "copy" for these would have been sent for printing. 

Arrangement having been made for the raising and payment 
of troops and the manufacture and purchase of arms, it was 
iiecessarv to provide for payment for these "incident charges of 
government.":!: For this purpose the Assembly ordered the 
I>rinting with all convenient speed of £r)0,0<)(> in bills of credit 
of suitably denominations.^ This work was intrusted to the 
t'olony's printer Timothy Green of Xew London, who appears 
to have completed the work by May 26. Forty thousand were 
printed ; this {)robably meaning that number of sheets of bills, 
'•ufh sheet being composed of several bills which were cut apart 
before issue. In addition to tlie printed text these bills con- 

*Conn. Arch. Rev. I. 70; Rev. Ill, CIO. 

* Ibid. III. 610. '■ -'■ . 

t Col. Ree. XIV, 432. 


i 'l • i \ 


tained ornamental designs and borders, probably engraved on 
wood blocks, the work of John llallam, by whom they had been 
engraved for the bills issued during the previous January." 
One of these bills reads thus : 

•'The of this Bill, shall be paid by tlio Treasurer of tlie Colony 
of Connecticut, Two Shiliin;^'s it Six Pence, Lawful Money, by the Tenth 
day of May 1777 Dated May 10th One Thousand Seven Hundred and 
Seventy-Five. By order of Assembly .... Committee" 

Bills for two shillings six pence, ten shillings, twenty shil- 
lings and forty shillings are known, and there were doidotle.-;s 
other denominations issued. 

One more resolution adopted at this session was separatelv 
printed by AVatson in an edition of 400 copies, two of which art- 
now known. t It is called "Vote of the General Assembly 
recommending sobriety," ire, and reads thus : 

'"Considering the dark and gloomy aspect of Divine Providence over 
this Colony and land, and that it is the indispensible duty of every peopji- 
suffering under the afflictive chastisements of a righteous God, with deep 
repentance, supplication and amendment of life, to endeavour by all tli'' 
ways which God has prescribed to avert his anger and incline him to 
become reconciled to his people: 

"It is therefore resolved by this Assembly, Tliat it be recommended to all 
the ministers of the gospel in this Colony, that they earnestly endeavour 
to dissuade their several congregations from all excess, and all diversion- 
which may be improper in the present day of distress; and that lx)th tip'} 
and their people cry nughtily to God, that he would be pleased to spar>- 
his people and be gracious unto them, and visit them with his loving kiii'l 
ness and tender mercies, and not give up his heritage to reproach, I'li- 
preserve unto them their great and important rights and privileges, aiv: 
guide and prosper the public councils of this Colony and land, and in tlii- 
hour of difficulty and distress graciously manifest his power in the delivir 
ance and salvation of his people, to the glory of his own name." 

After the adjournment of the session, on ]May 6th, two law- 
which it had enacted were issued in the usual form of the sessi"!- 
laws by Timothy Green "Printer to the Governor and C'>ii; 
pany." The edition of session laws usually printed at thi- 
period was 1,100 copies, which was probably the number print''''- 
in tliis instance. Their form is a small folio paged continuou^l.^ 

• Conn. Arch. Kev. Ill, 50t). 
■\ Ibi'l., CIO. 


(aioiio; with provions session laws) to follow the latest General 
revision of Acts and Laws, which in this case was the e.lition of 
!...() with the a.l.lition of the compilation of iTHs- the pa-ina- 
tiou of this issue being 400, 410. At the top of the first page 
a cut of the royal arms appears, and the heading begins " \cts 
and Laws, 3Iade and passed by the General Court or Assembly 
ot His :\Iajesty's English Colony of Connecticut." The first of 
the two laws here printed is ^An Act to exempt, for a limited 
lime, the Persons of Debtors, from being imprisoned for Debt " 
because '^in the present Situation of our public Affairs, it wi'll 
be prejudicial to the Colony to confine Persons in Goal for 
Debt.-' This exemption to continue until the risin- of the next 
October Assembly. The second law was the repeal of an act 
concernmg book debts, as "a further Continuance of said Act 
i>; Force at this Time, may prove very inconvenient and preju- 
dicial." This act had provided that no book debt could 'be 
recovered which had not been balanced within six vears after 
it was contracted or before March 1, 1776. 

A pretty lively ten days' session this, with its nine separate 

The Assembly met again in regular session, this bein- the 
< "urt of Election, on :\Iay 1 1, 1775, five davs after the adjourn- 
"'ent of the special session. Pursuant to long established cus- 
tom the Assembly immediately after organization adjourned to 
'I'e meeting house where its members listened to the annual elec- 
tion sermon, preached on this occasion bv Kev. Joseph Perry 
I'^-^tor of the First church in East Windsor. Pursuant io' 
••■rther custom a copy of the sermon was requested for publica- 
';'-•". and It was printed by Watson in an octavo pamphlet of 
-' pages. 111 an edition of 3.00 copies.^ Mr. Perrv in the out- 
••H- of his sermon, whieli took for its text Xehemiah, second 
'■^'apter, 17th, ISth and IDth verses, says: "These words contain 
• ^••'.^^^thing suited to our case in this dark and troublesome dav. 

Ue have here our own condition exactlv expressed, 'Ye see 
J- distress that we are in, how Jerusalem lieth waste, and the 
-ates thereof are burnt with fire.' " 
*Conn. Arch. Rev. Ill, UIO. 



An echo of Connecticut's expedition, which resulted in th>' 
capture this month (^rav) of the forts at Ticonderoga ani 
Crown Point, is found in Watson's ])ill for printing* (dati-.i 
January 1770), where there is an itf-ni of 1,000 passes for Col. 
Arnohl from Crown Point last .^fay, received by Col. I leu 
meu.t This capture was the most important event that lui'i 
thus far taken place in this buddings war for freedom. .lu>r 
what these passes were, or why so large a number were })rintt''!, 
the writer is unable to say. 

The most important act of this session, and one of the must 
important issued during the war, w^as "An Act for regulatiii;: 
and ordering the Troops that are, or may be raised, for th 
Defence of this Colony,"' of which an edition of 650 copies, 
covering 19 duodecimo pages, without title or imprint, wii.> 
printed by AVatson.t Only three of these can now be foumi. 
It was a throwing- down of the gauntlet for the cause of freedoin 
amounting to practically a declaration of war. The tifty-thn-' 
separate articles for regulating and ordering the troops are piv- 
ceded by a preamble of seven paragraphs recounting at lengtli 
the grievances of the colonists. The following long quotation 
from it is much condensed: 

"Whereas God in his providence hatli been pleased to bestow upon tli>' 
inhabitants of this colony all the rights, liberties and immunities of th' 
free born subjects of England, which have been established and contirni''>i 
by royal charter; which rights were the birthright of our ancestors in 
England, who rather than submit to religious and civil tyranny chose t" 
leave tlieir native country, and reared the English constitution in tlu'-' 
wilds, and have ever since the sincerest loyalty to their sovereign and tli- 
warmest afl'ection for their brethren in England. And whereas since t!i' 
close of the last war. parliament claiming a right to bind the people i>'. 
America by statute in all cases whatsoever, hath in some acts e\prt'^-l> 
imposed taxes upon them, and undtT various pretenses imposed rate> an: 
duties, and extended tlie juri>dicti<,ni of courts of admiralty. And wlierf'' 
standing armies [have been] kept in time of peace; and it has lately b'''' 
resolved in parliament tliat colonists may be transportetl to England an. 
tried there upon [certain] accu-ations. and such trials have been direct<-'- 
in [certain] cases. And whereas tlie ])ort of Boston is shut up, the cliart>r 
of Massachusetts destroyed, and all lR>pe of justice taken away in c(Mt;ii'- 

'Conn. Arch. IV', 187. 
t Benjamin lliiiman. 
tConn. Arch. Bev. Ill, till). 


cases. And whereas a tyranny [is] erected in tlie province of Quebec, and 
the Xew England colonies are in a great measure deprived of tlieir trade 
and fishery. And whereas all our humble, dutiful and loyal petitions fi^r 
redress of grievances have been treated with coTitempt or passed by in 
silence, and the refusal to surrender our just rights hath been stiled rebel- 
lion, and vengeance iutlicted on [a neighbouring c<d(inyj, all which acts are 
evidently intended to force or terrify four countrymen] into subnii>sion to 
parliamentary taxation, or at least into a surrender of their property at 
the pleasure of the British parliament, and in such proportion as they shall 
please to prescribe. And whereas although this assembly wish for no new 
rights and privileges, and desire only to preserve their ancient coii-titution 
as it has been understood and practised upon from the beginning; freely 
yielding to the British parliament the regulation of our external coinmorce, 
I'Xc-luding every idea of taxation for raising a revenue without our consent, 
and are most earnestly desirous of peace and deprecate the horrors of war: 
Yet when they see military preparations against them at hand, and the 
hope of peace and harmony place<l at a greater distance, being fully deter- 
mined never to make a voluntary sacrifice of their rights, not knowing liow 
>'ion parliamentary and ministerial vengeance may be directed against them 
immediately, as it is now against Massachusetts, have thought it their duty 
to raise troops for the defence of this colony. And whereas it is necesssary 
that such troops should be made acquainted with their duty. Therefore, 
these articles are enacted." 

Pretty strong lang-uage this for King George and his ministers 
to read. 

This act did not have at its beginning the Royal Arms and 
usual royal style. 

A resolution was adopted continuing until the first day of the 
following August the embargo on the exportation of various food 
stuffs which had been laid in April ; and as before, eighty copies 
of the resolution were printed by Watson,'^ no one of which can 
now be found. 

Another document printed at this time by Watson was an 
"Extract of an act for assembling and equipping men.''t Just 
what this was does not appear, as no copy of it can be found. 
Xo order for such a document is found iii the official records 
"f this session. It appears to have been printed on the 30th of 
May, the day before the rising of the Assembly. 

'"For payment of incidental charges of government'' it was 
ordered, "'That there be forthwith imprinted the sum of fifty 

' Conn. Arch. Rev. Ill, GIO. 

1 Ibid., 611. • 

To Cyder and Small Beer 



To 1 Barrel C"yder 


To 2 half Barrels Beer (w 6/ each 


To Small Beer 


To pipes 3/6 To Tobacco 1/ 



To Beer 


To Cyder and Beer 



To Cyder from Mr Bulls " ■ • 



To Tobacca , .....:.. 


Certainly there could be uo complaint of extravagance in 
these items, such as has been sometimes heard in recent years. 

The short session of the Assembly in July 1775 was n"t 
fruitful in official publications, only one being found to ii^ 

• Col. Rec. XV, 14. 

tConn. Arch. Rev. III. 022. 

t Ihid., 609. 


thousand pounds bills of credit on this Colony, equal to lawi ;1 
money, of suitable denominations . . . , and of the sau..- 
t^'uor with the late emission'';* that of April. These wcri- 
printed by the official printer, Green of Xew London, wL . 
appears to have completed the work on or before July S. Tl;- 
edition was 00, 100, "I" probably moaning, as on the occasion of rii- 
previous issue in April, that number of sheets each composed of 
several bills. In form, ornament and wording they were similar 
to the previous emission of April. They were dated Junr 1. 
and became payable in three years. Bills of this issue for iwm 
shillings six pence, for six shillings, for ten shillings, for twenty 
shillings and for forty shillings are known ; and there may haw 
been other issues. 

The public acts and laws of this May session, printed the 
following month by Green, the official printer, at Xew London. 
consisted of one folio leaf, its pages numbered 411 and 412. h 
contained but three acts, none of which have to do with the 
Revolution. The edition was 1,100 copies. 

The bills paid by the Colony for the expenses of this session 
include the following items, which doubtless aided in delibera- 
tion and stimulated to action on the important measures con- 
sidered and adopted :t 


oredit. This was "An Act or Law'' printed hv Timothv Groen, 
and printed with the usual heading of the Royal Arms and in 
the regular form of the session laws. Vnxt instead of paging 
continuously after the acts of the !^[ay session its two pages are 
left unnumbered, and are not taken account of in the succeeding 
pagination. And further, instead of tlie usual edition of 1,100 
copies only 170* copies were issued. Two of these are now 
known to exist. Its title is: "An Act for supplying the 
Troops ordered to be raised for the special Defence and Safety 
of this Colony with necessary Fire-Anns." And it provides 
for sujiplying with g(X)d and sufficient arms each soldier 
who should enlist into the seventh or eighth regiments then 
about to be raised. A premium of ten shillings was to be 
allowed each soldier furnishing his own arms, or a like sum to 
any person supplying a soldier with arms. Then, if necessary 
to supply the soldiers, the selectmen were directed to purchase 
arms to supply the men inlisting from their town ; and further, 
if necessary, authority was given for impressing arms from those 
who were not on the militia roll, for the use of which four shil- 
lings was to be paid. Provision was also made for making 
paATnent for arms lost in the service. 

Another issue of bills of credit to the amount of fifty thousand 
pounds was authorized by the Assembly at this (July) session. 
They were to be dated July 1, 1775, and made payable on or 
before the last day of -Dec. 1770. These were printed by 
Timothy Green at Xew London, who appears to have completed 
the work by Aug. o.f He states the issue as 78,250, probal)ly 
referring to the number of sheets of bills and not to the bills 
themselves. Bills of this issue for two shillings, for two shil- 
lings six pence, for six shillings, for ten shillings, for twenty 
shillino's and for fortv shillings are known : and other denom- 
inations may have been issued. 

The Continental Congress on June 12 had issued a proclama- 
tion for a fast to be kept on July 20. The day was observed in 
Connecticut; but whether or not Governor Trumbull issued a 

• Conn. Arch. Rev. I. 322. 
i Ihi'l. III. (522. 

1-iO FICJini.\(i Till-; KKVOMTIOX \\n\L J'KINTKK'^ IMC. 

proelaniatiou for the occasion is not known. It is to Ijc pre- 
sumed that he (lid, although no evidence that he did so is found. 
Tlie GuveriK.r an<l Cuimeil of Safety, at a meeting hcM 
August IT, took the following action:* 

"On consideration of the scarcity of pork and other provisions and tlic 
vast consumption of it by the army, it is tlio't necessary ic. and for tli.- 
safety of the Colony that tlic Embargo laid and continued by the As-sembly 
to the 20th inst. should be revived and furtlier continued; and the Gov- 
ernor is advised and desired to issue his proclamation to lay and continue- 
the same to the 20th of October next; which was done accordingly and ■'^•nt 
to the printer. He directed to send to each town clerk and naval otliee iii 
the Colony." 

This proclamation was printed by Green, the official printer. 
at Xew London in an edition of 140 copies. f Xo copy is now 

In September of each year the freemen in each town held a 
meeting and expressed their choice of men to be placed in nomi- 
nation to be voted for the following April for Assistants, or mem- 
bers of the Upper House of the Assembly, each freeman having 
the right to make choice of twenty for the position. The result 
of the choice in each town was laid before the October session of 
the xVssembly, and the twenty who were found to have received 
the greatest number of votes were formally placed in nomi- 

Beginning some years earlier than this and continuing many 
years later there was issued after each October session of the 
Assembly a small printed broadside giving the names of ''The 
Gentlemen nominated by the Votes of the Freemen to stand for 
Election in ^fay next." 

While no copy of the printed list of nominations authorized 
by the session of October 1775 is known, there is no reason to 
question its having been issued as usual from the press of 
Timothy Green. 

At the session of October 1775, attention was directed to the 
fact that the listers in sundry towns "from a mistaken Appre- 
hension of their Duty'' "have, by ^listake, omitted to insert in 

♦Col. Rec. XV. 11 1>. 

t Conn. Ari-li. Kt-v. I. .122. 


the General List of Polls and rateable Estate in such Towns, 
made up and sent to this Assembly, the Polls of the Otlicers and 
Soldiers belonging' to said Towns, who arc abroad in the Service 
of this Colony, in the Army." '"Whicli to prevent," it was 
resolved that the lists as sent in should be received, and the 
listers in any town who had omitted to insert such polls were 
directed to make up and send in to the Assembly an additional 
list of such p<dls. Further, notwithsTan<ling the fact of the 
omission, it was directed that such towns should receive their 
proportion of school money upon the additional list. 

This resolve was printed at Xew London '*by T. Green, 
Printer to the Governor and Company," in the form of a small 
folio broadside. Two copies are known. 

Like many of the printed resolves of the time, this one bore a 
cut of the royal arms at the top, and at the end tlie printed 
certification.: "A true Copy of Record, examined by George 
Wyllys, Sec'y." 

The laws of this session were printed, in the usual edition 
of eleven hundred copies, by Green at Xew London. They occu- 
pied pages 413 to 415, inclusive, leaving a fourtli page blank, 
and comprised two acts each having the title "An Act in further 
Addition to an Act, entitled, An Act for the forming and regu- 
lating the Militia, and for the encouragement of Military Skill, 
for the better Defence of this Colony." The first of these pro- 
vided that the arms and ammunition of all "who are by Law- 
obliged to keep Arms" should be semiannually "reviewed." 
The second provided tliat every trooper should "provide himself 
^vith a suitable Horse and Furniture," and "Fire Arms and 
Accoutrements" ; and that every trooper failing thus to provide 
liinisolf should Ix^ discharged from the tro<'>p, and should then 
by the captain of the foot company "within whose Limits the 
?anie shall hapjxm" bo enrolled into such foot company. A 
penalty for neglect of the captain of a foot company thus to 
^'Hrull is provided, also a proviso for a trooper who is unable to 
>eoure needed equipment. 

On the fourteenth of October. 177.'., "Joiuithan Trumbull, 
Ksquire, Governor of the English Colony of Connecticut," "by 

'!■ ,■ 



and with the Advice of the Council, and at the Desire of the 
Representatives, in General Court assembled," issued a prot.-- 
laniation appointiiiir Thursday, Xovenilx'r 10, as a day of pul,»li(' 
thanksgiving. As had been the mifailiug eustora, this pr'xdama- 
tion ends with the invocation "'God save the King." In spitt' 
of the ''distressing Calamities, arising from the unhappy ^Mcas- 
ures the British Administration are pursuing with the American 
Colonies, and the Civil War which is brought upon us in that 
Pursuit: And also in the Sickness and Deaths which God ha? 
sent into our Armies, and many of our Towns :" abundant 
reason for blessing is found because (among other reasons) ho 
"Hath remarkably preserved our Troops, and the Lives of our 
People in some Places which have been cannonaded, and little 
Damage hath l>een done to the Habitations of the People in such 
Dangers." Prayers are offered for the King, Queen, Prince of 
Wales and the rest of the Poyal Family. "Sincere and hearty 
Praises to God" were recommended "For hitherto preserving so 
many of the Rights and Priviledges of this Colony, and causiniz 
so great Harmony and Union in America." Also prayers "'That 
God would inspire the King's Heart with Wisdom to discern 
the true Interest of all his People; guide and dispose him to 
such Measures as may happily t^nd to their Peace, Prosperity 
and Happiness: That He would confirm and increase Union 
and Harmony in the Colonies, and throughout America, upon 
the Principles of Virtue and Liberty." 

It bears no imprint ; but comparison of the cut of the royal 
arms at the head of the proclamation shows that it was printed 
from the same block as one printed a few years earlier by Samuel 
Green at Xew Haven, and indicates that it was printed at that 
place by Thomas and Samuel Green. The number of copit- 
issued is not known ; but it probably was about 040. Three aro 
now known. 

Again on December 19, 1775, Governor Trumbull from "tlif 
Council Chamber in Xew Haven" issued "A Proclamatii>n. 
which as usual ends with "God save the King." On this occa- 
sion it was "For a Day of public Fasting and Prayer" ''H 
January 17, 1770; and it opened with the following preamble: 


"Whereas it hath pleased the most high God, blessed forever, the supreme 
and righteous Ruler of the World, to bring upon this Colony, and the other 
Hriti>h Colonies on tliis Continent, grievous and distressing Troubles, by- 
permitting the Administration and Rulers of our Parent State, to make a 
solemn Declaration, that the Parliament of Great liritain liatli a Right to 
make Laws binding upon the ('olonies in all Cases whatsoever, — and in 
Pursuance thereof have imposed Taxes upon us without our Consent; 
deprived one of the Colonies of their most essential and chartered Privi- 
ledges; sent over a Fleet and Army which have engaged us in a Civil War; 
destroyed many Lives, burnt two of our flourishing Towns; captured many 
of our Vessels that fell in their way; prohibeted and destroyed our Fishery 
and Trade; hostilely taken from the Inhabitants on our Sea Coast and 
Islands. Live Stock, and other Articles of private Property, and threaten 
us with general Destruction for no other Reason known to us, than that 
we will not surrender our Liberties, Properties and Privi ledges, which we 
believe God and Nature, the British Constitution, and our sacred Charters 
give us a just Right to enjoy. — " 

"The Mercy of God" was beseeched '"to remove the awful 
Calamities we are under," "restore, preserve, and secure our 
Liberties," "guide the Continental Congress," "continue to turn 
the Counsel of our Enemies to foolishness, and blast every evil 
Design against us," and for many other worthy and pious 

Xo imprint appears ; but comparison shows that the cut of 
the royal arras at the top of the proclamation is printed from 
the same block used three years earlier by Thomas and Samuel 
Green of Xew Haven, and it was no doubt printed by them. 
The edition was presumably about 340 copies. Two are now 

The first action taken by the General Assembly at its special 
session held in Xew Haven on the fourteenth of Decemlx?r 1775, 
was the passage of "An Act for raising and equipping a Body 
of Minute-Men, to be held in Readiness for the better Defence 
of this Colony." The act provided for the voluntary enlistment 
of one fourth of the militia in each company, together with 
such other able l>odied men not enrolled in the militia as should 
desire to enlist, into companies of minute men who should equip 
themselves and "hold themselves in constant readiness to march 
on the shortest notice for the defence of this or any other of the 
t'nited Colonies." It is printed on both sides of an unpaged 


half sheet of the usual size used in printinj^ the acts and law;;, 
and has a cut of the royal arms at the top of the first page; 
but it does not have the regnal year or the short title of thu 
act at the top of each page, as was customary in printing the 
session laws. There is no imprint ; but the cut of the royal 
arms at the top of the first page indicates that it is the work of 
Thomas and Saniuel Green of Xew Haven. A single copy is 
known, which was fonnerly the property of William Williams, 
signer of the Declaration and son-in-law of Governor Truml>ull. 

The next business of the session was ''An Act for encouraging 
the Manufactures of Salt-Petre and Gun Powder.'' The act 
provided for a bounty of ten pounds for every hundred pounds 
weight of saltpetre manufactured within the Colony during the 
last seven months of 177G, for inspecting the same. f<jr the 
erection of works for its manufacture, for its non-exportation 
and for its purchase by the Colony ; also for a bounty of thirty 
pounds each for the first tAvo powder mills erected in the Colony 
under permission from the Assembly. This act is also printed 
on both sides of an unpaged half-sheet of the usual size and has 
a cut of the royal arms at the top of the first page. Unlike the 
preceding act, this one bears the regTial year and the short title 
of the act at the top of each page. It is without imprint ; but 
the cut of the royal arms indicates that it is the work of Thomas 
and Samuel Green of Xew Haven. Three copies are known. 

The third item of business of this two weeks' session of thf 
Assembly was the passage of "An Act for restraining and pun- 
ishing Persons, who are inimical to the Lil>erties of this, and the 
rest, of the United Colonies, and for directing Proceedings 
tlierein." This also was separately printed on both sides of an 
unpage<l half sheet, and in fonn and style was identical with 
the previous "Salt-Petre and Gun-Powder" act, and is evidently 
the work of the same printers. This act had more sting to it 
than any previously passed. It provided that any person taking 
up arms against any of the United Colonies, or inlisting int" 
the Ministerial army or navy, or acting as pilot, or supplying 
stores or intelligence, or who "in any other ways shall aid or 
assist them," upon conviction should forfeit all his estat*' 


to the Colony and be imprisoned for not more than three 
years. Any person writing or speaking against the Kesolves 
ut" the Congress of the I nited Colonies or the Acts and Pro- 
ceedings of the Assembly of Connecticut, "made, or which here- 
after shall be made for the Defence or Security of the Tlights 
and Privik'dges of the same," upon conviction should be dis- 
armed, rendered incapable of holding either civil or military 
office, "and shall be further punished either by Fine, Imprison- 
ment, or Disfranchisement, or find surety of the Peace and good 
Behaviour as said Court shall Order." Upon complaint against 
any persons that "they are Inimical to the Liberties of this 
Colony" they were to be disarmed and not allowed to keep any 
arms until they could satisfy the authorities of their friendliness 
to the Colony. And in case any convicted persons refused to 
give up their arms, the proper officers were "authorized to raise 
the Militia of the County, or so many of them as they shall judge 
needful," to assist in disarming such persons. The estates of 
persons who had placed themselves under the protection of the 
Ministerial army or navy were ordered to be seized and admin- 
istered for the benefit of the Colony, Two copies of this act are 

It was stated by the xlssembly at this December session that 
non-commissioned officers and soldiers belonging to the Colony 
and serving in the Continental Army were liable for poll taxes ; 
"yet, considering the Fatigues and Importance of the Sei-vice, 
and being desirous to encourage the future Service, and to show 
some gi-atuitous Token of Approbation to those who have 
behaved well, and served out faithfully the stipulated Time by 
them entered into," it was resolved that soldiers who served dur- 
ing the last campaign should be exempted from paying poll 
taxes laid on the list for 1775, and those who had already or 
should hereafter inlist for the ensuing compaign should be 
exempted from paying poll taxes on the list for 177G. It should 
be remembered that at this time a poll tax was not a definite 
stated sum ; but each man's poll was listed for a certain sum, 
and on this sum he paid a tax which varied from year to year 
according to the rate of taxation. This resolution was printed 


as a small folio broadside at New London by Timothy Green, 
in an edition of six hundred copies.* But two copies are 

The Assembly in 1T<)0 had established the "Norfolk ;^[ilitia 
Exercise" as the ofticial ''military exercise" for the militia of 
the Colonv ; but in order to act in harmony Avith the Continental 
Armv, which had "adopted the military exercise nsnally called 
the ^Manual Exercise as ordered by his Majesty in the year 1764, 
which is esteemed preferable in many respects to the said Nor- 
folk :Nrilitia Exercise, for the purpose of preparing the soldiery 
for real service," it was resolved at this session that the militia 
of the Colony should for the future observe and practice thf 
Manual Exercise. Commanding officers were directed to con- 
form to this resolve, '"any law or usage to the contrary notwith- 

An act was passed empowering "the Commander-in-Chief of 
the Army .... or any officer in the service of the said 
United Colonies commanding any detachment or outpost to 
administer an oath and swear any person as to the truth of any 
information or intelligence .... relative to the public 


These two, the resolve and the act, were printed together at 
Kew London by Timothy Green in the usual form of a resolve. 
They form a broadside of one half sheet headed with the royal 
arms. The edition was six hundred copies,! of which only two 
are now known. The paper on which they are printed is of 
a distinct blue grey tint, and on a copy which was probably sent 
to Governor Trumbull, Green has written "S^ This Paper is too 
dark but is the best I had for the Purpose." Evidently the 
paper mill established some years previously at Norwich by 
Christopher Leffingwell, and for one year subsidized by the Col- 
ony, was unable to produce the best quality of printing paper in 
sufficient quantities. 

The "Acts and Laws" of this session, comprising pages 417 
and 41S, were printed in the usual form in an edition of eleven 

♦ Conn. Arch. Kev. IV, ISS. 

t Ibid. • . ■ 


liurKlreJ coj)ies" by Timothv Green at Xew London. For the 

last time the reirnal year appears at the top of each pagt: and 

the cut of the royal arms at the head of the first page of the 

issue. The issue contains two acts, both of which have to do 

with matters revolutionary. The first relates to the sale by the 

Colony's treasurer of escheats, that is lands confiscated l)ecause 

their owners were loyalists, or lands for which no owners could 

be found. The second relates to the capture of any enlisted 

soldier or mariner who should desert, and the punishment of 

any person who should conceal such deserter. 

Among the bills for the expenses of this (December) session 

the following items are found : 

To Pipes & Tobacco 44^ 0^ 

To Tobacco more 4 

For a Barrel of Syder 6 

For three Stone mugs 3 

"Why such an unheard of consumption of tobacco ? Are we 
to suppose that all the members of this Assembly were con- 
firmed smokers ? Or are we to assume that Governor Trumbull, 
like Governor William the Testy, in the Knickerbocker History 
of iSTew York, was "wrathful and unyielding" over something, 
and had to be "gradually smoked into terms." 

An attendant upon this Assembly was paid for thirteen days' 
service and for ringing the bell. And as (Sundays excepted) 
there were but thirteen days from its first sitting on the four- 
teenth to its adjournment on the twenty-eighth, it would appear 
that a session was held on Christmas day. 

•Governor Trumbull issued four proclamations in January, 
1776, on the 12th, ISth, 20th and 27th of the month.7 While no 
copies of any of them can now be found, and there is no positive 
record of their having been printed, it is practically certain that 
they were all printed. Each is dated at Lebanon. They are as 
follows : For raising one thousand five hundred men for Gen- 
eral Lee ; For raising a regiment for service on the northern 
frontiers; For raising four regiments to serve until the first 

* Conn. Arch. Rev. IV, ISS. 

t 4 American Arch.. IV, 931-!;i:i.3. 


of the following' April around Boston; a second proelaniatioii. 
under insTructions from Cttngress, For raising a regiment t<jr 
service on the northern frontiers. The third named of these; 
proclamation.^ is accompanied bv a Idank form for enlistment. 
It is perhaps this proclamation and enlistment blank for whieh 
Ebenezer Watson rendere<l his printing bill under date of 
February 23 ;^'' the items being "Long proclamation" and 
"Enlistments.-' Possibly this bill is for the proclamation 
ordered on February 17, for raising companies for the !N'e\v 
London forts. 

On February 17 the Council of Safety "Considered, voted and 
pass'd a Proclamation for raising and encouraging'' three com- 
panies of ninety men each for the purpose of erecting ami 
garrisoning three forts in the vicinity of Xew London. The 
men were to act as workmen as well as soldiers. f It is to Ix- 
presumed that tliis proclamation was printed, although there is 
no evidence that such was the case. 

The Continental Congress on ]\Larch 16 set a general fast for 
May 17.t On such occasions it was the custom for the gov- 
ernors of the different colonies to proclaim a fast for that day 
in their respective colonies. Governor Trumbtill did so on this 
occasion; and on April 22 Timothy Green of Xew London 
printed 336 copies of a proclamation for that purpose. § It is 
to be regretted that no copy of Connecticut's proclamation has 
survived to this time; for it would be of interest to know if 
Governor Trumbull made additions to the proclamation as issued 
by the Congress. This document, issued "In times of impend- 
ing calamitv and distress ; when the liberties of America are 
imminently endangered," after acknowledging the over-ruling 
providence of God, implored "his assistance to frustrate the 
cruel purposes of our unnatural enemies,'' and '"prevent the 
further effusion of kindred blood." But if there must be war 

• Conn. Arch. Rev. IV, 187. 
t Col. Rec. XV. 24.3. 

+ Journ-.ils of tlip Continental Congress, vol. 4, 177G, page 208. Washing- 
ton. 190G. 

§ Conn. Arch. Rev. IV. ISS. 


they prayed for ''victory and success" "to crown the Contiiioiital 
arms, by sea and laud/' 

The proceedings of the General Assenil)ly which met at Hart- 
ford on ^ay 9, ITTT), and continued in session until the 
ciirhth of the following- month, indicate that its members appre- 
ciated the gravity of the situation they were then facing. It 
was made a season of preparation for what they perhaps believed 
to be the decisive year of the war upon which they had entered. 

On the day of their gathering for formal election there was 
the usual formality of a sermon preached before the members 
of the General Assembly. The preacher was Eev, Judah 
Champion, pastor of the First church in Litchfield. His text 
was ''Stand fast, therefore, in the liberty wherewith Christ hath 
made us free": and his opening sentence was, ''Home-felt joys, 
this day, possess our breasts, on account of the distinguishing 
blessings of Liberty and Freedom, which illustriously exert 
themselves, animating the members of this community." Fur- 
ther on he says, "fleets and armies have been sent over, com- 
pelling us either to disobey the divine precept in our text, 
or engage in a civil war. These colonies have nobly chosen 
the latter." "We are called to Liberty, one of heaven's choicest 
blessings to mankind." "In this dark and difficult day, you will 
consider yourselves as the guardians of our excellent constitu- 
tion, which has true English liberty for its basis." ''This is the 
only provincial, General Assembly upon this continent which 
hath not been harrassed and perplex'd by being adjourned, pro- 
rogued or dissolved by its Governor, except one, which was 
necessitated to appoint a new one."" "Our land is sacrileg- 
iously polutted with the blood of our fellow citizens, impiously 
shed by worse than savage hands. We are involved in the 
horrors of a civil war. Let your heads, hands, fortunes and 
lives be devoted and consecrated to your country's good." "For 
Heaven's sake and for our own, let us arouse my countrymen, 
and act up to the dignity of our character as free-born Ameri- 
''uns." With such stirring words as these did he incite the 
people to action. This sermon was printed by authority of the 

* Rhode Island. 


Assembly, within three weeks of its delivery, by El>eiie/.(T 
Watson, as an octavo pamphlet of 31 pages in an edition of .'<h» 
copies.* The subject heading given at the top of the [)rinr(d 
title page is ''Christian and civil Liberty and Freedom<l- 
ered and reconnnended." 

Verv early in the session, there was passed, ''An Act to 
restrain the Exportation of Rum, Sugar, Molasses, Salt, and 
other West India Goods out of this Colony for the Time therein 
limited/'t The exportiition was forbidden "'by land or water 
on or before the first day of Xovember next." A proviso per- 
mitted the governor to allow exportation upon application of the 
Continental Congress or of General Washington. One hundred 
copies of this Act were issued in the form of a proclamation. 
The printing was done in Hartford by Ebcnezer Watson, t. who 
appears to have completed the work on the sixteenth, only a week 
after the gathering of the Assembly. Xo copy of this proclama- 
tion is known to have survived. It is worthy of note that all 
the special acts and resolves of this session appear to have bei-n 
printed before the adjournment of the Assembly. 

As gunpowder was one of the greatest essentials for carrying 
on the war, there was passed early in this session ''An Act for 
the more effectual Carrying into execution the several Acts 
relative to the Making of Salt Petre and Gun Powder within 
this Colony." § After reciting the premium granted for the 
saltpetre manufactured in the Colony and the method of inspec- 
tion ordered in the previous acts it went on to regulate the times 
for its delivery and inspection, its delivery in proper packages, 
the proper accounting by the inspectors and the powder makers, 
the prevention of the use of impurities, the proper packing an.l 
dejivery of the powder and the payment of the bounties. This 
Act was printed by Watson, probably in the form of a broadside, 
in an edition of five hundred copies. ij The existence of no copy 
is known to me. 

• •Conn. Arch. Rev. IV, 1S7. : . ■-. 

fCol. Kec. XV. 314. " - 

tConn. Arch. Rev. IV. Is7. 
§ Col. Rec. XV. 2S7. 
II Conn. Arcli. Rev. IV, 187. 


The next business of the Assembly was a resolution to. encour- 
age the manufacture of salt in the Colony, After stating that 
salt was ''of great Importance ami Xecessity," ''and the obtain- 
ing the same in the usual Way of Importation, is rendered 
dithcult and uncertain''; it proceeds to offer ''One Hundred 
Pounds" to the person who, before the first of October 1777, 
''shall erect proper Works and Fats" (Vats), "'and shall actually 
make therein, the first Five Hundred Bushels of good merchant- 
able Salt." And a similar offer to the second, third and fourth 
persons of eighty, sixty and forty pounds. This resolve was 
issued in the form of a small broadside, of which a single 
mutilated copy is known. It was printed by Watson.* 

The next following business of the Assembly was "An Act 
for Raising and Equipping a Body of ]\Iinute Men, to be held 
in Readiness, for the better Defence of this Colony, and for 
Repealing an Act of the same Title made and passed by this 
Assembly, in December 1775." It provided that one-third part 
of the members of seven of the militia regiments and one- 
fourth part of those in the other regiments (the 24th only 
excepted) should be inlisted for a term not exceeding one year to 
"hold themselves in constant Readiness to march at the shortest 
Notice, for the Defence of this, or any of the adjoining Col- 
onies" ; and ''a Premium of Forty Shillings each" was allowed 
to those soldiers who "shall compleatly equip themselves." 
This act was printed on three numbered folio pages by Watson. f 
The numl>er of copies printed is not known, and but two are 
known to have survived to the present. Watson also printed 
and billed on the same date as the above act, May 27, a number 
of orders and inlistments as follows :1 

Orders and inlistments for minute men, 400 copies. 

Beating orders for Continental and Connecticut regiments. 

Inlisting orders. 

Inlisting orders for Continental regiment. 

Inlistments, 1400 copies. 

Inlistments for Continental regiment, 700 copies. 

• Conn. Arch. Rev. IV, 328. 
t State Arch., Rev. IV, 187. 
t Conn. Arch. Rev. IV, 187. 

152 F.oirr.NC. thk kkvo,,,ti..n wt.i pk.ntkr s ink. 

No copies of anv of these .re now knovn, aWmugl. it is quit.: 
poss We that of tl.e inlist.uents migl.t W: fou.d on a caret,,! 
exIn.i„a,ion of, tl.e archives i„ .l,e vario„s State depart,ne„„ 

"'^'I'tavi,,. l».en representea to this Asscnbly that sundry ,.o,-. 
so, »ere ■■■l„possing"-that is purchasing in large qua,, ,.,<. 
"h intent t.! sell again at a largely inc-cased pr,cc- r„. 
:,,tr n olasses, salt, and other West India goods .vuh an ,ntc,,t 
o export ,l,e sa,ne out of this Colony," an act was passed t u^ 
liddin. such exportation "on or before the first dav of ^ove,nl., r 
,T" A pro4o allowed the governor, upon appl,ca„o„ ,„ad 
b he Continental Congress or General Waslun.^on, to per,,,, 
I ",.oods neccssarv for the continental army" to be exported. 
The X -s de-sired "forthwith" to issue his procla,nat,o„ 
aocordldv -. and it was printed May 16 by Watson m an ed t,o„ 
of one hundred copies,t no one. of which is now to he fo,md 
The Continental Congress having resolved to omtt h.lU 
credit and that the thirteen United shot, d . ,„ 
p edid for the redemption of such bills, and that each Col 
pro^^de wavs and means for sinking its proportion of sa,d bdl. . 
TeXed to inow what would be the C^donies' respect,ve p.^ 
tions To this end the Congress on December 2G, 1 , . o, tecon 
rnded to the several Assemblies *o.-cert-n -d repo t e 
number of inhabitants in each respective Colony And so. p„ 
Ta't to a letter received from John Hancock, President . 
Conlrl, the Assembly at this sessio.i passed a -oln ion d.r c,- 
in .Ae selectmen in the several towns "at or before the fir.t d 
If^September next" to "take and transmit to" the governor 
of beptemoer ne persons in their respective 

particular and exact account ot all the per i 

rrof twentv\-ears from those ^.ho are above that age. 
:4s or wh;tl,;r married or single, those in ^^^r.A.i..:^^^ 
-able bodied men ^od^tbelong^.^ 
those who are now m actual hCiMce. 

• Col. Rec. XV. 314. 

t (--(.tin. Arch. Rev. IV. 1S7. 



act be forthwith printed, imd distributed l)y the Ke[)re6entative9 
in the present Asseml)ly."" It was printed by Watson on one 
sheet fokled so as to make two folio k'uves.f The first page 
contained tlie Resolution, the third ]k\<h' a form with Wank 
spaces to be filled in under the several headings — as, ''^Males 
l)etween twenty and seventy, married or single," &c., — for making 
return to the governor. But a single copy of this resolution and 
form has survived to the present time. Watson also printed 
*• Additions to a resolve for numbering the people. "t What the 
^'additions'' consisted of is unknown. Curiously enough there 
is no record of what was the Colony's population as returned by 
this census ; and but a single return has come down to us, that 
for the parish of Xewington in the town of Wethersfield.§ A 
census had been taken on the first of January 1774, which 
showed a population of 191,392 whites and 0,404 blacks, a total 
of 197,856. 

This May session of the Assembly was "adjourned by proc- 
lamation'' on June S ; and some time previous to May 27, by 
which time it had been printed, the Assembly adopted a curious 
recommendation or manifesto — the printer called it a proclama- 
tion. The opening paragraph of this strange document reads 
as follows : ' • • 

"Whereas this Assembly, in their present Session, have made many 
Preparations for Defence, against the increasing Hostilities and Efforts of 
our unnatural Enemies, yet considering the alarming Situation of the 
United Colonies, l>eing threatened with the whole Force of Great Britain, 
united with all such Foreign Mercenaries as tliey are able to engage, to 
assist the Execution of their causeless Vengeance on these devoted Colonies, 
and to burn and destroy our Seaport Towns, and to spread Eapine, Murder 
and Destruction through the Whole: In tliis Situation, our utmost Efforts 
cannot l)e too much, and it is tlie Duty of every individul, to contribute all 
in his Power to serve and defend our most important Cause." 

Therefore it was recommended "to all Persons" to furnish 
themselves with fire arms ; to all who were not members of the 
militia to form themselves int-o companies and choose officers; 

• Col. Rec. XV, 312. 

t Conn. Arcli. Rev. IV. .32S. 

§ Welles, E. S. A census of Newington. 1770. \W9. 



to all field officers to be in readiness to lead forth their troops 
and *'to encourage niilitarv Skill and evcrv warlike Prepara- 
tion''; to ''the Committee appointed to procure be 
made" to "use their utmost Diligence to proniote the same, and 
purchase in all good Anns for sale." And lastly as "The Events 
of this Year may prove most decisive to these Colonies" and '"the 
Blessing of Heaven" was necessary for success, it was "mcist 
earnestly reconmieuded to, and pressed upon all Persons," "in 
this Day of Darkness and threatening Calamity," to cultivate 
charity and benevolence, to abstain from extortion and oppres- 
sion, to repent and break olf from sin, folly and vice, to live 
together in peace, love and harmony, and to look up "to Heaven 
for Help, Success, Salvation and Deliverance, and with carefid 
Attention to the Use of ]\[eans/' trust in the Lord, and have no 
fear of the dangers that threaten. It seems to have been another 
case of ''trust in God and keep your powder dry." They would 
look up to Heaven for help, "and with careful Attention to the 
Use of Means" — such as fire anns and "every warlike Prepara- 
tion" — they would have no fear as to the final result. It was 
ordered to "be printed and dispersed, and be read and published 
in all the religious societies in this Colony." Four hundred 
copies were printed by Watson,* of which two can now he 

Although this recommendation was printed, and therefore had 
been adopted, almost two weeks before the adjournment of the 
Assembly it apipears entered on the official record of the Assem- 
bly's doings at the extreme end of the record, immediately before 
the memorandum of adjournment. And further, the entry on 
the official record was evidently made from one of the printed 
copies of the recommendations. This is apparent from the fact 
that it contains several minor errors which have been corrected 
with a pen in the handwriting of William Williams in both of 
the known printed copies. The whole recommendation is in 
William Williams' style and was undoubtedly composed by him. 
He was Governor TrumbulTs son-in-law and seems to have fre- 
quently acted in the capacity of secretary to him. 

♦ Conn. Arch. Rev. IV, 187. 



The public Acts and Laws of this session, comprising pages 
410 to 425, were printed at Xew London In' Timothy Green in 
an f(litii)n of eleven hundred copies.'^ For the first time the 
Royal Arms are omitted at the top of the first page, and the 
regnal year in the general heading, while in the headdine at the 
top of each page the words "Acts and Laws" take the place of 
the regnal year which had been previously used. The publica- 
tion contains twelve "separate acts, and nine of these relate in 
some Avay to or were occasioned by the war upon which the 
Colonies had entered. These acts are: 

For establishing naval offices. Previous to this time there 
had been a Collector of Customs appointed by the home govern- 
ment and located at Xew London. By this act he seems to have 
been superseded ; the governor lieing appointed naval officer, 
with deputies at several ports named, to enter and clear vessels 
and their cargoes and do other necessary business of the office. 

Giving jurisdiction concerning captures to the county courts. 
This action was taken upon recommendation of Congress, and 
undoubtedly refers to vessels captured at sea. 

For repealing an act against high treason. The act repealed 
made it high treason with punishment by death and forfeiture 
for a person to "Compass, or Imagine,'' the death of ^ the king, 
queen or heir apparent, to levy war against the king or aid his 
enemies or to counterfeit the king's great seal or privy seal. 

For altering an act prescribing forms of writs, processes, &:q. 
It was here enacted that for the future such documents should 
issue "in the Xame of the Governor and Company of the Colony 
of Connecticut, instead of "his ^fajesty's Xame'.'' 

For altering an act prescribing the forms of oaths. The 
alteration consisted in omitting all references to the king. 

For altering an act for preventing and punishing riots and 
rioters. Here again reference to the king was omitted and proc- 
lamation was to be made in the name of the ''Go%'ernor and 

For forming all the '"Troops of Horse" into ""Regiments of 
Light Horse." 

• Conn. Arch. Rev. l\\ 420. 


For increasing the penalty fur a soldier's disobedience uf 

For establishing the twenty-fit'th regiment. 

These acts show that the people of Connecticut were acting 
thoughtfully and deliberately in the steps they took lookini; 
towards separation from the mother country, and that they wert 
gradually, and apparently in what they looked on as a legal 
manner, withdrawing from their allegiance to the king. 

The printing of £00,000 in bills of credit was authorized at 
this (May) session. The work of printing was no doubr dfjnc 
by Green at Xew London. The bills were to be dated June 7, 
17T6, and to become payable January 1, 1781. They were 
directed to be of suitable denominations from one shilling to 
forty shillings, and £10,000 was to be of six shillings or under. 
Bills of one shilling, one shilling three pence, two shillings, two 
shillings six pence, three shillings, five shillings, ten shillings, 
fifteen shillings, one pound, and forty shillings are known. 

On June 11, IT TO, only six days after its previous adjourn- 
ment, the Assembly w^as again called together "by special order 
of the Governor," and it continued in session until the 21st. 

It seems worthy of note here, although the resolution was not 
published, that the day after the Assembly met it unanimously 
adopted the following resolution : 

"That the Delegates of this Colony in General Congress be and they are 
hereby instructed to propose to that respectable body, to declare the United 
American Colonies Free and Independent States, absolved from all alle- 
giance to the King of Great Britain, and to give the assent of this Colony 
to such declaration when they shall judge it expedient and best, . . . .*" 

Evfdently the idea of freedom was in the air at this time. 

Again an embargo was laid upon the exportation from the 
Colony of a considerable number of articles of provision, includ- 
ing the principal meats and grains. This to continue until the 
rising of the Assembly in October next, unless discontinued in 
whole or in part by the governor.t A proclamation to this 

*Col. Rec. XV, 415. 
t/fcj'/., 413. 


effect was printed by Watson,* no copy of wliich can now be 

A series of resolutions was adopted for furnishing "the Troops 
now Raising in this Colony'' ''with necessary Fire Arms, 
Aceontrements and Utensils for the Service." They related to 
supplying camp kettles of tin and iron ; to the delivery to the 
selectmen of the different towns, to be by them delivered to the 
soldiers, such fire-arms as had already been procured by the 
committee for procuring fire-arms to be made; to the delivery 
to chief officers of the companies of the fire-arms taken from 
persons belonging to this Colony who are enemies to this coun- 
try; to hiring or impressing arms for soldiers not otherwise 
supplied ; to sending to the governor an account of arms in the 
different companies, and to keeping an account of the cost of 
repairs on hired fire-arms. f These resolutions were printed in 
the form of a folio page broadside by Watson.t One copy is 
known. There was also another resolution relating to fire-arms 
printed by AVatson, but as no copy is known its contents cannot 
be identified with certainty. § 

A resolution was adopted by which the selectmen of the 
respective towns were "empowered and directed forthwith to 
purchase such Lead Weights, and other Implements of Lead, as 
well as all the Bar and old Lead, except Sheet Lead on Build- 
ings, as also all Shot as shall be found in the Hands of particular 
Persons in this Colony, at a reasonable Price, for the Use of this 
Colony." And a further resolution provided that if any per- 
son "shall refuse to sell and deliver such Lead, in their Custody," 
it became the duty of the civil authority "to grant proper War- 
rants for impressing the same, for the use of this Colony, to be 
paid for as aforesaid." This action was printed in the form of 

• Conn. Arch. Rev. IV, 32S. 

t Col. Rec. XV, 410. 

t Conn. Arch. Rev. IV, 32S. Watson's hill has the items "Re.solve 
respecting fire arms" under date of June 14 and '"Long resolve for procuring 
fire arms" under date of June 20. The latter is probably the one here 

§ Conn. Arch. Rev. IV, 32S. 


a small broadside l)y Watson.* A single copy is now all that 
can be found. 

Pursuant to a requisition from Congress the Assemblv 
directed the raising of two battalions of eight companies each 
to join the Continental Army in Canada. Each company was 
to consist of fourteen otHcers and seventy nine privates.! Beat- 
ing orders for enlisting these recruits were printed by Watson; 
and he also printed 1,700 inlistment blanks for the same pur- 
pose. Xo copies of either of these are known. 

On a further requisition from Congress the Assembly directed 
the raising of seven battalions to join the Continental Army at 
Xew York. Each battalion was to be composed of the same 
number of men as those of the previous requisition.t For car- 
rying this into etTect Watson printed an edition of 300 beating 
orders, one copy of which is known. Watson also printed 
for the same purpose 5,400 inlistment blanks. 

And for encouraging inlistments into these nine battalions, 
and a battalion ordered raised the previous May for service 
around Boston, Governor Trumbull on June 18 issued a folio 
broadside declaration, — it would hardly be called a proclama- 
tion, setting forth in detail the various ''Premiums, Allowances 
and Encouragements given and granted'' by the Assembly to 
those who -should inlist into these services. A single copy of 
this declaration is all that has come to my notice. It was 
printed by Watson, who called it a *" proclamation encouraging 
the soldery,'- in an edition of 400 copies. 

In order to provide for the proper officering of the troops 
raised at this time, and perhaps at other times, blank commis- 
sions' in several forms were printed by "Watson. First came 
commissions for Brigadier General, of which two only were 
printed ; then followed two lots of commissions for field officers ; 
commissions for Connecticut regimc^nts ; commissions for 
minute men ; and commissions for under officers, of which three 
hundred were printed. Xo attempt has been made to locate or 

* Conn. Arch. Rev. IV, 32S. 

tCol. Rec. XV, 41G. • 

t Ibid., 417. 


identify copies of auv of these oomniissions. Some of them 
could no doubt be found. These commissions are billed as of 
.June 14, 1770.* On the same date as the commissions, Watson 
also printed a blank form of bond fur ])aymasters of companies. 
I have seen no copy of the bond. 

And lastly comes a ''long; proclamation'' printed by Watson. 
This can be no other than the ''Proclamation for lieformation/' 
i:c. — as the original manuscript, document, now in the Con- 
necticut Historical Society, is indorsed — which has sometimes 
been called ''Connecticut's Declaration of Independence." It 
breathes a spirit of religious fervor, as might be expected of any 
document composed by William AVilliams, and a determination 
as well to maintain ''the Freedom and Liberty" they had long 
enjoyed. And "having no Alternative but absolute Slavery, or 
successful Eesistance ; . . . . [they] have been con- 
strained by the over-ruling Laws of Self-Preservation, to take 
up Arms for the Defence of all that is sacred and dear to Free- 
men, and make their solenm Appeal to Heaven for the Justice 
of their Cause, and resist Force by Force." This proclamation 
was dated, printed and published June IS by order of the 
Assembly. Two copies of it are known. 

After the adjournment on June 21 the two public acts passed 
at this session were printed by Timothy Green of Xew London 
in an edition' of 1,100 copies. One of the two laws here printed 
is an addition to a law for ''restraining and punishing Persons 
who are inimical to the Liberties of this and the rest of the 
Fnited Colonies." It provides that if any person shall be 
found to be in possession of goods belonging to an inimical per- 
son, or shall be found to be indebted to an inimical person, it 
shall be the duty of the selectmen to institute proper legal action 
under which the goods shall be seized or the debt collected for 
tlie use and benelit of the Colony. 

There are two varieties of this issue of the laws. One bear- 
ing Green's imprint and consisting of pages 427 to 4^0; the 
other without imprint and consisting of pages 427 to 429. 

* Conn. Arch. Rev. IV, 328. 




Whether both of these issues are included in the 1,100 copies, or 
whether one was a hiter reprint, it is impossible to say. 

There was also printed, doubtless by Timothy Green of Xew 
London, after the adjournment, but under date of June 3 9, the 
£r)0,00<) bills of credit authorized by the Assend)ly, in denomina- 
tions from six pence to forty shillings. They were made 
redeemable January 1, 1782, Examples of the denominations 
of six pence, nine pence, one shilling, one shilling three penct-, 
one shilling five pence, one shilling six pence, two shillings, two 
shillings six pence, five shillings and forty shillings are now- 
known, and there may have been issues of other denominations. 

A few days after this — you all know the date — came the 
Declaration of Independence, and the struggle was on in earnest ; 
after this there could be no retreat. It marked the beginning 
of a new cycle in the struggle against what the people looked 
upon as tyranny and oppression. And here we will leave the 
Colony ; only adding that the Connecticut Assembly never took 
any action upon or nuide any official recognition of the famous 


By SiMF.ox E. Baldwix, LL.l). 

[Read October 15, 1917.1 

On September lOtli, 1770, Reverend Ebcnezer Baldwin, a 
graduate of Yale of the Class of 1763, was ordained as pastor 
of the first Congregational Church of Danbury. His father, 
who lived in iSTonvich, rode over on horseback to attend the 
ordination, and took his daughter, Miss Bethiah Baldwin, with 
bira, then a young woman of twenty-seven. 

She jotted do\\Ti, on September 11th, 1770, an account of her 
journey to Danbury, and on October 1st similar notes of her 
return trip. 

They give a lively picture of the discomforts of travel in 
Comiectieut in the eighteenth century, and also of the customary 
modes of alleviation. 

It was still a new coimtry, largely given over to woods. Ten 
years later, a French officer, who served in America under 
Piochambeau in 17S0, was sent by him from Xewport to 
Lebanon, and speaks of it in his memoirs* as a visit to the 
'%rests of Connecticut,*' and as for Lebanon, he adds : "Siberia 
alone can be compared to Lebanon, which is composed only of 
some cabins in immense forests." Such roads as there were in 
1770 were narrow, rough and often miry. There were no turn- 
pikes, and were to be- none till a quarter of a century later, 
Fven in the larger towns, the streets were sometimes almost 
impassable. Tradition tells of a man walking on the edge of 
State street in Hartford, who saw a nice hut lying in the mud 
in the centre of the travelled roadway. Picking his way to it, 

» Memoires de ^i. le Due dc Lauziin, Ed. of 1822, II, 109, 170. 


and seizing the hat, he found a man under it, who cried om 
cheerfully, *''0h, I don't need anv help. I've got a good hor?o 
.under me and I can feci that he's just struck solid ground." 

With such roads, travelling was for the most part on horse- 
back. "Women often rode on a pillion. As late as ISOO there 
was but one pleasure vehicle owned in Fairfield County — a 
chaise in Eidgefield.* 

In Miss Baldwin's notes, a word is occasionally missiiiir. 
and the spelling, which was often of the phonetic type, has been 
modernized in transcription. 

In the trip Westward stops were made through Plebroii, 
Glastonbury (for the ferry") and "Wethersfield, on the first day; 
Farmington, Panthorn and Waterbury, on the second; Wood- 
bury, Xewtown and Danbury, on the third day. 

On the return trip, stops were made at Xew Milford on 
!M!onday; Bethlehem on Tuesday; Judea, Farmington and 
Hartford (for the ferry) on Wednesday; and Bolton an-1 
Lebanon Crank on Thursday. 

The travellers left Xorwich early on Thursday morning, Sep- 
tember Gth, 1770, and the journal of Miss Baldwin opens thus: 

"Thursday, 8 o'clock, left Xonvich. The first time I stopt was at Hebron. 
Dined at Uncle Post's. f The chief Topick of conversation was about goiiiL' 
to ordination. Eode from there to ferry. Ferried over. Xo horse Block. 
Obliged to get up, upon the ore. So the ferryman lifted it up, so that I 
got on." 

This ferry was probably that from Glastonbury to Wether:?- 
field. ^ - " 

At this time iron was found in Hebron, Somers and Staffor'l. 
and would naturally go to the smelters West of the "'great river. 

'•'Rode from there to Mr. Deane's. Tarried there all night. They receivki". 
us with a great deal of ceremony and complaisance, ^^'e drinkt a glas- •'' 
wine: then tea Avas carried round. We spent the evening in agreealil'' 
conversation. About 9 o'clock had a very genteel supper ami a glass t^' 
wine. When we (had) done, lodged witli Hannah Deane. Chatted away 
till 12 o'clock. Could not sleep. Extreme tired. Turned over and ovev. 
So tired and sore with riding that T wisht myself at home. After a wliiii" 

* S. G. Goodrich, Recollections. I. 13('.. 

t "Uncle Post"' was the husband of ^Miss Baldwin's Aunt Phoebe, an older 
sister of her father. 


jjot asleep. Waked up. Could not sK'eji. After a while got to sleep again. 
8lept till sunrise. Lay in bed till 8 o'clock. Tlien tried to get up. I was 
«() tired I could not get out of bod. Lay down again. Hannah laughed at 
!i>e. I, at last, with much dilliculty got up. Complained but little to 
anyl>ody but Hannah." 

This stop was at Wethersfield, forty-six miles from Xorwicb. 
Thf Dearie family were closely eoiineeted with, the Tialdwius. 
Silas Deane (Yale College, Class of 175S), afterwards prominent 
in the American Kevolution, at whose house they stayed, was a 
nephew of Ebenezer Baldwin's lirst wife, who was the mother 
of Miss Bethiah Baldwin. ]\Irs. Deane was a daughter of 
General Gurdon Saltonstall (Yale College, Class of 1725) of 
Xew London. Hannah Deane was a sister of Silas Deane"^ and 
of an age not far from that of ]\Iiss Baldwin. 

To resume the journal : 

"Ate breakfast. Felt dull about going any further. However I set out 
upon my journey about 10 o'clock. Rode to Farmington; oated our horses: 
drinkt some sherry. Rode to Penthorn. There we dined. Then got up to 
ride. Excessive tired. Wisht myself at luMne." 

Penthorn, or as it was commonly written, Panthorn was an 
ecclesiastical society in the town of FaiTuington, seven or eight 
miles from the center of the latter. The origin of its name is 
unknown. It is now the town of Southing-ton. The soil 
was unfertile. ''Poor as Panthorn" was a common saying of 
those living in its vicinity, to denote abject poverty.j 

Mr. Baldwin evidently became afraid here that with their late 
start they might not make the stop which he had arranged, for 
his daughter proceeds : . 

"Daddy said we must ride faster. I cut on, almost tired to death. At 
last got to Watorbury." 

This day's ride covered thirty-six miles. 

"There we put up. Oil, law! Horrible. Xasty. Drinkt some flip. 
Could eat no supper. Went to bed. Oil. bless me, what nasty siieets. A 
grt-at, old chamber. Could not fasten the door; felt afraid. Wont to bed 
Very tired. I got to sleep. Dreamed somebody was coming to bed to me. 

* Collections of the Connecticut Historical Society, II. 207. Slie married 
Ju-^iah Buck, Jr., in 1775. X. E. Hist. & Gen. Reg., XV, 29S. 
t Memoir of Rev. Wni. Robinson, 78. SI. S3. 


Waked up in a fri^'ht. Heard ptx^ple goinj^ about in the house. The ladies 
had sparks, I found out, so I got to sleep a<;ain. Sleep to sunrise. Tluii 
got up, ate a breakfast of fried chickens & drinkt tea, weak as water. W'f. 
set out on our journey. Rode to Woodbury. Stopt at a tavern; no oat-. 
Stayed a while; then rode 3 miles to a tavern. Stopt, oated, dined, drinkt 
some wine. Then rode to Xewtown. Stopt at a tavern; drinkt some 
cherry. Daddy went to 'Mr. ^Mitchell's." 

Tliis was Stephen M. ^litchell, afterwards Chief Justice of 
tlie State and Senator of the United States. He was a classmate 
of Rev. Ebenezer Baldwin, at Yale, and one of his confidential 
friends. He had been married the vear before and becrun tho 
practice of law in yewto\\Ti. 

"Mr. Mitchell came over to the tavern. Very complaisant with mc 
Invited me to his house to drink tea. I could not stay to go. I promistJ 
to make him a visit before I went home. He very complaisantly helped mv 
up on my horse. 

Keep on my journey till I got to Danbury; then put up at Captain 
Wood's. Very tired. Drinkt tea. Found people very kind. Got acquainted 
quick. Went to bed. Felt at home. Sleep well. Got up at 8 o'clock. Ate 

Captain Wood was a respectable householder in Danbury, 

W'ith whom her brother boarded and lodged. The latter, in 

June, had written about the Wood family and her possible vi^it 

to Danbury, to his sister, in these words : 

"I rather thought, when I was at home last, that it would make ratiicr 
too many if you came to Ordination. But I don't know that there will I'f 
any impropriety in it, if you come. Miss Lucy Wood, a young lady in tin- 
house where I quarter, is urgent with me that you would come. I lia^>' 
wrote to Father to let you come, if you can with conveniency. I gue-s 
Father will not come to commencement, but go directly to Danbury. . 
You must expect if you come to Danbury to be a good deal noticed A 
perhaps gazed at. for to be the ^Minister's sister you know in a Country 
Town is a considerable thing. You must therefore take care to beimvi,' 
circumspectly. However I need not caution you. Young women that ari' 
looking out for husbands have as strong motives to be cautious as Candi- 
dates that are looking out for Parishes.'' 

The journal resumes thus : 

"Dressed me. Went to meeting. Heard ^Ir. Camp preach." 

This was probably Hqx^ Samuel Camp, who was graduatt-d 
from Yale a vear after Ebenezer Baldwin, and had receuti/ 


l»cen settled over a small church in Kidgebury in the neighboring 
town of Ridgefield. 

The ordination was doubtless conducted in the way then usual. 
Tliere was plenty of good eating and water was not the only 

Kev. Dr. Lyman Beecher, in speaking of two ordinations at 
Plymouth and Goshen^ forty years later, says that the ecclesias- 
tical society in each parish provided, as was customary, all the 
kinds of liquor then in vogue, and that l)esides serving spirits at 
table, the sideboard in the minister's house was kept covered 
with decanters, and bottles, and sugar, and pitchers of water.* 

In the latter part of the month (Monday, September 22) 
^liss Baldwin started on her w^ay back to Xorwich. Her father 
had apparently preceded her, as his place as escort was supplied 
by a young minister named Benedict. It was probably Mr. 
Joel Benedict (Princeton College, Class of 1765) on his way 
back to the pulpit of the parish of Xewent in the town of ISTor- 
wich, which he was then supplying. This was the parish which 
became the town of Lisbon. In Xovember, 1770, he received a 
call to settle there, and the place was his home for many years. 
He was a fine classical scholar and in 1S08 received the degree 
of Doctor of Divinity from Union College. • . 

At this time he was twenty-five years old. 

His older brother, also a licentiate in theology of that year, 
Abner Benedict (Yale College, Class of 17G9), was engaged to 
be married to the eldest daughter of Mr. Xorthrop, Miss Lois 
Xorthrop, who became his wife October 31st, 1770. Both 
brothers had studied theology under Rev. Joseph Bellamy. D.D., 
of Bethlehem. 

Miss Baldwin's journal, which was written up on October 1st, 
1770, continues thns: 

'"Monday, 2 o'clock, left Danbury. Had for company Mr. Benedict. We 
rode to New iMilford. Vyon the road there was a man upon a stack of 
I corn who) drank my health as I rode by him. We put up at New 
Milford at Mr. Xortlirop's." 

This was Amos Xorthrop, 3d, who afterwards became a com- 
missary in the Revolutionary army. It was a Yale household. 
* Autobiography and Correspondence, I, 245, 240. 


IIo was of the Class of 1702. A son was about to enter cm^Hol^i- : 
and Lis two dauizhters l^oth married Yale men. 

The afternoon's ride to Xcw .Milford covered about tweutv 

"Thoy received us very kindly. We drank a bowl of punch; then we had 
chocolate for siiji|>or. Tlie hulii-s were free and easy to be acquaiiit<-c!. 
They seemed to know the heart of a stranger. Tliey made me very wtdi.uiiir-. 
I felt very nuich at home. We past away the evening very agreeably. 
Our discourse was upon the joking order. We went to bed. I felt very 
much unwell, when I went to bed. The ladies were kind; gave me some- 
thing to take. I got to sleep. Waked up; waked up; could not sleep: 
lay awake. !Miss Northrop out of complaisance lay awake to kci-p iiii^ 
company. We got to sleep about day. Sleep till in the morning. TIuti 
got up. Looked out at the window; in a fright to see it snow; dressed. 
Went down. Washed me. Drank a bitter. Drank tea for breakfast. It 
rained and snowed hard. Could not go on my journey. Felt well, in high 
spirits. Went to work on my catgut."' 

Cat-gut was formerly twisted by hand to malce shoe-laces and 

"Laughed and joked, and passed away the time agreeably. Dined. Tlien 
in the afternoon we had tea. I mentioned my being fond of honey. They 
were so kind as to take up a hive of bees. We had bread and honey for 

Very merry after supper. Went up (to my) chamber to bed. Laughed 
so much we could not go to bed. We had a very rakish frolick for young 
ladies. I can't say I was greatly pleased. 

I went to bed. Sleep alone. Felt somehow vapory and afraid. After a 
while got to sleep. Wondered what ailed me. Got to sleep again. 

Got up at 8 o'clock. L<x)ked out at the window. It rained. I could 
hardly keep from crying. Went down. Ate breakfast. Tried to be merry. 
but felt shockingly. Expected I must stay all Winter. To divert ourselve- 
we cracked butternuts, and ate. 

About eleven o'clock we set out upon our journey. It was extreme cnld. 
Snowed a little. I was almost frozen. Xo cloak, but a short, thin, -il'- 
one. My fingers ached with the cold. Mr. Benedict was so kind :i~ '■' 
pull ofY his mittens and give (them tol mc. I would not take but on-'. I 
was still very cold. I was glad to take the other mitten. 

0: Horrible bad riding through woods and swamps. Xo, none: we g"f 
where there was no path; no where, so we were obliged to make one. 

I followetl my pilot along through the woods. Riding luider a tn-i' I 
SQnudiow liidd my head back instead of forward. My saddle turned hack. -' 
that I fell oil backward. 0! Shocking: wliat a fright I was in for a l--"' 
minutes; but I soon found out I was alive and not hurt. Felt a little laiiit 
a few minutes, but soon got up on my horse and rode again to Mr. r.ri'..-'- 
man's. There we made a racon tavern." 


lie was of the Class of 1702. A son was about to enter ei,>lleire : 
and Lis two (.laughters both married Yale men. 

The afternoon's ride to Xew ^lilford covered about twenty 

"They received us very kindly. ^Ye drank a bowl of puncli; then we luid 
chocolate for sii{)i>or. The ladii-s were free and easy to be acquuitit'-ii. 
They seemed to know the heart of a stranger. They made me very weli-uiiw. 
I felt very nmch at home. We past away the evening very agieeaMy. 
Our discourse was upon the joking order. We went to bed. I felt very 
much unwell; wlu-u I went to bed. The ladies were kind; gave me some- 
thing to take. I got to sleep. Waked up: waked up; could not sleep: 
lay awake. Miss Northrop out of comjilaisance lay awake to keep nh» 
company. We got to sleep about day. Sleep till in the morning. Tii'^n 
got up. Looked out at the window; in a fright to see it snow; dressed. 
Went down. Washed me. Drank a bitter. Drank tea for breakfast. It 
rained and snowed hard. Could not go on my journey. Felt well, in high 
spirits. Went to work on my catgut." 

Cat-gut was formerly twisted by hand to make shoe-laces and 

"Laughed and joked, and passed away the time agreeably. Dined. Tlien 
in the afternoon we had tea. I m.entioned my being fond of honey. They 
were so kind as to take up a hive of bees. We had bread and honey for 

Very merry after supper. Went up (to my) chamber to bed. Laughed 
so much we could not go to bed. We had a very rakish frolick for young 
ladies. I can't say I was greatly pleased. 

I went to bed. Sleep alone. Felt somehow vapory and afraid. After a 
while got to sleep. Wondered what ailed me. Got to sleep again. 

Got np at 8 o'clock. Lo<:)ked out at the window. It rained. I couM 
hardly keep from crying. Went down. Ate breakfast. Tried to be merry, 
but felt shockingly. Expected I must stay all Winter. To divert ourselvi-- 
we cracked butternuts, and ate. 

About eleven o'clock we set out upon our journey. It was extreme cold. 
Snowed a little. I was ahnost frozen. Xo cloak, but a short, thin. >i'''>- 
one. My fingers ached with the cold. ^Ir. Benedict was so kind as t'- 
pull off his mittens and give (them to) me. I would not take but one. I 
was still very cold. I was glad to take tlie other mitten. 

O! Horrible bad riding through woods and swamps. Xo, none: we C"' 
where there was no path; no where, so we were obliged to make one. 

I followeil my pilot along through the woods. Riding under a trt-e I 
SQnit'how h«dd my head back instead of forward. 'My saddle turned iiaek. - ' 
that I fell olT backward. 0! Shocking: what a friglit I was in for a i'"-'' 
minute*; but I s<Mn found out I was alive and not hurt. Felt a little laiJit 
a few miniites, but soon got up on niy liorse and rode again to IMr. r.ri'':J- 
man's. There we made a racon tavern." 



This word ''racon" occurs several times in these notes, and 
seems used to denote a house which is not a tavern, but one 
where they sometimes take in travellers, for pay according to a 
reasonable reckoning, 

"Dined there. There was Mr. Story, a pretty, little, simpering scholar, 
niicrhtily complaisant; helped me up upon my horse, and I believed would 
have kissed me, but I was so tall he could not reach me. We kept on 
riding, almost frozen, till we got to Bethlehem. We made a very good 
racon tavern at Dr. Bellamy's. They received mo kindly." 

This day's ride was a short one of about eighteen miles. 
■ Dr. Bellamy was one of the leading theologians of his dav, 
and was settled at Bethlehem from 1740 to 1790. He was a 
Princeton graduate and received his degi-ee of Doctor of Divin- 
ity from the University of Aberdeen. He was supposed, Presi- 
dent Stiles tells us, to be worth £1800, which would make him 
one of the richest ministers in the State.* 

'■Drank coffee for supper. Went to bed. Lodged alone. Mrs. Lucyf did 
not choose to lodge with me. I don't know, but I believe Mr. Benedict 
sparked with her: no harm at all for brother and sister to talk together 
a little while." 

'•I got up at sunrise, ate breakfast. Set out upon our journey. I believe 
to Judea. I can't tell where, but I was for not making any racon tavern 
there, but went to a tavern; oated our horses; drank some flip. However 
Mr. Benedict would not let me come off (my horse), so he would call to his 
racon tavern, Mr. Storrs'." 

Judea was a parish of the town of Woodbury, and lay South 
of Bethlehem. 

'•He." Mr. Storrs, "was not at home. Miss Storrs came to the door, a 
very genteel woman. Invited us in very warmly. She was more than 
common genteel. She curtsied at every w-ord she spoke. I was very sorry 
I did not make a racon tavern there. I was resolved not to pass by tlie 
next racon tavern." 

By "Mr. Storrs" is meant, no doubt, Bev. Andrew Storrs 
(Yale College, 1700) who was then pastor of the church in 

* Stiles. Itineraries. 40.3. 

t Lucy Bellamy, Dr. Bellamy's oldest daughter, then a young woman of 
twenty-five and unmarried. '-.Mrs." was often used as a term of respect for 
Unmarried women of superior station. 


Nortbbury Society, a parish of the tawn of Waterbury. It 
afterwards became the town of Plymouth.* 

"The next ( racon tavern) was Mr. Xewell's. Tliore I was a mind to .sti>[,. 
A little poor liouse, and an old-fashioned niini.ster. They had eaten u\> 
most all their dinner, the old gentleman said, but he went and spread hi-. 
table cloth, set his meat on the table, so we niaile a very good diiuur. 
They were kind people." 

The minister must have been Rev. Samuel Xewell (Yale Col- 
lege, Class of 1739). He was then a man of fifty-six, an<l IkuI 
been for more than twenty years the pastor of the church at tIu- 
parish of Xew Cambridge, which is now the town of Bristol. 

''We keep on our journey, till we got to Farmington. There we stopt. 
Gated our horses; drank some metheglin. Kept on riding till we gi>t t" 
the ferry at Plartford. It was almost dark. There was a boatful of lii>r»'> 
to go over. I felt frightened a good deal; but there came two ladies that 
were going over, so I did very well." 

The name of the place where the stop for the night was nuule 
is not stated. Probably ]\Ir. Olcott, at whose house it was spent. 
lived in East Hartford. If so, the ride there from Bethlehem 
was about forty-five miles. 

"We rode to !Mr. Olcott's and put up. Ate supper. Lodged with a woman 
come from Lyme. She was very impertinent, asking me questions after we 
got to bed. 

Says she. Is that man a minister? Ah, be you going to have him? 

No, ma'am. 

Ah, girls will lie, says she. How long has he courted you? Three day.-? 
Ah, girls will lie. Is he settled? Is he going to be? Is he a good 
preacher? Where does he preach? How old is he? 

I don't know much about him, ma'am. 

Ah, girls will lie. So she went on, till I got to sleep. 

Before light she rousted up. Waked me up. I lay till sunrise. Got u\>. 
Drank a bitter. Rode to I5oltoii. Made a racon tavern at Mr. Colton"-'. 
Felt very ugly. 'Mr. Colton is a very tall, thin, homely (man); somehnw 
very blunt, plain-hearted; coarse in his compliments. I thought did not 
make me welcome." 

This was Rev. George Colton (Yale College, Class of IT.'^O i 
tlien pastor of the church in Bolton, ^liss Baldwin, who wa; 

* Dexter, Yale Biograpliies, •2d Series, 077. 


herself a tall woman, might well descriW- him as "very tall," for 
he measured six feet seven inches. He wore, until his death in 
1812, the ancient clerical costume, with cocked hat and enormous 
white wig. His savings, from a salary of £80 and thirty cords 
of wood, made him one of the more wealthy of his ministerial 

"His wife (was) a small woman, squint-eyed, very reserved. Got but 
little acquainted with her. Ate breakfast, however. Bid them Good-bye, 
for always, I hope." 

"Rode from there to Lebanon Crank to !Mr. Clark's. There I made a 
racon tavern. Polly Gaylor was glad to see me. Dined there. Got some 
of the Old Bachelor's pears." 

This Mr. Clark was probably John Clark (Yale College, Class 
of 1749) who was a practicing physician in Lebanon. '"Leb- 
anon Crank'' was a parish in the town of Lebanon, which 
is now the town of Columbia. The term "Crank," in Pro- 
fessor Dexter's opinion, was used on account of the crooked 
boundary lines of the society. f It had been for many years the 
seat of "Moor's Indian Charity School,'" out of which Dartmouth 
College ultimately grew. Dr. TTheelock (Yale College, Class 
of 1733), the founder and first President of Dartmouth, was 
pastor of the parish from 1735 for thirty-four years. He had 
removed to Xew Hampshire the month preceding Miss Baldwin's 

"Rode from there to Mr. Lyman's. INfade a racon tavern there. Drank 
a glass of wine. Ate some apples, and then rode home and glad was I." 

She had had a fifty mile ride that day, and well might be glad 
to look forward to a good night's rest. 

The diarist, who was never married, spent her last years in 
Xew Llaven in the family of her brother, Simeon Baldwin, 
dying at the age of 87, sixty years after her trip to Danbury. 

■* Dexter, Yale Biographies, 2d Series, 40S. 
t Diary of David McClure, 6, note. 

J Sprague. Annals of the American Pulpit; I. 308; Diary of David 
McClure, 22. 





." ' By SiMEOx E. Laldwix, LL.D. 

' [Read October 15, 1917.] 

In 1895 a paper was read before this Society on the autlior- 
sliip of tlie '"'Qiiatre Lettres d'un Bourgeois do Xew-Heaven sur 
1' Unite de la Legislation," which were published in Mazzei's 
"Recherches historiques et politiques sur Ics Etats Unis de 
FAmerique Septentrionale.'"" 

These letters, Mazzei says, were addressed to him by "one 
of the greatest men of the age" (that is, of the eighteenth cen- 
tury). They constitute a strong plea for the superior advan- 
tages of a single legislative chamber, under a republican form of 
government, over two Houses. Arguments are also included for 
freedom of religion, free trade, and woman suffrage. 

They were published anonymously, and the paper presented 
in 1S95 attributed them to the Marquis de Condorcet, but found 
no way of accounting for his masquerading under the name of 
a citizen of Xew-IIeaven. 

The object of the present paper is to give the explanation. It is 
to be found in President Stiles' Literary Diary, that repository 
of information as to American affairs of every kind in his day, 
which has now been made accessible by its publication with 
important annotations by Dr. Franklin Bowditeh Dexter. 

Very soon after the close of the Kevolution, the General 
Assembly of Connecticut chartered the cities of Hartford, Sew 

• Papers of the New Haven Colony Historical Society, Vol. VI, 263. 


Haven, !Micldletown, Xew Loudon and Xorwicb. In May, 
17S4, this was followed by the following Act: 

"An Act to enable the Cities of Xew-IIaven, Xew-London, Hartford, ]\Iid- 
dletown, and Norwich respectively to grant the Freedom of those Cities to 
IVrions living without the Limits of said Cities. 

Be it enacted by the Governor and Council, and House of Representatives, 
in General Court assembled, That said Cities respectively shall and may 
liave Power t-o grant the Freedom of those Cities to any Person or Persons 
living without the Limits of said Cities, and the Person to whom such 
Freedom is granted, shall, upon taking the Oath by Law required, have 
Kight to vote at any of the Elections and in any City ^Meetings of that City 
by which such Freedom is granted. 

Provided nevertheless, That no Person shall in Virtue of such Grant be 
considered as intitled to the Rights of a free Citizen of this State, or as 
acquiring a Right of Inhabitancy in that Town within which the City 
granting such Freedom lies." 

The next year we find this entry in Dr. Stiles' diary, under 
date of May 10th, 17S5 : 

"This Afternoon at a City Meeting, the Freedom of this City was unani- 
mously conferred upon ten French Personages at Paris — The "Mareschal 
Prince de Beauveau, the Marchalle Princesse de Beauveau, the Duke de 
Liancourt, the Duke of la Rochefoucauld, the Comtesse Sophia de Houdetout, 
the Marquiss de St. Lambert, Augustin Target Esq., the Comt6 de Jarnac, 
the Marquiss de Coudorset, M. de la Crestelle." 

It is probable that this list was the joint work of President 
Stiles and Josiali Meigs, of the Class of 177S at Yale, then the 
city clerk and formerly one of the College Tutors, They had, 
during the preceding Winter, collaborated in making the device 
and lettering for the city seal," and both took a warm interest 
in all that concerned our ally, France. Mr. ^[eigs was after- 
wards one of those who approved the course of the French 
Revolution to an extent which was thought by many of his 
friends to be at least indiscreet.f 

Of the ten Parisians thus made citizens of ISTew Haven, 
Condorcet was tlie most famous. He had been since 1769 a 
member of the Academy of Sciences, and threw in his lot with 
d'Alembert, Voltaire, Turgot, and the other philosophers of that 

•Stiles, Literary Diary, III, 140, 14S. 

t Dexter, Yale Biographies, 4th Series, 45. 



school, who prepared the public niiiid for the doctrines of tlie 

Charles Just, Due de Beauveau, had been Governor of Prov- 
ence, and two years before had been made a Marshal of France. 
He was a member of the Academic della Crusca. 

The rank in the nobilitv of his country attributed to him, and 
so also to his wife, was, I think, too high by one degree. 

