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Full text of "The papers of Sir William Johnson"

SIR WILLIAM JOHNSON 
( Iriginal portrait attributed to Matthew Pratt. In Johnson Hall. 



THE PAPERS OF 
SIR WILLIAM JOHNSON 



Prepared for publication by 

MILTON W. HAMILTON, Ph.D. 
Senior Historian 



Division of Archives and History 

ALBERT B. COREY, Ph.D., Litt.D. 
Director and State Historian 



VOLUME XIII 



ALBANY 
THE UNIVERSITY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK 

1962 



Y 1 94-M y 6 1-2000 



THE UNIVERSITY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK 

Regents of the University 

With years when terms expire 



1968 Edgar W. Couper, A.B., LL.D., Chancellor ----- Binghamton 
1967 Thad L. Collum, C.E., Vice-Chancellor ------ Syracuse 

1963 Mrs. Caroline Werner Gannett, LL.D., L.H.D., D.H. Rochester 

1974 Dominick F. Maurillo, A.B., M.D., LL.D., Sc.D., 

M. and S.D. -------------- Brooklyn 

1964 Alexander J. Allan, Jr., LL.D., Litt.D. ----- Troy 

1966 George L. Hubbell, Jr., A.B., LL.B., LL.D., Litt.D. - - Garden City 
1973 Charles W. Millard, Jr., A.B. --------- Buffalo 

1970 Everett J. Penny, B.C.S., D.C.S. -------- White Plains 

1972 Carl H. Pforzheimer, Jr., A.B., M.B.A., D.C.S. - - - Purchase 

1975 Edward M. M. Warburg, B.S., L.H.D. ------ New York 

1971 J. Carlton Corwith, B.S. ----- Water Mill 

1969 Joseph W. McGovern, A.B., LL.B., L.H.D. ----- New York 

1965 Allen D. Marshall, A.B., L.L.D. ------- Scotia 



President of the University and Commissioner of Education 
James E. Allen, Jr., Ed.M., Ed.D, LL.D., Litt.D, Pd.D, L.H.D. 

Deputy Commissioner of Education 

Ewald B. Nyquist, B.S. 

Associate Commissioner for Cultural Education and Special Services 

Hugh M. Flick, Ph.D., LL.D. 

State Historian and Director of Archives and History 
Albert B. Corey, Ph.D., Litt.D. 




/OFT 



L 0CT2919e2 jj J* 



V. >"* 



CONTENTS 



Volume XIII 



PAGE 

Illustrations i 

Preface vii 

The Johnson Portraits ix 

William Johnson's Affairs 1 738-1 755 1 

Sir William's Affairs 1 756-1 758 80 

The Niagara Campaign 1 759 114 

Warren Johnson's Journal 1 760-61 1 80 

The Detroit Journal 1 761 215 

Building Johnson Hall 1 763 282 

Land and Indian Affairs 1 764-1 773 322 

Sir William's Passing 1 774 635 

Miscellaneous Documents 705 

Chronological List of Documents 735 

Errata Vols. I-XII 998 



111 



ILLUSTRATIONS 



Sir William Johnson Frontispiece 

Original portrait attributed to Matthew Pratt. In Johnson Hall. 



PAGE 
Jacob Glen 10 

Original portrait by unidentified artist. Courtesy of the New York 
Historical Society. 

Sir Peter Warren 28 

Oil painting by Thomas Hudson. Courtesy of the National Maritime 
Museum, Greenwich, England. 

Colonel Nathan Whiting 50 

Portrait attributed to John Durand. Courtesy of the Connecticut Historical 
Society. 

Peter Wraxall 86 

Original portrait owned by Mrs. W. S. Moore, New York and Hulls Cove, 
Maine. 

Plan of the City of Albany 1756-57 102 

Original in the British Museum. 

Samson Occom 218 

Mezzotint, London, 1768. Courtesy of the Dartmouth College Library. 

Sir John Johnson 374 

Original portrait by John Mare. In Johnson Hall. 

Candlesticks of Sir William Johnson 652 

Owned by Col. Hugh Wallis, Senneville, P. Q. 

Guy Johnson 636 

Portrait by an unknown artist. Courtesy of the New York State Historical 
Association. 

Smithstoivn House, County Meath, Ireland 734 

Home of Christopher Johnson. From a Kodachrome taken by Milton W. 
Hamilton, 1956. 

Lady Mary Johnson 850 

Pastel portrait from the original sketch made by St. Memin in 1797. In 
Johnson Hall. 

V 



PREFACE 

This addenda volume of the Sir William Johnson Papers 
assembles the various documents found too late for inclusion in 
volumes IX through XII, as well as certain lengthier documents 
and accounts which for various reasons could not be printed 
earlier. Among the former are many significant items, such as the 
controversial wills of Sir Peter Warren and letters dealing there- 
with; several important letters and the journal of Samuel Fuller 
relating to the building of Johnson Hall. Among the latter are 
journals of Warren Johnson, Robert Rogers, Daniel Claus, 
George Croghan and of Sir William's journeys to Niagara and 
Detroit. Important accounts with Sir William are of Robert 
Adems, Daniel Campbell, Jelles Fonda, Phyn and Ellice, and 
John Butler. The terminal date for this volume is extended beyond 
1 774, which makes it possible to include letters of Guy Johnson 
and others after Sir William's death. Here, too, is the important 
Inventory of Johnson Hall, in the Claus Papers, Canadian 
Archives. 

Errata, corrections, additions and emendations in the previous 
12 volumes are given; and a significant tool for the use of the 
Johnson Papers is a chronological finding list of documents 
printed in this series and including Johnson material in the pub- 
lished documents of New York State. 

Unlike the last three volumes, which were planned by former 
editors, but completed by the present editor, volume XIII is 
entirely the work of Dr. Milton W. Hamilton, under whose 
editorship the supplemental materials were gathered. Dr. Hamilton 
also contributes an essay on the Johnson portraits, correcting and 
bringing up to date that by Dr. Sullivan in volume II. 

Albert B. Corey 
Director, Division of Archives 
and History and State Historian 



vn 



THE JOHNSON PORTRAITS 

There has been much confusion, doubt and misunderstanding 
concerning portraits of Sir William Johnson and members of his 
family. In volume II of the Johnson Papers (pp. ix-xii), James 
Sullivan wrote a brief essay discussing the various portraits and 
engravings then known and giving data about painters and 
engravers. Since that appeared in 1 92 1 , a great deal has been 
learned about these portraits and others, so that a revised account 
is in order. 

The earliest portrait of Sir William, owned by the Albany 
Institute of History and Art (II, frontispiece), is still the best 
documented, with the letter which accompanied its gift to his 
father (1:929-32). John Hill Morgan, along with other art 
experts, has attributed this to John Wollaston, Jr. (painting in 
America 1749-67), and judged it to have been painted in 1751, 
when both Wollaston and Sir William were in New York City. 
This shows the subject, therefore, when he was 36 years old. A 
miniature of Sir William (formerly in the Johnson family), now 
in the Public Archives of Canada (VII, frontispiece), may well 
have been taken from the Wollaston portrait, which it resembles. 

The second and the best known portrait is that owned by the 
New York Historical Society. This is a copy, made in 1838, by 
Edward L. Mooney, an understudy of Henry Inman, for William 
L. Stone the elder (1792-1844), which was then engraved by 
J. C. Buttre as the frontispiece for the Stone biography. In 1876 
Edward F. De Lancey purchased it from William L. Stone the 
younger (1835-1908) and in 1896 presented it to the society. 
It is not an original, but such an exact copy that the art historian 
William Sawitzky was able to identify the painter as Thomas 
Mcllworth (active 1758-69). Mcllworth was a friend and cor- 
respondent of Sir William, and his work in this area has been 
carefully studied and documented. (C/. Susan Sawitzky, 
"Thomas Mcllworth, Active 1758-1769," The New York His- 



IX 



torical Society Quarterly, XXXV, pp. 117-139. April 1951.) 
McllworuYs portrait probably was done in May 1 763 at Fort 
Johnson and thus represents the subject at the age of 48, in the 
prime of life. 

James Sullivan stated that the original of this portrait was one 
then owned by the Johnson family in England (II:xi), but this 
has been found to be incorrect. The portrait owned by Frederick 
C. O. Johnson (1858-1932), heir presumptive to the Johnson 
title in 1921, and inherited by his son Brigadier Guy Ormsby 
Johnson (1886-1957) was acquired by New York State in 
1956, and now hangs in Johnson Hall. It had been badly over- 
painted, but when carefully restored was shown to be a portrait 
of Sir William of a later date (XIII, frontispiece). Study of the 
artist's work and of contemporary documents has convinced the 
writer that the portrait was probably painted by Matthew Pratt 
( 1 734-1805) in 1 772 or 1 773, when the subject would have been 
57 years old. (For evidence in support of this attribution, see 
Milton W. Hamilton, "A New Portrait of Sir William Johnson," 
New York Historical Society Quarterly, XLII, pp. 317-327, 
October 1958.) 

Numerous engravings of Sir William which appeared in his 
lifetime, most of them shortly after his victory at Lake George in 
1 755, at the height of his fame, have suggested another portrait. 
The most elaborate engraving is known as the Spooner mezzotint, 
after a drawing by T. Adams, which was published in 1 756 (II : 
160). It was suggested by Sullivan (II:xi) that an oil portrait 
(11:96), then owned by Robert W. Chambers, might have been 
the prototype of the Spooner print. There are certain resemblances, 
but there are also dissimilarities which cause the writer to doubt that 
this represented Sir William. Doubt of the attribution was also 
expressed by the owner, Robert W. Chambers (Chambers to Dr. 
James Sullivan, March 1, 1921), and the provenance related by 
him does not support the attribution. Other contemporary engrav- 
ings were derived from the Spooner mezzotint (e.g., II: 192,224, 
256). 



Portraits of other members of the Johnson family have been 
confused with those of Sir William. Hence it is well to review the 
known portraits of his immediate family. 

Guy Johnson (1740-88), Sir William's nephew and son- 
in-law, is the subject of a fine painting by Benjamin West, now 
in the National Gallery of Art, Washington, D. C. (X, frontis- 
piece). Painted in London in 1776, it romanticizes the Tory 
colonel, but is undoubtedly a good likeness. The features resemble 
the engraving by Bartolozzi (11:256), which had been captioned 
"Sir John Johnson," in Orderly Bool? of Sir John Johnson, 
William L. Stone, ed. (Albany, 1882). Another portrait of Guy 
Johnson by an unknown painter is in the New York State His- 
torical Association Museum, Cooperstown (XIII :636). Rotund 
and smiling slightly, it may well resemble the "jolly Guy," gouty 
and too fat, described in Sir William's letters. Yet provenance 
and definite attribution are lacking. A portrait of Guy Johnson, 
in crayon and water color (VII:710), by Owen Staples (1866- 
1949) in the John Ross Robertson Collection, Toronto Public 
Library, is a modern conception from no known original. 

Sir John Johnson ( 1 742- 1 830) , Sir William's son, is represented 
by three likenesses. The earliest is an oil painting by John Mare 
(1739-74), formerly in the possession of William L. Bryant 
of Buffalo, now owned by New York State and hanging in John- 
son Hall. Formerly called Sir William, and as such discredited 
by Dr. Sullivan (ILxii), it has been restored so that the artist's 
signature and the date are legible. It was painted in 1 772 when 
the artist was in Johnstown. Thus it represents Sir John at the age 
of 30. A copy, made in 1873, is in the Fort Ticonderoga Museum; 
and an etching by Timothy Cole (11:128) hangs in the Letch- 
worth Park Museum. (See Milton W. Hamilton, "John Mare's 
Portrait of Sir John Johnson," New York Historical Society 
Quarterly, XLIII, pp. 440-451, October 1959.) 

A second portrait of Sir John is represented by an engraving 
in the McCord Museum of McGill University, Montreal. "En- 
graved by H. Robinson, by Abbott, 1 793," and published in 
England, it shows Sir John as an attractive and cultured young 



XI 



man. It could have been done during a stay in London after the 
Revolution (XI, frontispiece). 

A more mature and somewhat aging Sir John is depicted in 
the pastel, formerly owned by the family in England, which now 
hangs in Johnson Hall (VII:900). Another pastel and crayon 
of the same portrait, which has been most frequently copied in 
print, is in the McCord Museum. This is a companion piece to 
the pastel of Lady Mary Johnson, his wife, from a crayon by 
St. Memin, dated 1 797, which also hangs in Johnson Hall (XIII : 
850). Original crayons of Lady Johnson by St. Memin are in 
the McCord Museum and in the Metropolitan Museum of Art, 
New York. Perhaps Sir John's, therefore, was made at the same 
time, which would have been when he was 55. 

Some confusion with Sir John has been caused by the publica- 
tion of a miniature, owned by a descendant, titled "Captain John 
Johnson" (111:286). This is identified as John Johnson, the 
brother of Sir William and the father of Colonel Guy. 

An oil portrait of young Peter Johnson (1759-77), son 
of Sir William and Molly Brant (VIII :944) , is in the John Ross 
Robertson Collection of the Toronto Public Library. Showing the 
young man in a red military coat with gold trim and dated 
1775-76, it is a copy made in 1830 by James George Kingston 
for Robert J. Kerr. Hence it has come from the Brant descendants. 

Several miniatures from the Johnson family, formerly owned 
by Sir Gordon Johnson, are now in the Fort Ticonderoga Museum 
and in the Public Archives of Canada. Of those in the latter 
repository are two labeled Daniel Claus (1727-87), and one of 
Ann Claus (1739-1801), Sir William's daughter (VII: 186). 
One of those labeled Daniel Claus is in uniform, the other in 
civilian dress. The latter suggests a nineteenth century costume, 
and it is probable that this portrait may be of William Claus 
(1765-1826), who was Deputy Superintendent of Indian 
Affairs in Canada, 1799-1826. 

While much has been learned about the Johnson portraits which 
are illustrated in these volumes, there are still unanswered ques- 
tions. What has become of the original portrait of Sir William by 



xn 



Mcllworth, which was available for copying in the early nine- 
teenth century? Does the prototype of the Spooner mezzotint, 
and of other engravings, still exist? And what has become of the 
other portraits in the Johnson menage, of which we have only hints 
in the documents? For example, in November and December 
1 767, Hugh Wallace of New York wrote of sending via Daniel 
Campbell of Schenectady 'Your Brothers Picture" (V:794, 
853). Very likely this was of Warren Johnson, who had visited 
Sir William earlier. Then there are later references, such as that 
in J. R. Simms's History of Schoharie Count]) (Albany, 1845), 
page 123: "A portrait of Sir William Johnson was owned in 
Johnstown until about the year 1830, when it was purchased by a 
member of the Col. Claus family for a small sum, and taken to 
Canada." In his Frontiersmen of New Yorfy (1882-83) 1:255, 
Simms elaborated this account. The portrait was "long in the 
possession of the W. J. Van Voast family [of Johnstown] . . . 
was painted by a French artist at Johnstown for Robert Adems." 
It is quite likely that the several mansions of the Mohawk Valley 
had many more portraits of their occupants than the few which 
have survived the ravages of time, the Revolution, confiscation and 
general neglect. Yet it is indeed fortunate that a few originals and 
some good copies have survived. 