Francois Alexander Frederic, Due de TAancourt, had set up a 
Model School of Arts and Trades at his chateau of Liancourt 
five years before, and afterwards was influential in promoting,' 
the practice of vaccination. He inherited the title of Due de la 
Rochefoucauld in 1792. 

It had belonged to his cousin, Louis Alexandre, Due de la 
Rochefoucauld, who died in that year, and had been eminent 
as a patron of science and letters. 

Itfeither of these dukes was the author of the famous book of 
moral (or immoral) maxims. That was the work of a Roche- 
foucauld of the seventeenth century. 

Elizabeth Frangoise de la Live de Bellegarde, Contesse 
d'Houdetot, was famous in her day as a leader in the social 
circles of Paris, distinguished by both beauty and talent. 
Rousseau was one of those who worshipped at her feet, and she 
w^as in her later years and until his death the amie of the 
Marquis de Saint Lambert. 

He was also an academician, and one of the Encyclopedists, 
who proclaimed the new philosophies of government. 

Augustin Target was, in 17S5, one of the leaders of the 
French bar, and also a member of the Academy of Science?. 
He was described as an Esquire, no doubt, because that is in 
ISTew England the traditional style of address in the case of a 

The Count de Jarnac and ]\L de la Crestelle, I have not been 
able to trace back with any certainty in the biographical diction- 
aries which I have consulted. 

"M. de la Crestelle" was probably meant for ''M. de 1^ 
Cretellc," a philosophical jurist, whose work on reform in penal 

t" '' 


legislation had been crowned by the Academy of Metz in the 
preceding year (17S4). 

While the burgess of "Xew-Heaven," then, who wrote the 
Quatrc Lcttres, was a French ]\Iarqiiis, he was also a citizen of 
Xew Haven, and had full right to veil his foreign rank under 
that appellation. If he misspelled the name of the city, he at 
least made a change which did it no discredit, and this society 
will not complain of an anticipation of the millennium which a 
hundred and fifty years ago turned Xew Haven into a o^ew 


By Rt. Rev. Einvi.x S. Lixes, D.D. 
[Read Deconiber 20. inio.] 

The lives of very distingiiislieJ men, bearing the name of 
Ingersoll, have been closely associated with American History 
for two centuries. Distinguished lawyers, judges, and clergy- 
men, holding high positions and rendering noteworthy service, 
whether of the Colonies or of the States or the Xation, are in 
the list. The family is descended from two brothers, John and 
Richard, who came to Massachusetts from Bedfordshire, Eng- 
land, in 1629, John, the ancestor of those with whom we have 
to do, was born in England in 1G15. He moved to Hartford 
after his older brother's death in 1G44, ten years later to Xorth- 
ampton, and ten years later to Westfield, where he died in 1634. 
His son, Jonathan, born in 16S1, the child of his third wife and 
his fifteenth child, made his home at about the beginning of the 
Eighteenth Century in Milford, Conn., and in that town his sou, 
Jonathan, was born, probably in 1714, and his son, Jared, in 
1722. With these two brothers we have the beginning of two 
distinguished families, whose names are familiar to all who 
know the history of Connecticut or the history of Philadelphia. 
They may be stated briefly as follows : 

Jonathan Ingersoll, the elder brother, was the fotmder of the 
Xew Haven family. He graduated at Yale in 1730, studied 
Theology, and while residing in Xewark, was licensed to preach 
in 1738 by the Presbytery of Xew Brunswick. He was ordained 
Pastor of the Church at Ridgetield, Conn., in 1730, and served 
that Church until his death, nearly forty years later. But one 
break in his Ministry at liidgetield is recorded, when he served 



as a Chaplain to tbo Connecticut troops in the French War in 
175S. He died at IJidgefield in IT 78, in the sixty-fifth year of 
liis aire, all but one of his family of ten children sur\'iving him. 
His elder son, Jonathan IngersoU, Jr., graduated at Yale in 
17(50, filled out a distinguished career as a Lawyer in Xew 
Haven, becoming Lieutenant Governor of the State, dying at 
Xew Haven in 1S22, very closely associated with the political 
movements in the State in the early part of the last Century. 
He was the father of lialph I. IngersoU, whose life was spent in 
Xew Haven. He was a distinguished Lawyer, United States 
]\tinister to Russia, and the tradition is that he was seriously 
considered as the Democratic Candidate for the Presidency in 
1S52, when a nomination meant an election. He died in 1S72 
at the age of eighty-three. He was the father of distinguished 
and well known men, Governor Charles H. IngersoU, Hon. Colin 
II. IngersoU, of Connecticut, Rev. Dr. Edward IngersoU, whose 
^klinistry was largely spent in Buffalo. 

To return now to the younger brother, in whom we are at this 
time most interested. Jared IngersoU was born in Milford in 
1722 and gi-aduated at Yale in 1742. Of his life I am to speak 
particularly, but let me follow his family down to our own time. 
His son, Jared IngersoU, Jr., gTaduated at Yale in the same 
class as his cousin, Jonathan IngersoU, Jr., in 1766. Sent by 
his father, in 1774, to England for legal studies, he was entered 
at the Middle Temple to bring him under the instruction and 
influence of the gi-eat English Lawyers of the time. Taking the 
side of the Colonies, he went to Paris about the time of the 
Declaration of Independence and returned to the United States 
in 177S-, settling in Philadelphia, becoming a member of the 
Continental Congress from Pennsylvania and a delegate to the 
Convention which formed the Constitution of the United States, 
a candidate for the Vice-Presidency with De Witt Clinton and 
receiving eighty-six electoral votes as against one hundred and 
thirty-one for Elbridge Gerry, and dying in Philadelphia in 
1S22 at the age of seventy-three years. Two of his sons had dis- 
tinguished careei-s, Charles Jared IngersoU, a Democratic Leader 
in Congress, who died in 1802, and Joseph R. IngersoU, who 

176 jAKp:r) ingersoll axd the stamp act. ] 

was ^Minister to Great Britain in 1852. There are distin^ishcd 
descendants in this family from Jai-ed Ingersoll, the Stamp I 
!Master, in Philadelphia still. It is, therefore, easy for us to 
follow down the two families, one descended from Rev. Jonathan j 
Ingersoll of Rid<:etield, Conn., associated particularly with Xew i 
Haven, aiid the family of .Tared Inircrsoll, Stamp Master, espe- 
cially associated with. Philadelphia. 

To return now to Jared Ingersoll, who established himself in 
the practice of the Law in Xew Haven, winning at once a place 
of large influence. In the year following bis graduation at 
College in 1742, he married Anna Whiting, eldest child of Hon. 
Joseph "Whiting of Xew Haven, a name very closely associated 
with the history of the town in that Century. He must have 
had at once a large practice, for letters which remain show that 
important business was entrusted to him from all parts of the 
Connecticut Colony, as well as from Boston and Xew York. 
The dockets of the Courts in manuscript left by him are many 
in number. The cases in which he was engaged had almost 
exclusively to do with financial questions, suits for money bor- 
rowed, attachments on property, etc. Our forefathers had no 
hesitation about going to Law, and Jared Ingersoll was retained 
constantly to look out for the interests of Clients from all over 
the Eastern Country. Fellow-lawyers, many of whom bore dis- 
tinguished names like Gold Silliman of Fairfield County, 
Governor William Livingston of Xew Jersey, James Parker of 
Xe\t York, who had oversight of the Postal Service, asked him 
to look out for cases in which they were interested, which were 
coming before Connecticut Courts. Besides the requests which 
came' to him in letters which bear well-remembered names, there 
are hundreds of letters in the collection from less known men in 
a great many Connecticut towns. There are also similar letters 
from Clients who bore distinguished names in Xew York and 
throughout Southern Xew England. 

It is to be said of nearly all the letters in the collection that 
they relate mainly to business matters. There is much in the 
correspondence which adds indirectly to our knowledge of the 
time and gives us a more definite picture of the way in which 


life went on in Xew Haven and in the Colony one hundred and 
fifty years ago. The impression one gets from reading the let- 
ters is that of a busy, trusted, high-minded man an<l Lawyer, 
whose professional services were in demand and whose advice 
was constantly sought. He must have taken a high place at 
once in the City and the Colony, and there is not a sentence that 
suggests other than dignity and tine sense of the duties of a 
citizen and neighlwjr and friend, not a sentence that any one 
of his descendants would wish changed. It is difficult for me 
to present him to you as a man living and working with other 
men, ent^'ring into the life of the Town, while one would gladly 
get back of the lawyer and official and know the man himself. 
Among the men with whom he was associated in College or in 
the Colony, were those who did much to shape the life of the 
time and the course of events in political and ecclesiastical mat- 
ters alike. He was a brother-in-law of Rev. Chauncey Whit- 
telsey of the first Church, for a reflection upon whose piety, 
when he was a Tutor in College, David Brainerd, as near a 
great Saint as any man that Yale has produced, was expelled 
in 1741. William Livingston, the first Governor of the State of 
Xew Jersey, a frequent correspondent in later years, Richard 
Mansfield, for seventy-two years Rector of the Episcopal Church 
in Derby, Dr. Hopkins, one of the three gTcatest Xew England 
Theologians of that Century, were in the class 'before him in 
College. Joseph Hawley, one of the most influential men of his 
time in ^lassachusetts, was his classmate, and AVilliam Samuel 
Johnson, one of the first Senators from Connecticut and lifelong 
friend as we shall see, was in College at the same time. He 
was, probably, in friendly or professional relations with most of 
the influential men in the Colony in the middle of the Eighteenth 

There was probably little in the twenty years following the 
gi-aduation of Jared IngersoU, in which he was making a place 
for himself as a lawyer in Xew Haven, of special interest to be 
recorded. The great struggle between Great Britain and France 
for the possession of the American continent was on, and the 
Colonies were sending great numbers of men to the French wars. 

-1, t 


A o-ood many of the men who were then to fight beside British 
soldiers, were in training, on the northern frontier of Xew Eng- 
land and Xew York, to fight against British soldiers tweniv 
years later. ^Miuor questions were obscured by the stniggk- 
with France and the questions which were to determine the 
separation of Great- Britain and the Colonies were hardly in 
sight. The capture of Quebec in l^oO determined the great 
issue on this continent and the results of the war were registered 
in the Treaty of Paris in 1703. There were questions of claims 
against the home government arising, and in 17. "38 Mr. Ingersoll 
w-iis appointed agent for the Colony to present and prosecute the 


Connecticut with the other Colonies had responded liberally 
in appropriations for the military undertakings, and serious 
questions arose between the mother country and the Colonies. 
The Home Government thought that the Colonies had not given 
very large sums and the Stamp Act was devised to get more 
money from them to pay for the war, which was regarded as 
largely for their interest, while the Colonies felt that they were 
on\his continent doing much to determine the question whether 
Great Britain or France would be the great world-wide power. 

As an agent for the Colony to look out for its interests Mr. 
Ingersoll was sent to London and he was there for about three 
years, returning in 1762. This appointment shows the high 
place which he had w^on in the regard of the Colony, and a still 
further mark of confidence was shown on his return by his elec- 
tion in 1762 to the upper house of the Assembly. He had 
plainly many matters of business committed to him. The cor- 
respondence shows that questions had arisen as to the cutting 
down of trees for masts for use in ship building and equipment 
in northern Xew England. Great Britain was looking out for 
naval supplies of this kind and guarding its resources carefully. 
Apparently they were floated do^^•n the Connecticut Kiver to 
Middletown, and there were questions as to whether careful 
account had been kept and instructions followed in respect to the 
number of masts and spars. 


He was shortly to go back to London, in 170 J:, on private 
business, and while there he was asked by the authorities of the 
Colony to act Avith the duly appointed Colonial agent in the 
questions which were coming up. lie was plainly in close 
connnunication with Franklin who was sent over from Pennsyl- 
vania in that same year, rather strangely as it seems to us, "^in 
the effort to make Pennsylvania more distinctly a royal province 
and so free from some of the difficulties which private interests 
had caused, an undertaking which Franklin soon abandoned. 

We may think of Jared Ingersoll as in the group of Lawyers, 
who were in the middle of the Eighteenth C"entury giving to 
their profession a place of new respect and honor. In the 
Colonies, up to this time, the Ministry had been the one learned 
profession. That there might be an educated Ministry, the 
Colleges of Xew England had been established. The Lawyer 
had not the place which was soon after and thenceforth accorded 
to him. I suppose the great growth of legal business only now 

Horace Binney has written that the condition in Pennsylvania 
was about the same as in Xew England. His words, '"From 
what I have been able to learn of the early history of Pennsyl- 
vania, it was a long time before she possessed any Lawyers of 
eminence. They were never wanting men of strong minds, very 
well able to conduct the business of the Courts without much 
regard to form. In the narrowness of the tradition, taken all 
together, the Constitution of the Provincial Supreme Court, in 
which the Chief Justice was commonly the only Lawyer, the 
total absence of every note of judicial decision until 1754, and 
all but total until after 17GG, has caused that Bar to disappear 
from nearly all memories at the beginning of the Nineteenth 

About the middle of the Eighteenth Century there seems to have 
^•een an astonishing development of litigation in the Colonies. 
^""0 one can read tlie Ingersoll Papers, with the correspondence 
concerning Lawsuits in respect to property, without finding very 
definite confirmation of what the historian Lecky has written 
on the subject. The Letters show that a great number of people 


were desirous of going to Law to collect debts, to remedy wronL^-^. 
fancied or real, and there is not very much said a})out settlin- 
questions out of Court. There was a disposition to strike verv 
soon after the warning or threat was given. One might make 
a long list of people all over Connecticut and quite beyond tin- 
Colony, men and women who desired to retain the services of 
Mr. Ingersoll and who were urging him to avoid delays. 11" 
had many notable Clients and was evidently interested in maiiv 
cases which were of great interest and importance at the time. 
"We know that the Colonies had many contentions one with 
another, and the spirit of contention would seem to have existed 
within the Colonies. It may be that the time had been reacho'i 
in Colonial growth, which comes in the life of an individual 
when he is more disposed to assert his rights and to be williii:: 
to fight, than earlier or later. One Writer, Tucker, says that 
in no Country, perhaps, in the World, are there so many Law- 
suits. Lecky writes that up to this time the profession of a 
Lawver was looked upon as in some degree dishonest and dis- 
reputable. Mr. Ingersoll must have been one of the men to give 
character to the profession of the Law, and high place belongs 
to him in what may be spoken of as almost the first group ot 
Connecticut Lawyers. President Dwight wrote of him as an 
Advocate, — "few men have excelled him in clear and compr*- 
hensive thought and strong powers of reasoning; and few men 
ever managed a case with more skill. . . His eloquence wa? 
remarkably calm and dispassionate; but was exhibited with ?:' 
much candour and fairness, as to be remarkably persuasive. 
Indet^i of the eloquence which is designed to convince, it wa- 
almos: a perfect pattern. The same candour and fairne-- 
appear>^d in all his deportment.'" 

J-nrr at this time there came a new and very great interest in 
the si^iy and practice of the Law, which Burke may be quot<"'' 
as having observed. Xoah Webster, writing later, in ITS", sah^ 
of thi? rime, ''There never was such a rage for the study of tli' 
Law. iz. infallible proof that the bu.-iuess is lucrative." In 1'--^ 
than £ Generation, at the outbreak of the War of Independeiic' 
and 11. -he establishment of the Government after it, the naiH'- 


of great and distinguislied Lawyers of large influence appear 
and come to the minds of all who have read the History. I am 
warranted in asking you to give a g(M)d place to Jared Ingersoll, 
here in Xew Haven, among the men who gave to the study and 
practice of the Law, a new position in the Colonies. The new 
ipiestions, which were arising Ixitween the Home Government 
and the Colonies, were bringing ]\lr. Ingersoll and others into 
personal knowledge of and association with gTeat English 

Mr. Ingersoll was in London watching the course of events 
and learning all he could during the discussions which led to 
the passing of the Stamp Act and the making up of the issue 
which ten years later was to bring the War for Independence. 
At the time there was very little appreciation in Great Britain 
of what this discussion meant, and of what the outcome woulct'l)e. 
It was simply a measure to raise money and make the Colonies 
pay more for the government expenses, as probably they ought 
to have done. There were great principles involved, as is often 
the case with measures which in themselves seem not to be of 
very great importance, and the way in which the business pro- 
ceeded and was concluded w^as especially irritating. Probably 
a different course would have produced the result which the 
Home Government desired wathout the bitterness and contention 
which came. There is no need of saying much about this for 
it is the judgment now of the English historians as well as of 
our own. 

ALr. Ingersoll had a position of special importance, however, 
as the accredited agent of one of the Colonies and as one of the 
two men then in London to be appointed Stamp ]\rasters and to 
come back home with full knowledge of the course of the discus- 
sion and to perform the duties of the office. There is reason to 
Wlieve that he worked with Franklin to prevent the introduction 
into the Act of some very objectionable and irritating provisions. 
It is interesting to remember how imperfectly Franklin and his 
associates in London understood the feeling in the Colonies on 
this subject and how they failed to appreciate what the reception 
'»f the Stamp Act would be. They made the best fight against it 


they could and havinir failed they accepted the result and assum.-.l 
that the Colonies would do the same and settle down and atur 
much grumbling use the stamps. 

London was not a good place where to judge the sentiment r.f 
the Colonies, even as Washington is now counted one of tli»; 
worst places where to judge of the political sentiment of the 
country. The government rushed through the measure with ;i 
sort of contemptuous treatment of the Colonies and of tlieir 
representatives in London, and it is said that the Stamp Ai-t 
attracted hardly any attention in England. The remonstrance uf 
the Colonial agents was disregarded finally on February 2n.l, 
1765. The bill was introduced without debate in the Commons 
on the 13th, sent to the Lords on the 2Tth, received royal sanc- 
tion by commission, the King being then insane, on March •2i.'n']. 
to go into^ effect November 1st. It was passed in the Comraoi^.s 
by a vote of 205 to 49 and in the Lords without debate, division 
or protest. Lord Grenville thought that much consideration haJ 
been shown in appointing as Stamp :\La5ters men who were living 
in the Colonies already, not sending strangers from Englan-l. 
Franklin named his Quaker friend John Hughes for Pennsyl- 
vania and doubtless, through his influence, Jared Ingersoll was 
appointed for Connecticut. Franklin wrote home the day after 
the Act was passed, "We might as well have hindered the sun's 
setting. Since it is down let us make as good a night of it as 
we can. We may still light candles. Frugality and industry 
-will go a gi-eat way towards indemnifying us." It is stranire 
how little such a wise man as Franklin or such an intelligent 
man as Jared Ingersoll and other representatives of the Colonies 
understood the feeling at home and the reception which the 
Stamp Act would have. It is an example of the inability of 
well-trained men, some of them called statesmen, to appreciate 
the deep and strong movements which come in the world's life. 

ATr. Ingersoll's name finds a place in most of the histories of 
the time because he heard and recorded the speech of Colonel 
Barre, which is said to have Ix-en about the only utterance which 
enlivened a very dull debate upon the Stamp Act. TowTisheml 
had asked, with something of contempt, ''And now will these 


Aiuerican children, planted by our care, nourished up to 
strength and opulence by our indulgence, and protected by our 
anus, grudge to contribute their mite to relieve us from the 
hi-avy burden under which we lie T' Colonel Barre who had 
served with "Wolfe in America, a native of Dublin, and a Trinity 
jrraduate, with a better understanding of the feeling of the 
Colonies, won the abiding regard of the Colonists by his reply 
which Jared Ingersoll wrote down as he sat in the gallery of the 
house and sent to Governor Thomas Fitch of Connecticut. 

"Tliey planted by vour care! Xo; your oppressions planted them in 
America. They fled from your tyranny to a tlien uncultivated, inhospitable 
country. . . Yet, actuated by principles of true English liberty, they 
met all hardships -with pleasure, compared with those they suffered in their 
own country from the hands of those who should have been their friends. 

'"They nourished up by your indulgence! They grew up by your neglect 
of them. As soon as you began to care about them, that care was exercised 
in sending persons to rule them in one department and another, . . . 
men whose behavior on many occasions has caused the blood of those Sons 
of Liberty to recoil within them. 

"They protected by your arms! They have nobly taken up arms in your 
defence; have exerted a valor, amidst their constant and laborious industry, 
for the defence of a country whose frontier was drenched in blood, while its 
interior parts yielded all its little savings to your emolument. And believe 
°"^ — remember I this day told you so — the same spirit of freedom which 
actuated that people at first will accompany them still. This people, I 
believe, are as truly loyal as any subjects the King has; but the people 
are jealous of their liberties, and who will vindicate them, if ever they 
should be violent. But the subject is too delicate; I will say no more." 

^Ir. Ingersoll said that the whole house for a time seemed to 
sit in a state of amazement, intently looking without replying 
a word. TJiat phrase "Sons of Liberty" was adopted at once 
m the Colonies and the organization played a great part in the 
years which were to follow. Air. Ingersoll little thought on that 
-Tth day of February, 17G5, what the "Sons of Liberty" in 
Connecticut were to do to him l)efore the year was out, and what 
au effective organization it was to be in uniting the Colonists 
against the mother country. The name of Colonel Barre was 
to live on in remembrance of the Colonists. He told the House 
of Commons, or the government, that if they would keep their 



hands out of the Yankees' pockets tliey would get on very well, 
a sentiment by all Yankees approved. 

Massachusetts replaced the town name of Hutchinson, ;j,ivfn 
in honor of its last royal governor, with the name of Barrf. 
The name is borne by a town in Vermont and probably els.- 
where, and makes part of the name of Wilkesbarre in Pennsyl- 

Xo reader of "American history can but be interested in notiiiL' 
the quietness with which the Stamp Act was first received an^i 
how little there was to indicate what a rallying cry it would 
make for the Colonies in that very year of 1765. It was countcij 
but a bit of routine business by the government and Parliamcni 
of Great Britain and it looked as if it would be accepted and 
obeyed in the Colonies or gotten about in some ingenious way. 
There was apparently no thought that the ofiice would l>e uupojv 
ular or that there would be any special difficulty about tht^ 
enforcement of the law. ]\Ir. Ingersoll of Connecticut came 
home from London with his own commission and other comnii?- 
sions for the fortunate men who were to have the emoluments 
of what was supposed to be a well-paying office : Andrew Olivt-r 
of Massachusetts, Augustus Johnson of Rhode Island, James 
jMcEvers of Xew York, William Coxe of Xew Jersey, John 
Hughes of Pennsylvania, George ]\[ercer of Virginia, William 
Houston of Xorth Carolina, Caleb Lloyd of South Carolina. 
Zachariah Hood of Maryland, and Angus of Georgia. 

Mr. Ingersoll reached Boston August 1st and the disillusion 
came when on the 12th, the birthday of the Prince of Wales and. 
a general holiday, large crowds wandered up and down tli*' 
streets shouting '"Pitt and Liberty I" and tw^o days later hiniL' 
in eftig^' from the Liberty Tree, an elm near the corner of Wasif 
ington and Essex Streets, Andrew Oliver, the proposed Stau'.p 
Master of Massachusetts. His stamp office was destroyed and. 
his house attacked, and before the month was gone the great 
house of Governor Hutchinson was destroyed by a mob. It ^\■a- 
a wild time in Boston and a very discreditable part of "''-^ 
historv. There was little discrimination in the violence of tli- 


iii<)l>, but the authorities could do nothing airainst the rage which 
the Stamp Act had stirred up. 

The Record as regards Xew York is given hv EHen Chase as 
follows : 

"The stamps for Xuw York reached that city during the sitting of Con- 
prt'ss and the stamp master, .Tames McKver^^, implored tliey miglit be lodged 
in Fort George at the foot of Broa<lway. This did not suit the populace 
and the coffee houses buzzed with plans for getting the papers into the 
keeping of the city. Finally Captain Isaac Sears, an ex-privateersman, told 
some bold fellows to follow him, and waited upon the acting-Governor, 
Cadwallader Colden, au old Scotchman of eighty, and asked him to turn 
the papers over. In the absence of the Governor, Sir Flenry Moore, Colden 
replied, he must be excused from action. 

Hearing this, a mob broke into Colden's stable, dragged out his coach, 
and seated a dummy inside with a bill of lading in its right hand and a 
demon in its left. The whole was then paraded before the counterscarp of 
the fort. In his indignation, it is said, Colden would have fired into the 
crowd, but was restrained by Gage. A bonfire had been prepared on the 
Bowling Green, and coach and all were speedily consumed. The mob then 
marched to the corner of the present Worth Street and ^^'est Broadway 
and demolished the house occupied by Major James, who had threatened 
to cram the stamps down the peoples' throats with his sword if necessary, 
and had boasted that with four and twenty more he could drive all the 
Sons of Liberty out of town 'for a pack of rascals.' But discretion appears 
to have been accounted the better part of valor and next day the stamps 
Were surrendered." 

The vears 1705-07 are outstanding years in our Colonial 
History. There prol)ably had been more notice now taken of 
the 150th ^\jiniversary of the events marking those years if the 
.great war had not engrossed our attention, for we have been 
keeping with great interest and profit, Centennial and Semi- 
centennial Anniversaries. In Connecticut and Xew Haven we 
liave special reason for recalling that year because Colony and 
City had in it special jdaces of importance. The passing and 
repeal of the Stamp Act, the agitation concerning it and its 
effect upon the relation of the Colonies to the ^iother Country, 
.irive to the years special interest. "While Tared Ingersoll was 
tlie Stamp [Master appointed for the Connecticut Colony alone 
li*' held a peculiar relation to the Act, having boen in England 
^vhen it was discussed and passed, and having received his cora- 
"lission there. 



Up to 17G5, notwitlistiiTiding some irritations, the reG:ar<l r,f 

the Colonies for the Mother Country was stroni; and the thou-ln 

of rel>ellion and independence was in few minds. There wire | 

wise men, who foresaw and prophesied that the defeat of Franr'.: j 

in the new World, which filled Great Britain with rejoiciiii:, i 

would mean the loss of the American Colonies. One of tlic £ 

later Historians has said that the fall of Quebec in 1750 niadr f 

certain a new Xation formed of the American Colonies. It is | 

very easy for us now to see how this worked out. As long a.> f 

the Colonies stood in fear of the French, firmly established in I 

Canada, making their way toward the great West and down tlir | 

Ohio and Mississippi Valleys with the Indian tribes as tboir | 

allies, the Colonies would naturally look to Great Britain f<.r I 

help. They were quite ready to raise troops, as many as twenty- | 

five thousand men, with large sums of money for their own j 

defence, but they would naturally look for help to the Mother | 

Country. » 

When Quebec had fallen and the domination of France in x\w i 

North and West was at an end, the fear of the French and th-^ | 

sense of dependence upon Great Britain were both greatly | 

lessened. A new era of prosperity with greater security of tlie j 

frontier came and the Settlers pushed out Westward all alon:: 

the line. If the treatment of the Colonies by Great Britain | 

had been more intelligent and generous, independence had br-fii | 

delayed, very likely for a considerable time. There wa.-. ] 

' throughout the Colonies, great pride in their British origin i\vA 

the connecting links in family traditions were strong. Tb'- 

policy of Great Britain, however, as has been said, was extrcm.-!y 

nnintelligent. There is little use of criticising that policy n^'.v. 

for it was quite as intelligent as the treatment of its Col<'- 

by France or the Colonial policy of any other Nation. CoIouk-- 

were to be used altogether for the benefit of the Home Country, 

to be exploited without regard to their own interests or futnr. 

development, ^fanufactures were to be discouraged that ('r<:'J 

Britain might do it all. British vessels were to be used in th-- 

carnv-inf trade that there might be no rivalry in this particub'* 


with the Colonies. The outcome was verv extensive trade with 
the West Indies and European Xations, which was nothing more 
than smuggling, in (U^fianco of unreasonable laws. One of the 
parting shots of Chief Justice Oliver of Massachusetts upon 
leaving the Colony as a Loyalist when the War of Independence 
came, was that smuggling was the foundation stone of the 
American Xation. 

With their energy, their skill, ingenuity and adaptiveness, 
developed under the conditions in the new World, the Colonies 
were getting on very well with scant regard for British Nav- 
igation Regulations or the ordinary requirements of British 
Law. The security of the Mother Country was largely in the 
fact that there were no end of controversies between the Colonies, 
jealousies and rivalries, questions of boundaries, and many 
others. The w^ell-desigiicd L^nion between the Colonies, sug- 
gested by Franklin in the Albany Conference in 1754 for mutual 
protection and regard for common interests, had failed to receive 
favor when it was presented to the Colonies for approval. These 
disputes and jealousies are hardly recognized by most of us as 
we study this period of our National Life. 

The fruits of the victory of Wolfe over Montcalm on the 
Plains of Abraham in 1759 were determined in the Peace of 
Paris in 1763, and the Colonies had no more need of looking to 
the Mother Country for help against the French or the Indians. 
The new World was their own, and with new vigor and hopes 
they set about taking possession of it. There was irritation 
which, if not removed, would cert.ninly make trouble, but having 
made disobedience of the Laws of the ^Mother Country respecta- 
hle, they would get on. 

The debt of Great Britain, incurred because of the French 
Wars, liad grown to a large amount and was counted a great 
burden. It was all together only about what Great Britain is 
•'^[lending each month in the present War, but, it was a great sum 
then. And English Statesmen, so called, set about devising a 
■'^'■heme to make the Colonies boar a considerable part of this 
del)t. So the controversies began with the Stamp Act as the 


outcome iu this year of 17G5, with a stirring up of ill will un 
the part of the Colonies towards Great Britain from which then 
was no going back. 

Of the legal questions suggested by the Stamp Act, the riuhr 
to tax the Colonies in this way, I am nut fitted to speak, nur i- 
it necessary. 1 have always supposed that while there wu.s a 
great question involved and while a good case might be made <>ui 
for the Colonies, that the difficulty for them w^as somewhat 
exaggerated. I have supposed that a good deal could be sai<! 
for the propriety of the demand of the Home Government thai 
the Colonies should pay more into the Common Treasury, 
towards the debt incurred in the French AVars, and for the com- 
mon protection. The requirement of Government stamps has 
been generally counted a fair way of taxation, as we rememl)frr 
from the Civil War and the Spanish War. For the stui)idit,v 
of those who forced the Stamp Act through, with scant consider- 
ation for the feeling in the Colonies, nothing can be said. 
Agents of the British Government had been through the Colonies. 
observing the increase in wealth and resources, and their report- 
made the Home Government feel sure that the Colonies couM 
be fairly taxed. Eight million Englishmen were bearing the 
ISTational debt of about $750,000,000, while two million Ameri- 
cans bad reduced their debt to about $4,000,000. It was pro- 
posed to raise about $500,000 through the Stamp Act. The 
Colonies had provided no less than twenty-five thousand men aii'i 
large sums of money for their equipment and support iu the 
French Wars. The money had come from Grants from tlie 
Colonies and not by taxation under order from the Home (i"V- 
erninent. In the Colonies a distinction was made between tli-- 
right to ask the Colonies for money as a free gift, and interna! 
taxation, which last they claimed was entirely their own concern- 
They could make out a good case through precedents made hy 
their own History. They found a staunch defender in ^Ir. rirt. 
who said that the Kingdom had no right to lay a tax on tiie 
Colonies, that taxation was no part of tlie governing or legisl.i- 
tive power, that taxes were a voluntary gift, a Grant of th-' 
Commons alone, and that the distinction between legislation an'' 



taxation was iiecesssary for the preservation of liberty, and that 
the Colonial Assemblies represented the Commons in the Colo- 
nies. That principle was dear to all English lovers of libertv, 
for rights had always been gained by the necessity of Kings 
coming to Parliament to obtain money, compelled to make 
concessions to get it. 

The principle of the Stamp Act might be defended but there 
was very much that was irritating and unnecessary in its appli- 
cation and enforcement. The Colonies were well informed as 
to what was being planned in England, and were preparing to 
put in their case through their Agents there. It is inter- 
esting to know that Jared Ingersoll, as stated in the Connecticut 
Public Eecords, March lOtli, 1764, was associated with Ebenezer 
Silliman, Grandfather of Prof. Benjamin Silliman, and George 
Wyllys, Secretary of the Colony, to assist Governor Fitch in 
making out the Connecticut case against the proposed Stamp 
Act It was the Connecticut tradition, that its presentation of 
the case was regarded in London as particularly strong. 

Mr, Ingersoll, on arriving in London in the latter part of 1764, 
bad worked hard with the Agent of the Connecticut Colony, ^h\ 
Richard Jackson, and in close association with Benjamin 
Franklin and others, to prevent the passage of the Stamp Act. 
They represented the feeling in the Colonies as well as the 
principles which were involved. It is believed that Mr. Inger- 
soll had part in inducing the Governni^nt to modify some pro- 
visions in the Act which were especially irritating. There was 
no hope of preventing the passage of the Act, and it would seem 
that in the Colonies the opposition developed more strongly than 
the Colonial Representatives in London appreciated. They 
knew the strong opposition to it, but they could hardly have 
known how far the Colonies would go in detianee of the proposed 
action of the British Goveniment. Scant regard was paid to 
their representations although they had strong men in sympathy 
with them, in ^Villiam Pitt, Captain Barre, Edmund Burke, 
Conway, and others. The Government had determined the 
course it would take and nothing could change it. The Stamp 
Act was finally passed in ]\[arch, 1763, to go into operation in 


Xovember 1st of that year. The Colonies had stated their case 
and made their plea as well, prol>al>ly, as it could be done, ain! 
the step was taken which wijuld lead, whether men knfnv it or 
not, to a breach between the Colonies and the Mother Country 
which woidd never be healed. 

It seems quite certain that Benjamin Franklin advised Mr. 
Ingersoll to accept the Office of Stamp blaster for the Cuii- 
necticut Colony, and very likely the Colonial liepresentativr--; 
had some influence in the endeavor to make the appointments in 
all the Colonies, such as to make the operation of the Law less 
irritating. !Men from the Colonies were chosen, as likely to I'C 
more acceptable than men sent over from England. Some let- 
ters of Mr. Ingersoll, written during the ten months of his stay 
in London, have been preserved. Some of them have to do witli 
the details of his personal life. Other letters, which were writ- 
ten to friends in rather a free way, expressing his opinions and 
thoughts about the business in which ho was in London, ma'lt:- 
him much trouble afterward. They were misunderstood and 
misinterpreted and represented him as less zealous in repre- 
senting the feeling in the Colony than was desired at home. 
Such use of letters, which were in the nature of private 
correspondence, seemed to him later, on his return, to require 
the defence which he made for his course of conduct. The 
impression left from all we can learn is that he was a faithlul 
servant of the Colony, trying to represent it fairly while n'lt 
appreciating the development of fierce hatred of the Govern- 
ment, not expecting any such opposition as came. So he wa^ 
back home again in August, 1705, three months before the hated 
Stamp Act was to come into operation. He found all the Colo- 
nies in a state of gi-eat excitement and probably beyond auythiutr 
of which he dreamed. 

In May, under the inspiration of Patrick Henry, resolution- 
had been presented to the Virginia Colonial Assembly which wt-iv 
very strong in their denunciation of the Stamp Act and threat- 
eninir in their tone. They were modified before they went on' 
as the OtHcial Act of the Assembly, but the original draft ha'J 
found its wav throuiih the Xorthern Colonies and was by souk^ 


supposed to bo the otiicial action of Vir<rinia and it found 
everywhere a response. There was violence in many places. 
The appointed Stamp Masters found it impossible to exercise 
their Office. The stamps to the different Colonies were not 
received. Some were destroyed. Some were left under control 
of the Koyal Authorities with the promise that they should not 
he used. The distribution of the stamps was impossible. A 
mob in Boston had destroyed the building which Andrew Oliver, 
tlie appointed Stamp !^[aster, intended to use. The great house 
of Governor Thomas Hutchinson, last of the lioyal Governors 
of Alassachusetts, was destroyed with the irreparable loss of his- 
torical papers and documents which he had been gathering for 
thirty years. Stamp Masters had sent in their resignations. 
!^[en who had asked for appointments were disclaiming ever 
having wished to hold such an unpopular Otiice. Stamp Masters 
ever^'where were hung in effig}' and representations of them 
burned. We have been accustomed to call it the exhibition 
of Patriotism, even as we learned out of the old school-books, but 
tbere is much in the record that we would all wish could be 
blotted out. 

Less than a year before, Jared Ingersoll had gone away with 
a commission by the Colony to defend its interests, a distin- 
guished and honored Lawyer, an outstanding citizen and public 
man in the Colony, already at the age of forty-three having made 
a large place for himself witli the prospect of a still gi'eater 
career in his profession and in his public life before him. His 
sympathies were with his Colony and he had doubtless done his 
very best to represent it truly and he had a right to feel that in the 
presence of' the inevitable, he had done all that any man could to 
make it easier to obey the new Law, making it less irritating and 
burdensome; and now he came back to find his old neighbors 
hostile and threatening, person and property alike in danger. 
It must have been a very hard experience for a dignified, high- 
spirited man, conscious of his integi'ity and high purposes. 
There were those, doubtless, who had s^mipathy for him but they 
were helpless. Old friends did hot desert him nor forget how 
he had lived amomr them and served them, Inu there was the 


thoughtless crowd to make his life uncomfortable or worse. The 
resigTiation of his Office was doinauded by the people, th'.- 
majority probably, and no man of self-respect likes to yield to the 
crowd or the mob under fear of violence. The question imme- 
diately arose as to whom a resig-nation could be given. It was 
an appointment from the British Government, not from tlic 
Colony itself. Some Stamp Masters had been almost abject in 
declaring that they would never exercise the OtHce. Mr. IngiT- 
soll's regard for Law must have led him to wish to act under 
Law rather than under force, and the only Body to whom he 
could turn was the Colonial Assembly, then in session at Hart- 

Of the scenes accompanying the resignation of the Office of 
Stamp [Master, I do not care to speak at length. It is not a 
very creditable page in our History although we may be most 
glad that it was not marked by the violence and brutality which 
are recorded elsewhere. On horseback Mr. Ingersoll started for 
Hartford over the road on which he had doubtless gone many 
times in the practice of his profession or the performance of 
official duties, by way of ]Middletown, I suppose, and the We.-t 
side of the Eiver thereafter. It is a familiar story of the way 
in which a company of five hundred men on horseback, gathercii 
inainly from the Eastern part of the State, fell in with him and 
accompanied him, demanding when Wetherstield was reached 
that he should resign his Office and only satistied when he had 
written out his resignation which he said he would present to the 
xVssembly at Hartford. , This company of men seems to have 
been under the command of Major John Durkee of Xorwich, a 
prominent officer in the Connecticut ]\Iilitia, of whom on-- 
reads later in tlie story of the Battle of Bunker Hill. It i? 
said that General Putnam would have had the direction of thi:^ 
company of men but for illness. The eastern part of the Colony 
seems to have provided these men' and to have been the part in 
which the Sons of Liberty were most numerous and l)e3t organ- 
ized. Why it was so I do not quite understand. I do not kno\v 
that when the War came on there was any particular distinction 
l)etween the ditl"rreut parts of Connecticut, some Loyalists every- 

JAKKI) 1N(;KI:s0LT, and TIII. SlAMl* ACT. J^'^ 

wlicre but substantial unity for the Colonial cause. Very 
rrluftant to vield to force but recordi'd as saying that the Office 
was nut worth dying for, ^[r. IngersoU promised his resignation, 
;ind the men, having been satisfied, the dinner was eaten, nt 
Wftherstield, and the procession to Hartford continued with 
trumpeters going before, and there the act of resignation was 
fompleted. One cannot forbear repeating the pleasantry of 
Jared IngersoU, mounted on his white horse, when asked how it 
seemed to be so conducted, that he had a clearer idea than ever 
before of that passage in the Book of the Revelation which 
describes Death on a pale horse and all Hell following. The 
dinner at AVethersfield, which followed 'Mv. Ingersoll's promise 
of resignation, seems to have been eaten with general good feel- 
iuir. The men who forced the resignation were not exactly 
lawless with the vicious spirit of similar companies of men in 
other Colonies. I suppose, however, that some of them were 
.«;uch men as are spoken of in Holy Scripture as of "the baser 
sort." I quote from Horace Binney on the subject because 
with his intimacy with Jared IngersoU, Jr., very likely he kiiew 
the tradition which survived in the family. 

"This Mas the first and perhaps the best conducted case of Lynch Law 
that lawbooks report. It shed no blood, it broke no bones, and it accom- 
iiKidated the constituted authorities to their heart's content. The Stamp 
Act was dead and the death could not be laid at their door. A striking 
f<ature to disprove personal malice on any side was this, that, although 
allidavits were taken and filed, and some show made of calling out the 
judicial authorities, :Mr. IngersoU named no names, though he knew the 
l-aders as well as they knew him. Such a contest would ordinarily have 
•iriven the weaker Party into exile, or the extremity of opposition, but in 
tins case it did neither! :SIr. IngersoU was loyal to the British Constitu- 
tion and to the Crown, as were liundreds of thousands of the Colonists in 
til.- same day; but he never was a Loyalist in the special sense, and his 
r'fu>al to surrender his commission except by the application of his major 
•li'l not alienate the people from him nor him hi>in tl.em. He remained in 
lii> natal homestead, but during the ten year's of irritate.l pride on one and of dogged contumacy on the other, which intervened between the 
r-i-eal of the Stamp Act and the Declaration of Independence, he was more 
"t an observer than an actor." , i 

^[r. IngersoU took up his duties again in Xew Haven and 
dicrc are manv letters to show that he had not forfeited the 

104 jAi.'K.n iX(;KnsoLL axd the sTA^^p act. 

respect of his old friends. While in the contentions wliich f,]- 
lowed he. could not be called a Loyalist of the most devoted kind, 
he conld not take his place with old friends like Roger Shernuin. 
Gov. Livingston, Gold Silliman, in complete service of iL..- 
Colonial cause. At a critical time there are always men wh.. 
do not see their way to take sides without reserve, whether f .r 
King or Parliament in the middle of the Seventeenth Century,..: 
for King or Colony in the third quarter of the Eighteenth Con- 
tury, or for Xorth or South in our own Civil War, and they ar- 
likely to he unjustly judged as the passions of men are arous.-i 
and unreserved decision for one side or the other seems necessary. 
I like to think that, however strongly men felt in Connecticut 
at this time, houses were not destroyed nor men put in danger '■:' 
their lives. The case of William Samuel Johnson, first Senat' r 
from the State, is a striking example of the fair judgment ■ : 
our people at the time, and I suppose Jared IngersolFs positiijii 
must have been nnich the same. 

Jared Ingersoll and William Samuel Johnson, who succeeded 
his father as the second President of King's or Columbia Colic::' 
in 17ST, were friends and correspondents from their college da_v-. 
It is a strange thing that two men who probably thought ver} 
much alike as regards the relation of the mother country ai;' 
the Colonies should have such different fortunes. Xeither oi.- 
could stand for the Colonies or the King in an unqualified wa;> . 
while both were good servants of their own Colony in its cor- 
troversies with the British government. As we have seen, ^li". 
Ingersoll returned to find his people bitterly hostile, old frioii.:- 
alienated, and retirement from public life necessary, and tr. _■ 
do'vVn to his death at the age of fifty-nine under a cloud • 
suspicion and disappointment. ]Mr. Johnson came back fi'' 
London, whither he had gone to represent the Colony in *: 
question of the Mohegan Lands, to be enthusiastically receiv- 
in the Colony and with the testimonial of the thanks of the (>■ 
eral Assembly for his faithful service. When the War of L'-' 
pendence came Mr. Johnson retired to Stratford as a Loyal ■' 
and was one time umler arrest because the townspeople appeal- 
to him to intluence the commander of the British tieet in !• ' 

1 , 


SoimJ not to capture Stratford, ^fr. Ingersoll at Xcw Haven 
and !^[r. Johnson at Stratford were in retirement durinir the 
war, but when the end came ]\Ir. Johnson became a representa- 
tive of the Colony at the convention which formed the Consti- 
tution and one of the first Senators from Connecticut with 
apparently all of his Loyalist sympathies forirottt-n. It may 
i iiave been that had Jared Ingersoll lived beyond ITSl he also 

I had been reinstated- in the confidence of the Colony which he 

I had served so well. The explanation of it all seems to me to 

I have been the fact that while the great issue was being made up 

I Ingersoll was in London and without the influences about him 

I which would have shaped his course with that of his own people 

I toward the Eoyal Government. 

The Reverend Dr. Beardsley, biographer of William Samuel 
Johnson as well as of his father, has published some of the 
letters which passed between Johnson and Ingersoll. After his 
enforced resignation of the office of Stamp Master, which he 
says became the most odious that could well be imagined, he 
writes to Johnson, "I have found myself in the most distressed 
situation, between the obligations of my office and the resent- 
ments of the people, but hope it will not be long before I shall 
be rid of both." 

Johnson when in London had his friend Ingersoll in mind. 
When it was known that the King was disposed to bestow some 
niarks of his favor upon those governors and officers in America 
who had suffered because of their loyalty Johnson wrote to his 
father in May, 1T67, "The Chief Justiceship of Xew York is 
thought of for Mr. Ingersoll, but it may be best not to mention 
this at present as it is not yet known whether the engagement 
which had been made of it to another person (I imagine !Mr. 
Crardiner ) can be decently avoided, but he and the other suf- 
ferers will have the first things that offer."" In a letter to 
Johnson two months later Ingersoll writes, 'T will frame no 
objections to the Chief Justiceship of Xew York nor to a seat 
"n the new Board of Revenue, nor to any other that you shall 
•ipprove of, as I still have full confidence in your judgment and 
friendship."' So there was a plain desire on the part of ^fr. 

196 .TAK'Kl) IN(iKi;S(tI,r, AM» 'llIK STATvI 1' ACT. 

Inirersoll's friends in his ill fortune to show for him i^reat 

There is in the (.Connecticut Gazette of Anii-ust ."(ith, ITu.'., 
which was only three weeks after Mr. luiicrsoll reached hoiiir. 
one of those anonymous letters which express the rude spirit <if 
the time, ending however with these words, "fn the meantim.- 
I think it cannot serve the common cause to treat him wirli 
scurrility, for there are a great many brave hearts in this Colony 
that hate a Stamp ^Master but love Mr, Ing'ersoll." The situatiijii 
may perhaps be summed up in those words, "the struggle in Xcw 
Haven and Connecticut between hatred of a Stamp ^Master ami 
love of Mr. Ingersoll,'" Private correspondence was liit]<' 
regarded then and some private letters of Mr. Ingersoll ninl 
some utterances, in themselves not compromising, were used \<y 
his enemies in their attacks upon him, so that in response i" 
requests of friends he published in a small volume his corn- 
spondence and a statement^ of his attitude through the whol*' 
controversy. That he was altogether honest one must l>eli(\''. 
If he had been in Xew Haven in 1764 and 1765 instead <it 
beimr in London it would have come to him doubtless in a 


different way. 

AVe are not left without knowledge of the indignities which 
Mr. Ingersoll suffered in Xew Haven in that month of Septem- 
ber, 1765. One reads, in Levermore's "Republic of Xi'.v 
Haven," that crowds gathered around his house in a threatenini' 
manner and burnt him in effigy. He gave his fellow-citizci:- 
notification that he did not expect to enforce the Stamped Papi r 
on anybody but desired the citizens to think more of how to g' ' 
rid of "the Stamp Act than of the Officers who were to sup]'!,^ 
them with the Paper, and to let further knowledge dimini^i' 
their anger. The authorities felt obliged to protect him iv'<^-- 
the crowd but on the 17th, the Town ]lleeting voted that reprt" 
sentatives in the General Assend)ly should labor for the rep' -• 
of the Stamp Act, and in his presence the ^Meeting resolved th;'- 
the freemen present earnestly d(>sired ^Mr. Ingersoll to resign h'- 
Stamp Office innnediately. With greater courage than niaiy 
-who held like positions in other Colonies, he declared that 1'' 


f would not resign except in accordance with the will of the 

I General Assembly. This same writer says that for a vear or 

I two Air. Ingersoll was under a good deal of restraint and that 

I his letters were tampered with, but letters show that his practice 

I in the Law was maintained as well as many friendships. Tn 

I 1770 he was on a Committee chosen to consider the commercial 

I interests of the town of Xew Haven, when there was much dis- 

I cussion upon non-importation and domestic manufacture, with 

I >nch men as David Wooster, Roger Sherman and James A. 

I Hillhouse. Interesting letters belong to these years as well as 

I a great deal of correspondence of a lousiness kind. He was 

I under a shadow, however, and the ties of friendship binding him 

I to Xew Haven were loosened. 

I The Royal favor, which 3[r. Ingersoll had earned, came to 

I him in the appointment as Judge of the Court of Vice Admiraltv 

I in the ]\Iiddle Colonies. His duties required his residence in 

[ Philadelphia and he moved to that city in 1771. There is some- 

rliing pathetic in the removal of Jared Ingersoll from Xew 
Haven, where he had lived his whole life of fifty years and where 
lor thirty years he had been a distinguished lawyer performino- 
many public duties and serving the Colony in many wavs, havino- 
incurred the ill will of lifelong friends and neighbors because 
<d' his political opinions. There are many indications, however, 
tliat not all friends turned from him, nor that life became 
entirely burdensome for him. • ?'• ' '• 

The coming of the War of Independence brought an end of 
the exercise of ]\Ir. Ingersoll's otHce and he returned to Xew 
Haven in 1777 and died four years later. He was buried under 
Center Church and in the Crypt you may still read the inscrip- 
tion which in dignitied words expresses the judgment of neiah- 
I'ors and friends. It will be found in Vol. Ill of the Xew 
Haven Historical Society Papers. 

President Stiles in his diary of August 25th, 17S1, in a tone 
^vhich the time accounts for, wrote, "About noon died Tared 
Ingersoll, Esq. of this town, aged fifty-nine. He had passed 
through a variety in life. By accepting the ofiice of Stamp 
-^^aster in 17G5 he rendered himself obnoxious. He had for- 

,' .*J 



merlv the confidence of bis country and was sent over Agent Iv 
Connecticut to Great Britain. He was Judge of Admiraltv 
with six hundred pounds sterling, sahiry, but all this made liim 

At a later time, when the bitterness of the war had subside^!. 
President Dwight wrote that ]\Ir. IngersoU was unjustly cen- 
sured for taking the office which was urged upon him and which 
he accepted with the thought that he could make its operatiijii 
less burdensome than it would be in the hands of a stranger. 

I ask myself whether this great Democratic movement, in tlie 
Colanies one hundred and fifty years ago, was not from tlu- 
plainer people, the unprivileged folk, from those, who with les:^ 
education are more easily moved by their feelings and do nor 
let respect for Law interfere with their S}Tnpathy for what they 
feel to be right. Those years were a turning point in the 
Colonial History and so in the World's History, the lining up 
against a hard and perverse British Policy and against those 
who stood for it in the Colonies and who were really the privi- 
leged people of the Colonies, of the gTeat company of men whr^ 
are moved by feeling and instinct as to what their rights are and 
are not over particular as to the way in which they assert them. 
They may make an orderly mob, like that which followed Jared 
IngersoU to Hartford, or such a mob as destroyed Gov. Hutch- 
inson's house and Andrew Oliver's Stamp Otfice. I ask myselt 
if there be not some analogy between what happened in the 
Colonies in 1765 and what has been happening in our generatiun 
as Organized Labor and men who feel they are wronged by tin- 
Industrial Order of our day are striving, often in violent ways. 
to set right what they think to be wrong and assert what tluy 
feel to be their rights. Will some one say whether the inspiration 
for this new movement, which some people to-day fear and wnuld 
repress and few of us understand and appreciate, may not Ia- 
found in that decade in the ^Vnicrican Colonies to which u'lr 
thoughts now turn. Wise men of that day, wdicther in Loud"!'- 
or in the Colonies, were deceived as to what the Colonies wuul" 
do and did not reckon with what T think niay be called rhr 
Democratic Spirit which had developed in the new world. 

I !■ 

m u 



Again, in Xew England, the Clergy of the Congregational 
Clnirches had very much to do in arousing and developing this 
new spirit. Hollist^er, in his not very satisfactory History of 
Connecticut, says that there was manifested in the Colony a dis- 
position to submit to the Stamp Act in silence, that, of the 
cultivated classes, the Clergymen, for a while, almost were alone 
in their opposition to the measure. Rev. Stephen Johnson of 
Lyme is spoken of as one who did much to make an end of what 
he calls the '"dangerous lethargy- that had lulled the Judges to 
sleep and had taken strong hold of the Council." The words in 
which the Historian described ^Ir. Johnson's method may well 
be quoted, "With a bony grasp, this fearless soldier of the cross 
seized the noisome dragon of ministerial tyranny by the throat, 
and clung around his neck with such strangling force, that it was 
compelled to disclose it5 deformities to the people by the writh- 
ings of its pain. Other clergymen took up the warfare. They 
impugned the stamp act in their sermons, they classed its loathed 
name in their prayers with those of sin, satan, and the mammon 
of unrighteousness. The people were soon roused to a sense of 
danger. The flames of opposition, so long suppressed, now 
began to break forth." The Colonial Clergy and the Sons of 
Liberty probably did much to hold the people in opposition to 
the execution of the Stamp Act and the half-hearted settlement. 

It is the story of the breaking up of the life and career of a 
high-minded man through the turning against him of the people 
whom he had served, his friends and neighbors, because he could 
not go with them as they were swept away in a time of gTeat 
excitement and popular feeling. A great company of educated 
and thoughtful people of the Colonies agreed with him. Edu- 
cation and social position and traditions were on his side, but a 
new spirit had developed in this western world and it could not 
l>e repressed. The Colonies made up of gi-oups of people just 
emerging from hard conditions of life with a new continent 
behind them to be possessed were leading the way in a struggle 
to destroy an ancient order which had made for the happiness 
"f privileged people with not much reganl for the great company 
of the unprivileged in the way of security, hope and happiness. 



In the leadership of this new movement there were men of 
vision, out of very lowly conditions in life, men treated witli 
scant respect by the great people of the earth. Samuel Adams 
a failure in business, contented wirh poverty, James Otis, half 
insane, Rog-er Sherman, beirinninc: his life as a shoemaker, Israel 
Putnam, unlettered, Patrick Henry, a country lawyer withoiit 
practice, and Benjamin Franklin, most influential of them all; 
they and a great company like them were the jest of the great 
people at London and Paris who proposed to divide the wurM 
between them, but they interpreted the spirit of the new tiuu- 
and the future belonged to them. There would l)e found an 
aristocrat in George Washington to be the head and director uf 
the movement fi.nally. But the force which sets the world aloii::' 
a new course is from the great company of unprivileged peopk-. 
and they who get in the way of that company shall be swept 
aside. We have lived to see the House of Lords, which gave n.-t 
a vote against the Stamp Act and treated the appeal from the 
Colonies with contempt, taken from its privileged place in 
Parliament. That spirit which developed in the Colonies a 
century and a half ago and having manifestations which we 
deplore and would gladly forget is leading the world still, aii'l 
with it those who direct the fortunes of the Church and order 
our political, social and industrial life do well to reckon. The 
shot that was fired at Concord bridge some ten years after the 
year of the Stamp Act is echoing still around the world. 

i:/>:^'.l,..«ati^<A.£w:=.jfcAaag«a>i:^ ... A^v,-.^.-^^-iit'^U-^^^-4i< g^.\L';iia»:fe. ', 




■-'-■■-■■ Edited hx Fkaxklix B. Dexter. 

The Hon. -Tared Iiigersoll die<:l in New Haven in ITSl, and 
his estate %Yas settled bv his son, a resident of Philadelphia ; 
but a large collection of his personal papers was left in New 
Haven in the keeping of his nephew, the Hon. Jonathan Inger- 
soll, on the death of whose grandson, the Hon. Charles R. 
Ingersoll, in 190->,. they were presented to the New Haven 
Colony Historical Society, under whose authority this selection 
is now printed. ' 

In providing the necessary annotations, the editor has had the 
great advantage of the assistance of another member of the 
Society, Professor Charles M. Andrews, whose superior knowl- 
edge of the period under review is universally acknowledged. 

The Society is fortunate in having obtained, through the 
kindness of Dr. Arthur Fairbanks, the Director of the ]\Iuseum 
of Fine Arts in Boston, permission for the reproduction of a 
portrait of ]\Ir. Ingersoll, in the possession of his descendant, 
Mr. Ingersoll Amory, of Boston, which is believed to have been 
painted by Copley in New York in 1771, when the subject was 
in his 50th year. Charles Henry Hart, LL.B.. the well-known 
art-expert of Philadelphia, wrote of this portrait in 1S70 : 

The portrait of Mr. Inuersoll is a superb painting, forty b}' fifty inches, 
in Copley's best manner. It is tluee-quarter length, facing to riglit. He 
is represented as sitting in a large green chair, with his right arm resting 
upuu a richly-ljouml book, which lies upon a tabic witli a polished green 
top; ill liis right hand he liolds a paper. The table i^ rich mahogany, with 
hra-.s handlf^ to the drawer, and on it are books and writing materials. 
He is dressed in full court suit, a scarlet coat with large gilt buttons. 



garnet-coloured knoe-breeches, lace ruffles, dressing and 3\vord. He wcai- 
a long white satin waistcoat, elaborately embroidered, with button^, a 
cambric neckerchief with long lace ends falling inside his vest, whicii i> 
unbuttoned at the top. His left hand, which is wonderfully well painted, 
rests on his knee. . " ' 

I. uSTew Ha vex, 1743-1750. 

The documents here included have been selected to illustratt- 
the setting of ]Mr. Ingersoll's career in the years after hi- 
graduation from Yale in 1742, to his entrance on public life. 

Acc°. OF Haxxaii Ixgeksoll alias Whitixg,* 
Advance ix Settle:^iext 

1744 Octobr & so forward 

Brass Kettle 7.10.0 
Iron pot 20/ frying 

[. . .] 23/ 2. 0.0 
pail 3/6 1014 yd Callico 

@ 15/7 8. 3.21,. 

lOib Sheeps wool (g 5/3 2.12.0 

peice of tape 0. 7.0 

2 pint basons @, 3/ 0.6.0 

Y2 Doz. pewter Spoons . 0.0 

tin Cullender 5/ 

23 [. . .] 92/ 4.17.0 

141b. 3 oz feathers (g 5/ 3 . 1 1 . •> 

211^ Do. (5 5/ 5.5.0 
bed tick weaving 12^^ yd 

(a' 3/ 1.17.0 
weaving 1 1 1 j yd. linnen 

^2/ 1.3. 

Do. 25 yd. fg 2/6 3. 2.0 

Cash for Wid". Pierce 0. 4.t'' 

tea pot 28/ bellows 13/ 2.01.11 

pr tongs & pealf 1- 3.1' 

* ^Ir. In^iT-'dl married, on August 1. 1743, Hannah, eldest child of tl^' 
Hon. Coliinel .Joseph Wliiting, of Xew Haven. 

Here is given his mcuinrandum of tlie value of the houselmld furnisliin;:^ 
which she brouglit as hor dowry. The reckuning seems to be in Connectii-ur 
old tt-nor. 

t Or peel =: shovel. 

Yj Doz: large plates 



14 Doz. Do. 



2 Dishes 'g 28/ 



2 Do. (a. 23/ 



Small Do. 



2 porringers (S; 7/ 



pr. Iron Candlesticks 






warming pan 



Iron Skillet 



Sett, tea dishes & bowl 

s 1. 


Bed ticken 



IS yds. Callico (a 14/ 



looking glass 



Box iron & heater 



Stone mug 4/6 2ii>3 

. [missing] 



7 yds. Callico (g 15/7 

5 , 


41b: Cotton wool fi} 6/ 



1 Dish 15/ U- l)"z. X. 

[. . .]ates 27/0 





red Earthen ware 


lOib. Do. fg 5/6 


3 drinking glasses 

0. 5.0 

Chaffing Dish 

1. 0.0 

Square whitewood table 2. 0.0 



Bedstead 3.5/ Statia* 

Chinee Curtains 

25. 0.0 

glass 50/ 

4. 5.0 

p"" Small hand irons 

blanket 30/ Carding 4/ 

7 1.14.7 

wt 71b 


tea kettle £5. bason 13/ -t i -^ n 

Ladle 1/ Seive 4/G 

0. 5.6 


Earthen ware 

0. 4.0 

old Chest 


round table 50/ old • 

Silver tankard wt 

. 20 


trunk 10/ 

3. 0.0 



Rugg 5.15.6 Coverlid 

2 pr Curtain rods 

3. 0.0 



4 tea spoons 

4. 5.0 

4 yds tow Cloth (a 5/ 

1. 0.0 

2 old holland Sheet 


6. 0.0 

pr great handirons wt. 

1 Cotton old Do. 


201b @ 1/9 


1 old Linnen D". 

1. 5.0 

peal 41b 14 ,g 1/9 

0. S.O 

1 pr. old holland pi 


tongs 3i^ib tranimelf 

beer J 



1 holl'i. towel 12/2 


Chest draws & dressing 




20. 0.0 

2 Diapr. Do. 1 Do. Damask 1.16.0 

^ Doz. Crown Chairs @ 



81. 8.0 

V2 Doz. York Do. (g: 12/ 
^/2 Do. Slat Do. @ 10/ 

3. 0.0 

'Slore tow Cloth 

1. 0.0 

82. 8.0 

weaving pr. white 
171b. feathers @ 5/ 

4. 5.0 

■ '..-■•■■:. ■<:.■ 


299. 0.0 

Allowed to be 350 .0.0 

Jared Iiiirersoll 


Jared Ingorsoll of Xew Haven of Lawfiill Age Testifies as 
follows, Viz.— In the fall of y*^ Year 1743, I removed from Col- 
lege where I had lived about five years, & settled down an Inhab- 
itant in the Town of Xew Haven. During my Stay at College 
I by Sight only, knew the late Warham :\rather^ Esq", now Dec''. 

• A glass brought from Saint Eustatius, in the Dutch West Indies. 

t A series of links hung in the ohimnoy, for pots to hang on. 

t = piHwwr case. 

S Warham Mather (Harvard Coll. 16S5). horn 16t;(;, die.! 174.-), iiad s.-ttled 
in Xew Haven about 1705, to take care of his wife's motlior, the widow of 
•folin Davenport, Jr. Here he practiced medicine, and also held a judgeship. 




having' then never spoke to him as I Reniemher. Upon u\\ 
settling in said Town as afores"^ which I think was toward rh, 
End of Octul/. 1743, as my Circumstances «fc business then Lc-i 
me to an Acquaintance tl\: Correspondence with many of tin 
Inhabitants of s"^. Town, many of them the s"*. W. ]\fatlu r^ 
Intimate Acquaintance, I hoard it liepeatedly said by ijur vV 
another — how strangely ;M\ ]\[ather is broken!, W. Mather i- 
become a mear Child, »t Expressions of like Import. Some tinu- 
after this while the County Court sat at Xew Haven, Col"'. 
Whiting^ told me that W. ]\[ather had sent to him desiring t" 
see him. He y". s"*. Col^ ^Vhiting being not very alile himself 
to walk. Desired me to wait upon W. Mather to know his mind. 
I went, did my Errand to M'". Mather, he made Reply to what 
I said but so brokenly I could understand scarce any thing In- 
said. After a little pause spake again brokenly & gave me a 
written paper; which I carried to Court *t delivered to Col'. 
Whiting-, who Attempted to read it but "could read only here \' 
there a word ; where he could read, the Sence much uncon- 
nected ; he found out in general that a Conservator was y' 
burden of y*" Story, it seemed to be a Remonstrance against one. 
there being at that time a Motion by Somebody as I wa> 
Informed, made to said Court about a Conservator to be 
appointed over s*^. ^Mather. I could not read scarce a word of 
s*^. Letter my self, which might possibly be Owing to this that 
M^ Mathers usual hand writing was very bad, but I Remember 
Cor. Whiting said that he had been so used to his writing that 
he could Usually heretofore read it with Ease. At what time 
this was I Dare not possitively say, but upon the best Recol- 
lection think it was in Janu^ : 1743/4. In the fall of y^ Year 
1744, viz aljout the Latter End of Octob''. or beginning of X'>v'. 
1744 (as to the time I am able by Certain Circumstances t" 
Inform my Self I think with Certainty) having heard that ^V- 

The inventory of his estate includes a remarkably detailed list of the(di>;^ie;il 
books, remnants of the libraries of hi^ clerical ancestors. 

Other atlidavits res{)eetinj_' his loss of mind are preserve<l armmL' tlf 
Ingersoll papers. 

* Col. .JoM'tdi \\liitiny was Mr. IngersoU's father-in-law. 

JARED IXGKRSOI.L rAI'KRS, 1743-50. 205 

Mather Lad some Law Books to be sold I went in order to get 
some; went first to ^V. Tim°. Jones s having heard that he 
managed ^P. Mathers business by a power ot" Attorney, he not 
iKnng at home as I Kemember, I went alone to ^r. Mathers 
house, found him sitting alone by a small fire in an Elbow Chair 
with his hat on, partly leaning on his Stafl:". I spake to him, y® 
s''. Mather, upon which he slowly turned his head round & 
Looked toward me. ' I Informed him that I was Desirous to see 
his books hearing they were to be sold, he Answered me in sev- 
eral words of which I understood only y® word Chamber, by 
which I supposed he meant to say y^ books were up Chamber, 
upon that I went up Chamber, found a Large Library. Looked 
among *Em about half an hour, then went down again, found 
^r. Mather sitting as before, told him I had found no books that 
suited me *!k: that I had took none — Lpon that after a short pause 
k. Intently looking me in the face, he said, who be you ? I told 
him my name was Ingersoll— but supposing he might not know 
me by my name only, I added that I lived in the Town ».t that I 
married one of Col\ Whitings L)aughters, Concluding that by 
mentioning Col\ Whiting his Intimate Acquaintance & my Rela- 
tion to him which he had Doubtless many a time heard of, that 
he would have had a Satisfying Knowledge of me, but upon my 
so saying, he turned his head toward the fire & after a pause of 
about half a minute &^ seeming Intense thinking, he said Slowly, 
Colonel Whiting I Where does he live? I was somewhat sur- 
prized that he should not know him, took pains to bring him to 
his remembrance but to no purpose. He asked whether he had 
any Sons, lV a number of Questions about things which I sup- 
posed he" must have fully known. All at once he broke off from 
talking about Col'. Whiting & asked me if I had not heard of a 
great whale being Catch't in the harbour y'' Day before. I told 
him no ; upon that he went on talking strange & Confused things 
about a whale being Catch\ y'' Day before «i'C. I said no more 
to him, but only after Viewing him a Small Space as a ruinated 
peice of Venerable Antiquity, I l)id him farewell, at which he 
seemed to take no Xotice, c^- Xever Spdke to him afterwards. 
lie died, as I remend>or in less than a Year after this time. At 


this time I could not Discern tliat ^r. blather was affected Iv 
any pain of Eody, but so prodip,iously broken as to liis Intel- 
lectuals, that I must Confess I should as soon a thought ..[ 
pulling a Dead man out of his grave & getting him to Exeeur.' 
any Deed or other Instrument as he. — Soon after this, I believe 
in Less than a\veek,]\r James Pierpoinf" Came to me &■ Desire(l 
to draw a Deed from s"^. 3F. ]Mather to the people of y*' Seperate 
meeting in Xew Haven of a Certain peice about 10 acres of 
Salt meadow. I was quite surprized ^ nonpluss*^. at the motion, 
&: tho' I had never heard of ]\F. Pierpoint in particular, yet 
Could not help turning my thoughts on y^ frequent Reports I 
had heard that there were Certain people who by a too great 
Inattention to M^ blathers brokeness, or Actuated by worse 
principles, were very Industrious to Entitle themselves to his 
Estate ; after a little pause I looked M^ Pierpoint in y^ face A: 
smiling said, why, ]\F. Pierpoint, Do you think ]\P. Mather is 
able to Execute a Deed that will be Valid in Law ? or words to 
that purpose, upon which M^ Pierpoint undertook to tell me 
Largely how it had been the Constant purpose of M7. ^Mather 
for a great while to give something to the people of y® Seperate 
Society & the Like. I Determined 'twas not worth my while 
to enter into a Controversy with IP. Pierpoint about it, therefore 
drew a Deed as he directed, which same Deed as I understan<l 
was on or about y^ 14"". of y^ same Xo\-^. Executed by s^. 31'. 
Mather &: since Controverted in \^ Law, & found wanting. I 
Remember M\ blather's coming into Court, viz y*" County Court 
at their Sessions in April 1745, to prevent, as I understood A: 
as 1 believe was then y* Understanding of all by Standers, a 
Conservator being put in over him. Indeed twas Difficult 
knowing what he Said. He was aided in by persons holdinir 
him up by y*^ Arms, he muud)led over Something to v' Court. 
A['. Caleb Tuttle one who aided him in, putting words into his 
mouth, but I remember y"^ Judges of s''. Court said they Sup- 
posed M^ ^Lither Did not know one person in y'^ room «t that !u' 
could not by any means have so ElYeetnally Convinced them <it 

*J;imes Pierpoiit. Jr. ( "N'alt" 1718), was a leader in the c^talJli■•llI^L■nt <>f 
the Wliite Haven Chnrcli in 1742. 


his need of a Conservator, as by shewing himself in Court & 
Objecting against one. 

Some time last May I was before Justice Prout in behalf of 
M^ Davenport at the taking of some Depositions, when Tim°, 
]\Iix* tt Deborah Tuttle gave Evidence Concerning a Deed said 
to have been given by s^ ^Mather to his Xegroes. I knowing that 
the people of the Separate meeting in Xew Haven had a Claim 
of some meadow by a Deed from s*^ Mather, &: that therefore 
they might be apt to think more favourably of s*^. Mathers Sound- 
ness of mind asked s*^. Mix whether he was not one of that 
meeting, he Answered that he was one once, but was now a 
Conformist to y"" Church of England — which Question & Ans\\'^. 
was put down, not in the words of y*" Question & Answer but 
in such words as y® Justice (I suppose) Judged to be of like 
Import ; upon s*^ !Mix s answering as Above, I having always 
Understood that his, s^ Mix s conforming to y^ Church as afores'' 
was but a shew of pretence asked him further where he ordi- 
narily attended publick worship. After some pause he 
Answered, At y'' Church of England when I can, at other times 
Sometimes at y^ old meeting &: some times at the Xew (meaning 
as I suppose at y*' old & new meeting houses in Xew Haven), & 
he Insisted on its being penned in words of that Import, at which 
I was somewhat surprized knowing I had not seen him at y^ old 
meeting afores*^ in some Years & having always heard that he 
very Seldom attended on y'^ Church of England worship. I told 
him I could not think he would Let his Answer go in that form, 
telling him of how small Importance soever it might be it was 
gross misrepresentation ; upon which he said smiling it should 
go for it' was truth, for said he I have been to y" old meeting 
two half Days within this Year past, but said he, twas when ^U. 
jNToyes Did not preach & I think he said twas on Lecture Days. 

Some time after this I asked s'^. Mix if he had not in keeping 
sundry Wills k parts of Wills Designed for s'^ Mathers Will, 
he said he had ; I Desired him to send them to Windham Court 
viz Sup''. Court Last Sept'", he told me he would. I afterwards 

* Tiiuotliy ^lix (Viilo 1731) wa.s a pliysioiau in Xew Haven. 

208 .TARED IXOEKSOLL PA1'1:K"S, 1743-5G. 

asked him if he had sent theiu, he told me he had sent some liv 
Cap*, i'itch. I asked him ^vhy he Did not send Em all. he sai.l 
he had sent all that were to the purpose, viz all that had aii\ 
mention made in Em of x'' freedom of y" Xegroes, at which 1 
manifested some Dissatisfaction, upon that he said what siirni- 
iied sending- those which were made (or Dictated) by ^1", ]\[atli. r 
when he had not his Senses. I told him I thought it somewlia' 
strange that he was so well Able out of a Xuniber of AVills iV 
parts of Wills so Exactly to Determin which were Dictated bv 
M'. Mather when of sound mind «i' which not, Especially win n 
he had Deposed before Justice Hubbard as I Kemeraljred tlmr 
tho he was frequently sent for to write Wills for 'M\ 'MaxWv 
yet could never tind him able to make any Will by reason of hi? 
brokeness, till in Aug\ 1744, to which he Answered that he knew 
well Enough iJc then went away from me. 

Jared Ingersoll 

Colony of Connecticut SS. Hartford ^larch S'^ 1740/50. then 
personally appeared ^r. Jared Ingersoll the Signer to the above 
and within written Deposition and made Oath to the truth of tin- 
same. Coram Roger Wolcott Dep*^ Gov'' 

Opened in Super''. Court at Windham ]\[arch term 1T49/50 
per Jn°. Bulkley one of the Judges 

Apprextickship of LrcKETiA Smith. 

This indenture"^ nuule between Kuth Smith of Xew Haven 
Town k County of the one part, and Jared Tngersol of s*^ Xew 
Haven of y*" other part Witnesseth, that \^ said Ruth Smith l"i' 

* As town certificates of apprenticeship are rarely to be found in prin'. 
it has seemed best to include here both of the dncunients that relate to t!"' 
binding out of Lucretia Smith to Jared InjzersoU in 1745 and 174t(. Seybo't 
in his essay on apprenticeship in colonial New En^dand and Xew York L'iv'- 
no indentures for C'<innecticut of date later tlian 1727.. and does not i<dl ■ 
the colony law farther than tlie revi^imi of 1702. It is interesting: to i'"''" 
that the law was in force as late as 1S21. The form of the Insrersoll ind> (■ 
ture shows that the customary phraseology, borrowed from England, h-' ' 


y^ Consideration of y^ Covenants and thing-s to be performed by 
the s*^ Jared lugersol herein after Express'd, hath put and bound 
in Service, and by these presents Doth put and bind in Service 
unto the s". Jared Ingersol, her Daughter Lucretia of y' Age of 
Eight Years the 29"^ Day of 3Iay 1745 from y*^ DatJ of these 
presents until the said Lucretia shall arrive atty^ Age of Sixteen 
Years, provided a meet person will att that Age take and teach 
y^ s^ Lucretia y" Art and trade of Woman tayloring, if not to 
l»e Dismiss'd att y' Age of fifteen Years. During which term the 
s^ Lucretia, the said Jared Ingersol faithfully shall Serve, his 
Just el' Lawfull Commands always obey and Do. •■ ■• 

And y^ said Jared Ingersol Doth for himself his Heirs, Ex^, 
Adm^ and Assigns Covenant and agree to & with y' said Ruth 
Smith her Ex""., Adm". and Assigns that during said term he 
shall and will procure & provide for s'^. Lucretia sufficient meat, 
Drink, washing, Lodging »l' Apparrel and also Learn her to 
Read English and Dismiss her att f End of said term with 
Cloathing sufficient and proper to go an apprentice to Learn 
tayloring. In Witness whereof y^ Parties hereunto, have here- 
unto interchangeably set their hands and Seals this SO''' Day 
of:\IayA. D. 1745. 

Signed, Sealed and Delivered her 

in presence of ;. /. Ruth X Smith 

. Abiel Hall ^ ; ^ mark 

Elizabeth Whiting .... 

To all people to whom these ])resents shall Come Greetins; — 
Whereas in eV by one Statute Law of this Colony in page 95, 
9(j. (tc of this Colony Law Book, among other things it is 
Enacted : "if there shall be any family that Cannot or do not 
provide Competently for their Children whereby they are 
Exposed to want »i: Extremity, it Shall «t may be Lawful for the 

lieconie greatly siini.liticd l>y tliis tinif. An enrlier Cmiiu-cticut iii.leiitinv. 
iundincr out ii <;irl to siTvico in l(i!tl. wliicli is pri'servt-d in the State 
Archives (State Lihrary. Private Controversies. IV, No. 123), is nnicli 
more eUihorate. 

210 JARED IXGERSOr.L PAPERS, lT43-r.»';. 

Selectmen «S: Overseers of the poor in Each Town, & they arc 
hereby ordered i- impowered with the Assent of the next ^^lai:!.-- 
trate or Justice of the peace to bind any poor chihJren belongiiii: 
to such Town to be Apprentices where they shall See Convenient. 
a man Child until he shall Come to the age of twenty one year? 
and a woman Child to y^ age of Eighteen Years or time of 
marriage; which shall be as Effectual to all intents & purpose.> 
as if any such Child were of full Age & by Indenture of Cove- 
nant had bound him or herself," as by s"^. Statute may appear: 
and Whereas William Smith a transient person late of Xew 
Haven in the County of Xew Haven A: Colony of Connecticut 
&: Euth Smith his Wife of said Xew Haven Do not, nor doth 
Either of them take any Care of, nor provide Competently for 
their Children being in said Xew Haven, whereby they art- 
Exposed to want *fc Extremity, one of which Children is Lucretia 
a minor woman Child of the Age of about Eight Years ik: 9 

Xow Know Ye that Jon*^: Mansfield, Sam^ : Mix, Ebeu': 
Beecher, James Peck Sen^, Jos^: Pierpoint k Sam^: Thomson, 
being Select men & overseers of the poor for the time being of 
said Town of Xew Haven, Do by these presents by & with y^ 
Assent of y* Civil Authority in s"^. To^vn AssigTi &: Bind in Ser- 
vice the said Lucretia unto Jared Ingersol of s'^. Xew Haven, his 
Ex". ^' Adm"., him the said Jared Ingersol faithfully to Serve. 
his Just (i: Lawfull Commands to perform & do until the said 
Lucretia shall arrive at y* Age of Eighteen Years; And the 
said Jared Ingersol Doth for himself, his heirs, Ex". & Adm". 
Covenant & Agree to i' with the said Select men & their Succes- 
sors in said Office that during said term he shall & will at hi.- 
ovm. proper Cost »S: Charge find & Procure for said Lucretia 
proper »i: Sufficient meat, Drink, Cloathing, washing, Lodgini:- 
&: all necessaries and Save the said Town free -i' harmless from 
all Cost cV Charge that njay happen or accrue on said Lucretias 
Account, and also Learn her to read English an<l Instruct her 
in the Art of Sewing, Knitting. Spinning &: household Avork and 
at the End of said term Dismiss her from his Service with two 
Gowns and other proper Cloathing, the one fit ii: proper iov 


Sabbath Days & the other for week Days wear, & give her a 
Bible. In witness whereof the parties above have hereunto 
Interchangeably Set their hands & Seals in Xew Haven this Z'\ 
Day of llareh A D. iT-io/G 

Jon^:\[anstield [S] James Peck [S] "] 

Sam\:yiix [S] Joseph Pierpont [S] \ /^^^'^^i^'^'' 

Eben^ Beecher [S] Samuel Thomson [S] J "^ ™ 

Sig-n*^, Seal*^ & Deliv'^ in presence off 

Abraham Bradley Caleb Hitchcock 

Done by k with the Consent it Advice of us y^ Subscribers 
being of y^ Civil Authority within the Town of Xew Haven 
within mentioned : As witness our hands y^ Date within. 

Jos\ Whiting Assistant 
■ John Hubbard Just, of Peace 

Book of Expexces, Begux Jaxca^: 1: 174G 

£ 3 d 

Jany 3 Cash pd. Joel Munson for flour 1.10. 9 

7 Cash to Zuri. Kimberlv for pr. Shoes for } 

Lueretia ' f 0.10. 

to Mr. Whittlesey* for tobacco 0.3.0 

to Mr. Whittlesey for rum itc - 0. 9. 

to Mr BrowTi for wine 0. 5. 8 

to Doctr. Hubbardf for Cinnamn. 0.3.0 

9 to Isaac Johnson for fowls 0.6. 8 

paid to Mr. Howell in writs on Book Aceo. 1 

for Cloathmg itc i 

pd Mr Cookt in writs, ut Siipr. 0. 9. 

* Chauncey Whittelsey (born 1717, died 1787) had graduated at Yale in 
1738 and studied theology; but in 1745 entered into an extensive business 
in Xew Haven as an importer, marrying in the same year a sister of IMrs. 
Ingersoll. Later he retired from business, and from 1758 to his death was 
the pastor of the First Churcli in this city. 

t Dr. Leverett Hubbard (Yale 1744) had just begun practice as a physi- 
cian in Xew Haven. 

$ Samuel Cooke, Junior (Yale Coll. 1730), a mercliant and tavern-kfopcr 
in Xew Haven. 


11 to Step". Howell Deed Book Ace". ■ 
to Bill Sale part Mr. Wliitt. Do. 

13 to Al)i. Wood for wi.od. in writ .Jcc & Ca.-h 
to Doctr. Wood for C'loaths Easkt 

14 to Mr. Hall* for wood 
to Kimberly for Shoes in pt. 

15 to Xathn. Smith for pig rye 
- 18 to Mr. Whittlesey for nini 

20 to Jos. Huniastou for wood 
23 to Sackets for Soap 

to Still house for nun 

to Woods wife for washing 
25 to Mr. Plattt for Beef 1(;% @ 9^ ' 

to Ml-. Whittlesey for hog fat 

to Mr. Cook for dinner ic 

27 to :Mr. Whittelsey for Sugar &c 
to Woodin for wood 

28 to Mrs. Hall Borrowed before 

29 to Doctr. Hubbd. for Elixr. 
31 to Mr. Whittelsey for yd. Chints 

to Do. for fowl & Eggs 


FebJ-. 2 to Contribution^: 

3 to Widow Barns for Rye 

pd. David Austin on Book Acco. by plead. JanJ". 
Court &c 
5 to Mrs. Howell for Soap ■ 

to Joel Baldwin for tea 
-• 7 to Mr. Whittelsey for Eggs 
8 to :Mr. Hall for House rent 

to Mrs. Hall for Eggs . _'_ 

to Jos. Huraaston for Wood 
to romp money 
11 to Brown for Liquor 
•i , 12 to Mr. \Miittelsey 21^^. tobacco 
15 to Do. for 14 ih tea 

* John Hall, who lived on State Street, opiiosite ]ilrs. Iiigersoll's fatlier. 
Mr. Ingersoll now lived in a hired house, l>elonging to :Mr. Hall. In 1747 
he bought a house and land in the rear of property facing on Church Street. 
near the center of the space between Center and Chapel Streets. In K'l'' 
and 1757 he bought adjoining land to the west and north, and built, in 
1755-58, on Cha])el Street the nucleus of the house still standing (on tlif 
west side of Temple Street, as laid out in 17>:4), in which he died. 

t Samuel Piatt, of :\Iiltord. 

$ The regular Contribution cidleeted during tlie church service on the tir-t 
Sunday of each month. 

0. 3. 


0. 0. 



0. 3. 



0. 2. 






0. 2. 

0. 7. 

0. 4. 



0. 3. 

0. 3. 






0. 0. 


0. 4. 


9. G. 

0. 3. 



0. 1. 




1. 2. 

0. 4. 

0. 7. 


0. 2. 

4. 0. 

0. 0. 



0. 0. 

0. 2. 


0. 2. 


1. 8. 



17 to Nathi. Brown for Liqr &c 
IS to Tinio. Brown on Book Ace". 

to Mr. Barker for 23 lb % beef (a O'l 
to Mr. Whittel-^ey for paper 

20 to Thos. Howell mend, gloves 
to Romp money 

. to Mr. Hall for wood 

21 to Pecks Expences &c 

to Jehiel Thomas on Book Aqc^. 

22 to Cash pd. Th. Howl, on Book Acc'\ 
to Still-house for rum 

24 to Mr. Howell mending breeches 
to David Jacobs for 394 '^ buttr. 
27 to Atwr. on ]3ook Acco. 

March 1 to Mr. Hall for wood 

3 to Contribution money 

4 to James Pain Ju''. for wood 

5 to romp money 

to Camp for Oysters 

to ]\Ir. Whittelsey for IMaslin Sec 

7 to ill'. Jones for Starch 
to 3Ir. Howell for rum 
to M«. Allin for holland 

■ . to Mr. Whittelsey for ribbon 

to Do. Bag holland . 
to Do. for fowl 

8 to AbrM. Cooper for Veal 
10 for Indian meal &c 

to Mrs. \v. for Sundris 
■ II to Mrs. Trowbridge for Soap ; ^ 

to Mr. Whittelsey for Eggs 

■ 13 to Mrs. Howell for fatt 

to Benjn. Warner for Wood 

14 p<3 Stephn. Howell on Book Ace", 
to :\Ir. Whittelsey for butter 

15 to Jo. for Shaving cl" fowls 
17 to Mr. Pierpoint for liiug^ 

to Capt. Sears for tea 4.5/ o 

to John Thomson on Book 
IS to Timo. Howell for Quils 

19 to Clerk Hotchkis* for my rate 
to I)«. fathers rate 

20 p'l Atwr & Jti" Thomson on Book Ace-'. 

• Caleb Hotchkiss, Collector of the rate for tlie Fii 
the next line is used for Father-in-law. 

0. 3. 6 
0. 3. 

. 0. 7. 
0. 5. tJ 
0. 0. 8 

• 0.12. 
0. 1. 6 
0. 5. 
0. 7. 
0. 1. 3 
0.10. 4 
0. 1. G 

10. 8. 8 


0. 1. 4 


0. 0. 9 

0. 2. 6 

. I. 5. 

0. 2. 7 

1. 0. 

0. 2. 

' 0.14. 


0. 5. 8 

''■^-'■'' " 0. 3. 5 
0. 2. 
0. 3. 9 
0.12. G 
0. 6. 
0. 3. 1 
0. 5. 
2. 5. 
0.10. 6 
0. 0. 2 

. -.. 0.10. 514 

0. 2. 914 
0. 2. 

st Chureli; Father in 


to Mr. Frost for fennil Seed 
21 to !Mr. Howell for rice 

to Buttler* for Beer 

to Mr. Hall for quils 
23 to Ml". Cooke for wine 

to Mrs. Hall for Eggs 

25 to iR \Miittelsey for papr i Xails 
. . to Mr. Piatt on Book Acc^. 

to Mr. Whittelsey for fowls & Eggs 
to ;Mrs. W. for Corn 

26 to ^Ir. Cooke for wine 

28 to Docfr. ^lixt for Sal anaoni ic 
to Jno Bracket for Cord Wood 
to Mr^ W. for pork &c 

29 to !Mr=. Pomroyt for Earthen 

30 to Buttler for :Matheglin 
to Jno. Andrew for tobacco 

April 2 to Jos: Huniaston for wood 
.to Xathii : Brown for pipes 
to Mr. Bishop for fathers rate 
5 to Mr; Pomroy for Eggs 

to Elipht. Beecher for Saddle &c in part 
to \Vm. Lyon for Stirup 
to Do. on Book Acco. 
to Mrs. Howell for fatt 
to romp money 

to Doctr. Hubbd. on Book Ace", 
to Stepli Howell for Book Articles 
8 to Mr. Whittelsey for plad & Shirt Cloath &c 
to :Mrs. Howell for fatt Sec 

10 to Caleb Thomas wife for Washing 

11 to Mr. \Miittelsey for Biscake§ &c 

12 to Step". Howell for qt. rnni i 
14 to fisherman for fish 

to :Mrs. Hall for Oats 

to Expences fairfield ferriage ^i j 

2 Days Living Capf lUirrs 1.5/5 - 0.18. S 

Shaving 1/ Wilton tavern 2/ ) 

to Mr. Cogoshall for I'b powdr. 0.14. 

* The Butler ^\as an officer of the College who supplied the Faculty and 
Students witli soft drinks and other refreshments, 
t Timothy ^lix (Yah' 1731), a New Haven physician. 
J Mary, widcAv (It .Tiix'ph Ponici-oy. ; ^ 

§ = biscuit. 





















































































:(1, . 



to Eliphet Beeclier for Saddle part 

to Doctr. Herpin for Hungary* 

to M" W. for y. bushi. Corn 
22 to Enos Tuttle for Veal 

to Jo: Miles for Clams 

to for pig 

to Stepn. Howell on Book Ace. 
25 to 3Ir. Bradly for Uower &c. 

to Mr. Whittelsey for toe Cloth 
30 to Id. for ^2 Quarf € Sugar 

to Jo for fowls, Eggs &c pai't 

Mav 1 to Jno Lewis for Qui Is 

Mr. Whittelsey ou Book Acco for rum &:c 
Do. for Sugr. part 
Mr. Walter for hops 
Mr. Whittelsey for holland 
Charity &c. 
Nancy for Washing 
Mr. Whittelsey for fowls & buttr 
Israel Smith for lead 
Jo. for fowls &c 
Mrs. Eliot for Eggs 

Sent by Abr™ Thompson to York for tea, 
Reed, of Sears lib 
charity " . . 

M". Lyon for Matheglin 
:Mrs. Toles for fowls 
Mr. Hall for house rent 
3Ir. Howell for Soap 
Ju: for Eggs &e 

Mrs. Pomroy for Cartouoh Box Sc flints 
:Mrs. Howell for Soap 
Mr. Whittelsey for butter 
Capt. \Miite for tea y:,^^ 
^Irs. Toles for butter 
Mrs. Thomas for Eggs 
Joel ilunson for flower 
;Mrs. Sacket for beans 
:Mr. Howell for thread 
Lazarus Ives for 20 1.^ pork 
Mr Eliot 2 Quts rum part 
Jno. Row for Veal 
Mrs. Toles for butter 

* Dr. Jolin Herpin and his son Dr. John Herpin, Junior 
practiced medicine in .Milfurd. Hungary water was (li>tilled fr 
llowers infused in spirit of wine. 




• 2 















. 8 


































. 2 


. 4 


. 5 

. 8 




















































































( Yale 





31 to :Mr. Whittelsey for Checks Cotton part 
to Id. for Wafers 

June 2 to :Mrs. W. for beef &c 

to Tlio^ Howell for making and finding ^ 
-C'loatliing &c i 

3 to Jo for Eggs 
to for Sand 

to Tinio. Brown on book Acco. for ax. hoes &c 
to D: Punderson for buttons part 

4 to Sister Ailing' fm- Veal 

5 to Sand :Merchant for Sand P.-j bu 
G to Jonth. Atwater for lime on Book 

to Xancy for washing 

to Expences at Cookes, for wine 

to Jn'5. Row for mutton 

10 to Eliph*. Becher for saddle &c in part 
to Pvogi". Ailing for butter 

to Gid: Todd for load wood 

to Mr. Whittelsey for loaf Sugr. 

to D: Pund: for Buttons 

to Mr. Hall for hooping tuhb 

11 to Timo. Brown on Book for hoe &c 

12 to 'Mk Eliot for 2 Qt'. rum 
at Browns wine 

to Tim'\ Brown on Book for hoes &c 
16 to ZM«. W. on Book for Corn &c 

18 to Jno. Miles for table in part 

19 Browns for wine &c 

20 to Squaw for Basket 

21 to Jos. Miles mending Shoes 
to :Mr^. W. for Veal 121^'. (q Sd 
to Stacyt for Whitewashing 

to Mr. Whittelsey fur Veal &c 
23 to Jno. Miles for table 
to Brown for wine 
■ 24 to Jo(d ;Munson for brawn 
" 26 to Still hoiise for 1 Gall: molasses 
^' to Mr. Whittelsey for 1 Gall: rum 

28 to Gorge for fish 

to Jontii. Atwater for pipes 
to M". Smith for plaister &c 
30 to -Jos: :Miles for p^. Shoes my Wife 

• Mary ( Whitin-K sifter of ^Ir-^. Inger^oll and wife of Stephen Ailing 
t Josc-ph Stacy, <li'^d 17.}4. 













5 . 






















































, 1. 

. 0. 

, 9 

. 8. 



. 9 


. 3 




. 3 


. 7 







. 4 


. 6 






. 6 



July 1 to ilrs. Howell for Veal 

to Mr. Whittelsey for ribbon 
2 to Do. for Veal 

to Hez: Gorham for tole Bell 

4 to M". Hall for Oats 

to Beecli for peas peck 

to Seth Heaton for Do. i/, busli'. 

5 to Abrm. Thomson for ITVi'b. beef 
7 for book Doct^. Johnsons* 

• . 8 to John Lewis for Clams ■ 

to for butter, 4^^ 

9 'Sir. Whittelsey for pr. Stockins 
to Mr^. W. for Corn on book 

10 to Mr. Green for blanks 

to Dani. Smith for Veal 8i/^ib 

11 to Seth Heaton for peas 

12 to Charity 

14 to Pomp for pipe Sic 

15 to Jos: ^liles mending Shoe 
to Mr. Howell for tape 

17 to Abrni. Thomson for beef 8lb 
10 to ^I«. Pomroy for Indigo &c 
to Sarah \V. for 
to Capt. White for i^ib tea 

- 23 to Mr. Diodate for Newspapers 

25 to Lazarus Ives for Veal 

to Mrs. Allen for Sliirt buttons in part 

28 to :^[^ Whittelsey for butter 
to Id. for Yi yd Cambrick 
to Mr. Diodate for hogs fat 

to Mr. Whittelsey on book Acco. 

29 to Stephen Howell for rum 

to Xoah Wolcot for load wood 

30 to Mrs. \Y: Indian meal 

i August '■ ' ^ . ■'■ 

i 1 & 7 Expences in a Journey to Ridgefield 

I 8 to :\rr. Whittelsey for fish & butter 

I 11 to Tho-^. Howell for papr. 

I to Abrm. Thomson for beef 71/1>1'5 (S 9ti 

I ' 12 to "Sir. Hall for house rent 

I to Wi". Lyon for gimblets 3 

I ., . to Abner bradly for Cyder . 

i * Ethiees Elementa. Or tlie First PriiK-iples of Moral Philo-opliv. Bv 

I Aristocles. Boston, 1740. This book was well known to be written by the 

I Uev. Dr. Samuel Johnson (Yale 1714), of Stratford. 













































































































13 to Thos. Howell for paper 
to !M". W. for Corn 

to Mr. Whittelspy for Cloth, linnen &c 

14 to Ab™. Tliomson for beef 

to Jehiel Thomas Admr* Shoes &c 
to sd. Adnir. on s^. AcC^. 

15 to ^M^^ W. for Corn &c on book acco. 
IG to Abner PJradly for Cyder 

to Lad for Quils 
IS to W™. Lyon for paper 

19 to Mr. Whittelsey for rum 

20 to Browns for wine 

to Thomson for beef 201^3 @ S'l 

22 to Mr. Xoyest for Sider 

to Mr. Whittelsey for handkercV^ 

23 to ^^''T>. Lyon for paper 
2(3 to Lyon for Ink horn 

to Jo: Miles mending \Yifes Shoes 

to Ml' Xoyes for Sider 
27 to Mr. Whittelsey for butter 

to Browns Expences wine 
29 to Browns for Wine 

to M''. Xoyes for Sider 

to ^I". Pomroy for Soap 


7 . 





















































Septemb'. • 

1 to Amos Pirkins for Veal 

2 to Benj". Morris for fowls 
to Dani. Woodin for Wood 
to Jethro for Oysters ' • 

3 to Mr. Xoyes for Sider 
to .Thos. Ives for BB$ Sider 

6 to Mr. Diodate for psalm book 
- ■ S to Mr. Xoyes for Sider 

9 to Stephen Howel for rum 2 Qut-^ 
to M^". Whittelsey for pepper 

10 to Lazarus Ives for pig Quarts 

11 to Mr. Whittelsey for 4 yJs holland 
to Do. for lllb; 6oz. butter (g. 2/3 

12 to Laz=. Ives for Mutton 
15 to Jno. Hall for Oysters 

to Mr. Whittelsey for Vi P'?ck Salt 

*. Jehiel Thomas died in April. 174G. and his widow, Mary ("Miles) had 
been appointed his Administratrix. 

t Rpv. .Joseph Xoyes (Yale 170',t), ^Mr. IngirsuU's pastor. 
J Barrels. 







































































16 to Mr. Whittelsey for paper 

to Abr™. Thomson for beef 

18 to Mr. Whittelsey for thread & fowh 

to James Thomson for hooping 

to Caleb Atwater for wood 

23 to Laz3. Ives for Veal 
to Mr. WhitteUey for Rye 2 bushels 
to Mrs. Pomroy for Mug & Nutmeg 

24 to Jo: for Eggs 
26 to Stephen Howell for 2 Qf^. rum 

to Jos. Miles for pr. Shoes for my Wife 

29 to Mr. Gibb* for i/oib tea 

30 to Jonth. Atwater on Book for H bush^: Oysters 0. 1, 
to James Peck for hoe handle 
to Steph". Howell on Book Ace", for ) fi fi 

cliecks, rum &.c ) 

to Mr. Whittelsey for quatity binding 0. 3. 6 

Octobr. 3 to Eliphelet Beechr. for beef 

to James Thomson on book Acco for (^ 
hooping «ic i 

4 to Thomas Howell for buttons 

to M". W. on Book for Ind: meal &c 
■ - - 5 to Contribution 

6 to Widow Bradly for 3 bW Cyder 
to Williams for nuitton 

to Susa: Proutt for loaf Sugar 

8 to Step". Howell on book Acco. 
to Thoms. Howell for tayloring, Cloathing &.c 
to Do. for Cloathing, tayloring kc 

9 to Capt Allinl for 1 Gall, rum 
to .Jos. Miles for Stdeing Lucretias shoes 3/9 ) „ „ 

— 9d Due !l ' ' , 

10 to Joel Munson for 131ib flower, 5d 2.14. 7 
to Mr. Whittelsey for 3 fowls (</ 2/ 0. 6. 

11 to Mrs. \y. for Corn 0.10. 
to Do. for Indin meal &c 0.7.0 
to Lazs. Ives for pig 0.15. 6 

14 to D. Punderson on Book for Cheese 0. lAOy^ 

to Do. for handkerct 0.11. 

• Probably Thomas Gibb, of Milford. 

t Susanna Proiit, born April, 171S, daughter of John Prout, Junior 
(Yale Coll. 1708), married Timothy Bontecou, November, 1747, died 
October, 17-5.5. 

t Probablv Jonathan Ailing. . - ' 




































' 1. 




0. 5. 

0. G. 


1. 0. 




0. 2. 


0. 7. 


3. 0. 

[ 0.10. 


0. 1. 



JARED IN(rfc:nsOLL PAPKKS, 1743-">C). 

15 to Beuj". Wilniot fur wood 
to James Thouip.son for barrel 

16 to Mr. Jones for 1 Do^. pipes 

18 to Benjn. ilorriss for fowls 

19 to James Thomson for bW ic on book 

21 to ilr. Whittelsey for tow clotli 
to Do. for ribbon 8/ for Wine &c 2/ 

22 to Capt. Allin for 1 Gall, molass. 

23 to W^i. Lyon for Xails 
to Abri". Thomson for beef 

24 to Pv. Baldwin for 4^hi & i^ Sider 

25 to Jos: Miles for Soloing & mending my Shoes 

10/ & for Soleing Cretias in part Gd 
to Jouth. At\\T. for 1^ bushi. Oysters 
to Stephen Howell for bushi Salt 
to Mr. Whittelsey for D y^s Camblet 2S/2, 

1% J^^ Osnubrigs, % yd blue Callieo, - 14. 0. 
2 fowls, thread & Cheese ) 

28 to :Mri. W. for Beef 9% @: S 

29 to Mr. \\hittelsey for goose 
21^ butter 5/ hops 4/6 Silk 3d 

31 to Benjn. Wilmot for bb Sider 
to Mr. Eliot for Bum 
to Do. for Sugar 

Xovembr. s 

1 to Samuel Gilbert for boards 
to Dani. Sanford for Yo pig . = 

2 to Contribution 
■ . • 3 to Jos. Sperry for load wood 

to Mr. Pktt for 15111' Beef (a, 8d 
to Mrs. Pomroy for pig, piece of 
4 to Mr. Bisliop for my Bate 
to Do. for fathers rate 
■ .. . ■ 6 to Abr"'. Tlionipson for 1 Day highway work 
to Mrs. W. for 31^ tobacco (a, 1/G 
9 to Jo: for Cutting wood &e 

10 to Wm. Johnson for 2 bushi turnips 

11 to Mr. Whittelsey for 2 Cask 

12 to Mr. Hall for house rent 
to Leiut Baldwin* f(jr load -wood 

- 14 to M". W. for Corn % bushi. i^c 
to Mr. Cooke for 2 Dinners 
15 to Atwater for pig 

to Jo. for Cutting wood &c ■ " 0. 

Barnabas Baldwin. Junior, of Xew Haven and :Milford. 































5 . 






































JAUED INGEtlSOLL I'Al'KKS, l74.']-r)(>, 221 

to Mrs. \v. for Corn &c 
17 to Jon^h. Atwater Jur. for Oysters 

to Expences at Fairfield for myself & horse 

to Wynkoop* for pf. buckles 

to Do. for pr. D'l. for my Wife 

to Do. for making 3 Silver Spoons 

to Do. for 3 p^rt. Silver 

left 47 oz Silver for s'l Spoons 

gave Ely for s^. Silver 

to Mrs. w. for Corn 
20 to Lealif for ^Wishing pJ. in liolland & ) 
making up . . Apron S 

25 to Kimberly for 2 Qts. Matlieglin 
to for 4 fowls 
to ill'. Howell for Corn part bush'. 

26 to Miss Cablet for 141b. tea 
to Do. for loz. Cotl'ee 

28 to Mr. Whittclscy for Cash paid il's. / 

Hotchkis on my Acc^. for fowls S 
to Mr. Whittelsey for Doz butter 
to Do. for thread & tape 
to Do. 141b Eaisins 

to David Punderson for l^s Checks linnen 
to Do. for 1 Doz: bisket 
to Doctr. Levt. Hubbard for Adhernium ic. 

29 to Mrs. Thomas for fjoose 

.: .. £42.12. 8 


1 to Dan'. Thompson for Combing wool 0.5.0 

to il". Thompson for Candle 0. 3. 

3 to Jo. for Cutting wood 0. 3. 3 

— • to James Peek for scraping Bucks horn 0. 0. 

" to James Thompson on book for barrel 0.13. 

to Jethro for killing hog 0. 3. 

' 5 to Stephen Howell for higliways working (H 

rum 0. 5. tJ 

to Benjn. Todd for 201^.11' :S[utton tallow ^ y^ 1.14. 2 

to Charity 0.5.0 

7 to Contribution 0. 1. 

... ;:,:^' 9 to Benjn. Wilmot for load Wood 0.15. 

* Benjamin Wynkoop, of Fairfield. 

t ilr. IngerM)ll >ol(| I^eaii. his negro slave, in 1778. to Poinpey Punchard, 
a free negro. 

$ Mrs. Sarali, wife of William Cable, died in August, 1751, aged 40. 






























































10 to Mr. Whittelsey for Eggs 
to Ailing for load wood 
to D. Punderson for fowls 
to Jo. for fetcliing home D'\ 

11 to :Mr. Hays for Qt. Brandy 

12 to Mr. Eliot for rum 

to Mr. Howell in full of bushi. Corn 

13 to Mr. ^Yhittelsey for Mutton 
to Do. for Do. 

to iJrs.. Eosbotlmni* for tansey water 

17 to Mr- Jones for an Almanack 
to David Punderson biscake 

18 to Mr. Whittelsey on Book for one Partridge 
to Do. for Quire paper 

to Jon'^. Allen for load wood 

19 to Miss Pomroy for Gall: rum 
21 to Miss W: for Indian meal 

24- to Mr. Whittelsey for handkercf 

25 to Sami. Beeeher for 19i.^ib. butter . 
to Mr. Whittelsey for handkerfs 

to Do. for fowls 3/9 for pipes 5/ 

26 to StepJ^. Howell on book for rum &c 
29 to Wait Chattertont for 60"^. flower 

to i[r. Wliittelsey for fowl " 
to Doctr. Hubb<J. for physick &c 
31 to David Punderson on Book for Bisket 
to M". W. for pork 

SCM TOTAL of Expences in the foregoing year 1746 



















7 . 















































21. 1.11 
£319.. 17.. 6 




Victuals, Including tea? drank as well 

afternoon as in yf morning 
Drink for Victuals, viz Sider & Beer 
Strong iiquors, viz Hum, Wine, Matheglin &c 

Saddle, bridle. Baggs &c ■ 

Laid out in Silver 

A table . , . " . 

house- rent 

* Sarah, daughter of Gershom Brown, and wife of Benjamin Rosbothani. 
born :March, 1G09. 

t Of Mount C'arnu"]. 

!{: The amount expended for tea during the year was £13.14.0; and tlie 
price per pound, so far as given, varied from £.'5. to £5. 

1 u . 
















^^°f^!"^ 100.. 0.. 03 

, K 5.. 4.. 9 

'"^"'^^^ 1..10.. 

P/P" 0..13..6 

^'"^'^^ V ■ • 2.. 10.. 

284.. 5. 

Remains £35.. 12.. 3. for paper, washincr. Charitv. powder, Lead. Casks 
Gimblets, Cutting wood, boards, books & a thousand other Incidental tlun-s.' 

Letter of WiLLiA^r Livixgstox. ' 


I find by your Letter of the lOth Instant k the account there- 
with, that tliere is still in your hands a Ballance of £10.2.0 old 
Tenor in my favour on Ace' of the Philosophic Solitude. I am 
at a Loss how to make you Satisfaction for the trouble vou have 
been pleased to take in that affair, especially since I find that 
you have not so much as Charged the usual Commissions (^dlich 
m a Gentleman of your Profession I must look upon as a most 
sublime pitch of self-denial &) which I should have been 
exceeding willing, & am still willing, to allow you. But if you 
are still resolved not to accept them (and indeed they would be 
but a very inadequate Ptecompence for your Trouble) I can 
only say, that if it should ever be in my power to serve you, I 
shall not fail to embrace the welcome Opportunitv of testifvinjr 
my gratitude. And as to the said £10.2.0, I having no occasion 
for your unfortunate Currency," you would still add to the 

* As the currency of Connecticut is frequently referred to in tliese papers 
a brief e.xplanation will be of service. 

Old tenor was the term used for all Connecticut paper mouev of the 
issues to 1740, still outstanding in 1744, including possibly some bills of 
1/46 printed from the old plates. Xeir tenor consisted of the bills of 1744 
and years following. Little reckoning was done in new tenor, calculations 
being made in old tenor at the rate of three and a half old tenor to one 
>iew tenor. In compari..on with the normal value of paper, that is, six 
shillings to a silver Spanish dollar or six shillings eiuht pence to an ounce 
ot silver, which was also the rate at which forei;:n silver coins were made 
current by the Proclamation of 1704 and so known as proelnmation ,non, „ 
the depreciation of old tenor in 174S was alK>ut .ix to one. In comparison 

224 jAnEi) inoef;s()ll papers, IT-t^j-^O. 

Obligations you have already laid me under, if you wou'd lu- 
pleased to lay it out in the following Works of Dr. Watts (which 
I douht not yitu'l tiud in Daddy Diodates" Shop, ti: I trust ^Ir. 
Whittelsey your Brother will take the Trouble to Convey to my 
hands) viz: His Treatise on the Passions, Philosophical 
Essays, Strength *S: Weakness of human reason <i: Reliquiae 
■Juveniles, or as many of them as the said Sum will purchase. 
I am, Sir (with my best Respects to you ^r Mrs. Ingersol) 

Your most humlde Servt 

..... .- • Wir. Livingston.! 

X: YorkOct^2:., 174S 

^\"ith sterling, in wliich four shillintrs and six pence were equal to a Spani-h 
dollar, the depreoiatiiui was a third more, or eight to one. 

There was a difference of opinion at the time as to the meaning of 
laicful moneij. Manifestly it was any medium made legal by law, Init 
whether by the law of England or the law of the colony was not so clear. 
Some held that lairfnl money was silver, either the silver shillings, six- 
pences, and threepences coined in ^Massachusetts. 1G52-16S4, and still in 
circulation, or the foreign silver made current at the same rate by the 
Proclamation of 1704 and the Coinage Act of 170S. Others, constituting- 
probably a majority of the people of New England, held that laicful monrij 
was paper money, which at par equated with both Massachusetts silver am! 
proclamation money, a six shilling paper bill when first issued, six Massa- 
chusetts pine-tree shillings, and a Spanish dollar all being of the sanif 
value. In the Bering vs Packer case (below, p. 239), the Privy Council 
decided in favor 'of silver, either Massachusetts silver or proclamation 
money, but IngersoU was luuloubtedly riglit when he said that this decision 
was not in accord with the '"understanding of the people" of 2se\v 

* William Dio<late, a native of London (who settled in New Haven in 
1717, married in 1721, and died in 1751), kept a general store on State 
Street, at the southwest corner of the present junction with Court Street. 

t The writer (born 1723, died 1700) was graduated at Yale in 1741. 
and was now gaining distinction at the New York bar. In his later year- 
he removed to Xew .lersey, where he served in Congress and became tin- 
first Governor of tlie State. 

In 1747 he pul)li>hed anonymously in Xew York Philosophic Solitude: or 
the choice of a Rural Life. A I'oem. By a Gentleman educated at Y"!' 
College. A suli-criptidn-paiter in ilr. Ingersoll's hand for this work (the 
earliest publication in pure literature liy a Yale graduate), wliich wa- 
circulated in the College, and is still preserved in the Yale L'niver-it; 
Library, is appended to this letter. 




Prepare.;] for the press .t upon proper Encouraoement will be 
Speedily published, A Eural Poem both Instructive .t Deliaht- 
full :\r. William Livingston of Xew York the Author, to^ be 
printed on good paper in Quarto, being Somewhat in length 
more than an Ordinary Sermon, the price of one will be about 
four or live Shillings old tenor.t 

We the Subribers- willing to Encourage the publication 
thereof Do for that purpose Engage to pay the Undertakers for 
So many as to our names arc annexd. 

•Tared Ingersol 

Cliauncey \Yhittelsey 

Enos All ins: 

Samuel Fisk 

Willim. Rii^^el 

Sami Fitch 

Wm SaniH. Johnson 

Xathu Lloyd 

Richd Mansfield 

Jouth. Coltou 

Aaron Day 

Wm. Bryant 
Lyman Hall 
Xathu. Huntington 
Joseph Clark- 
Deliverance Smith 
Oliver ^Yolcott 
Daniel Shelden 
Timothy Pitkin 
^Villiam Cooke 
John Benedict 
Kenjn. Fisk 
Jonathan Elmer 
John Hubbard 







2 paid+ 





Eleazar Porter 

Thomas Williams 

Wm Smith 

John Cityler 

Xaphtali Daggett 

Elijah Lyman 

David Baldwin 

Dan". Bennitt 

James Hillhouse 

John Sherman 

Nehemiah Greenman 

John Colman 
Jeremiah Burton 
Matthias Crane 
Daniel Hubbard 
John Hotchkiss 
James Bebee • 
Mr. Bastwick. Greenwich 
Mr. Mather, :Middle>ex 
:Mr. Dibble, Stanford 
Mr. Lamson, Pviehtield 
Mr. Woolsey, L. Island 
John Reynolds 
Eliphalet Bali 



1 paid 










* All the subscribers were graduates or underirraduates of Yale There 
«-ere then probably from 105 to 110 students in Colk-e. and of these oS 
persons subscribed for S3 copies,— 20 being Seniors i Cla^s of 1747)' "0 
• umor. (Class of 1748), 12 Sophomores (Class of 1749j. and G Freshmen 
(Uass ot l.oO): Burton, a Senior from Stratford. Sumner from Hebron 
nnd Sherman. Sophomores, and :\ritchel. a Freshman from Woodburv. du-d 
^r left Collt-ge before graduation. 

t Tliat is. about a shilling proclamation mon.-y or nine p.-nce sterling. 

iOne of these copies is now hi the Yale Library. 



Daniel ^Yelch 
Reynold Marvin 
Nathan Starr 
Jolin Clark 
David Ripley 
Xyniphas Mar^ton 
Elisha Steel 
Peter Bnel 
Samuel Raynolds 
William Sumner 
Nathaniel Bartlet 
Austin Munson 
James Brown 
Isaac Lvnian 


of Doctr. Fitch 


1 pd 


2 pd 
•2 pJ 






. 7. . 









. 5.. 

. 6 


. 5. , 

. G 


. 5. , 

. 6 


. 5. , 

. 6 





. 5. 

. 6 


2. , 





{Simeon Mitchel 
Mitchel Reed 2 
2 Do. 1 Do. 
Klihu Tudor 
Izrahiah Wet more 
John Maltby 
Jedediah ilills 
Daniel Griswold 
Aaron Hutchinson 
Noadiah Warner 
Hobart ^lason 
Sam^i Scabury 
Jami>on Johnston 
Isaac Isaacs 
Saml Bro^vn 

of Mr. Whiting 

& pd for 

6. .12.. 

Reed of Sumnor for / 
Sundry Sold i 

of Do. 

Sepr. 11: 1747 
Delivd to Sr Smith* 
Bradlv for freight 



3 • 





1 paid 



. 5. 



. 5., 










. n 


. 5. 

. li 






. G 


. 0. 






. 3. 





174S postage Letter 0.. 5. 


' ' [Endorsed on back] 

Reed, for hooks £17. IS.. paid out 

to Bryant 
,', i ^ freight 

; postage Letter 

■ to Mr. Diodate for books 
' (^ 5/G viz Accidencies pr order 
, :. ,' to Sunmer &c for disposing } 

of y« pamphlets \ 

* By Sir Smith is meant William Smith, Junior (Yale 
student (with Living-tnn) in the oilice of Hon. \Mlliam 
(Yale 1719), of N.'W York City and afterwards Chief Justic 
of the Province of New York. 


. 3 . •' 

. 2 . "' 

. 5 . 10 


.13 : '> 

. 11 . 


, a hiw- 


. Sfni"r 

1 nnd 1 


jared ixgersoll papers, 1743-50. 227 

Letter of Wileia:m Livixgstox. 

Xew York Xo' 28, 1748. 
W Jared Ingersol 

Sir — 3Ir. Wittlesey tells me that you could not get the books 
I wrote for; be pleased therefore to lay out the money in 
Chevers's"^' excidenees & Vocabularies (or Xomeuclatures) 
Latin tt English, half for one & half for the other, & send them 
\>y the post for as reasonal>le a price as you can agree. My 
respects to your Spouse. 

I am, Sir, Your very humble Serv* 

W" Livingston. 

i^.B. — You will be pleased to send them by the next post, I 
wanting them for my brothers Children, & charge the postage of 
this Letter to mv Acc\ 

BiEL OF Sale of Xegeo Boy.- 

To all people to whom these presents shall Come Greeting. 

Know ye that I Stephen Ailing of the Town k County of 'New 

Haven & Colony of Connecticut, for the Consideration of the 

Sum of three hundred tS: twenty pounds old tenor rec*^. to my 

full satisfaction of Jared Ingersoll of Xew Haven afores*^., 

have Sold, set over k Delivered & Do by these presents fully & 

absolutely Sell, Set over & Deliver unto him the said Jared 

Tngersoll a Certain Negro Boy, a Slave Called Cambridge aged 

Eight years or thereabouts, To have lV to hold the said Negro 

Boy unto him the said Jared Ligersoll and to his Executoi*s, 

Adm". and Assigns for Ever. And I the said Stephen Ailing 

Do for my Self my heirs. Ex'". & Adm". Covenant with the Said 

Jared Ingersoll his Ex"^ & Adm". that Until the Ensealing of 

these presents I am Lawfully possessed of the said Xegro as of 

my proper goods & have good right to Sell him in manner as is 

above written k Do by these presents bind my Self & my heirs, 

* Ezekiel Cheever (born in Enr;lanil in 1014. died in Boston in 170S), 

a noted <choolma»tpr in New Haven, and in Boston and its vicinity, 

I'liblislittl a Latin Acci'lcncc wliich continued in use for many generations 
"f schoolbov?. 


Ex", and AJm'^. for Ever To Warrant tSr Defend the s'^. Seixm 
to liim the said Jared Ingersoll and to his Ex"""., Adni"'. A: 
AssigTis against all Claims A: Demands whatsoever. In Wiriitss 
whereof I have hereunto Set my hand A: Seal this 31''. Day <,( 
May AD: 1751. 

Signed, Sealed 0^^ Deliv'^. Stephen Ailing [l. s.] 

in presence of ■ ■ • 

Chauncy Whittelsey"^ ' 

Charles AVhittelsev ,' - ■ - . 

Epitaph ox Isaac Steady Esq'^.f 


Here Lies, Squire Steady, for Religion Ever fam'd 
who ne'er in all his life got drunk, nor Ever gam'd. 
he had the Pious Xack at right godly Devotion 
yet was troubled with an Itch for "Worldly Promotion 
of which he long Laboured. Ah ! fatal Disease 
while flattering all. Courting all, he all did displease. 
So Equi-poised was his mind 'twixt One thing tt another 
he never knew his own mind for two hours together. 

* Stephen Ailing. Jarecl Ingersoll, and Chauncy ^Miittelsey had marri'--'' 
sisters, the daughters of Colonel Josepli Whiting, of Xew Haven. 

t These verses, in Mr. IngersoU's hand, are unsigned, but the erasures an! 
interlineations betray the author. The subject is Isaac Dickernian. <''■ 
Xew Haven, born 1077. died 175S, wlio on April S, 1754, was defeated v> 
the nomination of Deputies in the General Assembly of the Colony, of whii'' 
he had formerly lutn a member. He served as a Deacon in the First Chur< : 
from 1727 until liis dismission early in 1754 to the Separate or Ul!'''' 
Haven Cluirch: in whicli lie was a Deacon from April 2, 1754. to li:- 

He married, as his second wife, on June 12, 1754, Elizabeth (AlHn;-' ■ 
widow of John Morris, of East Haven. 

A very bitter feeling prevailed at this time between the supptntui- "'' 
the Rev. Joseph Xoyes. of the First Cluirch (of whom [Mr. Inger^idl ^^•»• 
one), and his opponents, some of whom had founded the White Ilav'"? 
Meeting in 1742. 

t The day of tlie nit-.-iing of freemen in Connecticut towns for nominat!"-" 
Deputies to the (ieiK-ral Assembly. 

jAEEi) ixGEKsoLL PAPERS, 174:^-50. 229 

Long did the two houses for Religions Worship prepar'd 

Contend for his presence, which neither wholly shar'd ; 

he tiirn'd, to true blue »^ turned back ^ then tuni'd again 

& doubtless in all had his godly Ends t' obtain ; 

but See fickle fortune! when most She Seems to favour 

Says there's Something Suspicious in his Motly behaviour, 

too good for one Side, not proov'd Lasting good o' the tother, 

is bid to give way to a more Deserving Brother ; 

Ev'n Just as his faith was Declared to be right Sound 

between those two Stools, he fell flat to y^ ground 

& falling Died — his worldly Life's no more. 

As to his Stature it Avas tall «Jc his Age almost four Score, 

but what was worldly life to him who hopes E're long 

to Shine Illustrious Among that pious throng, 

where Join'd to South-End's Eich ^Yidow full of grace & 

true light 
he'll Eise Immortal & Eeign as Lasting full & bright 
as does a falling Meteor in a dark Cloudy Xight ; 
flaming with pious Social Love at Seventy Seven 
Vio-orous k Strone; — Just like good folks in heaven. 

Letter of Col. Gfrdox Saltoxstall. 

, Xew London Xov'". 3, 1755 

M^ Jared Engersol 


. I now adress you by my son TTinthrc^p,'^ & on 
his behalf. 

L'pon nuiture Consideration, ti' advice, he has resolved to 
Study the Law ; and as he will stand in absolute need of 

* Wiiitliiop Saltonstall, son of Colonel Gurdon Saltonstall (Yale College 
172.5), and grandson of Governor Gurdon Saltonstall, was graduated at 
Vale in 175G, and spent his life in his native town of New Li;)ndon, employed 
in public office. 

As a day-liook of ^fr. Ingersoll shows, young Saltoirstall boarded in his 
family tlndiigli liis Senior year, paying five shillings a wi-ek. 


advice, cl' direction, I take the Freedom to ask the favour, of You 
to admit him into your Family, & under your Patronage ; if ir 
be consistent with your Practice as well as agreable to tlit- 

Haveing" considcr'd Winthrop's Genius, am of Opinion, thar 
there is as much reason to hope, he will make as good proficiency 
in the Study of the Law, as in any other branch of Literature. 

Should you consent to take him, favour me with the Terui,- 
on which you'l accept him ; which I doubt not will be reason- 
able, that I may give him such directions as may be necessary, 
with all convenient speed. 

And youl highly Oblige 

Y^ :^Iost Hum^ Serv*. 

G: Saltonstall, 

Letter of Peter V. B. Livixgstox. 
._ ... -. , , :N' York May 31^ 1T5G 

The Corrispondents to the Society in Scotland from [ ? for] 
Propigating Christian Knowlege are about buying a tract rif 
Land in Xew Jersey for the use of the Indians & purpose X'< 
settle the Pev*^. M\ John Prainerd" amongst them as their 
Minister: their Cash is so low that I can [not] see that they 
can possibly compleat their dcsig-n unless they can very speedily 
get the money which ^F. Praincrd put to interest to ]Mess''. 
Cook, Day S: Dyer, whose bonds 'M\ Brainerd tells me he ha- 
put into your hands. Wherefore I beg the favour of you to !••' 
me know how that affair stamls by the very first opportunity. 
what sum you have rec^. cl' what you still expect to receive au'! 

•John Braiiiord (horn 1720. died 17S1) was frraduated at Yale in 174'!: 
and from 1747 to 1755 was employed hy the Edinburgh Society for Prop- 
ogatinp Christian Knowledjre a.^ his brother David's assistant and suc- 
cessor in the mission to tlie Delaware Indians in Xew Jersey. 

lie tiien had eliar^-^e for a yoar of the Presbyterian Church in Newark 
but in .Jiuie, 175*3. resumed his former labors, lar^'ely supportin;; hini-tl! 
from his private means. 


wheu. I beg you will be very pcrticular, that the Corrispond- 
cnts may know what to depend on <li: act accordingly. 
I am 

Your most hum\ Serv*. 

P. V. B. Livingston." 

[To ^ , . ■ 

Jared Ingersol Escf. . ^, \. .:, 

at .. . ■- 

i^ew Haven] 

Letteks of Rev. Johx Beaixerd. 

iSTew York, Julv 1, 1756 

I received the Money you left and all is right except that 
clip't Piece which I twk for a double Pistole.v That is a 
Counterfeit & will by no means Pass. I have left it with M^ 
Peter Livingston to send by Cap' Bradly. I hope W. Day 
knows who he had it of and will be able to return it, to the 
right owner. 

In Hast, 

Your humb Serv* 

John Braincrd . . 

Xewark, Mar. 1, 1758 
Sir, . '^ ' - " ■ 

Yours 23*^ Jan: came to hand last Evening. I had Just pre- 
pared a Line for you, which now you wont have the Trouble 

* Peter Van Brn^zh Liviiifrston, an elder brother of 'Sir. In^cr^oll's 
intimate friend, \Mlliam Livinf;ston, was graduated at Yale in 1731, and 
became a merchant in New York. 

t Pistflle was a Spanish coin, appearing in a single piece, a douVde or 
two-pistole piece, and a four-pistole piece or doubloon. Its value in the 
colonies varied from 10s. Gd to •22s, but in Virginia it was in conuiion use 
as the equivalent of an English pound or 20s. 

232 JARED IXGERSOLL VATEns. l74.'>-r)0. 

of. — I am not Sorry to Lear yon have received ilie full of nuj 
Debt from Yale Bis]io[). You will be so e.ood as to send it to 
]\P. P. V. B. Livingston In- the first Safe Opportunity, and Just 
Signify to him that it belongs to me Personally, otherwise he 
may keep it in the Treasury and not send me Word. 

I am sorry for so many Delays with Respect to the publiek 
Money. But I doubt not you have done your best, and will do 
your utmost to procure the Remainder for us. The "Want of it 
has been a great Disadvantage. You will please to send what 
Money yoti have by yoti, belonging to the Mission, also tu 
M^ Livingston. 

I hope you take Care of yourself, by the Way, as well as of 
ns. It has been a troiiblesom Aff". all round. I long to have 
it done with. 

In hast, 

Sir, - ■ 

.' Your humb Serv* 

John Braiuerd 

Jared Ingersoll Esq^ 

at Xew Haven] 

Letter of Joseph Goldthwait. 

At Onida Great Carryin Place,^- Aug\ 14'\ 1750 
Dear Sir, 

Perhaps these Lines may surprise you. But, though I aui 
absent from you have a Regard for my frinds at your Place. 
&• have wrote to many of Them. Therefore take the Tredom "t 
writeing a few Lines to you, «S: Encloseing one to my Dear Givlf 
who, I hope is Well. 

I have not no Particular Xews to tell yoti off. Every thiuir 
this way Lays Dorment, waiting Lord Lowdenf Orders. ^" 

* The site of tlie present city of rvoine, X. Y.. where the waters tli;^t 
flow to tlie IIii<l-nu Fviver divide from those tiiat tlow to Lake Ontari". 

t The Earl of LoikIdiui arrived in Vir;:inia in July. 17.30. as coniniaii'h-r- 
in-chief of the British forces in Xortli America. 



Expedition will be Carryed on this way this Year. We are 
only upon the Defensive; we are fortytiing This Place. I am 
Fosted Here till further Orders. It is Eeport^. that our Eegi- 
nient will be order'', to Ilallifax, but Cant say IIow True it is, 
but Wish it may be so. 

Hope our Countrymen will do something at Crown Point; 
wait with Impatience to Hear of their Success which god Grant. 

My Compliments to your Lady, blaster Jerree, »S: all Inquire- 
ing frinds, or any Body you have a 3Iind to. Beg yo\ favor me 
with a Line, and a Xews Paper cV". will be Exccptable <t am 
Dear Sir your most Humble Seiw*. 

Joseph Goldthwait" 
Jared Ingersole Esq^ 

*Tlie writer of this letter, Joseph Goldthwait. Junior, bought land in 
New Haven in 1751. but sold out his holdings in 1754. He was born in 
Boston in 1730, attained tlie rank of Major in the Old French War, was 
loyal to the Crown in the Revolution, and died in Xcav York City in 1779. 

234: JARED IXGE-RSOLL PArERS, 1758-64. 

II. Xew Haven an'd London, 1758-1764. \ 
In May, 175S, Mr. Ingersoll was appointed as Agent for tli.- 
Colony of Connecticut at the Court of St. James. He reache-l 
London in January, 1759, and after resigning his agency in 
:N[ay, 1700, remained there for over a year longer. Before hi^ 
return he contracted ^vith the Commissioners of the Xavy t.;. 
send them from America a ship-load of masts, etc. 

The following papers relate to his preparations for the voyage 
to London : his life there : his London landlady's letters after 
his return: details of the fulfilment of his contract with the 
Xavy Board ; and other incidents in his personal history. 

Letter of Kev. Jonathan Ingeksole. 

Xew York, June 14, 175 S. 
D'. Brother; 

I this minit received a Line from you by Mr Darling, and 
am Sorrv I had it not sooner. However, in my last, which I 
hope vou have received, I gave you my Advice respecting your 
takin- v^ Smal Pox bv Innoculation r and y^ more I hear, y 
moreVam encouraged. I lodged at Mr Bostwicks y^ Presbyte- 
rian Minister of this Place, last night: a man of Sense & Reli- 
gion, who Strono-lv advises to it. He is considerably gross, and 
was innoculated^last Suunner with all his Family consisting ot 
ei-ht 01- nine, and, I believe, all together had not so large a Cr-p 
as"^I had. and were scarcely ill enough to keep House. I hope 
you will be preserved, & should rejoyee to be with you was it 

.Inoculation a. a preventative of small pox. one of the mo.t dreaJ.-.l 
„f .li...a-e< in t!u. oolonie.. consisted in the injection of small pox virus trom 
■X mild ca^e. in ord.-r to induce in the individual a mild form of the disease. 
Manv objecti.,n^ to it were raise.l in the colonies, partly becattse of it^ 
dan-ers an.l partlv h.cau.e of its interferenc uitli the "preropUive ^ ot 
(•od" The Xs-en.ldv of South Carolina forbade its use in 1.^,4. 1 he Sut- 
tonian method Avas that commonly used. The "crop'' to wluch 
Inu'ersoU refers is evidently of "pock-marks'. 


possible; but it seems not possible, Consistent with <S:c &e. 
I heartily rejoyce in your Prosperity, and so bid you farewell 
wishing the best of Blessings may rest upon you, and y' you 
may be made a rich Blessing to your Country. D"" Sir, danger- 
ous, tempting Scenes you expect will open, watch tS: pray. 
Hope we may See each other again in Life; be this as it will, 
let our highest Concern be to Serve our Generation by y*" will of 
God, y' we may die in Peace ; and possess Eternal Bliss. 

Your Affectionate Brother 

Jon*^ Ingersoll.'^ 
[To ^ -- -'- . ■ . 

^P Jared Tngersoll Esq'" . ■ 

at Brook-Haven • 

on Long Island •' .: ; , •• : ■.. 

to be left at D"", Murisons] 

Letter of William Samuel Johxsox. 

1^0 one among y^ Friends does more sincerely & heartily than 
I do. Congratulate y''. Return Home & recovery from the small 
Pox. I had great Concern for you on Account of the hot 
Wheather which happened at the Time I imagined you had the 
disease upon you : And was sorry you had not before Innocu- 
lation been advised of the surprising success of the Jersey 
Physicians in the use of ]\rcrcury d' Antimony, as means to 
correct the virulance of that distemper, & render Tnnoculation 
safe fov all Ages cV- Constitutions. But as the Event of the 
course you took has been so hap]>y, it is now of no consequence. 
]\ray this first fortunate stop be an Omen, of a happy Voyage, & 
prosperous undertaking tliroughout 

* Jonathan Inirorsull, born 1714, the eldest brother of Jared Ingersoll, 
was frraduated at Yale in 173(1. 

He was settled as [)a3tor of tlie Conarepational C'liurcli in Ridgofield, 
Connecticut, in 1730: and served in tluit oflicc until his death in 1778. 
His eldest son was graduated at Yale in 1700. and became a distinguished 
lawyer in New Haven and Lieutenant Governor of the State. 


- I shall be glad to kuow w].--::rr we shall have the Pleasun^ {<< 
see yoii at Litchfield, or Avhr-iL-:r you conclude not tt' attend this 

I am with true Regard ' 

I/. S^ Y^ Friend ^' L-nble Serv\ 
Wm. Sani'. J'.hnson" 
Stratford, Ang. 2, 175S. 

Jared Ingersol, Esq : Xew Haven. 

Letter of Di;. George Muirsox. 

Good Sir 

I Eec'^ Your Kind letter of the 30*^ July Informing nie of 
the surrouder of Louisbourgh : rho' the Account proved prema- 
ture I made no doubt but that it would be so soon. If it was not 
so then, from the Constant ; heavy ; and Almost perpetual fin- 
with w''''. we ply'd them. 

(I had also great Confidence from the kno^vn Ability and 
Integrity of two of the principle Commanders, one I had the 
honour and pleasure of being Acquainted with.) 

It is So now. I give you Joy thereof and "Wish it to Every 

Had we Succeded to the Xorthward in that one battle only. In 
My Opinion this part of the World Would have bin our own 
Soon. I most firmly beleive God In his good time Will Deliver 
ns from Slaughter and put tlie Xorth as Well as East in our 
hands. I would have a Small ^Matter of humain Cleans ^Madr 
L'se'off, for great ones dont Avail us to the Xorthward, w'^^' I am 
both Sorry for, and Ashamed (ttf. ' "' 

I hope ]\r' Ingersall is well and happly freed from the Secret 

•William Samuel Johnson, born 1727, died ISIO, was graduated at Val'- 
in 1744. and iM-came a lawyer in Stratford. 

In comnion with a lar^e ntnnl)er of other leading citizens of We-terii 
Connecticut. Dr. .Tnlmson refrained fnun active iiarticijiatinn in tlie eviiit- 
which preeedeil and accompanied the American Revolution; hut wlien tl:- 
struggle was deeiiled. he acefpte.! tlie re-^ult cordially, and took an imiuMtaiii 
part in the construction of tlic new republic. 


and hidden fear's that Some body said She was possesed off, For 
as to Manifest ones no body On Our lie Was Wise Enough to 
discover. Pray give my Hearty Regards to her ; M"^ !Muirson 
and the Whole doth the Same. I wish you Well Sir Here: on 
your passage to England; there; and When you Return. 
Shall always be very glad to hear from you Especially when In 
Europe and be assured Dear S"". you are among the Xumber of 
the professed friends of • 

. Geo Muirson"^ 

lOr Sep' At Xight 

Your lingers — but my Eyes begin to fail me. 
[For : . • 

Jared Ingersoll Escf 

at Xew Haven] 

Letter to Rev. Joxatiiax IxCtErsoll. 

. ,\. ..-■.■; .. London, 16th AjA 1759. t 
D^ Broths 

I now write you from this far distant land of Old England, 
as I did frequently from X: York while I was waiting there for 
a passage, during all which time I have not had the pleasure of 
receiving a line from you. I know your late Sickness must be 
your Excuse in great measure & perhaps altogether. 

I have not heard from any of my friends in America since 
my Coining away. Perhaps you are Still Laliouring under 
weakness die infirmity tho I hope it is otherwise with you. Be so 
good as to write me one line at least. I myself was greatly 

* Dr. Geortre !Muir>on, Jr., of Brookhaven. Lous I>land, born 170S, died 
17S(). was the earliest practitioner in America of mercurial inoculation. 

i" Another letter, dated on the day after this, to his friend William 
Samuel Jolin-Min, is ^riven in part in Beardsley's Life mi-I Times of Jolnison. 
pp. ].')-lt;. 

A suh>.H(|iK'nt lettt-r. written on Decemhcr 'li. 1750. is given in full by 
Dr. Beardsley. pp. 10-24. 


relax'd at first coming liere k for some time after, owiui:-, I 
Imagin, partly to the moistness of the Air in this Climate »!c 
partly to my being Confined almost all the way over, to my 
Cabbin in a close pent air. The Ocean was in Such a rage we 
Could not go forth upon Deck nor yet Sit or Stand in the Cab- 
bin great part of the time. The passage was truly terrible A: 
alarming, nor did we but with the utmost hazard Escape Ship- 
wreck finally at our nuiking the Land, which was in the horrors 
of a Dark «i: Stormy night with the wind fiercely blowing on 
Shore. But through the Divine protection we Survived all 
those dreadfulls ; »i: how many tic what Kind of disasters Still 
await you cV- me, after those we already escap'd, God only 
knows. 'Tis a good thing to preserve a firm & Equal mind at 
all times, tho' 'tis difficult sometimes to preserve such a temper. 
And nov/ methinks you want to have mc break ofi" this Strain 
& tell you Something of this Same Country I am in. "SYhat 
shall I tell you but that human nature is the Same here li' three 
thousand miles off; here is pain & pleasure; here are liich \' 
poor, Xoble *t igiioble, Some worthy & Some very unworthy 
persons of Every Caracter <^- Denomination of men ; "tis true 
here are vast improvements, many are the monuments of 
immense Labour <fc Skill «i' the .Land is fine beyond what I 
expected. The winter has been Exceeding mild but the 
growth of the Earth is unaccountable. I walk'd lately in the 
fields where I found the grass full Ancle high A: better, thick A: 
rank : twould now mow as good rowen. 

As to the Political Avorld, they are all at work but those with- 
out Doors know little what is doing. 

His ^Majesty is in usual health, but Advanced in years, as yuii 
know; 'tis a great Satisfaction to the nation to know that sd 
well disposed a person as the Prince of Wales appears to be, is 
Likely to succeed to the Throne when his ^Majesty shall be no 
more. I have had the pleasure of frequently Seeing all the 
Royal Family; of being present in both the Houses of Parlia- 
ment, Courts of Common Law, kc. kc. But of these things 
more particularly when we meet, as Grid grant we may in this 
Life airain in Due time. 

jARED i>'GKi;s()LL I'.vrEiJs, 17oS-04. 239 

;Mv kind regards to your family k proper Compl^'. to all 

I am y^ Cordial friend cV Atfec\ Brother 
Jared Irigersoll. 
Her. Jonatliau Ligersoll, 

Eidgefield] ' ■ ' . 


i XoTEs OF Decisiox OF Case, Derixg vs. Packer. 

Lords Com**, of Council, Cockpit, AVhitehall" 
1760 JulvlO' 



Deering of Boston, ZSew England, V^ 

Packer of jiST : Hampshire on an appeal 

from a Judgment of Supreme Court in ]!S 

Hampshire on bond Dated 30 July IToi, from Packer to Deer- 
ing payable 30 Jan^ 1735, Conditioned for payment of £2460. 
in good jjuhlick Bills of ^^ Province of y'^ Massachusetts Bay or 
Current Laivfull money of New England with Interest. Case: 
The Dei'^. sometime about y® year 1752 made a tendry of a 
Large Sum in the then Current bills of Xew Hampshire, or 
out of which he told the PI*", to take his due, there having been 
many payments made & indorsed. The PI*", refused y^ money & 
afterwards brought his Action in which he obtained Judginent 
for y^ penal part of y^ bond by Verdict of y*" Jury in Decemb''. 
175S. Upon which the parties were heard in chancery of y*" 

* Henry Derincr. a Boston merchant (born 16S4). in settling in 1734 a 
business transaction with his Avifo's brother, llioinas Packer, of Portsmouth, 
New Hampshire, agreed to accept payment in ^Nfas^achu-etts currency or 
in "current lawful money of Xew England.'' 

Mr. Dering died in 1750. and in 17G0 his son and executor, Thomas 
Bering, appealed to England against a decision of the Supreme Court of 
Kew Hampshire on tlie interpretation of the above-quoted phrase. The 
debt had already been paid in part, and the appeal was against the accept- 
ance of Xew Hampshire and Connecticut currency in payment of the 

The brief* in this case are in the British ;Mu>eiim. A.Mitiomil ^Manu- 
scripts, 3G,21S, f. 44, transcripts of which arc in tlie Library of Congress. 

240 JARED I?vGKi;S<)LL PAl'KKS, 175S-G4. 

bond agreeable to y^ Law of y® Province, & y* Court gave Judg- 
ment for y^ Sum of £354.0.91/, Bills of Credit of X Hampshire 
X : Tenor, being y^ nominal Sum due at y" time of y^ tendry, 
deducting- y*^' Sums paid & indorsed, so that y^ Court went u})on 
a principal that the Cred^ was holden to take y^ bills as ten- 
dred «t that y^ Debtor was not holden to make good the depre- 
ciation of y*^ Same nor to pay in Silver or real money. 

On y^ side of y'' Appellant, viz \^ Cred^, it was Insisted that 
the pa^nuent ought to have been Either in the Bills of y® Massa- 
chusetts Bay (which it seems were all Called in 6: Sunk before 
the tendry") or in Silver money agreeable to the proclamation of 
Queen Ann, which they Insisted was the true meaning of that 
part of y® Condition, viz Current Lairfull money of X Eng- 
land ; twas also by him Claimed to have all y*" Sums that were 
indorsed reduced in nominal Sum down to y*" Value of Silver 
at y^ time <:)f y^ giving of y* bond which was about 27/ p^ oz. 

On y* Side of y" Def^. twas Urged that Current money of 
X Englaiul at that time ineant &• was understood to be indif- 
ferently the bills of Credit of any, all, or Either of y*" four 
X England Colonies, that therefore y*^ tendry was in the Specie 
Contracted for, »t that y^ Sums indorsed were not only of Course 
upon that Supposition Equal to the very Sums Expressed, but 
that the Cred''. by indorsing had agreed to S: accepted of so 
much as y* Same Expressed in real as well as nominal Sum. 

Earl Grenvill Lord Presid\ & Lord ]\[ansfield L"*. Ch. Justice 
of the Kings Bench, Expressed themselves fully upon y*^ words — 
Current Lawfull money of X. England, in favour of y^ Cred''., to 
which y*" other Lords agreed, that it did not mean Bills of pub- 
lick Credit of any Colony, but were put in Contradistinction to 
y® Same.^ 

I'pon the whole L*^. IMansficld said he was Clear on y° one 
hand that the Sums indorsed ought to be allowed according to 
the nominal Sums so indorsed. Equal to y*^ Same Sums of 
money mentioned in the bond, «t that the PP. had no right to 

• [Note by ]Mr. Tii;.'t'r>nll.] Pt'iliap^ tliey wcro niistnkfii in tliat mattrr. 
not heiiirr aciiiinintfil \vitli the C'lirrt'iicy & Undfrstandin;:: of yf penplr in 
X. England, and v"-' l)<'ft not well prepared to shew that mutter. 


have the Same any way reduced or altered — on the other hand 
that the tendry was not good in any respect, not only in that it 
was in a Species of Currency different from that Contracted 
for, but also in that it was out of time, being many years after 
the time for payment was Lapsed and also without Xotice. He 
said, what I Shall a man meet his CrtMp. in the Street Unawares 
lir tender a Debt to him. The Chancery he said allow Six 
Mouths Xotice to be given of time *i: place. He said the Law 
of the Province Enabling the Court in such Cases to turn itself 
into a Court of Equity, c^: Chancer down the bond to the Sum 
due by y* Condition, was a very good thing & what S". Tho'. 
^[ore in his time Laboured so hard to obtain an Act of Parlia- 
ment for here, & because the Judges with whom he had Several 
Conferences about y*" matter were for retaining the old Artifi- 
cial way, he declared he would always grant Injunctions in 
these Cases. He further said he was at no loss that the Judg- 
ment appealed from ought to be Reversed, but he was at some 
loss what Pule to go by in Ascertaining y" quantum of y® Debt, 
I Since the Province Bills Contracted for were Called iii cC go)te, 

I cC Seemed desirous to know what the practice had been in 

II A; England in such Cases. L^pon this the Solicitor General 

I being of Council for y^ Def*. referred his Lordship to me as I 

was present, for information. Being asked I told the Court 
that old tenor when Contracted for had been allowed to be 
I tendred, altho' depreciated in Value, if tendred in Season, that 

I txnvard the Close of the Existence of old tenor and after the 

I Same was Called in i: Sunk when Judgments were given for real 

I money this matter was miu'h Agitated, viz how much to give. 

I Some were for giving the Value of y® Old tenor or bills of 

I Credit Contracted for as the Same was at the time when y^ 

Obligation was out or v* Deljt become due, others would have it 
Settled as it was when at the least 6: worst period, others again 
were for taking a ^Medium, tho' the more general method where 
f was acquainted had been to take for the Pule the Value of the 
bills when they should have been paid In- y"' Contract. L''. 
^Fansfield upon it was pleased to say he had received much 
lidit & was relieved from his ditlicultv from what I had 


Informed, that lie thought muc4i might be said for taking as a 
Rule the Value of the old tenor at the time Set by the Contract 
for payment, that that, upon the mention of it, Struck him as 
the ]tule of right as a general Rule; hoiceuer, as this Case irii.< 
Circiniistanced, a bond outstanding so very long, — as the bill- 
of publick Credit Avliieh were very much the Currency of tlu 
Currency [ ? Colony] Sunk gradually & became in Some mea>- 
ure Every one's Loss, he thought the Same in this Case to be in 
Some measure at least divided between the parties ; So upon tin 
whole instead of taking the price of Silver at y® time of y"* Con- 
tract and at y^ time Set for payment^ which was about 27/ p^ ',/.. 
the Lords of Appeal fixt it at 37/ and Computed y® Debt accor>l- 
ingly. This made about £100. Sterling in favour of y^ Appd 
lant but as no Costs are allowed in these Cases upon the Appeal 
he could not be much a gainer by promoting y® Appeal. 

X. B. L*^. Mansfield in discussing this point said in all 
Appeals from determinations in the Plantations the Court frun: 
which the Appeal comes ought to Certify the whole matter as \i 
Lay before the Court, & if the Judgment was founded upon a 
general Verdict the Court ought to State and Certify the wlinl^ 
Evidence as well tlie parol as any other, and that the Lords d' 
Appeal had dismissed an Appeal because that had not been done 

This might be difficult to be done when the Judges mak</ 
no minutes; here the practise is for the Judge to take min- 
utes of the Substance of all Evidence as the Same is Delivers i 
in to v^ Court c^' Jurv. 


, , Lottery office, within Two Doors of Lord Mayor- 

in the Poultry London Xovem'. 20*\ 1701 
This day X". .').■>, ()07 in the Present State Lottery, Register"'' 
at this office, in your name was Drawn a Blank. 
Vour most TIuTidde Servant 

Rob' Gray f.n- G: Ecarn 

* Dr. StiU's in his "Itineraries" ;j:ivo-^ tlie price of silver in IT^i-^ •'" 
•27.S. r.d. and in 1734 as from 24s. to -JTs. 


P: S: [Illegible] Tickets^ Shares, »k Clnmces, are every Jay, 
iiioniings and evenings, during the whole time of Drawing are 
Selling at this Otlice ; where most Eeady money is paid for 
]]hinks and Prizes of This and former Lotteries. 


Jared Ingersal Esq'', of Xcw Haven in 
the Collony of Connecut. To the care of Ricli'^. 
Jackson Esq''. Connciler at Law of the 
Inner Temple] 

Letters of Axx Davies (or Robixson). 

London: Sep'^li: 17G1 
.^ir . , 

W Harrison of Bread street was hear to day for places to see 

v*" procession of y^ Coronation and he told me he should send 

yuiir Hankerchfs in a few days. So I tack this opportunity 

'>i troublen you with this and hope it will find you & your good 

Lady & son and all your frends well and am in hopes to have 

a Confirmation of it soon from your hone hand writing. I sent 

The book as you order to Portsmouth with a Letter and M' 

Liicknell was so obligcn as to send them back and wrote me word 

iitat y^ Hade was saild and no prospect of Her return; as I 

judge you wold be glad to have theam, got Mr Harrison to put 

tliem in ye parsal for you. I now must give you som acount 

"1 y" hurly-burly we are in for I can not Call it anny better. 

^\as you to see paleas yard you wold not know it; is all bealt 

i''»nnd with Scaffold at y® tops of tJiair houses ; but I beleave that 

will not answer, as I camiot find any will go at y*" top of mine; 

i!"t with standing I have had Ladders maid to go up and down, 

i'> you know how y*" rufe is bealt and y*" house [so] very grat 

'liirht that y" peple seams to be afeard. Our Queen^ Com to 

^"^vn last tusday arrived at S\ James at three aclock and was 

-'larrad at ten that night. She was very fine, thair was grat 

* QiU'ou Charlotte, consort of Kinjr Gtn^rire III. wns married on Septenilirr 
''^ and crowned on September 22, 1701. 


rejoyciiigs and a brilliant ball y' next night. Y*^ peaple (litlVi' 
much in thair opinions of her; as she landed at Ilarridge >\u- 
Com y^ new road, and 3F Harrison rode by y" side of Coaeh f-.r 
half a mile and he says she is very agreable but as not much 
buety; I hope what she wants in pnrson she will have in miiid. 
Thair was two Gentman of my aequatanee as says thay wold not 
gave two pance for her, was she to be had. I have not seen hni- 
so Can not gave my opinion. So soon as thair comes out a good 
print of her I will send o\ni to yon. I have sent M" Ingersoll a 
Coronation feaver and som ribbn which is much y" tast hear at 
this time and hope she will be please to except of it. Y^ Gent- 
man as took ye two pair Stares is a marchant, his name is Ver- 
nen. :\P Life recommend them to me, and :\? Pen of Pensa- 
vinea and his wife Lady julet is of y^ partay and seavcarl 
Quakei-s. I was at own of thair houses last week and dined 
thair and was treated with a grat deel of good ^llamiers. Miss 
Pen is to Com ye night befor and is to lay with me. Thair i^ 
no news talk of but waddings and Cornation show; not a word 
do I hear of Peace, but you know I am no PoHtician ; I never 
trouble my self with state affears, so Can not say much about tliat. 
I had like to fogot y* y' Queen was proclaim last satterday in y' 
same manner as ye wadding and Coronation was. jM" Galmaii 
was hear that day and inquired after you and desird her Compl'\ 
to you and like wise did my Xeace Xancy Robts. I dout I shall 
tyher you with this long scroll but know you will be so good a^ 
to excuse all defects, so T conclnde "Wishing you & yours halth 
*t happiness and am Sir you frend and hum^ "^servent tc 

I ! ■ , . Ann Davies.'^ 

P. S.— pray my Comp^ to goo<l W Tngcrsall and :\rastcr and 
hope y" Close was liked and bag, likewis my respacks to W 

*^rrs. Ann Davif^s (aftenvards wife of William Robinson) was the at wlio^o Imuse in Palaoo Yar.l .^^r. IngLTSoU hoarded durin- lii- 
stay in London in 1750-ni. '^ 


London Feb. 28 : 17 02 


Yonr Letter dated Oct 20 : at X : York Com to hand in Janu- 
;irv last. I was very glad to hear you was safe arrived after bain 
s(i long- at See; but, as you had good Company and your good 
friend Temple you posable might pass your time agTeable on 
hord a ship. I likewis was feaverd with a letter da\ y^. 9 of 
Dece"', ware in you tell me you found good M" Ingersall & Son 
\' all your friends well which no dought must Contribate gratley 
to your happiness which I Congratulate you on. I wrote you in 
Sep. last and sent y*^ Looks that Com from y® Arts & Sciences 
and took y^ lilx-rty to send M'^ Ingersall a Corronation feaver 
and some Libbn. ^Ir Harrison was with me and told me he 
should send your Handkerchief and expect y*" ship to sale 
Derecteley. so I maid huse of that optuney and wase in hopes 
they got safe some time sence. I now must give you som 
account of y^ Corronation ; it was Conducted very badley ; it 
was quit darke when y^ possession Com back from y^. Abbey, 
which maid y*. Company very angry as it was y^. bast part of y^. 
Show, but ware y® fait lay I know not, but som says it was y*" 
Bishops ; his Majeste was not pleased with it. I beleave thair 
neaver was so maney people assemble to gather before and 
realy maid a very fine apprence as every own was drest and 
strove to out do each other. Palace yard was scaffold all round 
and ye possession want round ^fr Xins Corner which maid 
places and rooms let much more. I beleave I was as well of as 
any own in y^ row except I\[" Cam and she ~Sr !Matterson sude 
and rer(»vear 1 hunderd A: TiO pouns dammage this turm, and 
likewis ]\L Car he as sued and got 1 hunderd pounes of him. 
^[r Cai- was y^ new Commer and had y*^ hansom Daughters. 
^V ^latterson is vei-y ill ; y*^ Lord send him a good jurney for I 
tliank him a very bad man. Thair is sad affair at Lord Pen- 
brufks.^ he is gon of with a yong Lady, Paughter to a Gentle- 

* Henry Heil^ert, lOth Earl of Pembn.ko. had just tlupcd with Miss 
nunter; but returned to his wife and to his eniphivnients in 1704. 


man who is own of y^ Lords of y^ Admaltry, his name is Hunter; 
his ^lajsty is very anui^- with Lord Penbruek and as tuck all 
his inployments from him and his Lady is all most ma<l. 

I have seen y^ Queen and indead I think her a very had 
peace, for she is very short and a disaareahle face; she has uut 
y*^ luck of a iientlewomen, much more a Queen. I am niudi 
distnrbe ye King as not a hansomer wife, but what she wants 
in buety I hope she will make up in goodness. I will send v(.iii 
a print of her as soon as thare is own like her; thar is a grat 
maney that is don but not any that is like. 

now for !Mr Pit. you diser I will gave you acount how lie 
Cam to be out : you know I am no Politician but will gave vou as 
good acount of it as T Can. The chief reason of ^[r Pits resiiiii- 
ing is that ht- was of Opinion that tharr should be imeadiatly 
Warr declared against Spain as it would be greatly for y''. 
Xations advantage, as a Spainish Warr seemd quite unavoidalile 
to him (S: there fore the sooner they began it, the better it v\-(:iuM 
be for the publick good ; but the ^lajority of y""". Gentlemen in y". 
^Ministry was of a different opinion, upon which he thought 
proper to quit his Commissions, but thay soon found thar mis- 
take and was obliged to follow his measures. 

I now must say sbm thing of my salf. I am in Buckingham 
Stret. york Puildings,^ but did not geat in to my house til y'. 
11 of Xov. and Strouds time was up 29 of Oct, but I was obliu" 
to storm ye Cassal and Com in by force. I have not gnt all uiv 
money from Stroud and beleave I neaver shal for he plays lest in 
site. I found my goods very much danunaged and thay have 
Cost a gfHid deal to put tham in repeair; as to what I am doiuj: 
I do asure you T pass my time Init very porley. I wish J coul^l 
say palace yard seamed Dream to me. I have neave lien wt-I! 
sencc ye Corronation. T am very low spirits and geat leatle "T 

* "York I^.tiililin:^*" was a term appliod to the houses and other huihliu'.'- 
between the Straiul and tlie river Tlianies. a sliort distance ea-t of wlief 
Charing C'ro-;-; station now stands. They formed a pronp of streets iui ! 
alleys named alt.-r Cor^'e \'illiers. Duke of P.uekin<rhara, Georire Stn'>f. 
Villiers .Street, Diik-- Street. Of Alley, and Euckinpliam Street. --Ofr All'-y" 
is all tliat now remains. 


HO sleep at night the fortage [= fatigue] of y*". Corronation Day 
\va? more tliou my Spiratji Cohl bair. I fanteJ a way and fell 
dowu twis, a hurt own of my arms very much, I was up all ye 
night before Corronation. I nearer went throu so much fortage 
in so shot atime. Aoortlon to your ordars I have paid y" money 
to your Banker 50 pounes and wish it had bin 5 hundeard. I 
maid but 15 Shealins of y^. top of y*". lious, as I did not scaifal, 
and thay that did got but litle and som out of pocket. It Cost 
12 pouns of money, y*". benches and repares in y^ in side of y^. 
house and the ]\[ob Com from orthr houses. I got Mr Cuttel to 
keep gard thair but it was more than he cold do. The top cost 
-i pouns to mend it, not but I beleave T was imposed on by 
worck man, but what cold I do. I paid Mr Fuller and we 
parted very good Frinds. 

I beleave I shall tyear you with this long letter. You see I 
(lont falow your Example for I mus say your letters is very 
short. Pleas not to make no more use of y^. franks, for at y^ 
post othce thay know ware y^. Letters Coms from and thay 
Charge duble postage. I paid two shealens for that Letter as 
you put in y^ frank I beg y^ feaver you will let me know 
how M'\ Ingersall liked her Close & goods and what ye peaple 
said of them and if thay was liked in geanral and how Temple 
behaved. It was said hear that Lord Stirlin was arrasted for to 
or three thousens pouns as soon as he got to new York; pray 
Send be word if that is trew 

Give my Comp'^ to your good Laday and son and if I can be 
of any Servies to her in this part of y^ world I bag she will 
Command me. ]\Iy nees diserd her Compel to you and says she 
shal be glad to see you heare. I hope you excuse all y^ defects 
in this Letter, and I Conclude wishing you cV yours all halth «i: 
happiness and am your friend and huudde Servcnt to Command 

Ann Da vies 

P. S. Ye InClosed Letters, two Com to my bans in Xovem- 
ber and y^ rest in January. I though it proper to send them as 
r flid not know but they might be of som Cituseipnu'c ; it is 
said hear that Mrs Wright expects Temple uuver in ^^iay next. 


I hope you will be kind a nuff to ansiire this Scroll and yon will 
much oblige yours. I have had two Gentleman to lodge but 
thair are gon in y^. Contry and I now quit a lone which niakea 
time pass very dull. 

London Oct^i: 1702 

I Eeceived your Letter, dated June IG, which Could not but 
eave rne great pleasure to hear you & you good Lady & son was 
well. I was seprised you had not received won of my Lettt-rs. 
I have sent three since you left this plase. I was with ?\lr. 
Ilarriso)! and he was a good deal Concernd you had not recfiviil 
the Ilandkerchen hut hope you got them be fore now. 

I must answer both your Letters in won, as I was Favouvl 
with that dated 19 of July soon after y*". first, and was glad to 
hear you at last got won of my Letters. I assure you it is a 
great pleasure to hear from you, and I will do every thing in my 
power to retorn y®. oblig'ation. I have ten thousand things h> 
say, Cold it be don by word of mought, — howeaver I moust gave 
you som acount of my sealf. I am at preseant in Buckingham 
street and have a gentman tV Lady Bord with me, but will not 
be for any time. If ^Nfrs. Ingersoll is enclined to have a pr ot 
Stays I will do my indeavour to send her a pair of the most 
fashionable that is wore. As to Jumps no one wares them but 
what gives suck ; half Boned stays is what is most wore, some "t 
Sailk and some of stuff. The silk is two pound five t.^' the stutf 
one pound five; but if she pleases she may have them full braid 
as useal. only very limber. 

There is a great talk of paice at present, but it is to be hnpi''! 
not before tlu^ jiarliament meets. In one of yours you say y"" 
don't know l)ut you may wunce more see England and then yon 
will make me a visite. I know no one I shall be so glad t<> 
[see] as my good frond !Mr. Ingersoll. and then hope I shiil' 
have the ])leasinv to see your good Lady, for if I was in bfi' 
plase you should not leave me behind, for you know how oft<ii 
vou wished for her when vou was in England before; so i' 


you come without lier you know the Lose. But of that vou are 
the best judge. So I Conclude with my best respects to vou 
both, wishing you every Earthly Blessing that this M'orld 

I am Sir your most obliged servant, 

Ann Davies. 

P. S. — According to my promise I have sent you a i)rint of 
the Queen, the last and best that has been done, and two small 
prints of the [Thames?] Avhich I hope you will please to 
except ; thay will saixe to devert you at your leasure hours. 

I have had a great los of my purs with three guineas & some 
silver M'hich give me som uneasiness; but that wold not fetch it 

■-...'' ■ '• ■--'■■ London Feb^ 2: 1763. 


I reciv'd your most Esteem'd favour of the 7 Augst bv the 
way of Ireland last week. I must beg leave to asure you that 
it gives me the greatest pleasure to Hear that you and your 
family are well, and I flatter my self that you will continue that 
pleasure to me when ever you have an opportunity. It makes 
me extremely happj tliat any Little thing that I have done 
meets with W Ingersoll Aprobation, and I hope you will do me 
the Justice to believe that there is nothing within the compass 
of my small Abileties shall ever l;>e wanting to serve you both 
when you think proper to employ me. I am inclined to 
believe that the additional Kitchen will answer your Expec- 

I am a very bad politician, therefore you must not Expect 
much political news from me. I dare say you had been in- 
formed long ago of the Glorious and Advantageous peace our 
new Ministry has made. I can't tell what you Gentlemen in 
America think of it, but it struck the good people here with 
amazement, and thay talkM lowdly of bringing the A<lviseres 
to the Scatfold when the Parliament mett: but thav were 


greatly mistaken: the Scott* had the Majority in both Houses 
4 to one, he has intirely altered the good old System of gover- 
ment. The Avhigs are out to a man, and in their room the ni..<t 
notorious Jacobites sit Tnimphtant over the ruins ..f thair 
Country-. Yours and his Coiintris frind Pitt spock against it 
near three hours, but could not find any to Second him in all 
that Asembly; Bribery and Corruption had so blinded them. 
that thay quietly Suffered their Country to be shamefuUv sold. 
Bute and a Certain Ladyf entirely governs the three Kingdoms 
with a Terj high hand, and it is gTcatly to be feared thev will 
soon set it in such a flame that thair posterity will Curse thire 
memory : this much for Politics. 

I shall only add that I am at present under som difticulty. 
I wish that I was near you. I am sure you would not deny nie 
your good advice. 'My Case is this. Our army &: Savy been- 
disbanded, the Gentlemen have nothing to do but plao-ue us 
poor women. One of them has taken it into his pate to plague 
me with his nonsense; he has laid very Close Siege som timt'. 
and how to make him raise it I am at a Loss. I know yon will 
say, the old fool has got :\ratrimony in her Silly noddle ao-ain, 
and she will certainly have the man ; I realy cannot tell whither 
I shall or not. I wish I had your Opinion of him. He is 
neither old nor ugly, has plain sense and som money; as for his 
Temper, I intend to try Suffisiently before I trust him. I must 
beg your advice in your next. I hope to hold out till then, if it 
is between this and the middle of the summer. I wrote to you 
some time ago and Commited it to the Care of Mr Harrison 
(with a print of her majesty), where in I give you some account 
of the stays yuu mentioned. M" Ingersoll was certainlv in the 
right, for no Ladys wears Jumps but those that gives Suck. 
The Stayes worn at this time are called half Bone. Thav an- 
made both sides alike, so thay may be turned at pleasure. 
Thay are what T have wore some years. They are made o'i 
Callimanco or Silk Tabby or rich sattin as Ladis likes. Silk 

• The Earl of Biito. first Lord of the Treasury and head of the Mini>try. 
t The Princess Dowages of Wales, motlier of Kiiiir Ge<.rLrc III. 


are two pounds five and stuff one pound live: if M" IngersoII 
will please to inform me Avliich of them she chooses, and send 
ine her measure, thear shall be nothing wanting in me to Exe- 
cute her Commands. 