Milton W. Hamilton 
Senior Historian 



Xlll 



SIR WILLIAM JOHNSON PAPERS 



FROM PETER WARREN 
A.L.S. 1 

Boston Nov br . 20 th . 1738. 
Dear Byly 

I have rec d . yours and Micks 2 of y e . 26 th . & 30 th . of October 
and Am glad to hear you Both are in health and go on Briskly 
with your Setlement, and y l . you have rec d . the things I Sent you 
with the smith, if he does not like y e . place you may provide 
another before his time is out. I am sorry you have been Oblidged 
to draw for more on New York then I directed but as it is I pre- 
sume for goods that will Bring part of it in Again, I am not dis- 
pleased with it, but I will not go beyond £200 p r . Annum in 
Making the settlement, and y f . to be compleat in 3 year from your 
first beginning which will Make the whole £600. I desire in your 
next you will lett me know in perticular how much you have had 
from New york in Mony and goods, it will Answer to send wheat, 
Corn, Pease, or any of the produce of that Country to this place, 
and early in the Spring, if you Can Ingage y e . first sloop from 
Albany to take in what you May have, and order it to be sent 
Me I will send y e . returns in such goods as you May desire and 
as for what Skins you Can procure I will send them to London, 
and y e . produce of them Shall be sent you in proper goods. I have 
wrote to Dublin for £200 ster: in Linnen from 8 d . to 20 pence 
p r . yard, and to Scotland for £ 50 ster. in Check linnen, all which 
I hope you will have early in the Spring, besides about £200 
worth of goods from London. The difficulty with be in Makeing 
remittances, when you receive your goods if you can get a good 



1 In New York State Library. Quoted in part, and in places incorrectly, 
in Stone's Life, 1 : 60-63. 

2 Mick in this letter refers to Michael Tyrrell, Johnson's cousin, who 
went with him to the Mohawk Valley. 



2 Sir William Johnson Papers 

profit for them in any of the towns and ready Mony, I wou'd 
Sell as Many of them as I did not Imediatly want for the Suply 
of my Constant Customers, and remit y e . mony as I shall here- 
after direct. I wou'd have you by all means incourage setlers for 
y f . is all y ts . wanting, and Especialy those Germans y'. one of 
the Tenants are gone for, I dont Mean you shoud bee at any 
Expence in doing it only give them Countenance, and the smaller 
their farms y e . more the Land will hould, and y e . better the 
Improvements will bee, you ought to be carefull to who you give 
Credit as you are a Stranger. I hope you will plant a large Orchard 
in the Spring, it wont hinder your Indian Corn nor Grass, as you 
will plant your trees at a great distance. I shou'd think it woud 
be worth your while to inquier strictly if y e . Medow you Mention 
is on My land, for it wou'd help you with hay and twoud be a 
good place to plant Corn in, I think were I you I woud do that 
at a venture, As to takeing Cowly's farm I can say nothing to it 
but if you shou'd it wou'd not be proper to Improve it for y'. 
wou'd be a Means of raiseing the price on Me and I make no 
doubt of haveing it one time or other You see you will have a 
pretty good Cargo, the whole produce of it Must be remitted as 
soon As possible, to be Laid out again till you with your increase 
Can have a very large Store of goods of all kinds proper for that 
Country, pray lett Me know what Rum and all things sells for 
there such as Axes and other wrought Iron, them I coud send 
from hence, if I found y e . profit great I wou'd soon have a thousand 
pounds worth of goods there, what wou'd them leather Caps sell 
for, and what profit had you on the linnen and any of your goods, 
how can I Judge what is best for you when you dont, perticularly 
tell me the prices only say at large this and y*. sels well you ought 
to be more Circumspect and particular. I hope you have taken 
Care not to be within Cowley's Masenng in your improvements, 
y f . wou'd be Bad indeed. There are some people gone up and 
Many things an acct of them you will receive, with them, 1 Box 
Containing Ribands lett me know how they Answer, you shoud 
always tell Me you receive everything Agreable to y e . inventorys 
I send you, or how do I know they get safe to you, write by all 



William Johnsons Affairs 1738-1755 3 

Oppertunitys. in the winter there is a Post from Albany to New 
york by which you May write to Me, as you have great help now 
you will Girdle Many Acres, in doing which I woud be regular, 
and do it in Square feilds, and leave Hedge rows at each Side 
which will keep the land warm, bee very Butiful, and no more 
Expence then doing it in a slovenly Iregular Manner as to the 
land y e . Negroes possess ask M r . Collins about it and lett me know 
his oppinion about it and the other Clear land you Mention, I will 
send you y e . vine and the other things you Mention in the Spring 
there is no sending Any thing this Winter, if you will send me word 
what quantity of Corn or things you Can send Me in the spring I 
will bespeak goods ready again it comes. My wife and two Daugh- 
ters are very well, Dick Tyrell 3 is going in 3 weeks for London 
Cap ta . of a vessell but I expect he will return in the Spring. I will 
send for Books for you to keep y r . Acc ts . which You Must do very 
regular. I have no more to add at this time but my Service to all 
freinds and to wish you well. Cap 1 ". Nelson who I hear is going 
to Fort Hunter has been so kind to promise to spare you some 
Muskets for your House, if he be there My Service to him, keep 
well with all Mankind act with honour & honesty both of you. 
dont be Notional as some of our Country men are often foolishly, 
and dont say any thing about the Badness of the Patrones Horses, 
for it may be taken Amiss, he is a near relation of my wifes, and 
may have it in his power very much to Serve, you. get y e . best 
kind of fruit trees for the Orcherd if they cost something More, 
and a good Nursery would not be Amiss. My love to Mick live 
like Brothers, and I will be an Affecte unkle to you Both. 

P Warren 



3 Captain Richard Tyrrell, brother of Michael and cousin of Johnson, 
later became admiral of the White squadron and died in 1 766. 



4 Sir William Johnson Papers 

FROM SUSAN WARREN 
n . / - .- ' . 

New York April y. 24 th . [1741] 
DR. Billy 

I should have answerd y r . favour before this time but have not 
been well. I Sent y r . letters to y r . uncle & rec d . a letter from him 
last week he was I thank God very well & gives me hopes of 
seing him soon. I rec d . y r . Pork for which I thank y u . but no Peas 
nor corn I should be much oblige to y u . for some for my horses 
have scarce any thing to eat. M r . Warren desires you'll make one 
of y r . best negroes drive y r . wagon to make him fit for a Coach man 
for me. Poor dockter ramsey is dead which I am very sorry for 
this I write in greate haste so hope y'll excuse but shall soon write 
again wishing y u . all hapyness I conclude y r . affectionate aunt 

S. Warren 
My service to all frinds 

INDORSED : 

My Ans r . the other 
Side — 

ADDRESSED : 

To 

M r . Will m Johnson 
to the Care of M r . John Scuyler 
at 

Albany 



1 In the Historical Society of Pennsylvania, Gratz Collection. 



William Johnsons Affairs 1738-1755 5 

TO SUSAN WARREN 

A.Df 

May the II th . 174/ 
D R . Aunt — 

I reed y r . kind favour and am Extremely overjoyed to hear of 
y r . Recovery, but do assure y u . Madam I never knew in the least 
of y r . being 111 before, otherwise Should not by any means have 
omitted my Duty in that Case The Welcome News Y u . likewise 
Send me of My D r . Uncles Safety, and the hopes of Seeing him 
Soon, together w th . the News here of his great & Daily Success 
(for the Continuance of which I Daily beseech the Great God 
to prosper all his Undertakeings and Sheild him in all Dangers) 
renders me Incapable of Expressing the Vast Pleasure & Satis- 
faction it gives me, and all his freinds to whom he is an Everlasting 
Credit and to me the best of freinds & only Father in this part of 
the world, for w h . I hope when in my power to make recompence. 
D r . Aunt I am verry much oblidged to y u . for y r . Care in forward- 
ing my letters but am Sorry I [ [ not have the Happiness of a 
line [Ace 1 , of his Prosperous proceedings, T» h .] 2 makes 

me fear his [foregets] Displeasure tho I cant think how. therfore 
[if I dare I] presume the boldness to Trouble y u . for all Account 
of his Success there being So Many Daily Comeing to me for 
News [of him] thinking that I Constantly hear from him, w h . 
grives me y l . I Can't. I am Surprised the Sloop Master Used me 
So Ab*. the pease for I assure D r . Aunt I agreed w*. him in 
Albany when I delivered him the Pork for 20 Skipple w h . I paid 
him for before hand, and never knew but he had delivered them 
till now, by y r . letter. I now Send you Bushell of the finest boiling 
pease I ever saw and Bushells of Ind n . Corn w h . is [vas//i?] 
Scarcely to be had any where, this year being so desperate hard. 
I am verry Sorry to hear of the [Poor] Doctors Death being a 
Gentleman for whom I had a great regard. D r . Aunt please to let 



1 In Historical Society of Pennsylvania, Gratz Collection. This draft 
is on the reverse of the letter from Susan Warren. 

2 Words italicized and in brackets are crossed out in manuscript. Open 
brackets indicate illegible portions. 



6 Sir William Johnson Papers 

me know by y r . Next whether My Cousins are both on Board w ,h . 
my Uncle, and when y u . Expect him in, because I would Settle 
My business a little again then in order to go down the Same time. 
As for the Negroes, I Shall use my Utmost Endeavours to 
Instruct two of the Best of them and the one I find that does best 
I will Send him down when You think proper, or Else when I go 
down my Self, [untill when] before w h . time I Expect [ing] y e . 
Honour of a few lines from y u . [as Soon as Convenient], In the 
Main time [/ Subscribe, with] W ,h . My Best Respects to Y u . & 
Love to my Little Cousins, whom I hope are all well, I Subscribe 
my Self D r . Aunt Y r . Most Dutifull & ever Affectionate Nephew 

W M . Johnson 
Copia Vera 
P.S. please to present all the Good family in General w ,h . my 
kindest Respects. 



TO EDWARD COLLINS 
/\ ,L>.i3. 

January 21 st . 1743/4 

. 

not having seen y u . after the Court, makes me desire y r . advice 
whether I need go down when M r . Holland comes home or not, 
ab f . that Certiorari, I hope I shall have the pleasure of y r . Com- 
pany, and M rs . Collins next week, for I hear you were to Come 
in Company w th . the rest who are going to the upper Settlements 
for a ride, if so I hope y u . will make my house y r . station going 
and Coming, and what freinds you have along w ,l \ you, & assure 
y r .self & them of a hearty Welcome from S r . 

Y r . Very Humble Serv 1 . 

W M . Johnson 

1 have sent y u . with this a Dozen fresh T [r] outs. 

ADDRESSED : 

Edward Collins Esq r . 
att Albany 



1 In New York State Historical Association, Coopevstown. 



William Johnsons Affairs 1738-1755 7 

TO EDWARD COLLINS 
A.L.S. 1 

March the 7 <K [1743/4] 

SR — 

I have given my people orders to go to your farm, for the sheep 
w h . I think is full time. I beg the favour y u . would give y r . people 
at the farm, Orders to assist, or direct them in Secureing them, they 
being but Novices at such work. 

M r . Corry I understand has rec d . an Answer from the Atty. 
Gen", conscerng the return of that Certiorari of mine w h . M r . 
Bradley I find says is Invalid being after the date returned, and 
says I must have another if removed wherfore I should be glad of 
y r . advice therin, and to know what M r . Holland Says conscerning 
his signing of it — I am S r . w th . kind respects to You & M rs . 
Collins 

Y r . Verry Humble Serv'. 

W M . Johnson 

INDORSED : 

Will m . Johnson 
About the Certiorari 
1 743/4 
7 Mar 



1 In New York Public Library. 



FROM GEORGE CLINTON 
A.L.S. 1 

New York 18 Janwy. 1747 
Sir — 

I have yours of the 1 2 th . Inst. & am well pleased that the Indians 
continue in temper & seem well Inclined, & that the sending of 
Smiths among them have in some measure pleasd them of w ch . I 



1 In Harvard University Library, Sparks Collection. 



8 Sir William Johnson Papers 

have an Account from Reyley with the Cayaugaes. At the same 
time I am very Sensible of the uneasey condition you must be con- 
stantly in on their account, But as I cannot depend on none but 
yourself to preserve them in the British Interest; You may be 
asured, you shall not Surfer for what you disburse to them, till the 
Assembly meets, or till Govern 1 ". Shirly [ ] myself fall upon 
Some method of Satisfying their Demands, which he has promised 
to advise me with very Soon. I have Sent him an Extract of your 
letter by post in relation to them that he may be fully acquainted 
with your Sentiments concerning them, therefore I must desire you'l 
continue your good offices among the troublesome Sort till such 
time as Measures can be concerted for their & our Service, by 
keeping them from going to Canada in the Spring. 

I am extreamly obliged for the trouble you have taken in the 
ensuing Election w ch . I persuade my Self you will be able to carry 
in Spite of your Adversaries, from the hopes you give me. I've had 
too much reason to Suspect Collins' treachery, and as to y e . rumour 
he Spreads abroad That he is to have the Regiment it is ground- 
less & faulse, for he niver had or shall have y e . least hope from 
me on y l . head, & as I told you in my last that I would pay the 
utmost regard to your Recommendation of Feild officers in order 
to divide y e . Regiment into two, You may depend on my Support- 
ing you in it, in the mean time it will be proper to make known both 
to your freinds & Collins's that he is not to have the Regiment by 
any means, as I niver mentioned it to him in any Light. Pray go 
on & prosper & believe me to be 

Dear Sir 

Your faithfull freind & 
Servant 

G: Clinton 
Coll. Johnson 



William Johnsons Affairs 1738-1755 9 

TO ROBERT SANDERS 
A.L.S. 1 
Mount Johnson March 18 th . 1746/47 

Hearing that the french Prisoner was Come to Albany, & Con- 
signed to you, this is to desire the favour of You to Send him up Sp 
first Good Opertunity to Schenectady, giveing a Strict charge to 
those who bring him there to take Good Care of him, untill I 
send for him. My kind Service to Y r . Good Father, I am w th . 
regard S r . Y r . 

Most Humble Serv f . 

W M . Johnson 

Mr. Robert Sanders 

addressed : 

To 

M r . Robert Sanders 
Merch 1 . In Albany 



In Massachusetts Historical Society. 



TO JACOB GLEN 
A.L.S. 1 

May 28*. 1747 
SR. 

As the Battoes are Some returned from Oswego, w h . I had of 
You, I have ordered the Negroe to deliver them to You w lh . what 
poles & paddles are yours, and hope you will take care of them & 
Send me a receipt for as many as You Receive that I may see what 
are Wanting, there are some gone down last week. I dont know 
whether they have delivered them or not What Battoes of mine go 



1 In collection of Mrs. Henry M. Sage, Menands. 



10 Sir William Johnson Papers 

along down, or are there already, I should be much oblidged to 
You if you would have them rid up in y e . Yard Safe In so doing 
you will much oblidge S r . 

Y r . Verry Humble Serv*. 

W M . Johnson. 
Major Glen 

addressed. 

For 
Major Jacob Glen 
att Schenectady 



TO JOHN LINDESAY 
A.L.S. 1 
Mount Johnson Septb r . 6 th . 1748 

Sir. 

Since my last 2 nothing Strange to Acquaint you of. but daily 
Expect by the first London Vessels a Proclamation of Peace, we 
have news it is already arrived in the West Indies. I rec d . the 
Governours Orders the other day to make ready a Party to relive 
them at Oswegoe, & desired me likewise to Acquaint ColR 
Marshall 3 of it, that he may have Men Ready to releive y r . Com- 
mand. I wrote In my last that you would Send me down Receipts, 
. . they must always mention the Quantitys of provision as Allowed 
by Act of Assembly, otherwise they will not pass — I should 
be glad to know how y r . provision will hold out, by the Bearer, 
whom I sent up on Y r . Acc tl ., & Capt, Babtests, 4 thinking it might 
be of Some Service to You both, to know of a Releif going up. & 
on What footing, please to Send me down y r . Acc tl . in full against 



1 In New York State Library. 

2 August 6, 1 748. Johnson Papers, 1 : 1 77-8. 
:i Capt. (later colonel) Hubert Marshall. 

4 Lieutenant Babtest, Johnson Papers, 1 :98. 




JACOB GLEN 

Original portrait by unidentified artist. Courtesy 
New York Historical Society. 



of the 



William Johnsons Affairs 1738-1755 1 1 

me <P Bearer that I may Settle the whole, there being nothing 
better than Short reckonings. When y u . Send the Indian pray 
dont give him above a bottle of Rum or none at all. I am S r . w lh . 
Compliments to M rs . Lindsay &ca. S r . 

Y r . Most Obed*. 
Humble Servant — 

W M . Johnson 
Capt n . Lindsay — 

We hear there are Some forreign Indians at Oswego, pray 
let me know who they are, and w*. their Business is. and w*. part 
thy come from. 

Y-_W. J. 



TO JACOB GLEN 

Mount Johnson Septb r . 7 th . 1748 
Sir — 

please to Excuse my not going to See how you did when last in 
Schenectady. I assure y u . I was Just going to Wait of You, but 
was forced by M r . Gronendyke, & the rest of the Company who 
were w th . me, to Stay so long w th . them that we all gott Merry. 
It was not for Want of good Will You may Assure Yourself. 
I should have spoke to You when last I saw You ab l . y e . Regiment 
but that you were so much out of Order. I did not think it a proper 
time. So Now hearing of y r . better Health, must let y u . know the 
Governour desired twice now to know whether You had not 
Accepted of the Lieu*. Coll os . Commission, which is to be of the 
Second Battallion of y e . Regiment. As Albany being the Metro- 
polis, Must be the first Battallion [in that District]. I should be 
verry Sorry you would not Accept of it, because I am Sure there's 
none fitter for it. or can do his Contry more Service. As I have 



1 In collection of Mrs. Henry M. Sage, Menands. 



12 Sir IVilliam Johnson Papers 

Settled all the Regiment now, Except the four Companys of 
Schenectady, I should be glad to have yr. opinion on y l . Head 
& an Answer to this. 

I am S r . wishing y u . better Health Y r . 

Assured freind, & Humble Servant 

W M . Johnson 

ADDRESSED : 

To 
Lieut. ColR Jacob Glen 
in Schenectady 



FROM JACOB GLEN 
A.L.S. 1 

Schon J y.Sep r .8 i K 1748. 
S r . I Rec d . y rs . of Yesterday I am of the Same Opinion as I was 
when I wrote you My first Letter I therefore Desire you will Put 
another Collonel in my Stead I Remain 

S r . Your Verry HumbR Serv*. 

J G 



1 In collection of Mrs. Henry M. Sage, Menands. Written on the back 
of Johnson's letter. 



TO ROBERT SANDERS 

A.L.S} 

M l . Johnson October 20 th . 1750 
Sir 

Yours of the 18 th . Cur 1 , came to my hands but last Night, it 
gives me pleasure to have therby an Assurance of Your Welfare, 
as also Y r . Family's, At the Same time I must Say it gives me a 



In collection of Mrs. Henry M. Sage, Menands. 



William Johnsons Affairs 1738-1755 13 

good deal of Conscern to hear the Malicious Behaviour of the late 
Mayor to You, 2 also the New Clerk's but as for him, it is not so 
much to be wondered at, being but a Stupid person for Such an 
Employ but the late Mayor I think Should know better. And 
if he does not, I think be ought to be made know better. I wish 
it were in my power to advise You how to do yourself Justice in 
it, if it were I am Sure there is none would be readier, but I am 
quite a Stranger to the forms, In those Cases. Yet I should think 
it would be proper to Acquaint His Excellency of the Affair, who 
I make no Doubt will redress You. I am w th . wishing You & Yours 
all the Success Imaginable 

S r . Y r . Most Sincere freind 
& real Welwisher 

W M . Johnson 

ADDRESSED : 

To Robert Saunders Esq r . 

Mayor 
of the Citty & County of Albany 

In Albany 



2 Robert Sanders was mayor of Albany, 1 750-54. His predecessor as 
mayor was Jacob C. Ten Eyck, 1 748-50. 



PETITION TO COUNCIL 

D. 1 

[New York Ma]) 16,1751] 

To His Excellency the Hono ble . George Clinton Captain Gen- 
eral and Governour in chief of the province of New York and 
Territories thereon depending in America Vice Admiral of the 
same and Admiral of the White Squadron of his Majesty's Fleet. 
In Council. 



1 In New York State Library, Colonial Land Papers. 



14 Sir William Johnson Papers 

The Petition of William Johnson Thomas Butler and John 
Butler Humbly Sheweth. 

That there is yet unpurchased of the native Indian Proprietors 
thereof a certain parcel of vacant Land lying in the County of 
Albany near and adjoining to the Lake called by the Indians 
Canunda which is about two Miles distant from the Onondaga 
Castle And your Petitioners being desirous to purchase the said 
Lake as also six thousand Acres of the Lands around it extending 
two Miles into the Woods In order to obtain his Majesty's Letters 
Patent for four thousand acres thereof and the said Lake Canunda. 

Your Petitioners therefore humbly pray your Excellency will 
be favourably pleased to grant them your Excellency's Lycense 
to purchase in his Majesty's Name the vacant Lands and Lake 
above mentioned and described. 

And your Pet rs . as in Duty bound shall ever pray &c. 

W M . Johnson 



Thomas Butler 
John Butler 



indorsed: 

The Pet n . of Col. W m . Johnson — 
Thomas Butler and John 
Butler for Lycense to purchase 
the Lake Canunda and 6000 
a of the Lands around it. / 

16 May 1751 Read in Council 

& Granted and Lye 
to purchase issued 
dated same day 

Gw. Banyar D A Con 



William Johnsons Affairs / 7 38- f 755 15 

DEED OF LAND 
D.S. 1 

[August 24, 175/] 

To all to whom these presents Shall come or may in any wise 
conscern. We Abraham Petersey, Brant alias Aroghyiadecka Seth 
of Schoharee, David Alias Aghnerageghta, Cagiquatch, Big 
Nickus, Nickus the Sachim, Squa 'ne' wa 'se, Ta 'wagh 'ki 'wassey 
& Hendrick — Native Indians and sole and absolute proprietors 
of Conajoharee, (and the Lands herein after discribed & Granted) 
in the County of Albany and Province of New York, Send 
Greeting, Know ye that for and in Consideration of the Sum of 
three Hundred Pounds New York Currency in Goods to us in 
trade paid and delivered before the executing of these presents 
by the hands of William Johnson of Fort Johnson in the County 
and Province aforesaid Gentleman the Receipt whereof, We do 
hereby acknowledge, and thereof and therefrom, and of and from 
everry part and parcel, thereof do fully and Clearly acquit exon- 
erate and discharge him the Said William Johnson, his Heirs 
Executors Administrators & Every of them by these Presents. — 
for and in the Name of our Most Gracious Soverign King George 
the Second the receipt whereof We do hereby acknowledge and 
our selves to be there with fully Satisf [ied] Contented and paid, 
Have granted bargained Sold and released, And do by these pre- 
sents for Us and Our Heirs for ever Grant bargain Sell Alien re- 
lease enfeoff And confirm and forever quit Claim unto Our Said 



1 In New York State Library, Colonial Land Papers. Portions of this 
document are in Sir William's hand. In 1 785, in the case of a transfer 
of the property in this deed from Sir John Johnson to Robert L. Hooper, 
it was contended that the deed was invalid : ( 1 ) because it was in the land 
of the Oneidas, and only one of the Indians conveying it was an Oneida; 
(2) it was conveyed to the Crown and not to Sir William; (3) that 20 
years elapsed before Sir William applied for the tract; and then he asked 
for only that part to the mouth of the Unadilla (see survey dated April 12, 
1770, Colonial Land Papers), (4) and that he did not convey this 
portion in his will, except such as was willed to his brothers and sisters in 
Ireland. Colonial Land Papers, XXXIX, p. 93. [981. 



16 Sir William Johnson Papers 

most gracious Soverign King George the Second — 2 All that Tract 
of Vacant Land lying in the County of Albany to the South 
an[d] South West of Scohary, Beginning at a certain place 
where two Roads, or Indian Paths [meet] the one leading from 
Scohary to the House of Skenowasey an Indian & the other to 
Onohagqua[ga] Which Said place of Beginning is near a Creek, 
or Branch of a Creek called by the Indians Adagaghteingay 
Thence running down the said Creek, and Branches thereof to a 
| where the Germans of Scohare formerly made Canoes 
to go to Canestogey, then still continuing down the Said Creek to 
y e . place where it emptieth itself into y e . large branch of y e . Sus- 
quahana River, a considerable distance below the House of the 
before mentioned Ind n . Skanewasey, from thence along the Said 
River Until it Meets or Joins to Pensilvania Patent, Including all 
the Lands unpatented from the Said place of Beginning to the 
Said Patent of Pensilvania, and all the Unpatented Lands on 
both Sides or Shores of the Said Creeks and River the Breadth 
of Two Miles, that is to Say, a Mile in Breadth from the Banks 
of the Said Creeks and River on Each Side from the place of Be- 
ginning to the place where it meets, or Joins to the North Bounds 
or Line of Pensilvania Pattent or Grant 2 Together with all and 
every the Mines Minerals or Ore of what kind soever Standing 
growing being or to be found in or upon any part or parcell thereof 
and all other the Hereditaments and Appurtenances to the said 
Tract or parcell of Lands belonging or in any wise appertaining 
and the reversion and reversions remainder and Remainders rents 
Issues and profitts thereof and of every part and parcell thereof 
And all the Estate right title Interest property possession Claim 
and demand soever of Us and each and every of Us either in Law 
or Equity of in or to the aforesaid Tract or parcell of Lands or 
any part or parcel thereof To have and | the said tract or 

parcell of Lands and all and Singular other the premisses aforesaid 



2 The description of the tract is given in a draft letter to Goldsbrow 
Banyar, May 6, 1751, printed in Johnson Papers, 1:921-22. In the 
deed this is in Sir William's hand, to the point indicated by the second 
superior figure 2 . 



William Johnsons Affairs 1 738-/ 755 M 

with their and every of their hereditaments and Appurtenances in 
and of [ ] presents mentioned or intended to be granted and 
released as aforesaid unto Our said most gracious Soverign King 
George the Second his Heirs and Successors to and for his and 
their Sole and only proper use benefit and behoof forever In Wit- 
ness whereof We have hereunto Sett our hands and Seals this 
Twenty fourth Day of August in the Twenty fifth Year of His 
said Majesties Reign Annoque Domine One thousand Seven Hun- 
dred fifty and One — 

Sealed and delivered 
In the presence of 
Matt w . Ferrall 
Aerndt Stevens 
Pieter D. Schuyler 
Rob t . Adems 

his 

Skanewasey I \ [seal] 




Mark 
his 



TAWAGHKIWASSEY ^\ , an Oneida [seal] 




Mark 



us 




A BRAHAM £1 PETERSEY [SEAL] 

Mark 



18 Sir William Johnson Papers 



us 




Brant / C\ Sen r . [seal] 



Mark 
his 



SETH OF H Jk SCOHAREE [SEAL] 




Mark 
his 



David of f I Conajoharee [seal] 




Mark 



his 



CONAJOHAR [SEAL] 

Ca GIG NA TEHA \j 

Sachim 



Mark 
his 

Nickus A Conajoharee V Ind n . [seal] 

Mark 



William Johnsons A fairs 1738-1755 



19 



us 



NlCKUS SACHIM v ] was prisn r . 

Mark 



f 



hi 



is 



» 



[seal] 



Hendrick Peters 

Mark 



[seal] 



WILL OF SIR PETER WARREN 



D} 



[July 26, 1752] 



In the Name of God Amen I Sir Peter Warren Knight of the 
Bath being Sick in Body 2 but of Sound Mind and Memory Do 
make this my last Will and Testament in manner following hereby 
revoking all others I Give and bequeath to my most Dear and 
well beloved Wife the Sum of three thousand pounds fifteen hun- 
dred pounds thereof to dispose of among her own Relations if She 
shall think proper otherwise to be at her absolute disposal the 
remaining fifteen hundred pounds to dispose of among my Rela- 
tions in such manner and proportions and at such times as She 
shall think fitting. I Give the further Sum of three hundred pounds 
to my most Entirely beloved Wife to be laid out in Rings and 



1 In New York Historical Society, Warren Papers. 

2 Sir Peter Warren died July 29, 1 752. He had gone to Dublin to 
receive the degree of LL.D. on June 1 2. He was taken with a violent 
fever, four days after which he died. His death was reported by his 
nephew Warren Johnson, who was then with him. Johnson Papers, 

1:370-71. 



20 Sir William Johnson Papers 

given to my Friends She knows my friendships. I leave it to her 
as my second Self to Judge of the persons to whom such tokens 
of my Esteem are to be given. I leave to Lord Aylmer Lady 
Norris and M rs . John Norris one hundred Guinias Each as a 
Mark of my regard for them. I Give and bequeath to my said 
Dear Wife Lady Warren the Income and produce of one third 
part of my personal Estate to her own use during her natural Life 
the other two thirds of my personal Estate and after the decease 
of my Wife the Third of which She is to receive the produce to my 
four Daughters 5 and to such Child or Children as my Dear Wife 
may be Ensient with to be Equally divided between them and to 
be paid to them at their respective Marriages or Ages of Twenty 
and one years my Debts and other Legacys hereby bequeathed to 
be first deducted out of my personal Estate I Give and devise one 
third part of my Real Estate to my Dear Wife for her natural Life 
in Lien and Satisfaction of Dower the other two thirds of my 
Real Estate and the Reversion of the third Devised to my Wife 
I Devise to the Child my Wife may be Ensient with if it happens 
to be a Son and his Heirs and if such Son should happen to dye 
without Issue and before he attained the Age of Twenty and 
one years then I devise my Real Estate to my four Daughters 
and such Child as my Wife may Ensient with and their Heirs to 
be Equally Devised between them and if any of Children should 
dye unmarried and under the Age of Twenty and one Years in 
such Case my Will is that the Share of such Child both of the 
Real and personal Estate shall come to the surviving Child or 
Children her or their Heirs Executors and Administrators and if 
all my Children shall happen to dye unmarried and before they 
attain to their full Age of Twenty and one years In such Case 
I devise and bequeath one third of my Real and personal Estate to 
most beloved Wife her Heirs Executors and Administrators that 
She may have it in her power to Gratify her own Relations if she 
shall think proper Another third of the personal Estate and two 



3 Two of his daughters, Anne and Susannah, were mentioned in the will 
of 1 746. Charlotte was born in England in April 1 752. The name of 
the fourth daughter is not known. 



William Johnsons Affairs 1738-1755 21 

thirds of the Real Estate I Devise and Bequeath to my Nephew 
Captain Richard Tyrrell his Heirs Executors and Administrators, 
the other Third of my personal Estate to my Nephews and Neices 
Except Captain Richard Tyrrel to whom I have Devised one 
third of the personal Estate My Will is that whatever Sum shall 
appear to be due to me from my Nephew Captain Richard Tyrrel 
one Third part thereof I bequeath to his two Sisters my Neices the 
other two thirds I bequeath to my Nephews and Neices the Chil- 
dren of Christopher Johnson Excepting my Nephew William 
Johnson for whom I have a great esteem but consider him as not 
wanting a Share my Will also is that whatever Sum shall appear 
to be due to me from my said Nephew M r . William Johnson 4 
one third part thereof he shall retain to his own Use, the two 
Thirds shall be Equally divided between his Brothers and Sisters 
And Whereas I advanced for my Nephew Captain Warren 
Johnson the Sum of Eleven hundred pounds or thereabouts for 
which I have his Bond, And Whereas I advanced to my Nephew 
John Johnson the Sum of five hundred pounds for which I have 
his Bond I hereby discharge the said several Debts and desire that 
whatever Bonds of theirs I have may be given up having taken 
their Bonds not with an Intent to be paid but to make them diligent 
I direct that my Nephew John Johnson may hold the Lands of 
Warrenstown Containing four hundred and forty Eight Acres 
or thereabouts which he is now in the possession of at the yearly 
Rent of one hundred and Sixty pounds untill my Eldest Daughter 
may attain her full Age being truly convinced of the Love my 
Dear Wife bears to me and the Tender Affection She has for 
our Children I appoint her Guardian to my four Daughters and 
to the Child She may be Ensient with during their respective 



4 The Will of 1 746 stated "Whereas I have been at Considerable Ex- 
pence in Advancing in the World my Nephew William Johnson and for 
which he Stands Indebted to the Amount of four thousands pounds 
Sterling. . . ." Then followed the bequest "as a further Instance of my 
Affection," one hundred guineas to buy a ring, and the remission of "all 
such debt or debts," provided he turn over one thousand pounds to Warren 
Johnson. 