I suppose I have tyred you, therefore shall only repeat my 
formef request ; that is, I may have the pleasure of hearing 
that you and your family are well at all oppotunities. Present 
my best respects to M" IngersoII and Son and please to except 
the same from, 

Sir, Your most Obedient and Humble Servant 
■..„——- Ann Davies. 

I told you in my last I had the misfortune 
to lose my Purs witli three guineas & some silver. . , 

I can't help leting vou know my misfortunes. 

[To ^ " ^ V..,..;.-, ': 

Jer*^. IngersoII Esq^ . 

in jSTew Haven Connecticute 
. to the care of ^U Theophyl. Brache 
. ,, Merch* in Xew York] ,; 

* i'v ■-' ' ■ ' '■- ■ ^ .- - June: 29: 1763 


your Letter dated 28 of April Cora safe to hand and I have 
sent you the things you disird to have and hope the Jumps will 
fit and pleas ]\Irs Ingersall as thay are ye best sort that Can 
l>e maid. I likewise send the hat Cover and 12 p"" of Socks, 6 
pr Cotton and 6 pr wosted and soni laces for the Jumps. I am 
very sorry you have not receav no letter from rae as I have wrote 
to you several times. I forgot to mentiijn in my last Letter the 
prints were in a Trunk to Tho^ Hancock Esq"^ in Boston wlicar 
!\[r Harrfon sends to. I shal write to you by y"". post which 
posably will reach you before this. Please to nuike my Com- 
pliments to 31" Ingersall and son and tell her very thing that is 
in my power to oblige her she nuiy command 

and am S^ your frend and 
Ilura^. Servent Ann Davies 


P. S. the Box Tou had with som 
writings of ^V^ Davies Com back 
to lue and the person that brought 

them demand 5 shealens 


Jar'd Ingersal Esc/] ' 

London Ocf. IS, 17<;3. 

Sir: — I receved yours dated y^. S of June a few dayes after 
I had sent the Jumps and things you write for in two former 
Letters, and took it for granted that ^Irs. Ingersoll Choso 
Jumps, and am very sorray thay was made as she like Stays 
better. As they are very hansom and fit for any lady to ware ; 
I Dare vanter to say if she dislikes them then thair is a nougli 
that will be Glad to take them of her hands. 

Xow as you say a word upon politicks I am sorry it should 
give you so much disgust. I only ment to let you know what tlu' 
people said hear; but now thear quit turnd Cap in hand, anil 
thay that was for his Lordship is much against him and say 
thay will have his head next sesions of parliment. But no 
more of that as I am no politican. Hope you will excus all 1 
say as I wold not Chus to fall out with my frends a bout state 

I was feaverd with a letter from you dated G of July, au'l 
have sent the muffs »S: Tif)pits and hope thair are what tli-- 
Ladys will like. Thear are what is most Fasliional»le hear. 
The things have been bought this month, but cold not send them 
before. I waited on Mr Harrison and Mr Bridgell (he wa- 
kind anougli to send the last things) but neither of them luul aiiA 
thing to new york. 1 therefore imbraced the present Oppor- 
tunity which is by a young gentlenuin that Lodged at my Hon-*' 
who goes to new york and as promised to take the same care "f 
them as his own and see them delivered to !Mr Ther)})hyla't 
Bache your acquaintance in new york in whoes care I luu'' 
Directed them and hope tliay will go safe to you. The ('*■''" 



tlemans name is Pringle, a Relation of General Murrays,'^ 
Governor of Quebeck, to whom lie is going-. The name of the 
[vessel ?] is the Xew Hope, Cap\ Fell. You talke of Coming 
to England, and hope you will bring M'"^ Ingersoll with you, as 
you know how much you was at a loss with out her. Please to 
make my best respects and tell her I shall be very glad to see 
you both in this Country and hartily wish you a safe Voyage. 
I am now to acqiuiint you that I am in for life again. I am 
afraid you will laugh at me but I cannot help it, it is now too 
late. Mr Robinson joynes me in our best respects to you & 
family, and am Sir 

Your most Obliged Humble Servant 

Ann Robinson 

P. S. — I hope to hear in you next that you have 
reed, all the things safe. I have here sent you a 
Billof the Whole: - . •.,. 

£ s d 

Hatt Case 12 ■ 

K' Lacess 

Muifs and Tippits & Box 

^ •■■ ■;!. ■ ■•^-- ^ ^>^.,: - -■ ^' ^-^ ■ 5 19 6 




9 6 






London 1<V^ :N'o\''. 1763 

I rec'd your much Esteemed fav'^. of the G'^'. of July (Some 
time ago,) and according to your disire went emmediately & 
purchas'd the mulfs and Tippits: you may depend upon it, that 
I laid out the money to the best of my knowledge : they are 
what is entirely the present Taste. I showed them to several 
Ladies of my Acquaintance who all pronounced them extrcemly 

* Janifs ^Murray -was military govenmr of Qiiflice. 17o0-17(14, ami the 
tirst civil governor of all Canada, 1 704-1 TtUl. 


pretty. I shall think my self hapy if iM" Ingersall is of thr 
same Opinion when she sees them, which I hope will be scMDn: 
the Ship Sail'd a fourtnight ago. I embraced the first Oppor- 
timitv to send them. They come by a young Gentleman of tli.- 
Armev that Lodged at my House who promised to take par- 
ticulare care of them and see them deliverd to W Theophylacr 
Bache your acquaintance in Xew York to whoes Care they ar.- 
Directed. The Ships name is the good Hope Cap\ Tell an^i 
the gentlemans Xame that has them in Charge is Pringle, a near 
Relation of Gen^ Murrays Governor of Qubeck tow home he i^ 
going. I am in hopes to have the pleasure of seeing you and 
;M" Ino-ersall in England soon ; wdien ever it hapens I sincerly 
wish you a safe Voyage. Mr Robinson Joins me in our be-t 
respects to you, M"". Ingersall and Master, and I hope you will 

■ belive me to be with great Truth 

S''. your most Obligd 
Humble Servant 

Ann Robinson 

I received your favour of the 13th of Xov^ last inclosing your 
' Draft which I have Reed. It gives me gTcat pleasure to hear 

■ that you and your family are well. I sent you a letter the first 
of Xov'. last, to acquaint you that I had sent the Muffs & Tip- 
pits you desired me to buy: they are the genteelest that is won 
and what is the present Taste, and I hope they will please. ^^ •' 
have been informed that the Paquet that had my letter in wa- 
cast away on the Coast of Carolina and the mail was entire!} 
lost; therefore you have had no advice, and I have not hcar'i 

"" that the Ship is Arrived at new York, that had them on boar.!. 
Her name is the Xew Hope Cap' Fell and Saild from hence v. 
Xox-'. ; the gentlemans that had them in his care went from ui.^ 
House, is Cap'. John l^ringle a very near relation of Gen :slnv 
rys Governor of Qubeck to whom he was going. He promisd r. 
deliver them into the hands of Your friend at new York ^It 
Bache to whors care they are directed, and I hope you hav- 
lit'cev'^ them bet'.. re this. I flattered my self with the hopes '-' 
seeinir vou Iteforc this in England V)y your last Letter I ^i^'- 



eerily wish you a safe passage when ever you doe com. I am 
glad you have put it off till the Spring for nearer was there a 
more Tempestuous winter nor so many loses at Sea; the 
Accounts are TerriLle. We have had a marriage between the 
Prince of Brunswick and the Princess Augusta ; he stayd 
alK)ut a fourth night, and has been gone about ten days with his 
wife. I had the pleasure of Seeing him at Court, and think 
him Extreemly agreable; he was universally Esteemed by all 
ranks of People. Please to make my best respects to M" Inger- 
soll &: Son and am with great Esteme S"" your most Obliged 
Humble Servent ■ ...,.--. -r- 

• Ann Robinson 

Febrv 9: 1704 

Letters to Gov. IiE^■XIXG Went worth. 

^: Haven ]Srov' M 1761. 

having Engaged with y* Commissioners of his Majesty's 
Xavy to procure one Ships Load of Alasts kc by y® way of Con- 
necticut River for y^ Kings L'se, I am to Desire you to appoint 
Some proper Person to Designate the trees & timber to be made 
Use of in order to y*" fulfilment of y^ Contract," agTceable to his 
^fajestys Directions Signifved upon y*" Copy of y® Contract 
which I herewith send to you for your perusal. 

the Bearer Cap\ Wyllys will be able to acquaint you more 
particularly when *i' where it will be needfull to have y® Service 
performed. :. 

• ', , ' Y\ Very Humb^ Serv\ ' i • - - 

J. Ingersoll. 
Penning Wentworth Esq'' 

^[Copy.] :-.;■- ;^-.-: - 

* IngtTrsoir.s contract with the Xavy Board was dated December 10, 1700, 
and called for eighty masts of so many inches diameter at a certain hei;^ht 
from tlie frroiind. The best timber for masts ran from 35 to 30 inches in 
diameter and while not to exceed the latter figure at the butt, was to 
nicasure as many yards in length as inches in diameter. Tlie average mast 
ship carried about 50 sticks, but Ingersoll's ship seems to have carried 
the full number called for by his contract. 


:S". Haven 18'^ Decern V. ITGl 

Your favour of / 27^^ Ult. I Duly rec^ by Cap\ Wylly>, .V 
in Answer beg Leave to acquaint you that I have agreed with 
y" Said Cap^ Sani\ Wyllys & Mathew Talcott Esq'', both of 
Middlcton in this Colony to procure the Stores Stipulated for in 
my Contract with y"' Comm". of his I\[ajcstys Xavy, & that it is 
intended to "procure y^ Same upon Connecticut River, as near 
y® Same as may be, along y^ borders of y"^ Same from DeerfieLJ 
&■ y® Cowhees"^ Inclusive. 

You will therefore be so good as send y® proper Licences as 
mentioned in your Letter by the bearer. 
I am S^ 

with great Kcspect 

Y^ most Obed'. 
..•■.. HumV. Serv*. 

J. Ingersoll 
Gov'". AYentworth 

[To Benning Wentworth Esq^ Surveyor General of the 
Kings woods. Copy.] 

Letter of the Xavy Board. 

- • Xavy Office 2 G'\ Janry: 1762. 


As "We have not yet heard from you, since your return to 
Connecticut, concerning the depcndance AVe are to have on bein- 
supplyd with the Cargo of Masts for which you Entered int" 
Contract with Us on his ^Majesty's behalf the 10*^ of Decemlnr 
1760; and it being of great consequence to his ^Majesty's Servu'i-. 
that "We should have this informatiou as soon as possible for Onv 
irovernment in appointina" the time for cominji' to a new Contr;i'-t 
for supply of American ]\Iasts ; We have thought it necessarv 
to desire you will give Ts the most early nttd f^ft! Account yi^i 

* Coos or Cowlicc-i is on the New nainp-hiie side of the Connecticut rivi-r. 
a sliort (listanee lu'h'W tlie Canadian line. The name is no\v <:iven al-o ' ' 
the northernnio-t cuuntv in the State. 

.TARED IXOEUSOLL PAPKKS, 1 7.' .*-^-r)4:. 257 

can both as to the time of supply, and whether from the fresh 
iiifonnation you must have had since your arrival at Connect- 
icut, the number and sizes of large ]\lasts will conform, as you 
gave Us reason to hope, to the aforesaid agreements. We are 

Your humble servants, 
G Cokburne Tho Slade W. Bately E Mason 

T Brett R Temple* 

Jared Ingersoll Esi^. 

Xewhaven in Connecticut. 

Letters to the Xavv Board. 

Xew Haven in Connecticut 13 Feb: 1762 

this Serves to acquaint you that Since my Arrival home I have 
agreed with Several persons here of good reputation & firmness 
& well acquainted with Mast Timber, to Carry into Execution 
the Contract I Entered into when in England for Supplying 
One Ships Load of Masts &c. 

the persons So Undertaking have been & viewed the timber 
& River by wdiich the Sticks are intended to be Conveyed to y® 
Sea, «S: have applied to & Obtained of y^ Surveyor General the 
Necessary Licences <tc, and have now Every thing ready for 
making the trial, of which I hope to be able to give you a good 
Account in my Xext. 

I am S' 

y Very Ilumb' Serv^ \ ^'^* 

J Iniiersoll 
Tho^ Slade Esq^ ,, ; . ^,, • ,; ,■■ ' ' ,^ ; •. - '• ' ' ' 

X. Haven 13 ]\Liv 17G2 

Your favour of the 26*^ Jan''. I received this Day and f(;»r 
answer am to acquaint you that I wrote you the 13 Feb Last, 

* The Xavy Board consisted of tlie principal officers (treasurer, coini)- 
troller, and surveyor) and three commissioners. Oi the names here sijiiied 
t'ockburn was comptroller and Slade and Bately were surveyors. 



which I hope you have received before now, in which I 
informed you that I had procured Certain Gentlemen here ..f 
Undoubted Ability vS: Judgment in the business, to Undertake t.. 
Execute y^ Contract I made for Supplying One Ships L-.a-l <.f 
Masts »S:c, and that they had reconnoitered the Country — foim.i 
Every thinu' aareealde *i: had procured the Xecessary Licfiicr^ 
from the Surveyor Gen\ tSre and intended Soon to Enter np..i: 
the business. 

I have now to acquaint you that these Same Undertakers haw 
felled and got down near y* River Some &: are now at work g<-t- 
ting the whole of y^ Sticks agreed for, & hope to have them all 
at the Sea Side this Season. Xothing that T know of will pre- 
vent, Unless a Scarcity of rain should occasion the waters of v' 
River to be too Low; of this I shall be able to inform you in 
about Six weeks time. 

if the Sticks Can be got down this Season, I shall hope t'- 
have them Delivered at Portsmouth by Xext Christ*. 

I believe Sticks of any needed Size may be had. 
'' . . Y^ most Obed\ 

r ■ . '• . /v HumV. Serv*. 

J Ingersoll 

G. Cockburn Escf 

Controller of his ^fajestys iN'avy 
Copy ; . 

:^^avv office 5 Julv I7r.2 

^Ye have received your letter of 13'^ ]\[ay last, and as we Ik 
thereby the satisfaction of finding that you have no do'ib 
about complying with the Agreement you are under for !Ma-! 
We have only to recommend to you, to omit nothing that ca; 
enable you to make the delivery in as short time as possi''-' 
and to repeat onv request, that so soon as it is in your p'>\v»'r 
vou will semi ns sume more particular Accounts concerniiig ^''' 
Kumber and Sizt-s of ;\[asts that you find may be procured r 


JAREn TXGER.SOLL PAPERS, 1758-04. 259 

Connecticut, as you have said in vour aforesaid Letter, that 
you beleive Sticks of any Size may Lc had. We are 

Your humble Servants, 
G. Cokburne Tho Shade AY. Bately E Mason 

. , . , ( R Temple 

Jared Ina-ersoll Esq"" ' ' ■ 

Xew Haven in Connecticut 

■• '■■■■■: :^^ • .. X Haven 12 Ocf 1TG2 

Gent". : ■ 

I rec''. your favour of y^ 5*^ July last week ^: have now to 
Inform you that the most of y^ Sticks are felled which are to 
furnish the load of ]\Iasts &c I am to provide for the Kings Use, 
among which are two which tis Expected will work 36 inches. 
The people are now busy in getting the Sticks to the border of y^ 
River <fc you may Depend that y^ very first Opportunity of a 
freshit will be Embraced for getting them to y" Rivers mouth, 
which however may not happen before y" next Spring — imme- 
diately after which they will be laden for Portsmouth. 

I pay the g-reatest Attention to this business, from Views not 

only of discharging my present Obligations but also of future 

benefits as well to y^ publick as to myself. .:>. .". 

, , . . .. I am Y^. most Obed 

HumV Serv\ 

J Ingersoll 
To y^ Hon^ Commiss^ of his " . . 

llaiestv^ Xavy , 

Copy J ^ . .. ,.. 

• ■ . ) ■.:.- X Haven 1 March 1TG3 


I have now to Acquaint you that I received Information a 
few Days since, from the Managers under me, of the 'Mast affair, 
that they liavc got down to tho River Side a sufficient numl)er 
of Very fine Sticks to Complete the Load agreed for, among 
which are two of thirty Six Inches; and as there is at this time 
a great body of Snow on the ground in those parts, there is no 
doubt of Sufficient water in y*^ River within a :M(.nth or two to 
float y^ timber to the place of Ladina'. As soon as this is done 


I shall write to London for a Ship to Carry y® Same to Ports- 

I am told ^V AVentworth. the Surveyor General of y"^ woods. 
has Sent to Inspect y^ Conduct of y^ workmen (S: is about to 
Seize a few Sticks which .have been felled under Contract 
dimensions. cV tis not Unlikely he may Connuunicate to y*" l>uar<t 
whatever of this nuitter he shall think w(jrthy of Xotice. I have 
therefore to Inform you on this head that there has not been any 
more of those Smaller Sticks felled than was absolutely neet-s- 
sary to Clear y® way to the Larger — that there is but very few 
of these «&: nothing near so many as have been Usually felled un 
the like occasions. I hope no prejudices will be Conceived on 
this or any other Account relative to my Conduct in this Atfair. 
as I mean nothing more or less than to Execute the Contract 
with all fidelity. I should not have mentioned this Circum- 
stance but that I am Sensible my Undertaking in this Affair is 
not nnlikely to meet Avith many discouragments of Various 
kinds, and I should be loth to have so promising a beginnim: 
meet with any from Small matters. 

if things Succeed according to Expectation tis not Unlikely 

I may think of going over to England myself with the ]^Iast?: 

if so shall hope to have y^ pleasure of Seeing you (S: y* honour of 

receiving your further Commands, 

I am 

■ •.. .. ■ . . Y'MostObed*. 

Ilum^ Serv\ 

■ J Ingersoll 

to the "■ " . 

Cornmiss^ of y"' Xavv .. - .,., 5-- . 

Letter to Col. Svmes. 

Hartford :\ larch 3 : ITC.:! 

I have Just time to acquaint you with my Surprize at litar- 
ing you have Orders from the Surveyor Gvu^ of his ^^faji?!}^ 
^Voods to siezc a part of the Sticks felled by the Gentlemen wli" 


have Undertaken to Cany into Execution the Contract I have 
made with the Commissioners of the Xavy. I am made to 
U'live none have been felled but such as have been Expresly 
designated for that purpose by one of the Surveyers own Depu- 
ties. I have therefore obtained to my self the property of those 
trees so felled, agreeable to his Majestys express directions, & 
sliall resent in a proper ^Manner any Infringment that shall be 
made on such my property. I doubt not you will be disposed 
from the account I have of you to act the fair part. I have 
?ent the bearer M'" Burnham to Learn more particularly the part 
you have been Instructed to act in the affair, to whom I shall 
be glad you will Comunicate freely Every thing on that head 
Consistant with your Duty ; and doubt not with your ready 
Complyance which shall be gratefuly acknowledged. 

if you shall think your self to Enact any such orders as 
before ^Mentioned I trust you will Look on your self as holden 
to do me the least prejudice in your power. 
I am S'' 
■j, Y^ Most Obedient , , •,.'.'.•.;,.■■. 

[■■''. •. Humble Sarv* 

J Ingersoll 

P S the sirplus number of sticks are nient only to suply 
Losses that may happen in the bringing down the liiver, and I 
am ready to give any Security that none shall be applyed to 
private uses. 

J. L 
Co' Svmes" 

v^ Letter to the Xavy T>oard. 

• ■ "'' ■ ■ • ■■ ' N: Haven S June 1703 
Cent". ,; ..V •■; ■ ., , 

I have now the pleasure to acquaint you that my people have 
uot down the Kiver a number of very fine Sticks of the Dimen- 
sions as Set down in the Inclosed list, to which are to be added 
about S or 10 more of dimensions not yet sent to me. that have 
Come down over the rapids since the main body. 

* This ciipy is in a dork's iKiiidwritiii^'. 

262 JARK1> TXGKi;S()I,L PAPERS. 1758-04. 

the only misfortune that has attended the floating down wn- 
the breaking in two a fine 37 Inch which will only make a 
Bowsprit as it now is — also a 36. is at present lodged on a 
rapid with about 20 other Sticks, Avhere they must Lie till next 
Spring; the water has been remarkably Low this Season. 

We have now Learnt that the best & Even Largest of Sticks 
may be Obtained this way, but that Some little Expence ought to 
be had to make y" thing as it should be ; we have also learnt tlii< 
at no small Expence as being the first Attempt — Every thin- 
new — &• all materials to provide. 

I should have wrote for a Ship by this Oportunity, but tliar 
we have sent for an Experienced Liner whose Judginont A: 
actual proof of y'' Sticks we Choose to have first. I shall hoj)c 
to be able to send by y*" next Packet at farthest, when I shall 
take the liberty to desire my Correspondent to wait on y^ board 
with an Exact ace", of y^ Xumber & Size of y^ Sticks as they 
shall turn out when hewed, in order to be Informed what bur- 
dened Ship will answer. I hope y^ Load will reach Portsmuurh 
at farthest by Christmas, &.that it will meet with y'". approbation. 
I am 
■ ■ ■■' Y^ Most Obed'. Hnm^ Serv\ 

J Ingersoll. ' ; • 

Copy -''"'■ - ■ ■ ■ ■ • - >- -^ ; 

Commiss^ of v^ Xavv • . . • ■ ;-=..:'.- : ■. .: 

Lettei: of the Coimptkolleii of the Xavy Board. 


It gives me pleasure to hear of ]\P. Ingersoll. I did every 
thing in my power to assist that Gentleman when he was h-v- 
and shall on all occasions continue to do the same, as I am in 
great hopes by Ilis means the Government will, not onlv t"'' 
what lie has now contracted for but in future, be furnishd wirli 
jMasts on better terms than heretofore. If the Gentlemen yuii 
mention as ^V. IngersoUs Correspondents have not yet chartcr'l 
a Ship, and will apply to W. Slade, Surveyor of the Xavy a' 


the Xavy Office, He will infonii theiu what sort of Ship will be 
proper for the purpose. As Peace has taken place Convoy is 
certainly unnecessary, the mentioned in the Contract. . . . 

Your most Obedient 

and most hum^'^ Serv^ 
G Cokburne" 
August 19'\ 1763 

Letter to the Xavy Board. 

X : Haven 7 Feb. 17G4 

After having waited Sometime, with some little impatience, 
for the arrival of a Ship to take in the ]\[asts ^-c which I 
■ have before acquainted you I had ready to transport to England, 
I have received advice from my Correspondent at London that 
a Suitable Ship was not to be had till after Christmas, and that 
Such Ship is now provided & ordered to Sail for X : London at 
about this time, so that I may not Expect the Masts can arrive 
in England much liefore midsummer next. 

I hope this little disappointment will not prejudice your 
affairs or mine; my good friend M". Jackson acquaints me that 
the Comptroller 'M' Cockburne has been pleased to speak kindly 
of me <i: to wish me Success, for which goodness I shall think 
myself much Lidebted to the Comptroller & to the board. 

I do assure you I have spared neither pains nor Expence to 
accomplish the T^ndertaking in such a manner as should be 
acceptable, and have only to Desire that the Board will be so 
good as not to take any Steps, unless quite necessary, that may 
prejudice my affairs or disappoint my future hopes, until mv 
Arrival, as I am determined, God willing, to Come myself to 
England in the 3Last Ship. I shall bring with me M^ Willis, 
one of the two Gentlemen who Undertook under me to Carry 
this Contract into Execution. He is well ac(|uainted with Xav- 

*T}iis letter was probably addressed to Richard Jackson, and by liini 
forwarded to Mr. Iii-rersoll. 

-'»-i j.\i:p:i) ixgersoll tapet^s, 1T5S-04. 

igation. Ship hnildiiig & with timber, *i' lias a personal knowl- 
edge of the kings yards in England. This Gentleman has heen 
Constantly with the work people in getting this load & caii 
therefore give the Board a particnlar Account of the Conntrv 
where the Sticks grew, of the pracTicahility of getting furrln-r 
Supplies. & in Short with Every thing relating to the ]Mast 
Affair in these parts, as he is a Gentleman of Strict Veracity iV 
honour as well as good intelligence. I trust the board will 
think they shall receive better information from him in these 
matters than from any Vague Accounts which they may have 
from others, whose knowle<lge may perhaps be justly Suspecte«l 
and as it may happen, their motives too. 

I have nothing further to add but that I shall hope for tin- 
honour of seeing you at the board before very long S: of satis- 
fying you of my faithful! Endeavours to Serve his Majesty.- 
Interests, k of my being 

with gTeat respect 
■ Y^ most Obed\ & most HumV. Sqvv\ 

■ ' ■ " ' J IngersolL 

To the Hon^ Comm\ 

of his Majestvs Xavv. . '' 

[Copy.] ' ■ . :■ 

Affidavit of Gideox Lymax. 

GIDEOX LY:\[AX" of Xorth Hampton in the County of 
Hampshire in the Province of the ^Massachusetts Bay, on<- 
of the Assistants to Benning Wentworth Esq'': Surveyor Gen- 
eral of his ^fajesty's Woods in Xorth America ttc : Bciug diiK 

* Gideon Lyman was deputy surveyor of the woods in Massacluisett-. 
as Daniel Blake was deputy surveyor in Connecticut, under Benning Went 
worth. Surveyor General, who was also Governor of New Hampshire ivow 
1741 to 17C7. 

Inu'ersoll does not appt'ar to have desired an independent viee-admirahy 
court for Connectieut, but wishe<l to serve as deputy under the jud^'c '•• 
vice-admiralty in Xfw York, wlio at this time was Fvichard ^Vlorri-;. sucee--' 
to his uncle. Lewis ]\Iorris, wlio died in 17i)'2. Tt is douhtful if TiiLier-''' 
ever received tlu' desired de[)utatiuii. iBrlciw. pp. 272. 27").) 


sworn, Jeposetli »S: saith that he has been iufoniieJ by thf said 
JJoiining Weutwnrth Esq'': that JareJ Ingersoll Esq"": when in 
England made a Contract with the proper OtHcers of the Xavy 
for a nnrnber of Masts, Yards and Bowsprits for the use of the 
Xavy, which in the whole were to be eighty Sticks and a few 
more in case any of them should prove useless or unfit fur the 
purpose for which they were designed. That he has been 
Informed that Instead of the said eighty sticks, one hundred 
and Sixty sticks and upwards are cut by the persons imployed 
by the said Jared Ingersoll to the great waste of the Kings 
woods, from which tho' he has a high opinion of ^U. Ingersoll's 
Character as an honest ]\Ian he conceives him an Improper per- 
son to set as Judge of the Vice Admiralty Court in the Colony of 
Connecticut concerning or relating to any pine Logs or Masts 
that may be seized or Libelled in the said Colony as forfeited 
for the use of his Majesty for having been cut without Licence 
therefor being first obtained. 

Gideon Lyman. 
Sworn this second day of April 1764 
Before me : Ec*^ Morris 


X Haven 3^ Ap' 1764 
S^ . ■ 

I received y". favour of the o'^. of Jan^ yesterday, ti: not 
before, having been from home about a month last past. 

in answer to your request T have to Inform you that, the 
Gentlemen ]\Ies^ Talcott tt Wyllys who undertook to Carry my 
Contract with tlie Xavy l)oard into Execution, always afKrmed 
to me that out of the whole number of Sticks which they felled 
they have been able to get Scarcely Enough to Answer the Con- 
tract, — that many broke Coming over the rapids, others in 
falling, that Some Lodged by y*" way *t' Souie proved Defective 
in working — the ]iarticular.s however of this matter I am not 
now able to furnish vou with, but will Send to them Immedi- 


atelj, (about 40 ]Milcs from beuce) for a Circumstantial 
Account of the transaction wliicli jou may depend I will trans- 
mit to you as soon as possible. 

You may S\ rest assured that I neither have nor will Suffer 
the least Spoil of the Kinas woods to be made, that lies in my 
power to prevent. cV am quire willing that Every person 
Employed by me should be Scrutinized to the utmost — & here 1 
beg Leave to tell you in my turn that I have through y^ Course 
of y^ Last Summer heard with much Concern of incredible 
havock being made in y*" a fores'^ woods upon the River Con- 
necticut, by great lunnbers of persons, & that Y^. Deputes 
Employed to Seize the timber have so Conducted as to Leave it 
worth while for these pillagers to Continue their trespasses. I 
Cannot Vouch for \^ truth of this, but think it high time that 
this matter was thoroughly Lookt into. I shall do myself y^ 
honour to write to you again, as So^ju as I Can obtain y^ Ace''. 
you ask for. In the mean time 
I Remain 

y' mos obed\ ■' r ••-. 

■ " Humb\ Serv*. ;' - ■ 

J Ingersoll 
Hon\ Benning Wentworth Esq^ 

Middletown April 0'*^ 1764 

Yours of the o*^. Instant we rec'*. wherein you Inform u? 
that his Exelency Benning Wentworth y^ Surveyor General ot 
the Kings "Woods hath had a Representation made to him that 
we have made wast in the Kings Woods, and that we must give 
an Account of our proceedings; And Indeed from our tir-f 
appearing in that part of the Country we foresaw from tlu' 
reluctance that some of the People there Shewed, to y^ Experi- 
ments being made, that Suggestions to our Disadvantage were t" 
be expected, and have experienced the same by the many low 


things wliieli liave been done, Especially the Carrying off the 
hay. But to proceed, as soon as we received the Surveyoiir 
Generals Licence and time convenient offerd, we preceded into 
the Woods where after long Search we fell 89 Trees that 
appeared to be sound, some of which broke in falling, 5 of them 
fatally, so that they were fit for no part of the Service, leaving 
Si that appeared outwardly to be sound ; in doing this we fell a 
Xumber of Defective Trees, among which was 03 Trees, not so 
Defective but that there was hope that they might Answer some 
Part of the Service and make up some of the Defects that would 
inevitably happen to those Trees that appeared Sound as well as 
the various Disasters that must happen in going down the River. 
Those 147, Trees we hailed to the River; all but one, a Tree 
intended for a' 30 Inch ]\[ast Lying something further than the 
Rest, we coud not hall for want of the hay taken away in our 
absence by Cap". Zedekiah Stone of Petersham, which wonld 
have lasted one team 5 or G Days. According to the best of our 
Judgment and stich other advice as we con'd get we were in 
great want of three or four Large Sticks, and accordingly was 
at the expence of Searching the Woods and had found Two 
large Trees tit for ]\rasts of 35 or 3G Inches and which was 
greatly wanted to make good the places vacant and the Disasters 
which afterwards happened, but for want of hay we Could not 
hall them, e^ therfore we did not Cut them. When the River 
broke up we put all those Sticks into the River except two which 
broke in Roling down the Bank, and excercisd we may venter to 
say the most Strenuous Efforts in our Power to get them down 
the River, bnt in Coming down the falls in Walpole the most 
compleat- Stick we had which we dej)ended upon for a 3G Inch 
^fast broke in two pices not far from the middle; y^ other 3G 
Inch Received some Damage at the top end and afterwards 
Lodged on a Rock in the middle of the River in the Rapids at 
Deerfield ; several others broke ; some galled »t bruist^d so deep 
that it greatly diminished the Size of the Sticks. When we 
came to work them we found many of those that we deemd 
sound trees proved defective, so that of what wc got down that 
season we are iz.i'eatlv shm't of the T(»uns of Tindier contained in 


,<i < 


your Contract, although we worked up every Stick tS: piece of a 
Stick that woud make as low as IS Inch Mast, 24 Inch Bmw 
Sprite or 17 Inch Yard. We sent Men up the River at l..u 
Water (viz) in September and Febuary & Rolled y*" great 
Sticks oiT the Rocks and all others that are to be found, and ha\< 
Men now up the River in Order to bring them down that ar. 
behind, after which if we have Sucess we shall be able to give 
some more particulars — which we shall be always ready to d.. 
In the Interim we remain your most obedient k Ilunililt- 
. v;: • ; ■ •-. ,^-w — r- ---'•",■ . Sam\ Willis 

Matthew Talcott 

P. S. We expect to work up every Stick that will Answer 
in the Kings Service as low as is contained in [illegible] Con- 
tract, or not have the Ship full, and them that are below your 
Contract we must run the Risque of there not being Receiv"^. I'v 
the Xaval Board. 

M. Talcott 

To Jared Ingersoll Esq^ 

Copy [in a clerk's hand]. Original Sent Gov^ Wentwortli. 

'.-. , K" Haven 25 April ITO-t 

agreeable to my promise in my last I now send you ^fe.-' 
Talcott «t AVyllys Acc^ of the -trees they felled in order to fulril) 
my Contract with y" Xavy Board, And, S". 
:..;*: '„.. , ... Y'' most obed'. 

'.:. ,,. .,, , Most Humb\ Serv\ 

J Ingersoll 

P. S. if the Acc°. is wanting in any particular please '■' 
favour me with your Commands &- I will Endeavour to get tlu- 
Defects Supplied. J. I. 

The IIon\ lienning W(^ntwortli Esq^ 

jaked ingersoll papers, it.js-ol. 269 
Letters of Johx Sloss Hobart. 

s'^ Croix Sep^ 3(r^ irei 


You will undoubtedly be surprised to hear from me in this 
Part of the World ; 'tis what I least expected when last I had 
the Pleasure of seeing you, but Business growing dull at Home 
^: hearing much of the West Indies as a Place to make a For- 
tune in a short Time,' I ventur'd out about IS months since & 
have been trading from Island to Island ever since, tho' not 
with so much Success as I could wish, tho" I can't complain. 

At present we are all taken up with the Thoughts of an 
Attack upon Martinique, for my last Accounts from Home are 
that M"". Amherst has collected together a large Xumber of 
Transports, the Regulars in Garrison are releiv'd by Provincials 
\' in full ^larch for X. York ; which I look upon as favourable 
Prospects; Lord Rollo^ is already arrived with 1500 !Men k 
has taken Possession of Domineco, for which Island I intend in 
about ten Days. ' . ' • 

Sir, the Kindnes & Civility I have always rec^ from your- 
self tS: Family embolden me to beg you will recommend me to 
some Post in the Customs at Martinique (should the English 
Conquer it as undoubtedly they will) or at least in Domineco. 

Had I any other Patron to apply to I would not trouble you 
on this Occasion, but my Fathers situation in Life is such that 
it don't lead him into any European Correspondence which 
could be of Service to me in that Way. I therefore apply to you 
as the only Gentleman with whom I am acquainted who has 
Interest enough to serve me in that way : if you think me 
impertinent, beg you will impute it to the Favours I have 
already received from you. which induce me to think you would 
willingly oblige me in such a Trifle, «L- should it be attended 
with any Expences I will reimburse them as soon as I know 
what they are. 

I dare not attempt to discribc to you any of these Islands as 

* Andrew Kolln. fifth Baron Rollo (Uorn 1700. difd ITti.l), captured 
Doniinioa in June. ITHl. and in February. 17»V2. took part under General 
Monckton in the capture of ^Martinique. 


I know myself unequal to tlie Task, therefore conclude by sub- 
scribing with the sincerest Respect 

Your most obedient S: most hble. Serv'. 
J. S. Hobart." 
Jared Ingersol Escf. 

Agent for the CoUony of Connecticut 
■ ^ In 


- ._ - S'. Eustatius 9^'^ 1st 17^1 


I did myself the Ilonnour to write to you some time siiici' 
from the Island of S*"*. Croix by the Way of Copenhagen, which 
I hope will arrive safe, the Purport of which Letter was tu 
desire you to recomend me to some Post in one of the Con- 
quer'd Islands as I am determined to tarry some time in tlir 
West Indies. The great Humanity v^' Condesention with wliit'h 
I was formerly treated by you encourages me to hope that yon 
will get a Place for me in which I may make an easy Fortune. 
Had I any Friend or Acquaintance who had Interest enough 
to serve me I would not be troublesom to you, but as I havt^ 
none I l>eg you will assist me if possible, which if you don'r, 
for ought I can see at present, I shall l>e condemned to spend my 
Days in these Islands. & I am sure no living Creature nenl 
envy my Situation, continually broiling from IMorning till 
Xight under the very IMuzzle of the Sun, »S: that for a bare Sub- 
sistance only, without scare a probability of ever raisimr 
enough to return \: live at ease at Home, which is the heigth ot 
my Ambition. 

Wc have recM an Account just this moment that y^ GritHii 

* John Sloss Iloban. a son of tlie Rev. Xoah Hohait, of Fairficl'l. 
Connecticut, wa^ hern in 1738, graduated at Yale College in 17.57. and dii'd 
in 1S05: tlnMU;.'li tlie year 1756 he boarded in ^Mr. Ingersoll's family. 
Through hi-; imithfT lif inherited property on Long Island. AVJiere he settled 
soon after the date nf thi'se letters. lie entered public life, and filled th"" 
offices of .Tudgi- <'t th. Su]>rt'nie Court of the State, United States Senator, 
and .Tudire of th.' l'. S. District Court. 


Frigate Cap' Taylor was cast away two Days siuc on Burbada" 
when in Chase of two French Privateers, oweing it seems to 
the Obstanacy of the Cap\ in Opposition to the Pilot, who 
gave np the Charge of the Ship. 

"We are in daily Expectation of an Armament from X. York 
to attack ^Martinique if not stop'd by a Peace. 

. When you liave an Idle Honr on your Plands *S: can't bestow it 
any other AVay beg you'll favour me with a Line. I'll not 
trouble you any longer only beg leave to sul:»scribe 

Your most humble 

& most obedient Serv^ 
J. S. Ilobart. 
P. S. it seems that the ace*, of the Griffin was brought bv some 
of her Sailors & we are not certain but they make it in order 
to justify their Desertion. 

Letters of William Livixgstox. 

:N'ew York 2CA May 1762 
Dear Sir 

Being really concerned about the ]\roncy due to me from 'Mr 
Jedidiah Mills, f not only on Account of his surprizing Answer 
to one of my Letters on that Subject containing his Conjectures 
concerning the 2*^ Beast mentiond in the Revelations, of which I 
acquainted you when here, but also from the Eeport that his 
Sons are considerably involved among our merchants, I must 
beg the favour of you, as soon after your receipt of this as pos- 
sible, to write him a line informing him that I have desired you 
to issue Process against him & all the obligors in the two Bonds 
unless they are immediately discharged. 

It is with reluctance that I am obliged to trouble the old 

* Or Bnrbiula. a Britisli i>;laii(l aniono' tlie Lot-ward Islands, north of 

t Jfdidiali Mills, hum in 1G!)7. and graduated at \'ali' (Vdlcue in 1722. 
was 8fttli',l as pasti.r in HuntiiiLrton. tluMi jiart of Stratfurd. t iiniu't'ticut, 
in 1724, an<l dit-d tluMt- in 177(J, leavin;;r an estate of ai>out tl.'l.j. 


Gentleman, bur I must Avork so eunfuumlt'd hard for tlin-e or 
four hundred Pounds, that I can not in justice to my faniilv 
take np with theological Conjectures in lien of lavful mon<'ij. 

I inclose you Copies of both Bonds with the several rfceipi> 
of the payments that have been made. I suppose the Copi(> 
will be sufficient to lay the Action, till you are obliged to giv 
Oyer *^' perhaps ho will pay the :\[oney without the Ori-inal-; 
upon your discharge. However if you must have the originals 
you will be pleased to inform me, i: I will send tbem as soon as 
I return from the river Circuits. 

AA ith my Compliments to ^frs Tngersol Oi: never forgetting- ^Mr 
Whittelsey, I am 

Your most humble Serv^ 

Wil : LiviuG'ston. 

Jared Ingersol Esqr 

^^xt • -^ -^ ■■■- . 

Xew Haven 

, ■ Xew York 28 July 17 r. 2 

D'. Sir 

I received yours of the 12*^ Instant, k it would be peculiarly 
agi-eeable to me to have it in my power to oblige you in the 
instance you mention, but I have not the least expectation of the 
office *fc can learn of no one that has made interest for it except 
^r Dick ]\Iorris, who has not however any promise for it.^ But 
whoever of my acquaintance may get it you may depend upoji 
my interest to serve yuu in your request. 

I lately had a Letter from 'M'. :\Iills with a payment of £:.<"• 
upon which he desired me to direct you to stop proceedinc's, bur 
as I think myself far from being secure by that pavment *S: a^ 
he made the marvellous proposal of paying all his other dcbt.- 

*Mr. Inpoijoll was desirous of ohtainin,!: tlio appointment of Depiitv 
for Connecticut <.t tli.- Ju.I-^' ..f tlif Cuurt nf Admiralty for X.-w V,,rk. N.-v^ 
Jersey. an<l C niHi'itinit. 

For liis >u.-.-,-, in tliis ol.jec-t, see, also, p. 27.5. 


tirst, the better to enable biin to pay mine at. last, I wrote him 
that I could not restrict you in any directions I had given 
you. ... 

^Yith my compliments to your Family I am 

Your most humble Serv'. 

Wil : Livingston 
[To ...... 

Jared Ingersol Esq' 

Xew Haven 

Connecticut] - -• -. 

■ " .;. Xew York, 19. Oc^ 1702. 

Dear Sir : 

I receiv'd yours of the 12th Instant, and am greatly oblig'd 
to ^L\ Mills for his opinion of my being so Ingenious a Gen- 
tleman as you are pleased to mention. But as I think that 
the Ingenuity of a man with nine Children ought to resemble 
what we are told of Charity, that it begins at home, I know of 
no other way to deserve ^P. Mills's Compliments than by shew- 
ing my Ingenuity in being so Ingenious as to use the Ingenuity 
of the Law in disappointing his Ingenuity which seems to con- 
sist in the most ingenious Contrivances to keep me out of the 
money in Perpetuity. You will therefore be pleased (instead 
of listning to so evil a Genius as proposeth a Security that shall 
only be liable on the happening of certain contingencies that 
may non plus the brightest Genius to produce proper Proofs of 
their having happened, that is a responsible Security which may 
never be- responsil»le") Ingeniously to exert the utmost Efforts of 
your Ingenuity in applying the true Genius of the Law which 
abominates all such cunctatory «&: procrastinating Genius's as my 
Reverend Friend seems to be inspired with. I am, 
Dr Sir : 

!Mr ^Mills's hitherto-mi:)?t ingeniously disappointed 
c^' your most aiTectioiiato tV humble Ser'. 
Wil : Livingston. 

P. S. — The spending an Evening at your fire side with my 

2~-t JARED IXGERSOLL PArERS, 1758-64. 

good friend W Wliittolsey, & each of our Ribs* wou'd really 
affect me with such singular pleasure as neither ]\P. Mills's nor 
mv Ino-enuitv is capable of expressing. 

Jared Ingersol Esq'' 

In ^ ^ ■ , ' ■; 

Xew Ilaven]- 

. Letter of Bexjamix Fraxklix. 

Philad". Dec. ll/ 17G2 
Dear Sir, ' 

I thank you for your kind Congratulations. f It gives me 
Pleasure to hear from an old Friend, it will give me much more 
to see him. I hope therefore nothing will prevent the Journey 
you propose for next Summer, & the Favour you intend me of a 
Visit. I believe I must make a Journey early in the Sprinir 
to Virginia, but purpose being back again before the hor 
Weather. You will be kind enough to let me know beforehand 
what time you expect to he here, that I may not be out of tlio 
way ; for that would mortify me exceedingly. 

I should be glad to know what it is that distinguishes Con- 
necticut Religion from common Religion: — Communicate, if 
you please, some of those particulars that you think will amuse 
me as a Virtuoso. When I travell'd in Flanders I thought of 
your excessively strict Observation of Sunday; and that a ~Man 
could hardly travel on that day among you upon his lawful 
Occasions, without Hazard of Punishment ; while where I wa^. 
every one travell'd, if he pleas'd, or diverted himself in any 
other way; and in the Afternoon both high fr low went to tli<' 
Play or the Opera, where there was plenty of Singing, Fid- 
dling tl- Dancing. T look'd round for God's Judgments but saw- 
no Signs of them. The Cities were well built & full of In- 
habitants, the :\rarkets fill'd with Plenty, the People wel! 

* Cliaiincey Whittelsey (Yalp Collo^ro 173S) was now a merchant in >V^' 
Haven, and his wife and ]VIr. In<,'orsoir.s were sisters. 

t On Franklin's return from Enirlan.l, where he had iK-eii since 17.57. 

This letter has already h.-t-n jirintcd, in IJigelow's llor/.-x o/' Frdnlditi, 1^^" 
anil Smyth's M'riiuujs of Fmuldin, V.m\; bnt is here cojtied directlv ir.'i'^ 
the orii'inal. 


favourVi i- well clothed; the Fields well till'd ; the Cattle 
fat i' strong; the Fences, Houses and Windows all in Repair; 
and no Old Tenor anywhere in the Country; which wo\ild 
almost make one suspect, that the Deity is not so angry at that 
OtTence as a Xew England Justice. 

I left our Friend ]\Ir. Jackson well. And I had the great 
Happiness of finding my little Family well when I came home; 
and my Friends as cordial d: more numerous than ever. lEav 
every Prosperity attend you <S: yours. I am. Dear Friend, 

Yours affectionately, 

B. Franklin. 

Letter of Judge Eiciiard Morris. 

ISTew York Dec'. 23'^: 1762 

I was honoured with your favour of the 17^''. Histant this 

]\Iorning ; I had it not in my power to Answer W Livingston on 

his first Application, as I then only had an App\ for this 

province. Since which I have Eec*^ Advice from my friend of a 

Warrant being made out to the Judge of the High Court of 

Admiralty to make out a Commission to me for the three 

provinces, and when that Comes to hand I shall be under the 

Necessity of going as f arr as Xorwalk to Xotifie the Governor of 

it and to publish it. I shall Endeavour to give you notice of it 

and shall be glad to meet you there, when I shall be proud to 

Appoint you as my Deputy for your Colony; this I told :\r 

Livingston who I am Obliged to for notifying you of it. Am 

Greatly Obliged to you for your kind Invitation and shall with 

pleasure -Embrace it if I travell your Way. I am 

Sir ^ ' , ... ^ 

• ■ '• ' Your Verry Hum^' Serv'^ 

Ri''. :Morris." 
[Jared Ingersoll Esq"" 

. ■ att ' ; 

Xew Haven] 

* TJifliar.l :\forri-. limn 17.10. di.-,! 1^10. rfceivcd a (1p^m-o.> from Yale 
in tlu- Cla>- of 174S. On An^rust 2. 17il2, hi- was coinniis-ionod as Jud-o <,f 
tlie Court of Admiralty for New York. New Jersov. and C'onnocticut. 

. ! ; I 

276 jareb ixgersoll papers, 1758-04. 

Letter of Dr. Bexjamix Gale, 

KiUiiigwortli Aug' 0*^ 1702 

I receiv'd your Fav'' & note y" Contents. I am apt to think 
y Sentiments are very Just. Witli regard to y"" Request from 
me, I have hud by y*" Weapons of my Warfare it is true, but not 
untill I obtain d Avliat I aim'd at, Viz to Convince the WorM 
that the President was an Assuming, Arbitrary, Design in- 
Man; who under a Cloak of Zeal for Orthodoxy, design'd t^. 
govern both Church (L- State, & Damn all who would not worship 
Y^ Beast. I begun the Controversey when it was disreputablr. 
to oppose one, esteem'd a ]\ran of God. I was Alone; 
who wisliM me well, dare not appear for me, but I was m-t 
thereby Intimidated. I have been Call'd all y' Mean, Lyiiii:. 
Vilinous Easeals, by y' Clergy, & their Dupes, that Religion- 
Bigotry could suggest. But S^ I am alive, & I thank God 1 
believe can be rely'd on further by y* Better Sort of this Govcr 
than the President *S: his Party with all their religious Chi 

if You now Undertake y^ Cause, you will engage at a tiuK- 
when it is reputable, & I wish you good success. As for mat<' 
rials I have now none. You if you will read my three last pam- 
phlets will there find some stubborn Facts. I think it a verv 
ei'eat Crime for him to draw monv out of v® Pocketts of Parent-. 
bv seducing ]\[inors to Subscriptions for Air Pumps, Clock-. 
Pendelums &c. I do not know had you not Lead my good Fath' r 
into a mistake with regard t<> y^ Last Corporation Meeting y'^ 
might have Improv'd that to good purpose. Indeed I do it"' 
know but it may Still ; it was no Corporation meeting, nor th'-.^ 
could not make it a meeting at that time, if there was one D'- 
senter. Our Charter Enables y'" Gove' to Call together, or in h- 
Aliscence y"' Deputy Gov"", the General Assembly; whenever ^ 
Gov' Adjourns y" Assendjly Sine Die it is in fact a Dessoluti"!'- 
&' we arc adjourn'd in wortls ftill the Gov'" or in h:- 
Abscenee y"" Dcp^ Gov'" sees fitt kv) placing y*' Power of Call' .^ 
.\.<seiidily, where the Charter has tix'd it. y'" College Chari' ^ 
tells how a Corporation meeting is to lie call'd, viz by y*" Pv>-; 

JAREI> IXOEIJSOLL PAl'EKS, 1758-04. 277 

dent (S: two Fellows. Xow the President, that be might be like 
the Gods of the Nations that are round about him, had y* 
Meeting" adjourned sine Die till y'' President should see fitt &c. 
Xow S"" the Corporation by vote could not place y* Power of 
Call" where y" Charter had not Placed it. I ask Pardon for 
Assum^ y^ Province or rather Invading it. The Bearer Waits. 
I am Sincerely S"" 

Your Hum\ Serv^ 

Benj" Gale." 

[To ;■■-■■ ^ ■-• ^ . y[ ^ 

-Tared Ingersol Esq"" -^— ■" . ■ ■"'■■.. 

X Haven] 

'■ ' :- Letter of Tno:^rAs Bridges. 

Iledley Scpt^: 30*^ 1702 
Dear Sir. 

I have received your favours of the 23'^ of June last, which 
gave both me t^' 3F*: Bridges great Pleasure, to find that you 
were safely arrived at Xew Haven in Perfect Health, & have 
the Satisfaction of Enjoying the Company of Your Lady & son, 
from whome you have been so long absent, the joy of which none 
can be sensible oft", but those that have experienced a long sep- 
eration from those that are most dear to them. I do xVssure 
you M""*: Bridges «S: myself take it exceedingly Kind your 
remembring of us so soon, & that you are so good as to think 

* Bcnjiuiiin Gale (born 1715, died 1790). utter <.rradnation at Yale in 
1733. studied medicine with the Rev. .Tared Eliot, of Killin;jr\vorth, a mem- 
ber of the Yale corporation, settled there in practice, and married Dr. 
Eliot's daughter. 

lie was a Deputy to the General Assend)ly of the Colony for many years; 
and between 1755 and 17iii) printed several bitter attacks on President Clap 
of Yale Collejre. wlio>e attitude towards the formation of Separate con- 
pregations (like the White Haven Society in Xew Ilaven, and the Church 
in Yale College) was unufdcome to both ^Ir. Ingersoll and Dr. Gale. 

Dr. Gale was a man of intense ])rejudices and violent partisanship. 
Though at fij-st highly critical of the revcdutionary attitude of the patriots 
in Eastern Connecticut, he ultimattdy gave a hearty support to the new 

278 JAREI) IXGKRSOT.L P.vrERS, 175S-G4:, 

any of our Civilities worth your Calling to mind, which were no 
more than tlie Pleasure we had in your company doul>ly repaid 
us for; indeed this summer we have greatly missed you, tho w(_' 
have often talk'd over the many agreable hours we have Passed 
together, & particularly the little debates you & I\r" : Bridges 
had concerning your Prefering Xorth America to Old England, 
& she is in hopes she shall some time or other see you and ]\r^: 
IngersoU come over »i: settle in Old England, notwithstanding 
you now seem to Prefer Xewhaven to all the rest of the world. 
I conclude long before you receive this, you w'ill have heard that 
M"": Franklin the Elder, is returned to Philadelphia, withiuit his 
son ; " he left England about the latter end of July, &: a few days 
after he was gone, the Young Gentleman took unto him a Wife, 
I will not leave you Guess who, for You cannot suppose it to l)e 
any other than his Old Flame in S^ : James's Street ; we think 
the Lady has great luck on her side, to get a Smart Young fel- 
low for her Husband. *&: the Honour of being a Governor's Lady, 
for I suppose it will be no news to you to Acquaint you that b.' 
is made Governor of Xew Jersey. I hear there was s<:ane diiH- 
culty in his being Confirmed in his place, for in our Con- 
siencious Age, many Scruples were raised on accotmt of his 
heirig Illegitimate, which we were Strangers to till very lately. 
I hear the Old Gentleman intends soon to bring over his Lady k 
Daughter to spend the remainder of their days in England : ]My 
Brother (who is now in Xorfolk with my Father <t Sister who 
are all well) I take for Granted you often hear from, so shall 
say no more of him, than y* ; he ^: the rest of the family will bo 
in Town about the -20*'' of October, about which time shall also b.^ 
in Town for a few days, cV then proceed to Bath, not f>r my nwii 
health, (which, thank God, has been better than Usual thi> sum- 
mer, c^' I had the gout more favourably last winter, than fur souii' 
Years Past,) but for ^M": Bridges's, who has been far fn.m wc^ll. 
for above this Year past. She has consulted several Physician- 
who all advise the Bath : we are therefore determined tri Try i'. 
«fc- am in great hopes it will l)e of Service to her. 

* Governor William Franklin, son of Benjamin Franklin. \va- I'orn i" 
Philaflcljiliia in 1720. and marritnl Mi<>, Elizabeth Downes, a \\"i-~r"i 
lady, then residiiiir in St. James Street, London, on Septenihor 5. 17ii2. 


I now congratulate jou on tlie approaching Peace, 
which hope is not far off, &■ believe it would have been Settled 
before this time, had not all parties been desirous of first know- 
ing the fate of the Havannah, the news of the taking of which 
arrived hear hut last week; the Spaniards made a most noble 
defence, dv: our Army had made no Breach till the 29*^*^ day of 
July abnut two o'clock, when they sprung a mine which made 
one sutficient for a file of men to go abreast in ; they immedi- 
ately storm'd the Fort sword in hand k carried it, the Town 
surrendered by Capitulation Eleven days after ; it is a most 
Glorious acquisition, «t I hope it will he the means of our mak- 
ing an advantagious »i' lasting peace, tho some People are of 
Opiuir.n it will not hasten one, as they suppose we shall require 
better Terms. The Dtike of Bedford has been at Parris & the 
Duke dt' Xevernois at London for near this month past, about 
the salutary work, & I believe the Chief obsticle was on the Part 
of Spain, who believe never thought of our Succeeding at the 
Havannah. I assure you it gave me great peasure to hear of 
the wellfare of my Grey Horse. I hope his Colts will turn out 
to your satisfaction &; the Gentlemen of the Country, & that he 
will mend your Breed ; he was always a great favourit of mine, 
(-^' a most excellent Servant, for ho carried me very safely a 
Hunting for Seven Years. I should be Obliged to you to send 
lue a few large Ears of Indian Corn, as I want to sow a little in 
my Garden by way of Tryal, but if it is attended with the least 
inconvenience beg you will not give yourself any Trouble about 
it. If ^I": Bridges or I can be of any Service in Buying or 
Procuring you, or M'^: Ingersoll, any thing you may want here, 
beg vuu will command us; we Both join in Compliments »t best 
wishes of Health A: Happiness to yourself, *t Lady tho unknown. 
<.V am 

Dear Sir 
■ ' '" Your ]\rost Sincere Friend 

■'".■■' &- Obedient Ilble Servant 

. Tho": Bridges." 

'Thomas Bridges, died 1768. was a brother of Sir Brook Bridges. 
Baronet, of Goodneston. Kent, who was a Member <>t Parliament at this 
date: and a brother-in-law of Kichard Jackson, !Mr. IngersolTs intimate 

280 JAKED IXGfclKSULL rAl'EKS, 1758-04. 

P : S : when you are not better employed - 
I shall always Esteem it a favour to 
hear from yon. 

Hedley Oetr: 7th: 1702. ■ . , 

[To Jerrar J Ingersoll Es.f : 
at Xew Haven 
In the Province of Connecticut 

Xorth America . ' 

By the Xew York _ .„ - -■ 

Packet.] ; .. ' 

- ' Letter of Gov. William: Fraxklin. 

Perth Amhoy, July 22, 170:"; 

Dear Sir 

Your obliging Favour of the 7*''. of April, I had not the 
Pleasure of receiving till a few Days ago. ^Yhere it couhl 
have been detaiuM so long a Time T cannot conceive, unless it 
was sent to Burlington after my leaving it, & there kept^m 
Expectation of my Beturn, which I intended upward of Six 
^Teeks ago. 

I should have been extremely glad to have seen my oM 
Acquaintance Col. Whiting, by whom you mention your Letu r 
to be sent, but T never heard of his being in .Jersey. 

If .vou should come to this Province, as you give me Reason 
to hope you may some time this Summer, it will afford me par- 
ticular Pleasure to see you at Burlington, where I prop.'>e t.> 
reside. i 

3P. Erankliu joins me in best Compliments to you, with 
manv thanks for yuur kind CongTatulations. 

I am, with great Pu'gard, Sir, Your most humble Servant 

W™. Erankliu. 
■ To J. Inger-all Y<<^ > " • «• 



! Letters of Joseph Cjiew, 

' Dear Sir 

I I thank you for voiir Letter by Cap^ :\Iiller. Your Behav- 

1 iour at Hartford has answered ray Expectations. I have on all 

I occasions asserted you were two ITonnest and had two great a 

I regard foi- trutli then to say one thing and mean another— in 

I short that you would not Cringe, Twist and Turn Twenty wavs 

I to get into any post the Colony had to give. I wish all I know 

I had the same noble Spirit; we should have Less Confussion 

I then I think is Coming Fast upon us. I shall write you a Lomr 

I Letter by Xext Post. I find our Friend Co? Dyer determind 

I to Pursue the affair of Susquehanna.* I don't Expect to 

I suceed, but will use Every argument I can to induce him to 

I drop the thing as honnourably as he can— for I see no kind of 

I Prospect he has of Coming of with Credit any other way ; he 

I writes me he is soon to set out for PhiP. to bonver with W. 

I Franklin, but I suspect I shall at Least diswade him from that, 

as I think he must know 'M' Franklin will on no Terms interfer 
in any matter disagreable to the ]^Iinistry— this it is Reason- 
able to immagine. lam 

S^ "'■ ■ ^^.■. . , •,;-■.. 

'■■.■"' : Your Affectionate "' ' '. ■ • 

' ■'■■ Jos Chewf "' • ■' . 

*Eliphalt>t Dyer (born 1721, died 18U7) was graduated at Yale in 1740, 
and became a lawyer in bis native town of Windham, Connecticut. 

He wa> one of tlie leading promoters of the Su.-quehanna Company, 
formed in 1754 for tlie development of colonization in the Wvoming region 
in Pennsylvania, under the title of the Connecticut charter as forrifie^ by 
a questionable treaty witli the Indians. He went to England in 17ti4 in 
one of :^Iark Hunting Wentwortli's mast ships to prr.mJte this business. 

In 1765 he sympathized actively witli tlie radical movement, centred 
at Windham, and was a delegate to the Stamp-Act Congress in New York: 
as a member of the Governor's Council he refused to remain in the Council 
chamber while the oath to observe the Stamp Act was administered to 
Governoi- Fitch. 

t Josepli Chew was born in Spotsylvania County. Va.. in 1720. but settled 
m >:ew London. Connecticut, as a meichant before 1750, and held the 
position of Assistant to the Collect..r ,.f the Port. In 1752 he acted as 
Mar.shal of the Vice-Admiralty Court held in Xew London to act on the 
Spanish Ship case, and took a pn.niinent part in that alVair. 

At the time of the Pevolutiou he sided with the Briti>h government. 

' I ■ .1 ' . ' 


Xew London | 

June 8. 1763 j 
[To . '/^ 

J a red Ingersoll Esq"" " . 


Xew Haven] 

Dear Sir 

I Rec"^. your Letter by the post & shall forward that to CoF 
Dyer, who I am very sorry to find so much. Engage<l in pur- 
suing the Susquehanna affair. I find my name is mentioned in 
PhiP (S: other places as a person who is much interested and has 
the success of the Company greatly at heart. Xow God knows I 
only came into it out of a mere Banter, supposing it was to cost 
me about five or six Dollars only, & tho I found the Expence 
much more I did not trouble my self, as you ami many 
others who I new to be good Company were engaged. &: I 
expected we should have some Little Doversion for our ]\roney. 
Since I was at S^. W" Johnsons, I think I must discover great 
want of Capacity to Entertain a thought of our Ever obtaining 
a Grant of those Lands By Virtue of the Indian Purehaisc — 
and you know what Pret«itions our West Sea Charter can give 
us. I have a very great Respect for Col° Dyer and would g«> 
very great Lengths to ser\'e him, but at the same time think T 
should be much to Blame if I did not tell him my Real Senti- 
ments, for which Reason I Last week wrote him a Leiter, a Copy 
of which I now inclose to you, and Immagine it has quite 
Destroyed any Eavourable opinion that infatuated Ci>mpany 
might have Entertaind of me. You'l not mention the atfair ct 
this Letter to any one. Tho Company Depend mu<'h cm W 
Eranklins Eriendship and the Interest that I have wirh him t" 
Introduce them. Was Ever any thing so Redieulous i supposing! 
M'^Eranklin had as nmch Eriendship for me as one person Could 
have for another, is it Reasonable to think he wonld Carry if t'> 
such a Length as to Engage and Interest himself in an Affair ot 
this kind at my desire? I rather think he would believe me tor- 
ward & impertinent for giving him any trouble of the kiml ; A-' 



that he may Imraagine at Present, for what I know, as I am 
informed ray name has been mentioned to him as a very warm 
Advocate for the Company. I daresay yon'l agree with me 
that he has two much good sense and sound judgment to Con- 
cern himself with a matter of this kind. Provided other Beasons 
did not u-eigh loith him. I Expect him this way soon and if I 
Can have notice when he is at Xew Haven propose to meet him 
there, wheii hope may have the Pknisure of half an hours Chat 
with you. 

Every thing I hear from the Late Assembly Convinces me 
that the Religious Junto or those who assume that Carracter 
will throw this Colony into the greatest Confusion." You Can- 
not irnmgine what pains this Party take and how their Dici- 
ples and Emissarys are dispersed thro' the Government. As I 
dare say you will be tired of this Epistle. ... I am 
Dear Sir 

Your most obed* serv' 
Jos Chew 
Xew London, June 17'^. 1703 

Jared Ingersoll Esq" ■ '. :.' ' . 

[Enclosure in the last letter.] 
D-- S^ 

Yesterday I Rece*^ a Letter from '}^V Franklin who is now on 
his journey this way, but as he will make some stay in Xew 
York 'tis uncertain whether ho will l)e here before the last of the 
month. When he Comes I shall advise you of it and as he will 
stay some days theres no dou])t but you will have an opportunitv 
of seeing him. I have seen the speech delivered by the Deputys 
of the Six Xatir.ns and the Governors Answer, both Printed and 
much to the Purpose. I assure you I begin to Entertain a very 
Poor opinion of the Success of the Susquehanna Company, and 

* At tlio May Session of tlie General Assembly of the Colony, ^fr. Iti^rer- 
soll li;ul appeared as senior counsfl of certain gentlemen \vho ]. resented a 
Memorial. as'<iiiLr for a Coniniittee of Visitation for Yale ('(.UcLro, on tlie 
Kronnd <.f a -eiieral discontent with tiie administration of President Cla].. 

284 .tai:t:d TX(;Ki:s(ii.r. pai-ki.-s, 17.")'^-^(4:. 

bv what I can gather from Persons of the tirst Carracter The 
very mention of it is odious to the Crown «ls: ^linistrv, and T 
believe those who Exert themselves most will not only liaiu the 
Displeasure of the great on the other side the water, hut of nianv 
in Power in the Colonys. ^ly Situation in Life is such that I 
think it my duty to stear Clear of any thing that may tend t<;> 
that Purpose— for tho' I am not immediately appointed hy the 
Crown to the small Posts I injoy, I Receive them from Persims 
who will by no means incourage any one who would he troulde- 
some. Since this Speech of the Indians I have had an Oppor- 
tunity of seeing many Gentlemen, no ways Concerned, who all 
say that it appears to them the Purchaisc if Ever made was a 
very unfair one, that if it had been made Ever so fairly lV the 
Indians were sick of the Bargain the Crown would be in favair 
of them, that theres not Even a Prospect of its Ever Ijeing 
Granted by the Crown, and in short that one word from Sir "\V"' 
Johnson, whose duty it is to set the matter in the most Clear 
Light, will have more weight with the King, Privy-Council and 
Parliament then the oaths of ten thousand such unknown AVit- 
nesses as we have to ^e Deed obtained by Lydius."^ My best 
friends at X York are of opinion I should by no means inter- 
medle about this affair imless with a View to discourage it, an<l 
as I niost sincerely interest myself in Every thing wdiich Con- 
cerns you I wish from my heart you was fairly clear of the mat- 
ter. Indeed if you are well paid I should prefer your Vissiting 
England at the Companys Expencc before any other Person — 
but am fcarfuU when they find their Golden Dreams Vanish, as 
they surely will, they may, as they are Composed of the samt^ 
■unsteady materials of the Pest of !^^ankind, throw all the 
Blame on you and Charge you with Countinancing and Incour- 
aging them in this Pursuit. Believe me, my Dear Sir, these 
Reasons are the Result of the Best advice I could get from those 
friends wdio I am in a great measure dependant upon, and my 

* Sir William Jt>liii-^on was widely reco<zni/.fd as the IcuJini;' representa- 
tive of the British jiovernnient in nej^otiations with the Indians; whih- 
John Henry Lydins, ctn whose treaty obtained from a few inferior native^ 
Conneetieut relied. \va-> a man of unreliable character. 

JARED INGERSOLL rATKKS, 17.").S-(1-1:. 285 

own serious Reflections. However as T expect to see yon soon 
will then talk tlie matter over better than it Can be wrote. 

I am Szc 
X London June 9''^ 1763 
A Copy of a Letter sent to CoP Dyer 

Dear Sir 

I have been so mneh from home that T have not had time to 
send you the Lists of Shipping- (tc, but will by the Xext Post. 
CoP Dyer Leaves AVindam Xext ^Monday for Portsmouth, there 
to embark on Board a [Mast Ship for l>ondon — in order to 
obtain a Charter for the Susquehanna Country in which S' W'" 
Johnson and you are not to have any Share — at Least I 
immagine so ; from the Present very great disputes and unset- 
tled State of the ^Ministry as well as the Indian Disputes believe 
he had Letter have waited a Little Longer. 

Pray give me your opinion of the Court and tell me what 
your friend ]\P Jackson says, whose opinion & srentiments I 
depend much upon, and you may be sure not one word shall 
transpire from me. Make ]\P Chews & my Respects acceptable 
to good ]\P Ingersoll. Accept the same from 
Dear Sir 

Your Affect. 

Jos Chew • . 

Xew London July 2 r\ 170.3 ,.-... 

Yours of the ID*"" has been Carryed to X port in that mail & 
only this moment Come to hand. The hott weather occasion'd 
^P Franklin's going by watter to X port. There I saw him and 
he thinks as you and I do of Sus(|uehanna &c. &c. CoP Dyer 
says he is sure of his firm Friendship &:c. in that affair. The 
CoP has said that the Deputies at Hartford from the Six 
nations l^-c are in his opinion no more than Vagabond ^Tohawks,'^ 

* For tlio visit uf tlie ^Mohawk Dt-putitj^ to TTaitford in ^lay, 1703, see 
Stone's Life of Sir U'. Jofuison, v. 2, i^). 1S5-S1). 


who S" W"" Johnston hired or sent to deliver that Speech in 
order to intiniadate &: Prevent the Settlement. T was very f n-i- 
with him and assured him I would write to S^ W". and acquaiur 
him of the Keport. As only CoP Fitch* &: a few friends ^^•('rc 
Present I would not Choose for Col° Dyers sake it should he 
mentioned, but 1 will give you the whole history Xext Post. 



Jos Chew. 

[To --> ;::„-•-- 

Jared Inijersoll Esq'' .\ s ■ . 


Xew Haven] 

Xew London Aug\ 10'^ 1TG:3 
Dear Sir 

CoP. Dyer is gone for Boston and is there to take his Pas- 
sage to London, and is quite sure of Returning with a Charter 
or Charters for the Greatest Part if not all the Lands to tin- 
West Sea's. The CoP. told me he saw W. Franklin who was 
Extreemly friendly and very much approved of the Settlement. 
Upon inquiry I find the CoP. met with ]\P. Franklin at Green- 
wich, where the Latter was Confined with a hurt occasioned hy 
a Fall from his Chair. They were only about two hour.- 
together and never saw Each other before, but this was tinir 
Eno' to discover that Gent^'. Sentiments — who you know i^ 
not apt to Comunicate them very soon. This I know. ^' 
Franklin told me it was uncertain whether he saw CoP. Dvt-r 
or not. and desired me to let him know his Errant would be t" 
no Purpose unless the Indians were Really willing for the Set- 
tlement, and morr that tlie ministry would Expect to Receive an 
Ace*', of their being willing from S'. W" Johnson, the Per-'H 
they imployed here in matters Relating to Indians — that if ^vr 
Expected a Governm\ and to obtain a Charter we shoul'l '"' 

♦ Eloazer Fitch (bnrn 1720, died 1706), of Windham, a graduate of 
Yalo in 1743. a %far att.-r Mr. luLrer^^oll. 


(lisapointcd — that uiir Claiming all the Lands ta the West Seas 
was Idle and Kidiculous — that no Person could pretend to 
think it Consistant w"'. Common Sence to have a Governm^ GO 
miles wide & 3000 miles Long — and many things of the kind. 
I am Surprized when I think of the strange Bustle this affair 
has made and at the Little Keason there is ever to expect any 
thing from it. CoF. Dyer does not doubt of having the Land 
«l!cc. The Post waits ; pray give M" Chews and my very sincere 
Respect to good M". Ingersoll. Accept the same from IT S^ 
Your Affect. Obed' Serv* 

Jos Chew. ■ 

Letters of Col. Ei.iphalet Dyer. 

London Xov"^ 3^ 1763 
Dear S^ - 

Ariv*^ at this place after about Seven Weeks passage. It is 
now^ near four weeks since my Arival. Have had my health 
very well ever since have been in London. I find ]\P Jackson"^ 
Vastly friendly and agreable and as yet have acquainted only 
him with my affairs. He advises not to be Sudden in my 
Applications, as it is very uncertain at present who will be the 
persons in Power after y^ Sitting of the Parliament, which 
will be y*" 15"' Instant, as the present ^Ministry are not Suposd 
to be permanent. ^U Jackson Informs me the Ship for Xew 
London to take in your ]\Iasts will saile from hence In January 
next. I should much rejoice to see you here, which shall 
Expect in that Ship if not before. Have nothing of Xews of 
Consequence to write you at present ; this is only Just to let you 
know of my Arival and that I am in good Comfortable Spirits. 
Have taken very agreable handsome Lodgings at the L^pper End 

* Rieliard Jackson was the Lnmlon Agent of the Colony of Connecticut 
from 1760 to 1771. Yalo College conferred on him the honorary degree 
of Doctor of Laws in 1773. 

:i . -i.-i. 


of Lancaster Court"^ near S* ^Eartins Churcli, first stair, con- 
sisting" of a large Dining room, bed Chamber & dressing room, all 
Xeatly fnrnisli^., and Enjoye my self as well as can be cxperted 
considering Absence from my Dear family and friends. Yon 
will not forget to write me by y® York Packets as was stipnlated. 
Youll excuse my brevity as have many Letters to write \i: y' 
Ship very soon to. sail. Remember me with proper regards t<. 
particular Friends vi' Enquirers. !My respects to M" Ingerso! 
and believe me S'" Y^, 

• Very 11^'' Sen-' 

'" ' ' Elipht Dyer. 

To Jared Ingersol Esq"". 

London 14''^ April iTG-t 
D^ S' 

I reciev*^ yours of y^ 27'^^ of February yesterday, and as T 
know you while here often had the pleasing Sensation tlui'' 
arises on the receipt of a kind letter from a friend or an 
Acquaintance from your Xative Country, it is Xeedless tn 
Inform you with what pleasure I reciev"^ yours. What I wrote 
you before am very uncert<:iin as it was in Utmost hast &; took 
no Copy thereof, but it being soon after my arrival every thing 
here was then new, which Xow in y® Course of six months 
seems very familiar. I have since frequently attended all the 
Courts att Westminster, Viz. Chancery, B : li : C : Bf Court i>t 
Exchequer and especially when any Cause of Consequence h;is 
been depen<ling, ^NF Wilkes^ among y^ rest, fm Xine of y'^ Clock 
in y^"morning till 12 at Xight, an account of which you have 
doubtless had in y^ publick papers. Also was in House I't 
Lords at y"" <q)fning the Parliament, heard the King Deliver 
his Speech. \- have been there sundry times since; have trc- 
quently atten(K'd the ITouse of Commons »^' have often heard 
their Ini'st Speakers on affairs of Consequence, i!c have Especially 

* A short strcf't nmtiiTiiT north from tlie Strand, a fow door^ to the If" 
from ChariiiL' < ro'i-;. 

t Bancus Rpfris. Kinjr's Bemli; Coniinon Bench, or Cumnion Pleas. 


attended there when the affairs that Concern*^ the Colonys were 
under Consideration, tho on those arose no great debate as they 
seem*^ almost universally agreed to whatever was propos"^, by M'' 
Greenville to lay upon them, the particulars ot" which have lately 
wrote Gov"^ Pitch, as also a Copy of the Resolves therein, as also 
to sundry others, the particulars of which doubt not but you 
will have before this comes to hand. As to the King & Queen 
have very often seen them, as I make a point of it allmost every 
Week to make my appearence att Court att S' .James^ Was att 
y* Ball one of y^ most Brilliant after y* Xuptials of y""' Prince of 
Brunswick & Princess Augusta, present King, Queen, y^ 
Royal family, Xobility, Gentry kc: k so in General at Court 
once a Week, att Church once a Week, at play near as often. 
I have seen often both Commedys k Tragedies. Operas, Ora- 
torios, Burlcttas, Balls & Pidottoes", ijc lately at Kenelaugh, k 
expect soon at Yauxliall &:c &c as beside giving my Principall 
Attention to y^ affair I come upon, as also when have an oppor- 
timity to say a word or two in favour of y'^ Colonys, especially 
that to which I belong, I make it my ludeavour to see k hear 
whatever seems of any Consequence to a Stranger. Have been 
at Bristol k Bath ; expect next week with Gen" Lyman, ]\P 
Trumblef &c »S:c, an agreable party, to take a Trip to Xew 
^farket, Cambridge &c; but to descend into Particulars would 
be Tedious. ]\P Jackson has been Vastly kind, complaisant, 
friendly, k agreable, and for whom I have the highest Value k 
Esteem, & indeed Esteem him of more Consequence than all y^ 
other Agents for y^ Continent, as according to my present 
apprehension he appears not only most knowing, but heartily 
Engag^. for the Interest of the Colonies, tho by the way you are 
sensible he is in the Interest of the present Ministry, &: as such 
believe by his Intluence y^ propos^ Stamp duty is at present 
postponed. Dear S"" it would give me singular pleasure to see 
you here, before my return, as also my Dear friend Sam" 

* Ridotto, an asseuibh^ or entertainment, Avith music and dancing. 

t Phineas Lyman (Yale 1738) had recently ^one to Enizland to apply 
t'T a tract of land for the settlement of the ollicers and soldiers in the 
late war. .Josepli, son of Governor Tniniball, was then in England. 




Johiisou.* Iiuleed it Avould Induce me to tarry tere some 
months rarlier tlian to miss the opportunity, tho if you tarry for 
your :\Iast Ship xnn ^^■n\ not be here before late Xeit fall, as she 
is not yet gone from x' Downs. As I came over in the :^Ja^t 
Ship I gainVI Considerable Intelligence of what might U- 
Expected to hinder Success in your Scheme S: plan about the 
IMast aifair. A: very soon acquainted 'M' Jackson therewith, of 
which I suppose' he has long Since wrote you; was in hopes 
you would not have waited for the an-ival of your Mast Ship 
before you had Set out for England, if you had'a design still to 
prosecute that affair, for I have y^ greatest reason to believe 
that :\P Hennikat *i: others in Contract with AP Wentworth are 
Determind to break all your measures & frustrate your designs, 
as they have allready Indeavourd to propagate an Opinion that 
the Z^Iasts you liave got cV prepard to send here are good for 
Nothing for that purpose, c^c will not half pay y^ freight, and 
doubt not they will Indeavour to procure the Inspectors here. 
who are much under their influence, even to say the same when 
they arrive, let them be ever so good ; this I mention that xon 
may be Sufficiently guarded against all those Yile Attempts \<lv^ 
You mention that the Guard Le Coastal sent Alarm the 
Trading port »S:c : it is but the beginning of Troubles, as h 
seems determined to fix upon us a large ^^umber of regular 

* "Samuel John-on,-' familiarly so called, was the Hon. William Sannirl 
Jolinson (Yale Coll. 17J4i, of Stratford. 

t John Heniiiker Mas a merchant of London and a member of parliament 
for Sudbury. Suffolk. 170M7GS, and Dover, 1774-1784. lie ^y^s iutere^t.J 
in the American trade and served as a sub-contractor for masts under tir 
royal mast contractor. Mark Hunting Wentworth. brother of Govcn-nr 
Bennmg Wentwortli and father of Governor Julm Wentwortii of N.^^ 
Hampshire. With his father-in-law and business partner, John 3Iaj.'r 
(afterwards Sir .Tohni. he was engaged in supplying provisions for ti.e 
British troops in America and with Governor John Wentworth was inter 
ested in obtaining land grants in Xova Scotia. His intimacy with Govorn.T 
Wentworth appears from the fact that the latter, from motives of personal 
friendship, caused the town of Henniker, Xew Hampshire, to be naim-i 
for him, at the time of its incorporation, Xovember 10. 17GS. Hennik-r 
became a baronet in 17.^1. and in 1800 was created Baron Henniker -f 
Stratford upon Slaney. County Wicklow. He died in 1803 at tlie age of 7^- 

tA Spanish vessel sent to prevent smuggling. 

JARED IXGERSOLL p.Ctpers, 1T5S-G4. 291 

Troops imJer pretence for our Defence : but rather designd as a 
rod «t Check over us, & are determiuil t<:> raise a fund in America 
for their Support, at first by dutys on Trade as being y® least 
alarming, a Stamp duty propos'd but for y'^ present postpon'd, 
a direct &: possitive tax is not Scrupled vL' Ixdieve will be soon 
attempted. ^F Grenville^' strongly urg'd not only the power 
but right of Parliament to tax y^ Colony s, i: hop'd in Gods 
Xame as his Expression was that none would dare dispute their 
Sovereignty; but rnueh has been said here l)y Agents & others 
from y^ Continent, but to but very little purpose, k fear all the 
United Indeavours of y*" Colonys will not Avert the Impending 

How far on my return I may be helpful (as you hint) in Law 
affairs ^*c is very imcertain, as I cannot bare the thought at 
present of going into that Slavish practice again on my return, 
but if can find any other way to live, rather retire with my wife 
& children &■ in some rural way spend y^ remainder of my days, 
tho' if we could find out an easier way of Practice similar to 
y^ Counsellors here and a little more gainfuU, might possibly 
be Induced further to pursue the business. Have very lately 
wrote my Friend ]\F Johnson, but my sincere regards to him &; 
to I\F and 'M" Darling, I\r Whiting &c. Remember me to y^ 
Brethren when you meet togeather. Pegards to all enquiring 
friends. !My respects to ]\P^ Ingersol and believe me S" with 
utmost Sinceritv 

Your Obcd^ i' Very H'^ Seiw* 

•; _ Eliph'Dyer. 