22 Sir William Johnson Papers 

Minoritys and do Impower her to Allott and Expend on their 
respective Maintenances and Education so much of the produce 
of their respective Fortunes as She shall think fit I leave to my 
Friend Boleign Whitney of the City of Dublin Esquire one 
hundred pounds I appoint my Dear Wife her Brother James 
De Lancey Chief Justice of New York and my Nephew Captain 
Richard Tyrrell Executors of this my Will I Desire to be buried 
privately the expence not to exceed one hundred pounds as my 
Wife shall direct — P. WARREN s.s. Signed Sealed and pub- 
lished by the Testator in the presence of us who have attested the 
same as Witnesses in the presence of the Testator this Twenty sixth 
Day of July one thousand seven hundred and fifty two — 

Ed. Stannard 
Ex d . Wm. Alexander 

Thomas by Divine Providence Archbishop of Canterbury 
Primate of all England and Metropolitan do by these Presents 
make known to all Men that on the Thirtieth Day of October in 
the Year of our Lord One thousand seven hundred and fifty two 
at London Before The Right Honourable Sir George Lee Knight, 
Doctor of Laws Master Keeper or Commissary of our Prerogative 
Court of Canterbury lawfully constituted the last Will and Testa- 
ment of The Honourable Sir Peter Warren late of Cavendish 
Square in the Parish of Saint Mary le Bone in the County of 
Middlesex but in the Kingdom of Ireland Knight of the Bath 
deceased hereunto annexed was proved approved and registred 
the said Deceased having whilst living and at the time of his Death 
Goods Chattels or Credits in divers Dioceses or Jurisdictions by 
reason whereof the proving and registring the said Will and the 
granting Administration of all and singular the said Goods Chat- 
tels and Credits and also the auditing allowing and final discharg- 
ing the Accomp 1 . thereof are well known to appertain only and 
wholly to us and not to any inferior Judge and that Administration 
of all and singular the Goods Chattels and Credits of the said 
Deceased and any way concerning his Will was granted to Dame 
Susannah Warren Widow the Relict of the said deceased and 



William Johnsons Affairs 1738-1755 23 

one of the Executors named in the said Will being first Sworn 
by Commission well and faithfully to Administer the same and 
to make a true and perfect Inventory of all and singular the said 
Goods Chattels and Credits and to exhibit the same into the 
Registry of our said Court on or before the last Day of April 
next ensuing and also to render a just and true Accompt thereof: 
Power reserved of making the like grant to James Delancey 
Esquire and Richard Tyrrell the other Executors named in the 
said Will when they or either of them shall apply for the same 
Given at the time and place above written and in the Fifth Year 
of our Translation. — 

W m . Legard — Pot. St. Eloy — Hen. Stevens 
Deputy Registers. — 
L. S. 



FROM ABRAHAM PETERS ET AL 

Canajoharie March 22, 1753 

] Present from the governor of | 
] and time after Last May [ 
]s, onydoes taskaroras Ondages Kayoedes and 
] None of Us. But Wee Agree to the 
] Albany Becase Wee Would Not goo so 



1 In New York Colonial Manuscripts, damaged by fire. Listed in 
Calendar of Historical Manuscripts (Albany, 1 866) : "Sachems of the 
Six Nations to Col. Johnson; none of the Six Nations ever went to Logs- 
town in Virginia, nor had they ever received a present from Virginia." 
The notes taken before the fire of 1911 by C. H. Mcllwain state that it 
was signed by four chiefs and supplies the place in the date line, and the 
endorsement. They summarize it as follows: "They refuse to treat with 
the gov. of Va. any place but at Albany. Send back wampum & will not 
meet at Logstown. Will meet at Albany that the gov. of NY. may hear." 
See William Johnson's comment in his letter to Governor Clinton, March 
26, 1 753, Doc. Hist. N.Y., 2:624-25. 



24 



Sir William Johnson Papers 



] in Verginia. Wee Would Speeke in Albany 
governour Could heare it And Wee Would Bee 
] in Albany. With the governour of 
] We did Not Receive Any Presents 
] earned time from the governors. 
[ ] Witness our hands 

his 



Abraham 



Brant 



f 



Marck 



us 



+ 



Marck 



PlETERS 



Urgyadirha 



hi 



is 



Hendrik 



Marck 



Peters 



INDORSED : 



Read April 13, 1753 
Referred to Committee of Council N. Y. 
April 15, 1753 



William Johnsons Affairs 1738-1755 25 

FROM ARENT STEVENS 
Contemporary Copy 1 

Schenectady 21 st . June 1753 

The Indians are returned from New York, much [displeased] 
with [the] Reception they met with there, they tell [me] that the 
Covenant Chain between them and the English [is broke] and 
they will immediately notify the same to the [five] Nations and if 
his Excellency sends to invite the five [Nat] ions of Indians at Al- 
bany, they will stop me, or any Person that shall go with such a 
Message, at Conajo[harie] use my [ Endeavours to 

dissuade them from [sending] Belts among the five Nations, and 
/ beg they will [ ] home before they send any Belt [ ] ix 

Castle [ ] I not knowing whether his Excellency | with 

their Intention, makes me take this — [ ] erty of writing it to 
you and if he is not, beg the [ ] you will give my Duty 

to his Excellency, and [ ] quaint him with their Resolution — I 
believe you will ] with me, that if that affair is not 

speedily made up — [ ] be attended with great Expence 

— I am &c 

Arent Stevens 
above is a true Extract of a Letter to Col. Johnson | | the 

Indian Interpreter ] d by 

G w . Banyar D Sec'ry. 



INDORSED : 



21 st . June 1753 

Extract of a Letter of | 
the Interpreter to [ 
Col: Johnson 



1 In New York Colonial Manuscripts. Partly mutilated by fire; words 
in brackets have been supplied from the notes of C. H. Mcllwain. 



26 Sir William Johnson Papers 

COMMISSION FROM GEORGE II 

D. 1 

[July, 5, 1753] 

GEORGE THE SECOND By the Grace of God of Great 
Britain France and Ireland King Defender of the Faith and so 
forth: To Our Trusty and Welbeloved WILLIAM JOHN- 
SON ESQUIRE One of Our Council of Our Province of 
New York in America GREETING WHEREAS for the 
preserving the Friendship of the Six Nations of Indians, and secur- 
ing the said Nations in Our Alliance, an Interview was proposed 
and intended to have been had at Albany this Summer, between 
Our Governor of Our said Province of New York, and the 
Sachims and cheif Men of the said Nations; which for sundry 
Reasons is now thought necessary and expedient to be deferred: 
yet nevertheless We have thought it adviseable to appoint a gen- 
eral meeting of the Said Nations at Onondaga, as soon as con- 
veniently may be ; and to send some fit Person to the said Meeting, 
to acquaint the said Nations with the Reasons for postponing the 
said Interview, to bury the Hatchet, and to renew and strengthen 
the Ancient Alliance between us and them. AND WHEREAS 
We are well assured of your great Influence and personal Interest 
among the said Nations, and you being also recommended by 
Our Council and General Assembly of our said Province, and 
approved of by our said Governour, as the most proper Person 
to be sent on this Service. We have therefore thought fit to Nomi- 
nate, Constitute, appoint, Commissionate and depute, you the said 
WILLIAM JOHNSON, in whose knowledge Prudence and 
Fidelity We very much confide, and you are accordingly hereby 
Nominated, Constituted, appointed, Commissionated and deputed, 
to Summon and Invite the said Nations, or their Sachims and 



1 In Fort Ticonderoga Museum. Printed and with facsimile in The 
Bulletin of the Fort Ticonderoga Museum, Vol. VI, No. 2 (July 1941), 
pp. 61-63. See "Instructions to Col. Johnson" from Governor George 
Clinton, which accompanied the commission, July 5, 1753. Doc. Hist. 
N.Y., 2:629-30. 



William Johnsons Affairs 1738-1755 27 

chief Men, to a general Meeting at ONONDAGA, at a day by 
you to be appointed for that purpose, and to repair thither your- 
self, and at such Meeting to appear in Our Behalf, and there to 
Treat and Confer with the said Nations, and Transact such 
Matters and Things, as you shall by Instructions from our said 
Governour be directed to do; and also such other Matters, as you 
shall think will be most for our Service, and best answer the 
purposes intended by such Meeting. Willing and requiring you 
to render unto Our Said Governour, or the Commander in chief 
for the time being, a full plain and distinct account of your 
proceedings in Virtue of this commission, and that without delay 
after you shall have executed the same. IN TESTIMONY 
whereof We have caused the Great Seal of our said Province to be 
hereunto affixed. WITNESS Our Trusty and Welbeloved 
GEORGE CLINTON ESQUIRE Our Captain General and 
Governour in chief of our Province of New York and Territories 
thereon depending in America Vice Admiral of the same and 
Admiral of the White Squadron of our Fleet. At Our Fort in our 
City of New York the fifth day of July 1753 in the Twenty 
seventh year of our Reign. 

Clarke Junior 



28 



Sir William Johnson Papers 



ACCOUNT AGAINST ESTATE OF SIR PETER WARREN 

D} 

New York March the I5 lh . 1754 



The Estate of Sir Peter Warren Deceased 



D'. 



1 738 To 3 pieces of Irish Linen 










£ 9. 


.17. 


.10 


1 Barrell of ffish to M r . John 








Schuyler and Charg'd to my 










1. 


. 5. 


. 6 


1 739 A present made in his Name 








to the Mohawk Indians <p 








Order 


12. 


.16. 




Expences Attended the Lay- 




ing out Lotts in Warrens- 








borough 


8. 


.14. 


. — 


2 Blunderbusses Return'd 








w ch . were charg'd to my 








Account 


6. 


. — . 


. — 


2 Cash &c a . Advanced to his 








Tenants <P Order at Sundry 








times as ^ Bonds & Book 








will Appear 


243. 


.11. 


. — 


1740-1-2 15 Bush 18 , of Indian Corn 








40/ and 10d°. of Peas 4/6 








T^ -.45/ 


4. 


. 5. 


. — 



1 In New York Historical Society, Warren Papers. An undated pre- 
liminary draft of this account, without totals, is also in the Warren Papers. 
Figures from this draft have been used where the present document was 
mutilated. Some information in this earlier paper and variants have been 
noted. Most noteworthy was the inclusion of an item for 1737: "To 
Sundry Expences attending the procuring 1 2 familys to send them to 
America his order this Cury . . .33. .4. .6." 

2 Date 1 741 at this item in the draft. 




SIR PETER WARREN 

Oil painting by Thomas Hudson. Courtesy of the National Maritime 

Museum, Greenwich, England. 



William Johnsons Affairs 1738-1755 



29 



Sending 2 Negroes to York 
22/ & 1 Bar 1 . Pork 70/ . . . 
20 Bush 1 *. Peace £8 — 30 
d°. Indian Corn @ 3/4 ^ 

£5 

3 225 BushK Pease @ 5/ ^ 
£56.5 & 4 O. flour @ 16/ 

^P & Casks 67 . . 6 

200 Inch Boards 9 d . ^ 
£7.. 10.. 140 Inch, &y 2 
d°. 15 d . ^ £8.. 15 

66 pitch pine d°. 14 d . ^ 

£ 3 . . 1 7 . . . A fine f rench 
Gun £6 

A Negro fellow Return'd 

call'd Jetrow 5 

A pipe of Wine Returned 
£25.. 18 Sundry Indian 
Curiosities £ 28 . . 2 

A Negro 6 Sold to James El- 
wood for which I have his 
Bond for 

2 of the best Negroes Re- 
turned by Order Viz'. Vul- 
can and Punch 

Sundry Curious Skins Indian 
Trinkets as Belts Shoes 
Pipes &c a . <p Order .... 
2 of the Negroes let two of 
the Tenants have <P Order 
to help them 



4. .12.. - 
13.. -.. - 
[59..12..6] 4 
[16.. 5.. - 

9. [17.. - 
37. [ -.. - 

54. [ -.. - 

[40.. -.. - 

[80.. -.. - 

23. .18.. - 

72.. -.. - 



3 Date 1 743 at this item in the draft. 

4 Figures in brackets supplied from the draft. 

5 Jethro. 

6 "Called Albany" in draft; and "on his account" after Ellwood. 



30 



Sir William Johnson Papers 



A parcel of Timber cut 
down & Squared by Order 
& design'd for Building a 
House at Greenwich the Bill 
of Scantling Sent by M r . 
Bastedo 

'To a present of Rum in 
Cases 8 as <j^ his Order to the 
Six Nations 

Drawing 26 Leases for the 
Tenants @ 10/ 9 

To the Expences of Improv- 
ing that part of Warrens- 
borough whereon Sir Peter 
Warren Ordered me to settle 
at my first coming here Anno 
Dom 1 738 whereon I ac- 
cordingly begun and La- 
boured hard for fifteen Years 

To an Overseer & Wife and 
myself part of the time £ 50 
«P Ann for 1 5 Years is . . . 

8 Working hands employed 
thereon 1 5 Years @ £ 1 5 
<P Ann 

Cloathing Said 8 hands @ 
£6 <j$ Ann Each the Said 
time 



18. .16.. - 



25.. 3 
13.. -, 



750.. -.. - 



1800.. -.. - 



720. 



7 In the draft at this point is an item not given in this account. "To a 
Surcharge made on a Cargo of Goods sent by Mr. Middleton £ 14. .-. . 
111/4 Sterl. to Do. in another Cargo by Capt. Gill £ 7 . . 1 4 . . 6 Sterl. 
both sums make £21.15.5 1/4 Sterl. is this Currency . . . 34 . . 7 . . 
6 3/4." 

8 "Caggs" in the draft. 

« In the draft this charge was "30/. a Ps." for a total of £ 39. 



William Johnsons Affairs / 738-1 755 



31 



Maintaining the Overseer his 
Wife and 8 hands 4 Years 
[@ £8] Each 

[Smith] s Work for 14 
Y [ears at] 25 %} Ann ... 

Ware and Tear of Wag- 
gons, Carts, Plows, Har- 
rows, Sleds, Horses, Oxen 
&c a 14 Years @ £30 ^ 
Ann 

Building a House Barn Sta- 
bles Barracks &c 

Rates & Taxes for 1 5 Years 

Three Servants times work'd 
out on the Farm besides, w ch . 
I am charg'd £67. .3 Bos- 
ton Money w ch . is York 
Cur c y 

To a [Ige] large Cask 
Charg'd £19. .10 Boston 
Money, never used, and lyes 
on the Farm 

Blocks for pulling up trees 
charged £8. .17. .1 Bost n . 
Money in his Ace', never 
used & are on the Farm . . . 

1 Horse Charged me which I 
had on the farm & dyed . . . 

A Smith's Vice Charged 
£24 Boston Money is on 
the farm 

Beam and Scale & some 
Weights charged £ 8 . . 1 8 
. .6 Boston Money are there 



32 [0 
350, 



420 

160 
45 



-•• -] 



22.. 7.. 8 



6. .10.. - 



2. .19. 
20.. -, 

8.. -. 

2. .17. 



32 



Sir William Johnson Papers 



Negroes Handcuffs charg'd 
Boston Money 18/ is York 
Currency 

Padlocks Keys Staples & 
Asps charged £ 2 . . 1 5 Bos- 
ton Money used on the farm 

6 Musquets Charged in his 
Account are there 

A Case of Bottles are there 
all that's left of them 
charged 78/ Boston Money 

a Bullet Gun also 2 Broad- 
swords & 2 Powder Horns 
Charged £5.. 8 Bos. 
Money 

2 Dishes 6 plates Candle- 
stick & Snuffers used 
Charged £ 5 . .10. . Boston 
Money 

A pair of Leathers Bags 
£4. . & a saddle Cloth 
£4. . 10 Boston Money . . 



0.. 6 



0..18 
8.. 8 



1.. 6.. - 



1..16 



I. .16.. 8 



2 . . 16. . — 



£5398.. 14.. - 



To Some Articles Kept by Lady Warren out of a Cargo of 
Goods reced Anno 1 742 Amo*. to £ 966 . . 2 . .7 which I kept 
no Acc f . of but believe her Ladyship knows what it was to whom 
I refer it 

2 Negroes I let two of the Tenants have who kept them about 
6 Y 



ears 



10 



10 At this point the draft has the following: "whereon the Death of one 
& the going away of the other I took 'em back." 



William Johnsons Affairs 1738-1755 33 

To an Expence I was unavoidably put to, by the Six Nations 
coming to Condole the Death of Sir Peter Warren at my house 11 

seperately £ 1 32 . . 1 3 . . 4 

Errors and Omissions Excepted 

W M . Johnson 

INDORSED : 

Account Between S r . Peter Warrens 
Estate & S r . William Johnson. 



11 "Last winter" at this point in the draft. 



CERTIFICATE OF JOHN CHAMBERS AND RICHARD NICHOLS 

D} 

[March 20, 1754] 

We John Chambers and Richard Nicholls both of the City of 
New York in America Esq rs . hereby Certify to all to whom it 
doth or may Concern 

That Whereas Sir Peter Warren Knight of the Bath by his 
Last Will, and Testament did among other things therein Con- 
tained will and Order that whatever sum should Appear to be due 
[from] 2 to him from his Nephew M r . William Johnson one third 
part thereof he should Retain to his own Use and the other two 
thirds should be equally divided between his Brothers and Sisters 
And we having at the Request of Mess rs . John Watts and Oliver 
De Lancey of the City of New York Merchants who Represent 
and Act for the Executors of the Said Sir Peter Warren and also 
at the Request of the Said William Johnson perused and Inspected 
Several Letters which passed between the Said Sir Peter and the 
Said William Johnson and also several Invoices of Goods Ac- 
counts and Demands which they had against each other from the 
year 1 738 to the time of the Death of the Said Sir Peter in Order 



1 In New York Historical Society, Warren Papers. 

2 Words italicized and in brackets are crossed out in the manuscript. 



34 Sir William Johnson Papers 

to settle and Adjust the Same for the Satisfaction of the parties 
Concerned We Certify thereupon as follows Viz 1 , 
first — That by an Account Delivered unto Us by the Said 
De Lancey and Watts (a Copy whereof is hereunto Annexed) 
it Appears that the Said Sir Peter in his life time had Sent and 
furnished the Said William Johnson with Sundry Goods Wares 
and Merchandizes to the Value or Amount of £4097. .3 . . 0]/2 
Current Money of New York which the Said William Johnson 
was to sell and Traffick with for his own Benefit and Advantage 
being Nevertheless to be Accountable for the first Cost and 
Charges As Appears to Us by the Said Letters — 
2ndly ft- Appears to Us that the Said William Johnson Entered 
into three several Bonds to the Said Sir Peter Warren as Charged 
in the Stated General Account hereunto Annexed the principal 
and Interest whereof to the 1 6 th . day of this present Month of 
March Together with the aforesaid Sum of £4097. .3. . 0]/2 
Amount unto the Sum of £6830. .9. . 5]/2 Money Aforesaid 
As by the Said last mentioned Account Appears — 
3 rd 'y. By an Account Delivered unto Us by the Said William 
Johnson (a Copy whereof is also hereunto Annexed) it Appears 
that the Estate of the Said Sir Peter Warren is made Debtor to 
the Said William Johnson in the Sum of £5398. . 14 Current 
Money of New York Aforesaid which Account of the Said 
William Johnson declared unto us to be Just and true But did 
not produce or Shew unto Us any other proofs or Vouchers for 
the Same but the Same rests intirely on his own Credit — 
4thl y T ne SgjJ William Johnson hath Declared unto Us that 
the first and second Bonds Mentioned in the Said Stated General 
Account were Entered into and given by him the Said William 
unto him the Said Sir Peter on Account of and in part of payment 
for the Goods and Merchandizes with which he Stands Charge'd 
in the Said General Account And therefore he ought to have 
the Credit as well as he is made Debtor for the Same, in the Said 
Stated General Account Otherwise he would be doubly Charged 
and pay Interest beside And it Appears to Us that Sir Peter 
[Warren] himself declared unto M r . Nicholls who wrote or filled 



William Johnsons Affairs 1738-1755 35 

up the last Bond that altho he took that Bond from Coll. John- 
son it was Chiefly or with a View to make him frugal and Diligent 
in his Business And that he did not know whether he would ever 
Demand the payment of it but chose to have it in his Power 
5thl y {{ Appears to Us that Sir Peter from time to time wrote to 
M r . Johnson several most kind and Affectionate Letters greatly 
pressing and Encouraging him to Carry on the Settlement of his 
Lands and Real Estates in the County of Albany of which he the 
Said William had the Care and Superintendency for him to Said 
Sir Peter, and also that from thence he the Said William might 
reasonably Expect to be generously Considered and rewarded by 
his Said Uncle who often Declared in his Said Letters for to have 
his the Said Williams Interest and preferment greatly at heart 
And it also Appears from Sundry Letters from the Said William 
Johnson to Sir Peter that he Expresses himself to be greatly 
Obliged to him for all his favours and kindness to him — 
6 thl y. It appears to Us from the Said Several Accounts supposing 
the Articles therein to be right (and that the two Bonds were given 
on Account of the Goods as Averr'd by him the Said William) 
that there is a balance in favour of the Said William Johnson from 
the Estate of the Said Sir Peter Warren of the Sum of £938. . 
7 . . 1 1 J/2 As by the said General Stated Account Appears besides 
the three last Articles in Coll. Johnsons Ace*, the which he has 
left Blanks for and Submitted to the Settlement & Determination 
of Lady Warren herself. — 

7th! y W e Certify that we verily believe the Said William Johnson 
to be a Man of Honour & Integrity and worthy of good faith and 
Credit. — 

gthly And Lastly We Certify that the Said William Johnson 
hath not objected to any of the Articles of Charge in the Account 
due from him to the Estate of Sir Peter Warren, but in General 
Allowed the Said Account to be Right. — 

In Witness whereof we have hereunto set our hands the 
twentieth day of March Anno Dom 1 754 — 

Jn°. Chambers 

RlCHD. NlCHOLLS 



36 



Sir William Johnson Papers 



BALANCE OF ACCOUNT WITH ESTATE OF SIR PETER WARREN 

D} 

[March 20, 1754] 

D r . ColI°. William Johnson of the County of Albany to the 
Executors of the Late Sir Peter Warren 



1 754 To the Amount of an Acco 1 . 
March 16 Delivered by the Executors . 
To a Bond from Said Wil- 
liam Johnson Dated 19 th . 
Aug*. 1740 Condition'd for 
Payment of £600 Sterling 
the 1 9 th . Aug'. 1 744 which 
with Exchange at 80 <P 
Cent is in New York Money 
Interest thereon from 19 th . 
August 1744 to 16 March 
1754 is 9 Years 6 Months 
& 14 days (after allowing 
for Difference of Style) 
comes to in Sterling Money 
£400 .. 12 .. 2 which 
Amounts in Currency to . . 
To another Bond Dated 
15 th . July 1741 Conditioned 
for payment of £300 Sterl- 
ing the 15*. July 1753 
which with Exchange as 
above Amo ted . to in Currency 
Interest thereon for 7 Months 
& 18 days 



£4097 



0|/ 2 



1080.. -.. - 



721.. 15 



540, 
23, 



1 In New York Historical Society, Warren Papers. 
Certificate of Chambers and Nichols. 



8 



Annexed to 



William Johnsons Affairs 1 738-1 755 



37 



To Another Bond dated 








16 th . Novem'. 1742 Condi- 








tioned for Payment of £ 200 








New York Money with law- 








ful Interest from the date . . 


200. 


. — , 


. — 


Interest thereon for 1 1 Years 








3 Months & 1 7 days 


158. 


. 3. 


. — 




£6830. 


. 9. 


. 5K 2 2 


Ball, in favour of ColR 








Johnson 


933. 


. 7. 


MVi 






£ 7763 . 


.17. 


. 5 




Cr. 



By the Amount of the Prin- 
cipal and Interest of the 
Bonds Dated 19 th . August 
1740 and 15*. July 1741 
the Same being taken for the 
Goods charged in the Ace 1 , 
of Said William Johnson . . 
By the Amount of the Ace 1 . ] 
of Said William Johnson I 
against the Executors of the f 
late Sir Peter Warren I 



£2365 



5398.. 14. 



£7763. .17 



2 In spite of the balance, this total should read £6820. .9. .5 1/2. 



38 Sir William Johnson Papers 

SUSAN WARREN TO OLIVER DE LANCEY 

A.L.S} 

v 

Cavendish Square June 20 th . 1 754. 

Dear Brother 

I am favord w ,h . y r . letter dated y e . 13 th . of April w fh . an 
ace*, of M r . Nichols by which I see what money is in his hands 
where I hope you dont let it remain long, what belongs to me I 
would have put out for me on good security & what is the Chil- 
drens. I think will be best to remit here to put out on Govern', 
security, for them. 

I have likewise a state of an ace', made by M r . John Chambers 
& Nichols between the Estate of S r . Peter Warren & M r . W m . 
Johnson by which he brings a Debt on an estate not at all indebted 
to him I am extreamly surprized at it, I should be glad to know 
what he has done with the produce of all the Labour he Charges 
for, as he had the profits I think he has no right to make such 
unreasonable Charges, & I hope it wont be in any bodys power 
to make me pay so unjust a demand. M r . Chambers & Nichols 
were no strangers to S r . Peter Warren & therefore they must if 
they consider his Character know that he would not have left such 
a Legacy to M r . Johnson & his Brothers & sisters unless he had 
been very sure that M r . Johnson was in his Debt, & in a will he 
made in the year 1 746 dated, y e . 9 of Sept r . at Boston sign'd & 
witness'd when he was in perfect Health are the following words 
whereas I have been at considerable expence in advancing in the 
world my nephew Will m . Johnson & for which he stands indebted 
to me to the ammount of £ 4000 Sterling, 

& another thing, why should M r . Johnson give bonds if he was 
not in debt — it would have been proper for his uncle to have given 
him bonds if he had been in his Debt This ungenerous behaviour 
disturbs me very much, I have sent the acc ,s . to his relations in 
Ireland but have not had an answer yet. 

I would not have any repairs done for M r . Nichols but what 
are absolutely nesserary w th . as litle expence as possible & hope 



1 In New York Historical Society, Warren Papers. 



William Johnsons Affairs 1 738-1 755 39 

he has accounted W*. you for the things he bought old John Sarah 
& pinnie I dont know what to do with you will be surprized at 
M r . Penns choice of Gover r . for Pensilvania. M r . Bob Morice 2 
who I hear is to call at N York M rs . Osburn desired me to make 
her Compli ts . to you & the Leu f . Gover r . for y r . sivilitys in regard 
to her son. 

I am very sorry sister Watts is in such a Malancholy situation 
I hope her Husband is kind to her. I gave her advice which I find 
has offended which I am concern'd at as I did it w ,h . a good 
intention. The Children I thank God are very well, desire their 
kind Love to you & yours, & believe me I am with my best wishes 
to you & all your Family 

Dear Brother 
Your most affecti ate . 
Sister 
Susan Warren 

read the inclosed & if you think fit send it seaR w lh . black 
M r . Macky says he made an agreement w ,h . you that he should 
receive his proportion of Councellor Johnstons Debt & threatens 
that if I pursue to secure my Debt by Law that I shall have one 
if not two bills in Chancery filed against me so you see how i am 
treated at all sides. M r . Verelst is in Goil & no hopes of his ever 
being able to pay a farthing Lord Gage is out of Parlament & 
cannot be come at. I have a good security from M r . Taffe but 
have giveen him great offence by puting his bond in sute 
Pray give my respects & Love to the Gov. & his Family & the 
rest of our Brothers & sisters 

INDORSED : 

To Oliver DeLancey 

Esq r . 

Lady Warren Answerd y e . 30 to 
1754 



2 Robert Hunter Morris, governor of Pennsylvania, 1 754-56. 



40 Sir William Johnson Papers 

FROM EDWARD BRADDOCK 
Contemporary Copy 1 

Alexandria April 16, 1755 

Instructions to Col. Johnson — 

You are to produce to the Indians of the Six Nations a deed 
which will be delivered to You by Col. Shirly & in my Name to 
recite to them the following Instructions — 

Whereas it appears by a Treaty of the Five Nations made at 
Albany on y e . 1 9 day of July 1 70 1 between John Nanf an 
L f . Gov r . of the Province of New York that the saied five Nations 
did putt all their Beaver hunting which they won with the Sword 
80 Years ago, under the Protection of the King of England, to 
be Garrantyed by him to them & their Use & it also appearing 
by a Deed Executed in the Year 1 726 between the three Nations 
Cayuga Senekae & Onondaga & the then Govr. of N York 
that the saied three Nations did Surrender all the Land lyeing 
and being Sixty Miles Distance taken Directly from the Waters 
into the Country beginning from a Creek call'd Canahoge 2 on the 
Lake Okswego extending along the saied Lake to y e . Falls of 
Okniagara & along the Lake Caderaquis 3 to Sodons 4 Creek & 
from Sodons Creek to y e . Hill called Tegurhunksaroda 5 & from 
thence to the Creek calld Cayuga-aga as is now particularly 
deserib'd in the saied Deed including all the Castles of the afore- 
said three Nations with all the Rivers Creeks & Lakes within the 
saied Limitts to be protected and defended by his saied Majesty 
his Heirs & Successors for ever to & for the life of them the saied 
three Nations their Heirs & Successors for ever And it appearing 
that the French have from time to time by Fraud & Violence built 
Strong Forts with y e . Limitts of the saied Land, contrary to the 



1 In Public Record Office, P.R.O. 95. Chatham Papers. In hand 
of 1 nomas Pownall. 

2 Canohage, or Salmon River. Beauchamp, Place Names, p. 1 68. 

3 Cataraqui, or Cadaraqui, Lake Ontario, Ibid. p. 1 69. 

4 Sodus, or Aserodus. Ibid. p. 242. 

5 Hill near Sodus Bay. Ibid. p. 242. 



William Johnsons Affairs 1738-1755 41 

Purport of the [saied] Covenant Chain of y e . Saied Deed & 
Treaty, You are in my Name to Assure the Saied Nations that 
I am come by his Majesty's Order to destroy all y e . saied Forts & 
to build such others as shall protect & Secure the saied Lands to 
them their Heirs & Successors for ever according to y e . Intent & 
Spirit of the Saied Treaty & therefore call upon them to take up 
the Hatchet & Come & take Possession of their own Lands — 

Edw d . Bradock 



TO WILLIAM SHIRLEY 
L.5. 1 

[May 4, 1755] 

Sir (Cop y> 

I receivd your Excellencys Commission & Instructions by M r . 
Alexand r . 2 with a Number of blank Commissions for Officers to 
command Parties of Indians, in which I find there is not any 
Assurance of Pay, not that I think a bare Assurance would be 
Encouragement to Persons to engage in this Service. I must also 
observe again to your Excellency, that no provision is yet made 
either for engaging the Indians, or to enable me to furnish them 
w th . the Necessaries, they ought and will expect to be provided 
with, & unless I am furnished with the Means by the Collonies I 
must either make Use of the Money lodged in my Hands by Gen- 
eral Braddock, or we can not promise ourselves any Assistance 
from the Indians tho so essentially necessary in the proposed 
Expedition I should be unwilling to employ any part of that 
Money this way, as I conceive this Expence ought to be defraid by 
the Colonies concerned in the Interprize, and nothing will enduce 



1 In Archives of the Seminary of Quebec, Laval University, Quebec, 
Canada. As shown by the indorsement, this copy was made to send to 
General Braddock. Shirley's reply is in Johnson Papers, 1 :491-93. 

2 William Alexander (1726-83), secretary to Governor Shirley, 
later known as Lord Stirling. 



42 Sir William Johnson Papers 

me to do it, but their Neglecting to make a provision for it. Your 
Excellency I suppose was informed by the General, that so soon 
as the Money I had from him is expented I have his Power, to 
draw on your Excellency for what Money the Service may 
require, if the Colonies do not furnish Money, what I have in 
Hand will very soon be exhausted, and as your Excellency may be 
absent on Service I shoud be glad to have your Directions on whom 
to draw my Bills. 

The Assembly here have passed a Note to pay their proportion 
of my Expences, but as this will lay me under a Necessity of 
advancing my own Money, tho' for the publick Service I must beg 
your Excelb. will fall on some Method to prevent my being put to 
that Inconvenience, I hear the Connecticut forces are on the Point 
of being Compleat, but as it will not be possible for us to move 
without the Train, I hope [of] by your Excellency's wonted Care 
& Vigilance, the service may not be retarded for the Want of it, 
and as our Success so much depends on it, that no essential part 
of it may be ommitted. I need not observe that without proper 
Persons to manage the Artillery it will be in great Measure Use- 
less, and except Lieu'. Hansard, whom the General has ordered 
to assist as an Engineer, we must wholly rely on being Supply'd 
with such Persons from the other Governments there being none 
here properly qualified. 