P. S. ■ As to the Susqli & Delaware affairs I am here upon, 
have nothing Special to write you l;)ut must referr you for 
Information to the Com**"^ to whom have often wrote, tho' in 
general can say the affair here is not lookd upon or Treated in 
that despicable manner as by Some was pretended would be. 

You mention in yours that those Settlers on Susqh are partly 
killd ^' partly Captivated, tho understand by Other letters not 

• [Notti by !Mr. Dyer.] Mr Grenville is Chancellor of the Exchequer, 
first Lord of ye Treasury. ,. .-. ., ■ < 


by y® neigliboiiriiig Indians but by some more remote ; but I am 
Sorry for tbeir misfortune but understand it sav'd the Govern- 
ment tlie Troul)le of driving them oft'. Am your kc ---■ 

E Dyer. 
Jared Ingersol Esq'' 

Letter of Thomas Whatelt. 

Dear Sir, 

I am ashamed to see a Letter from you of a date so old that I 
dare not ackno-vvedge it ; & I hope you have forgot it : yet I 
was highly flatter"d to perceive that you remember'd me, in so 
remote a Quarter of the AYorld ; I have not y"" Presumption to 
imagine you will be equally pleas'd to hear that such a one as 
myself, on the other Side the Great Lake, often recollects the 
many chearful Days we have pass'd together, & always recol- 
lects them with pleasure. It will not however raise any dis- 
agreeable Ideas to be reminded of them ; you tell me you wish 
sometimes to dine at the Crown & Anchor,"' provided yon 
could take a Chair after dinner to iNTew Haven: I had rather 
be of that party, than of any we were ever engaged in together, 
and often build a Castle something like it, within whose A\'alls I 
constantly include your hospitable [Mansion : I wish, but I can 
only wish, that I could spend a twelvemonth amongst my 
American friends : Templet would make me welcome at Bos- 
ton; I should rely on your friendship in Connecticut; &■ I 
would not disgrace mine Host by English Libertinism; I am 
a Chip you know of the old Block; my Great Grandfather at 
the farthest was an Oliverian: & his Posterity is not ?'-' 
degenerated but that I could look as demurely on Sundays, or 
bundle as merrily on the AVeok Days, as any the best of tin- 

* The Crown & Anclior tavern, on the east side of Arundel Street, Strand. 
was also at this date a haunt of Dr. Jolmson and his circle. 

t John Temple (born in Boston in 1732, died in Xew York in 179S) h:i>. 
obtained in 1760 thvou^di the influence of his distant kinsman, Gt^i;^'' 
Grenville, the oflieo of Surveyor-General of Customs for the Northern Di-" 
trict of America. He inherited an Enslish baronetcy in 17SG. 

1 ; 5 ; 


Puritans: tou would not insist on equal Sanctity at Xew York 
A: Lord Stirling"^' would expect a little less : We have lost poor 
^forrisf I find to receive me in the Jerseys : but I should meet 
with another friend in Hamiltont at Philadelphia: Do not von 
think I have plann'd an agreeable Tour ^ Seriously I would 
execute it. if I could do as I would; but I am confin'd to the 
spot where you found me, where you left me, & where I flatter 
myself you will some- time or other find me again : My only 
Pemove has been from one End of the town to the other: ^P 
Grenville's favour has made me Secretary to the Treasury; a 
Place of too much Business to be compatible with any other : 
I have therefore quitted the Bar & am now immers'd in Politics, 
Parliament, and Pevenue. During the "Winter I have been 
really too much employ'd to write a single Letter, which I was 
not obliged to write : The Pecess of Parliament gives me a 
little more Leisure, (t you are one of the first who are sensible of 
its Effects. "VTcdderbiirn^ still continues at y^ Law & has all 
y^ reason in the World to continue there. Ho has distinguish'd 
himself as a Speaker in the House ; he meets with y^ Success he 
deserves in his profession: is already Kings Counsel & will be 
in a few Years (I had almost said) whatever he pleases to be 

I often see our friend Jackson & from him have 

frequently heard of your Welfare : His Knowledge in American 
Affairs is of public Use, when America is become so much the 

* William Alexander, of Xew York City, born in 172G, and the heir to 
a large fortune, had visited England in 175G-60, posing as a claimant to 
the Earldom of Stirling. 

t Eobert Hunter ^Morris, Chief Justice of Xew Jersey, and at one time 
'17.53-1756) Doputy Governor of Pejinsylvania, born about 17U0, died in 
January. 1704. 

1 James Hamilton, twice Deputy Governor of Penn^^ylvania (1748-175.3, 
17.59-17t!.3). born about 1710. 

§ Alexander Wedderburn, afterwards known as Earon Loughborough 
(born 1733, died 1S05), exchanged the Scottisli for the English bar in 
1757, and entered Parliament in 1701. In 1770, with an eye to legal 
advancement, after ardently professing Whig principles, he became an 
(■fjually ardent supporter of Lord North, and after other preferments 
received the lord chancellorship in 1793. In 1774, as Solicitor General. 
lie made himself conspicuous by his scurrilous invective at the examination 
of Franklin before the Privv Council. 

f.!/l/ \. 


Object of the Attention of Ministry. Many Regulations Loth 
with regard to its Settlement & its Revenue have already been 
made : by this time I suppose you are apprized of them : ^ you 
would oblige me greatly by informing me of the Reception tliev 
meet with in your part of the World, & much more by communi- 
cating to mo your own free Sentiments upon them : I should bt- 
happy to know y^ genuine Opinion of sensible 'Men in the Colo- 
nies upon Subjects equally interesting both to them & to us: 
You know I always from Inclination interested myself in their 
Prosperity : My present Situation necessarily employs me often 
in their Affairs : & I therefore am aiLsious to get all the Infor- 
mation I can in relation to them. All new Taxes are open to 
Examination ; & I should be glad to know what you & your 
people think of those that have been imposed this Session: 
Their produce is doubtful ; perhaps you may make a Guess at 
it so far as your province is concern'd ; but certainly these will 
not be sufBeient to defray that Share of y*^ American Expence 
which .Vmerica ought & is able to bear: Others must be added : 
What they will be, will in some degree depend on the Accounts 
which will be received from thence : A Stamp Act has been pro 
posed : Its produce would be great as is generally supposc'l 
here, from y^ great Xumber of Law Suits in most of y^ Colo- 
nies : but it was not carried into Execution, out of tenderness to 
them, & to give them time to furnish y^ necessary Information 
for this, or to suggest any better Mode of Taxation. Would it 
yield a considerable Reventie if the Duty were low upon mer- 
cantile Instruments, high upon gratuitous Grants of Lands, vV 
moderate upon Law Proceedings ? Would y° Execution of siu:'li 
a Law -be attended with great Inconveniencies, or open to fre- 
quent Evasions which could not be guarded against^ At lea^i. 
it must be allow'd to be as general an Imposition as can bo 
devised: &: in that respect seems preferable to a Tax upon 
ISTegToes, which would affect y*^ Southern much more than y" 
ISTorthern Colonies, tho' that on the other hand would be mori.' 
easily collected &■ less liable to Evasion. If either of thc-e 
wouhl be very exec[)tional>le can you suggest any other? You 
will hiirhlv oblige me bv furnishinn; me with anv Information 


relative to y^ Revenue, to the Regulations necessary against 
Smuggling & the Effect of those already made, & to any other 
point that concerns the Colonies : I am anxious on the Subject 
myself & I can find Opportunities to make good Use of any 
Information I receive. ]\Iy Earnestness about it has you see 
hurried me into a long Letter . . . . .. :- 

I am, Dear Sir, ' ' - 

Your most obed*^ humble Serv* 

Thomas Whatelv.* 

Letter to Thomas Whately. 
■ ■ ■ :N" Haven 6* July 1764 

I duly rec*^ yonr favour of the (tis not Dated) two 

Days ago — am Channed with the American tour you so agree- 
ably plan out & can only Join in the most hearty wish that the 
same could be carried into Execution. 

as I expect to see you soon in London I shall hope for the 
pleasure of having an oportunity to say a thousand things to 
you on the Score of friendship & which I will therefore pass by 
at present & proceed directly to the business part of your 

You Desire my opinion upon the late Act of trade.f & upon 
the proposed taxations which respect America, as also such 
information of facts &c as have fallen within my Observ^ation. 
This task I shall readily undertake for his Sake who asks it of 

* This letter was printed in part in Mr. Ingersoll's Letters relating to 
the Stnmp-Act, pp. 1-5. 

He has written on the original: "I gave y« Govi" a Copy of this Letter 
when he was writing agt j^ Stamp Act, also shew it to many people." 

The letter was written late in April. 17G4 (Parliament rose on April ID). 

The writer, an uncle of Archbishop Whately, was an active politician 
and Member of Parliament, in the close confidence of George Grenville, 
niider whom he was Secretary of the Treasury in 17G4-65; he prepared 
the draft of the Stamp Act. 

t Bv the "late act of trade" is meant the Sutrar Act of 1764. - > 

29() JAEED IXGERSOLL PAPf:RS, 1758-64. 

me, in doing whicli you may depend on the Strictest truth Even 
tho' it should offend. 

I must tell you then that I think the Parliament have over- 
shot their mark & that you will not in the Event have your 
Expectations in any measure answered from the provisions of 
the late Act. I myself am not in trade nor ever was, nor have 
the people of y® Colony I live in ever carried on any trade with 
the foreign West Indias worth mentioning; my Xeighhours of 
iN" York, K Island & Boston have very considerably; tis from 
these &; from a Constant Observation that I have collected the 
knowledge I have in these matters. I am of opinion that the 
foreign Molasses will bear a Duty of One penny half penny at 
most, the raw or brown Sugar 2/6 & y^ Clayed 5/ p'" C\ ; the 
reasons of this Opinion must you know be built upon y" Suppo- 
sition that the price of y"" Commodities -^-ith which these article^ 
are purchased, the price of the Articles themselves & the price 
they will bear at a foreign market all taken together, will nor 
leave any profit to the ^Merchant in case a greater or higher 
Duty is laid. I know it is difficult Especially for me to get a 
precise & full knowledge of these particulars, — but this I think 
I do know that those who have been the most Conversant in the 
trade are of that Opinion. I learn this not from their Declara- 
tions merely but from their Conduct. Interest seldom lies : 
tis most certain I believe that the trade to the french &: Dutch 
West Indies is failing & dying very fast »t that there is not a 
single Voyage of that Sort planned with the most Distant inten- 
tion to pay the Dutys. This brings me to remark upon one «:>t 
your queries, viz. whether Smuggling can be Easily prevented 
here. I" answer no. !My reasons are, the Coast is very Exten- 
sive — Custom house ofHcers placed from i'O to 60 or more miles 
distant one from another — very good harbours upon y*^ Coa:^t 
Every 6, 8 or 10 ^liles — a plenty of Inhabitants & no Land 
waiters, y*^ trade indeed would not Support any — some of tlu- 
Sea and Land Custom officers themselves perhaps a little remis-. 
which generally will b<^ the Case. I might add the imp"?'^i- 
bility of y" Ciiard Castas Cruising to any Advantage in y 
winter — the ConsiMjuciioe will be that a Seizure will be made o- 


perhaps one Vessell in a hundred, but I verily believe there 
wont be Enough Collected in v*^ Course of ten years to Defray 
y" expence of fitting out one the least frigate for an American 
Voyage, <S: that the whole Labour will be like burning a Barn 
to roast an Egg. Was the Duty lowered to where I have 
mentioned the Mcrch*. would pay it without any men of war to 
Compell him to it — he would pay it rather than run the risque 
of y^ Custom house officer alone d: partly by reason of his hav- 
ing been used to pay a Sum not much short of that. Perhaps 
'tis the Intention of Parliament that the Duty should amount 
to a prohibition of y^ trade — why they should Aim at that 
indeed I cannot conceive with the Ideas I now have of things. 
You may think me mad for saying it, but I do say, that tis my 
opinion the Parliament of y^ two had better have given a pre- 
mium than to have imposed the Duty they have laid upon that 
branch of trade. I dont mean to say that I think it would be 
good policy to do either, but y^ former I believe would have 
been less impolitick than y^ Later. What is the amount & 
Effect of that trade but the turning our horses, cattle, sheep, 
hogs, poultry, wheat, oats, Indian corn & Lumber of all sorts 
into Cash, & turning the same, & which we can in no other way 
turn, into the hands of the British Merchant in payment for 
British manufactures. I have latelv travailed throu2:h the 
interior parts of this & Xew York Province & every where 
found the farmer complaining that he could not Sell his wheat 
cVc. The English West-Indians by monopolising (their great 
object) the above trade have so lowered y^ prices of y^ Several 
articles abovementioned that the Merchant here cannot buy them 
without loss, nor can they be raised by y^ farmer so as to 
answer; indeed the English West-Indians cannot take of the 
half of what we raise & have to spare. There is certainly a 
very considerable revulsion in y'^ body politick here & the more 
wealthy Merchants in IN" York cV Boston have turned their 
thoughts seemingly in Earnest from Xavigation to the Encour- 
aging our own Manufactures, urging y® absolute necessity of it. 
They have actually Entered into Associations, have advanced 
monies ii: set numbers of hands to Spinning, have Erected 


works for the Distilling of Corn Spirits, are planning ways 
& means for the increase of the Stock of Sheep in this 
Country & have gone so far as actually to send to Europe for 
Artificers in the several branches of Woolen & Linnen manu- 
facture. Perhaps you will think this is all a mere feint — as to 
that I can say nothing, I do but narrate facts as they come to 
my knowledge. 

You will admit tis hard to be obliged to make brick without 
Straw. I wish I knew how & by what means we are to pay for 
the British manufactures which we are expected to purchase. 
We are as gay & Expensive as we possibly can bo k only want 
the means to be more so in order to our increasing in Luxury. 
We have a little pig iron, & may possibly get into the way of 
raising hemp. I am doing all in my power to Encourage both. 
but you know how hard it is to get y*^ people to go into any new 
method of Labour, but if we had these & a thousand more means 
of remittance, still if the additional one of y^ trade with the 
foreign West Indies be advantageous to both you & us, why 
should it not be gone into? But I will stop. I find I am 
insensibly got into a Debate with you instead of informing you. 
I long to see you & please myself much in the Expectations I 
have that you k my friend I\P. Jackson & other Gentlemen on 
y' Side y^ water will be able to tell me of some facts & acquaint 
me with some reasonings upon these Subjects which I am at 
present a Stranger to, & that will dispel those Clouds of Dark- 
ness that now hang over my mind : — in short that I shall receive 
a kind of Xew Sense, & see things in a quite different light 
from. what I do now; & you must know some think this would 
be very agreeable to me, for I am so much an Englishman, •^<' 
much an Advocate for you on your side the water, especially 
since my acquaintance with yon, vS: at y*^ same time am, they 
think, so unhappily void of all Puritanism that I have very 
much bro\ upon me the Jealousy of my own Country men — they 
suspect me of being rather too much a favourer of Court inter- 
est. Let them say what they please of me here or there, truth 
shall be my guide »S: dictate all I say & do. 

What shall I Answer to your queries relative to the proposed 


internal taxation of America ? You say America can & ought 
to Contribute to its own defence; we one & all say y^ same on 
this Side y'' water — we only differ about the means ; we perhaps 
should first of all Rescind great part of the present Expence & 
what remains should difray by the Application of our own force 
li: Strength ; but the Subject is large «i: the principles of it nice 
A: delicate. I will only remind you that our people dont yet 
believe that the British Parliament really mean to impose 
internal taxes upon us without our Consent, especially y^ people 
of this Colonv who beside their Charter of Priviledo;e irranted 
them by K Ch. 2^ have, they say, planted themselves & sub- 
sisted hitherto without one farthings Expence to y® Crown, 
except what the Xation wa?> pleased to give to them in Common 
with their neighbours in the last war. They are however still 
doing at y* Kings call, & that without Expectation of reward, & 
when they have no immediate frontier of their own to Defend, 
tho' they had in y^ Days of their Infancy. If the King should 
fix the proportion of our Duty, we all say we will do our parts in 
y^ Common Cause, but if the Parliament once interpose & Lay 
a tax, tho' it may be a very moderate one, & the Crown appoint 
officers of its own to Collect such tax & apply y^ same without 
Acc°., what Consequences may, or rather may not, follow? 
The people think if the precedent is once established. Larger 
Sums may be Exacted k that at a time when the same shall be 
less needed, & that in short you will have it in your power to 
keep us just as poor as you please. 

The peoples minds not only here but in the neighbouring 
Provinces are filled with the most dreadfull apprehensions from 
such a Step's taking place, from whence I leave you to gTiess how 
Easily a tax of that kind would be Collected ; tis difficult to say 
how many ways could be invented to avoid the pajTuent of a 
tax laid upon a Country without the Consent of the Legislature 
of that Country »t in the opinion of most of the people Contrary 
to the foundation principles of their natural A' Constitutional 
rights & Liberties. Dont tliink me impertinent, Since you 
desire Information, when T tell you that I have heard Gentle- 
men of the greatest property in Xeighbouring Governments say, 


Seemingly very Cooly, that should such a Step take place they 
would immediately remove themselves with their families »!• 
fortunes into some foreign Kingdom. 

For my own part I Vent no such Speeches & have a full per- 
suasion that so respectable a body as y^ British Parliament wont 
do any thing that is unjust or wrong — perhaps I may be Con- 
vinced of the propriety as well as necessity of such a Step. I 
can at least see great difficulty in any supposed method of Carry- 
ing [to?] an End the Kings Affairs & y^ necessary operations in 
America, was I left to devise y*^ same my self, & have a fixt Con- 
fidence that English wisdom & Justice will ultimately fall upon 
the best measures to accomplish their Ends. You see I am quite 
prevented suggesting to you which of y^ Several methods of taxa- 
tion which you mention woud be y*^ best or least Exceptionable, 
because I plainly perceive that every one of them or any su[)- 
posable one, other than such as shall bo laid by the Legislative 
bodies here, to say no more of Em, would go down with y'^ 
people like Chopt hay. A thousand tho*\ here occur to me. 
I want to say & to hear you say upon this Subject much more 
than will do to put into a Letter. I will therefore finish when 
I have told you that I sincerely wish you was Master of Every 
useful fact relating to these Subjects, not doubting but the best 
L^se would be made of such Knowledge. 

I know you admit with Caution any Evidence you receivt 

upon these points from Americans. There is some reason for 

y^ Distrust. I wish you maynt be in Equal danger of beiui: 

deceived by Acc"\ receiv'^. from seemingly more disinterested 1 

hands. Time & Experience will shew you who are in tlif 

right ; when those have happened Remember what I have toM 

you. I forgot to tell you that I have no Objections to the Dutv 

upon Wines ; I believe we shall drink a little less than we usfl 

to do & honestly pay the Duty for that which we shall ha^■e. 

But why we maynt Carry Lumber directly to Ireland at present 

remains a very great mystery to me, Especially as that Article i- 

so necessary for Stowage, with the important Article of finx- 


* Limitations on tlic importation of wines and exportation of Itun^"'!' 
were impo.-^od by tlio traile acts of ITHo and ITUG. 


I impatientlv wait y® Arrival of y* Mast Ship in whicli I 
mean, God willing, to take passage for England. She has been 
out a long time & is hourly expected. ... If you are 
willing let jM''. Jackson see this Letter, as I know he will be able 
to Correct me if I have mistook in some of its particulars. 
I am S'". 

Y^ Most Obed'. 

HumV Serv*. 

J. Ingersoll^ 
Tho. Whately Esq^ 

Joint Secret^ to v® Treasury 

Letter of Col. Xatiiax Wiiitixg. 

Charles Town Sep^ 22"^ 1763 
Dear Sir 

I have the pleasure to tell you I Arrived at Cape Eear about 
the 10*^ Augustus. After waiting there Some time for a passage 
by water I at Length came by Land. Tis about 200 hundred 
Miles, most of the way through a pine Sandy plain, the Country 
unsetled, Except now and then on Rivers there are Hice plan- 
tations, and Indigo on the Upland. This Town is pleasantly 
enough Situated on a point of Land between the Rivers Cooper 
& Ashly. There is but one way out of Town, that a Level 
Sandy path planted with pines ; the Road is agi-eable enough 
for once, but tis the Constant Sameness over and over again, 
as much .as you have at Sea; the Orange Gardens are pleasant, 
but dont exceed our Orchards of Aples, Pairs, peaches &c, and 
dont afford such Variety of Agi-eable fruit, nor such Delicious 
fragrant Smells as our Orchards when in blossom. There is not 
here that Variety of fruit that our Autumn affords. Sower 
Oranges being the principal. The weather about the Middle 
of this Month was Excessive hot, but what makes the hot 

* This letter, published in the Letters rclat'uin to the Stamp-Act, is here 
printed from the rough copy aiuong 'Slv. Ingersoll's paper*. 


weather (lisagreable is there are not the Regular Sea breezes 
here; some Days there is scarcely Air enough to breath in; 
them few Day? ariVcted me a good deal; tis here they tell you 
more disagreably hot than the West Indias. The weather fur 
this two or three Days past has been very Comfortable. I this 
morning found a fire very agTeable at Breakfast. The fine 
Season is now Coming on ; they tell me tis one of the finest 
Winter Countrys in the World. The Gentlemen are Generally 
free & Polite, take a good deal of jiSTotice of Strangers and enter- 
tain well; the Ladys are Generally well made, are delicate and 
may be Called handsome, and are sprightly and gay. 

The difference between the Assembly and Governor* is at a 
high Pitch ; tht\v were called since I have been here, and they 
adhere to their Ecsolution which was first made eight months 
ago of doing no business with the Governor ; they ^vere obliged 
however to choose a Speaker (as the old one was at the Xorth- 
ward) and present to the Governor for his Approbation, which 
they could not avoid as they could not exist Avithout. They 
have been Brot into Several Dilemmas, particularly to Qualify 
Several Xew Members to take their Seats ; the Rule is when the 
Member is returned, he takes what they Call the qualifying 
oaths before the House ; than it has been Customary for the 
House to send two of their Members, with the new Member, to 
the Governor to acquaint him Such a one is duely returned *!ic 
Qualifyed »t to desire him to administer the State oaths to the 
Member, which they were to see »S: Report to the House. To 
Finess the Governor they avoided ordering two ^[embers to go 
with formalitv, cl- onlv desired two ^Fembers to go with the Xcw 
one and be by to see the Governor administer the State oaths. 
The Governor, who is a ]\ran of Spirit and Sense, inmiediately 
asked them if they had any Message to hini from the House ; 
they answered thoy had not but came there by desire of the 
House to see the ]\rem]>er take the State oaths. The Governur 
desired them to withdraw cV then told the Xew ]\fember that he 

• For a fiirthiT "■tat.iufiit of the controversy between Governor Thomas 
Boone and the Sum h (iuolina Assembly, see Smith, ISouth Carolina as a 
Royal Province. j>i>. i;;^!! 34!t. 


was not properly acquainted with his being a Member, but that 
he would administer the oaths to him as a private Gentleman. 
They have had several such Contests & the House refuse to do 
any business with the Governor. All Publick business is at a 
Stand. The House have now Petition*^ the King for Redress. 
They had a Long debate whether their Appeal was not to be 
made to the Parliament ; it was finally determined it must be 
to the Crown. ]\P Boone is a Man of a Xice & quick Sensi- 
bility and has a fortune of his own that Eenders him Inde- 
pendent of thein, so that he wont give up an Ace of his preroga- 
tive, and they in their turn dont Spare him, but Carry their 
Resentments so high as to Vilify him with Opprobrious 

I dont know how long I shall be detained here. The Indian 
War I suppose hinders S'^ Jeffry Amherst from sending Troops 
to Relieve us at present; I dont Expect to be Relieved till Win- 
ter & shall probably be at Home Early in the Spring. If in the 
meantime you can be of Assistance to I\P' Whiting in any of her 
Affairs I shall be much Obliged to you 

Pray how goe on [missing] . . . have you done the 
Meeting H [missing] . . . House? how is the State? do 
the Saints Govern, or do Some of you Men of the World, take 
upon you Worldly matters ? what part in the Indian War do the 
Susquehanna Gent" take? And has CoP Dyer gone on his 
Embassy ? What for a Commencement had you ( was it in the 
old Stile ? were you allowed to dance, kiss the Girls, & drink 
Wine ? If so how dos it agree with the plan of Goverment as at 
present Established there ? 

I find here no Religious disputes, but there are here of almost 
every kind of Religion, (t the Sabbath observeil lV: the Publick 
Worship Carried on witli tolerable Decency: here are two 
Large handsome Churches, & meetings of various denomina- 
tions. The Presbiterian is not very well supplied at present; 
at Church they have one Gent: that perfiu-ms very well. 

[^Missing.] . . . has Laid by me a Li>ng time waiting 
an opportunity. I have only known this Long enough to ad a 
Word A: tell vou the Congress with the Indians that was to have 


been held at Augusta is to be held at Dorchester about 20 ^liles 
from this Town. Gox-' Dobbs"^ & Foquieref are in Town, Gov\ 
Wrightl soon Expected. Cap' Steward the Superintendant of 
Indian Affairs § has gone to Collect the black Gentry & bring 
them down, I can only desire you to Salute !M^ Ingersol in a 
way most Agreable to her, iL' present my Complements to all my 
friends. I am 
^ ■ Dear Sir 

Your most humble Serv* 

•Tared Ingersol Escf 

:N'. ^Vhiting•.ll 

* Arthur Dobbs. Governor of North Carolina, 1753-1764. 

t Francis Fauquier. Lieutenant Governor of Virginia, 1758-1768. 

t James Wright. Lieutenant Governor and Governor of Georgia, 1761- 
1771, 1773, 1780. 

I John Stuart ^va5 Superintendent of Indian affairs for the Southern 
Department, appointed in 1764. 

Ij Xathan Whiting, of New Haven (born 1724, died 1771), was a cousin 
of Mrs. Ingersol!. — their fathers having been half-brothers, — and was 
graduated at Yale College in 1743, being the leading scholar in his Class. 

He served with distinction through the Old French War, attaining the 
rank of Colonel. A selection from his letters during the war was printed 
in volume 6 of the Papers of this Society. 

T -.1. 

. T :, .. 
..' ,-,,,f , I 


III. LoxDo^j^ AND Xew Havex, 1765-1766. 

In October, 1761, Mr. Ingersoll went again to England (in 
the ship carrying the masts, etc., which he had contracted to 
deliver), with the hope of securing a new contract. While there 
the Stamp Act, imposing a tax on business papers, etc., was 
passed bv Parliament in March, 1765. He was induced to 
accept the office of Stamp Distributor for Connecticut, and 
returned to Boston in July; but was forced to renounce his 
appointment in September. 

In June, 1766, he published at Xew Haven a collection of Let- 
ters relating to the Stamp-Act (pp. iv, 6S, small 4°), the essen- 
tial portions of which are here reprinted in consecutive order, 
with other writings of the same period. 

Letter of James Parker. 

V Woodbridge April 3, 1764 


The Bearer of this AF Benjamin Mecom-' is a ISTephew to D^ 
Franklin of Philadelphia, and is a Printer. The Priuting- 
Office in New-Haven belonged to me. I parted with half of it 
to Col. Hunter,t upon certain Conditions not performed. I 
have Col. Hunters Bond for £500 NYork Money, which, as he 
is absent, I must try to put in Suit. Mean ^Yhile I send M'' 
Mecom, with a Power of Attorney from me, to take the whole 
into his Possession, or if refused it, to attach Col. Hunter's 
Part, or such of his Estate, as may be in that Colony, in such a 
Manner as your Laws direct against an absent Debtor, if 
therefore my Attorney should apply to you for any Help or 
Assistance, whatever you shall think proper to be done for 

* Printer of the Connecticut Ga~ctte (17C5-GS) and postmaster of New 
Haven (1765-G7). 

t Colonel John Hnnter, probably an uncle of Colonel William Hunter, of 
Williamsburg, Va., who was joint Postmaster-General for the Colonies with 
15r. Franklin from 1753 to 1701. 


regaining my Kiglit, I shall support you in, and see you satis- 
fied: and remain 

Your very humble Serv' 

James Parker 
To Jared Ingersol, Esq" at ISTew-IIaven. 

Letters to Gov. Tiio^rAs Fitch. 

, ,- London ll'^ Feb: 1765 

Since my last to you, I have been honoured with yours of the 
T*^. of December, in which you inform me that the Gen . 
Assembly have been pleased to desire my Assistance while her./ 
in any Matters that may concern the Colony. Be so good, S^. 
in return as to Assure the Assembly that I have not only a Diu- 
Sense of the honour they have done me by placing this Confi- 
dence in me, but that I have ever since my arrival here, from 
Motives of Inclination, as well as Duty, done every thing in 
my Power to promote the Colony's Interests. 

The principal Attention has been to the Stamp bill that has 
been preparing to Lay before Parliament for taxing America. 
The Point of the Authority of Parliament to impose such Tax I 
found on my Arrival here was so fully and l^niversally yielded, 
that there was not the least hopes of making any impression > 
that way. Indeed it has appeared since that the House wouM 
not suffer to be brought in, nor would any one Member Under- 
take-to Oifer to the House, any Petition from the Colonies that 
held forth y^ Contrary of that Doctrine. I own I advised tlio 
Agents if possible to get that point Canvassed that so the Amer- 
icans might at least have the Satisfaction of having the point 
Decided upon a full Debate, but I found it could not be don<\ 
and here before I proceed to acquaint you with the Steps that 
have been taken, in this Matter, I beg leave to give you a Sum- 
mary of the Arguments which are made Use of in favour "t 
such Author it V. 


The House of Commons, sav they, is a branch of the supreme 
legislature of the Xation, & which in its Xature is supposed to 
represent, or rather to stand in the place of, the Commons, that 
is, of the great body of the people, who are below the dig-nity of 
peers ; that this house of Commons Consists of a certain num- 
ber of !Men Chosen by certain people of certain places, which 
Electors, by the Way, they Insist, are not a tenth part of the 
people, and that the Laws, rules and Methods by which their 
number is ascertained have arose by degrees & from various 
Causes k Occasions, and that this house of Commons, therfore, 
is now fixt and ascertained tS: is a part of the Supreme unlimited 
power of the Xation, as in every State there must be some 
unlimited Power and Authority ; and that when it is said they 
represent the Commons of England, it cannot mean that they 
do so because those Commons choose them, for in fact by far the 
greater part do not, but because by their Constitution they must 
themselves be Commoners, and not Peers, and so the Equals, 
or of the same Class of Subjects, with the Commons of the 
Kingdom. They further tirge, that the only reason why Amer- 
ica has not been heretofore taxed in the fullest Manner, has 
been merely on Account of their Infancy and Inability; that 
there have been, however, not wanting Instances of the Exercise 
of this Power, in the various regulations of the American trade, 
the Establishment of the post OiUce kc, and they deny any Dis- 
tinction between what is called an internal & external Tax as to 
the point of the Authority imposing stich taxes. And as to the 
Charters in the few provinces whore there are any, they say, in 
the first place, the King cannot grant any that shall exempt them 
from the Authority of one of the branches of the great body of 
Legislation, and in the second place say the King has not done, 
or attempted to do it. In that of Pensilvauia the Authority of 
Parliament to impose taxes is expressly mentioned «S: reserved ; 
in ours tis said, our powers are generally such as are According 
to tlie Course of otlier Corporafions in England (both which 
Instances by way of Sample were mentioned k referred to by 
^P. Grenville in the House) ; in short they say a Power to tax 
is a necessary part of every Supreme Legislative Authority, and 


that if they have not that Power over America, they have none. 
& then America is at once a Kingdom of itself. 

On the other hand those who oppose the bill say, it is true 
the Parliament have a supreme unlimited Authority over everv 
Part &• Branch of the Kina's dominions and as well over Ireland 
as any other place, yet we believe a British parliament will 
never think it prudent to tax Ireland. Tis true they say, tha[ 
the Commons of England & of the british Empire are all rep- 
resented in and by the house of Commons, but this represenia- 
tion is confessedly on all hands by Construction & Virtually 
only as to those who have no hand in choosing the representa- 
tives, and that the Effects of this implied Eepresentation here v.V 
in America must be infinitely different in the Article of Tax- 
ation. Here in England the Member of Parliament is equally 
known to the Neighbour who elects 6c to him who does not; the 
Friendships, the Connections, the Influences are spread througli 
the whole. If by any Mistake an Act of Parliament is marlf 
that prove injurious and hard the ^lember of Parliament hep- 
sees with his own Eyes and is moreover very accessible to tli<' 
people, not only so, but the taxes are laid equally by one Pule 
and fall as well on the Member himself as on the people. But 
as to America, from the great distance in point of Situatioi:. 
from the almost total unacquaintedness, Especially in the more 
northern Colonies, with the Members of Parliament, and th'-y 
with them, or with the particular Ability tt Circumstances of oni- 
another, from the Xature of this very tax laid upon others n"t 
Equally «S: in Common with ourselves, but with express purpo-- 
to ourselves, we think, say they, that it will be only to l;t,v 
a foundation of great Jealousy and Continual Uneasiness, au'' 
that to no purpose, as we already by the Pegulations upon their 
trade draw from the Americans all that they can spare, at loa~r 
they say this Step should not take place untill or unless tli- 
Americans are allowed to send ^Members to Parliament : i'"^ 
v:ho of you, said Coll Barre Xobly in his Speech in the hou~' 
upon this Occasion, irho of yov rrasoninrj upon tJiis Suhj>:''^ 
feels warmhj from tlic Heart (putting his hand to his ov:ii 
breast) for the Amrricans as they irould for thon selves or ''-^ 


you would for the 'people of your own native Country? and to 
this point 3P. Jackson produced Copies of two Acts of Parlia- 
ment granting- the priviledge of having Members to the County 
Palitine of Chester & the Bishoprick of Durham upon Petitions 
preferred for that purpose in the ReigTi of King Henry the 
Eigth and Charles the first, the preamble of which Statutes 
counts upon the Petitions from those places as setting forth 
that being in their general Civil Jurisdiction Exempted from 
the Common Law Courts &c, yet being Subject to the general 
Authority of Parliament, were taxed in Common with the rest 
of y* Kingdom, which taxes by reason of their having no Mem- 
bers in Parliament to represent their Affairs, often proved hard 
and injurious kc and upon that ground they had the priviledge 
of sending Members granted them — & if this, say they, could be 
a reason in the case of Chester and Durham, how much more so 
in the case of America. 

Thus I have given you, I think, the Substance of the Argu- 
ments on both sides of that great and important Question of the 
right c^- also of the Expediency of taxing America by Authority 
of Parliament. I cannot, however, Content myself without 
giving you a Sketch of what the aforementioned M^ Barre said 
in Answer to some remarks made by ]\F. Ch. To^^Tisend in a 
Speech of his upon this Subject. I ought here to tell you that 
the Debate upon the American Stamp bill came on before the 
house for the first time last Wednesday, when the same was 
openVl by 'M\ Grenville the Chanccller of the Exchequer, in a 
pretty lengthy Speech, & in a very able and I think in a very 
candid manner he opened the Mature of the Tax, Urged the 
I^ecessity of it. Endeavoured to obviate all Objections to it — 
and took Occasion to desire the house to give y^ bill a most 
Serious and Cool Consideration & not suifer themselves to be 
influenced by any resentments which might have been kindled 
from any thing they might have heard out of doors — alluding I 
suppose TO the X. York and Boston Asseml)lys' Speeches *&: 
Votes — that this was a matter of revenue which was of all 
thini;-s the most interesting to y^ Subject ^'C. The Argument 
was taken up by several who opposed the bill (viz) by Alder- 


man Beckford, who, and who only, seemed to deny y^ Authority 
of Parliament, by Col. Barre, !M'. Jackson, S^ William ]\Iere- 
dith and some others. W. Barre, who by the way I think, 
k I find I am not alone in ray Opinion, is one of the finest 
Speakers that the House can boast of, having been some time in 
America as an Officer in the Army, & having while there, as I 
had known before, contracted many Friendships with American 
Gentlemen, »i: I believe Entertained mnch more favourable Opin- 
ions of them than some of his profession have done, Delivered a 
very handsome cl- moving Speech upon the bill & against the 
same. Concluding by saying that he was very sure that Most who 
Should hold up their hands to the Bill must be under a Neces- 
sity of acting very much in the dark, but added, perhaps as well 
in the Dark as any way. 

After him 'M\ Charles Townsend spoke in favour of the 
Bill — took Notice of several things AP. Barre had said, and con- 
cluded with the following or like ^Yords : — And now will these 
Americans, Children planted by our Care, nourished up by our 
Indulgence untill they are grown to a DegTee of Strength & 
Opulence, and protected by our Arms, will they grudge to con- 
tribute their mite to releive us from the heavy w^eight of that 
burden which we lie under? When he had done, W. Barre 
rose and having explained something which he had before said <^ 
which ]\P. Townsend had been remarking upon, he then took 
up the bcforementioned Concluding words of 3P. Townsend, 
and in a most spirited & I thought an almost inimitable manner, 
said — 

'•They planted by your Care? No! your Oppressions 
planted em in America. They fled from your Tyranny to a 
then uncultivated and unhospitable Country — where they 
exposed themselves to almost all the hardships to which human 
Nature is liablo, and among others to the Cruelties of a Savage 
foe, the most subtle and I take upon me to say the most formid- 
able of any People upon the face of Gods Earth. An<l yet, 
actuated by Principles of true english Lyberty, they met all 
these harrlships with pleasure, compared with those they sut- 


fercd ill tlieir own Country, from the hands of those who should 
have been their Friends. 

''They nourished up by your indulgence? they grew by your 
neglect of Em : — as soon as you began to care about Em, that 
Care was Excercised in sending persons to rule over Em, in one 
Department and another, who were perhaps the Deputies of 
Deputies to some ]\Iember of this house — sent to Spy out their 
Lyberty, to misrepresent their Actions ^' to prey upon Em; 
men whose behaviour on many Occasions ha^ caused the Blood 
of those Sons of Liberty* to recoil within them ; men promoted 
to the highest Seats of Justice, some, who to my knowledge were 
glad by going to a foreign Country to Escape being brought 
to the Bar of a Court of Justice in their own. 

"They protected by your Arms ? they have nobly taken up 
Arms in your defence, have Exerted a Valour amidst their con- 
stant «i: Laborious industry for the defence of a Country, whose 
frontier, while drencird in blood, its interior Parts have yielded 
all its little Savings to your Emolument. And beleive me, 
remember I this Day told you so, that same Spirit of freedom 
which actuated that people at first, will accompany them still. — 
But prudence forbids me to explain myself further. God 
knows I do not at this Time speak from motives of party Heat, 
what I deliver are the genuine Sentiments of my heart; how- 
ever superiour to me in general knowledge and Experience the 
reputable body of this house may be, yet I claim to know more 
of America than most of you, having seen and been conversant 
in that Country. The People I beleive are as truly Loyal as 
any Subjects the King has, but a people Jealous of their Lyber- 
ties and who will vindicate them, if ever they should be 
violated — but the Subject is too delicate 6: I will say no more.'' 

These Sentiments were thrown out so intirely without pre- 
meditation, so forceably and so firmly, and the breaking ofi' so 

* [Xote added by Mr. Ingersoll. on publishing this letter in 176G.] I 
believe I may claim the Honour of having been the Author of this Title, 
however little personal Good I have got by it. having been the only Person, 
by what I can discover, who transmitted :\[r. T.arre's Speech to America. 



beautifully abrupt, that tlie whole house sat awhile as Amazed, 
intently Looking and without answering a Word. 

I own I felt Emotions that I never felt before tt went the 
next Morning c^- thank'd Coll Barre in behalf of my Country 
for his noble and spirited Speech. 

However, S'. after all that was said, upon a Division of the 
house upon the Question, there was about 250 to about 50 in 
favour of the Bill. 

The truth is I beleive some who inclined rather against the 
Bill voted for it, partly because they are loth to break the 
Measures of the Ministry, and partly because they dont under- 
take to inform themselves in the fullest manner upon the Sub- 
ject. The Bill comes on to a second Beading to-morrow, when 
ours and the Massachusetts Petitions will be presented i- per- 
haps they may be some further Debate upon the Subject, but to 
no purpose I am very sure, as to the Stopping or preventing the 
Act taking Place. 

The Agents of the Colonies have had several Meetinas. at one 
of which they were pleased to desire M'. Franklin 1' myself 
as having lately Come from America & knowing more Inti- 
mately the Sentiments of the people, to wait on :\r. Grenville, 
together with M^ Jackson & M'. Garth" who being Agents are 
also Meml>ers of Parliament, to remonstrate against the Stamp 
Bill, & to propose in Case any Tax must be laid upon America, 
that the several Colonies might be pcnnitted to lay the Tax 
themselves. This we did Saturday before last. M". Grenville 
gave us a full hearing — told us he took no pleasure in giving the 
Americans so much uneasiness as he found he did — that it was 
the Duty of his Otlice to manage the revenue — that he reallv was 
made to beleive that considering y^ whole of the Circumstances 
of the Mother Country &- the Colonies, the lat<?r could aii^l ouuht 
to pay something. & that he knew of no better way than that now 
pursuing to lay such Tax, but that if we could tell of a better 
he would adopt it. AVe then urged the ]\rethod first mentioned 
as being a Method the people had been used t(3 — that it would 
* Agent for South Carolina and GeoiLna. 


at least seem to be their own Act & prevent that uneasiness & 
Jealousy which otherwise we found would take place — that thev 
could raise the Money best by their own Officers kc &:c 

^F. Jackson told him plainly that he foresaw [by] the ]Meas- 
iire now pursuing, by enabling the Crown to keep up an armed 
Force of its own in America & to pay the Governours in the 
Kings Goverments d: all with the Americans own Money, the 
Assembles in the Colonys would be subverted — that the Gov", 
would have no Occasion, as for any Ends of their own or of the 
Crown, to call 'Em k that they never would be called to gether 
in the Kings Goverments. ^U. Grenville warmly rejected the 
thought, said no such thing was intended nor would he 
beleived take place. Indeed I understand since, there is a 
Clause added to the Bill Applying the monies that shall be 
raised to the protecting & Defending America only. M^ Gren- 
ville asked us if we could agree upon the several proportions 
Each Colony should raise. We told him no. He said he did 
not think any body here was furnished with Materials for that 
purpose : not only so but there would be no Certainty that every 
Colony would raise the Sum enjoined & to be oblige"^, to be at the 
Exy)ence of making Stamps, to compel some one or two prov- 
inces to do their Duty & that perhaps for one year only, would 
be very inconvenient ; not only so, but the Colonies by their 
constant increase will be Constantly varying in their proportions 
of Xumbers & ability & which a Stamp bill will always keep 
pace with vice kc. 

Upon the whole he said he had pledged his "Word for Offering 
the Stamp Bill to the house, that the house would hear all our 
Objections '»i' would do as they thought best; he said, he wished 
we would j)reserve a Coolness and Moderation in America; 
that he had no need to tell us, that resentments indecently *fc 
unbecomingly Expressed on one Side the Water would naturally 
produce resentments on tothcr Side, k that we could not hope to 
get any good by a Controversy with the Mother Country ; that 
their Ears will always be open to any remonstrances from the 
Americans with respect to this bill both before it takes Effect k, 


after, if it shall take Etfeet, wliieli shall he exprest in a hecomin<r 
manner, that is, as becomes Subjects of the same common 

I acquainted you in mv last that M^ Whately, one of the 
Secretaries of the Treasury, and who had under his Care and 
Direction the business of preparing the Stamp Bill, had '•ften 
conferred with me on the Subject. He wanted, I know, infor- 
mation of the several methods of transfer. Law process vi:c made 
Use of in the Colony, & I beleive has been also very willing to 
hear all Objections that could be made to the Bill or any part of 
it. This task I was glad to undertake, as I very well knew tht- 
information I must give would operate strongly in our favour, 
as the number of our Law Suits, Deeds, Tavern Licences »Jc in 
short almost all the Objects of the intended taxation «i: Dutys 
are so very numerous in the Colony that the knowledge of them 
would tend to the imposing a Duty so much the Lower as the 
Objects were more in Xumber. This Effect I flatter myself it 
has had in some measure. !XI^ AVhately to be sure tells me I 
may fairly claim the Llonour of having occasioned the Duty's 
being much lower than was intended, & three particular things 
that were intended to be taxed, I gave him no peace till he 
dropt ; these were Licences for marriadge — a Duty that would 
be odious in a new Country where every Encotiragement ought 
to be given to Matrimony & where there was little portion; 
Commissions of the Justices of peace, which Ofhce was gen- 
erally speaking not profitable «fc yet necessary for the good 
Order and Goverment of the people ; and Xotes of hand which 
with tis were given & taken so very often for very small Sum-. 

After all I beleive the people in America will think the Sum- 
that will l>e raised will be quite Enough, & I wish they may'ut 
find it more r)istressing than the people in power here are 
aware of. 

The ^Merchants in London are alarmed at these things ; they 
have had a meeting with the Agents & are about to petitii'-n 
Parliament upon the Acts that respect the trade of X'.'ith 

What the Event of these things will be I dont know, but a in 


prntty certain that wisdom will be proper <i: even very neces- 
sarv, as well as prudence & good Discretion to direct the C'"'im- 

cils of America 

I :^hall hope to see you the beginning of Summer at fartliest- 

Y*. Most Obedient 

Humble Ser'. 

J : Ingersoll.* 
Gov'. Fitch 

\ . - London 6'\ March 1765 

In my last, which was by the last mail to Xew York, I gave 
you a particular Account of the reception the American Stamp 
Bill met with in the house of Commons upon the first bringing 
of it in. Since that time, in the farther progress of the bill 
through the House, there have been some farther debates, the 
most considerable of which was at the second reading of y^. 
bill, upon the offer of the Petitions from the Colonies against 
the same. You doubtless know that no Petition can be offered 
or presented to Parliament but by some Member of y^ house. 
The first that was offerred was by '^^. Fuller a West india 
Planter in behalf of the Merchants in London trading to 
America. These Gentlemen it seems are much alarm*^. on 
account of their outstanding Debts in America, which it is said 
Do not fall short of four ^Millions Including y* "West Indies. 
Substance &: purport of y^ Petition being opened tS: stated by M^ 
Fuller ».V leave Ix-ing asked to bring it in. 'twas Strongly Objected 
to, upon a principle which it seems has long been adopted by y* 
House that no petition shall be JReceiued against a Money Bill; 
this Drt'W into a Discussion & Consideration How Peremptory 
this Pule of the House was, how long it had been adhered to, »fc 
y^ Grounds k Principles upon which it was founded. Upon the 

"' The present letter, as well as tlie succeeding one, is p^rinted in !Mr. 
Intiersoll's Letters relatinrj to the Stamp Act; but is here taken from the 

manuscript copy among his papers. , ^ ... • . . 


whole I think it appears the rule had not been deviated from, 
for about forty years last past. The Reason of the Rule is said 
to be j^ Manifest inconvenience that used to arise by Ha\iiii:- >o 
much of the time taken up in Hearing the various iSr all nit .st 
innumerable Claims, Reasons & pretentions of y^ many Sub- 
jects against being Taxed — & that there was the less reason for 
hearing Em, against laying a Tax, as it is at the same tiiue 
an invariable riile that the Subject may Petition for the repeal 
of a Law Imposing a tax after that tax is laid & Experienee 
had of the Effects, & finally that however reasonable it might bi- 
te hear the Americans themselves, there could be no reason for 
hearing the London Merchants in their behalf. 

On the other side it was said, that the rule was not any Ordor 
of the House, but merely a practice as founded on Experience A- 
to prevent inconvenience: — that however unreasonable it wi;inLl 
be to Admit English Subjects upon every Imposition of a tax t.- 
come &: be heard upon Petitions against the same, yet even in 
England it appeared by precedents produced, that when auv 
new species of taxation had been set on foot, particularly tlu' 
matter of funding, so called, i. e. borrowing of the Subject A' 
paying Interest by various taxes, that Petitions had been 
admitted against the measure, and also on some other particular 
and extraordinary Occasions formerly, &. that this Case as in 
America was quite new & particularly hard as they had no 
^lembers in the House to speak for them. 

Upon the whole the Question being about to be put, ]\r. Fnl- 
ler seeing pretty plainly which way it would be carried, with- 
drew his Petition. Xext S^ William Meredith presented on-- 
in behalf of the Colony of Virginia; this was drawn up her-' 
by their Agent M^ Montegue, but had interwove in it soni-- 
Expressions of the Assembly of Virginia contained in Thci' 
Votes &: which at least strongly implied their denial of rhe rigli' 
of Parliament to tax the Colonies. This drew on a pretty warm 
debate. ^P. Yorke the late Attorney General Delivered him- 
self in a very long Speech in which he endeavoured to evirn-'' 
that the Kings Grants contained in the Charters to some. *t i'- 
the Commissions to the Governors in the other Colonies, conl'i. 


in their natures, be no more than to answer particular local & 
Provincial purposes & could not take the People in .America out 
of j^ General & Supreme Jurisdiction of Parliament &c ^c. 
The General Ptule of the House against Receiving Petitions 
against monev bills was also again urged ; — on the other Side I 
think no-body but General Conway Denied the right of Parlia- 
ment to tax us; this to be sure he did in y^ most Peremtory 
manner & urged with Great Vehemence f many Hardships & 
what he was Pleased to Call Absurdities y^ would follow from 
the contrary Doctrine & practice; y^ Hardships & Incon- 
veniences were also again urged Sz placed in various lights bv 
our other Friends in the House. And here I would remark v' 
in y^ whole Debate first & last Alderman Beckford & G^ Con- 
way were f Only Persons who Disputed y" right of Parliament 
to tax us. This is the same G^ Conway who was Dismissed 
from all his offices just at Close of y' last Sessions for his Contin- 
ual opposition to all the Measures of the Present Ministrv : »fc 
here I find myself Obliged to say x' Except f Gentlemen 
Interested in y'' West Indies & a few Members y' happen to be 
Particularly connected with some of the colonies & a few of the 
heads of the minority who are sure to athwart & oppose y^ Min- 
istry in Every Measure of what ^""ature or kind soever, I say 
Except these few Persons so Circumstanced there are Scarce 
any People here. Either within Doors or Without, but what 
approve the Measures now taking which Regard America. ' 
Upon the Whole the Question being put Whether the House 
would Receive y^ Petition, it Passed in the Xegative by a great 
^[ajority. Then M^ Jackson offered ours which met with the 
same Fate. He then acquainted y' House f he had one to offer 
lor y^ ]\fassachusets Colony, which however as it respected as 
well the late act called the Sugar act as the present, & seeing 
which way the same would be governed he told the house he 
would defer it till another Time ; & here I ought not to omit to 
acquaint you tliat M". Charles, Agent for X. York, had received 
a Petition from his Constituents with orders to present tlie 
same, but whicli was conceived in terms so inflammatory that he 
could not prevail on any one 3Iember of the House to present it. 


I forgot to mention that ISU. Garth, a ^lember of the House, 
oifered one for S : Carolina for which Colony he is Agent, which 
met with the same fate with the Eest. The other Agents seeing 
the point thus ruled, I suppose thought it to no purpose to offer 
any more. — It is about 4 Days since the Bill passed through all 
the necessary forms in the house of Commons & is now ready 
& lies before the Lords for their Concurrence; it is to take 
place the first Day of jSTovember next. As to the other regula- 
tions which regard America that either have taken place or are 
intended so to do, this session, they are as follows : — first of all 
the Stamp Duty which by the bill was laid on all Salaries which 
Exceed £20, upon a strong representation that the Judges Sal- 
aries in America in general are very low, is dropt out of the Bill. 
The Courts of Admiralty have been complained of as not only 
infringing on English Lyberty by taking away trials by Jury, 
but as being so placed as to take people for trial from one End 
of America almost to the other. As to the first of these Objec- 
tions they say here that there is no safety in trusting the breach 
of revenue laws to a Jury of the Country where the Offence is 
committed, that they find even in England they never can obtain 
Verdicts where Smugling is practised & therfore always bring 
the Causes up for trial to London. To remedy the Second tis 
determined to have three Judges Extraordinary sent from Eng- 
land, — to be placed, one at Boston (by remo\'ing to that place y* 
one now at Halifax), y*" others to be at X York & Philadelphia. 
or at Philadelphia & Charles Town; the Persons to be able 
men bred at Doctors commons, with a Salary Each of £800 Per 
Annum, to he poremtorily forbid Taking any Fees Whatsoever. 
to have Jurisdictions concurrant with \^ other Judges of Admir- 
alty in AuH-riea, that is an ordinary Jurisdiction the same 
with them, and also an Extraordinary one, of Hearing whatso- 
ever causes shall be Brought before them by appeal from y' 
other admiralty Judges'^ ; all Prosecutions for y"" breach of rev- 
enue laws to be either in the courts of common law or courts ot 
Admiralty, at y*" Election of y*' Prosecutor; & if brought before 
a court of Adinirnlty to be before a Judge in the Colony where 

' • Sec Ik'Iow. j.. -121. 


y* offence is Committed, or if at Sea to y* Xext, that is to the 
nearest in Point of Distance ; y* y* fees of Office in y^ custom 
Houses shall be all fixt & be y*" same in All ; that an Alteration 
in y^ late act shall be made, giving a liberty of Carying Lumber 
Directly to Ireland & also to any Parts of Europe South of 
Cape Finisterre. A farther alteration has been Ask'd, viz. of 
liberty to cary wine, fruit & oil directly from Portugal & Spain 
■ &:c to America, and to suffer a Draw back upon forreighn Sugars 
upon Eeexportation to Europe, as also an Abatement of y® 
Duty upon Molases, but these are at present Denied : — the first 
from a fear y* y* Duty upon y*" Wines will not be paid in 
America, there not having as yet been time for a full proof of 
y^ Punctuality of y^ Custom-Houses there; y*" 2^ because of 
Great Erauds being Generaly practiced in y"" Cases of Draw 
back upon reexportation ; and y*' S'^ because there has not been 
Sufficient Experience of what duty y^ Molascs will bear. Some 
Alterations also tis said will be made with Regard to y*" Strict- 
ness that is required in y'' Matter of Cockets for Every article 
of Goods caryed Coastwise (Src. These I believe are y^ princi- 
pal regulations that relate to America, that may be expected to 
take place this Session. — And here as well to do Justice to the 
Minister ]\P, Grenville as to the Comparative few who have 
interested themselves in the Concerns of America, I beg leave 
to say that I think no pains have been spared, on the one Side 
in behalf of America to make the most ample & strong repre- 
sentation in their favour, & on the other on the part of the Min- 
ister to hear patiently, to listen attentively to the reasonings & 
to Determin at least seemingly with coolness & upon principle 
upon the several Measures, which are Resolved on. 

I have no need to tell you that in modern times convincing 
the Minister is convincing the House here, Especially in mat- 
ters of Revenue. — I forgot one Article viz. the Post Office, y'' 
fees of which tis said are to be lowerd in America. 

And now S^ in order to give you, in the best manner I nm 
able, an Idea of the Conferences, Sentiments i.^- reasonings upon 
these Subjects, on this Side the Water, you will be pleased to 
Imagine to yourself a few Americans with the ^Minister, or any 


other on that part, and after much time spent in Enquiry, 
various observations & remarks, he saying to them as follows. 
You will be pleased, laying aside all consideration of past Ser- 
vices on your Part or on ours, they have both been very great, 
to consider what is y* present state of things; there is an 
immense national Debt, not less than one hundred & fortv 
Millions Lying heavy on this ISTation, for which an annual inter- 
est is paid ; by the best infonnations we can get the whole of tlu- 
publick Debt now in arrear of all the Colonies together is about 
Eight Hundred Thousand pounds. The Civil Establishment 
here for the Support of Government is Eight hundred thousand 
pounds a Year — that of all the Colonies together we find to be 
about forty thousand pounds p^ annum only. You say you are 
comparatively poor to what we are; tis difficult measuring thi> 
point, but however opulent some in these Kingdoms are tis well 
knowTi the many can but just live. The Military & naval 
Establishment here is immense, but without considering that, 
the amount of the Expence of the Army now placed in America 
& which is thought quite ISTecessary, as well on Account of the 
troubles with the Indians as for general defence against other 
nations & the like in so Extensive a Country, is upwards of three 
hundred thousand pounds a Year. TVe shall be glad to find 
that the Stamp Duty now laying on America shall amount t'~' 
forty or fifty thousand pounds, & that all the Duties together, 
the post Office & those laid upon jNTolasses & other ways shall 
amount to one hundred thousand pounds a Year, so that there 
will not only not be any money brought aw^ay from America by 
means of these Duties, l)ut there will be a ballance of more than 
two luindrod thousand pounds sent over every year from Eng- 
land to be spent in America. You say the Colonies think they 
can, &: tliat they are willing to do something in the Common 
Cause; — is this too much? we think it is not, but if on trial 
we find it is, we will certainly lessen it. As to our Authority tu 
lay these Duties or taxes- — to us tis so clear a point that to bo 
sure we dont care to have a Question made of it. And dont you 
yourselves even want to have us Exercise this Authority i" 
your turn ? dont some of you Complain, & perhaps very justly. 


that in tlie late war, while some of you did much, others did but 
little or perhaps nothing at all — and would not that be the Case 
again was you left to Defend yourselves \ Xo doubt it would, 
unless you were Erected into one power by a Union of the whole, 
but that is a measure we dont think you yourselves, was tou in 
our Steads would think adviseable ; and there are many rea- 
sons why you should wish not to have the Country Defended by 
your own Children. A Soldiers life is not only a life of 
Danger, but in a proper Sense is a base life, whereas you have 
all a Chance in that opening Country to raise your families to 
be considerable in tiine by a diligent Attention to your natural 
and proper business. 

To all this the Americans answer, truly S^ we must own there 
is a weight in your Arguments & a force in your reasonings — 
but after all we must say we are rather silenced than convinced. 
We feel in our bosoms that it will be for ever inconvenient, 
'twill for ever be dangerous to America that they should be 
taxed by the Authority of a British parliament by reason of 
our great distance from you ; that general want of mutual 
knowledge tfc acquaintance with each other, — that want of Con- 
nexion &; personal friendship, «^' we without any persons of our 
own Appointing, who will have any thing to fear or hope from 
us, to speak for us in the great Council of the nation — we fear 
a foundation will be laid for mutual Jealousy and ill will, & 
that your resentments being kindled you will be apt to lay upon 
us more k. more, even to a Degree that will be truly grievous & 
if that should be the Case that twill be hard under all the Cir- 
cumstances, very hard to convince you that you wrong us, k. 
that unknown & very unhappy Consequences will Ensue. 

To this the ^Minister Replies :— 

Come, suppose your 01)servations are entirely Just, & indeed 
we must own there are inconveniences attending this matter; 
what then is to bo done I perhaps you will say let the Colonies 
send ]\fembers to Parliament ; as to that in the first place the 
Colonies have not told us that thuy desire such a thing, & tis 
easy to see there are many reasons why they should not desire 
it. The Expense would probably be very great to 'Em; they 


could not Expect to be allowed to Lave a Majority of Memlins 
in the house, and the very inconveniencics which you urge with 
regard to the people in America would in many respects «S: to a 
Degree take place with regard to their ]\[embors. What theii :' 
Shall lio Steps be taken &; must we and America be two distinct 
kingdoms & that now immediately, or must America bi.- 
Defended entirely by us, & be themselves quite excused or be 
left to do just what they shall please to do? Some perhaps will 
do something & others nothing. Perhaps from the nature of 
our Situations it will happen cl' must be Expected that one Day 
we shall be two distinct Kingdoms, but we trust even you wont 
say you think yourselves ripe for that Event as yet. You are 
continually increasing in numbers & in strength; we are per- 
haps come, at least, to our full growth. Let us then leave these 
possible Events to the disposal of providence. We own on our 
part we dont choose to predict, nor yet to hasten the time of this 
supposed period, & think it w^ould be to our mutual disadvan- 
tage for us to attempt a separation. 

Let us then, instead of predicting the worst, hope that mutual 
Interest as well as duty will keep us on both Sides within the 
bounds of Justice. We trust we shall never intentionally bur- 
den you unreasonably; if at any time we shall happen to do it 
by Mistake, Let us know" it & I trust it will be remedied. Yon 
find & I trust always will find an easy Access to those who from 
their Office have the principal Conduct of Revenue Laws, and 
we on our part find with pleasure that America is not destitut*^ 
of persons, who at the same time that they have the tendere^t 
regard for their Literests are well able to Represent to us their 
Affairs »S: who if they do it with integrity & Candor, will i"' 
sure to meet with our fullest Confidence. Let mutual Coutl- 
dence and mutual Uprightness of intention take place & no cou- 
siderable Ills can follow. 

As to any reflections upon the matter I choose rather to lcav<; 
them to you than attempt to make them myself, & am S"". with 
gi'eat Esteem 

. Y\ most Obedient 

!Most Humble Ser\ , 

J. Inffersoll 


P S Marcli 9 

There is now strong application making for an Act of Parlia- 
ment, for a bounty on various kinds of timber, plank & boards 
imported, to Avhich the ^linister seems to lend a favourable Ear, 

Tis said that it is intended to give the business of Collecting 
(t paying the Stamp Duty to Americans in the respective 

I am not without some hopes of having the pleasure of seeing 
you at Hartford before the rising of the Assembly in the May 
Sessions, having taken my passage in the Boscowen Capt Jacob- 
son bound to Boston & who expects to sail the beginning of April. 

J. I. 

Gov^ Fitch 

Copy • ^^ 

Letter to Godfrey Malboxe. 

London April 7^^. 1765 

The Parliament have been tS: still are very 

busy with America, Laying Duties and granting, at least talk- 
ing about granting bounties. The Spanish trade you may 
depend is opened, as much as y^ Same can be without Speaking 
loud. They say how they intend not to hurt us upon the whole 
of their regulations, but to do us good. I wish we may be of that 
mind, Many things have been said about the Molasses Duty, 
but after all they dont intend to repeal or alter the present Act 
without at least trying it, tho I believe they think they must by 
&: by, I hope to be on your Side the water in two or three 

I know of nothing new here. The same kind of folks go to 
Court <t y' Same Sort patrole the Strand a nights that used to do 
when you was here. With Comp' to M" :\Lallbone & all friends 
I Remain 

T' Most Obed^ 

IlumV Serv'. 

J : Inircrsoll 
Ct. Mallboue Escf .* 

• This letter, to Godfrey ^^lalbone of Newport, is at present in the Xew 
York Public Library; the opening sentences relate to private business of 
-Mr. Malbono. 

324 jared ixgeesoll papers, 1tg5-66. 

Letter of Dr. Daxiel Lathrop. 

Hartford, May 28, 1705 

I, happened at Hartford when jonr Letters were Read in 
the Assembly; am greatly Concerned what will be the Conse- 
quence of so heavy a Tax as y^ of the Stamps will be, but am 
Glad you were upon the Spot, which beleive was much to our 
Advantage. As you are Appointed the Dispencer of them for 
this Goverment, take this first Oppertunity to offer my Ser- 
vice as An Lnder Distributor for y' part of the Goverment 
where I Live, if it will be Agreable, and Docf". Solomon Smith 
at Hartford who is Connected with me in Buisness there. If 
you think favourablely of s^ Affair please when you Return to 
give me A Line by Post and I will wait upon you Directly to 
settle the Terms. I am Sir with great Esteam 

Your most Obed\ humble Serv^ 

Daniel Lathrop'^' 

Jared Ingersol Esq " - ''.' \ 

In X Haven] ■. . 

'' " Letter of "William Samuel Johxsox. 

Dear S^: 

Since we are doomed to Stamps and Slavery, & must submit, 
we hear with pleasure that your gentle hand will fit on our 
Chai'ns <Jc Shackles, who I know will make them set easie as 
possilde. In Consequence of this ^V. Wales begs me to recom- 
mend the enclosed to y'". Xotice. I doubt not you will oblige 
him, if it sliou'd not be inconvenient to you ; tS: indeed from h\> 
Situation there seems to be Xobody else in Windham you could 
better employ. 

•Dr. Daniel Lathrop (born 1712. (lir<l 17S2) -vvas graduated at Yale Col- 
lege in lllVA. and ci>nducted for many years a highly successful drug busi- 
ness in Norwifli, Connecticut. The letters referred to are the t\vo just 
preceding this in tlie present collection. 


If you propose to have a Subaltern in every Town, I sliall be 
at your service for Stratford if it be agi-eeable. 

I sincerely rejoyce with you and AI". Inirersoll on your happy 
return home, and am as ever, 

D^ S"". Y^. most affect®. Friend & humble Servant, 

W"\ Sam\ Johnson. 
Xew Ilaven, June 3*^, 17G5. 

Jared Ingersoll, Esq^ .... 

Letters of Xatiiaxiel Wales, Jr. 

•■■;' Windham .June y® 1^' 1TG5 


iSTotwithstanding my small acquaintance yet as I understand 
you are betrusted with the afair of the Stamp Duty I beg Leave 
to hint that if in y*. plan you should want a person in Each 
County town to dispose of Blanks or paper I should be glad to 
be improved for y'^ purpose, if it should suit you & you can con- 
fide in me ; and as I keep an office in the Center and dont prac- 
tise Riding abroad can doubtless serve you. I cant say more as 
Cap*^ W" Saml Johiison is Avaiting, and has J]ngadged to serve 
ine if his influence will avail any thing. S"". I shall no doubt be 
willing to undertake (if any is wanted) as much to yr advantage 
as any person whatsoever, wliich is the present needfull from 
him who with grate Esteem is your most humV*^ Serv*^ 

Xath" Wales Ju^* ' 
Jared Ingersoll Esq'^ . ^ ; , , 

. , , - Windham August 19'^ 17G5 


I receved yours and observe its Contence, and for answer 
must say that I wrote my first to you without much Consid- 
eration and while matters were much undigested both in my 

* Xathaniel Wales, Junior, son of Deacon Xathaniel, -vvas one of the 
si<jners of the non-cons;uniption agreement in his native town of Wiinl- 
ham, in January, 17G8, and was one of the Committee of Correspondence 
apjtointed to make that agreement elTectuah 



own and other peoples minds ; but on further Consideration I 
am of opinion that the Stamp Duty can by no means be Justi- 
fyed, & that it is an imposition quite unconstitutional and so 
Infringes on Eather destroys our Libertys and previlidges that 
I Cant undertake to promote or Encorage it without actinir 
dirictly Contrary to my Judg-ment and the true Intrest of mv 
own native Country; and tho I would be a Loyal Subject yet 
that I may be & not Endeavour to promote that Law which in 
my privit Judgment is not Right, as ye case may be, I must 
therefore on the whole refuse accepting — if offered — any trust 
relative to Distributing the Stamps, nor would I accept thereof 
had I thousand pounds annexed to the trust. So that what 
trouble I have given you I must beg your pardon for and sub- 
scribe my self your humV Ser°\ 

I^ath^ Wales Ju^ 

Jared Ingersol Esq'" S : 'Masf. 



Letter of Johx Coleman. 

I hope You'll pardon me that I take the Liberty to request 
the Fav'. of assisting you in the Management of the Stamp 
Office in the County of Hartford, and indulge me with an 
Opportunity to wait on you at Hartford if you should return 
that Way, that more fully may be known the engag'd Desires of 

Yo'. most Obedient hum'^ Serv\ 

John Coleman."' 
Hartford Jvme 27'''. 1765. 


Jared Ingersol Esq"". i 

Boston. . 


Sam\ Fitch Esq"".] ' '' ~ 

•John Coleman (born 172S, died 17G9) was graduated at Yale Coll<i:<' 
in 174S, and spent the rest of his life in Hartford. 


Letter of Charles Phelps. 

Stonington August 14, 1765 


Understand that vou are appointed Stamp Master for the 
Colony and understand their is to be a Deputy In Each town 
and Should be Glad to bespeak that Post for the town of Ston- 
ington, and if it should be agreable to you to Leat me have it, be 
so Good as to Wright by the Post and your Compliance Will 
Oblige Your Hum' Sr' 

Charles Phelps, 
To Je Ingersel Esq 

Letter of Axdrew Adams. .■.,., 


Duty & Inclination induce me to congratulate your Prosperitv 
and Eeturn from Europe. In your Absence I have Removed 
from Stanford to this Town where I determin at preasent to 
settle, and as y^ station you hold, in consequence of a late Act 
of Parliament, will perhaps require some subordinate Employ, 
I should Esteem myself honoured to be thought Worthy your 
Service ; and would Receive y' Favour with Gratitude. — Will 
wait on you next Week if you Please at Fairfield (as I under- 
stand you will be there) to know your Pleasure in this Respect ; 
»^' hope I shall be able to Convince you (as much as y^ Difierence 
of Station will admit) how much I am 

your Since" Friend and Obed* Serv' 

And"^. Adams.* 
Litchfield : ;15'^ : Aug* : A D 1765 ■ : 


Jared Ingersoll Esq' 


•Andrew Adams (born 1736, diod 1707) -was graduated at Yale in 
1760, and became a lawyer in Litchfield. 

Besides the above applications for the office of Deputy Stamp-Distrib- 
utors, a list by :Mr. Ingersoll among his papers gives the following 
additional names: — 

Hartford, Capt. [John] Laurence, :Mr. Seymour; Windsor, Mr. Henry 
Allyn; Fairfield, ^[r. Rowland. * .' 


Letter ov Andrew Olives. 

T , -, , _ Boston, 26. Aug^ 1705. 

Jared Iiigersol, Esq. 

Sir The Xews Papers will sufficiently inform you of tlie 
Abuse I have met with. I am therefore only to acquaint you in 
short, that after having stood the attack for 2S hours— a'^singk- 
man against a whole People, tlie Government not being able^o 
afford me any help during that whole time, I was persuaded to 
yield, in order to prevent what was coming in the 2^. ni-^ht; 
and as I hapned to give out in writing the terms of Capitulation^ 
I send you a copy of them ; assuring you at the same time, that 
this only was what was given out by my leave. I sho^. be glad 
to hear from you and am, S^ Yo" most huni^^ Servant 

Andrew Oliver- 

W. Oliver acquaints :\Ir. Waterhouse that he has wrote to the 
L"^'. of the Treasury, to desire to be excused from executing the 
Office of Distributor of the Stamps: and that when they arrive 
lie shall only take proper care to secure them for the Crown, but 
will take no one Step for distributing the same at the time 
appointed by the Act. And he may inform his friends accord- 

Thursday Afternoon, 15*^. August. 


Letter of La^fes ]\IcEvers. 
^a , ■. , .. ., : 2^ew York Aug-"' 26. 17G5 

I rec'd a Letter from John Brettel Esq^ Forwarded bv von, 
Inclosing a Bond to Execute fur the Due Performance o/ the 
Office of Stamp :\Iaster for this Province, which I Eeadelv Dhi 
(and Eeturn'd it per the Last Paquet that Sail'd from hence) a^ 
there was then Little or no Clamour here about it, and I 

*Mr. Inrrersoll had arrived in Boston from London in Julv, 1765, ;in<i 
the attentions paid to l,im by ^Ir. Oliver had been one occasion of th- 
resentment shown to tlie latter. 


Immagin'd I Should be Able to Transact it; but since ^F 
Olivers Treatment att Boston has Been Known here and the 
Publication of a Letter from Jiew Haven, the Discontent of the 
People here on Account of the Stamp Act Publickly Appears, I 
have Been Threaten'd with ]\F. Olivers Fate if not Worse, to 
Prevent which I have Been under a Xecessity of Acknowledgeing 
I have Wrote for a Besignation which I have Accordingly Done, 
and have Been Infonn'd yon have Done the Same, of Which I 
Beg you'l Advise me, and if you have not should be Glad to 
Know how you Purpose to Act, as it may be some Government 
to me in Case I Cant Procure a Release. 

I am Sir Your Hum^ Serv\ 
... James M'^Evers'^ 


To the good People of Connecticut. 

When I undertook the Office of Distributor of Stamps for this 
Colony, I meant a Service, to you, and really thought you would 
have viewed it in that Light when you come to understand the 
Xature of the Stamp Act and that of the Office; but since it 
gives you so much Uneasiness, you may be assured, if I find 
(after the Act takes Place, which is the first of November) that 
you shall not incline to purchase or make use of any stampt 
Paper, I shall not force it upon you, nor think it worth my 
While to.trouble you or my Self with any Exercise of my Office ; 
but if, by that Time I shall find you generally in much Xeed of 
the stampt Paper and very anxious to obtain it, I shall hope you 
will be willing to receive it of me, (if I shall happen to have 
any) at least until another Person more agreeable to you can be 
appointed in my room. 

I cannot but wish you would think more how to get rid of 
tlie Stamp Act than of the Officers who are to supply you with 

* A Xew-York merchant, born 172G, diod 176S. 


the Paper, and that joii had learnt more of the Xature of my 
Office before you had undertaken to be so very angry at it. 
I am Yours, Szc. 

J. Ingersolh 
^ew Haven, 
24 August, 17G5. 

[From Tlie Connecticut Gazette, August 30, 1765.] 

Letter of Jeeemiaii ^Millek. 

Xew London 10 Sep'". 1765. 

I received your fav^ by the Post and must tell you in Answer 
that I have not shewn or mentioned it to any one Person what- 
soever, nor could I venture to do it, as I have been very unjustly 
suspected with regard to my Sincerity in this affair, & I have 
reason to think there has been some Invidious Aspersions 
against me about it, which could not have arisen from any other 
cause than my not having expressed that Flashy Zeal that is 
only attended with ^oise &: Smoke, and my saying y\ I believed 
you undertook this affair Partly with a View of rendring it 
easier to the People, but it seems this is too much for any one to 
sav in your Behalf. For my own part I can heartily Join in 
taking every Legall method of averting this Severe Tax, and 
really think it an Infringement of Liberty as Established l>y 
Charter, and altho my opinion has been Invariable in thi-^ 
respect, yet it seems a Charitable opinion of any one concern"'!. 
is next to Treason; and I really believe that your Person A: 
Estate will be gi-eatly endangered if you Continue in this OfHce. 
and if my advice were worth regarding, it would be for you to 
Kesign it. 

Your Letter published in y^ Con\ Gazette was similar to 
what you' wrote me, and I perceived in no ways Sattisfactory 
to the people ; for which reason, and what T have before said w 
you, I Choose not to Publish what you sent me, and in which 
von M'ill excuse me. 


The People are put into suck a rage against the poor Govern', 
for not calling the Assembly that I hope jou Will use your 
Interest that it may be done before the Annual Sessions which 
will have a great tendency of frustrating the Designs of any to 
his Prejudice. 

I can add no more but Job's wish, that "it were as in days past 
when the Candle of the Lord shined upon us." This is my 
Prayer for Poor ]^orth America, & also that you may be again 
Peinstated in the affections of your Countrv. 

I am your Hum' Serv^ Jere Miller* 
•Tared Ingersol, Esq. 


In order to shew to people on this Side the water how little it 
was apprehended on tother Side by the most Zealous friends of 
America that their having any thing to do with the Stamp 
Appointments would Subject them to the Censures of their 
friends, I beg leave to give Some Account of the manner in 
which those Appoint'^ happened & in particular that for :N': 
York, in doing which I am Sure I shall be Excused by those 
Gentlemen whose names I shall have occasion to mention. 

I ought in the first place to observe that about the time the 
Parliament began their Session last Winter, the Agents of the 
Colonies met together Several times in order to Concert meas- 
ures for Opposing the Stamp Act, in Consequence whereof the 
Minister was waited on by them in order to remonstrate against 
y' same & to propose, if we must be taxed, that we might be 
Allowed to' tax ourselves : a very particular Account of which. — 
of y^ Difficulties y* Occurred upon every proposed plan cl' of all 
the Arguments pro »S: con »&: of the Several Steps taken in the 
progi-ess of the Bill through the House of Commons, was com- 
municated by me in Several Letters to y^ Gov", of this Colony & 
which T understand have been publickly read to y^ Gen\ Assem- 
bly. The Merchants of London trading t^ America also met 

* Jeremiah Millor, son of Jeremiah Miller (Yale 1700). of Xew London, 
Connecticut, was tlie Naval Ofiicer of tliat Port. 


together about this time & Appoiuted a Com^*. of themselves tu 
make all the Opposition thej could to the Stamp bill; of thi.-: 
Committee !M^ Alderman Trecothick was Deputy Chairman. 

Tis well known to many people of the first tigure in Boston vi: 
ISTew York as well as Elsewhere that Barlow Trecothick* Es<j'. 
who was brought up at Boston under the late 'M^. Apthorp v.V 
whose Daughter he married, afterwards removed & settled in 
London where he has acquired a great Estate with the fairest 
Caracter tV is at this time one of the Aldermen of y® City of 
London »t well known by all who have the honour of his 
Acquaintance to be a steady, cool but firm friend to America. 
This Com^". were pleased to invite the Agents to a Joint Confer- 
ence. They were frequently together & several times before the 
Minister upon the Stamp 6: other bills that related to America, 
where ]\I^ Trecothick was always principal spokesman as for y'' 

After the Stamp bill passed into an Act and the Minister had 
Resolved on the general measure of offering to y® Americans the 
Offices of Stamp Distributers in the respective Colonies, for 
reasons, as he declared, of Convenience to the Colonies, he sent 
for M'" Trecothick & Desired him to name a person, some friend 
of his in whom he could Confide, for y*" Office of Distributer for 
y^ Province of Xew York. M'. Trecothick said to him, as I am 
well warranted to assert, to this Effect : — S', you know I am no 
friend to y"" Stamp Act. I heartily wish it never had taken 
Effect, cV fear it will have very ill Consequences. However, tis 
passed ^' I conclude must have its operation. I take it as a 
favour that you are willing to put the principal offices into y" 
hands of y*" Americans & Esteem it an honour done me that yon 
permit me to name a person for X York, & so named ^F. 
M'^Evers, i.V: went I believe of his own accord k gave bond for 
him at y" Office, A: all most undoubtedly without the privity 
or knowledge of that Gentleman. And upon this general 
plan »i: principle were all y" Appointments made, that is 

* Son of Mark Trecutliick. of LondoJi : married a daufrhter of Cliarlf-^ 
Apthorp, ul Boston, in 1747: ^Nlonibor oi rarliainent, and Lord [Mayor <ii 
Loudun: died in London in June. 1775. 


to say, the offer was made generally to those who had 
appeared as y^ Agents or friends of y^ Colonies to take it 
thcmseh-es or nominate their friends, ti: none of them all 
refused that I know of; indeed things were not, I believe, 
viewed in that very strong light at that time, either there or 
here, as they now are here. There happened but three Instances 
of persons then on the Spot belonging to the old Continent Col- 
onies to whom y* Offer was made, who were in a Condition to 
accept it personally. These were Co\ ]\Iercer from Virginia & 
M'. ]\Iassarve, Son of y^ late Co". ]\Ias5arve from X: Hampshire, 
who happened accidentally in London at that time upon busi- 
ness of their own, & myself. 

Xow upon this view of y^ matter will not Every unprejudiced 
mind believe that Alderman Trecothick was in the first place a 
sincere friend to y*^ Colonies tt really averse to y^ passing y^ 
Stamp Act, when Even his Interest as well as his Inclination &: 
Convictions led him that way, for tis Avell known he Deals 
largely Avith America «L' could not hope to have his own affairs 
bettered by y^ Act. In y"^ next place will any body suppose 
that he Imagined by this Step he should Expose a valuable 
friend to the resentments of his Country. Again, when the 
measure of making y^ Appointments in America was thus gen- 
eral, &: come into as generally, will any body think that any one 
of the persons concerned Imagined he betrayed his Country 
by falling in with the measure ? Perhaps at this time, when 
popular rage runs so very high, some may think the friends of 
America mistook their own & their Countrys true Interest, when 
they listened to these overtures, but who can think their inten- 
tions were ill? I thought this brief Xarrative was a piece of 
Justice due to those who have fallen under so much blame of 
late, for meddling with the Obnoxious Olfice before mentioned. 