W M . Johnson 



Gov R . Shirley 

indorsed: 3 

May y e . 4 th . 1 755 — 



Coppy of my letter to 
Gov r . Shirley — 

Sent to Gen 1 . Braddock 
May 18*. 1755 — 



3 In Sir William's hand. 



William Johnsons Affairs J 738-1 755 43 

TO WILLIAM EYRE 

A.L.S. 1 

M l . Johnson June 20 lh . 1755 — 
Sir — 

Since I wrote You Yesterday 2 by ColR Lyddius 3 rec d . a 
Packet from M r . Shirley with a list or Specification of what the 
Committe of War have and are Still provideing w h . I have only 
time to Inclose, I wrote him & M r . Delancy by y e . return of the 
Express, and added Severall Articles thereto which are indispensa- 
bly necessary. 4 as You will See by the inclosed — what You think 
further wanting let me know [it] that I may ask Gov r . Shirley 
ab f . them when I see Him. I am 



Excuse Hurry. — 
Cap 7 . Eyre 

1 In New York State Library. 

2 Johnson Papers, 1:613-14. 

3 See ibid. 1:644-45 and note. 

4 Ibid. 1:617-18. 



Y rs . Sincerely 

WM. J. — 



FROM JAMES DE LANCEY 

New York 6 July 1755 

Sir 

M r . Banyar sends you the necessary information, 2 the Assembly 
broke up yesterday & I believe you will find things brought to a 
better conclusion than was expected in relation to your expedition, 



1 In New York State Library. 

2 See Johnson Papers, 1:676-77. 



44 Sir William Johnson Papers 

in which I heartily wish you success. The taking of beau Sejour 3 
and Admiral Boscawen's dissapointing the French designs are 
good presages I congratulate you on these Events & am Sir 

with great regard 
Your most humble Servant 

James De Lancey 
Major General Johnson 

indorsed: 

Gov r . De Lancey s Letter 

6 July 
reed 9 d°. 1 755 
<ip Brazier 
Ans d . 10 July 



3 Fort Beausejour, Acadia. 



FROM ALEXANDER COLDEN 
A.L.S. 1 

N York July 26*. 1755 
Saturday Night 1 2 Clock 
Dear Sir — 

By the Philadelphia Post this Evening I rec d . the letter & 
List Inclosed from M r . Benj". Franklin. I know not that our Gov r . 
or any one Else has a Copy of it & therefore Sit up to Copy it in 
order to go by Marsellis 2 who Sails by break of Day. I have 
abstracts of other letters but none so particular or so much to 
be relied on this. The buissness of the Office would not permit my 
Copying this 'till Eleven Clock & now am tired hurrying to Copy 
it. cant Send You the other Abstracts but Shall tomorrow if have 
an optT. I have a letter from one in Phil who writes that Province 
Seems in the utmost Confusion all owing to the Stupidity & 



1 In possession of Dr. Noel J. Cortes, Philadelphia. 

2 Skipper of a Hudson River sloop. 



William Johnsons Affairs 1738-1755 45 

Infatuation of its Assembly which Met the 22 d . Inst, and it was 
then thought would not vote for either men or money to Defend 
themselves, They know they are a free people & at y e . same time 
take every Step thats possible to Carry it into licenciousness. There 
went a Number of Quakers &c. to the Gov rs . house the night before 
y l . of the 22 d . and repeatedly called him L — r for no other reason 
then their disbelief of the Ace 1 , he brought from Carlisle of the 
Defeat of the Army; 3 and some of them have been Impudent 
enough to Assert in y e . Publick Coffee house that the Gov r . 
brought this Ace*, with a View to put the Inhabitants of that 
Province in a Pannick & thereby Obtain a Vote from from the 
Assembly to Enable those willing to give some Assistance to his 
Majesty to defeat his Enemies, and the Major part of them dis- 
believe the Acct of the Defeat of our Army yet: Notwithstanding 
the repeated Accts they have had from Gen ta . of Credit & Char- 
acter in the Army 

There are a great manny in that City of worth & Credit who 
would go any length to Protect the Province & Defend his 
Majestys Dominions but the Quakers will do nothing to Contribute 
to the Publick Safety — 

Please Excuse the hurry this is wrote in — I cannot Add but 
my prayers for y r . Success & Safety & to assure you I am 

Kind S'. 

Y r . Very humble Serv*. 

Alex Colden 
Major Gen l . Johnson 



3 Braddock's defeat at the forks of the Ohio, July 9, 1 755. 



46 Sir William Johnson Papers 

FROM EPHRAIM WILLIAMS 
A.L.S. 1 

ait the Camp August 4 th . 1755 

Pursuant to your direction, I made ready the remainder of 
my regiment last Saturday, all excepting the Arms which Could 
not be Accomplish'd, my Armorer being sick — But have this 
night got the Chief of them ready. I have got [//ie] 2 my propor- 
tion of Battoes, & put on each One Barrell of Pork which was 
agreable to your Order, but find them so leaky, I think they will 
not Answer their design, without being recorked. I have made 
Application to Cap'. Webster that it might be done, he this Day 
inform d . he had been so much hurry d ., that he Could not do it, 
but says they shall be done tomorrow. I have also made a Com- 
putation of the number of Waggons that will be necessary to 
Convey the rest of The provisions, & have made Application to 
Commis r y. General Emmerson, who told me so many he tho*. 
Could not be procured but he would get As many as possable. 
But Cannot Learn [whether] that Any be procured [or not] 
this S r . is the tru representation of the Case, But I am willing to 
forego the Objection, with respect to the Battoes, provided the 
Waggons Can be procured — without which, I doubt not you 
Are sensible the thing is impracticable. — 

[Ephraim Williams] 
To Maj r . Gene l . Johnson — 



1 In Harvard University Library, Sparks Collection. Signature has 
been cut out of this manuscript. 

2 Words italicized and in brackets are crossed out in the manuscript. 



William Johnsons Affairs / 738-1 755 47 

FROM BERNIER 
A.L.S. 1 

aalbanv2I 7 b ™./755 
Monsieur 

La situation de M. Le Baron ne luy permet pas de vous ecrire luy 
meme ; il m'ordonne d'y suppleer. il ne cesse point de sentir toutes 
les obligations qu'il vous a, et tout ce qu'il doit aux Bontes et 
aux sentimens genereux que vous avez eu pour luy pendant qu'il 
a ete Dans votre Camp. 

II me charge de vous temoigner, Monsieur, La satisfaction 
particuliere qu'il a eu de toutes les personnes aux qu'elles vous 
L'avez Confie depuis votre Camp jusqu'ici, soit de la part de 
celuy qui Commandoit au fort, mais surtout a L'egard du jeune 
Cap*, qui La Conduit du fort a albany; si vous daignez en tenir 
Compte a ce jeune officier, M. Le Baron Le regardera comme 
un nouveau sujet de reconnoissance qu'il vous aura. — 

L'etat de ses Blessures n'a point empire pendant Le voyage, 
aux douleurs pres qui ont ete tres vives; mais Depuis qu'il est ici, 
tantot il y a du pire et rarement du mieux, en sorte qu'on re 
scauroit juger quand on pourra Le transporter sans risque a New 
York. 

Les Bontes et les attentions de M de . votre soeur et de toutes 
Les Dames de la maison pour luy, exigent de sa part tous les 
sentimens de sa reconnoissance; il en recoit tous les secours que la 
generosite la plus parfaite peut offrir, et tels qu'il pourroit en 
attendre de sa propre famille. 

Tels Sont, Monsieur, Les sentimens qu'il m'a ordonne de vous 
exprimer et que je ne puis rendre qu'imparfaitement ; permettez 
moy d'y joindre Les miens, la reconnoissance et le respect me les 
Dictent. 



1 In Historical Society of Pennsylvania. 



48 Sir William Johnson Papers 

permettez, Monsieur, que M.D'ayris et m- votre aide-de-camp 
trouvent ici de la part de M. Le Baron mille Complimens de la plus 
sincere amitie qu'il a Concue pour eux. j'ai L'honneur de leur 
presenter mes obeissances. 

j'ai L'honneur d'etre avec Respect 

Monsieur 

Votre tres humble et 
tres obeissant Serviteur 
BERNIER aide de camp 

P.S. 

je ne Scaurois, Monsieur, m'empecher de vous representer, au 
moins par maniere de nouvelle, que je croyois etre prisonnier Sur 
ma parole d'honneur; elle a ete demandee et Donnee; mais depuis 
que je suis ici, j'ai a peine La liberte de sortir de La chambre pour 
aller au Cabinet des Commodites, encore y Suisje chaque fois 
escorte la bayonnete au bout du fusil, et la maison est investie 
de sentinelles. L'impossibilite ou je Suis d'aller dans la ville et de 
voir quelqu'un qui parle francais, m'empeche de chercher les 
moyens de sortir du triste etat ou j'etois dans votre camp, et de 
pourvoir aux choses qui sont de la plus indispensable necessite. 
Ce traitement est inusite en europe et surtout a L'egard d'un 
officier. — 



INDORSED: 2 



Albany 2 R 7K 1755 



Baron De Dieskeaus 
letter — 



2 In Sir William's hand. 



William Johnsons Affairs 1738-/755 49 

TRANSLATION 

Albany, 21 September 1755 
Sir 

The Baron's condition does not permit him to write to you 
himself; he asks I do so for him. He does not cease to feel all 
the obligations he has towards you and all that he owes to your 
kindness and the generous sentiments that you have had for him 
since he has been in your camp. 

He asks me to tell you, Sir, of the personal satisfaction that 
he has received from all the people to whom you have confided him 
since leaving your camp, from the commander of the fort, but 
especially the young captain who conducted him from the fort to 
Albany. If you will kindly thank this young officer for it, the 
Baron would regard it as an additional favor for which he would 
be indebted to you. 

His wounds did not grow worse during the trip, judging by the 
pain, which has been acute ; but since he has been here he has been 
worse at times, seldom better, so we cannot judge as to when it will 
be possible to transport him without danger to New York. 

He feels very grateful for the kindness and the attention of 
your sister and of all the ladies of the household for him; he 
receives all the help that the most perfect generosity can offer and 
such as he could expect only from his immediate family. 

Such are the sentiments, Sir, that he has asked me to express 
to you and which I render only imperfectly ; permit me to add my 
own sentiments to his; my gratitude and respect impel me to say 
this. 

Permit, Sir, that Mr. D'Ayris' 3 and your aide-de-camp find also 
in this letter a thousand compliments of sincere friendship which 
the Baron has for them. I have the honor of presenting them my 
best wishes. 

I have the honor to be, respectfully yours 

Sir 

Your humble and obedient servant 
BERNIER aide de camp. 

3 Captain William Eyre. 



50 Sir William Johnson Papers 

P.S. 

I cannot help, Sir, but let you know, at least as news, that I 
thought I was a prisoner on my word of honor; it was asked and 
I gave it; but since I've been here I have hardly had permission to 
go to the toilet and when I do go I am escorted at bayonet point 
and the house is filled with guards. The fact that it is impossible 
for me to go to the city to see some one who speaks French pre- 
vents me from finding means of relief from this sad state in which 
I was in in your camp and to obtain those things which are of the 
most indispensible necessity. This kind of treatment is very unusual 
in Europe, especially with regard to an officer. 



MINUTES OF A COURT MARTIAL 

D.S. 1 

[September 23, 1755] 
Camp at L.a\e George 19 Sep 1 . 1755. 

Proceedings of a General Court Martial held in Col. Ruggles' s 
Tent 
Pres 1 . 

Col. Ruggles Pres'. 
Col. Blanchard 
Col. White 

Col. Whitcomb Peter Wraxall Judge Advocate 

Maj r . Dennison 
Maj r . Champlin 
Maj r . Foot 
Maj r . Godfrey 
Cap*. Patterson 
Cap 1 . Babcock 
Cap 1 . Newell 



1 In Williams College Library. In hand of Peter Wraxall. 




COLONEL NATHAN WHITING 

Portrait attributed to John Durand. Courtesy of the 
Connecticut Historical Society. 



William Johnsons Affairs 1738-1755 51 

Cap 1 . Whiting 
Cap 1 . Birt 
Cap 1 . Whipple 
Cap 1 . Goddenough 
Cap 1 . Fulsham 

Oliver Willard a Cap', in Col. Blanchard's Reg'. Arraigned 
for behaving in a Cowardly manner & flying from the Enemy, 
deserting the Command he was ordered upon & inducing others 
to do the same. 

Ev ce . Cap 1 . John Fry of Col. Whitcombs Reg 1 . 

That he went out with a Party under the Command of Col. 
Whitcomb in Battoes to Discover the Enemy who were expected 
to have a party lodged upon an Island in Lake George — That 
the next morning after their departure they lost sight of their Com- 
manding officer upon w ch . this Evidence proposed to Land & 
reconnoitre the Island, where they apprehended the Enemy were, 
but a certain Person (he cannot swear it was the Prisoner, but 
made no doubt by Information of the People with him but it was 
the Pris r .) abused him for the Proposal & refused to go there & 
drew several Cannoes with him. 

2. Lieu'. Ebenz r . Larrand of Col. Whitcombs Reg 1 . 

That Cap'. Fry did make a proposal to Land upon the afore- 
said Island, & some Body said Cap'. Fry was a Fool & a Block- 
head to make such a Proposal & heard a Voice calling to several 
Battoes to come away & a number did follow — Cap'. Fry s d . 
that he thought himself the Commands, officer when he made the 
Proposal & did not suppose there was an older officer than him- 
self, neither did Larrand think there was an older than Fry. 

3 d . Ev lce . Michajah How in Col. Willards Reg'., he heard a 
Voice say he woud go home & called Cap'. Fry names for his 
Proposal & that Several Battoes went off. And where the Voice 
came from y e . Battoes went off. 



52 Sir William Johnson Papers 

4 th Ev ce . Serg'. Nicholls of Col. Whitcombs 

Heard Capt. Fry make a Proposal for Landing on the Island 
[heard a Voice] when the Evi ce . heard some Battoes were going 
off & a Voice say that Cap 1 . Fry was a Fool & a Blockhead for 
staying, when Cap t . Fry asked whos that, answer was made (by 
an unknown voice) y f . it was Cap'. Oliv. Willard. 

5 th Evid ce . Jacob Patterson private of Col. Whitcombs. 

heard Cap'. Fry make the Proposal & understood from every 
body that Cap 1 . Willard said he was not for staying but making 
the best of their way home & had staid too long — the Battoe 
whenc the Voice came from moved away & several others fol- 
lowed. 

Col. Blanchard when y e . G asked why he did not go up to his 
Officers Assistance, replyed he woud not tho his Father had been 
in the Case. 

What he s d . to the General was Evidenced by several of the 
Members. 

Pris rs . Evidence. 
Elijah Haughton Ensign in Col. Ruggles. 

a few minutes Conversation before Cap 1 . Fry arrived — 

Pris r . defence 
he denies having heard any Proposal for going on the smoaking 
Island giving any ill Language or refusing to go. 

Jacob Town Ev ce . of Col. Whitcombs sworn by Judge Advo- 
cate, confirmed pretty much the other Evidences ab f . ill Language 
&c. 

Ev ce . John Whitcomb of Col. Whitcombs. that he is apt to 
believe the proposal of visiting the Smoaking Island was made. 

The Prisoner having more Evidence to call that it being near 
3 o Clock the Court adjourned to 8 o Clock tomorrow Morning — 

Satturday 26 Sep r . 9 o Clock A.M. The Court Martial met & 
proceeded with the Trial of Oliver Willard a Cap 1 , in Col. 
Blanchards Reg*. 



William Johnsons Affairs 17 38- 1 755 53 

Evi ce . Evdence [that Ps] Isaac Gates, Elias Carter, Abra m . 
Barry — 01iv r . Gates — Tim°. Goodenough. Abn r . Osgood Pri- 
vates of Col. Whitcombs. 

One heard some Conversation among the People ab f . visiting the 
Smoaking Island, one heard the Pris r . say he woud make the 
best of his way home & called him Men to go home. Some in one 
Battoe Called out to Cap*. Willard for Gods sake to stop who 
halted a little & went on. 

1. The Question was put whether [The Whole Conduct of] 
the Pris r . is guilty of Cowardice behaving in a Cowardly man- 
ner [of a] & flying from the Enemy. Voted by a Majority 
not guilty. 

2. Whether the Pris r . [was guilty of] did deserting the Com- 
mand he was ordered upon. Voted by a Majority that he did 
desert the Command he was ordered upon. 

3. Whether the Pris r . did induce others to do the same Voted 
by a Majority in the affirmative. 

The Question then was put, whether the Prisoner, who is found 
Guilty of the 2 d . & 3 d . Articles laid to his Charge, dos, all Cir- 
cumstances considered, deserve any Punishment. 

Voted [by a 1] in the Negative. 

The Court adjourned till next Monday Morning at [eight] 
nine o Clock to try the other Prisoners — 

TlM°. RUGGLES 

Monday the 22< Sep'. 1 755. A. M. 

The Court Martial met according to Adjournment of the 20 
Inst. 

Pris r . 

Lawrence M c . Nelly of the Rhode Island Reg*, for firing his 
Peice after Sun set & making a false Alarm — 
[Evid ce . Lieut John Nixon one of Col. Ruggles* Reg 1 .] 

The Pris r . pleaded Guilty. — 



54 Sir William Johnson Papers 

The Court Martial are of opinion that he receive at the head 
of each Encampment 1 Lashes before 1 2 o Clock at noon & that 
his Crime be published at each whipping — 

Pris r . Ezekiel Abbe private Man in Maj r . Foots Compan 
accused of leaving his Guard & being often call on to appear 
never came. — 

The Pris r . pleaded Guilty of leaving his Guard but not guilty 
of never returning to it. 

Evidence Cap f . Harman 

That he appeared at the Guard when [first paraded] at their 
first parading. That he was missing in half an hour after & did 
not return till ab f . 2 hours before Sunset. Missed him again at 
8 o Clock. When he had Liberty pass <p Lieu 1 , to fetch his Groat, 
he was again missing at the Alarm & at every time 'till after that 
time when relieving hours came. 

That the Pris r . receive 10 Lashes on his bare back at the 
head of each Reg', in Camp & his Crime published. — 

Pris r . John Merit of Col. Goodrich's Reg f . & C°. for being 
absent from his Guard without leave during the night. — and 
giving in a false Name to the officer of the Guard. 

The Pris r . pleads Guilty [but — that not guilty of giving a 
false name.] 

The Opinion of the Court that Pris r . receive at the head of 
each Reg f . 12 Lashes on the Bare back his Crime published & 
that he receive 2 of those Lashes for giving in a false Name. 

Pris rs . George Dunham ) 

T r> i i r °r General Lymans Reg'. 

Jonas hJabcock \ 

Quitting their Posts & Arms when upon Sentrys & playing at 
Pennys. 

The Pns rs . pleaded Guilty & threw themselves on the Mercy 
of the Court. 

[that they] It is the Opinion of the Court that the Criminals 
receive 6 Lashes each on their Bare Backs at the head of the 
Encampm 1 . of each Reg*. & their Crimes published aloud. — 

TlM°. RUGGLES 



William Johnsons Affairs 1738-1755 55 

Peter Wraxall 
Judge Advocate 

I approve the Sentence of the above Court Martial upon the 
several Criminals condemned to be punished & direct the Feild 
officer of the Day for to Morrow to see the Punishments & Sen- 
tences duly Inflicted. 

Camp at Lake George 23 Sep 1 . 1 755. 

W M . Johnson 

INDORSED : 

Proceedings of General 
Court Martial 

19 & 22 Sep*. 1755. 



FROM ISRAEL WILLIAMS 

/i .1— /.J) . 

Hatfield Sepr. 24 , / 755 — 
Sir — 

I heartily congratulate You, upon the Victory and Success 
gained, in the Late Battle at Lake George, Yet as heartily lament 
y e . Loss of so Many brave Officers and Soldiers in that Action — 

I am now sending two Companies, Consisting of Sixty two 
Men Each, including Officers, from my Regiment ; Part of the two 
Thousand this Government lately agreed to raise, to reinforce the 
Army under your Comand, destined for Crown Point, And by 
Order of Lieu*. Gov r . Phips, they are put under proper Officers, 
and added to the Regiment Lately under y e . Command of Col°. 
Ephraim Williams. One Hundred and forty five Men from CoR 
Worthington's Regiment, Which You may soon expect, are also, 
by His Honour's Order to be of the same Regiment — 

His Honour left It with me to Supply the Officers, & furnish'd 
Me with blank Comissions accordingly — Before I had done 
It, the heavy Tidings of Col . William's Death, reach'd us, I have 



1 In Historical Society of Pennsylvania, Gratz Collection. 



56 Sir William Johnson Papers 

therefore inserted the Words, "Was Late" &c. The only reason 
of my not Using the Words "In the Regiment Whereof Seth 
Pomroy Esq r . is Coll°. &c" Was because, he had not actually 
received a Comission for that Command, [which] tho I doubted 
Not he soon Would, as It naturally devolved upon Him — 

I have good reason to think his Hon r . the Lieu*. Gov r . designs 
Colonel Pomroy Shall have y e . Comand of that Regiment; For 
upon a Certain Gent", being lately proposed to Him for his Second 
His Hon r . was pleased to send a Number of Blank Commissions 
for that Officer and A Number of other Good Men to Supply 
the Places of those brave Officers who had fallen in that Regiment 
— For Some special reasons, I omit transmits. Them to You at 
this Time — make no Doubt You will soon have his Hon rs . 
further Pleasure in the Affair — 

I wish You still greater Success — and Am 

your most Obed*. hum ble . Serv 1 — 
Major General Johnson — 

Israel Williams 



FROM WILLIAM WILLIAMS 

Extract 1 

Oneyda's Carrying Place, Septb r . 26, 1755. 
Sir. 

I heartily congratulate you, upon the Honour you have done 
his Majesty's Arms, your Country & yourself, by the late Signal 
Victory you have gain'd upon Bold, Subtile and Deceitfull 
Enemys. — The name of Johnson will always be dear to New 
England — and I bless God that when so Valuable a life was 
so near the Verge of Death, he has interposed, even to the saving 
of your Limbs. 

*t# *r* *t* *t* *r* *y* 



1 From a copy in Oneida Historical Society, Utica. The original was 
destroyed by fire. 



William Johnsons Afairs 1738-1755 57 

At the same Time I am rejoycing I cannot but regret the Loss 
of some brave men; perticularly Titcomb & Williams, 2 both my 
perticular & intimate Friends and one a Relation, I know they 
have behaved well heretofore, I hope they did now. 

I have with you an only Child that bears both our names he is 
Surgeon's mate to D r . Williams of Williams' Regiment. If he 
behaves well your Hon rs . notice of him, either in a Small Com- 
mission or otherwise shall never be forgott by him, who is, Sir, 

Esteem & respect 

Your Most Obedient 
Most Humble Servant 
General Johnson W m . Williams 



2 Cols. Moses Titcomb and Ephraim Williams fell in the battle of 
Lake George. 



FROM PHILIP SCHUYLER AND JOHN DE PEYSTER 

o R Albany p e . 30. Sep r . 1755 

Mess. David Jones & Thorn 5 . Cornell from Queens County have 

Sent up to Us 69 Cheeses & 200 Sheep being part of 1 000 Sheep 

which they have Raised in Queens County for a present to the 

forces Under your Command: Which they Desired We Should 

forward to you. Have Deliv d . the Sheep under the Care of Cap'. 

Roberson who has promises to take Care of them and, the Cheeses 

have Loaded in a Waggon. We Wish them Safe to the Camp & 

Remain. Sr v u , c , 

Your most hiumb oarv*. 

Phil Schuyler 

Jno De Peyster 



1 In Historical Society of Pennsylvania, Gratz Collection. In hand of, 
and signed by, John De Peyster, who signed Schuyler's name, also. See 
Johnson to Representatives of Queens County, Oct. 10, 1755, Doc. Hist. 
N.Y., 2:702-3, expressing thanks for this gift and referring to this letter. 
See Johnson Calendar, p. 56. 



58 Sir William Johnson Papers 

6 or 7 of the Sheep died before the Went from here The Wag- 
oners name that has the Cheeses Is. Tom the Negro of Thunis 
Van Veghten 
ADDRESSED : 

To 

Maj e . Gen 1 . Johnson 
att 
Lake George 



INDORSED: 



Phill. Schyler & Jn°. 
Depeyster Lett r . dated 
30 Sep'. 1 755 
rec d . 5 Oct r . 



FROM THOMAS POWNALL 
A.L.S. 1 

NYork.Ocf. [/] 55? 
My Dear Sir. 

I have transmitted Your Letter to y e . Lords of Trade 3 & 
also a duplicate of it. I hope You will have reason to be sensible 
of, in y e . Effect, what I have said of You & your Situation, so 
that It is needless & woud be impertinent to tell You. — I have 
had a great deal of talk with C l . Orm 4 about y e . Intent & Extent 
of y e . Powers Granted You by y e . General, whether they were 
as full as his Instructions empowerd him to give, & whether as 
they are, they are not Such as to make You Sole Superintendent 



1 In Historical Society of Pennsylvania, Gratz Collection. 

2 Judging from internal evidence, the date of this letter is October 1 , 
for it enclosed a letter of Robert Orme of that date. Orme shortly after 
left for Boston to embark for England. 

3 September 24, 1 755. Doc. Hist. N.Y., 2:698-700; Doc. Rel. Col. 
Hist. NY., 6:1009-10. 

4 Capt. Robert Orme. 



William Johnsons Affairs 1 738-! 755 59 

of y e . Affairs of y e . Five Nations &c. He says they were so 
meant & Understood. He has conceivd, & I have improved them, 
sentiments worthy of You & Your Services. I have given him 
Letters of Introduction to Lord Halifax & my Brother, & as 
far as representing Your Transactions & Connections with Gen- 
eral Braddock as also y e . satisfaction that y e . General express'd 
of your Conduct, He will be able to be serviceable to You. He 
has explaind to my satisfaction, as to himself, & y e . General y e . 
State of my Reception at Alexandria, 5 & I think know now pre- 
cisely to what Quarter I am indebted. 

I am endeavoring & I will if it be possible, form something 
of an Errand to England, that I may have an Excuse for going 
there, which I must have or I shall be inexcusable for leaving y e . 
Post I am appointed to here which is y e . Gov 1 , of N Jersey on 
y e . decease of M r . Belcher 6 I know I can be of more Use & 
benefit, to y e . Public Service to Myself to my Freinds, by being 
in England this Winter than perhaps any other Man, & I am 
sure more beyond comparison than I can be in any other place. 
I shall therefore go if it be possible. I desire therefore You will 
refer to me for particular Explanations & y e . Answer of Ques- 
tions or any other matters that may arise in y e . consideration 
of Your Proposals & Letters, for which purpose also I wish 
You to send me a Paper of heads & memorandums &c. which 
I shall understand, & be able to explain for You which Your 
time so at present engag'd & perplexd will not permitt You to 
do. — I know Your Situation & how you are Circumstanced 
as to Carrying y e . Command in Your Army, so you need not 
run y e . Risque of being Explicit on that head. Every thing that 
One freind Can do for another I will do for You. When I 



5 Pownall, although not invited officially, sought to attend the military 
conference at Alexandria, April 14, 1755, but was excluded by Shirley. 
Apparently Johnson took his part. See Schutz, John A., Thomas Pownall 
(Glendale, Calif., 1951), p. 61. 

6 Jonathan Belcher (1681/2-1757) was appointed governor of New 
Jersey, July 1 746. His decease, here anticipated, did not occur until Aug. 
31 , 1 757, after Pownall had become governor of Massachusetts. 



60 Sir William Johnson Papers 

become a freind to a Man, 'tis with [ip///j] my whole heart 
believe me. I can see no Impropriety if You think it Proper 
(but before 'tis done I will take advice from Home,) to have 
published Your Late Treaty. 7 The Benefit of Which M r . Wraxal 
is intitled to & should have. It will sell so as to raise more money 
than w d . appear at first sight. I will take y e . Trouble to see it 
done, & will (without putting my name in public) write a Pref- 
ace to it pointing out y e . Leading Matters to it in y e . former 
state of Indian Politics, together with a Short Account of y e . 
Indians their Gov 1 ., their Method of Treaties &c. Give me Your 
answer to this, I mean to make it point out Your Services by 
an Induction of y e . strongest sort. — 6c to putt your Interest on 
a Right bottom. — Give me leave to beg an Answer to y e . 
two following Questions. 

Whether y e . Sachems, when satt in Council, to consider of 
Warr matters, doe not sometime take y e . Opinion of y e . War- 
riors (tho' they be not of y e . Council) not so much for y e . sake 
of y e . Advice as to engage them in y e . Execution of the Council's 
Resolves? 

I beg You will Gett me y e . Precise meaning of the Word 
Canada. I thought once it meant, The Country of \) e . Lal^es. 
But I have since Learn't from some Indians & Davidson at 
Philadelphia, that it means p e . Mouth of y e . Country. 

I shall also be extreamly glad if You can gett me y e . Mean 
of y e Words Ada. Cana. Aga. Ere. for I want to make out y e . 
Etimology of several Indian names of Parts of Countries, as 
Canada (as above) Ac-ada. Sac-ada-hoc. Cana-bec. Ca-bec. 
'Sk'ri-ada-ere-ada. which seems y e . Compound of Skariadereada. 
Can' ada ere. then Again y e . two Words in y e . two words ocksock 
Tiogk sock-rounte & Conasocghrage, which I dare say if prop- 
erly pronounced differ only in y e . two last syllables, have com- 
pounds of y e . same meaning in them, which I should be glad (I 
could use it to great purposes) to have y e . Etimology of. I beg 



7 No doubt refers to Johnson's An Account of Conferences Held, and 
Treaties Made, Between Ma']. Qen. Sir William Johnson, Bart, and the 
Chief Sachems and Warriours .... (London, 1756). 



William Johnsons Affairs 1738-1755 61 

you will consider these Questions as very Serious & me extreamly 
desirous of answers, if You can get such for me. Cap'. Orm who 
is going away from this place for Boston this Afternoon whence 
he takes his Passage for England beggs me to enclose his Letter 
to You. s Mr. Penn who is with him & going to England beggs 
his Compliments & good wishes to You. I beg my Respects to 
Cap'. Wraxal & Cap'. Eyre. 

I am Dear Sir your's most 

Affectionate & sincerely 

T POWNALL 
INDORSED: 

Newyork Octr: 55. 

M r . Pownalls Letter 



s October 1 , 1 755. Johnson Papers, 2 : 1 28-29. 



TO BENNING WENTWORTH 
Extract 1 
Camp at L.a\e George 10 Oct. 1755. 

I have an Opportunity just to. acquaint Your Excellency, that 
the night after Cap 1 . Wraxalls departure from hence I was 
taken extremely ill with a violent inflammation in my head w ch . 
confined me to my bed where I still continue in great Pain — 
This together with S r . Charles Hardys advice brought Mr. 
Wraxall back hither who I find too necessary to me to part with. 
The Papers I had sent by him, Circumstances have since altered 
my Plans relating to them. I am preparing a Letter & some Papers 
for Gov r . Phipps w ch . I shall desire him to communicate to the 
several Gov' s . concerned in this Expedition as it is impossible 
for me to send them separately. 



1 Copy in notes of C. H. Mcllwain. This does not coincide with 
printed portions of the mutilated letter in Johnson Papers, 9:254-56. It is 
presumed that this extract is the first part of the letter which was burned off. 
The draft was written by Peter Wraxall. 



62 Sir William Johnson Papers 

FROM TIMOTHY RUGGLES 
A.L.S. 1 
[Fort Edward c. Oct. 8-13, 1755]' 

SR 

according to order this minute am Sending y e . men upon y e . 
Road to Soratoga & have order'd an officers Guard to Examin 
all passing Soldiers in order to Detect Deserters 

the particular Reasons of my applycation for Leave of Absence 
I wrote to y e . General Some days ago when I apply'd for Leave 
which were bottom'd upon an apprehension of y e . Armys Not 
proceeding farther this fall & my not having a State of health 
Sufficient for y e . Camp this winter and further having Some hopes 
of keeping up y e . Spirit of our Governm 1 . against y e . Spring 

I am S r . y r . Most hum 1 . 

Serv*. 

TlM°. RUGGLES 



1 In Harvard University Library, Sparks Collection. 

2 Place and date supplied. On October 7, Johnson asked Col. Ruggles 
his reasons for going to Boston; on October 14, he gave his consent. 
Johnson Papers, 9:249, 262. On October 14, also he sent orders for 
Ruggles successor at Fort Edward. Ibid, 2 : 1 96. 



FROM THOMAS POWNALL 
A.L.S. 1 

N York. Oct 13. 55. 

My Dear Sir: 

Lett me begin with my good wishes for your health, for, ever 
since I have heard of your being ill, that is uppermost in my 
heart. I hope this may find you better, if not that You will be 
so soon. I receiv'd y e . other day y e . favor of yours of the 26 th . 



In University of Pittsburgh Library. 



William Johnsons Affairs 1738-1755 63 

of last month 2 as also a letter from Cap*. Eyres, & One from 
M r . Wraxal. 