And here I cannot but take Xotice how unwilling some Xews 
writers seem to be to publish any thing that serves to inform 
the mind of such matters as tend to al)ate the peoples prejudices, 
they even making use of some kind of Caution, I observe, to 
prevent y^' people from listening to any such Cool & Dispassion- 
ate Dissertations tS: remarks, which at any time they happen to 


publish &:, at the same time, deal out their personal Abuses in 
the most unrestrained manner, repeating with pleasure the 
Accounts of the most Extraordinary Libellous Exhibitions «i 
practices — practices which my Lord Coke Describes as being 
not only the most injurious to Individuals but a Scandal to 
Government, tending to the breach of the peace *& Stirrins: up 
Sedition, y^ terrible Effects of which we begin to see & which it 
appears to me can answer no other publick purpose except so to 
Inflame the ]\ [other Country ag'^ us as that they will even refuse 
to treat with us on y^ Subject of our burdens. I wish all such 
persons would bear in their minds those few lines which the 
facetious Poet so aptly applies, in his Hudibrass, to the begin- 
ning of those Civil Dissentions which laid England in ruins 
about a Century ago — 

When Civil dudgeon first gTew high 
And men fell out they knew not why, 
' When hard words, Jealousies & fears 

Set folks together bv the Ears &c. 

K: Haven Sep'. 10: 1765 


Letter to the Gexeral Assembly. 

■ To the Hon*\ Gen\ Assembly Convened by Special order of 
his Hon', the Gov', at Hartford Sept' 19 1Y65 
]\Iay it please y'. Hon'■^ 

The repeated tumults & very Extraordinary practices in 
Several parts of this Colony of late, which so plainly point ar 
me, as well as to tlie Parliament of Great Britain, <t all mani- 
festing gTcat dislike, not only at the late Stamp Act but at the 
Officers ap]^ointed under the same, will Justifv my Laying 
before y'. Hon", a few things for y'. Consideration, in order as 
well to Exculpate my self as the better to Enable Your Hon", to 

•This .irtiflo was conti-i})ute<l by Mr. In^'orsoll to The Coniuctlcut 
Gazette of Septomlipr 13, 1705, and is liore reprinteJ from the original 
draft among his manuscripts. 


take such measures as shall appear most likely to remove those 
Evils which at present appear so alarming. 

It will not be forgotten by this Assembly that the Parliament 
passed a Leading Vote to y* Stamp Act near two years ago, viz. 
that it might be proper to Charge Certain Stamp Duties on y^ 
Colonies ; this Vote I understand was taken in order as well to 
Let y® Colonies know that the Parliament thought they had 
Authority to Lay such tax, as to give the Colonies an opor- 
tunity to agree upon some plan among themselves that should 
save the need of their taking such a measure. The Colonies did 
not fall in with this plan, but being alarmed at the Claim of 
Parliament went about to Dispute their authority. When I 
came to meet with the Agents last winter & with the Com*'*, of 
the Merchants of London trading to America, who frequently 
met together in order to Concert measures for oposing y^ Stamp 
Act, I found it was generally thought that y^ matter of y^ Par- 
liaments right to tax us was a thing so thoroughly Determined 
that there was no hopes of Relief that way. I Desired the 
Agents however by all means to Dispute that point as I knew 
the Colonies would not be Easy if they should not. Some of 
them said they had Eec*^. from their Constituents such Petitions 
& Instructions as would oblige them to question that matter. 

In the mean time it was thought proper to wait on the Min- 
ister & to let him know how disagreeable it would be to y^ Col- 
onies to be taxed by Parliament — how much it would alarm 
them — & to ask the favour that they might be allowed to tax 
themselves in Case they must be taxed. This was done, & I 
believe Every thing said that could be of any Use, to Dissuade 
from the measure then taking by Parliament. The Minister 
said, he took no pleasure in bringing upon himself y*^ Tvescnt- 
ments of y^ Colonies — that it was thought reasonable that they 
should Contribute Something in y*' Common Cause, that as to y^ 
manner of raising that Something, he was content to adopt any 
plan that should be held out to him by y* Colonies, that they 
themselves should think would answer. lie askt if y'' Colonies 
were agreed upon the proportion that each Colony ought to 
bear, t&r observed how very difficult it was to fix any proper- 




tion — how that proportion WQuld be perpetually varying Lv tlie 
diflPerent increase of different Colonics, & after alf the uncer- 
tainty that the respective Assemblies would, by their own Act, 
Eaise y'' Sums that should be generally agreed on. Much more 
was said upon this Subject ili: more than can well be comprised 
in a Letter. Upon the whole the matter seemed to be attended 
with much ditHculty. He said he had pledged his word for 
bringing in the stamp bill into Parliament that Session »S: that 
the Parliament would do what they pleased upon it, but that 
he could not forego it. 

When the Petitions come to be offered to y^ House aa'ainst v^ 
bill, the Authority of y" Parliament was drawn into question bv 
some of them, particularly that from Virginia. This matter 
was as Largely Debated as could be Expected. Considering how 
few there were in y' house who denied their Authority; *f here 
I beg to be allowed to State to y^ Hon"., how impossible it was 
for y^ Agents to do any thing more than they did as to this point. 
Tis well known that no person can offer a Petition to f house 
of Commons Except a :\[ember of y^ house. I have Acquainted 
y''. Hon", before that there was but two :\Iembers who Dcnycd 
y* Right of Parliament to tax us : one was Gen^ Conway, a 
Gentleman who was so displeased with the :Ministry for what he 
thought personal Injuries, having been deprived of all his offices, 

that he could scarce speak without shewing Signs of Anger ».\: 

was sure to oppose almost Every thing that was proposed by v'' 
Minister; y\ other was Alderman Beckford a West India 
Planter. At y" same time 'M\ Fuller, another West India 
Planter, formerly Ch. Justice of Jamaica, *S: whose Brother is 
their Agent, said he heard that some of y^ Agents were for being 
heard at y' barr of the house by Council upon the matter of the 
Pu'ght of Parliament to tax America. I believe, says he, no 
Counsiller of this kingdom (k he knew that no other could) will 
come to that TJarr, (pointing to y" barr of y^ house,) & openly 
question tlu- authority of this house in that particular, but if he 
should, I belifve, ad. led he, he would not stay there long; *t even 
Co. Barry who spuke so wanuly in our favour said in his first 
general Speech that he believed no man in that house would 


Deny y^ xViithority of Parliament to tax America, & lie was 
pleased to add, that he did not think the more sensible people in 
America wonld deny it. In short, altho there was abont forty 
Members in the Xegative npon y® general question upon y^ bill, 
& who were y*" West India Gentlemen ^ a few others connected 
with America, yet their Oposition to it was not on account of its 
being Unconstitutional, but because they tho\ y* measure impru- 
dent &: perhaps burdensome. These things are no Secrets but 
well known to hundreds of persons besides myself. J^ow upon 
this view of y® matter I would ask what the xVgents could have 
done more than they did ; I mean the Agents without doors : as 
for those within, tis well known they do not try to hide that they 
believe the Parliament have full authority. In short I found 
it almost as dangerous in England to Deny y® right of Parlia- 
ment to tax America, as I do here to admit it. The Pam- 
phlets that were published here upon y^ Subject were dispersed 
amono; the AEembers, but Everv one seemed to think the reason- 
ings were not conclusive. 

After the Act passed the Minister was pleased to come into a 
general measure of giving the principal oflBccs under the Act to 
Americans. There happened but two persons then in Eng- 
land belonging to y^ K'orth Continent Colonies besides myself, 
who were in a Condition to take y^ Office personally ; these were 
Co^ !Mercer from Virginia &: ]\F ^Nfassarve from X. Hampshire, 
who happened in England at that time upon business of their 
own, but who I take it were named to y® Minister by the Agents 
or some friend of those Colonies. The Distributer for X York 
was Recommended by M"" Alderman Trecothick, Dep. Chairman 
of y^ Com^. of Merchants beforementioned, a Gentleman 
brought up at Boston, & who has his Connections & Interest 
quite against y*" Stamp Act, »S: Avhich he had opposed through the 
Course of y^ winter with all his might. When he was sent for, 
by the Minister, & desired to name a person for ^N". York, he said 
to him, as I am well warranted to assert, to y^ following Effect : 
S"" you know I am no friend to y*" Stamp Act ; I heartily wish it 
never had passed, & wish it may not have very unhappy Conse- 
quences; however it is now passed, & I suppose must have its 



operation, & I take it as a favour that you are pleased to put y'' 
principal offices into y^ bands of y* Americans, & as an honour 
done nic that you give me leave to name to you a person for X. 
York. These, I believe, were the Sentiments of all. Xow 
when the measure was thus general throughout xVmerica & as 
generally come into by all those who had appeared as y^ friends 
of America in opposing y^ Act, can it be wondred at that I 
should come into V same measure Especially when it. is Con- 
sidered further that the Declared motives on the part of f 
Minister were those of Convenience to y® Colonies. He said we 
told him that we were poor & unable to bear such tax ; others 
told him we were well able ; now, says he, take y' business into 
your own hands ; you will see how & where it pinches '& will 
certainly let us know it, in which Case it shall be Eased. 

Y^. Hon'^ will Consider further that we who were on tother 
side y^ water must see & know how Extremely unlikely it was 
Ever to Convince y^ Parliament upon y^ point of their Author- 
ity, & which is doubtless the principal matter in all the dis- 
pute, & to be sure we did not Imagin that y® Colonies would 
think of disputing y^ matter with them at y^ point of y'' 
Sword, & that therefore the most we Could do would be to Con- 
struct y^ Act as favourably as possible, & make y* best of it. 
This it was thought would probably be done as beneficially by 
Americans as by Strangers; »i' upon my honour I thotight I 
should be blamed if I did not accept the Appointment, Espe- 
cially as I knew y^ Assembly »t people here would have time 
Enough before y^ Act took place to Determin whether they 
would Conform to y^ Act or not, and as I took no Commission. 
nor y^ Oath of Office, I Determined, & have Constantly from the 
beginning so Declared to Every one, that if y^ people shall 
think y^ Act Eitlier too dangerous in its tendency or too burden- 
som to be born (&r conclude to risque y^ Consequences of a non 
Compliance with it, in that Case there would be little or no Us'- 
for my Office &: that I should never Enter into a warfare with 
my Country about it nor think of taking any Steps in the same. 
On the other hand, if upon the whole view of things it should b»' 
thought best to submit to y^ Act, as in that Case I knew y*" ])C"- 
ple would of Course want y^ Stampt paper, I hoped they wouM 

JARED I>-G£RSOLL PAPERS, 1765-66. 339 

be willing to receive the same at my hands, with those helps in 
the Use & Application of Em which from mj being on y Spot 
when y* Act passed I had been able to obtain. With these views 
& with these Declarations I address y^ ^on^, waiting & hoping 
to know by some means or other what are \'^ ultimate Senti- 
ments of y^ matter. I Desire not to give any byas, was it in 
my power. I believe no person sees in a stronger light than I 
do the trouble & Difficulties, to say no more of Em, that will 
probably attend this matter, whether we go forward or whether 
we go backward. 

I hope your Hon^ will not Suffer any personal Considera- 
tions to divert your Attention from the principal matter. As to 
me I thought I had Acquitted myself with some reputation in 
this matter. I am sure I never Laboured harder in any Cause 
in my life, & shall always have the Satisfaction of knowing that 
I have been able a little to Alleviate the Act, tho I dont think it 
was in my power or the power of all the Colonies together had 
they been present to have prevented it. I am neither afraid 
nor ashamed to have my Conduct in this Affair Examined with 
the utmost Severity, but hope I am not to be Judged unheard, k 
by no other proofs than the most base & wicked insinuations in 
^N^ewspapers & private malignant whispers ; & should those 
fires that have been kindled in some parts of y^ Colony terminate 
in nothing worse than the Emblazoning my Disgrace, I shall be 
Content. "Would the burning my Effigies or my person save 
this Colony from the Evils that seem to impend I believe I 
ought to think it a Cheap Sacrifice; — but the difficulty lies 
much deeper, & here I cannot Content myself without letting 
you know what appears to me what appear to be y^ Outlines of 
the present Embarrassments. 

The Parliament *i' Even the whole Xation, as far as I could 
collect their Sense of y^ matter, seem to be fixt in y® following 
points, viz. first, that America is at this time become too impor- 
tant to itself as well as to y^ ^Mother Country & to all foreign 
powers to be left to that kind of Care *S: protection that was 
Exercised heretofore by Each independant Province, in y^ Days 
of their Infancy .-—that there must be some one Eye to see over 
& some one hand to guide Sz direct y*^ whole of its Defence «t pro- 


tection. In the Second place that America is able &: ought to 
contribute Something toward this general protection, over tS: 
above y^ Advantages arising from y^ American trade; — the 
Advantages of trade simply Considered, they say, are mutual. 
How this Something is to be Contributed by America in an 
Equal & Certain manner, seems to be y*" great Difficulty. Per- 
haps nothing will Satisfy y® mind & answer the Demands of 
right reason, let tlie Constitution & Authority of Parliament 
be what it will. Short of an Authority dependant on the Choice, 
power & will of America to Enforce this Contribution; but 
then there Occurs, at once, a thousand difficulties how to Obtain 
this Common power tt Authority, not only without giving 
Umbrage to y*^ Mother Country, but even as to ourselves, — the 
many Jealousies that would arise as to y^ proportioning the 
parts of this Common power, & many more which Every ones 
mind will Easily Suggest. On y^ other hand to have y® Sole 
power in the Parliament seems to be attended with peculiar 
difficulty & not to be free from many great & weighty Objec- 
tions ; & this does not Escape y* Notice of y^ Gentlemen on 
tother side y^ water, but they say the measure is Xecessary, that 
y^ Parliament has Constitutional authority & that they must 
Enforce because there is no other power that Can. 

I have only to wish that in this Day of difficulty & perplexity 
Your Hon", might be at Liberty from the Eage of men not alto- 
gether acquainted perhaps with the nature & Extent of y^ Sub- 
ject, to form such Pesolutions as shall be for y^ ultimate good 
&: welfare of the Colony, to which I shall always pay a Due 
Deference, & shall always be ready to serve my Country- in what 
shall appear to me to be their true Interests, notwithstanding 
their prejudices »S: the ill treatment I have or may Receive from 
them, & am 

Y^ Hon" most Obed^ 
., V ., ,,_ ^ & most HumV Serv*. 

J : Ingersoll* 

X Haven SepMs'M7(ir> ' " "^ -w 

* Tliis letter to tlie Ceiieral Asseinlily wns iiicluiied in the Letters rchitino 
to the Stamp Aet. ami is here printed from the a\Ulioi's private copy. 


P. S. I have given orders to have the Stampt paper for this 
Colony, stopt at X York until further orders, nor do I intend it 
shall come into this Colony by my direction, until I shall be 
able to discover that it is the Choice of the Gen^ Assembly & 
people of this Colony to have it come. 

J. I. 


As the Affair, of the 19th Instant, relating to my renouncing 
the OiBce of Distributor of Stamps for this Colony, is too pub- 
lick to be kept a Secret; and yet'tlie particulars of it not 
enough known to prevent many vague and dili'erent Reports 
concerning it : I thought it might be well to give the Publick a 
brief Xarrative of that Transaction; and which I shall do with 
all possible Impartiality, without mentioning the Xames of any 
of The Concerned, and without any Remarks or Animadversions 
upon the Subject. 

Having received repeated and undoubted Intelligence of a 
Design formed by a great Xumber of People in the eastern 
Parts of the Colony to come and obtain from me a Resignation 
of the above mentioned Office, I delivered to the Governor, on 
the 17th, at Xew-Haven, in his way to meet the General Assem- 
bly at Hartford on the 19th, a written Information, acquainting 
him with my said Intelligence, and desiring of him such Aid 
and Assistance as the emergency of the Affair should require. 
On the ISth I rode with his Honour and some other Gentlemen, 
INfembers of the Assembly, in hopes of Iteiiig able to learn 
more particularly the Time and ^ranuer of the intended Attack. 
About eighteen 'Miles from hence, on the Hartford Road, we 
met two ^fen on Horseljack with pretty long and large new made 
white Staves in their Hands, whom I suspected to be part of the 
mam Body. I accordingly stopt short fr.uu the Company, and 
askt them if they were not in pursuit of me, acquainting them 
who I was, and that I should not attempt to avoid meeting the 


People. After a little Hesitancy they frankly owned tliat they 
were of that Party, and said there were a great Xumber of l*eo- 
ple coming in three Divisions, one from Windham through 
Hartford, one from Xorwich through Haddam, and one from 
JSTew-London, by the way of Branford, and that their Pendez- 
vous was to be at Branford on the Evening of the 19th, fruni 
thence to come and pay me a Visit on the 20th. These ^len 
said they were sent forward in order to reconnoitre and to see 
who would join them. I desired them to turn and go with me 
as far as !Mr. Bishop's the Tavern at the Stone House, so called. 
One of them did. Here I acquainted the Governor and the 
other Gentlemen with the Matter; and desired their Advice, 
The Governor said many Things to this Man, pointing out to 
him the Danger of such a Step, and charging him to go and tell 
the People to return Back ; but he let the Governor know, that 
they lookt npon this as the Cause of the People, «Sc that they 
did not intend to take Directions about it from any Body. 

As I know, in case of their coming to Xew-IIaven, there 
would most likely be an Opposition to their Designs and prob- 
ably by the Militia, I was afraid lest some Lives might be lost, 
and that niv own Estate mie-ht receive Dama2;e, I therefore con- 
eluded to go forward and meet them at Hartford ; and accord- 
ingly wrote a Letter to the People who were coming in the two 
lower Divisions, acquainting them generally with my Purposes 
with regard to my exercising the Office aforesaid, and which I 
had the Day before, delivered to the Governor to be communi- 
cated to the Assembly, which were in Substance that I should 
decline the Business if I found it generally 'disagTeeable to the 
People, and which I hojied would be sufficient ; but if not. tliat 
I should be glad, if they thought it worth their while, to meet 
them at Hartford, and not at Xew-Haven, assuring that T 
should not attempt to secrete myself. This done, I got ^Iv. 
Bishop to go down to Xew-Haven, with a Letter to my Family, 
that they and my House might be put in a proper state of 
Defence and Security, in case the People should persist in thtir 
first Design of coming that way. 

Having taken these Precautions, I tarried that ISTight at !Mr. 


Bishop's. The next Morning-, Thursday the 10th, I set otT 
alone about seven o' Clock, for Hartford, but just as I was 
mounting, Mr. Bishop said he would go along and see what 
would happen, and accordingly overtook me, as I did ]\Iajor 
Hall, a Member of the Assembly, upon the Road; and so we 
went on together until we come within two or three ]\liles of 
Weathersfield, when we met an advanced Party of about four or 
five Persons. I told them who I was, upon which they turned, 
an^ I fell into Conversation with them, upon the general Sub- 
ject of my Office, &e. About half a Mile further we met 
another Party of about Thirty whom I accosted, and who 
turned and went on in the same Manner. "We rode a little fur- 
ther and met the main Body, who, I judge, were about Five 
Hundred Men, all on Horseback, and having white Staves, as 
before described. They were preceded by three Trumpets; 
next followed two Persons dressed in red, with laced Hats ; then 
the rest, two abreast. Some others, I think, were in red, being, 
I suppose. Militia Officers. They opened and received me; 
then all went forward until we came into the main Street in 
the Town of "Weathersfield, when one riding up to the Person 
with wliom I was joined, and who I took to be the principal 
Leader or Commandant, said to him, We can't all hear and see 
so well in a House, we had as good have the Business done here; 
upon this they formed into a Circle, having me in the Middle, 
with some two or three more, who seemed to be the principal 
Managers. Major Hall and Mr. Bishop also keeping near me. 
I began to speak to tlie Audience, but stopt and said I did not 
know why I should say any Thing for that I was not certain I 
knew wliat they wanted of me; they said they wanted me to 
resign my Office of Stamp Distributor. I then went on to tell 
them that I had always declared that I would not exercise the 
Office against the 'general Inclinations of the People. That I 
had given to the Governor, to be communicated to the Assembly 
my Declarations upon that head ; and that I had given Orders 
to have the stamp'd Papers stopt at Xew-York, from whence it 
should not come until I should be able to learn from the Assem- 
bly that it was their Choice and Inclination to have it come, as I 


did not think it safe to bring it in withont. That I was nnder 
Bonds to the Stamp Otfice in England, and did not think it safe 
or proper for me to resign the Otfice to every one that should ask 
it of me ; and that I only waited to know the sense of the Gov- 
ernment, whether to conform to the Act or not in order to my 
getting dismissed from my Office in a proper Planner. And 
as it had been said that the Assembly would not say any Thing 
about the Matter, I had now put it upon this fair Footing, that 
if they did not, by some Act relative to the Affair, plainly shew 
their Minds and Inclination to have the stampt Paper brought 
into the Colony, I should not think it safe, as Times were, to 
suffer the same to come in, nor take any Steps in my Office ; 
also observed to 'em, that the Governor, would have Power and 
Instructions to put in another if T should be removed ; that the 
Step could do them no good, kc. They said, Here is the Sense 
of the Government, and no Man shall exercise that Office. I 
askt if they thought it was fair that the Counties of Windham 
and Xew-London should dictate to all the rest of the Colony? 
Upon this one said, It don't signify to parly — here is a great 
many People waiting and you must resign. I said I don't 
think it proper to resign till I meet a proper Authority to ask it 
of me; and added. What if I won't resign? what will be the 
Consequence ? One said Your Fafe. I'pon which I looked him 
full in the Pace and said with some Warmth, ]\Iy Fate you 
say. Upon which a Person just behind said, TJie Fate of your 
Office. I answered that I could T)ie, and perhaps as well now 
as another Time ; and that I should Die but once. Upon which 
the Commandant (for so, for Brevity sake, T beg Leave to call the 
Person who seemed to have the principal Conduct of the Affair) 
said we had better go along to a Tavern (and which we did) 
and cautioned me not to irritate the People.^ When we came 

■ * Tlie direct mad from Xow Haven to TTartford fa part of wliat \va> 
known as tlie Old Colony Road to Boston) passed tliroiijjfli ^Meriden. Ber- 
lin, and the western part of Wethersfield (now Xewiiiirton) : and what w;i^ 
universally known a- "'the Old Stune House"' was on the Bekher Fann 
in the pre=;ent city of !Meriden. 

Mr. In;:er>()ll"s escort ap[)ears to have turned to the ri^ht haml after 
leavintr Berlin (to fjive time for the Assembly to convene), and pa^^^ed 


against the House and the People began to alight, I said You 
can soon tell what you intend to — my Business is at Hartford — 
may I go there or Home? — and made a ]\Iotion to go. They 
said Xo, You sha'n't go two Eods from this Spot, before you 
have resigned; and took hold of my Horse's Bridle; when, 
after some little Time, I dismounted and went into the Huuse 
with the Persons who were called the Committee, being a cer- 
tain Xumbcr of the principal Persons, the main Body contin- 
uing without Doors. And here I ought not to omit mentioning 
that I was told repeatedly that they had no Intentions of hurting 
me or my Estate; but would use me like a Gentleman; this 
however I conclude they will understand was on Condition I 
should comply with their Demands. 

When I came into the House with this select committee a 
great deal of Conversation passed upon the Subject, and upon 
some other ^Matters, as my being supposed to be in England 
when the first leading Vote of Parliament passed relative to 
the Stamp- Act, and my not advising the Governor of it; 
whereas I was at that time in America, — and the like, too 
tedious to relate. Upon the whole, This Committee behaved 
wdth ^loderation and Civility, and I thought seemed inclined to 
listen to certain Proposals which I made ; but when the Body of 
the People come to hear them they rejected 'em, and nothing 
would do but I must resign. 

While I was detained here, I saw^ several Members of the 
Assembly pass by, whom I hailed, acquainting them that I was 
there kept and detained as a Prisoner; and desired their and 
the Assembly's Assistance for my Eelief. They stopt and 
spoke X6 the People ; but were told they had better go along to 
the Assembly where they might possibly be wanted. Major 
Hall also finding his Presence not altogether agreeable, went 
away; And I\[r. Bishop, by my Desire, went away to let the 
Governor and Assembly know the Situation I was in. 

After much Time spent in fruitless Proposals, I was told the 

tliroii;.']! Wetliprsfield villaj:?. hiiUin<j to carry out their .K'siou on tlie 
Avest >i«le of lower Broad Street, in front of Colonel John Chester's house, 
under an elm tree whieh has disappeared only within tlie last half-century. 


People grew very impatient, and that I must bring the flatter 
to a Conclusion ; I then told "em I had no more to say, and askt 
what they wonld do with mo ? They said they wouM carry me 
to Windham a Prisoner, but would keep me like a Gentleman. 
I told them I would go to Windham, that I had lived very well 
there, and should like to go and live there again. This did not 
do. They then advised me to move from the front Window, as 
the Sight of me seemed to enrage the People. Sometimes the 
People from below would rush into the Poom in great Xumbers, 
and look pretty fierce at me, and then the Committee would 
desire them to withdraw. 

To conclude.- — After about three Hours spent in this Kind 
of Way, and they telling me that certain of their Gentlemen, 
Members of the General Assembly, had told them that they 
must get the Matter over before the Assembly had Time to do 
any Thing about it ; and that it was my Artifice to wheedle the 
Matter along until the Assembly should, some how or other get 
ensnared in the Matter, &c. The Commandant coming up from 
below, with Xumbers following close behind in the Passage, 
told me with seeming Concern in his Countenance, that he could 
not keep the People off from me any longer ; and that if they 
once began, he coiild not promise me where they would end. I 
now thought it was Time to submit. I told him I did not think 
the Cause worth dying for, and that I would do whatever they 
should desire me to do. Upon this I look'd out at a front Win- 
dow, beckoned the People and told 'em, I had consented to com- 
ply with their Desires ; and only waited to have something 
dra"\Am up for me to sign. We then went to Work to prepare 
the Draught. I attempted to make one myself; but they not 
liking it, said they would draw one themselves, which they did. 
and I signed it. They then told me that the People insisted on 
my being Sworn never to execute the Otlice. This I refused to 
do somewhat peremtorily ; urging that I thought it would be 
a Prophanation of an Oath, The Committee seemed to think 
it might be dispensed with ; but said the People would not 
excuse it. One of the Committee however said, he wouLl go 
down and try to persuade them ofl:" from it. I saw him from my 

/ ,r'^ 


Window amidst the Circle, and observing that the People 
seemed more and more iixt in their Kesolution of insisting upon 
it, I got up and told the People in the Room, I would go and 
throw myself among them, and went down, they following me. 
When I came to the Circle, they opened and let me in, when I 
mounted a Chair which stood there by a Table, and having 
pulled olT my Hat and beckoned Silence, I proceeded to read off 
the Declaration which I had signed ; and then proceeded to tell 
them, that I believed I was as averse to the Stamp-x\ct as any 
of tliem ; that I had accepted my Appointment to this Office, I 
thought upon the fairest Motives ; finding, however, how very 
obnoxious it was to the People, I had found myself in a very 
disagreeable Situation ever since my coming Home ; that I 
found myself, at the same Time, under such Obligations that I 
did not think myself at Liberty peremtorily to resign my Office 
without the Leave of those who appointed me; that I was very 
sorry to see the Country in the Situation it was ; that I could 
nevertheless, in some Measure, excuse the People, as I believed 
they were actuated, by a real though, I feared, a misguided Zeal 
for the Good of their Country ; and that I wished the Transac- 
tions of that Day might prove happy for this Colony, tho' I 
must own to them, I very much feared the Contrary; — and 
much more to the same Purpose. 

"V^Tien I had done, a Person who stood near me, told me to give 
Liberty and Property, with three Cheers, which I did, throwing 
up my Hat into the Air; this was followed by loud Huzzas; 
and then the People many of them were pleased to take me by 
the Hand and tell me I was restored to their former Friendship. 
I then went with two or three more to a neighbouring House, 
where we dined. I was then told the Company expected to 
wait on me into Hartford, where they expected I should pub- 
lish my Declaration again. I reminded them of what they had 
before told me, that it might possibly ensnare the Assembly for 
them to have an Opportunity to act, or do any Thing about this 
Matter. Some inclined to forego tliis Step, but the main Body 
insisted on it. We accordingly mounted, I believe by this Time 
to the Xumlier of near one Tliousand and rode into Hart- 


ford, the Assembly then sitting. They dismounted opposite the 
Assembly House, and about twenty Yards from it. Some of 
them conducted me into an adjoining Tavern, while the main 
Body drew up I'our abreast and marched in Form round the 
Court House, proceeded by three Trumpets sounding; then 
formed into a Semi-circle at the Door of the Tavern. I was 
then directed to go down and read the Paper I had sigiied, and 
which I did within tlie Presence and Hearing of the Assemldy; 
and only added that I wisht the Consequences of this r)ay''s 
Transaction might be happy. This was succeeded with Liberty 
and Property and three Cheers; soon after which the People 
began to draw off, and T suppose went Home. I understand 
they came out with eight Days Provision, determined to find 
me, if in the Colony. 

I believe the whole Time I was with them was better than 
three Hours, during a Part of which Time, I am told the Assem- 
bly were busy in forming some Plan for my Pelief, the lower 
House thinking to send any Force, was it in their Power, might 
do more hurt than good to me, agreed to advise the sending some 
Persons of Influence to interpose by Persuasion, tSic. and com- 
municated their Desire to the upper Board, in Consequence 
whereof certain Gentlemen of the House were desired and were 
about to come to my Kelief, it being alx)ut half an Hour's Bide ; 
but before they set out they heard the Matter was finished. 
Had they come, I conclude it would have had no Eft'ect. 

This, according to the best of my Becollection, is the Sub- 
stance of the Transaction ; and in most of it I have had the 
concurrent Ben\embrance and Assent of the beforementioned 
Mr. Bishop. Tf I have omitted or misreported any Thing 
material, I hope it will be imputed to want of Memory only — as 
I mean not to irritat<^ or inflame, but merely to satisfy the 
Curious, and to place Facts in a true and undisguised Light. 

J. L* 
Xew-Haven, September 23, 17G5. 

* This account was piiUli-luHl by Mr. In^'cr^oll in The Connecticut Gnzcite 
of Sei)teniber 27.. 17r>-5. and republished in the Letters relating to the 
Stamp-Act. *•' '" ''■ •■ '■ " ;-r;;,. f :. .; 


P. S. I perceive these People, the Xight before this Affair 
happened, phieeJ a Guard round the Court House in Hartford, 
and at my usual Lodgings in that Town ; also secured the Pas- 
sage over the Bridge in the Town ; and all the Passes even by 
the Farmington Poad ; to prevent my getting into Town that 
Xight ; — a needless Pains had they known it. The Members of 
the Assemblv arrived in Town the same Evenino;. 

Letter to William Livixgston. 

■ - - :N': Haven, Oct^ r\ 1765. 

It is much if you dont by this time paint me out in imagina- 
tion as a kind of fiend with a cloven foot and fury-forked 
tongue, a Court Parasite &: a Lover of the Stamp Act; and 
yet the truth is that I love the Stamp Act about as little as you 
do, ifc remonstrated to the late Minister against it all in my 
power. What ! and Accept of the Office of Distributer of 
Stamps when you had done ? impossible ! a Strange paradox 
this I suppose at present, & I dare say will remain so till y^ 
times are a little more moderate, tS: so I wont trouble you with 
an xVttempt to Explain it. 

We having now got rid of all the Stamp Officers, I suppose we 
have nothing left for us to do but just to get rid of the Stamp 
Act itself. I wait impatiently to See how^ you will go about 
this at X : York. I own I expect you will be the very first who 
will introduce it; not iK-cause I think you less patriotick than 
your neighbors, but because the Stamps will be handier to you 
than to most others. 

I went to England last winter with the strongest prejudices 
against the Parliamentary Authority in this Case; & came 
home, I don't love to say convinced, but confoundedly begad & 
bcswompt, as we say in Connecticut. Virtually represented, 
has been so prettily ridiculed that one should almost conclude 
that Calvinism itself is a blunder, and that Representation lic 


Election are always Correlitives. ISTothing is more true than 
that no Taxes can be Imposed according to the English Law ^l- 
Constitution, hut by the peoples consent in Parliament by their 
representatives, and tis Equally a !Maxim of English Libcrtv 
that no Laws can be made or abrogated but by their Consent in 
the same manner. iSTow I want you to tell me whether the Par- 
liament can or cannot make any Laws that shall have any bind- 
ing force upon us in America. ^STo man sees in a stronger light 
than I do the dangerous tendency of admitting for a principle 
that the Parliament of Great Britain may tax us ad libitum. 
I view- it as a gulph ready to devour, but when I look all round 
I am at a loss for a plan. I think there is all the reason in the 
world why we should be in a Situation Equally safe with the 
people in England ; but how, and what, and when, I am almost 
weary in y® Enquiry. I want to talk with you about four 
hours. I spent the whole winter among Politicians, both Eng- 
lish & American, and among Em all found no plan for America 
that did not appear to me full of the greatest diiBculty & Embar- 

Brother Johnson will be with you soon & can tell you more 
from me than I can Communicate in a Letter, & by him I shall 
be exceeding glad to Learn your real Sentiments in this matter. 
I think it behooves every one to do his utmost at a time when 
nothing but distress and trouble are in prospect. 

I hear there are many Strange Stories to my disadvantage 
Current at X York, which T shall not give myself the trouble to 
contradict, as I know at this time tis not in my power to con- 
vince by the best «t strongest evidence. !My own consciousness 
of innocence no man can take from me. 

Please to make my Comp^ to M" Livingston & to all those 
gentlemen whom I had once the honor of calling my friends cV* 
who I hope will not quite give me up yet. 

I am S". y' Most Obed'. Humb. Serv'. 

J. Ingersoll. 

W" Livingston Esq^ . . ' ■ 

[Copy.] ■" ■ '■ 

jared ixgersoll papers, 1765-gg. 351 

Letter to Thomas Whately. 

Xew Haven Xov^ 2'^. 1765 
Dear Sir. 

In niv last wliicli was the 9^^. of SeptemV. I acquainted you 
witli the Appearances in these parts relative to the Stamp Act, 
with the very general commotion among the people vt with the 
many insults that had been offered to me as well as to the Act 
of Parliament itself, by burning in Effigy & the like. Since 
that, viz. on the 19*^. of September I met with an Extraordinary 
instance of violence offered to me in person, & wbk^ Exiorte»i 
from me a declaration of renouncing the office of Distributer of 
Stamps for this Colony, a particular Account of which aff'air 
you have in the inclosed Xews paper of the 27^^. of the same 

I also acquainted you that the General Assembly of last ^lay, 
from the [Moderation of the times, did not Seem at all disposed 
to oppose the Stamp Act, tho the Same was far from being 
agreeable to them ; but the Confusions of later times occasioned 
a Choice of new Members, to the amount of about half the lum- 
bers in the lower house of Assembly, for the late Session in 
OctoV., A: generally such as were very warm against the Stamp 
Act. This, with the general Cry that way, so iixt the Assembly 
in their opposition to the Act, that it has been almost dangerous 
for any person to talk of a Submission to it, and the result of all 
has been the passing the Kesolutions contained in the enclosed 
Xewspaper of the iirst instant, wherein among other things 
they say, the Stamp Act is unprecedented and unconstitu- 
tional—in which I am told all the Members of the lower house 
Concurred except about five^ ; the Upper house also Con- 
ctirred by a Majority of voices, in directing to have the resolves 
go on the records of the Colony, and tis concluded to transact no 
business this winter that requires Stampt paper, nor until we 

* Captain Henry Glover, of Newtown. Thomas Fitch, Jr., and Epcnetus 
Piatt, of Xorwalk, Soth Wetmore, of Middlero^-n, and Dr. Benjamin Gale, 
of Killing^vorth, are the five usually named in this list of exceptions; to 
these names are le««s confidently added Oliver Tousey, of Newtown, and 
Partridge Thatcher, of New 2^Iilford. 


shall hear wliethcr the Act will be repealed or not ; if it should 
not, I dont yet know what we are to do next. The peoples 
Spirits are kept up ; no person dares introduce or make use of 
any Stamps ; those for this Colony are lodged, by my desire, in 
the fort at X. York, there to remain till further orders. 

The Govcrnour with much difficulty got Sworn to the Observ- 
ance of the Act, all his Council except four expressly refusing 
to Swear him, & Even abruptly left the room when the oath was 
about to be administred, declaring they could not in Conscience 
be present, as they Esteemed the Oath inconsistent with the 
Provincial Oath of the Govcrnour, & some of them say they shall 
not Scruple as Judges to Declare the Act of Parliament ipso 
facto void. Such are the times here. 

The Govcrnour, from the first, since the Act passed has been 
fully resolved to Comply with & obey it, as being a Command by 
the Authority of the Xation, which he is not disposed to Contro- 
vert or disobey. Of the same opinion &■ disposition are four of 
his Council and indeed many other people, but their voice is 
drowned amid the general Cry, and those in power who dare 
favor the Act may Expect Speedy Political death. A Govcr- 
nour in this Colony you know has no jSTegative to any Act of 
Assembly, nor can he Exercise Scarce any power but as the 
Assembly give him leave, tS: no one dares »S: few in power are 
disposed to punish any violences that are oifered to the Author- 
ity of the Act ; — in Short all the Springs of Government are 
broken, and nothing but Anarchy and Confusion appear in 

Some think the distresses which the want of the Stampt 
papers'uill Occasion, will put the people upon moving the Assem- 
bly to desire me to introduce and distribute them. Should this 
be the Case I should not Scruple to Officiate, notwithstanding" 
my forced resignation ; but if, as others think, the people will 
Suffer any Evil rather than become Shives, as they think they 
shall, by Conforming to the Act, «S: if in that Case any kind of 
force should be made Use of to guard the officer or the like. 
T should not think my person or dwelling safe was I to attempt 
to Exercise the Otfice. and therefore must in that Case beg to lie 
Excused and that some other may be Appointt-d in my room. 


Tis bard, my friend, after having done every thing in my 
power to prevent & to moderate the Act, as you are my "Witness 
I did, to be Charged with being the Author of it, at least with 
having inhanced it for the Sake of my own proiit, then to have 
the Office, which you know was mentioned to me by you before 
over I thought of it, wrested out of my hands by a ^Mob, and to 
be left to be insulted by that very ]Mob A: those very persons who 
set Em on me, for my reward, having run the risque even of my 
very life also in the matter. These are trying things, I assure 
you, yet I keep up my Spirits & preser\-e, I think, a good degree 
of philosophick fortitude. I am not without friends, & those 
whom you would Esteem the better people in the Colony. The 
Governour is my fast friend, as I am his, &: can only wish he 
had that Countenance and Approbation which his Conduct &: 
behaviour upon all Occasions well deserves. I am full of 
Apprehension for my Country, which I cannot but regard not- 
withstanding the Abuses I have met with in it. 

Some say the Stamp Act is to be repealed ; if it should, I 
will be Content to Suffer all — cV' bear all without regret or 
recompence. Others say it is to be moderated only ; this I 
think may well be done, as tis most likely we rather under than 
overcast the probable amount of it. Let me suggest that to 
repeal all the Probate testamentary part will take away the Cry 
of the widow & fatherless. The Registry of deeds amounts to 
but little & is very burdensome as we register in books. Process 
before Single Justices for forty shillings, being generally for 
debt, falls very nuich on the poor. Do try to get these Eased, 

if no more 

T am S"" .. : . 

Y' Most Obed^ Ilnml/ Serv*. 

J. Ino-crsoll." 
To Th : Wliately, Esq^ -^ ^ - "• 

Copy . ■ ' 

* This lelter liaviiifr hoconio pulilic boforo bcina forwartled. \vn> VPcalled 
In- the author an<l never sent. Throe sojiarate drafts of the nianu-eript are 
preserved, \vliich have been eonijiared for the present purpose. A few foot- 
notes were added in tlie copy printed in Letters rclatimj to tlte Stamp-Act. 


354 jared ixgeesoll papers, 17g5-66. 

Letter to the Stamp Com.missioners. 

X: Haven Xov^ 2*^: 1705 
May it please Y"". Hon'. 

Upon my first arrival from England at Boston the later End 
of July last, I found Every thing full as quiet with regard to the 
Stamp Aet, as T expected, and from the informations I there 
received from this Colony had no reason to Expect any other 
than a Submission to it here, tho much ag\ the peoples inclina- 
tions. About this time the resolves of the Assembly of Virginia 
(& which you have doubtless seen before now) began to be 
spread abroad in these parts, at which the peoples Spirits catch- 
ing fire, burst forth into a blaze, first at Boston, then in this 
Colony »S: Elsewhere, an Account of all which you must have 
had before this time. The plan adopted by the populace was to 
force the Stamp Otiicers to a resignation »k then to proceed in 
business as usual without the use of Stamps. I myself after 
being burnt in Effigy in many places by the populace «i^ Suffer- 
ing all the insult and indignity that either tlie wit or malice of 
men could invent, besides threats as to my person & house, met 
with a force on the 19*^. of Se2^t^. which Extorted from me a 
like declaration of renouncing the office of Distributer of Stauips 
for this Colony, as had been done in neighbouring Colonies, — a 
particular Account cl' detail of which affair is contained in tho 
inclosed news paper of the 27'^. of Sepf. to which I beg leave u^ 
refer you. I was about to write you of this matter immediately 
after it happened, but on further thoughts concluded to wait till 
this time, as not knowing but that the people who offered this 
violence when they come to cool would think proper to release 
me;- or that the Gen\ Assembly of y'' Colony which mt-fts 
annually in OctoV. would take some Steps, either inviting m<- 
to officiate in the office or engaging some protection, in whieii 
case I should not have Scrupled to proceed in distributing the 
papers, if by these means I found it to be the mind of the body 
of the people that I should. But instead of my meeting with 
any thing of this kind, I have now to inform you that the IL>ii~<' 
of Bepresentatives of this Colony, at their late Sessions hav-^ 
among other things Vuted the Act of Parliament imposing th<' 
Stamp duties unprecedenled and U nconstitutional, k concliulfii 


to let the Ensuing winter pass without transacting any business 
that requires the use of Stampt papers, & in the meantime to 
Petition Parliament for a repeal of the Act. What will be done 
in case the Act shall not be repealed I cannot tell. Gox-^. Fitch 
from the first, as also four of his Council, altho' heartily wishing 
the Act had not passed, have been disposed to Submit to it. as to 
A Law Enacted bv the Authority of Parliament «t which they 
should not undertake to dispute or disobey ; which four as well 
as the Gov'", Especially the later, have but too much reason to 
Expect to fall a political Sacrifice to the resentments of the peo- 
ple ; the one for presuming to take, the others to administer, the 
Oath required by the Act; the Lower house I understand all 
concurred in their resolves, Except about five persons. 

The first parcel of Stampt papers designed for this Colony 
arrived at Xew York about a week ago & are Safely lodged by 
ray desire in the fort there. I have advised with Gov^. Fitch 
about Sending for them into this Colony. He thinks it by no 
means Safe as we have no Strong hold in which to place them, 
tt the peoples threats continued in the most open & highhanded 
strain to destroy them if they come; specimens of which 
threatnings you may see in the inclosed Xewspaper of the first 
instant, »i: which contains the resolutions of the house of repre- 
sentitives of this Colony. Indeed you must know & be fully 
informed from all quarters that the rage of the people is so 
great that it is almost dangerous to say a word in favour of a 
Submission to the Act. & that it is at present al>solutely impos- 
sible for me to distribute any of the papers. What will be the 
End of these things God only knows. Some think the dis- 
tresses of the people which will bo occasioned for want of y^ 
Stamps will force them even to invite me to distribute them. 
1 he people most of them say they are as willing I should dis- 
tribute them as another, but that they shall not be distributed by 
anybody. Others think they will even Suft'er death k Every 
Evil before they will Conform to the Act, as thinking from that 
moment they shall commence Slaves. Should the people con- 
clude to take Em I should be willing to distribute the papers, 
but if there must be any kind of force or compulsion used to 
this End, I shall be ghid to be excused. 


It is said by some the Act will be abated in part, by others that 
it will be repealed. It" the later takes place I shall be glad to 
drown all my little interests in the general good; but if part 
only is intended to be taken off, I beg leave to suggest to ease all 
Probate & Testamentary matters — the Cry of the "Widow *N: 
fatherless would not then be heard, and Estates here are but 
Small (i: can but illy bear any duty ; also the duty registring 
deeds, which will raise but a trifle &. yet occasions so much 
troulde, especially here where we make use of books to register 
in ; also the Judgments & process for forty Shillings, which 
with us is before Single Justices of the peace, & being gen- 
erally for Debt the duty falls heavy on the poor. I think these 
abatements might well enough be made, as tis probable to me the 
computations of the Sums expected to be raised were rather 
under than overcast by the ^Ministry & those who assisted them 
in that matter and money in the Colonies at this time is certainly 
extremely Scarce. 

I shall write to you again soon & in the luean time, while I 
impatiently wait the Isue of the measures on your side the 
water as well as ours, shall consult the Govcrnour from time to 
time and pursue such measures in disposing k securing of the 
Stamp papers as I shall Judge will turn to the best Account of 
his ^Majestys interest. 

I have received no letter or directions whatever from the 
Board, but shall expect something by the next Packet. The 
Go^'^. cannot but wonder (5: regret that he should not have 
received from the ^linistrv or otherwise one sin2;le word al)0ut 
the Stamp Act. 

I am Your mcist Obed\ 
' ■ •■ it most HumV Serv'. 

J: Ingersoll.* 
To the IIon\ Commiss'^. of Stamps. 

* This letter, which was tiiuiUy witliliekl and never sent, is preserA'ed in 
two separate drafts amnng Mr. IiigersoU's papers. As printed in lii-' 
Letters rrhitinq to tfie Sfnnip-Art, with foot-notes, it is drawn mainly ivmu 
the longer of tlie two nianu<eript drafts; but the other draft is here 
followed, as ai)pareiitly representing the author's maturer judgment. 

jared ixgersoll papeks, 17g5-gg. 357 

Letter to Richard Jacksox. 

X Haven Xov^ 3^ 1TC5 

jy. s\ 

I wrote you from Boston soon after my arrival there from 
England in July. Since tliat time I have been too much 
Employed for my own Safety tt the regulation of my Conduct 
amidst the Confusions of this Country to be able to attend to 
the rights of friendship. ^Yhen I first came home every thing 
appeared tolerably quiet, but the Virginia Resolves taking air 
threw Boston into a flame, where after having ofl'ered the high- 
est indigTiities to ]^I^ Oliver the ]\[ob fell upon Lieu*. Gov'' 
Ilutchinsons house & destroyed it, with every thing in it, with a 
more than Savage fury. The Same Spirit Spread itself into 
this Colony, where I suffered in common with my brother offi- 
cers the indiunitv of bein"- b\irnt in Eflio-v & of havinir everv ill 
natured thing published of me in Xewspapers in the most unre- 
strained manner. I have been called Traitor, Parricide l^- the 
hardest of Xames — am Charged with having Contributed to get 
the Stamp Act passed, & all to secure to myself the Office of 
Distributor. ' • ' ■ 

On the lO**". of SeptemV. I met with a very Extraordinary 
violence &: which Extorted from me a Declaration of renounc- 
ing the afores^. office, a particular account of which you have in 
the enclosed Xewspaper of the 27*^. of the same Sep''. Since 
that time I have been a little more at Ease, but the Colony as 
well as the Xeighbouring Provinces are in a great ferment. Our 
Assembly of last May I am told were moderate, but that of 
Oct'', have gone so far as to Vote the Stamp Act unprecedenteil 
i: unconstitutional, as you will see by the inclosed Xewspaper 
of the first Instant. The Gov'', with much difficulty got Sworn 
by four of the Council, the others refusing as thinking the Act 
of Parliament derogatory to the rights of the Colony; — these 
four Sc the Gov^. are all now threatned in the highest manner 
with political death, so strong are the peoples resentments 
against the Stamp Act. It has been generally concluded not to 
use any Stamp papers, but to lie still this winter in full Confi- 
dence that you will repeal the Act ; if you dont I cannot tell yuu 



\vliat5 to be done next. For mx own part I shall be glad it may 
be repealed, altbo I was sure in that case to be almost trampled 
upon. You know I did not aid or assist in bringing the Stamp 
Act upon us, but was as unwilling to have it pass as any man 
could possibly be. You know also, I believe, that the Office of 
distributer was first mentioned to me by W. AVhately without 
my seeking or even before I thought of it. 

If the Stamp Act should be abated only, pray attempt to takt- 
off the whole of matters testamentary; that branch of thp dutv 
makes a gToat uneasiness & is really burdensome upon our 
Small Estates. The Registry- of Deeds will be very burden- 
some, or rather inconvenient, as we register in books, tt will 
amount to but little. Process before Single Justices to the 
amount of forty Shillings, being mostly for debt, falls princi- 
pally upon the poor. AVe had rather have a little than nothing 
at all ; a repeal of the whole is what we wish for. 

TTe have had a great Congress, as you will hear, whose 
representations *t petitions will be sent to you, as also instruc- 
tions from this Colony how to prefer & urge the same. The 
matter of your right to tax us you will see is uppermost 
& mixt in with all the other matter. How far these Peti- 
tions will serve us I cant tell. I hope you will do Every thing 
in your power to obtain for them a reception & hearing, how- 
ever different from your Judgment they are dra\\Ti. You will 
Easily see by Every thing we say or do on this side the water 
that our Xotions of our Constitutions »ic rights are such as I 
suspect you on your side will call Xotions of independance— 
where & how things will end I dont know. 

Some think the distresses of the people occasioned bv the 
want of the Stamp papers will move them to desire the Assembly 
to apply to me to distribute them, in which Case I should not bo 
against doing it, notwithstanding what has passed; but with- 
out such request from the Publick or being Convinced that it is 
the general inclination of the people to make Use of them. I 
shall not think my dwelling or person safe was I to attempt it. 
nor yet incline to have the business ; — indeed at present it is as 
much as a persons life is worth to make use of Stampt paper. 


Think for me in ray critical Scituation »S: be so good as to let 
me know what I ought to do ; in the mean time T will hope for 
better times. Yon cannot Easily conceive the perplexity of 
Scituation I have been in. between my Obligation &: duty of 
Office on one side and the rage of a distracted multitude on the 
other, &• for weeks together I have been under Constant Appre- 
hensions, at least for my house k Substance. 
\Yith Comp'. to all friends 

I remain Y^ most Obe'^. Humb^ Serv*. ' ' 

J Ingersoll. 

P. S. I perceive you have had a great revolution of Ministry 
since I left you, but that they Expect they shall be able to return 
things back into their former Channel again. I care not who 
are in, so they are friends to America. — A Map of this Colony 
drawn by one Mott, one of our people, is lately sent over to the 
Secretary of State, which I shall be glad you will see. I think 
it is done in a very accurate as well as Elegant manner. — The 
Go\''. did all he could to prevent the Extremes that have hap- 
pened, but you know he has little power as Gov'. This Colony 
is Eighty thonsand pounds in debt, arrears of taxes that cannot 
be collected by reason of the poverty of those on whom they 
are laid. 

Dec^ 19. this Letter was dispatched A: recalled on a Surmise 
that I had wrote something detrimental to the Colonies inter- 
ests. To prevent all Suspicion for the future I shall write no 
letters across the water but such as are absolutely necessary till 
things ar^ more settled than they now are. I hope you will be 
the Colonies friend, whatever some people here may think of me, 
and I hope I can yet say with a much greater man than myself, 
^'Whatever Errors I have committed in Publick life I have 
always loved my Country ; whatever faults may be objected to 
me in private life, I have always loved my friend ; whatever 
Usage I have received from my Country, it shall never make me 
break with her; wliatever Usage I have received from my 
friends, it shall never make me break with one of them while I 


think him a friend to niv Country." I have received much 
undeserved favour and good at the hands of m_v Country, (t 
shall I not hear with a little Abuse, especially upon so irritating 
an Occasion as the Stamp Act. 

Let W. Whately know I dont think it best for me to write to 
him just now, but shall be glad to hear from him. 

Shew as much of this as you shall think necessary on my Ace", 
to the Commiss". of Stamps, if you shall find that my Letter to 
them dispatched with this shall by any means miscarry. 

J. L" 
E. Jackson Esq'. - " " ' 


Letter to the Stamp Commissioxeks. 

]^: Haven Dec^ 2: 1765 
!May it please Y"". Hon\ 

In my last which was of y' 2^^. Ult. T acquainted you fully 
with the Several Occurrences I met with since my Arrival in 
these parts &: with the disposition of the people with regard to 
the Stamp papers. I have now further to acquaint you that 
the people in this Colony as well as Elsewhere continue, &: if 
possible increase in their opposition to the Act & seem deter- 
mined, at all Events, not to Submit to it. As there is there- 
fore no prospect of my being able to Serve Either them or hi- 
Majesty in the Office of Distributer for this Colony, I have to 
Desire that their Lordships of the Treasury will Excuse me 
from tliat office. We flatter ourselves here that there will be w" 
Occasion for any Xew A})pointment, as hoping the Act will !"■ 
repealed this Session. The office is at this time the most odi'>n- 
here in America of any thing that can well be imagined. 1 
have found myself in the most distressed Seitnation between tlu' 
Obligations of my Office t.\: the resentments of y^ people, I"'-' 
hope it will not be long before I shall be rid of both. 

* From the manuscript copy of !Mr. IngersoU's letter. ptiMisheil a1-n i" '"" 
Letters relating to the Sta»ip-Act. 


I have not as yet rec'^. anv Letter from the Board. I shall 

take the best Care I can to secure the Staijip papers for his 

Majestys Use vl' take such Steps to that End as the Xature & 

Circumstances of things shall require *L' admit of. 

I am 

Y\ Hon^ most Obed^ 

" . ' •• & most Ilumb^ Serv'. 

J Ingersoll.* 
To the Hon^ Com', of Stamps 


: Letter to William Samuel Johxsox. 

]ST-IIaven 2 Dec^ 1765 

it is a time when mankind Seem to think they have a right 
not only to Shoot at me with the Arrow that flyeth by Day, l)ut 
to Assassinate me in the dark, as you will see by the inclosed 
Letter which I desire you will be so good as to read, then Seal & 
Deliver to the person to whom directed, and to let him know 
that you are acquainted with the Contents, or not, as you shall 
think best. The truth is I Strongly Suspect that /. 'M\ 
Chandler was not the Original Author of the Story. 

tis pretty certain that my letters have been intercepted & 
broke open— they were sent to X York by ^P. John Ray— he 
was at our 'M\ Chandlers after I gave them to him cl' he, W. 
Chandler, saw them in his hands. This I happened to know 
only by M^ Chandlers dropping such a word some little time 
ago; further I have not been able as yet to trace the matter. 
Xow if you tliink proper, I shall be glad you will send for y,>ur 
Xeighbour Chandler to ^v' house. «S: if ho will to talk freely v' 
whole matter ; it may be he will Consider you as a mediator, as 
indeed I wish you would l>e, and settle y* matter. I want only 
a reasonable Satisfaction & am willing you should be Judae of 
that. . . ...-,. ■-. "■.^. :-.. : ..•.•.,.,^.. : : ." - 

•From the manuscript copy, published also in Letters reJatlnfj to the 



were ever times like these ? any man has it in his power at 
this time by suggesting any ill natnred thing about what he mav 
suppose I have wrote either about publick or private atfairs, to 
Occasion a Deputation of a Gonial from a Body of People con- 
sisting of not less than three or four thous*^ men, to come to me 
& tell me if I will satisfy 'em in the matter by letting that body 
of people see the Copies of my Letters it will be well — if I 
wont they cannot promise in what way they will see Cause to 
resent it — that it was with difficulty they could keep them from 
publishing in Xews papers the whole matter which had been 
reported, even without Enquiring of me or otherwise any fur- 
ther about it. The Gentlemen who came to me upon the Sub- 
ject were Captains Liddle & Cleveland & Cap*. Asah\ Fitch; 
they appeared friendly — behaved with Candor »S: Declared them- 
selves Satisfyed with what I had wrote. I found my self under 
that kind of Xecessity above described of Delivering out to them 
y* Copies of y^ Letters I had wrote to y^ Com^ of Stamps »L' to 
]\r AVhately with a number of other Copies & original Letters A: 
which I conclude will be publickly read to Large numbers of 
people t&r that before the originals (some of them) will have 
half reached the persons to whom they are directed — which you 
know will be Esteemed a great indecency by people who are not 
distracted with the present times. Xot only so but in private 
Letters altho' there should be nothing wicked or offensive you 
know how disagreeable it must be to have ones own most free 
thoughts like tete a tete Conversations proclaimed aloud on the 
house tops, ' , ■ ■ ■■ ■ .,',■• 

the Substance of what I have wrote home in those Letters is 
giving 'a general it I l)elieve it will be thought a very Just \' 
Candid Account of the publick transactions relative to the 
Stamp Act ; as to y*" particular matters alledged I have said, not- 
withstanding all the hardships I have undergone in this affair. 
I shall 1)0 glad to have t;he Stamp Act repealed, that in that Case 
I shall ])e glad to drown my little interests in the general good — 
that T shall be gla<l to suffer all, to bear all without regret or 
recompenee — that if it is intended to Abate of y" Act only T 
suggest what Articles I think oudit to be taken oft' with some uf 


/ reasons. I press M^ Jackson to do his utmost to obtain for 
the Petitions a hearing kc. I inform them that some people 
think v" distresses of y" people will oblige them to ask me to fur- 
nish them with the Stamp papers— which if it should happen in 
a gen', way & f Assembly desire me to do it, I should not think 
myself so bound by my promise of renunciation but that I 
should do it, but that I could not do it without such gen\ Invi- 
tation, A: that many thought the people would suffer death & 
Every Evil before they would Submit to y' Act as thinking 
from tbat moment they shall Commence Slaves &c <S:c. In 
short I wiote in as strong terms as I d [missing] considering the 
Board of Com^ I knew (whatever may be thought here) ''will 
consider me as their Officer bound as well by my Obligation as 
otherwise to do every thing that I properly & reasonably could 
to Carry f Act into Execution, until some other should be 
appointed in my r,om. I tell them that if any kind of force 
must be used, as guarding y^ Officer or y^ like, I must ask to be 
excused & that their Lu-dships of y^ Treasury will appoint some 
other person; in short to that p [missing]" in general that I 
cannot be their distributer unless y« people of f Colony are 
willing I should, & Volenti non fit injuria you know. " The 
Gentlemen who came to m? found no fault with these Senti- 
ments, said they were y" same that were mentioned at Weathers- 
field etc and that if it should so happen that before these things 
can be kiiown at home ,S: proper Answers & new Appointments 
made, f people in gen\ should conclude to take y^ Stamps it 
would doubtless be my duty to supply them with them; but 
there is no danger of this as I fully acq^^iint y^ board, telling 
them what y« Assembly have Voted .^- that it is"" even dangerous 
for any person to talk of a Submission to y^ Act. Let me hear 
from you upon the Subject of this Letter as soon ^s conveniently 
you can. There are but few friends at this Day wn-^m I dare 
trust with my whole heart. You arc one of them. 
I am y". »S:c 

J. Ingersoll.* 

*Thi* letter is taken from tlie niamisoript collections bclonginj^ to the 
Connecticut Historical Socictij. 




W". S : Johnson Esq''. 

■ . Letter of Richard Ray. 

Xew York December 12''': iTCo 
^r : Ingersall 

Sir — Yours of the 2^: Instant I but yesterday Rec'^: or 
should have imcdiately answered it, by it I find that I am Sus- 
pected of Opening & Communicating the Contents of the letters 
you Sent by me to be forwarded to England ana am surprised 
from what such suspicion Should arise. There has been no 
opportunity to forward them since thej' have ieen in my Care or 
should have sent them as directed. In oraer to Clear mv self 
from being thought the opener & Coramu]:icator of the Contents 
of letters, that I had undertaken to serve a friend in forward- 
ing, I am under the Xessessity of Returning them, from which 
by the impression of your Seal you Can Determine wether such 
Suspicion is Justly founded. Yot: have them here inclosed : 
the Ship Grace Cap^ Pell will Sail for London in about 10 or 
12 Days, by whom I should have sent them, but as I am sus- 
pected of Communicating tlie Contents of what I never knew, to 
Clear my self I have Returned them : <t am 

. . ... S^• Yourllumb': Serv^• 

•- . • : ■' Rich'': Rav.* 

Letter of Joiix Chandler. ' - ■' 


tave rec'^. your favor of 2"^ instant. Should readily have 
given y' intclliuvnei' cV satisfaction you requird, had not the 
middle of your Epistle contained several menaces, which led me 

*A young mereliaut, son of Jolui Ray, of New York, died 17S4. 


to conclude j^ I should be calld to clear myself in a more pub- 
lick manner «ic being not concious of guilt, I care not to flee when 
unjustly persued or to be intimidated to the humour of any 
man. However, would let you know that I was not the orig- 
inal of any report made to Col^ Putnam ; neither was I ever 
guilty of making up of or even thinking of those expressions 
you charge me with, demanding "wheitlier I had them from 
another or not" ; k y* what was said if tracd back will come 
directly on a professd friend of yours who said, as I am informd, 
that he had the same words from your own mouth, but as men- 
tioning names would innevitably make breaches in a valuable 
friendship, I shall decline it to the last extremity. Am how- 
ever sorry to find y* a fals suspition raisd immagination, or a 
report as you say hath bin to you of bad consequence, although 
you had the pleasure to hear the com"^ "say they were satisfied 
with your conduct k found the story to be groundless." 
Remain S'^ your wrongfully suspected 
hum^ Serv' 

Stratford 15'^ Decemb 1TG5 

[For • . ■ : . . 

■ Jared Ingersol Esq' .- , 
i^. Haven] 

Jn° Chandler.* 

Letter of '\Yillia:m Samuel Joiixsox. 

Dear Sr": 

Agi'eable to my promise I have confer'd several times with 
]\P. Chandler on the subject of your Letters to him, & to me. 
He utterly disclaims having Originated any part of the Story 
himself, but says he deliver'd it precisely as he received it from 
his Friend, who had it from a Person who receiv'd it from an 

•John Chriniller, liorn 1730. died 170.>. \v;\~ gnidnated at Yale in 1750, 
and served as Tutor in 1 70 1-03. Hi- fatlit-r's ^^econd cousin, Joshua 
Chandler (Yale 1747), was a prominent citizen of Xew Haven. 


intimate Friend of yonr's, ^vlio collected it from a Conversation 
with you upon the subject of Stamps. But he will not be per- 
suaded to mention the Xames of those thro' whom it came. He 
also insists the alfair was not represented to him nor h/j him in 
the Terms you mention, nor in any Lanj^-uage that could con- 
vey such Idea's, or indeed anything like them. By his Account 
of the matter he only represented, that you had wrote to the 
Commissioners of Stamps cN: to :\Ir. AVhately upon the suljject, 
without mentioning, or pretending to point out the purport of 
your 'Letters; and supposes that the People to the Eastward have 
thence Imagin'd that you must have wrote in the manner thev 
have represented. They have in Truth excellent Imaginations 
in that part of the Country, and it would not be verv surprisein<^ 
to hnd a story ot this kind exaggerated amongst them. To dis- 
cover the Person's thro" whose hands this story came to him, :Sh\ 
Chandler thinks would be a breach of Friendship unpardon- 
able in him, unless under an absolute necessity to do it, and it 
would also he thinks make a disagrcable breach between you A: 
y\ Friend who took it first from you ; but was he at Liberty he 
says he could by Evidence exculpate himself. I told him you 
would run the venture of the breach with your Friend, <S: desired 
him to see his Author who might perhaps consent to have his 
name mention'd. He took time to do it, but still gave me the 
same answer. He alledges that he had not the least Intention to 
misrepresent or Injure you, «t if he has been the means of douvj: 
it, the transgression was involuntary, and he hopes you will take 
no farther notice of it. He add's finally that he expects to be at 
Xew Haven this week, when he will wait upon you i- have a 
farther Eclaircissment upon the subject. I hope by compare- 
ing liis representation of the matter with what you have frr.ui 
others, you will be able to discover who has been the Calum- 
niator, k cause him to do you right; towards which if I can be 
farther useful you will freely command 

■'•• T)\ S^ Y^ most affectionate humble Serv'. 

'• W"". Sam\ Johnson. 

Doc^ IG'^ 17G5 


Letter to the Stamp Commissioxers. 

X Haven Jan^ 4'^ 176G 
May it please Y\ Hon". 

Upon my first arrival in these parts I found Every thing full 
as quiet with Regard to y^ Stamp Act as I Expected, knowing 
the same would at least be very unwelcome to the people ; but 
soon after the Virginia Eesolves began to be spread abroad, the 
peoples Spirits took fire & burst forth into a blaze. The plan 
adopted by the populace was to force the Stamp Officers to a 
resignation of their offices & then to proceed in business as 
usual without Stampt paper. Open violences first began at 
Boston, where ]\r. Oliver suffered in the manner you must be 
particularly acquainted with before now ; then the Lieu*. Gov'". 
& so on to Rhode Island & this Colony. I suffered in this Col- 
ony in Conmion with my Brother Officers Elsewhere the indi"-- 
nity of being burnt in Efiigy in many Towns ^l' of having Every 
ill natured tiling said of me in Xewspapers in the most unre- 
strained manner, & was besides under constant Apprehensions 
for some time, at least for my house & Substance, from the 
threats of y^ people because I would not resigTi, as they called it, 
that is, declare I would not officiate in my Office. 

In this Critical Scituation between the Obligations & Duty 
of my Office on one hand and the resentments & even rage of 
y^ people on the other, I declared publickly that I would not 
Exercise the Office of Distributer if generally disagreeable to 
the people, but would seek a dismission from it ; indeed I knew 
if y^ people should generally Determin to run the risque of a 
non Compliance with the Act of Parliament, it would be to 
little purpose for me or any other to hold the Office. 

I hoped this would have stopt the fury of y" people, but it 
had little or no effect. Accordingly on the lO**". of Sept^ I met ' 
with a Violence which Extorted from me a Declaration of 
renouncing the Office in the manner as you will see particularly 
described in the inclosed Newspaper of y^ 27'''. of y*" same 
Sept^ to whifh T beg leave to Refer y.iu. 

As our Gon\ Assembly sets annually in Oct""., I chose to wait & 
see hoAvfary*" people, when Cooler, would discover an inclination 



to liave & make use of the Stampt papers, as I should certainly 
have thought it my Duty, notwithstanding all that had passed, 
to have distributed the papers to the people, had they generally 
or the Assembly desired it, at least until I could have heard from 
the Board, & this y^ people have known; but you will see by the 
other Xewspaper of y' 1''. of Xov^ that the Assembly as well as 
people are sufficiently opposed to y^ Stamp Act. The Gov'. 
got sworn to y' Observance of it, but much Clamour of many of 
y' people has ensued. In short, such is y'' general opposition 
that no man at this time would Venture to make Use of Stampt 
- paper, was it Ever so Easy to be come at, and it would be 
dangerous to punish any breaches of y^ Act. 

It has been generally Concluded by the people not to transact 
any business this winter that requires the Use of Stampt paper, 
in hopes the Parliament Avill repeal the Act; if they should not, 
I cannot tell what will be done next, only in general that 
According to the present Appearance of things the people seem 
Determined to Sulfer Every Evil, rather than Submit to it. 

I have Advised with the Go\^. about Suffering the Stampt 
papers that have Arrived at X : York to be bro*. into this Col- 
ony. He is clearly of my opinion that it is by no means Safe, 
as w^e have no Strong hold to place them in, & the people in the 
most open manner declare they will Seize «!' take them from me 
as soon as they shall ari-ive. In short, you must be fully Con- 
vinced from the Accounts which you will be continuallv 
receiving from all quarters that it is at present Absolutely 
impossible for me or any other person to take a Single Step in 
the Office in this Colony : A: I am glad, by f help of the Gov', of 
Xew "York el' Gen^ Gage whose aid for that purpose I have 
requested, to preserve the papers from being destroyed. Such 
are the times here vt almost Every where else throughout y' Con- 
tinent of America. I myself have suffered Shipwreck of my 
reputation among the people for accepting this very Obnoxious 
Office, S: after havin^' run the risque of Even life itself in 
endeavouring to Discharge y' Obligations A: Duty of v'^ Oliicc 
which T am under, T see no way but to ask for a Dismission from 
the same & to set down contented with the resentments of v' 


people for my reward. They generally indeed say they are as 
willing I should have the Office as another, but that they have no 
need, nor will have any. 

Your favour of y* 13'^ of Sept'', giving an Acc°. of one parcel 
of Stampt paper X° 1 shipt on board the Edward, Cap^ Davis, 
also X°. 2 p^ Cap*. Haviland, & y°. 3 p^ Cap\ Tillet, I rec"! 
the 2-2^ Ult, together with my Deputation &; Instructions; also 
y. favour of the 11*^. of Oct"", giving an Acc°. of one parcel of 
Stampt paper shipt for Boston on Board the John & Sukey, 
Cap'. Bruce, X°. 40, not yet arrived, I rec'*. the 27'^ Ult. I 
have taken Care as mentioned above to have these taken proper 
Care of ^ protected as they arrive, but I could not possibly, was 
I to attempt it, open those parcels or do any one thing with 

Former Letters of mine to the Board, giving a very full & par- 
ticular Acc° of y^ Occurrences that I have met with since com- 
ing home, have been obliged to be recalled & thereby a Delay of 
Information has happened, but I hope no other inconvenience. 
You cannot easily conceive the perplexed as well as distressed 
Scituation I have been in, and shall hope for your Candor & 
Excuse accordingly. 

You have one Letter from me before this which I trust will 
get to you, bearing Date 2^. lit. '' ' 

. , I am (Sic. 

J. I.* 

To y^ Hon\ Comm\ of Stamps 

Advertisement ix the Coxxecticft Gazette. 

"Whereas I have lately received two anonymous Letters, call- 
ing on me (among other Things) to give the Publick some fur- 
ther Assurance with regard to my Intentions about exercising 
the Office of Distributer of Stam]->s for this Colony, as some 
others have done since receiving our Commissions or Deputa- 

* From a copy prrscrvptl aTiion<r ^^Ir. Iii^iorsoll's iiiamiscripts ; publisliod 
also in hi> Letters rchitinq to the Stamp Act. 


tions of Office for that Purpose ; and that I confirm the same by 
Oath. And altho' I don't think it best ordinarily to take Xotice 
of such Letters, nor yet to take Oaths upon such Kind of Occa- 
sions ; yet (as I have good Reason to think those Letters came 
from a large ]Srnmber of People belonging to this Colony, and 
do respect a Subject of a very interesting Xature, and the pres- 
ent Times being peculiarly difficult and critical, and I myself 
at no Loss or Difficulty about making known ray Resolutions 
and Intentions respecting the Matter aforesaid) I have con- 
cluded to make the following Declaration and to confirm the 
same by an Oath ; tluit is to say, 

1. I never was nor am I now desirous, or even willing, to 
hold or exercise the aforesaid Office, contrary to the Mind and 
Inclination of the general Body of People in this Colony. 

2. I have for some Time been and still am persuaded, that 
it is the general Opinion and Sentiment of the People of this 
Colony (after mature Deliberation) that the Stamp Act is an 
Infringement of their Rights and dangerous to their Liberties, 
and therefore I am not willing, nor will I, for that and other 
good and sufficient Lieasons, as I suppose, (and which I hope 
and trust will excuse me to those who appointed me) exercise the 
said Office against such general Opinion and Sentiment of the 
People : and, generally and in a AVord, will Xever at all, by 
myself or otherwise, officiate under my said Deputation. And 
as I have, so I will, in the most effectual Manner I am able, 
apply to the proper Board in England, for a Dismission from 
my said Office. 

J. Ingersoll. 
■ Xew-ITaven, ss. Jan. 8, 17G6. 
Then personally appeared Jared Ingersoll, Esq., and made 
Oath to the Truth of the foregoing Declaration, by him sub- 
scribed. Before me, 

DAXIEL LYMAX, Just. Peace. 

As to the Letters and Papers which I lately delivered out nf 
my Hands, I beg leave to acquaint the Publick that T <lid 
not expect there would have been any Publications of theui 

1 ,i V 


(especially of any particular detaclied Sentences) but by me, or 
by mutual Consent ; — that those Paragraphs which have lately 
been published in the Xew-London Gazette, I conceive to be, in 
some Parts, by some IMistake, ditferentlv worded from the Orig- 
inals, and commented upon very differently from what I 
imagine would be thought the true Meaning was the whole of all 
my said Letters and Papers published together. This I intend 
shall be done as soon as I shall recover the Papers again; and 
in the mean Time shall hope the Publick will not undertake to 
make a full Judgment in the Matter. And this I think may 
well be done, as those particular Letters at which L^mbrage has 
been taken are recalled ; and if, by :\ristake or otherwise, any 
Thing was said in them that was liable to a Construction dis- 
favourable to the Colony or to any particular Persons, I shall 
be always ready to put every Thing to rights whenever They 
shall call upon me for that Purpose ; and to prevent all Trouble 
of the Kind for the future, shall take Care to write no Letters 
abroad (until Times are more settled than they now are) with- 
out first shewing them to such Gentlemen as, at this Day, will be 
entirely confided in. 

[From The Connedicut Gazette, January 10, 1766.] 

Letter to the Stamp Commissioners. 

'X: Haven Jan^. 10: 1766 
-May it please y' Hon". 

Since ^ly last to the Poard I have been Obliged to take an 
Oath not to Exercise the Ofiice of Distributer of Stamps for this 
Colony, mnch for the Reasons .t at that kind of Eo.|Ucst of v^ 
people which has occasioned :\r. Oliver A: some others to do the 
Like. T:s difticult d: I believe needless for me to undertake to 
Explain these things to you. I can only say in general that the 
greatest part of America is at present in a Scituation altogether 
incompatible with the being of any Stamp Otficcs in it, and 
as it is now absolutely impossible for me in Every view of v^ 


matter to OfBciate in mv Ofiice, I have humbly to ask & hope that 

I may be Officially dismissed therefrom. I shall take Care to 

do my utmost to preserve y^ Stamp papers Dispatched for this 

Colonv, ».^' am 

Y'. ^lost OV. ke 

J. L* 

To the Hon'. Com^ of Stamps 

Letters of Dr. Bexja^iix Gale. 

Killiugworth 13^^ Jan^ 1765 [eiTor for 1766] 
Dear S^ 

I receiv*^ your Fav''. »&: the several Packctts Inclos'd jnst after 
I had returnM from Saybrook whither I went to send some 
Messengers over to the Bal>el Convention,! some who I jiidg'd 
might have some Influence to I\[itigate their Rage & Folly, viz 
Cor Willard & Cap* Shipman,! the Two Saybrook Members — 
beside several Pimps & Smugiers to Gull the Rabble & sift out 
every thing that passes from Head Quarters. I had thoughts of 
going my self but to tell the truth I was both asham'd and 
afraid, asham'd to be seen in the Comp^ of so brainless, thought- 
less, designing, tiudesigning Rabble, afraid of being included 
with them %vhcn they are whipt, for without the Spirit of 
Prophcsey I can foretell. Stamp Act Repeal'd or not repeal'd. 
such proceedings will meet with Rubbers in the Head if not the 
Tail. However after the Receipt of your Packet I had gone 
over had I not Previously Engag'd my self for Middletown on 
that very day in an Important Case — however as soon as I 
return will give you the Best Accounts my Embasseudors can 

* From tlio manuscript copy among the Tnj.'ersoll papers; published in 
Letters relatinn to the Stump Art. 

t A meeting of tlic people of New London County was called to nuvt in 
Lyme on January 14. to discuss the situation of public atTairs. 

t Samuel Willnrd and John Shipnian were the Deputies from Saybrook 
to the last General Assenildv. 


A more wicked Sceein I think never was on foot in this Colony 
to destroy iis. But Quern deus vult perdere prius dementat. 

The ^Manuscript I mentioned to you is an historical Ace* of 
the several Factions wh. have subsisted in this Colony, ori^nat- 
ing with the X London Society"^ — thence metamorphisd into the 
laction for paper Emissions on Loan, thence into X Light, into 
y*" Siisquehannah k Delaware Factions — into Orthodoxy — now 
into Stamp Duty — the Actors the same, each Change drawing 
in some Xew Members — but it contains such Stubborn Facts & 
will so Blacken some mens Coats that I fear the Author would 
not Long survive the Impression. 

Your private Letters to me will make the Best Improvement 
if I am able to serve your Cause in my occasional Jornies in y* 
Country. I may not at this time add but that 
I am S"^ your frind 
. " & most IIum\ Serv*. 

■ ■-■-'■■'■: - B Gale. 

P. S. as I write free by your boy I trust you will not 
Expose it. . •.- 

[To /J. •■•^ : V. :.-,.. ■^■.- - y ■ 

Jared Ingersol Esq' . • V .■ ■■•.''■' 

-at ••. ■ '•.. . ■ 

^N" Haven] ; ,- :.: ::. . -- ' • ' 

Killingworth S FebM766 
S^ . 

As you requested in y'^ Last to me to know the result of the 
Lime Congress, having never before had an Opp^ that I could 
safely A-onture, I now wouM Inform, of which no doubt you 
have before this time had Intelligence, that your Letters in the 
general were well approved, or at least that you do not deserve to 
be damnM for them, k that there still is a day of Grace for you. 
But with regard to the main Business that I sent some over to 

* "'Tlie Xew London Society United for. Tradt- ami Coniinfrce" 'was 
charterwl in 1732. but it> coiirsp in is^nin^r hill-; of credit reseiiihling tlie 
paper currency of the Colony caused its downfall in 1733. 


penetrate the Secret Views of their herding together, I have 
learnt from Good Authority, from those who are in the Seercrs 
of the Chib, their design is to fix and unite on Men, who thcv 
conceive will serve their Turn, that the final conclusions are ni.t 
yet made. One of the men I procured to go made Application 
to know what men we should Fix on "Westward. It was 
Answer'd, Co^. AValker " was well Qualified. My Agent then pro- 
posed M"" Eowland,"^ but was answer'd by a sig-nificative Shake 
of y® Head, which shew'd how Ignorant he was in men k xlu-n 
reply'd, no, by no means, M"" Eowland is a man of too much 
Sense, he will not answer by any means, and very readily men- 
tioned M^ Davenporf^' : to be short, tbey have taken Measures 
that from their early date tt too great Forwardness, will overset 
their System of Politicks. They begin, the more sensible part, 
to be ashamed of the thing. Others see clearly through their 
Designs, k Dispise the thing when it appears to them puris 
nafuralibus from a principle of Honesty natural to Humane 
Xature and I think I can venture to predict that no Alterations 
will happen in y*' Council imless the dropping M"" Sheldon for 
Sam^ Johnson. 

I hear you are appointed Judge of Admiralty for Connecticut 
&-C — £800 Sallary; if true I Heartily Congratulate you. 
■ I am S'' 

Your Most Hum^ Serv* 

B. Gale 
[ Jared Ingersol Esq'' 


X Haven . . - 

p^M^ Elliot] 

*Elisha Sheldon, of Litchfield, -Rol-CTt Walker, of Stratford. Ahrahan: 
Davenport, fif Stamford, and Sanuiel William Johnson, of Stratford. ^M-r ■ 
elected to the Gi)vernor's Coimcil in the folloM'ing May; David Eowhuil 
of Fairfield, was not elected. 

jaked ixgeesoll papers, 17g5-6g. 375' 

Letter to ax U^'kxowx Coerespoxdext. 

'New Haven Feb^ 1'' 1766 

You will be pleased to take the following Account as an 
Answer to the Objections wich vou mention as made to my 
Conduct relative to the Stamp Act. And first as to my being 
y* Colonies Agent last year, the Facts are these. I sailed from 
X London for England the 20 Day of October 176-i and 
arrived in London y* 10 of Dec"" following. I went on my own 
Business, and not charged with any affairs of the Colony. 
About the middle of Jan'", tS: about two or three Weeks as I 
remember before the Stamp Bill was carried into Parliment, I 
receiv'd a Letter from the Gov"", acquainting me that the 
Assembly in Oct"" (wich must have been after I sailed) had by 
their Vote desired me to assist the Colonies Agent during my 
stay in England. This I did to y^ best of my Ability, not only 
in y^ Affair of y^ Stamp Act, but in Masons and other Affairs ; 
but as to my haveing receiv'd any Monies or other thing as a 
reward for these Services, there is no foundation for y^ Story. 
I have neither Asked for, had or receiv'd any thing therefor in 
any way or manner whatever. 

There is not in those Letters wich I lately delivered out of 
my Llands one word about a Change of Government is [ ? as] 
lately printed in y^ X — London Gazette, nor do I therein say 
that y^ Gov'' & four Consellers who Swore him or any other per- 
son in y*" Colony are Freinds to y^ Stamp A-t, but the contrary 
as I should construe y^ Expressions in my Letters. The Truth 
is that I endeavoured in those Letters to give y® Commissioners 
of Stamps or others to whom I wrote a pretty ample tS: full Xar- 
rative of the several Transactions in y*" Colony wich were Pub- 
lick, in Order as well to serve myself for not having com- 
l)orted with my Obligations &■ Bond of otlice as to shew to y* 
People abroad the Quantity or kind of Opposition that was 
made by y^ People of the Colony to the Stamp Act. I thought 
it ]>est tt indeed in some measure Xecessary for me so to do, but 
whether it was altogether ])rudent for me to do it. or whether I 
did not mistake the Sentiments of some Gentlemen whose Con- 


duet in certain Transactions I had occasion to mention (tlio I 
dont mention any Xames) I -will not undertake to say, and those 
Letters are recalled [and I?] did freely submit them to such 
alterations as should be candidly advised too. In a Word I 
have the Ojiinion of Gentlemen of AVorth who have seen those 
Letters, that the Publick have no Eeason to take L'mbrage or bo 
irritated at any Thing I have Said or Wrote in them: at the 
same Time it is not impossible but they & every judicious person 
may think that some Things contained in them had better been 
left out than to have been inserted. They are recalled vL' what- 
ever harm they might have done had they been transmitted are 
prevented. I shall publish these A: all my other Letters lately 
delivered out, as soon as I shall recover them, unless I shall be 
advised to defer it for some little Time. 

I have always Thought &: Said on both Sides y^ Water that 
for America to be taxed by a British Parliment was in my 
humble Opinion of dangerous Tendency, how^ever many & 
urgent y* Reasons might be on the side of Parliment to come 
into such a measure ; but after they had done it, I did suppose 
y* People of America would most probably submit to it ; but as 
they have thought best to risque y^ Consequences of a non Sub- 
mission, & as y^ Emergences of Goverment absolutely require 
the Administration of Justice to *S: among y^ People — I cannot 
but be of Opinion that it is best for the common Law Courts to 
proceed in Business as usual, &: hope y* Courts &: others who 
may expose themselves to penalties for so doing will be saveJ 
from blame as well as harm under all the circumstances i: sit- 
uation of Affairs. ■■> ■ •• 

I myself being now placed at an absolute remove from the 
Affair of Distributor am determined to take my share of dangiT 
in this matter, and hope when y^ People see me embarked in y" 
same bottom with themselves they will think I am in earnest. 
I am S' 

your most Obr-dicnt 

. ■ Humble Servant 

J. Ingersol* 

•This letter, without address, is printed from a copy (made !>>' -^ 
careless scribe) imw in the Xcic York Public Lilrarij. 


Letters of Joseph Chew. 

l^ew London Feh"^. 5'^ 1766 
Dear Sir 

Since the Eece' of your Letter I have been from home imtill 
yesterday; it came to me so torn & worn that the Contents 
might have Leon Examined by any Person who had the Least 
Curiosity. I have seen your letters" and am surprised at the 
Clamour they have made; that to 'M' Jackson I Eead in all 
Company's at Xew Port and did not meet with a man but what 
Expressed his Astonishm*. at the Clamour. But now D" S'. 
what method do you take or who do- you Consult on those matters 
you have lately been ingaged in ? Your letters are discover'd, 
or you mention the Contents — or perhaps they are guessed at. 
A fine Country of Liberty we live in. I- have done Every 
thing in my Power to Promote the Remonstrances to the King 
^ Palernint for our Eelief ; Xever Showed the Least inclynation 
to Countenance the Stamp Act — nay I defy the Devil k his 
Imps of his own and this world to say I ever dirictly or Indi- 
rictly had or Ever thought of having any thing to do with the 
Act. What is more, have found fault with you for not at once 
giving up the Office ; and will you believe me I am now become 
the attention of the Sons of Liberty who are desired by some of 
their western friends Closely to watch ^^ observe my Actions and 
motions, for that I Carry on a very traterous & wicked Cor- 
respondance with you. This I have from such Persons as the 
truth is not to be questioned. If any Person in this Colony sus- 
pects me and had told me so, I would Convince them, but' shall 
Really think it very hard if this Suspicion is set on Foot by 
Strangers "who neither know me or the People, and shall think 
mankind worse than I hope they are to give Credit to such 
Rei)orts. I may Perhaps see you one of these days when I shall 
say more; in the mean time believe me to be D' S' 

Y^ very Ilbl Serv^ 

Jos Chew 

*ilr. Infrersoll's letters are those published by him in tlie Connecticut 
Gazette since the last summer. 


There was no Copvs of y"" Letters printed in the X London 

Jared Ingersoll Esq^ " • • ^ - 

X. Haven] • . . ' 

Dear Sir 

AVe jnst now have the very airrcable news from Boston that a 
Ship is arrived there that has Ero\ papers to the 27*^ of Dee'', in 
which is his Majestys Speech to Both Ilonses of Parliment. 
Vei'y Favoiirahle fis said towards his Ajncrican Suhjects, that 
Private Letters say the Stamp Act will Certainly be Bepealled 
or Suspended — no matter which, so we do but get Clear of it. I 
most earnestly pray that these Favourable accounts may Prove 

I have your Letter of the lO'''. by the last Post. All I know 
of the unjust Suspicions which have been Propagated of my 
being a Friend to the Act is that I am told it has been wrote 
from Xew York to the Sons of Liberty here that I have Carryed 
on a pernitious and Dangerous Correspondance with you. an^l 
that great Care should be taken to keep Every thing secret from 
me, or you wotild be acquainted with it, for that I was sttrely a 
Friend to the Act or a Tool to Power. Very fine & Cleaver this. 
is it not ? — and wdiat I very Little Expected to be laid to my 
Charge. T am told ]\P Ledlie^ saw this Letter, & what I think 
hard is, as I had Let him see those I had from you, that he di'I 
not at once Contradict the Report which he knows is unjust : biu 
it appears to me in all things of this Sort it seems Xecessary t" 
say one thins- to a Persons Face and another behind his Back. 
God knows that no man AYishes his Cottntrys good more than I 
do — and I dare say would go as great Lenghths to serve it n^ 

* Captain Huph Ledley. or Ledlie, of \Yindliain, Connecticut, and livi'!" 
of Xorwicli. had [ireviou.sly been a legal client of Mr. IngersoU; lie ^v.\- 
]>roniinfnt in the mob Avhicii forced IngersoU's resignation a.« Stai:ij'' 
Distributor, and Mas also afterwards sent by the .Sons of Liberty i" 
\\'indham to interview Ingursoll respecting his correspondence wiiii 


many who are now making a good deal of Xoyse. I dislike 
all Violencies and invasions of private Property Szc — neither 
do I believe you had any hand in getting the act Passed, but 
think I can Venture to Assert that you opposed the same with 
all your might &: Strength; nay more, I have said that I 
thought you was Cruelly used to be abused as you were, that I 
had not the Least objection to your being even Forced to Resig-n, 
but there I would have stopped and Left you to your Self while 
you had let the Paper lay in the Boxes »tc it was Packt up in. I 
propose seeing you one day next week &: beg you'll give My Little 
"Womans & my own best Eespects to good ]\P Ingersoll who we 
have often, yes very often thought of. Accept the same from 

Dear Sir 
X London IQ'"" Feb^ 1766 Tour very Obed* Scrv* 

Jared Ingersoll Esq^ Jos Chew 


Lettee of Gex. Gold Selleck Sillimax. 

Fairfield March 1^ 1766 

Since You suggested to me at Xew ITaven your Thoughts of 
publishing your Letters wrote to be sent Home I have thought 
further of the matter, and therefore take this Oppor*-'. to use the 
Freedom to let you know that the more I think of that matter 
the more I am conviuced that such Publication can do no Harm, 
either to the Pul)lick, Yourself or the Gent'', mentioned in them, 
but that tis more than probable that it will l)e of Eeal Service, 
especially if they are pulilished with such explanatory Xotes as 
you mentioned to me, for I well know from my own Observa- 
tion, that the General .Report that prevails among People makes 
the Contents of them dangerous to the Publick, injurious to the 
Gent", who are mentioned in them, and very prejudiciall to 
Yourself, «&: I suppose that the Publication of them will shew 
that the Contents of them have hitherto been injuriously mis- 
represented. I have communicated the nuitter to my Father, 
and he thinks that tis probable that such a Publication of them 


can do no Hurt, but that it may perhaps do good ; this I write 
because I find that my Father intends beyond X. Haven on 
^lunday and therefore tis not probable that you will see him. 

Permit me further to say that I think the Publick now have a 
Right to exspect such a Publication of them in Consequence of 
the Encouragement you have given them in a former Publica- 
tion of yours, and also in Point of equal Dealing, for it seems 
not right that a 'small Xumber of zealous People in the Col- 
ony should have them as long as they please and publish such 
Part5 of them as they think proper with their own Comments 
on them, and that a full Publication of them should be sup- 
pressed by means of those very People or rather only one of 
their Xumber. 

Xow pray S'' what is the Language of this their Conduct I is 
it not this '. that they know they have published such things of 
your Letters, that their own Consciences tell them your Letters 
will, Avhen published, shew them to have no other real Pounda- 
tion than Malevolence \ if that is the Cause of their desireing a 
Suppression of them, I think it is & ought to be the strongest 
Reason for publishing them. 

I cant but hope from all I can observe that your Troubles 
have now past their ^Eeridian and that they are upon the 
Decline. I can assure you, S'', I have been concerned for Fear 
that the Usage you have met with would have thrown you into 
a State of Melancholy, and it hurt me to the Heart in Court 
this TVeck when I heard the mean & illnatured Language i' 
Remarks Avith which You was used by a Certain Appurtenant 
of the Court ; however I am glad to find you possessed of such a 
Degree of tlie Christian as well as Philosophic Fortitude as that 
you seem eahn and unrutUcd. Your Friends this way of tht- 
Steady thinking Surt, which are not a few only, arc more at a 
loss to account for your being in your Town Vote & being to all 
Appearance in Earnest to go on with Business,* than any thing 
in your Conduct before, because say they Mr. Ingersoll knows 

• A Town ^[ectiii.Lr lii'ld in New Haven on Fehruary 3. ITOri, liad jvccin- 
mended tlio re-unijaiun of tnisiness by tlio Courts, and :\Ir. Ingoisoll >ceni-i 
to have joined in tin- Town Vote. 


that such a ]\reasnre would most certainly be a Cause of the 
Forfeiture of the Charter, <S:c. I mention not this because I am 
not satisfied with the Reasons that you o-ave me, but only to let 
you know what some People think. I shall take all Opportuni- 
ties when I hear that rnatter mentioned to use my Endeavours 
to set the matter in its proper Light you may depend upon it. 
As I think you told me you should not go the Circuit, I should 
be very glad you should improve a leisure hour to communicate 
to me any new Occurrence, or news of Importance from Home 
that may be ]:)rcper to be communicated, as I exspect you will 
now pretty Certainly soon hear from some of your Friends on 
the other Side the "Water. I have no need to subjoin any Cau- 
tion to you that it would do no good to communicate this to any 
one, or that if you write it must be by somebody that you know 
will let me have the Letter. 

I am sir Your sincere Friend and Very Hum^' Ser* 

G. Selleck Silliman." 

P. S. If you publish those Letters be so kind as to contrive 
to let me see them. I had almost forgot to tell you that on 
Tuesday next our Sons of Liberty are to meet to hear your Let- 
ters read I am told : prav how did thev aet them ? 

Jared Ingersoll Esq' 

iN^ew Haven] '. . • 

Letter to the Sta:\ip Co:mmissioxers. 

jST : Haven 5 ]\Larch 17GG 
^lny it please Your non'"\ 

Since my last I have been hon'^. with yours of 7'^. of Xov"", 
advising of a parcel of Stampt paper X". 5G, shipt for this Col- 

*Gold SelHck Silliman. son of Ebonezt-r Silliman (Yalo 1727), of Fair- 
field, Connecticut (one of the Assistants who administered the oath to 
observe the Stamp Act to Governor Fitch), and fatlier of Professor Ben- 
jamin Silliman, was born in 1732, graduated at Yale in 1752, and died 
in 1700. 


ony on board Cap*. Chambers, & which is arrived, & I believe 
Lodged in the fort at X : York. 

Yon must have heard of a quantity intended for this Colony, 
how much I cannot tell, being burnt by the Populace at X: 
York. Every thing remains here, & in the iSTeighbouring 
Provinces, much as when I wrote you last; for particulars 
must beg leave to refer you to Xews papers tS: other general 
information. . •. 

I am 

Y^. Most Obed* 
•' '" .-' l.--Humb^ Serv' ••■> - 

•' ' J. Ingersoll.^' 

P. S. I am Informed by a Letter from ]\P. Theoph'. Bache 
of jST York that the Stampt papers belonging to this Colony that 
were destroyed as above were those sent by Cap*. Haviland.f 
]\P. Bache desires there may be no more Consigned to him: — 
indeed no person I believe will receive them at Xew York nor 
does there appear any prospect that any will be wanted or made 
Use of here. 

J. L 
To the Hou^ Commr*. of Stamps 

Copy - , . ., -. 

'^ '" • ■' Letter of Richard Jacksox. 

Temple 22 March 1766 
Dear Sir, i • ,,■.;,; i ■,■ , 

I received your Letter of Xov''. cl' take the Earliest oppor- 
tunity I have had since my receipt of it, to do you the Justice of 
declaring T never did in my life perceive any disposition in you 

* From the Ingorsoll manuscripts: published in Letters relating to the 
Stamp Act. 

t The only Connecticut stamps destroyed were tliese received in the 
PoUii, of the allc'red value of £in00. Ten bales of parchment, of which 
three were designed for Connecticut, were taken out of the vessel by a mol) 
early in January, ITOt), at midnight, in New York harbor, and burnt. 


to Encourage the passing tlie Stamp Act, &. that Every thing I 
ever heard from yon tended to disswade the passing it, partic- 
ularly at the last interview ]\r. Franklin, yon i: I had with ]\r. 
Grenville on the Snljject, when he heard ns give our reasons 
against the Bills being brought in for near two hours. 

As for what passed between M^. Whately & you I am a 
Stranger to it, having never been myself privy to any measures 
taken with respect to that Act, after having formally declined 
giving any other advice on the Subject excepting that I had 
always given, to lay the project aside ; but I took the opportunity 
of asking him upon this Subject in the House the other day, 
when he informed me that what you have said in your Letter is 
in Substance true on this Subject, and if it varies at all it is in 
relating a Circumstance or two no way material. , •, . 

I am heartily Sorry for your misfortunes, but flatter myself 
that when the Stamp Act shall be forgot, as I hope it will for 
Ever, the prejudices conceived against you wall be forgot too. 

I hope no disputes about Speculative rights will keep up any 
animosities on that Subject, for I sincerely believe that Sober 
moderate men in America who deny the right of Parliament, 
while yet they apply for a repeal of a Law passed by Parlia- 
ment, must mean the same that I understand ]\F. Pitt to mean 
&; that I mean myself, for I conceive they Admit what we call 
the right, by saying Parliament has the power to make the Law. 
I conjecture that when we deny the Expediency k admit the 
right, in England, we admit only that imperial right, that is 
inseperable from a Supreme Legislature who have it as part of 
their Essence to make that legal that was illegal before; but 
which it is not to be presumed they will do in Cases that must 
be eternally improper, nor even in those that may by possibility 
become proper, unless they should become so, 
- ■ A'^ :Most Obcd' Ilumbl Serv*. 


* This letter from Riolranl Jackson, Esq.. of London, to 'Sir. Ingersoll, 
had already been printed in part in the Connecticut dazctte of June 14, 
before its inclusion in a fuot-note in Letters relating to the Stamp-Act. 

3s4 jared ixgeesoll papeur, 1765-66. 

Preface to a>'d Explaxation of Letters Relating to the 

Stamp Act. 

To the Publick.* 

About tlie beginning of last December, three persons came to 
me as a Committee from the people called the respectable popu- 
lace, then lately assembled at AA'indham, and acquainted me that 
those people had received information of my having then lately 
wrote Letters to the Commissionei^s of Stamps & others in Eng- 
land (naming to me the persons to whom I had wrote) in which 
Letters, they were told, T had advised to take away the Jurisdic- 
tion of Admiralty Courts & some two or three other matters 
from the Stamp Act, and then to inforce the same, Urging to 
have the same Crammed down, with assurances that the people 
would receive it, and the like. They let me know that those 
people were Extremely enraged at this intelligence and that it 
was with difficulty they (the Com^^\) had obtained leave to 
come &: give me an oportunity of clearing up this matter and 
which they intimated they thought could not well be done, with- 
out my giving out Copies of those Letters. They said they did 
not come to demand them of me, but that they could not answer 
for consequences if L^hould refuse to do it, as some of the peo- 
ple talkt in a Strain which I do not choose to repeat — and 
from the Story & Circumstances of the intelligence which had 
been received, tho far from being true, I did then think my 
Letters had been intercepted. 

I let the Gentlemen know that the report of what I had 
wrote was not true; Observed to them that it was very Extra- 
ordinary for me to be Obliged to Expose my private Letters, or 
to take the chance of Consequences from an exasperated people 
at a time when their resentments bordered so nearly on open 
violence, and all from meer Suggestion & hearsay; however, I 
immediately had recourse to the Copies of those Letters & read 

* Tlii3 Preface to tlie Letters relating to the Stamp-Aet. as well as an 
explanatory statement (introductory to ^[r. Ingersoll's letters of Novem- 
ber, 1705) in;serte(l in tho text of tlie same pamphlet, is liere printed from 
the manuscript draft; the date (June 2, ITOO) was altered to June 15 
on publication. 


those paragraphs to which the Story seemed to have relation, 
with whioh the Gentlemen appeared to be Satisfied. 

I therenpon conchided (this was over night) to draw Copies 
of those paragraphs onlv, together with some minutes I should 
make & give to them ; accordingly the next morning one of the 
Com^^^ came <!' T gave him such Copies i- minutes. He said on 
further thought he very much feared the people would not be 
asswaged without full Copies of Every thing Except what 
might relate to private affairs, & repeated to me the temper the 
people were in «&: the Language some of them used. Much dis- 
course was had between us upon the Subject. On the whole I 
read to him the whole of the Letters I had then lately sent away 
k askt him whether he thought the people would be more or less 
Exasperated by knowing what they contained. He said he 
believed the Letters would have a favourable Effect and advised 
me as a friend to suffer this Com"*, to take the Copies & added 
that he believed if they were shewn to some of the principle peo- 
ple they might bo kept from a publick reading as the body of the 
people would most likely be satisfyed with what they should be 
able to inform them about the same. The other two Com^. also 
coming in heard them read & Expressed themselves much in the 
same manner. ■'' "'•'■.■"■ - 

Upon this I delivered out to them those & all my other letters 
of Correspondence about the Stamp Act from the beginning, 
together with a Copy of my bond of OiKce that so one thing 
might serve to Explain another. 

When this Com'^ returned to Windham the peoples Expecta- 
tions Sz impatience I am told were so great that nothing short of 
the publick reading of my Letters would answer. This occa- 
sioned another c^- another such reading, until 1 found they had 
been made known not only to many thousands in this Colony, 
but to many persons in higher as well as lower Stations in 
Neighbouring Provinces, and that one Complcat Copy had 
been taken & certain pretended Extracts, taken upon memory or 
otherwise, given out, so very deficient ».^' to my Apprehension so 
ditferent from the true meaning of the original Letters them- 
selves, that I found myself under a Xecessity of promising the 


Publick that as soon as T should recover the Letters I would 
publish the \vhole. This has been delayed hitherto upon the 
Advice of one of the persons principally concerned in obtainini:- 
these Letters of nic. Indeed the peoples Spirits ^vere in such a 
ferment while we continued in a State of Suspense with regard 
to y* repeal of the Stamp Act that I feared a publication of them 
would answer no good purpose »t perhaps might give Occasion 
for further Crimination as to me ; but now as we are favoured 
with undoubted intelligence of its total repeal, J think I cannot 
fairly Excuse myself from fullfilling my promise to the Pub- 
lick in this particular. 

I expect very different Judgments will be passed upon these 
Letters by different persons according to their different preju- 
dices, passions and inclinations, as I find has been the Case. It 
must however be owned by all to be a peculiarly hard Case to be 
under such kind of Xecessity as I have before described of 
Exposing to the world my most Secret thoughts ct those con- 
ceived (in the later Letters) in a Sciruation the most perplexed 
with complicated difficulty cl- the most distressed that can well be 
imagined. The Extraordinary & peculiar Circumstances of the 
times must be the only Excuse on all sides. I shall therefore 
hope for as much Candor as the nature it Circumstances of the 
Case will admit of. 

The whole of these Letters are now offered to the publick 
view, (Sr however little they may avail me as to my own private 
Caracter & reputation, yet as they contain, with the Xotes 
annexed, a short history of the rise, progress & Ending of the 
Mem.orable Stamp Act, I cannot but hope they will afford some 
profitable Amusement to numy persons in this Colony who from 
their Scituation have not been under Advantages of knowing all 
that has passed with regard to it, and that they may receive 
some helps from thorn in Solving vt Explaining some pieces of 
publick Conduct which have been so much the Objects of Atten- 
tion of late. 

I think in times of general Connnotion the people have a 
right to know the general Outlines at least of that Conduct in 
any of their Mendjers which may lie supposed any way nuite- 


riallv to affect tlicni. This I mean to apply to my self more 
especially only while I am Endeavouring to apologize for my 
own Conduct; I shall have occasion to take Xotice of that of 
some others incidentally only ti: as the same relates to my own. 
I hope no Offence will be taken by any. I mean not this 
Step to furnish new matter for popular disputation & Animos- 
ity, but as a fulhlmeut of my Obligations k with a view to 
satisfy k quiet honest minds who are desirous of knowing the 
truth in these matters, and as the finishing Act to that Scene of 
trouble which the Stamp Act has Occasioned to me as well as 
to many others. ._ . — '•" 

J : Ingersoll 
X : Haven June 2:1700 

Before I proceed to the other letters I beg leave to observe a 
few things with regard to my office of Distributer of Stamps and 
the obligations of it, as there is nothing perhaps in this whole 
affair that has been less attended to or less understood. The 
Common opinion seems to have been, that I should immediately 
have resigned the office as soon as I saw the temper the Country 
was in upon my arrival from England, whereas, in my humble 
opinion, it was absolutely impossible in the nature of things 
that I should make such resignation, ti' would have been 
Extremely hazardous to my office bond to have attempted it, 
and that for the following reasons. It is well known that I was 
in England when I was appointed to this offi.ce ; I accepted it by 
my own Act ; undertook the trust, and gave bond at the Stamp 
office in the Sum of £3000. Sterl: for a due fulfilment of it, 
with two Sureties resident in London to whom I also gave my 
own bond of indemnification — the Condition of which office 
bond, among- other things, is as follows : — 

"AMiereas the above bound Jared Ingersoll is nominated and 
appointed Chief Distributer nf vStampt ^Tellum, parchment tV: 
paper within the CoLjny of Cunnecticut. in America; and as 
such is intrusted and Employed to furnish ».^' supply the said 
Colony with Stampt Vellum. ».Vc. and to collect c^' receive Sev- 



eral Duties, penalties k forfeitures by virtue & in Execution of 
the powers A: dirt-ctious contained in an Act of Parliament 
made, i'c. The Condition therefore of this obligation is such, 
that if the said Jared Ingersoll or his Deputies, &:c. shall well t 
truly Collect, recover &: receive all t Every Sum k Sums of 
money, which shall arise & become due of & for the several and 
respective Duties cV penalties or forfeitures mentioned in the 
said Act of Parliament, «i:c.'' Then reciting many other par- 
ticulars of the duty of the office, says, '"'And also if the said 
Jared Ingersoll shall d: do well, faithfully & truly observe, obey, 
perform »fc Execute as well all & everv the matters and thin"-s 
which are enacted and required to be by him done & performed 
in & by the said Act of Parliament, as also all & every such 
^ Eules, methods, orders and Instructions as he the said Jared 
Ingersoll shall from time to time receive, &c ; and also if he the 
said Jared Ingersoll shall and do well, faithfully & duly Exer- 
cise, Execute £ perform the said office and all & every the mat- 
ters and things touching or concerning the same, which he 
ought to do lV- perform by virtue thereof, according to the several 
trusts reposed in him by the said Act, then kc." Xow it 
appears most plainly from the words of my bond & indeed from 
the very nature of the trust, that my business was to furnish the 
people of this Colony with the Stamp paper in order to the 
raising a revenue to the Crown, and had I by my own Act 
defeated these ends I should most undoubtedly been Judged 
guilty of the most gross infidelity of office. Again, there is no 
such thing, I conceive, as resigning an Office in any Case but to 
those who Created the office or to such as are lawfully author- 
ised and impowered to receive such resignation. Persons, I 
know, may say they wont Execute their offices & so break their 
trust Sz incur all the penal Consequences of such a Step, but they 
cannot to any effect or purpose say they resign, except to tliose 
who have power to appoint others in their room. 'Twas doubt- 
less with me just as it would have been with a Sheriff, should he 
refuse to serve a writ Avhen tendred to him Sz think to Excuse 
himself by saying he resigned his office, when perhaps the Gor. 
<S: Council who appointed him were a hundred miles of. The 


same with a Custom house Officer, should he refuse to enter & 
clear vessells upon that pretence & the like. This is so plain a 
Case that no one ever doubted it before. I could have wrote 
home to England, I know, for a dismission from my office, there 
resigned. »1^' been clear of it ; but must have been considered as 
the appointed officer & act as such in the mean ,time & until I 
was succeeded by some other, k which must necessarily have 
taken up many months time, k when it was done would not 
have answered the peoples End. 

Tis true I told the Gov'. Early after my coming home and 
several of the Council and indeed Declared publickly, that in 
case the General Assembly A: bidy of the people should conclude 
not to Submit to the Stamp Act, but to go abreast the same, that 
in that case I should not take any Steps in my office, for in that 
case there would be an End of the principal part of my busi- 
ness (viz) that of Collecting a Revenue by the Sale of the Stamp 
papers ; and as for the other part, that of collecting such rev- 
enue by the fines and forfeitures that would be incurrd, as there 
would not be any need of any Steps being taken to that End 
immediately, I certainly should have wrote home and insisted 
upon a dismission from my office. 

Perhaps it will be said, upon my own principles it w^as best, 
as I could not resign voluntarily, to force me to a promise not 
to introduce the Stamp papers, & by every means to prevent 
their being brought into the Colony, least they should get into 
Use among the people. As to that I have nothing to say; all I 
contend for is that while the people were tieing my hands in 
that matter, for the general good, as they supposed, that they 
would let-me at least Endeavour to keep Em at liberty, in order 
to save my fidelity to the King, whose Servant in office I was, & 
my Interest which was so bound Sc fettered by my office bond. 
What I here said therefore I would apply to the general tenor & 
Spirit of the Ensuing Letters, which some have thought do not 
sufficiently Comport with my Weathersfield resignation, as it is 
called. It is very well known that in my printed account of 
that matter published soon after it happened, T never took the 
merit of a Voluntary resignation. I always knew, at least 


thought, T was not at liberty to make any such Sacrifice. I 
knew that all the Stamp papers Consignea to my Care to the 
Value of thousands of pounds Sterling were Charged to niy 
Acc°., those that were burnt at X: York as well as the others. 
which Account is yet open & to l)e settled as I am advised bv 
letters from the Comm". of Stamps; that I was Expressly 
Ordered by printed instructions received long since to receive 
& to transmit a Eeceipt for those very papers— *S: by my bond 
to distribute them; every one of which orders and Obligations 
I had failed of complying with. I knew it would not do to sav 
merely that T would not obey these orders ; I must say I could 
not, Sz I must also tell how cV why I could not. I did not think 
it would be sufficient merely to Inform that a Mob had 
obliged me to promise I would not, when the Assembly had 
isued a proclamation treating those people as rioters, k- the 
people I was writing to might naturally think the Publick had 
interposed, & by punishing the :\rob fas they to be sure would 
Consider it) had freed me from my restraints, & that the body 
of the people stood ready to receive the Stampt papers. I must 
therefore acquaint them that the Publick themselves, by the 
time I wrote, did not seem inclined to do any thing toward 
freeing me from those restraints; in short T found it necessary, 
I thought, to acquaint the people T was writing to, generally, 
with the publick as well as particular transactions which related 
to the Stamp Act, as they all tended to the principal point of 
Excusing me for my Xegle<>ts of Office, in doing which however T 
told of nothing but what was as publick as Newspapers could 
make^it, .1^ yet would be Expected officially from me: nor d<. I 
mention a Circumstance which might give I^mbrage without ui\-- 
ing at the same time the reason of the Step. If some of the Coun- 
cil refuse to swear x' Gov^, tis not left to be guessed to proceed 
from Caprice or humour, but is alledged to be from principles nf 
Conscience ;— and if it is said no Steps had been taken to pun- 
ish those people who obtain^ my afores'^ resignation, it is added, 
that it would be dangerous to attempt it ; & the like. 

Again, some have blamed me for Seeming to keep Sight of 
luy office, after the AVeatherslield affair. To this I beir leave t.' 


say in the first place I was really afraid least it should be 
thought, on tother side the water, that I was secretly Consent- 
ing- to be forced out of it, & so betraying- my trust, and further, 
as I told the people at Weathersfield, altho I could very freelv 
part wth the office, if by that means we should get rid of the 
Stamp Act itself, yet if that Step should serve no other purpose 
than only to Oust me of the office in order to be filled by 
another, I should not very well like it. I therefore in these 
Letters stated the whole of my Situation and left it with my 
Employers & my friends, to whom I wrote, to do and to advise 
what they should think ought to be done tt what in honour I 
miglit do, taking this one thing all along into the Account, that 
I could not be willing to Exercise the office, unless the people 
should generally Conclude to Submit to the Stamp Act, and cer- 
tainly Volenti non fit injuria. 

Eut I Avill no longer detain the Header from the Letters 
themselves, only desire if any shall be disposed to find fault, 
that they will place themselves as in my Situation, in the first 
place conscious of having faithfully, to the Utmost of my power, 
opposed the passing the Stamp Act ; then loaded with infinite 
reproach for having taken an office under it, and which I took 
thinking it might be even agreeable to the people under all the 
Circumstances to have me take it; then to have my bond & 
interests involved, intangled & Exposed, by at least a very 
unusual & Extraordinary Step ; and then ask themselves fairly, 
whether they think thcv should have done much better than 
I did. 

'I -\ K 

Letter to Goverxok Moorp:, of Xew A"ol-k. 

X: Haven 14 Julv 1TG6 

Sir , ■ 

I have received orders from the Com", of Stamps, to Ship to 
them all the Stampt Parchment iS: paper which has been Con- 
signed to me — they also intimate that it is Expected Orders will 
come from the Lords Comm'. of the Admiralty, for the Ships of 

392 JAPvED TNGE"RSOLL P-VrFRS, 1705-86. 

war returning home to take on board and Carry the Same to 
Engdand, and Accordingly direct me to Apply to the Com- 
manders of Such Ships to receive all Such as I have in my Cus- 
tody or power. 

As I have been Obliged, during the late troubles, to Desire 
Your Excellency, And before your Arrival, Leu'. Gov'' Colden 
to receive into the fort at X. York & there keep until further 
Orders, whatever Stamps vShould come consigned to me that 
way, and as I live remote from where any Ships of war iire Sta- 
tioned, I have to Ask the favour of Your Excellency to Order 
to be put on board any Such returning Ship, all and any Boxes 
or parcels of Starapt parchment or papers which You shall have 
in your Custody or power which Shall appear to be directed and 
Consigned to me that So the Same may be Carried back to the 
Stamp Office in London agreeable to the before mentioned 
Orders from that Board — A particular Ace", of which boxes 
with their numbers You will be So good as to take and favour 
me with. 

The Common Xecessity & peculiarity of the times will I hope, 
plead my Excuse for giving your Excellency this further trouble 
I am 
: Y" Excellencys iMost Obcd'. 
& :^ro3t HumV Serv^ 

S' H. ]\Ioore. 

Jared Ingersoll 

. : • ^ Letters of TIev. Xehemiati STRO^'G. 


Complements paid ».l'C. Am Enformed that my Antagonist 

Mr B r h;is tied his Coimtrey— that wdiat Estate he has lofr 

is on a Slippery Bottom. This therefore waits on you with niv 
Desire you would by no means fail to take y^ most Effectual 
]\rethod for my Security, by Attaching (if need be) his IIous- 

* This letter. addres<eil to tlie Governor of tlie Province of Xew York, i- 
copied from a copj- in tlie Library of Congress, — the original being in the 
Britisli Museum. 


hold furniture, or some other Part of his Estate, if it can be 
done, and jou think it adviscable. 

His Wife I am indeed Sensible can be no otherwise than in a 
forlorn State of wretchedness ; and would be more So Should I 
deprive her of her things ; I have indeed no desire to add to her 
wretchedness for the Sake of Increasing her misery. Her mis- 
ery is her own, not mine; must thank her Self not me for y* 
whole, but know she- must, that her own degenerate & perfidious 
Conduct to me which has renderd her the Scandal of her Sex, 
and Shamefully dishonourd me, can now lay no Claim to my 
Compassion to her !Misery, or Influence me to use any forbear- 
ance towards her ; So but that I can & Shall from a Sense of my 
own honour and Interest Spare no pains so that I can but recover 
from her that part of my Estate which by her Treasonable Con- 
duct She has deprived me of and Injuriously Detains from me, 
Let the Consequence to her be what it will. 

Must Therefore, Sir, in a word beg leave to desire you to pro- 
ceed on with y^ Same Attention and Vigour, which you would 

do was ^[r B r present & under affluent Circumstances. 

.1 am. 

Sir, •■ ' 

. ., - with much respect your 

very humble Ser'. 

1^. Strong.* 
Turkey Hills in Sirasbury 

Octo^ 1 : 1765 
To Jared Ingersoll Esq'. ■' 

* Xeheuiiali Stronc: (born 1720. died ISO") ^vas graduated at Yale in 
1755, and after studying divinity in Xew Haven became a tutor in the 
College. In Xovember, 17G0, just as he left tlie tutorship, he married here 
Lydia Smith, whose husband, Andrew Burr, Jr., from whom slie had 
obtained a divorce for desertion in 1750, afterwards reappeared, and 
secured an annulment of the divorce in ^lay, 17C1. 

^Meantime Mr. Strong had been settled as pastor of the congregation in 
Turkey Hills (now East Granby), Simsbury, Connecticut. The debts and 
lawsuits in which lie became involved in consequence of his domestic 
troubles, brouglit about the termination of liis ministerial career. Subse- 
quently, from 1770 to 17S1, he filled tlie Professorsliip of :\[athematics and 
Natural Pliiloso]thy in Yale College. 



After proppei- Salutations, I present voii with mj Desire 
that you would not fail to do the best you can for me at y* Supe- 
rior Court in February next, if any there shall be, in the Atfair 
of ^Ir Burr : I shall not be present my self, to agitate any thing 
in the affair, must Leave it with your Self to Carry thro the 
whole with as much Vigour as if I was upon the Spot to Stim- 
ulate &:c. Be so good Sir, as to Take all the Advantage that is 
Reasonable of his absense. Perhaps Mr Johnson may be 
Engagd on my Side; act in that as your wisdom shall direct. 
If I should recover, you will be so good as to Isue out Execution 
forthwith ; you know what I have Sufferd by Delays heretofore. 
Let not any Calamity or poverty of the woman prevent the full 
force of the Execution. If I should not Recover I shall without 
Doubt Carry the Affair to the Assembly in ^May. I am, Sir, 
With much Respect ..•-.. 

A'our very humble Servant 

Xehemiah Strong 

P. S. be so good as not to let the Tryal be put off if you can 
prosecute it. 

Turkey Hills in Simsbury, • , . 

Jan 1S'\ 17G6. 

To Jarcd Ingersoll Esq"". ., . 


IV. Xew Ha vex, 17G6-17C9 

In compensation for Lis treatment as Stamp-:\raster, :\Ir. 
Ingersoll received in 1769 a commission as Jndge of the new 
Vice-Admiralty Court for Xew York, Pennsylvania, Marv- 
land and Virginia, with headquarters in Phihuielphia, on an 
annual salary of £000. 

^ A few documents arc given herewith in illustration of his 
life during the period from the episode of the Stamp Act to his 
assumption of judicial duties in Philadelphia. - 

Lettee to Eiciiaed Jacksox. 
" ^ -■..■... :>^ Haven IS Aug\ 1766 

this waits on you Solely on the Subject of the Indian bene- 
faction which you was so good as to mention to me when last 
with yon. Enquiry has been made into the State of the Indians 
near Kent in this Colony. They appear to be nnder the Care of 
a Moravian Teacher, & from some Connections formed l>etween 
them and that Interest, I find whatever monies shdl be sup- 
plied to their benefit must be nnder the direction of the Mora- 
vian Benefactors- ; so that our Clergy do not seem to be 
inclined at present to solicit your bounty [ i ] for them. As to 
those of the ^Monhegan Tribe near Xorwich I have not as yet 
been able to learn any thing particular about them. The State 
of this Cr.untry of late you will easily conceive has verv much 
retarded Enquiries of this kind, A: indeed Every kind of bus- 

the llox\ :sl\ Elea//. Wheelock, :\[inister of a Parish in Leb- 
anon in this Cnlony, has been for some time Eiigaged in a plan 
of Guspelizing tlie Indian Xatives upon our Western frontier A: 

'•* S.-p a valual>le acnnint of tlu' Moravians in ihr TIou.<iatonic Valln/, by 
the Rev. William (;. Andrews, in the Awrricaii Church Rrri^ir vof 3--> 
pp. 104-211. 2(;4-S7. 


Elstnvl'..-rx\ This ii'* doos by getting the Youth of those Tribes 
to ooTiie vV be educaW.fl at a School he has set up for that End at 
Lebuu..:; afores'^ & vvlifn properly Instructed and qualifyed he 
sends out aiuf.tig those people as Preachers & some I 
believe ;i< Schoohn;i.,tcrs. Same English Instructors are also 
sent air.-r.g them. In this way tis generally thought this Gen- 
tlemau r.-iS had r.'u) Success. He is well known & among all 
denouiii-r.ions amon- iis is reputed to be a person of unspotted 
Caracu-.-. Truly Zcaloi..^ \: most heartily Engaged in this Cause. 
and luis <o recominf^Hlod the same that it has been & now is 
patror.-:e-l by a So.-icty in Scotland, I think— the name of 
which I :.:iTe forgot, --<Jv: is also favourably thought of & helpt ni 
some !ir.:t^ degree, nr.r.rding to their ability, by the people of 
this Col.-riV. This l,r;ing the Case, W Wlieelock, as well as 
other G-.v.Tlemen, lliliik it would be happy & most for that 
Interest \vhich thr institution of your Society was intended to 
Answer, -"or the betic faction which you mentioned to me to be 
Exteitd-A TO this S.buol. ]\P Whitaker, a Clergyman belong- 
ing to X.Twich in Ibis (Colony & Connected with this School, is 
now i- Enirland willi an Indian Preacher Educated by 'M'. 
WheeLx-;-, to whom vV to W. Wheelock, both of whose Veracity 
you ir.Av- P.ely upon, I must Pefer you for many particidars 
whicli I xr.i not fully juMpiainted with, both with relation to the 
plan .-: ?:.!? Institution k tlie Execution of it, & will only add 
that ii5 :>.iiigs apix'iti- to me, the Extending the Charity to this 
School -.:;.] most likrly answer great & very Valuable purposes. 
&' as gr-:j- .V as ones as any that may be Expected from 
an Apvo"i;Tion of it lo any other School or plan of Instruction 
of the iv;.'3, in these parts. 

1 am S^ '•• •, :',.■, •, ,. .^ 

' :- Y^ most Ob' kc 


To 11. T^^K-lcson Esij'. 


Letter of Richard Jacksox. 

15 Xov' 17GG 
Dear Sir 

I cannot avoid troubling you with a Letter though I have 
heard but once from you since your Arrival in Connecticut, & 
though I have long since answered that Letter. Possiblv that 
Answer might not reach you ; if it did I hope you have not been 
prevented by Illness from writing, for I am sensible, & shall 
always bear Testimony that whatever Connection you have 
unwillingly had with y* Stamp Act, you have done real services 
to your Country while you were here. 

It is partly in hopes of hearing of my farm in Kent, that I 
now write to you. I have heard nothing of W Elliot, of my 
Crop of Wheat, or of y^ Inclosure or further Improvements on 
the farm, since I remitted the sum of 100 ^ thither. 

The ^Ministiy is now such that America can never hope for a 
better ; should there be a Change it must be for the worse. 

]\rany important Projects are on the Anvil, some regard 
America. I hope the Xumber of Troops will be reduced. I 
have always thought that dumber -unnecessarily large; pos- 
sibly there may be an Application to y* Colonies for somewhat 
to maintain y* Eest of them after y* present American Rev- 
enue has been first applied. 

• I am Sir ..-• . 

:. •••■ . ' ^ Y^ most Obed* hble Serv^ - • • - 

' R Jackson 

'•;*•:! Letters of James Parker. 

Xew York, Feb 10, 1TG7 

Your Favour of the l^'''. I received last night, as also one 

from W Xathan Beers of ^STew Haven, ottering to take the 

Office,^ and pleading that the Posts put up there always, and it 

•The postmastersliip of Xeu- Ilavpu,, which liml \>^on heM >ince ITGo by 
Benjamin iNrecom. a nephew of Dr. Franklin an.I jnihli-lier of TIip Connect- 
icut Gnzpttc. Luke Bahcock (Yale 175.5) recoivtHl tlie appointment about 
March 1, 1707. 



would be most convenient for tliem : — T confess I have no Objec- 
tion to :\rr Green, yet I am a little afraid that D' Franklin 
won't like him : from a Prepossession against W Green's Uncle, 
Jonas Green of Annapolis, who liad the Post Office many Years, 
and never wonld dnly account for it: so that the D' was 
obliged to displace him: Alth./ T can't see why he should be 
•thonght nnfit because his Uncle did not behave well in it. I 
seem to like W Green very well, and yet I fear my Constitu- 
ents will not. However, as you may know more of ]\r Beers, T 
will delay till I hear from you again, and will determine upon 
which you shall think most proper ; for as there is a Bond to be 
given for due Performance, I fancy Beers the most substan- 
tial. — Yet I could rather Green, if my own Sentiment were to 
preponderate, but I would please my blasters rather. Indeed 
let who will have it, it can only be a Verbal Appointment yet 
because :NF Uoxcroff" is gone to Virginia, and I must write to 
him for a Commission, — tho' he will send it to whom I request. 

If it would not be too much Trouble to you, I would ask tliis 
Favour of you :— I claim a small Lot of Ground there near the 
College, which D' Franklin bought of :\[' 'Mix and which I 
bought of D' Franklin.t There is no Building on it, as I know 
of; but I am told, one ]\Iunson occupies it, without either Leave, 
Liberty, or paying me any Thing for: which is a Practice I 
don't understand : and :\[ecom is such a Stupid Wretch, that I 
can get no Account of it from him. Xow, The Favour is to beg 
you to enquire about it, and to let it out for me, if others must 
use it, for Some Rent: It cost me I think 00 Dollars in Cash. 

ITolti never will account with any if he can help it. — unless 
they are in his Debt; but if *tis needful I have got his Original 

*John Foxorott lia.l succmled \A"il]iam Hunter as Franklin's associate 
in the Postniaster-^renoral's office. 

t On the present C'olletre square, facint^ College street, just north of 
Phelps Gate. 

t.John Holt (horn in Virginia in 172(1. died in Xew York in 17.S4) 
married a sister of Colonel William Hunter (see ahove, p. 305). From 
17.^..5 he was associated with the writer a^ puhlisher and e<litor of the 
Connecticut Cnzcitc. being al^o at tlie same time jmstmaster of Xew 
Haven, until in 17(10 he removed to Xew York. 


Post-Office Books, but they are a good deal defaced with marks. 
Those were during his Time ; and Green's Accounts were deliv- 
ered in by himself Sworn to, and Holt received the Money, as M' 
Green says, so tliat I see no Reason for such Delays. ^V Fox- 
croft and D' Franklin of their own Accord allowed him all the 
Letters he ought to be allowed for, and how the Auditors can 
allow him more, is what I can't see: but I have no Business to 
judge in the :\Iattcr: — only I suffer all this while: tho' I have 
had Writs out for Holt these Six Months, yet I can't take him. — 
I think he has wronged me much: But Injuries is what I have 
been so used to, that I must be patient. Doubtless others have 
their Share at Times also. With all Eespects remain. 

Uour most obedient Serv*^ 

James Parker 
To Jared Ingersol, Esq"" 

Xew York, March 16, 1767. 

Yonr kind Interposition and Enquiry about tho Lot of 
Ground, demands my best Thanks: — I am quite willing you 
should nominate two indifferent Persons to Value what he 
ought to pay me for the Time he has had it, and for the Year to 
come : — I never could get any Thing out of ]\[ecom about it: but 
that one Munson had it, but no Offers or Proposals of any 
Kind. — I suppose, according to Law T could not sell it, tho' 
I paid 90 Dollars for it about 10 Years ago: — The Case being 
thus, ^r Franklin bought it of ]\P 3fix, and tis recorded in his 
Xame: "but when he sold it to me, not having Opportunity to 
make a Conveyance suitable to your Country, I have only his 
Acknowledgement in his own Writing, on the back of his Orig- 
inal Deed, that he had received the full Suui, and promised to 
make me a Conveyance as soon as an Opportunity offered : — But 
that Time is not yet come; altho' the Pa^ht "s really mine. — I 
hope he wiH i-eturn this Sprini;-, and such Opportunity may be 
had: — If it shall be found that indifferent Persons, shall think 
it worth any Thing worth ^Miile, he may probably continue in 


the Occupation of it : but if not, I must try to see if others 
won't give more. — You'll please to settle it as soon as you can 
conveniently : and if I can satisfy you for y^ Trouble I shall be 
pleased — I am glad the Appointment of ]\r Babcock is agreeable 
to you, because I know it will be agreeable to D^ Franklin : — 
With respectful Compliments remain 

Your most obliged Ser'^ 

' ■ ' " ' ' • James Parker"- 

[For ' 

Jared Ingersoll. Esq'" 

at . " ' ■ - ^' -r '''■■■■-''■ ■ 

]Srew Haven . - ' 

Free J Parker] ' " " 

w - ■• : ' : ;, - . . Xew York April 6, 1767 


If any Thing can be done in the following Case, whatever 
shall be the usual Cost shall gladly see it paid. 

You know a little, that I\P Holt carried on printing in the 
Xame of me & Comp. both at iSTew-Haven & Xew-York : which 
naturally implied I had some Concern in it : but notwithstand- 
ing my often repeated Demands, I never could get any Settle- 
ment or Account of him ; nor of AI^ Green, tho' I am told 
Green has accounted with Holt, Avhilst I had as much Eight to it 
as Holt : I apprehend from that Partnership I have much 
due, exclusive of my attaching the Tools on Col. Hunter's 
Account: — Also exclusive of that, I have Holt's Bond, for 320£ 
York Money now live Years on Interest: — Besides this Bond T 
apprehend a Considerable Sum is due to me: but what I can- 
not say for want of a Settlen:ient — Holt having had many Goods 
of me, and I some Payment of him ; but nothing on that 
Bond : — I have tried every possible ^^feans I knew of to get him 
to a Settlement, but he eludes it continually. — I have had two 
Writs out f(jr him, — one on that Bond, and one on an Assumjtsit 

* Tliis letter an<l tVie two following letters are from tlie Tuanu-scripts in 
Yale University Library. 

,1 '. 


Account, now above 6 Months,— twice returned Non est. and 
y' third likely to be so, he having secreted himself and kept 
close:— I yesterday heard he was gone privately to Xew Haven, 
I suppose to have the Post-Office Affair finished, at least T hope 
it will be: :N'ow the Intent of this is, to beg of you to know, if 
he could be arrested there or not by me, and if he could be, 
would you do it before he returns : whatever Power is necessary 
for me to give in the Case, I hereby give, and will give any other 
Form that shall be lawful and will prosecute the Bond there:— 
possibly he may find Bail there, and if he does, I may have a 
Chance of my Money, or if he goes to Jail, he may then find 
Time to settle the Account, which is the chief Thing I want : 
for if he Avill settle Accounts, and give me Security for the Bal- 
lance, even if his own Bond & Judgment, then I will drop the 
Actions, and pay all the Charges, at least all such as I ought to 
pay:— I suppose he will return here as soon as possible, so 
should be glad ho could be arrested while there:— if he escapes 
from there, I must still try to take him here,— or if ho can't be 
arrested there:— but if he is arrested there, I can drop the 
Actions here on losing the Costs, which I would gladly do, to 
get a Settlement of him :— I wanf ^^othing but strict Justice of 
him ; tho' my Conduct to him, might have intitled me to that and 
some gratitude with an honest Heart, but however smooth or 
placid his Behaviour is outwardly, he certainly acts like a 
deceitful Knave and Villain to me:— However every Man ought 
to have Justice, and I desire no more. You will doubtless know 
if he be there, and whether any Thing can be done for me, for 
which all legal Demands shall be satisfied by S^ 

Your very Humble Ser* 

James Parker. 

[For ' ■ 

Jared Tngersoll, Esq'' ;' , "; 

at . - . 

Xew-Haven " ' ':"''•■ '*' "■■"" '•:' ■' ' ' 

Free J Parker] ;' ^ ' '.• -■-■■■/:■:-- <--<y^-y-^^\y- ; ./■;,, ,■ ■. 


Xew York, June 24, 1767. 

Yours of the 20"^ per Post I duly received : I am quite obliged 
to you for your Kindness in relation to that Lot of Land: — It 
not only cost me 90 Dollars, but I paid Interest for that Sum for 
it to W Franklin about seven Years, as well as for One Half the 
Printing :\Iaterials and all the Books and Stationary I had 
there: and which the Dishonesty of Ilolt has deprived me of 
any TIcturn : — The Lot is paid for : and tho' I am not fond of 
keeping it, I think it never shall go from me if I can help it, 
under the first Cost :— I trust as I have weatherVl sundry Diffi- 
culties, I shall this also: 

M' Foxcroft writes me, he expects I must go up to Xew 
Haven, to be an Evidence in Holt's Aft'air: for which Reason he 
says he has or will write to you: to know wdien it will be a 
proper Time, and that the Auditors can meet. — I am properly 
interested in Holt's Behalf; because one Half of what is allowed 
to him, is my Ptight :— Yet it seems M' Foxcroft will have my 
Evidence and I must go when you think it proper. — then I will 
shew you all the Title I have to that Lot; Mean while I am 
respectfully . -., ... 

■'i' Jared Ingersoll, Esq"" 
@ ■ 
'^ew Haven 
Free J Parker] •-. , 

Your obliged Serv* 

James Parker 

■. "'^''ti Letter of Eichakd Jacksox. ■ . . .' 

^ ■. -■ . • 20 fel/ 17G7 

Dear Sir 

I received l)oth your Letters from :\[^ Johnson^ who seems, 
from tho litth^ I have seen of him, a very sensible ^l- a verv wor- 

* Win. Sanii. Jolinson (Yale 1744) was at this date in London on Colmiy 
busine-js. . . , , , . , 


thy 3Jan; to morrow, we shall dine at the Speakers,* wlir. von 
know to be a sincere friend of the Colonies. I shall serve 'the 
College as much as I am able, & ^^U Johnson^ Address may 
when he comes to be known procure them something, but I dare 
promise for nothing. Somewhat for y' Benefit of the Colleo'e I 
intend hereafter, but even tJuit depends on Casualtic-sr I 
heartily wish you may meet with a proper Token of Ke-ard 
from Gov' here. I will do what I can to promote it, but a'ln I 
confess uncertain as yet on that point. I have the honour of 
being knoAvn, ^' that too on Terms of Friendship to almost all 
the Administration, but cannot yet discover, either how long 
their Power is to continue nor what plan will be adopter! in 
America that will open you a Door. I have indeed already 
proposed somewhat beneficial for Gov' Fitch,t & if he sh'^ not 
accept, for you, if it sh^ take place; but I am not at libertv to 
disclose what this is, nor can I tell when it will take place/nor 
whether it will take place at all, nor even whether there will be 
room either for ^F Fitch or yourself; all that I can sav now is 
that it will not be, I believe, disagTeable to any bodv in 

Should 3P Grenville again come into Administration, which 
many People think he will soon, I shall ask him for no favour 
either for myself or any other Person, but vou will have an 
Interest with him through Whately, who I ^believe sincerelv 
wishes to serve you, & their Plans may better admit it, than 
those of my friends 

I am Dear Sir ' >" ' ' ■ ' 

\ ^^ . ; ^'" most Obed' h^'^ Serv' . ...::_: . ;,^ 

, ,• : . ... P Jackson : r r T • , /, 

*The Speaker of the House of Commons ^vas Sir Jolm Cust (b.irn 171S. 
(lied 1770). whose residence then was in Downin- Street, adioinin- 
St. Jajnes Park. " 

t Thomas Fitch (Yale 1721), born 1700, died 1774, had forfeited a 
re-election (in May. 1700) to the Cxovernorship of Connecticut, bv takin^ 
the oaU. to carry out the Stamp Act. and the rest of his life w^. .pent 
in retirement. At the same election Ebenezer Silliman. John Chester 
Benjamin Hall and Jabez Hamlin lost their places in the Hn,.e of 
As.i.tunts, for having adndnistered to G..v.rnor Fitch the unpopular oath 

404 jaeed ixgeesoll papers, 176g-69. - 

Letter of Titus Hosmer. 

Hartford April 14^ 1767 

M"". Tshara presented me tliis morning with your favour of 
the 2G'''. Instant . . . Your Xew Haven pLiin facts'^ was 
handed about yesterday, but did not prevent our freemen from 

giving Governour F h Three Hundred Votes, & the four 

Enemies of Liberty something more than that number. At 
Weathersfield a large Majority in favour of the Jurors, &: at 
least an Equilibrium at Hartford &: Colchester; if the western 
parts do as well as the Towns on the River, we may see as great 
a Revolution next May as we did last. 
I am Sir 

with sincere respect 

Your obed^ humb^ Servant 
Titus Hosmer.f 
[To ■ ' 

Jared Ingersoll Esq"" • ■ ' . 

. • at ■• . ' •-: . ..•^■:. -■ ■ - ^ '• , 

■ ■ ■ !N'ew Haven.] - ■ -■ -\;'- •..:;-• 

Letter of Kev. Xehemiah Strong. 

Turkey hills in Simsbury 
May 5 1767 

I have Kccev*^ no Information concerning the Situation of my 
Affairs at Xewluiven since the Icecept of a Letter from your 
Self Dated Last Octo^ 

If there is a good prospect that upon the whole I can recover 
against Burr and if he has anv Estate so that I can get mv Dne 
or any Valuable part of it, I must Desire you to proceed on au'l 

* The reference in "New ITaveii plain facts'' is to an article in tl"' 
Conncctiriit Gazette for February 14. 

i" Titus Ilosnicr, born 1737. died 17S0. was graduated at Yale ColKi:i' 
ill 1737, and became a lawyer in Middletown, Connecticut. 


do the best you can for me; otherwise I desire the affair may 
drop unless he should stir in it himself. 

how the matter stands you can toll, Sir, better than I : I 
desire you would be so good as to manage & conduct the whole 
affair as prudently as may be, and so as to save me from being 
Exposed to Charge and costs as much as may be by Burr. Tis a 
perplexd affair which I wish was finished and settled, and must 
depend wholly upon you to do it, for I dont choose to have any 
further personal concern with it, any further than to pay Such 
charges as will arise from the management of y* affair, and 
receve what money I can get. 

Be so good Sir as to write to me by the first opportunity 
who am Sir 
■ • , your very humble Servant 

[N'ehemiah Strong 

PS I have here sent you Inclosed a bill which with the 
Interest amounts as near as I can make to the Cost you men- 
tiond in your Letter ; Should have sent it before, if I could 
have had a Safe opportunity. Be so good as to give me Credit. 

[To . 

Jared Ingersoll Esq' '' •■, ' :-' - 

■ ■■■■■■_ • [N'ew Haven] ..'••' '.:■"■'"-' ./-,:;:••-■■ 

Letters of ^VILLIAM Samuel Johxsox, 

London :\[av 10^ 1767." 
Dear S' 

Having given the Gov"", a pretty full Account which you will 
no doubt see of all that has hitherto pass'd in Pari', since they 
entered hist Wednesd-' upon Amer". affairs, <S: the ship being to 
sail tomorrow morning, I have only time to be particular in 

* This. a> well as the next succeed iii;:: letter, is taken from a draft in 
the Letter Book of the author. Dr. William Sanuicl .Tolui^nu. in the Library 
of the Connecticut Historical Society. 


what relates to yourself, as you was I assure you this !Morn^ 
about one o'clock in Person the object of Parlian/. Consid- 
eration iS: recoraniendod with others ^-^ Broth'' suifer's to the 
Xotice A: fav^ of the Crown, W. G having Indefatigably 
labour'd in the course of a very long it warm debate to bring 
the House to 2 resolutions, one (as the foundation for the other) 
That the Colo', still persisted in denying & oppugning the 
sovereigntv of this Country A: the Parliani^. Right of Legisl". »\: 
Taxation in Am""., And the other what he call'd a necessary 
Political Test, That all Pers". at entering into office & every 
Memb'. of Council or Ass-, in the Colo', before he sho'd be 
allow'd to set k Act sho'd be obliged to subscribe a declarat". in 
the words of the late declarative Act of Parl^ ackuowleding the 
Sovereignty of Parf. lV their right to Tax Amer^ &:c ; and having 
lost both his ^Motion's by a very large Maj-\, He then said since I 
now Esteem the declarative Act in effect repeal'd, & see you will 
not come into any effectual resolutions to support y'' own sover^ 
& Authority, I hope you will at least do something for those 
who have endeavour'd to supp'. it in Am*. «fc suffer'd by their 
loyalty k Obed^ to f Act's ; he then menf^ y" Case, lI' that of 
se\'". others, k thereupon moved that an hum^ Address sho'd be 
present'^, to his !Maj-\ that he would be pleas'd to bestow some 
Marks of his fav^ upon those Gon-^". cV ofticrs who had suffer'd 
in Conseq^ of their Obed". to the Acts of this Legislature : he 
was seconded by L"*. Xorth who had been before applied to, «S: it 
passed Xem^ Cont^ Y\ Xame will certainly be in the list 
which gus up with the Address, *t you have only to point out 
what you would have. T trust you have already said something 
to 'yV W.or me in Cous^. of what both he cl' I wrote you upon 
this sul)ject soon after I arrived here ; if you have not, let us 
hear from vou as soon as pussible. I can only tell you in a word 
what is done »&: what is propos*^., not whether they shou'd do any- 
thing, but whether this or something like it, more lenient or 
more severe. The ^Tatters proposed (Jc which are yet to be legis- 
lated are: The IF', have lie^cdv''. to suspend the Leg^ Pow^ .-f 
X Y till they submit to the ^lutiny Act. Tax's are prop"^. up'Ui 
Wind". Glass kc. Upon Wine kc with Lib^ kc. A board of 


Com' of Customs to be Estab''., And the Gov". & Judg^. to have 
2000 : the first k the latter 500 : paid out of the Am". Reven^ 
Gov^ F. has been named for one of the Com", of Customs, but 
the doubt is wheth". he wouki renr. I wish I knew his sentim*'. 
upon this subj\, tho & shou'd venture to write him but that I 
fear it will be imposs^. to receive his Ans^ soon enough to do him 
any serv^ in that reg'^. ; the sail-, will be 500 : p''. Ann. A duty 
upon salt was intend'^, but is given up ; that upon Tea is post- 
poned till the dispute with the E. India Co shall be settled, that 
is within the last 6 weeks become all in all in the 11". & if he 
do's not make some blund^ stands a very good Chance to have 
the lead in all public affairs. L^ Ch^"." is Xoth^; it is bcliv^ 
his T_"ndcr". is gone. A change of ^lin^ is expect'', but who will 
turn up is imccrtain. I came from the IP. this Morn^, after one 
^l- it is now 12 at Xight, so that I must have done. The Am". 
Ag'\ were expressly ord"^. not to be adm'^. into the Gallery, but 
I fomul means notwithstanding to slip in at the last debate. 
I\P G. in the midst of one of his speeches stop'', short & look^ up 
to the GalF said, I hope there are no Am". Agents here, I must 
hold such Lang^. as I w''. not have them hear, kc I expected 
to be taken into Custody being there in direct breach of the order 
of the IP ; but the Speaker told him he had expressly orded the 
Sar"-'' to admit none. «i- he mii2;ht be ass'', there were none pres- 
ent ; nol>ody hapen'd to discov^ me & I escaped. I long to hear 
from you «S: am with Comp^. to y'' Household, all the Brother- 
hood A: all Friends most aftectionatelv 

P. S. ^fay 1S^\ As the Ship did not sail so soon as was 
expected I have the pleasure to enclose you a letter from M^. 
"Whately which I dare say has superseded my adding any thing. 
I know not whether he has mention'd to you that the Cheif Jus- 
ticeship of X Y is talked of for you if it can be genteeVy dis- 
engaired from another person (I imagine ]\P Gardiner) wlio had 
long since applied for it iJc had some encouragement. T ment''. 

* Chatham. 


to him the object", yon had made to me with respect to that sit- 
uation, but neither he nor I think it of suff". weight, to prevent 
obtaining it if possible. One thing he desired me to mention 
which he had forgot, viz. that he wonld be mnch obliged to you to 
send him next Autumn a Cask or two of good Xewtown Pip- 
pins for his own Table. 

To Jared Ingersoll Esq"" " '• " 

London May 10'^ & 1S*\: 1767. ' " ■ -*' 

London June O'*". 1767. 

I am now fav^ with y". of the 27'^ of April. Three Days 
ago I receird f. of the Sr\ of Jan^., for both which I thank 
jou. By my last. you will see the turn things have taken here, 
& especially that part which immediately Concern's Y". self. 
I^Tothing farther than I then acquainted you with has occurred 
The :y in^. have given up the Idea of Taxing AYine, fruit k Oil 
& opening the Trade to Portugal as being at this Juncture too 
great an Infringe of the Act of Xavig^ & a dangerous Eelaxa- 
tion of the sovereignity of this Country, but they say if we 
behave mtII we shall have this Indulgence by & by. The busi- 
ness of Pap". 11°. too seems at present to be laid aside for this 
session, & Parliam^ are proceeding in the other matters which 
I have mention'd to you. ]\P. S. (who is appointed one of the 
C) will now be Convinced that something is to be done with the 
disobed*. Colo\ The :Jin^ say this Meas^ adopt"', with respect 
to X. Y. is the most lenient they could devise, c^' if this do's not 
bring them to submit, they may expect more severe treatment. 
He Judg^ rightly that party Puage is here very predominant. l)ut 
however they may be divided in other matters i' hate one 
another heartily, it seems they are at present enough agreed in 
having an 111 Opinion of the Colon^ cl- in a Pesolutiou to assert 
the supremacy of this Coimtry. All Attent". is now tnrn'd 
towards j^ T & everybody will be anxious to know the part she 
will take upon this occasion. Georgia has not only refused rlic 
Troops, but the post office Act. which is highly resented, bur T 


do not vet find what steps are likely to be taken with respect 
to that Prov^ I am dad the Soldiers you have behave so well ; 
It is still cr.ntidently said that the Troops ,coue out to A. are not 
to encrease the Establish^ there, but only to relieve a like Xum- 
ber. pursuant to the plan long since adopted. The o-eneral 
Liberty you have given :\F W .1- myself we shall make as good 
a use of as may be in our Power. I was to the last degTee 
cautions that nothing relative to this matter sho'd perspire till 
2\r G. mention'd it publickly in. the W., after which it could 
no longer remain a secret that something was to be done, but 
what, iu part^ is not even yet mentioned. I own I have had 
fears that the mention of it by :\P G. »S: the Princ* he uro-^. it 
upon would be in danger of exposing you to fresh Odium, But 
it could not be avoided, he will do everything in his o%vn way, 
and I am willing to hope the best. It seems you have had more 
violent struggles about Election than the Import^ of the Object 
seems to ZMerit. But to me observ^. the violence of Faction ^' 
Party here, what has happen'd with you scarcely seems an 
object, .^- is like the light ruffle of the Pish Pond compared 
with the rough raging Wave of the Tempestuous Ocean. Tho' 
the Election here is yet 12 ]\I°* distant, they are already in the 
depth of Intregue about it, & every Party are striving to secure 
&: su].port themselves, & to ruin & blacken their Opponents. 
^ As to Dear Conn\ tho' Party strife is in all Countries *S: at all 
' times :N[ischeiv'., yet it will be peculiarly so to her at this 
Juncture, when she is watch'd with a Jealous Eye, &: tho' prettv 
well in favour, I trust, if she go's much astray, may depend 
upon receiving a Box in the Ear. Temple's observ". with 
respect to this Country which you mention was I doubt not 
very just: it re(]uires a close &- repeated observat". to form a 
Just Estimate of its System: tho' in the <j:cm^\ as I told you it 
do's not Ans^ my Expect^, yet I own I find very many things 
to Commend it even admire, as well as many to Censure ct not 
a few to detest. T shall not forgot y^ Charge as to Westm". 
Hall. I have always attended there whenever it was possible 
«&: sliall omit no Opport\ to observe the course of Business in that 
yet uncorrupted »S: well Executed Department. 1/ Xs Tnfir- 


mity or Inattention to Bnsi' or both hitherto prevent my fore- 
seeing when I shall be able to return ; I already wish for it cl' us 
soon as it is possible shall loose no time in embracing my Am". 
Friends. T lament the death of Bror. Seym''''' whose too close 
attention to business has no doubt shortened his Days. !^P 
Clapt (whose death I was informed of by the Papers before y'". 
fav^) has been an extreme good steward of his £500 • • • • & 
I know not how it was possible for him in his situation to amass 
such a fortune as you mention. Y"" Son is I trust by thi? time 
perfectly recover'd of the small Pox of which I give him & M". 
Ing". cV you Joy c^' am with Comp^^ to all friends 

• ■ :; - T)^ S^ Y^ most aff" 

■ ■' ;-■■"■ " ■ • hum^ Serv''. 

P. S. I tho't it not worth while to tell you, who are an old 
Sailor, of my tempestuous Passage, which was in truth bad 
enough. But I really forgot to acquaint you as I intended 
that T took Dyers lodgings at ^[''l Wilsons in Lancast''. Court *ls: 
find them very agreable. ]\P. Jackson, who appears to be both 
your &: my hearty friend, has had no time yet to make Trial of 
me on horseback, but we Promise ourselves that pleas^. as soon 
as Pari*, rises. 

To Jared Tngersoll Esq'. ■ '- ''^ ^"' " '^ 

London June 0.*^. ITGT. 

Letter of Rev. Dr. Piciiarp Salter. 

^Lansfield Aug^' 4*^ 1707 • 

s^" • '■■ ■■ ■- ^ ■■" 

I expect to have a Case depending at y^ next Term of y^ 
Superiour Court in y^ County of Windham by an appeal from 
y^ Judgment of y"" C<;»urt of Probate. The facts are as follows. 

* Tliornas Si'vimiur (Yale 1724), a prominent nieniln'r of tlie Coniiocticut 
bar. died in Hartfoid on March IS. 171)7. 

t Thomas (la|). tlie former Tre-siiK'nt of Yale Colle^^e, died in Xow 
Haven on .Januarv 7, 17G7. 


The Jlcv^. Eleazer Williams of !Manstield died Siezed of an 
Estate in fee Simple. Left Dangliters, 6: one Grand Daugh- 
ter. To his Grand Da\ii,diter he Left a Small Legacy ; to y^ 3 
DaiightLTS y""' whole of his Estate besides, hoth lical (S: Personal, 
y® Estate was settled according to y^ will to Sarah & Mary; 
Hannah Dying without Issue. Sarah Dies *S: leaves issue 2 
Daughters, Hannah & Ann, by y^ liev"^. I\r Hobart Estabrook. 
Ann Dies, cV: Hannah has Divided to her y"" whole of y® Estate y'^ 
was her Mothers, tSc w'''' descended from her Grand father. 
Hannah Dies a Minor, her father still Living with children by 
a 2''. wife, & her Aunt Mary also Living; since, both father &■ 
Aunt are Dead. The Question is whether y^ Estate derived 
from her Ancestor, descends by Law to her father, as next of 
Kin by Propinquity, or to her Aunt as Xext of Kin Llered- 
itable. I am in favour of »fc stand to Defend y^ Claim of y^ 
Aunt as Sole Lleir at Law. There is a claim set up on y^ behalf 
of y^ heirs of y* Xiece before mentioned. Grand Daughter to 
y* Rev*^. W Williams from whom y^ Estate Descended. This 
I mean also to oppose. I should be Glad you would Think on 
y* Case before hand, 6: shall Depend on your Help in Conjunc- 
tion with ]^r Huntington at y^ Superiour Court at Windham as 
before, if y" Case should Then be Depending there, & hope to 
make you Recompense to Satisfaction. These are the Xeedfull 

s^ • ^ ■■■■ • - 

y humble Serv^ = 

■ .■■■ • Richard Salter " 

P: S: • The Widow of the Rev-^. W Estabrook deceas.l 
stands in Defence of his Claim to s"". Estate in opposition to 
me, t.^' on behalf of his Children by her. 

To -Tared Ingersol Esq^ 

•The Rev. Dr. llichard Salter (born 1723, died 1780) was graduated at 
Harvard College in N-iSI. and in .June. 1744, .-^ucoeeded the Rev. Eleazer 
Williams as pa.^t<jr in ^lanslield, Connecticut. lie married ^lary, daughter 
of his predecessor, in the following September, and she died in September, 


Letter of Bernard Lixtot. 

Xew Haven v« ll**^ Ana'ust 1707 

I have at length agreed with ]\r. Arnold"^ to take y*^ Rum at 
2y3'^ lawful per Gallon: also a parcel of Drv Goods at £">0 law- 
fnl. The Freight ]\Iouey is also to be paid to me. which I 
think will rednce the Sura due to about £160 lawful money, of 
"which I can not be certain as I have not yet a perticular 
account of any thing except the Dry Goods. A difficulty seems 
to arise between ^P. Arnold &• me respecting the exchange, 
which ^V Arnold calculates at the nominal exchange in this 
Colony : but as Bills rise & fall &: are generally higher than the 
rate he calculates at. I think it but just that it should be calcu- 
lated at the price I actually can buy Bills at ; otherways I am 
not paid the proposed Sum ; and this I also take to l>e the cus- 
tome of Merchants. I suppose £180 York Curr\ for £1(^0 
SterP to be the present price of Bills. I shall desire ~Sl\ Isaacs 
to lay before you the amount of the Rum & Freight I\Ioriey 
when receivd — being oblidg'd to leave an order with him to 
receive it from Cap'. Goodwin. I must depend upon you Sir to 
see that the remaining Sum is fully secured as you can well 
imagin how much I should be blairaed to suffer the property to 
go out of my hands without adequate security. If these matters 
can not finally be settled until my return to X Haven ( which I 
expect will be in four Weeks), leave the whole to your direction 
which will always be approved by me; and ashaimed of being 
so troublesome remain S'" 

Y' most Obed* Ser* 

Ber**. Lintotf 
[To • ■ ■ -^- ' - • ■ - 

Jared Ingersol Fsq^] 

* The notorious Benedict Arnold (born 1741, died 1801), a druggist and 
shipping merchant in Xew Iliiven from 1762 to 1775. 

In May, 17G7, the Avriter as attorney for certain London merchants 
had secured from Arnold, in part payment of a debt, a sloop engaged in 
the West India trade and its- cargo. Mr. Ingersoll had been the medium 
through whom thi> tran>aotion was arranged, and the pre>ent letter relates 
to its further settlement. 

t Bernard Lintot. a merchant who removed from the neighboring trnvn 
of Derbv to New Haven about this date. He removed in 1709 to Bran- 

jared ingersoll fal'eks, 17gg-69. 413 

Letter of Augustus Johnston. 

Little Eest^ August 13'\ 1707. 
Dear Sir 

I have but just time bv ]\[^ ]\ruinfoi"d of Xew Loudon, who is 
attending the Court here, to Inform you that the Ilage of the 
People in this Colony, agst me, on acc*^ of my late Appointment, 
Still continues, «i>: I believe never will end, which has deter- 
mined me to go for England, which I shall do, in about three 
Weeks ; if you have any Commands there, you may be assured 
I shall take great pleasure in Executing them, & am 

D^ Sir 
"•'••'. Y^ much obliged hb'® Serv\ 

.. " A. Johnston, t 

[To '■ • ■ ■• '■■ 

Jared Ingersoll Esq'". ' 

in ■ ■ ^ .■■''■'.'■■ '■ ■■■■ ■ ■ ■■■'■ :o- 

Xew Haven] ' .' ' ■' "; 

Letter of TJiciiakd Jackson. 

.-, : • - . 8 Sep* 1767 

Dear Sir 

I have yours of the 27'^ Ap' before me. I am heartily glad to 
hear both of your health tt of the Quiet happily reestablished 
in the Colony. I heartily wish it may last long & shall cer- 
tainly earnestly endeavour that it shall not be disturbed bj- the 
miscarriag-e of the ^lohegin Suit. But Events are uncertain & 
of Law Suits most of all. I have in my Publiek Letters spoke 
with more Confidence than perhaps my Opinion warrants, fear- 
ford, wliere lio remained until tlio Rfvolution, when he seems to have 
taken refuge with the British army. 

He was presiimably a rehative of tlie London publisher, Bernard Lintot 
(born 1675, died 1730). made famous by his relations with Pope. 

* A village in Kingston, Rliode Island. 

t Augustus Johnston was born in New Jersey aI)out 1730, and had served 
for eight years as Attorney-General of Itliode Island (where his mother 
had removed), before liis appointment as Stamp Distributor in 17t)5. 

■^1^ jarp:!) ixgehsoll papers, 170G-G9. * , 

iug that an Expression of Diffidence, which could not but be 
known to y' Adversarys might be the means to encourage them. 
Yet I sincerely think the Cause a good one & as safe as a Cause 
of this sort can well be, but Prejudices abound, the Case 
is liable to a thousand misrepresentations that will meet the 
Prejudices of those who have got strange Xotions of the Oppres- 
sions Poor Indians have met with from Europeans, the original 
Justice of whose settlements in America it is now the fashion to 
condemn, & that too in the lump, for vou know a Condemnation 
in the lump saves trouble. 

I shall not forget to further your Interests wdienever it is 
in my Power. I think you will not want much Assistance, but 
will infallibly sometime or other be somehow remembered to 
your advantage, but Publick Affairs have been involved in a 
kind of Whirlwind ever since you left us. A'ou know long 
before this, that there is a Parliamentary recommendation of 
those, who have suffered by the Violence cl' Disorders occa- 
sioned by the Stamp Act. Xo Persons are I think named in y' 
vote as it now stands, but both you & ]\P Fitch were named in 
the House. I mentioned you both" & urged one of your 
Appointment as Commissioner of the Customs, before this 
Vote; I mentioned both afterwards as more proper since that 
Vote, but it was objected, that the ^Measure might be rendered 
obnoxious by naming unpopular People. This I suppose was 
y^ ostensible Peason only; both of you however will certaiulv 
be remembered, either by W Grenville, sh'^ he come in, or by 
any other ]Minister. We are now in gTeat confusion caused by 
the Death of :\[' Townshend. There are a 1000'* Engines at 

Work." I cannot guess what will be the Result 

I am D' Sir with much Esteem 
Y' most Obcd^ 

hble Serv* 
, - /.■..; .. , „ P. Jackson. 

* The writer was a ^Member of rarliarmnt for Wevniouth. 


Letters of "\Villia>[ Sa^iuel Joirxsox. 

London Xov'. 12*\ 1T»;7 

Put not if. Trust in Parliaments nor in Princes if I wa.s von 
I w'onld assnme for my Motto. Tn Conseq^ of the Parliani-". 
reconimontr. I expoet^ very soon to have had the plea^^uro of 
acqnaint". yon of some very beneficial Appointment. I was 
made to believe that it conld not fail nor be delay'd. It was 
confidently expected A: even relied npon that you or Gov^ Fitch 
k probably both would be appoiTited of the Board of Cusroms 
(or as Huske calls it board of Sallaries j : beside the Vore of 
Parr, yon were both ment'^. by y". Friends to the Ministers »\: all 
proper Interest made for yon, Yet we har-e seen that Board 
fill'd np (i- all the lucrat* offices dependant npon it dispused of 
without any Xotice taken of you or any of those whc. were 
recommended to the fav'. of the Cro^vn. And as to the Ch. J. 
I ment^., nothing- is said ; it seems to be looked upon as full at 
present. A: that the Reversion is not to be disposed of. It has 
been hinted to me indeed, but I cannot say that I rely at all 
npon it, that it is reserv'd for a certain Gent"", now in Am'\ d: to 
a particular purpose which I durst not mention unless I could 
whisper it in y' Ear. AVh^ says the Ptecommend". cannot fail 
to have its effect, eV that the :\IinisTry shall hear of their neglect 
of it in the filling up the board, &: be calFd to Account for it, 
when Parliam'. meets, so that you are still to expect something 
very clever, but what or when or where I cannot at present tell 
you; it may come very soon «S: we have already seen it nuiy be 
delay'd. I am obliged to 'M' AV it seems not only for his friend- 
ship to me but for assuring you of mine to you; you may relv 
upon it that I lun-c done A: shall still do all in my Power to 
serve you. But if you did not already know this Country I 
shou'd tell you they are strange People here ; Very unsteady, so 
exceedingly unsettled, that one is almost tempted to think all 
affairs go by Accident cV are govern'd by Chance, rather than 
by design. Lord X. you have heard is Chan', of the Excheq'. 
in lieu of Clr. T. ^: there is now little talk of a Change, which 


till verv lately Las been confidently expected. All that I can 
find the ^linistry are upon relative to Am^. is the design of 
forming settlements in the Illinois Country & at Detroit, which 
they have in Consideration, in view to save the heavy expence 
they have been at in Indian atlairs. The board of Trade have 
consulted the Merch''. who Ileport in favour of it, so that G. 
L. [ ? ] affairs now go on swimingly. Tell y^ neighbour 
Tomson that Poor father Kobinson died a few days ago of the 
small Pox, which is a sad misfort^ to the X. Hampshire cause, 
&• what I shall do without his Evidence which was of the last 
Importance I know not. "When I may hope to return I cannot 
yet foresee, as L. President gives us no Opport'^. for a hearing 
of the ^[ohegan Case. We have been ready this 7 ^^I*^. »S: the 
other side tell us they are so too. I am impatient to see an end 
of it & to return to ]ny old System, for (to Ans^ y\ Queries) I 
never indulged myself with any expectation of a provision in 
this Country or my own which might exempt me from business. 
Industry in my Profession has been ever my only reliance, ».\: 
tho' it may after so long an Interval at first seem a little odd to 
bustle again at the Bar. yet I doubt not after a while it will 
become again familiar. The story you had from I. II.* I doubt 
not is very near the Truth *i' will be justified by the event, 
but (tho' it Lx)ks too like the usual cant in these occasions) I 
will venture to assure you that I am as Easy about all that mat- 
ter as a ^lan can be. I am resolved to take no Pains to be in or 
out. I do not contemn the favours of my Country ; on the con- 
trary I set a proper Value upon them ; but I cannot anxiously 
court them. While the Peop^ Imag"". I can do them any ser- 
vice, I "am willing to endeavour it: when they shall be of a 
different Opinion. I shall readily acquiesce in it without mur- 
muring, & I think without- "uneasiness, unless accon\panied with 
other Circumstances than barely being neglected. I can never 
so much wonder at their leaving me out as I did at their 
putting me in. But this is too much of myself which you will 
however pardon because you led me to it. The t- stablishm . oi 

* Joseph Harrison? 


the Board at B. rather than at X. Y was owing to M". Paxton's'' 
Int*. with Ch^ Townsend who conducted that whole affair. 
Gov^. Pitkins proceed"", with respect to the Troops was at first a 
little grumbled at, but the proper Excuses from our Circum- 
stances & the Xature of our Const", being made, it was pretty 
well approvVI. The next Questn you ask is a very shrewd one 
& I have been very anxious to know what was intended, & at 
present as far as I can discover there is no design to take any 
iJs'otice of our Gov', or Judges, but to leave them upon their 
present footing. There has never you know been any CompP. 
of want of Salary from our Gov'^. or Judges, & consequently no 
room for his Majesty to interpose where Civil Govern\ has been 
so well supported as with us <^' there has been so little alteration 
about it. In a word I think it was not an Object with those 
who plan'd &: pen'd the Act, nor did they attend to the distinction 
between the Ch^ Gov*^ »S: the others. We had a Prince Born 
the 2*^ Ins'' & the D. of Y. was Interd the 3<^. with much Pomp, 
so you see notwithstand^ our loss's we keep our stock of Poyal 
Blood still Intire. 

I am with Compl'^\ to all friends very affectionately 

Y'. F. &H. S.f 

To Jared Ingersoll Esq^ 

London Xov^ 12'^ 1767. • ' ■ / -'■"~^.- •■^.•. ^ 

- "■ -■■^'. ■ ...':^ .. ♦ London Xov'. 30'\ 1767. 
DearS'. „ ,■:■ . .:.,'.., 

I wrote you a gloomy Letter the 12*". Inst\, which I now 
wish you may never receive or at least not before this, since it 

* At the time this letter was written Charles Paxton (born 1704, died 
17S8) was collector of the port of Boston. On September 8, 1767, he, (as 
head) and four others. Hulton, Kobinson, Temple, and Burch, were com- 
missioned the American Board of Custom Commissioners to sit at Boston, 
under the Townshend Act of June 20 of the same year. This board met 
for the first time in Boston on November 18. Paxton ceased to be collector 
on his appointment as commissioner and was succeeded by Joseph Harrison, 
who arrived in America probably in 17ii"^. 

t This letter from l^r. William Samuel .ToluHon. as well as the two next 
following', is co]>ied from his Letter-book in tlie Cotmeeticut Historical 



must give you some pain as it did mo to find we had so little 
Expectations that anything- would be soon done for you not- 
withstanding the great hopes conciev'd from the Parliam^. 
Recommend". I own I began to fear for you that it had been 
in a manner forgot. & would be neglected, But am now very 
agreably disappointed. L. Xorth it seems bore it in ^lind, ^- of 
his own accord sent to M^. W. to know whether he tho't it would 
be agreable to you to be appointed Judge of Admiralty with 
a saF of £400-0 p^ Ann at Philad^, Virg\ or S". Carolina, upon 
which ]\r. "W was pleased to Advise with me, &• upon the whole. 
Judging for you as T would have done for myself, It was my 
opinion that you sho'd accept it if fixed at either of the 2 first 
places, but not at Carolin*. that being too far South for a 
Xorth°. Constitution ; in which 3F. TV. concuring with me, & 
after as mature a delilieration as we could give the subject, he 
waited upon L. X &: accept*^, with that limitation, & there 
seems no room to doubt that one of the two places agreed to 
will be pitch'd upon cl' yon may depend will be accordingly 
appointed, of which I heartily give you Joy. As W. do's not 
chuse to be seen in the affair, it will be my part to [make i] out 
y Commiss", which I will do with all the dispatch I can. What 
the Fees will amount to I cannot yet tell, but doubt not you will 
very readily repay ,them. The office is Honor°. & lucrative & I 
hope will be agreable to you, cl* if it sho'd not may probably be 
Exchaug'^. for something that is. The Intention it seems is 
that there shall be only three Judges for the Continent, so that 
you will have a large district, & tlio' yon are to have no part of 
the Forfeitures, I take it for granted you may in time of War 
especially take trial fees, so it must be much better than a C. 
Just^. at Common Law with the propos"^. salary of £500: 0: 0. 
k from the diff*". of Fees in those two kinds of Courts probably 
not inferior in time of Peace. The session was opened the 24*'^, 
when upon the ^Motion for an Address in Answer to the Kings 
Speech !M^ Burke <S: y^. Friend Wedderburn each of them gave 
us a fine spirited Declamat". ag^ the Ministry, & upon the sd 
State of affairs botli at home & abroad. ]\I^ Greenville pursued 
the same general plan but could not let poor America escape, 


having taken up two or three peices wh^ I have not seen, pub- 
lished in the Boston Papers, which he said were Infamous libels 
upon Parliani\, tended to stir up the People of that Country 
to sedition ti: rebellion 6: ought to be punish"^. &e <Sjc, but they are 
at present deliberating upon the high Price of Provis^ & the 
distress's of the Poor, but seem at a loss what to do for relief. 

The next day he made a formal Comp? of those Papers, wh*". 
occasion'^ a good deal of debate. But tinally the House, tho' 
they tho't them Papers of a very 111 Tendency, seem'd to thinlc 
them beneath their Xotice, & avoided determining upon the 
Compf. by puting the previous Question to adjorn the debate 
for six Months. ^L^ AVhately assures me he will write you by 
this Convey*., so I need say no more upon Politics but with 
Compl*'. to all Friends am 

sincerely y^. Priend & humble 

To Jared Ingersoll Esq'. - -. 

London Xov'. 3rA 1767. ' ■ . 

'" ■ ■"_ ■"'■ London Jan^. 2^ 17GS. 

T thank you for y'. fav^ of the 29'^. of Oct', which I have just 
now received & am very happy that you approve the depart- 
ment assign'd for you in the Partition made of the Judgeships. 
You must before this time have received y'. Commission which 
went with the others to Judge Auchmuty of Boston with a 
request to forward it to you; & I hope it came safe to hand. 
Happily the Fees at Doct". Commons* did not rise so high as 
we were told they would, the whole sum amounting to no more 
than £12. 9. -4 which I have paid 

Boston has indeed made a most insignificant "figure, *.l' ex- 
posed themseves to Infinite Pidicule in this Country. They 

• Doctors Commons, the place of residence of the doctors of civil law, 
who practiced in the ecclesiastical and admiralty courts, was located at 
this time in the City of London, on St. Bennet's Hill, soutli of St. Paul's 
Churchyard. The building's consisted of the dining-hall or commons, the 
hall where the courts were held, the library, and the doctors' chambers. 


were certainly very imwise to talk of their Arms when tliey 
did not intend to nse them, indeed they sho'd have known that 
the Weapons of their warfare icere not Comal, & that they can 
make a much hotter figure upon Paper than they can in the 
field — and have more effectual Arras to Combat this Country 
with than iMusquets or Bayonets. Their Resolutions to import 
no goods ti' encourage Frugality & Industry could they keep 
them & engage their Neighbours to join Avith them would have 
Infinitely more weight here than any other opposition they can 
make, but one is apt to suspect now that they have no more 
firmness in that respect than with regard to Arms, & mean 
only to bluster & make believe which will never answer the 
end ■ • 

Administration flushed with the success they have had in 
humbling the Bostonians now sedra to think it their Turn to 
talk big & bold ^: hitherto seem inflexible in their Resolution 
not to Repeal their Laws compl*'. of by the Colon^ at least for 
this session of Parl\ nor until the Colon^ submit to give up, or 
at least wave the point of Right 

L. T. I believe &: some others fancy that the Colo^. are com- 
ing about, & that if they put on a face of firmness & hold a 
strict hand over them for a while they will submit; others even 
in Ad°. doubt it but are willing to try ; yet I believe with you 
that the difficulty is not yet over, that the same uneasiness & the 
same opinions *S:c will continue &: will continue till some Agree- 
ment & mutual understand" is bro't about, but when or how this 
shall be effected I do not yet see, tho' it is most earnestly to l>e 
wished. This Country cannot yet bear the humiliating Idea 
of treating with that ; Shall we submit to treat with our Sub- 
jects, say they? No let us rather . Yet the Day will 

come I think, tS: the sooner the better for us both 

Heaven will I yet hope open to us some door of Reconcilia- 
tion & not leave us to destroy one another as we must do in 
the way things are now proceeding .... 

Y' sincere FricTid 

& aff^ hum^ Serv*. 
Hon\ • 

Jared Tngersol Esq"". 

JAEED ixgp:rsoll PAPERS, 176G-69. 421 

Letter of Riciiart) Jackson. 

Southampton Buildings 

12 Mar 1768 
Dear Sir 

It is so long since I wrote to you or heard from you that 
I have really forgot who is the Debtor of the two. Xo man 
can more sincerely rejoice at y" succeeding in your wishes than 
I do, (S: therefore at a venture I should have risked the rejoicing 
with you, though T was not quite certain you would relish the 
offer made you of a seat on the Eench of Admiralty Jurisdic- 
tion,"^ had I not known that AVheatly had communicated that 
otfer beforef k had I not at the same time been taken up in a 
close Attention to my father (S: Brother Bridges, both of Avhom 
are since dead,t &: then lay as they bad done for some weeks 
before in the tortures of the Stone 6: Gout. This lone; illness of 
two persons for whom I had a sincere Affection & with whom I 
have lived so much, has perhaps left abundantly more impres- 
sion on my mind, than their Deaths at a distance could have 
done, i: the Impression is not at all lessened by the Increase of 
fortune I receive from them, & even little by the Consideration 
of the Age of one &; y^ Infirmities of both. 

I hope the offer I speak of will be acceptable to you ; if it be 
not, be so good as to signify what you think will suit you best ; 
sh*^ it be in my Power, the little Assistance I can give you is 
at your Service. 

* Owing to the stricter measures adopted after 1763 to check smuggling 
and enforce the acts of trade a reorganization of the system of vice-admi- 
ralty courts took place in Aim-rica. The old courts remained unchanged 
but in 17(14 a single court iov all America was constituted to sit at 
Halifax. Later this was given up and four courts, at Halifax, Boston, 
Philadelphia, and Charleston, were established with power to exercise both 
original and appellate jurisdiction. These are the courts referred to. 

t A letter from ^^fr. Wliat^ly to ^^■illiam Samuel Johnson, Xoveml)er 
15, 1707, mentions that Lord North had asked him if a Judgeship in the 
new Courts of Vice Admiralty, with an annual salary of £400, would be 
agreeable to Mr. Ingersoll. 

S ilr. Jackson's father, Licliard Jackson, died on January 10, 1708, and 
his sister's husband, Thomas Bridges (for whom see above, p. 2711), on 
the followinLT dav. 


I wish any tiling could be thought of for that worthy ^lan 
Governor Fitch. I know not what to move for him ; there is 
no man I more wish to serve, >Sr hope it would not be ditiicult Uj 
succeed if one knew what would suit him. 

One Reason of my now writing to you is I care not to write 
quite explicitly to Gov'" Pitkin on y*" Subject of y® ]\[ohegin 
Suit,"^ because such Letters are read publickly & come to y^ 
knowledge of y'^ adversary. I sincerely think y* ^Merits are 
with us, c^' that no such Commission ought to have issued orig- 
inally, (.^- as it has issued, it ought after this length of time to 
rest on j® Determination of y^ last Commissioners; but I can- 
not answer for the Opinion of the Privy Council, especially 
considering y^ Disposition ^Mankind here have to believe the 
English Americans in general have dispossessed y^ Indians 
unjustly, i: considering what complaints of that sort are lately 
come over from otlier parts of America, which you know 
enough of this Country to know, will probably be confounded 
with our Case. 

I have wished therefore to stop the progress of the Suit with- 
out appearing to oppose the Sol""^ of the Indians obtaining 
Money from the Crown (which they cannot do without) by dis- 
closing enough of the Affair to put tlie Ministry on its Guard 
ag^ the fine Impression of a plausible story, & by intimating that 
if after one such Trial asquiesced in for 20 years they advance 

* A controversy had long subsisted between the IMohegan Indians of 
Eastern Connecticut and the Colony, respecting the validity of certain 
purchases of territory from the former in the seventeenth century. After 
protracted efforts at settlement here, the case had been transferred to 
England, and in October, 17G0, Wni. Sam'l. .Johnson had been sent by tlie 
Connecticut Assend)ly to London as a special Agent in tliis matter. 

The Moliegan case was not finally disposed of until Jan. 1.5. 1773, wlien 
the Privy Council dismissed the appeal of the Mohegan Indians, tlius 
afiirming the decision of the commissioner of review of Aug. l(i. 174.3. 
For twenty years the appellant, Samuel ilason. acting as ''guardian" 
for the Indians, had persisted in his etl'ort of obtain possession of the 
Mohegan lands and the expenses of liis apjieal had been paid out of tlie 
Briti-h Exclioquer. From 1700 to 1773 the coluny's case was conducted 
by its agt-nt-solicitor. Jhoma^, Lite. Johnson returned to America before 
the final decision. 


more money, they mav expect like Applications from 100 worn 
ont Tribes in all the different Colonies of America; & this I 
have done. ... 

I am T)^ Sir sincerely 
/ faithfiill 
" '^ hble Serv' 

R. Jackson. 

Letter of Augustus Joiixstox. 

Xewport February 7'\ 1769. 
Dear Sir 

I came to Town late last Evening, & found your favour of 
the 20^^. of last ^Month, but as the Post goes out early this 
Morning (I mean at 10 O'Clock) I have but to acknowledge 
the Rec^ of that, & the just sense I have of your Friendship, but 
before I set off for Carolina, I will write you more freely. I 
cant help saying that I am well pleased at our late appoint- 
ments," not only for our sakes, but as it shows a desigTi in the 
Administration at Home, to support those Americans, who have 
endeavoured at acquitting themselves good subjects. God 
knows I am grieved at the Distresses of my Country, but can't 
help thinking they have brought it upon themselves, by being 
led by a few hotbrained people, ti" T don't doubt, but in a short 
time, the misguided ones will see their error ^- will know who's 
advice it would have been most prudent for them to have fol- 
lowed. "M". Johnston joyns me in Complim^^ to 3[". Ingersoll 

which includes me in hast. 

y^ very hble. Serv\ 

A. Johnston. 

* Mr. Johnston had received, at the time of Mr. Injrer^oll's appointment, 
the appointment of Jiidp:e of the Court of Vice-Admiralty for the Southern 
District, comprising tlie C'aroHnas, Georgia, and the Floridas, with head- 
quarters at Cliarleston, where he arrived in ^tay. 1760. 

During the Revohition he took refuge with the British in New York 
Citv, and is said to have died there about 1779. 


I agree with you, in your Sentiuients of writing to LorU 
I^ortli, & Sir Edward Hawke, & shall enclose them, to be deliv- 
ered by our Worthy Friend ^U. Whately to whom I shall write 

at the same time. 

Y^. A J. 
Ilonble. Jared Ino;ersoll 

Letters of William Sa:\[uel Johnsox. 

London March S'\ 17G9 
Dear S^ 

I have the pleasure of y". of the 7*^. of Jan'', inclosing y^. 
Bill on Mess". Brown's S: Collinson for £20 : : 0. You will 
have seen by my last that the Estimate made of the fees upon y'' 
Commission, which I communicated to you, was much too high 
&; that the sura I have advanced (including the price of 5 lb 
Bacon which T delivered ^F. Life" to be cons*^. with y''. Stat", i 
is no more than £13 : 14 : 4. I have therefore made no farther 
use of y^ Bill than for reembursing myself that sum. I 
explained the matter so minutely to ]\F. Brown, k have Indorsed 
the Order^ in part only & so particularly that I think no mis- 
take can happen among us in Conseqn^ of the Orders being 
larger than the sum rec'd. You would certainly enjoy this 
Office with much more pleasure &: we sho'd be all much happier 
were those unfortunate disputes betw"". G. B. & the Colonies set- 
tled, & I do with you most sincerely lament our unhappy sit- 
uation. But at present T see little prospect of the compleation 
of y'". hope that we shall soon either untie or Cut the Gordion 
Knot. I fear yet farther provocations on both sides, severities 
on this side & reluctance lI' Opposition on that. Perhaps we 
must both feel more effectually the folly of Quarreling before 
we shall have the Wisdom to be reconciled, tho' the longer it is 

* Thomas Life, of Basiii^liall St., Cripplegate, London, "vvas appointed in 
17C0 co-agent for the CuIdiiv %vitli Jack.son, acting as attorney. -Jack?"" 
was tlie reguhir agent, ^\'m Samuel Johnson the special agent in the 
Mohegan case. 


delay'd the more the wound festers & rankles, & the Cure 
becomes every day more doubtful & difficult. However, I will 
still hope *t pray God that some proper Eemedy may be found 
before it becomes totally incurable. Part of the present !Man- 
ag'ers, & those who have now most Influence, arc obstinate in 
their own Opinion, & believe or at least affect to believe that 
the uneasiness is not gen^ in Am*, that they are only a factious 
few that disbelieve the Parliam^. Right of Taxation or reluct at 
the Exercise of their Power to kc And that by standing iirm or 
at least assuming the app* of it, & by a few Troops & some little 
severities they may bring the Colon* into a state of humble sub- 
mission. Another part think it w"* be best to ease away & give 
up for the present at least the Actual Exercise of their Power in 
the litegated points, but doubt whether they can do it with 
Hon''., d: that doubt compells them to conform to the first ment*^. 
part of Adm°. & agree tho' faintly in the present measures. 
They are all indeed as you observe angTy, but many of them 
at the same time fear. Xothing farther has however been done 
since the Pcsolutions which I communicated to you, tho' we 
are told that adm'^ do not intend to be silent with respect to 
X York, & the opposition we know propose if they can, in some 
mode or other, which they have not yet agTeed upon, to bring 
American affairs again upon the Carpet ; but what the Issue 
will be no body can pretend to say. Wilks you see has been 
Expelled, reelected «S: Expelled again. But the popular Clamour 
is high in his favour; his friends have set on foot a Stibscrip- 
tion to support his Cause, which it is said fills very fast, & it 
may be expected he will yet occasion much bustle. I long 
much to see you vS: my other friends in A: but am still detained 
by this endless ^NFohegan Case & can yet fix no time for my 
return. In the mean time present my best Compl'^ to I\P. 
Ingersoll k \^. Sr>n (t nil friends, »1- believe me to be always 

Y^ affect^ Friend & H : S* " 
To Hon' Jared Ingersoll Esq"" 

London :\riirch S'^ 1700. ■ 

* This letter by Dr. William Sannifl Johnson, a^^ well ns the next follow- 
inp one, i> taken from hi?; Lpttor-Book in the Connecticut Historical Society. 

I I 


West^ Dec^ 9'\ ITGO 

You have I see had a great affair before you at X York. 
which after all you have not the good fortune to Quiet. ^V\ 
Bayard & Livingston arc Arrived to litigate it with renewM 
Vigour at the Cock Pit.-' I know nothing of the Controv-'. 
tho' I have heard them both talk of the branch's of Delawarts of 
the Latitude of old ^' new Lines, of Ancient Poss' & ^l.>d" 
Claims — One Circum^ is at least m*". in fav^ of y". Decree, that 
you have pleased neither Party. & Truth very generally lies in 
the !Mean between the extremes into wh^'. all contesting Parries 
are too apt to run. We have had indeed fine Confusions here 
enough to amtise a sobar ^faii, but they are in some degree sub- 
sided. Whether the approaching ParP. will renew or more 
effectually quiet them, he nuist be. more of a Prophet than I 
pretend to be who can determine. To them howev^ all our 
attent''. is now turn'd & we anxiously expect the Event of 
their dcliberat'. With regard to An/, ^linist^ are rather ;■'.•:- 
eled than Converted. They hardly know what to do. They 
want to unite Extremes which must be Eternally seperated. the 
full Exercise of Prerogat^ with the complete Enjoy*, of Libx?rTy. 
Surely they had better try to hit upon some Medium. I will 
not say they will, tho' I will give Credit to the good Inten:\ of 
some of them. Provid*. above I begin to wish must extrica'v us 
out of the Dilemma we are in. if we are extricated. It is r.ow 
I fear beyond the reach of mere human Policy to Effect it. Let 
us hope the best «Sr wait the Event. Yoti have T confess ReL^-ai 
to laugh at me. e^' T to be ashamed that I have not meritcvl :he 
good Qpin'\ ]\P. Ing". was so kind as to enter'ain of me. H;id 

* The Cockpit was the building ou the North side r>i \"\T,:tehall iu 'w-^k-b 
the Privy Council sat and wIuto the Secretaries of State had their ozi^-.-i^: 
portions of it still form the interior coiistructinn of the Treasury buLI.;_:ii£!. 

William Bayard and hi* a--o>iate had been senr over a? special j^'e-rts 
for managing the protest of Xew York against the decision of the tiiir-er-n 
Commissioners appointed to settle the l>oundani- rvrwe^n Xew Yorii aud 
Xew Jersey: Ingersull had Ix^en the Connecticut r-iresentative oa "i.i- 
Commission, and was present at every one of their mettin^s (Julv-Ofc:>!vpr. 

17G9). ■...,■,.. ... :,.. . , 


aiiv bodv told me ^vlien I left yoii that I sboiiltl have spent 3 Y^. 
in England, I should have replied with the Words of assvrian, 
Is thy Ser\ a Dog that he should do this thing. Yet I have to 
lament with him that I did not know how little my own Res- 
olut°. would sigiiifie. All :\Ien must submit to the Xecessity 
of Affairs. I wish'd as others have done before me to have 
done better, c^- have done only what my situation admitted me to 
do. I hope it willnot now be very long before I shall see you 
cV' Account for my Conduct, in wh". I do not ask applause but 
may I trust hope for Pardon. 

As to f. Salery T have not had the to 3P Whately 

who is not in the Country these 3 ^[°\, but have Enqu^ 6: am 
told the Course is this ;— you are to get a Certif^ from the Com^ 
of Customs that there is no 'Mohqx in their hands out of which 
it can be paid, »t upon the ground of that Certif^ a :\rem". must 
be present^ to the Treas^ who will order it paid without much 
Expense. Y^. B'. Audi', has gone thro' the process, k was 
desired I am told to let you all know the steps to be taken. 
Give me leave upon this occas". as it becomes a Eriend to hint 
to you that I have heard some surprise expres'd here at \\ being 
yet in Connect, c^- :^P Sewall* at Boston, ka. & more that you are 
still, as it seems somebody has said, you yet are in the Pract^ 
of the Law. Do those Gent". Imagine, say they, that this 
Office is to be a sine Cure, Are they to be Xon resident. Judges, 
or is it Consistant with the Dig-nity of a Judge to Cont". in the 
Pract^ of the Law ? kc. You may have Peasons & Authoritj 
which I know notlr. of. These things I should not trouble 
you with, did they come from En. They have droped from y^ 
Friend,' c^- you will pardon my :Mcnt^. them, merely that vou 
may make such use of them as you think best. I do by vou as 
I wish every Friend to do l)y me. You will T am sure pardon 
me if you do not a})prove such Liberty — For myself I do not 
expect any of the good things you are so good as to say You 
wish T may have (if indeed they are good things). I know 

* Jonathan Sfwall flfarvard 174S) was appointed judj:.. of tho Vice- 
Adniiralty-court at Halifax in ITtlS. hut never entered on tlie appointment. 
He died in New Brunswick in 1796. 



the insuperable Barriers wLicli are interpose*^ between me vie 
them. I look forw*^. to the Conu^ Bar with satisfaction where 
I have eujoy'd much pleasure & think I may again. I have 
no Obj"'. to it, l>ut that it must keep me too much from my 
family d: is rather too fatiging. But why should not one be 
busy? Indolence is the Eust of Life. I know indeed it can 
afford no wealth, but I have long since settled it that Prov*. 
never intended I should be rich, *S: if it would not be vain I 
would add that I think I have almost acqr^ Philosophy enough 
to be very well contented without it. Be it as it may I am 

' ' ' . : -. . T^. mostob\ H. S*. 

You do not say a word whetlf. you have rec'd f. Books or 
not or my Letter relat^. to the Order you drew in my fav^ I 
hope both came safe to hand. 

To Jared Ingersoll Esq^ 

Letter of Dk. Bexjamix Gale. 

Killino- worth 29*'' Dec' 1769 
Dear S' ' ' ' 

I receiv"^ y' Fav^ p^ post ; cannot bo at Hartford, but Intend 
for X Haven as soon as I possibly can come over. 

You need not be under any Anxiety of my mentioning your 
Xame." ; I have carefully avoided that. I was a little sorrv I 
mentioned it in my Former, but still was thoughtfull it would 
not be unacceptable as I know the Body of the Freemen hate »i: 
fear the Consequences of the Susquchannah Affair. 

This has been Co" Dyers Hobby Horse by which he has rose 

• The writer here refers to a work which lie is printing, Observations on 
a Pamphlet . . of which the Hon. Eliphnh t Dyer is the reputed Author. 
He had already printed, earlier in 1709, A Letter to J. W., which was aho 
lar^'ely directed against Colonel Dyer and tlie Susquehannah Company in 
wliioh he was so much concerned. 


& as he has been unmerciful! to Gov^ Fitoh & Yourself I never 
design to Give him rest untill I make his Hobby Horse throw 
him into the Dirt. 

If what I have now wrote dont Effect it, I design to repub- 
lish his Letter to Gov' Fitch which he published soon after his 
return from England in w^ he says he had done Xothing on 
Susquehannah Affairs, & had given himself wholly up to the 
Affairs of our Gov' respecting the Stamp Act. A trusty Agent 
for the Comp'' ! 

Some of our side seem willing almost to take Coll Dyer in on 
our side. FTe is too fond of Popularity, has but few friends he 
can bring over, iS: has been too Cruel to be Admitted; I had 
rather have S' EoV Himself. 

I think my Answer to him is pretty Avell Calculated. I wish 
it was out, but the Printer is very dilatory. 

I am S' Y^ Freind k Hum^ Serv^ 

Benj'^ Gale. 

Jared Ingersol Esq'' ,: ■ ■: . , . ' , . 

at _.■•/.. '..,'.. ■■•.. . /., ■. : ■ 

^ Haven] ,. ^ . . • - r , 

430 JARED IXGEKSOLL rAPERS, 1 770-81. 

V, Pirii.ADELPHiA AND Xew IIavex, 1770-17S1 

Mr. Ingeisoll did not remove Ids family to Pliiladelphia until 
April, 1771 : and in September. 1777, he returned to Xew 
Haven, where he died in Angust, 17S1. 

Of the few records of this period, the most interesting are 
his free and confidential letters to his nephew, revealing his 
longing for his old home while enjoying much in the varied life 
of a larger social circle. 

At the close of this section are added his son's letter on 
hearing of his death, and his epitaph. 

Letter of Dr. Jacob Ogdex. 
Dear Sir, 

"When 1 had the pleasnre of seeing you last Summer at Xew- 
ark, you requested my ]\Iethod of Cure in the Sore Throat Dis- 
temper, which I promised you to publish; and accordingly 
did 2 or 3 months after in the Xews Papers. But agreeable to 
the Kequest of several Gentlemen as well of the medical Pro- 
fession as others, T propose, as soon as I conveniently can, to 
publish a Treatise on said Disorder. And as I design to give 
a brief hystory of its fatal Effects, especially in Xorth America, 
I beg the favor of you to inform me as soon as convenient, the 
iN'umbers as near as you can that died in X. Haven in 173f>. 
The nuinbers in such families where it was most fatal. And of 
the greatest ^Mra-lallity in any other Towns in your Colony, or 
[Massachusetts, especially in Cambridge, and the year it was 
most fatal in that Town. And also what Success has attended 
my method of Cure in your parts since I published it. 

I also beg the favor of you to send me, if to be had among 
your Doctors, D"". Dnglass's Treatise on the aforesaid Disorder. 
I had one formerly, now lost, and am not able to procure one in 
!N'ew York. It shall be retiirne<l with Thanks. It may be 
ordered to be left at 'SW yich'. Ilotfinans, between Coentics *.V: 
the Old Slip ^[arkcts, X. York, ... 



From, Sir, your old Friend «i: humble Serv*^. (with my best 
regards to your good Lady) 

Jacob Ogdeu. " 

Mav 10, 1770. 

The Hon^'"^ 

Jared Ingersol Fsc]^ 
iSTew Haven] 

Letter of Arodi Thayer. 
Sir, " 

Fearful lest something bad or disagreeable had taken place 
with your health, your Lady or son, I had set down to write by 
this post, when your obliging favor of the eighth came to hand. 

By the middle of next month T shall have the pleasure to 
wait upon your honor in the city of Philadelphia by water, God 

"Judge Auchmuty has received no part of his Salary owing 
to the fines and forfeitures in his district not yet being brought 
to the King's chest.'' ... 

]\rr. Sewall grow? more fond of his district ; in a late con- 
versation he told me. Sir, of l)eing about resigning the Attorney- 
Generalship of this Province, and quitting the seat of Bar- 
risters, to attend c^' receive his twelve hundred pounds Sterling 
due in September. He says the Commissioners of the customs 
have money enough, the yielding of his district, to pay him, & 
some to spnrp over. The sign manual, or Certificate for pay- 
ment, seems hard to be procured. The Commissioners *.^' my 
friends ave so very silent I have it not in my power to com- 

* Tho writer was born in Newark about 1722, and was a contemporary 
of IMr. In^Tfrsoll in Colle^sre, altlio^ioh lie Jid not graduate. His half-brother. 
.Jndfre David 0;^'den, was graduated at Yale in 172^^. 

Dr. Oiiden ]iraoticed medicine in .Tanuiica. Lon^' I-land. and is supposed 
to have Vieen the pioneer in inTroduoiiiLr (about 1750) into America the 
use of mercury in the treatment of inllammatory diseases. His proposed 
treatise never appeared, although he lived until 17S0. 


miinicate any thing material to voiir honor from this place or 
the Castle where they are — save Mr. Temple, who certainly 
hath weighty interest at the Treasury. He lives in this town. 
!^rr. Robinson^ is after ^Ir. Sewall's appointment. Franklyn, 
Sir, Lieut. Governor of X, Scotia, married Mrs. Robinson's 
only sister — Ladies of Fortune. "t 

May I beg the favor of ray Respects to your Lady and for 
Mr. Ingersoll. • . " ■ 

I am with all possible deference. 

Tour honors most obedient humble servant 
A. Thayer.t 
Boston August irith. [1770.] 
The hon. Mr.' Inaersoll. 

Letter of Judc^e Augustus Johxstox. 

iNTewport 21''. August 1770. 
Dear Sir 

Your favour of the 8'^. Instant I did not receive timely to 
send you an answer last post, as I was not in Town, Whatever 
may be the Tate of some other Things, that the People clamour 
about, I can't think the Admiralty Courts upon the late Plan 
will be abolished. I lately rec'^. a Letter from Dummer 
Andrews E^(|^ from London, dated at the 'Na.yj Office the 5^''. 
June last, who is appointed Register of the Court established at 
Charlestown, S°. Carolina, enclosing me a Blank Deputation, 
desiring me to appoint some proper Person to act in his Behalf. 
t^' to agree with him respecting the Terms, as I find he is to 
reside in England. He writes me that he delayed sending it 

* Tlon. John Eobinson. former Comniissioner of Customs. 

t Micliael Francklin. Lieutenant Governor of Xova Scotia in ITGO. mar- 
ried in 17G2 Susannah, daughter of James Boutineau, of Boston; ^Ir. 
Bobin^on married her sifter Anne in 1 ?•")!>. 

t Arodi Tiiayer, born in Braintree, ^fa-s.. in 1743. was tlie Marshal of 
the Massachusetts District of the Vice-Admiralty Court, as well as of 
Judge Ingersoll's District. 


'til he saw. the Issue of the business in Parliament, and that he 
IS now well assured from his Friends, both in, & out, that it is 
the determination of the Principals of both sides to support 
Plan. I have not as yet rec^ any Part of mv Salary. When 
I was m Boston last October, W. Auchmutv* showed me a Let- 
ter he had rec^ from W. Plallowellf in London enclosing him a 
copy ot the minutes of the Treasury Board wherein it was 
determined, that we should be allowed our Salaries from the 
dates of our Commissions, provided we entered upon the Execu- 
tion of our Offices in six months from the date. W. Followell 
further informed W Auchmuty that an Order would be soon 
made out for the Payment thereof, since which I have not heard 
any thing more; but as 2l\ HoJIowell is expected every dav in 
Boston I expect by him to hear something agreeable. As soon 
as I hear any tiling that concerns us, you may be assured I 
will advise you. I have not done anv Business in the Office 
myself yet. I left Carolina the C>'\ of May, & a few davs after 
I left it, there were two Seizures made, which have been tryed 
by my Deputy in my absence. I propose to set off for Charles- 
town tho beginning of ]N'overaber again, & shall stay the Winter 
there. ]M". Johnston joyns with me in Complim*\ to von k W. 
Ingersoll which concludes me. 
D^ Sir 

Y'. most Obed\ hble. SeiV. 
L ' '-■'■ '■ A. Johnston 

Letter of Tiio.mas Wiiately. 

-P, ^. ■ .. Esher 11*\ Oct^ 1770 

Dear Sir 

You complain of my Xoglect so much in your Letter of 16'^ 
August, that tho' I wrote to you in June, .1^ nothing has since 

'Robert Ancliniuty, Jr., had been nppointed Jud-o of Vice- \dmiraltv 
tor the Xeu-En;,^land district, and bntli h. and Mv. Inger.oll ^vGre in 
iKdive service: but Mr. Johnston does not appear ever to iiave actually 
Jield Court in Charleston. 

t Robert Ilallowell of Boston was Comptroller of the Customs. 


oceiir'dj I write agaiu to prove that I do not neglect vour Cor- 
respondence. We have received the Xews of the Xon-importa- 
tion Scheme being broken at ZSTew-York,'^ the Ministry with 
Exultation, & the People with IndilTerence ; for we had found 
out that the ^TsTon-iniportation Scheme itself was a meer Bra- 
vado ; now your 3Ierchants have found it out also; some of 
your People carried on the Trade clandestinely,, while the 
Agreement subsisted ; & now who please may carry it on 
openly; that is all the Difference; we have exported the whole 
time large Quantities to America. The Ministers however 
rejoiced at the Dissolution of that Combination, because it 
relieved them from the Difficulty of proposing the Means to 
break it; & since, the Alarms of an approaching "War have 
diverted the Attention of all from the Colonies to our own imme- 
diate Situation; it is not yet certain, but it seems veiw prob- 
able, tt has all the usual Effects already. The Parliament, 
which was to meet soon, before the Intelligence came from Xew 
York; .&: which was not to meet soon, when that Intelligence 
was received ; is now to meet in a Month on account of the 
Apprehensions of a War; what melancholy Subjects wait for 
our Deliberation I 

I am very glad to find that you are at last determined to settle 
at Philadelphia ; it was a necessary Precaution ; tho' at pres- 
ent I do not hear any Talk of the Admiralty Courts ; k I sup- 
pose we have too much Business on our hands to take them into 
consideration. D' Johnson I conclude is sail'd, as I have not 
heard of him lately ; you will remember me to him, if you see 
him; he is a very valuable ]\ran ; I shall always respect him. 
The Apples you mention to have sent me, I did not receive; T 
believe very few, if any, came sound last Winter. I received 
your Letter while ^f" Xorths happen'd to be with us ; & imme- 
diately presented your Comp^' to them & to my Mother ; they all 
desire theirs in return. My ^[other's Abode at Old Windsor 
was but temporary ; she is now fixed at Eslier in Surry, about 

* The Xon Importation atrroonn'iit was broken by the Xew York iiipr- 
cliaiits in July, 177i\ l^'causc they were satisfied witli the partial repeal of 
th>' 'rii\vii.,hend Aets. 


15 ^liles from town, vS: eight from Xonsucli ; I have spent the 
Summer with lier ; but am now going to town ; continue your 
Direction to the Care of my Brother. 

Dear Sir 

Your most ohcP & faithful Serv*^ 
Thomas Whately. 
[To the Hon"*^ 

Jared Ingersol Esq 
Xew Haven • ' 

Xew England] 

Letter of AVilliaim Samuel Johxsox. 

Stratford June 15'\ 1772. 

D^ s^ 

I have ever since y^. Arrival amongst us intended to 
spend a day with you at Xew Haven if I could not get you over 
to Stratford. One way or other we must meet. The only 
thing I have to urge is that you have more leisure than I have. 
The want of leisure is almost my only misfortune, & I have less 
now than I hope to have by & by when I have a little arranged 
my Affairs after so long neglect of them. At present I am 
absolutely engaged, but in a week or two if you cannot come 
here I will certainly ride over to X Haven. 

I feel but too sensibly the Evils you complain of in this Col- 
ony, & know perfectly well that you impute them to their true 
Cause, an 111 Judged fear of the People, which will infallibly 
ruin this fine Colony unless we can have the spirit to rise supe- 
rior to it. At present I fear few or none will do it, but such 
Z\Ien will I trust be found before it be too late' to save us from 
destruction. It is in vain, as you hint, to Complain while we 
should be looking out for remedies. I am extremely glad to 
find you have tuvn'd \^. Attention to this part of the subject, 



& shall be liappy in the Communication of your thoughts upon 
it. Pray consider it in the manner the Importance of it merits. 
The sentiments of our Friends in England is a subject of too 
great length for this hasty Letter. I defer it till we meet. 
Junius Amer\ is one Jy. Lee a Virginian/" late a Physician, 
now a La"\vver, a sensible but very sanguine ^lan, who is Con- 
nected a little with L. Shelburne, & most heartily hates L. Hills- 
borough because Shelbunie does not love him. He delights in 
the fire and fury of a Party, & is perfectly well adapted to 
please the Bostonians. These Countrymen of ours have acted 
a very Idle part, «fc have, inter nos, made themselves very ridicu- 
lous on both sides of the Atlantic. I am in utmost haste 
D^ S^ T". most obed'. 
humble Serv*. 

W"'. Sam^ Jolinson 

[To ' . .:;;.; ■,,■.:■ 

Jared Ingersoll Esq"". '•' ' "' ■ 

New Haven] '' \ 

' .' •• Letter to Eltas Siiipmax. 

Mr. Elias Shipman : 

Sir,— Please to keep the Ilomelot altogether free from 
depasturing this Fall & next Spring. In the Season get it 
mowed, next year, & put the Hay in the Barn. Get the Dung 
made by the Stable carried on the Lot & spread this Fall, and 
the Chip Dung next Spring put on the Garden. Inform Henry 
Toles, when he calls on you, by what Vessel he shall send to 
Xew York on the Way to Philadelphia, eight barrels Cider, 
which lie will provide, and write a line by the Master to Mr 
William Dinning at Xew York to store the same & ship p'" first 
Conveyance to me at Philadelphia. Call on Jonathan Ingcr- 
soll for ]\roney to pay Freight Szc. Prindle will bring five or 

•Arthur Lee (born 1740, died 1792) was the author of Juniu'! 


six barrels of Cider, which store iu the Cellar. In the Spring 
earlv rack off & put again into the same Barrels. 

Buy 30 or 40 Posts in the Course of the Winter, if you can 
conveniently, thrifty White Oak, 9 feet long, of a proper Size 
to replace those round the wood yard. Put them under the 
Hovel to Season. Enoch Baldwin has promised to bring some 
on Acco. of his Xote. I do not depend much upon him! Sell 
Jerry's Desk; it cost £7; is new; get what vou can for it. 
Perhaps it will be best to send it to Sea. 

Pay Xewraan Trowbridge for S Barrels, for the Cider that 
Toles is to furnish. Call on Jonathan for the Money. Mr. 
Ebenezer Townsend, Junr. may call upon you for about 30 sh. 
to pay for Sticks for Trough to the House; if so, call on Jon- 
athan for the ]\roney. 

Lay in 20 Bushels of Oats for me next Season. Put out a 
locust Tree in the Yard near the Gate where that was which 
blew down; also remove that in the Garden opposite the 
Kitchen about 2 feet into the ]\Iiddle of the Border. In the 
Spring get a Hand to cut from the Cedar Posts in the Chaise 
Room, little pieces to drive into, the Ground in the Garden & 
nail anew where 'tis wanting, the alley Boards. Let Capt. 
Maltbie of Paug have his two, or any two old Barrels, when he 
wants to get them. . . 

J. Ingersoll. 
' Oct\ 1772. 

[Signed and dated by Jared Ingersoll; the rest in the hand 
of his nephew, Jonathan Ingersoll.] 

Letters to Joxathax Txgersoll. 

■ , - "" ' Philadelphia Xov'. 22^ 1773 

S . 

You tell mc "I have doubtless seen in the papers who are 
appointed Judges in the County Court »jc an Account of Co\ 
Hubbards death." I tell you I have not seen nor heard a word 


of these matters. T have seen indeed just a word in Goddards 
paper of the death of Co'. Hu])hard"— and that is all: tV have, 
as vou may easily guess, been greatly distressed ever sinrr tn 
know who supplied his several Otfices; and when I saw your 
Letter, knowing it was yonrs hy the hand writing of the Super- 
scription, 1 feasted on the full expectation of being amply 
informed upon this head — bnt instead of that. I am only told, 
''•'that I hare doubtless been informed by Xews papers'' ! It 
wonld not have cost you a whit more Ink or time,, to have told 
me who these persons were. As for Greens paper f I have 
never seen more than one since my coming here, and that hap- 
pened to be a most barren one; tell Green if he dont take care 
to get them to me, he must not expect I will pay him for them. 
As to onr Xews, Printers here, you know, they dont care a 
groat who is Jndge of Probate, or of any thing else in that 
Conntry of Selectmen & Grandjnrors. I assnre you this dis- 
appointm* has so Chagrined me, that I recieved little, or no 
pleasure in the Xews of T). Lymans ]\Iarriage,t or even at Par- 
son Birds^ :\Iisfortime. Oh! dreadf ull ! this affair of his. 
however, upon recollection is no Laughing matter; if things 
are come to that pass, that some folks maynt say what they 
please about those they dont like, I think its very hard indeed. 
All my remaining Comfort is that when the Susquehannah 
Com^ come here, I shall be able to find these and several other 

\Ye have not received any Letter from Jerry since being 
here, tho we have heard of him by a hint in a Letter to W. 

* Colonel John Hubbard was partly disabled by a paralytic shook in 
May, 1772, and died on October 30, 1773, in his 70th year. His succe-sor 
as Judge of Probate was John Whiting (Yale 1740), who was a brother 
of Mrs. Jared Ingersoll. and whose first wife was a sister of Jonatlian 

t Thomas Green was the publisher of the Connecticut .Journal. 

t Daniel Lyman. Jr. (Yale 1770), of New Haven, married Statira Camp 
on November 15, 1773. 

I Kev. Samuel Bird (born 17-24. dit-d 17S4) was the pastor of the White 
Haven Society in New Haven from 1751 to 17G7, and continued to reside 


Reed from liis brother W. JJebeit" as late as the 20"'. of 


We are glad to hear of the welfare of the family, to whom 
please to present our kind Compliments. I hope ]\P. Shipman 
has forwarded the Sider from Toles and the Cane I left at 
Beldens in my way hither. 

I am 

Jared Ingersoll. 

You dont tell me whether ^U. Isaaesv has Executed the bond 
for the purpose of Spreading a little Gospel among the back 
Carolinians. Moses Tuttlerj; has been here lately. I imagiu 
he would cladlv take the Shovel in hand upon that Occasion. 
[To ^ ' ^ 

Jou^^. Ingersoll Esq'". • ' 

at ■■.:■_'■•' •; • : 

Xew Haven 

Connecticut.] • . • 

Philadelphia Dec^ 20^ 1773 


it never can rain but it must pour — is an old saying. You 
have told me at last who is Judge of Probate and all that, when 
the Connect'. Plenipo's§ have been able to tell mc that and 

* Joseph Eeed, a prominent younpr lawyer in Philadelphia, had married 
in 1770 a daughter of Dennis De Bcrdt. of Loudon, the Colonial Agent of 

t Ralph Isaacs (Yale 1761) was a prosperous and high-spirited mer- 
chant in Xew Haven, one of wlmse daughters subsequently married 
Jonatlian Ingersoll. lie was a prominent adherent of the Church ui 

t Moses Tuttle (Yale 174.5) was an eccentric Congregational preacher, 
now living in Windsor. Connecticut, but always in financial straits. 

§ Eliphalpt Dyer, William Samuel Johnson, and Jedidiah Strong, mem- 
bers of a committee appointed by the Connecticut General Assembly in 
October. 1773, to treat with the Proprietaries of Pennsylvania concern- 
ing the Connecticut claim to certain lands in the western part of that 
Province, conferred with Governor Penn at Philadelphia in December, and 
printed a Report of tlieir mis-ion in 1774. 


twenty times as mucli. T liave had a pretty agi*eeable as well as 
plentifnll meal upon the whole. 

these Gentlemen "vvill be able to te-ll you in few words, the 
number &: Kind of Agreements which they have brought ]\['' 
Penn to Enter into with thetn, respecting y^ Connect^ Claim. 

I have recieved a Letter from Son dated Sept"". S^^. ; he sais he 
hopes you will be the better for M^ Hilhouses* proposition 
(here I find he is mistaken) but says you never can hope to 
rise on the political List if you fire gTins late at night & walk 
before Sunset on Sabbath days — and that his only Comfort is 
that you are not as yet quite so bad as they are in France 
where he says he has seen em after Service in the Country 
dancing to the Violin — the Priest himself playing at hun- 
dreds — and Card-playing, at the Taverns — oh ! terrible — but 
they are Roman Catholicks — Pank Papists— & so one cannot 
much wonder at any thing they do. — Jerr\" was just setting out 
with a I\P Henry.'T a Templer from ^laryland, upon a tour 
to Portsmouth, Bath, Bristoll, Oxford & Cambridge, and then 
says, he finds he shall spend so much time this year in travailing 
that he suspects he shall want another year to study in. 

the reciept which Jerry took from Cap*. Clarke for Floyds 
money, is not here. I hope you will be able to find it; if you 
shall, let me know it, for my Ingersoll temper will not allow me 
to be quite Easy until I know how the matter stands. 

the Sider is arrived here- — desire M"" Shipman to Enquire 
out the Cane. 

But one Avord about tea. We have just heard that a tea 
Ship is arrived at Charlestown S° Carolina; and what is worse, 
that the Boston tea has found its way into Town notwithstand- 
ing all the blood which the Boston people Declared they — 
intended — to Spill upon the Occasion. I hope this Story is not 
true — indeed, now I think ont, it cannot be true, for here is a 
!^ran from Boston sent on purpose to tell us what Clever fellows 
they are, and to watch us to see that we do our duty; never 

* James Aliraliaiii IIillliou>p (Yale 17-J9). a leading lawyer in Xew 
Haven, and at tlii* time one of the Upper House in the Colony As-emhly. 

t .Tohn Henry (born 1750, died ITOs), a graduate of Princeton Colh-go 
(ITtjIt), afterwards Senator and Governor of Marvland. 


fear iis, we say but little, but we are as firm as so many rocks. 
Our Ship has not yet been heard of, but she is never to touch a 
wharf in this place nor be allowed to take out anybodys .awjds. 
Dont let what I have said upon this head get into the Boston 
Spy"'- — for if it should, some people will Spy high Treason, in 
every word; besides, to tell the trutli, I have a little feeling for 
America upon this Occasion — as much as a Judge of Admiralty 
is allowed to have. Master Pope, you know, says — whatever is 
is right; I will try to Ije of his opinion. 

I am ^-c 

J. Ingersoll, 

M' Johnson tells me your father is mending which I rejoice 
to hear; remember me to him in much Affection. 

24:'''. poor :\P Babcocklf Oh dear! Sic transit gloiia 

25*''. Oh brave Bostoni — If you and I are not furnished 
with a little bit in our way, after this, I shall wonder. I wish 
you a I\rerrv Christmas. ■ 

[To ^ ..,, /'^r • J; J"^;'' ^:: ■■■■'. 1:/., \'"''.',.'' ■::;"/ 

Jon*^. Ingersoll Esq^ ' ■•■;'...■ ■ ' : 

at """ ■■ ■' ' ■'■■.,. 

"N Haven.] ' • , 

Letter to the Editors of the Coxxecticut Jourxal. 

^fessi'rs Gj'eens, •;- ■''- '■■■>- ''■'- '■' ■;;'•■'■'■ .-' •■.■ ■ ■•' 

Please to insert the following in your next, as mv answer to 

all that has been, or that may hereafter be published, in the Xew 

London, or other newspapers in Connecticut, respecting me, and 

* The Massnchuseits Spy was the title of an iiitoiisely patriotic weekiy 
paper published since IMarcli, 1771, by Isaiah Thomas in Boston. 

t Colonel Henry Babcock (Yale 1752), of Stonington, Connecticut, had 
begun to show syniptmns of insanity. 

$The final postscript was added after receipt of the news of the tea 
having been tlirown overboard in Boston harbor on tlie evening of 
December IG. 


tbe part I have takeu in the affair of the Susquehannah Com- 

"When I went to England in 1758, a gentleman, y since 
deceasetl, for whom I had the highest esteem, furnished me with 
a copy of the act of assemLly in favour of the Susquehannah 
Company, desiring- that I would inform myself, in the best 
manner I could, of the sentiments of people in power, and others 
in England, upon the matter ; this I took care to do, and upon 
my return home in 1761, I communicated to the Company, by 
letter fully and frankly, what I had met with, and as eveiw 
thing: I had to communicate wore a very discouraging aspect, I 
took the liberty to advise them to give up early, a project, which, 

I thought in the end must prove abortive. 

This step brought upon me a suspicion, among many of the 
adventurers, that I had been bribed in England, by ^Mr. Penn. 
A story which however idle and groundless, many of these peo- 
ple have been fond of believing ; or pretending to believe, ever 
since. — The affairs of that Company have taken various turns 
since that time; through the whole of which, I have never 
taken any part, or troubled myself with their concerns, until 
the last summer, when being at my former home, at Xew- 
Haven, I accidentally met with a pamphlet wrote on the side of 
the Susquehannah Claim, addressed to J. H. Esquire: in this 
performance I found mention made of antient memorials 
respecting the history and title of the colony, some of Avhich 
were quite new to me — this put me upon searching more fully 
into the matter, the consequence of which Avas, that I became 
more convinced than ever of the groundlessness of the colony s 
claim to the western lands ; and in order to preserve the train 
of my own ideas of the matter, I committed them to writing. 

The materials and papers which T had thus collected, I 
obtruded upon none; at the same time I shewed them freely to 
every one who desired to see them, and one of the Susquehannah 
Gentlemen took a complete copy of the piece, which I wrote, and 

* The CoHuecficuf (Itizcftc. of Xew London, liad published on February 

II some reflections on Mr. Iiigcrsoll fur havinj; cast aspersions on tlie 
Su^queliainiali settlers. 

t Mr. Edwards [note by the author]. This was Judge Daniel Edwards 
(Yale Coll. 1720), of Hartford, born 1701, died 17r,.-). 

' I , . I ; I 


I own T should have been happy, if hy these, or any other means, 
the assembly had been prevented from taking the steps which 
they have since taken. 

"When I came to Phihidelphia, I said nothing to any one of 
my having any papers rehiting to this matter; but after a few 
weeks it became known that I had such papers; when Dr. 
Smith the Provost of tlie College here, came to me and requested 
a sight of them, informing me that he was writing upon the 
subject of the Susquchannah Claim — other Gentlemen applied 
to me to the same purpose. — At first I declined doing any thing 
in the matter, merely from motives of my own quiet, and to 
avoid a quarrel with the Susquchannah people, who I knew 
were always disposed to think the worst of every thing I said or 
did relating to their affairs. I determined at least not to take 
any steps until after the Gentlemen Committee had had their 
treaty with the Governor. 

In the mean time I considered of the matter — I was told that 
the colony claim to the western lands was now become a serious 
affair to this province — that every material paper of a public 
nature ought to be known to both the parties, and that I ought 
to consider myself in my present situation, as equally a friend 
to both — in a word, I found that I was in danger of giving 
umbrage by witholding, as well as by giving up the papers. 
Further, I recollected that several Gentlemen in Connecticut, in 
high estimation for their friendship to America in general, as 
well as to that colony in particular, had expressed their wishes 
to me, to have the whole of this matter laid open to the public 
view, by some person who was not in the Susquchannah interest, 
that so tlie public might have a chance of seeing both sides of 
the question; and finally I was aware, from experience, that in 
case I should communicate nothing, I should be suspected of 
communicating every thing, and even more than everythino- 
that I know. — Upon the whule therefore, I coneluded to deliver 
to Dr. Smith, to be published, the records and papers which 
were in nature of proofs, as I had been able to collect them, 
taking care t.» pulilish every thing that I thought material, as 
well for, as against th(^ claim. — T also gave him the manuscript, 
which T had wrote upr.n the subject, for him t«> take from thence. 


and make use of auv of my thoughts upon the matter, or not, as 
he shouki think proper.* And I cannot hut think my conduct 
in these particuhars, has been right. 

Thus much then I have done, and now T have nothing more 
to do — the puldic measures are taken, and I suppose are to he 
pursued, and I will leave to time to discover, who have been 
the colony's best friends, those who have urged, or those who 
have disswaded from tliese measures — A defeat will be very 
detrimental, but a victory must be absolute ruin to the colony, 
at least, I think so — And who sliall hinder me from speaking, or 
publishing my sentiments, if T am disposed to do either ?, Will 
anv one presume to interpose his authority, in a squabble about 
a tract of land, and command tliat nothing shall be wrote or 
said, except on one side only ? Or do those who are loudest in 
the cry for the freedom of the press, mean that the press should 
be free only for themselves? Away with all such language — 
and away with all low squibbing, and base insinuation. 

I am not in the secret of the counsels of this province, nor ani 
I actuated by any lucrative or sinister views. — I have believed 
the people were going wrong, therefore have I spoken.— I have 
an interest in the colony and have a right to speak ; and I wish, 
since there is like to be a dispute between the two colonics, that 
tlie same may be carried on, on both sides, with a temper and 
spirit becoming men, who shall appear to act from principle. 
and not from wild enthusiasm, or party heat. There are cer- 
tain people at this time, who if a word is said against dear 
Susquehannah, behave as if they thought an open attack was 
made upon their honour and their property; and impute all 
that is said to the worst motives — They can charge nothing of 
the kind upon me, but what I may just as well charge upon 
them, Avith this difference however, that they have confessedly 
a personal interest in the matter, when I have none. — I am 

•Dr. William Suiitli piiblislied in 1774, in the Appendix to Ids (anony- 
mous) Examination of the Connecticut Claim to Lands in Pcnnsylv-ania. 
the copie.=? made by ^Ir. Inpor-oll fmrn original papers. 

A manuscript entitled The Claim of the people of Connecticut, to Lands 
irithin the Proviiicc of Pen,sih-ania, Considered, is preserved among Mr. 
IngersoU's papers, but it has not been thought necessary to print it hfie. 


aware that people who take opposite sides of a popular ques- 
tion naturally fall into parties, and a party spirit is apt to gain 
gi'ound — but this again is mutual. Was the dispute alx)ut the 
constitutional rights and liberties of the people, great allowances 
might be made — but this is a controversy about property and 
provincial lines — Will it be said that as I have no interest of my 
own. T ought not to meddle in the matter, but I have an interest 
in the colony, and with its welfare — Further, what have I done 
that so alarms these gentlemen ? I have divulged no secrets 
committed to my trust- — I have only brought np to public view, 
a few more ancient records than they themselves puldished — 
and will any one of those people openly avow to the world, that 
they would willingly, if they could, attain a cause of this mag- 
nitude and complexion, by the suppression of records, which, 
from the circumstances their antagonists could not come at ? 
they might as well move the assembly to destroy all the records 
which make against their claim. What I wrote upon the sub- 
ject is of no consequence, if the reasonings are not just, and if 
they are, T think they ought to have a weight. 

Shame on those then, who under feigned names, in news 
papers, attack those who venture to oppose them — not with 
arguments — this would be fair and right — but with al)use, and 
even with intimidation. 

They don't consider that it is equally in the power of others, 
to trace the conduct of the principal leaders and managers 
among the Susquehannah company, through all their negotia- 
tions for twenty years past, and with the help of a few ground- 
less reports — ill naturcd hints — and wicked innuendoes, to 
explain .their motives— their views — and their conduct, in a 
manner, that would do them little honour; but T will not 
myself so far forget the rights of humanity as to follow the vile 

Philadelphia, [ ,..;-..: 

March 7, 1774 I ■ .n ! '• •' 

J. I. 

From The Connrcficui Journal, and fhe New-IIaven Posl-Boij, 
:^[arch IS, 1774. 


Letters to Joxatiiax Ixgersole. 

Philadelphia :\Iareh 12, 1774 


Yours of the 27'^. Ult. arrived two days ago. I am much 
obliged to you for the Sundries by way of Xews & shall observe 
yonr Caution. The Couucils of this Province are very Secret. 
The pe^ople here are all of one mind as to the Connecticut Claim, 
and they leave to the Gon'^. & his Council to devise the proper 
methods to oppose the Same, about which, T assure you, they 
say nothing to me or T to them. A Scnrilous piece or two 
having appeared ag^'. me in the Xew London paper, I thought 
proper to send a short Narrative to be published in that and the 
Xew Haven paper, which I suppose you will see next week. 
Our news publishers here I find do not republish any thing 
wrote upon the subject in Connecticut. I cannot but think the 
Assembly of your Colony were guilty of an imprudence little 
short of madness, when they passed the Votes of last Jan'', mak- 
ing & planting a Town in this Province,''^ and I think it is a 
great Chance if you dont live to see much greater Consequences 
flow from it, than most people are aware of. The people here 
begin to Consider the Northern Xew England men as a Set of 
Goths & Vandals who may one day overun these Southern 
Climes unless thoroughly opposed, and to this End they will 
naturally Court the friendship of the Mother Country. 

I dont know of any thing that appears more likely to work a 
Seperation of the Colony Interests, than this Step. Xew York 
looks with a jealous eye mi the ^Massachusetts, expecting that 
they w^ill follow the Example of Connecticut, & I suspect it will 
not be very long, before these several Colonies will hate even ohl 
England, less than they will one another. 

the following is the history of "Eussell" and the late i)ub- 
lications here. The Collector awhile ago made a Seizure of one- 
of the river Vessells called a Shallop for a Cause that is very 
interesting to the people in trade. Great preparations have 
been making and the Cause is expected to come on in about a 

* Westmoreland, in the Wvominir country. , 


fortnight. Thi> threw the Town into a fret. Ixnssell pn^ves 
to be a ]\r^ -Tacob iiush,^ a yonng Gentleman of the Law and 
with whom Jerry had some little Acquaintance. This ^V 
Rush by all accounts is not wanting in his Understanding:, bnt 
is so overloaded with a family disorder commonly called Vanity & 
Self Conceit, that he is seeking every opportunity of ren<h'ing 
himself famous, but hitherto without Effect. He had heard 
so much said in ^STews papers about the Extension of the pow- 
ers of Admiralty Courts that he thought there must needs be 
something in it, &• so went gravely to work to shew his pro- 
found Learning in evincing it. This gave me an opportunity, 
under the signature of Civis, of shewing his ^Nristake, and I 
am credibly informed that ^F Rush's own freinds advised him 
to drop the Controversy. The Consequence of the whole. I 
beleive, has been the fixing me more surely in my office ; indeed, 
however, the people here, as every where else, are disposed not 
over much to like Courts of Admiralty, so far as they have any 
thing to do with Seizures, upon the late Obnoxious Acts, yet 
they know that if there should come a war, they would want 
such Court, and they know their own interest too well to wish 
to have this Cou.rt of Appeal carried away from themselves to 

Xew York or elsewhere 

Y". <S:c. 

J. Ingersoll. 
The Jersey College Lottery begins drawing the 25'^ ]May. 


Jon^^ Tnc:ersoll Esq^ , ... .„;. • 

^ . , .■}■'■ ' ■ ■■ • ■ 

• at .., . i 

Xew Haven 


* Jacob Rush, lx)rn 174G. died 1S20, a younjzer brotlier of Dr. Benjamin 
Rush, and a graduate of Princeton College in 1705. lie became a lawyer 
of distinction in Philadelphia, and Chief Justice of the State. 

The article by him, signed 'Russel,' appeared in The Pennsiilvnuin 
Journal for January 20, 1774; Mr. Ingersoll's reply, signed 'Civis,' in the 
same paper for February 2; and a second article by 'Russel' in the 
Journal of February 0, and also in The Pcnnsijli-nni<i Gazette of the same 


Philadelphia Ocf. 24^ 177-i 

. . . . Present mj Comp". to 'M\ Chandler* & tell him 
that if yon forgot to acquaint me with his being chosen Deputy, 
]\P. Shipman did not — and that I had the pleasure to acquaint 
]\r. Sherman ^vith it. By the way Co'. Dyer & W. Dean & 1, 
have smoakt the pipe together at my house. f 

tell M'". Chandler I sincerely congratulate him on this his 
Success, and that I must suppose he owes the same in part to 
his so openly keeping my Company last Summer. Here again, 
to what you observe of my not being very w^ll received here — 
if I am not, I have the pleasure not to know it ; my friends & 
Acquaintance are just as they used to be, as to other persons, 
whatever they think of me, they keep it to themselves.! 

And now what shall T say to you further? I intended to 
have wrote largely by the Delegates to ]\F. Wliiting§ & other 
friends, but I find myself under a difficulty in that respect, both 
with regard to them &: you, for whatever I write must Savour of 
politicks at least, and as to that, I have first of all to remember 
Lots ^Yife — that is Parson Peters,!! & to take care not to sin 
after the Similitude of his transgression — but then how to 
avoid this is the question, for if I write the word Yes ever so 
plainly, good people have a right at this day, to read the same 
as plainly Xo. Every one has his Eyes & his thoughts fixt just 
now upon the Congress, anxious to know what they have 
done — what they have said — and what they have thought. 
Nothing else therefore can amuse you ; hut as to the first 

•Joshua Chandler (Yale 1747) 'vvas one of the deputies to the Con- 
necticut General Assembly from Xew Haven in October, 1774. 

t Eoper Sherman, Eliphalet Dyer, and Silas Deane -were members froTU 
Connecticut of the First Continental Congress in Pliiladelphia. 

t Silas Deane in a letter to his wife -WTites on September 3, 1774, of 
finding that Mr. Ingersoll is much condemned by public opinion in Phila- 
delphia. See Collections of the Connecticut Historical Society, ii, 170. 

§ Deacon it Judge John Whiting (Yale 1740), a brother of the writer'.s 

II Eev. Sanniel Peters (Yale 1757). of Plebron, Connecticut, had exposed 
himself in August and September, 1774. to visitation by angry neighbors on 
accoiuit of disloyal utterances, and had now taken refuge with the Eriti-h 
in Bos ion. 


I dont know what tbey liave done, that is I dont know it 
authoritatively, &: if I were to undertake to tell you a long Story 
of what I have heard it- — &: then to morrow out should come in 
print all that they have done, ti* differing in several particulars 
from my account of the matter, I shall be charged at once with 
having had some sinister views in telling the Story as I 
did — and why should I trouble you with guesses of what they 
have said, & thought, when the Delegates themselves are coming 
directly to you and will themselves infonn you of the whole 
matter. I will therefore only acquaint you in general, that I 
understand they have sat till they have found out pretty clearly, 
that the Parliament have no kind of Authority over us, tho for 
prudential reasons they are willing that some of their Laws 
respecting the Course of trade should remain for the present, 
that is. as I understand, till they can do better; and that they 
have adjourned themselves to next Spring in order to see how 
the people on either Side the water will Kelish their politicks. 
I could tell you long Stories of what one said, and another had 
a good mind to say — but I w^ont ; You must find it out by your 
learning. Tell Green not to forget to send my paper. 

I am ; - 

T". <^c .. . •■: •.. 

. •., J- Tngersoll - ,• ■■.■ 

Let me know as soon as you can how the nomina- 
tion stands. 

2^/^. . . . Pray tell me whereabouts in the Green Lib- 
erty pole stands and who are the principal members of the 
Patriotick Club which meet at Steph: Munsons in order to take 
care of the X. Haven Tories. John Sherman I perceive by the 
publick papers, is Clerk. 

A]\P. Devotion was at my house last Evening and gave me the 
particulars of the Xorwich meeting; the Story of my Letter 
writing I find by him came to nothing upon Examination. Co\ 
Dyers tells me he never did hear much said upon that Score: 
it was Parson Trumbull vho Comuiunieated my Treasonable 
principles li: Conduct to y^ good people of the East. The 


Anonymous Letter was wrote from Xorwich "bnt the persons 
name is witheld from me. 

I perceive one poor lad has sacritic^d his life a: .Southington 
in the Cause of Libertv-Pole 

the Delegates will, I believe, break up to-morrow. 
Jon**" : IngersoU Esq^ , . 

at . • ;.. ■ 

X : Haven ■',.' 

p' favour of 

R: Sherman Esq^] - "■:. . 

Philadelphia ll*^ Feb: 1775 

Your Aunt thanks vou for a little, of what she hoped to 
have had a great deal, viz home news ; but says she finds she 
must not expect much till you & I both get politicks out of our 

in answer to your queries I have to inform you in the first 
place, that it is well known here, that M"" Dickinson in the 
Provincial Congress the last Summer, took a Strong part 
against non importation agreenients, and every kind of forcible 
measure, and was for moderation, that is for a Decent & finn 
application for a redress of gTeivances; in a spirited Speech 
which he made upon that Occasion he told the Com^''. that Phil- 
ad\ was a trading City, and that if they went into Schemes of 
non importation they might expect to have grass grow in their 
Streets. _ He afterwards went into the Continental Congress, 
tho' late in their Session, where he joined and took a part with 
them in their System, and is appointed one of the Com^'\ to 
carry thier resolves into Execution, but seldom, if ever, attends 
thier meetings — and in general is very Silent w^ow tho head of 

the more warm Patriots are rather out with him for the part 
he took in the Provincial Congress last Aug^, and for his 
Seeming want of Zeal Since; yet they are fond of having it 
thought he is of their side, for the sake of that weia'ht which 


they think his name & Caracter give to their Cause — and they 
Account for his not attending on thier Com**, meetings, and 
perhaps justly, from his living three !Miles out of Town, 
and the Season disagreeable for travailing. Add to this, that 
he may Consider himself rather above putting his hand to the 
executive part of the business, and that his name was added to 
the Com*^ principally to give them a weight and respectibility ; 
others will have it that he Spoke his real Sentiments in the 
Provincial Congi-ess last Summer, and that in his Judgment 
he disapproves the Violent part of the resolutions of the gen- 
eral Congress and is much Alarmed at the Consequences which 
he apprehends from them ; but that he joined, or rather acqui- 
esced in those measures in order, to give weight & force to the 
Counsels of America »S: to prevent the ill Effects of a disunion. 

the Quakers have, not long since, publickly disavowed all 
Mnwarraniahle Combinations; it is said they are not all of a 
mind as to this Step ; at the same time it is well known they 
never openly disagree, or divide one from another. 

the Committee's of the Several Counties, except one that 
declined coming, were lately Convened at this place, in order, 
among other things, to- Consider of the expediency of arming the 
Province. This measure was Considerably and openly opposed 
by many people of weight <t influence, and the matter dropt. 
The Com^. indeed passed a Vote that they would arm if neces- 
sary, but the measure is generally Considered as given up. 

in the meantime the body of the people so far give in to the 
Ideas of the Congress, respecting Trade, as to suffer the Com**, 
without any interruption to proceed to carry into Execution 
their plan of opposition, from that quarter, & wait to have you 
Xew England men drive the English Troops into the Sea, when- 
ever you shall think it proper, and when you have done this I 
beleive we mean to deal generously with you, and reward you 
properly for your trouble. 

I have received several letters lately from Jerry who T dare 
say has Communicated nothing to me, of Substance, but what 
he has also Communicated to you. It is a time of anxious & 
most important expectation. "We shall soon have all our Con- 


jectures fully explained to us. I ouly wish matters may end 
better than my present fears Suggest. 

Ridgfield" I find speak tlieir mind plainly and not in 
parables. I delay giving any directions about buying Oats, 
because I dont know whether I shall Choose to be placed in Xew 
England or not, next Summer. 

I expect to be able to form a better Judgment of y'' matter by 
the beginning of April at farthest. 

I am . , • ■ 

■•■ -^ . ■ T^\ kc .;■ V .-:^ •■;..,"■■,• . •,' 

J. Inii'ersoll. i . •• ■ 

[To • . :..■••• ^ .;.- • :.:-.■;:,:. ..■•. 

■■-■ Jon^^ : Ingersoll Esq'. ,• "•...•: ,^;. ■,,;... ; ::,'.■.,. 

at '■^- ■ ■ ■ ■ ■: , . 

- • . jST: Haven - 

-'".' •■^ in Connecticut.] ■'.;.. , 

^- ' • ■■ ■ > ': ' ;■'; ■ Philadelphia March 10'^ 1775 

You judged very right when you thought I wished to know 
what your Assembly were about. Your Aunt had jogged me 
several times to call on you for information, but I told her, I 
was very sure you would not fail to Communicate Every thing 
that was proper to be Communicated and as soon as it should 
be proper. iSTever was that House Employed on a more impor- 
tant or a more delicate tL' Critical business. The same thing 
may be said of the highest Asscmldy in the ISTation. ^Ye have 
here just arrived some Accounts from Ejigland a little flatter- 
ing; you will see what it is in the next weeks papers ; it is what 
comes by the way of Eristoll. For my part I dont stand to 
make any remarks upon the prologue or the detached parts of 
the great Scene that must soon fully open upon us. I Charge 
you however at the Close of the Session, to give me a pretty 

* At a Town !^^c•otin;,' lield in Paclgefieltl, CoiiTiecticut (where ^Iv. Iiiger- 
soll's brother was the minister), on January 30, 1775, resolutions of 
loyalt}- to tlie King had been ]ia>>ed by a large majority. 


ample Account of persons, as well as things, as they Stood in 
the Assembly. You may depend on my prudence to the point 
of Secrecy ; besides there are scarce any persons here, Avho 
know or think any thing about individuals with you; add to 
this, Every thing will come out, that is transacted in so large a 
popular Assembly. Your jSTarritive in your last gave me very 
particular pleasure. I^ray why is not Danbury as deep in 
the dirt, as poor Tiidgfield & Xewtown are in the mire? 
According to Eivington they ought to be so. 

Your Aunt & I jump in Judgnnent intirely with ]\P. Silli- 
man &: ]\^^ iSToyes, in their" opinion of the propriety of their 
Coming together-' — & we wonder how we came not to think of it 
before : to whom present our respectfull Compliment.-?, with our 
sincere k hearty wishes for their United happiness 

]VF. "Websterf desires you will procure & send to me for him, 
the Queries from the Board of Trade 1773 to your Gov', and 
the Answers, which it seems are printed in a small Pamphlet. 
You must send it with wrapper open at Each End & get it 
Frank'd by M". Kilbyt -or it will come to hand too dear. 

You will obser^^e that I give no directions about laying in 
oats this year— not being yet clear that Xew Haven will be a 
proper asylum next Summer for a Tory, and yet I think I 
ought to pass for a Piitriot, for I have drank no Tea since 
March came in — thin Chocolate in the moraing, & Baume *&: 
Sage in the afternoon, are the honourable & healthy Substitutes ; 
to tell the truth I was willing to try an Alterative this Spring 
in favour of the blood. I suspect you fr I too can tell better a 
month hence how the times are like to be at X Haven the next 
Summer, than we can just now. 

Every thing here is veiw quiet outwardly, tho' tis said the 
Avorkings of party are not wanting amongst us. We do things 

* Gold SelUx'k Pilliiiian (Yale 17o3), of Fairfiold. inairie'l in 'M.xy. 1775 
(being then a widower), 'Slury (Fish), widow of John Xoyes (Yale 1753), 
of Xew Haven. They were the parents of Professor Benjamin Silliman. 

7 Pelatiah Webster (Yale 1740). of Philadelphia, later became widely 
kno\\'n as an authority on economic and financial questions. 

t Captain Christopher Kilby, Postmaster at Xew Haven, died on March 
1. 1774; and the office remained with his family until January, 1775. 


more Covertly and w'ith less noise here than they do in Xew 
England. I trust in Case the Connecticut forces should be 
called forth against the Kings Troops, that you will not degrade 
yourself by going in a Caracter below that of a Colonel. 

by the way a Pamphlet is lately come out Entituled A Candid 
Examination of the mutual Claims of G. Britain and the Colo- 
nies kc said to be Compiled principally by ^r Galloway"^ ; as I 
happen to have two of these T send you one frankt by the Post. 
]\P Galloway I understand openly inveighs against the ruling 
party in the Congress. 

the Secretary of State for America has sent a Circular Letter, 
it seems, to the Governours letting them know that his !^^aje^ty 
was ready to receive any Petitions upon the score of Greeiv- 
ances, that should come from the respective Assemblies, which 
at least strongly implied that Congressional Petitions would not 
be so agreeable. The Gov'", of this Province lately laid the Let- 
ter to him of that nature before the house of Assembly for their 
Information. This brought on a question whether the house 
would Petition the King or Parliament or not. AL^ Galloway 
was very strong in favour of the motion ; however it was over- 
uled. The Assembly tell the Gov^. that they think the Petition 
preferred by the Congress is sufficient. In the Debate upon 
this Subject I am told Pivingtont was somehow mentioned with 
a Sneer, perhaps Alluding to his being supposed to have been 
Employed by Galloway, upon which ^U. Galloway said, Piv- 
ington was an honour to his Coimtry. I suppose no man in X 
England dare? say so much ■,...■ 

T find Fairfield County Com***^ talk the language of Patriots: 
are they really so, excepting the excepted, or not ? Are Nor- 
wich people in general really &: in Earnest Engaged to Stop all 
Ex: & im : ».^'c ? pray give me a gentle touch upon this head — 
and upon as many other heads as you can possibly croud into 

• Joseph Galloway, a prominent lawyer of Philadelphia, who had long 
been Speaker of the Provincial Assembly, but now and henceforth an 
active Tory. 

t Janiea Pavington, an English bookseller, who came to America in 17'"''"*. 
in 1773 established a newspaper in Xew York, which remained the orean 
of the British until that city was evacuated. 


Yonr whole Sheet. Remember you place your lines at a great 
distance from one another. 

Y". kc 

J : Ino-ersoll. 

Jon'^ : Ingersoll Escf. . ' 

at ....... - . . 

X : Haven 

Connecticut.] ... 

'"■' Philadelphia :March 25'^ 1775 

Your Aunt &: I thank you kindly for your last — it was a feast 
of good things, and a plentifull repast. You are desired in 
your next to give some Account of Th : "Wooster " ; and here 
before I go farther and while I think of it I have to inform 
you that Jerrys last to me bears date the 22^. of Decemb". at 
which time he had little to say on the Score of politicks, save 
only that he had received the proceedings of the Congress, which 
I sent him, that ho had read the same with a mixture of 
surprize, hope, k fear, and that no body could know, until 
after the holidays, what measures would be persued toward 
America. ... ■ ; 

Your Aunt thinks she cannot get along comfortably through 
the Summer without at least paying a Visit to her Xew Haven 
friends. A^ou are therefore to Desire ]\P. Shipmau to lay in 
forty bushels of Oats as Usual cl' which you must pay for. I 
shall come with her or not according as business & other Cir- 
cumstances will admit. I fancy I shall be able to tell pretty 
nearly how those matters will stand by the middle or latter 
end of ^fay. Your Aunt is afraid you dont in a formal manner 
remember her to her Brother «.l- his family, M^ Whittelsey *.^' 
his k to all our particular friends, so if you please you may go 
the rounds like a lister or Surveyor of highways &: deliver the 

* Tliomag Wooster (Yale 17GS), son nf General David and iMarv (Clap) 
\Voo?ter (the latter beinp the child of a first cousin of the writer's wife), 
was a shopkeeper in New Haven. 


Messairo in the most particular & polite manner; as you are an 
Ingersoll. I know it will be a most acceptable piece of Service 

to you. 

I am &c 

J : Inoersoll. 


Jou^ Ingersoll Esq\ • . ' 


N : Haven 

'■■■■ ' Connecticut] ' :■. - 

Philad^ Aug\ 1: I7T5 

I Sot do^^^l to write you a Letter, because M". Sherman your 
NeigliKnir is going home and because it would appear Strange 
not to Embrace so good an opportunity of writing to an old 
aequaint;\nce, and yet I have nothing to say to you : hard ! is it 
not? V at head Quarters where more great and important 
Steps ;iro taken than perhaps were Ever taken by the National 
Council itself, and yet every thing Carried on so Secretly that 
we Set^ and Know but in part, and the little we do know we dont 
think ii best to commuiiicate, or even to comment upon. ^ ery 
hard tins', for people who love I^ews as well as Some Folks do. 

You dont write your Aunt any more about the times with 
you. She thinks «S: talks a good deal about Xew Haven. As for 
me, T dvuit know what to tell you. I pretty much expe<:t -.o hear 
soon tr.>iu England such things as will render it very probable 
that tV.-s Country will be a troublesome one to live in. i: yet 
forestvrag the evil, I do not hide myso'lf or flee from i:. I am 
Consc',.->r.s of having done no wrong to my Country ^- s. :• I am 
incliiu-,^. to fear none from it. Add to this that my pres^::: Sit- 
uation which is Easy, and my native Lr-ve of ease, not t.:' s.ay my 
Laziuc^.<. keep me from taking any Steps to alter my Sin.2Tion: 
at the >.--,me time I consi<ler myself like a Saint of old. ^f i Pil- 
grim .-■.'■. d Stranger in the Earth havii-g no Abiding Ci"- 

Pn-iv be so good as to write us a line infonning b:~ 3Ir. 
Whitivc iTcts alouiZ, and how — Every Iv.dy get along. Z- -hort 


write all you can or may write & let us dream the rest. You 
certainly may tell us wbetHer Mr. Daggett is married or not,-- 
that being a Question that has been asked and answered for a 
great while in the best as well as the worst of times; and I 
cannot doubt but that you may inform of many more such mat- 
ters which may appear to you to be trifling, but you may be 
assured that they are not so to us ; for every thing that respects 
ISTew Haven carries a kind of importance with it. 

I would ask you how Dr. Johnson gets along if I dare, & 
whether !Mr. Hillhouse dont think, all things considered, that 
the day of one's death is better than the day of one's birrh. 
Tell him if a man will live righteously he must suffer some kind 
of persecution. 

Present our Comp^ to all friends. 

I am &c 

.. ■ . J. Ingersoll. 
Jonth. Ingersoll, Esqr. 

■ Philad^ Ocf. 7'^ 1775 

I duly received your favour of tlie first, and am glad to find 
that you &: ]\r Whiting are so far recovered from your late 
indisposition, vfc at the same time am Sensibly touched for ^r 
Hillhouses declining state of health. f In my opinion, when- 
ever he dies, the world will lose a Valuable member of Society. 

I am glad to be informed that W Shipman can continue in 
my house through the Winter without detriment to his affairs. 
I hope he will think of nothing else. In the meantime, he and 
you &: I trxj will see who will offer to take his place next Sprinc:, 
who will be aaTeeal)le. The same thing which vou suirirest with 
respect to the Gentleman I mentioned to ]\P Shipman, occurred 
to me, but I hoped better things than to indulge the thought; 

* Prc>idont