We are not now & have not been for some time ignorant & 
deceiv'd about y e . behaviour not only of some of the Men but 
of y e . Officers also. The first Accounts spoke well of all, but 
even then we were not unapprized of that Spirit of Jealousy & 
Envy (ever accompanying narrow & low minds) which was 
creeping about & began to show itself in your Army. To obviate 
any murmers from which & to You & Your's & particularly M r . 
Wraxal clear of these Wretches having it to say that He or 
any of Your freinds gave y e . least or most distant cause for it 
was y e . reason I heard given by every body in y e . Fort for that 
addition about M r . Lyman y e . Officers & Men, annex'd to his 
postscript, which y e . General Accounts that then came down 
saied enough to justifye in that slight & general manner. I do 
not take this up as personally concern'd in it nor do I remember 
who it was first mention'd y e . thought of putting this to y e . Post- 
script, but I remember, I was clearly of Opinion, as well as 
others, that it would be prudent & was right, if his letter was 
to be publish'd. An Extract of his Letter as He himself wrote 
it was sent to Gov r . Morris 3 to be communicated to Col. Dunbar 4 
&, I think, to y e . other Governors. I know I myself forwarded 
to y e . Board of Trade, for S r . Charles Hardy, two exact literal 
copies of M r . Wraxals letter. So that altho' the Letter that was 
printed appears to y e . public with those Alterations, it lyes before 
y e . Administration & y e . People of business here in y e . literal 
Account as He wrote it, & may be referrd to, & indeed it is 
pretty generally known here that y e . Printed letter is not literally 
what was wrote. 5 I just mention this to You, because as in a 



2 Not found. No doubt a reply to Pownall's of Sept. 24, 1755. 
Johnson Papers, 3:994-95. 

3 Lt. Governor Robert Hunter Morris of Pennsylvania. 

4 Col. Thomas Dunbar. 

5 Note letter to Sir Charles Hardy, Sept. 16, 1755, Doc. Rel. Col. 
Hist., 6:1013-15, with portions in brackets omitted. Cf. Peter Wraxall 
to Johnson, Oct. 3, 1 755, Johnson Papers, 2:1 33-38. 



64 Sir William Johnson Papers 

former Letter I mentiond to You y e . reasons of his Letter being 
published by extract & under these Alterations, he has mention'd 
it to me in a postscript. There were also other reasons arising 
observations & Remarks that had been made on y e . manner & 
stile of some former letters he had wrote for You, that made these 
freindly intentions more particularly kind at this time. 

Pray give my kind respects to Cap 1 . Eyres I am much obliged 
to him for his very clear & intelligent account of y e . present 
state of Matters, tho' we all here are sensible it, I wish with all 
my heart it was publicly & commonly known. I took Care to 
see his English Letters forwarded, M r . Wallis took y e . trouble 
to forward for me his letters to Ireland, & he will his last to 
holland. 

In my last 6 I troubled You with some Etymological Questions 
about y e . names of Places. Give me leave to ask you whether 
Evans 7 has not wrote y e . word Skariaderada wrong & whether 
it shoud not be Escariaderi-ada or rather 'Scariaderi-ada 
signifying. Ada, y e . Country. Es beyond. Cariaderi y e . Lakes. 

I find by some extracts I have from y e . Indian Records that 
Lake Ontario is improperly by many Geographers calld y e . Lake 
Cadtaraqui. Whereas that great in bay between Fort Frontenac, 
& y e . neck of Land whereon Kente stands is Lake Cadtaraqui. 
I wish you would ask y e . Indians if it be not. 

I have but one more question to trouble You with & that is 
of great importance. How farr as to measures, or what Number, 
as near as You can guess of Indians I may say with precision, 
you can engage. What Particular Tribes as a Whole, & what 
as having such an Interest in the Tribe as to gett a number out 
of it. Whether You think I may venture to say You can engage 
y e Kenunctioni 8 [as] in y e . Whole as a Nition or such a number 
as shall be effectual to our purpose. Tell me what I may say & 



6 October 1, 1755. Ante p. 

7 Lewis Evans. See Lawrence Henry Gipson, Lewis Evans (Philadel- 
phia 1939). 

8 Apparently a reference to the Onondaga word for "Longhouse." See 
Beauchamp, W. M. A History of the New York Iroquois, p. 165. 



William Johnsons Affairs 1738-1755 65 

how farr I may go for I mean to go as far as I can. I know there 
is no Man but Yourself in America that can reinstate & establish 
y e . English Interest among y e . Indians. I mean to make a point, 
as far as my opinion will have weight, of You're being employed 
upon such terms as shall enable You to do Yrself & y e . Common 
Cause, Honor & Service. And y e . way to be well heard & to have 
weight is to talk with precision & punctuality so as to be under- 
stood & to be depended on. I shall not embark 'till perhaps y e . 
First or Second week in Nov r . I have thought of being up at 
Albany before that time but those are very indetermined Write 
to me under Cover to S r . Charles Hardy. He will forward my 
Letters, I will write to You again before I go, but pray lett me 
hear from You upon y e . above heads, If you have not time to 
write a leter as I can well see You have not, send me heads & 
minutes of these matters in any rough way, which any of Your 
freinds may write from your mouth, I know enough of y e . general 
System of Indian Affairs to understand any such short heads. 

As I began so I end with my wishes not only for your general 
Success, but your particular safety, too much depends upon your 
Life. I don't mean this to flatter You but to caution You. I am 
Dear Sir, truely 

Your's most Affectionately 
Major Gen l . Johnson 

T Pownall 

I beg my respects to all freinds & shoud take it kindly to hear 
from them. 

INDORSED: 

M r . Pownalls Letter 

N.York 13 Octo'. 1755 
reed 23 d°. 
Ans d . d°. 



66 Sir William Johnson Papers 

FROM TIMOTHY RUGGLES 
A.L.S} 

Fort Edward Oct'. 14 th . 1755 
SR 

Last night y e . Guard that Came from y e . Camp with y e . wag- 
gons yesterday brought in five Deserters from y e . Camp at 
Carrilon 2 which are now here Confin'd & a Copy of their Exami- 
nation Shall Inclose your pleasure Concerning them Shall be 
obey'd when known I am S r . 

Y r . Most ob l . & Hum 1 . Serv'. 

TlM°. RUGGLES 
P.S. the waggoners have brought Not one Load of Stones 3 
according y r . Orders but always Say they Never heard 
y e . orders or any thing about them. 



1 In Harvard University Library, Sparks Collection. 

2 French fort at Ticonderoga. 

3 See Ruggles' letter, Sept. 29, 1755, Johnson Papers, 9:242-43. 



FROM PETER GILMAN 
A.L.S. 1 

Allbany Octoh*. 28* 17[55] 2 
HonD SR. 

According To Your Advice I Waited on [Sir] Charles Hardy, 
who thinks it Reasonable, Since the Expe[dition] Is Over for 
this fall and our Enlistments according to Act of [ ] Governm*. 
will be out the beginning of December so that we [ ] be of 
an Real advantage to the Expedition this fall, that w[ be 

dismissed & have Liberty to Return, his Excellency Inf[orms] 
me he has wrote to your Honour and doubts not but we Shall 



1 In Historical Society of Pennsylvania, Gratz Collection. 

2 Brackets indicate portions torn off on upper right corner of MS. 



William Johnsons Affairs 1738-1755 67 

] a Discharge at the Return of y e . Express, which will be 
a considerable] Saving to Our Governm*. must therefore Intreet 
your honour to give Liberty that we may Return, Before the 
Season grows Severe and the Rivers be filled with water, which 
will Render Our Return Extreemly Difficult — and prejudial to 
Our men's health — By Reason of many rivers they will have to 
pass through — The Inclosed I was Orderd to Deliver to your 
Hon r . my Self and Should have waited on you at the Camp before 
this time, but have been much Indisposed Since I have been at 
Allbany — And am as yet unable to undertake Such a Journey 
— Have Therefore Sent it by this Express, fearing I Should be 
unable To Deliver It my Self — 

I am With Dutifull Regards 

Your Hon rs . Most Obed 1 . 

Most Humble Serv*. — 

Peter Gilman 
The Hon ble . William Jonson Esq r . 

ADDRESSED : 

On His Majesties Service — 
To the Hon ble : William Jonson Esq r . 
Maj r . Gener 11 . of His majesties forces 
at Lake George — 



at ye Camp 
INDORSED : 

Col. Gilman's Letter 
Albany 28 Octo r . 

rec d . 30 d°. 
Ans d . 31 d°. 



68 Sir William Johnson Papers 

FROM RICHARD GRIDLEY 

A.L.S. 1 

Fort Edward October 29, 1755. — 
Sir 

I herewith send a Weekly return of the State of the Forces 
here ; also a return of Provisions in the Store ; I have had a Court 
of Enquiry on Joseph Gilbert a prisoner for discharging his Gun 
&c. and inclos'd the same for your Order on it. — I should have 
Order'd a Court of Enquiry on Lieu*. Col. Gilbert for rendring 
to you an undue List of the Officers to be promoted, but as I 
had not that List the Court had nothing to proceed upon ; I should 
be Glad Sir you would send it to me, also a Copy of Major 
Hoars Complaint, Maj r . Hoar desires it might. — You will 
Observe Sir by the returns of Provision we are very scant I have 
wrote to Commisary Emerson to send some imediately ; A Wag- 
gon with Bread is cast away about three miles back I have 
therefore unladed another Waggon here to go & fetch that 
Load & intend to keep both Load here. — 

I would advise for the Good of the province that Col°. Ruggles 

regim f . here might have Liberty to go Home as you will see by 

the return it consists mostly of Officers but this I leave to Your 

Wisdom & am 

Your Honours 

Most Obed*. Humb Ie . Serv 1 . 

R. Gridley 
General Johnson 

PS I have sent Lieu 1 . Burbeck of my reg 1 . with an order to Cap*. 

Eyre for stores for the Six pounders here as none came with them. 

INDORSED : 

Col. Gridley's Letter 

Fort Edward 29 Octo r . 
reed d°. 
Ans. 30 d°. 



In Williams College Library. 



William Johnsons Affairs 1738-1755 69 

FROM CHARLES HARDY 

Albany 14 th . November 1755. 
Sir 

On the Receit of your Letter on Tuesday, I had a Conference 
with General Shirley, when all Measures were agreed upon, to 
send you all the Assistance in our Power, together with as much 
Provisions as could possibly be sent up. In order to which, I 
have sent all round the Country and down on both sides the River 
to bring into this City all the Waggons and Horses that can be 
got. And as the Provincial Forces have left this Town — and 
part of his Majesty's Forces are to march to your Relief if there 
should be occasion, I have sent Orders to call in all the Militia 
of the Batalion down this River, with large Detachments from 
Ulster and Dutches Counties. 

Yesterday General Shirley sent me your last Letter to him 
by Express, by which I find you are very doubtful as to the 
Fact of the Enemy's advancing up the Lake, and that Captain 
Rogers is firmly of Opinion that the Indian saw no other Body 
of French Forces than those at the Incampment at Ticonderoga. 
As I do not doubt but you have had Scouts out, that have returned 
to you, to satisfy you in this Point, I must desire you will on the 
Receit of this send me by Express the best Intelligen [ce] you 
have obtained of the Enemy's motions that I may [as] early as 
possible dismiss the Militia if it should appear that the Enemy 
are not advancing, but remain quiet in their Post at Ticonderoga. 
I am 

Sir, 

Your most Obed'. 
humble Servant — 
General Johnson Cha s : Hardy 



In Harvard University Library, Sparks Collection. 



70 Sir William Johnson Papers 

MEETING OF PROVINCIAL COMMISSIONERS 

[Albany November 20, 1755] 

At a Meeting at Albany on Thursday the 20 th . day of Novem- 
ber 1755. 

Of His Excellency Major General Shirley, Gov r . of the 
Province of the Massachusets Bay. 

His Excellency Sir Charles Hardy Gov r . of the Province of 
New York. 

The Hon ble . James De Lancey Lieut'. Gov r . of New York, 
and one of the Members of his Majesty's Council for the said 
Province. 

The Hon b!e . John Rutherford Esq r . ^ Council of the 

The Hon ble . Daniel Horsmanden Esq r . ^Province of New York 



The Hon ble . James Minott 
John Choat Esq r . 
Oliver Partridge Esq 1- . 
Samuel Levermore Esq r . 



Commissioners from the 
Province of Massachusets 
Bay. 



Colonel Benjamin Hall ) Commissioners from the 
John Hubbard, Esq r . ( Colony of Connecticut. 

Unanimously Agreed that the Army under the Command of 
Major General Johnson destined against Crown Point, excepting 
600 or such further Number as shall be agreed to by Commis- 
sioners, from the Massachusets Bay, New York and Connecticut, 
now going to the Camp in conjunction with the Field Officers 
there be discharged, and that previous to said discharge the said 
Number to be engaged or Draughted out of the Troops in order 



1 In Williams College Library. See references to these minutes in Sir 
William to William Shirley and Sir Charles Hardy, Nov. 22, 1755, 
Johnson Papers, 2:324; and in Minutes of Council of War, Nov. 24-26, 

1755, Ibid. 2:335-37. 



William Johnsons Affairs 1738-1755 71 

to Garrison Fort Edward on the Great Carrying Place and Fort 
William Henry at Lake George, the said Number to be detained 
no longer than their respective Inlistments to the Governments 
whence they were raised to serve under such Officers, as shall be 
agreed to by said Commissioners the said Officers to receive their 
Orders from Major General Johnson and serve as Detachments 
for the purposes aforesaid and that each Forts proportion of said 
Troops be determined by a Council of War with the Concurrence 
of the Major part of the said Commissioners. 

That the Troops for Garrisoning the said Forts as aforesaid 
be paid and subsisted by the several Governments concerned in 
the Expedition in the following proportion Vizt. 
Massachusets Bay 185 Connecticut 154 New York 123 New 
Hampshire 11 and Rhode Island 61 and if a greater Number 
be found necessary to be paid and subsisted in like proportion. 
And that the said Commissioners proceed to the Camp at Lake 
George, as soon as may be for the purposes aforesaid. 

a true Copy of the Minutes 

W M . Alexander Secy. 



FROM CHARLES HARDY 
A.L.S. 1 

Albany Nov*. 21. 1755. 
Sir — 

This will be deliverd to you by the Commiss rs . Appointed to 
repair to your Army in Conjunction with those of the other 
provinces concern'd in the Expedition to Crown point. 

These Gentlemen are to give all their assistance to determine, 
& post the Garrissons proper to the defence and Security of the 



1 In Harvard University Library, Sparks Collection. 



72 Sir William Johnson Papers 

two Forts, in the doing of which you will find by an agreement 
at a meeting held in this City. You and the Field Officers are to 
be Consulted, & that the Garrissons are to be posted by Orders 
from you. The two Commissioners I have Appointed are In- 
structed by me to Consult you, and I have also thought it proper 
that they should advise with the Coll s : of the New York Regi- 
ment, however I rely principaly on your taking Care that there 
be no failure in furnishing the Quota for this Service, [on] the 
part of this province, and your advice, as well as assistance will 
be Necessary to our Commiss rs . in their purpose, I have only 
therefore given them general Instructions with an attested Copy 
of the agreement at the meeting held here. And as you will 
observe by this Agreement the General Comand remains with 
you when the Garrissons are posted or fix'd, & you judge it 
proper that the remains of the Forces March to return to their 
respective homes. You will give Collonel Cockcroft Orders to 
repair to this City with the remainder of the New York Regi- 
ment, to the Commissarys for this province, for the Men's recieving 
thier pay & that then he is to dismiss them, taking Care that they 
Return to the Commissary, thier Arms Accoutrements &c. before 
thier discharge. 

As soon as these Services are Carried into Execution, & you 
have given the necessary Orders to the Commanding Officers that 
are to be left in the Forts, you will doubtless leave your Camp 
that I shall only Recommend one Instruction to those Commanding 
Officers, that they Accquaint the Governours of the provinces 
Concern'd with every Occurrence proper for their Information. 

As Indian Affairs have been under various Influences since 
your being so Imploy'd that you could not give a due attention 
to them I would Recomend your seeing the principal Sachems 
of the Castles, in your way down, & use your Influence with them 
to have a regard to those two Forts, as places of secure retreat 
to them, from their Scalping parties & direct that they be well 
treated if they should desire to shelter in either of them during 
the Course of this Winter. As I have no doubt of your Inclination 
to render every Service in your power for the publick Welfare, 



William Johnsons Affairs 1738-1755 73 

I shall Recomend your Informing yourself in your way down, of 
the present disposition of the five Nations, together with your 
serious Consideration of the measures proper to be pursued in 
future, to preserve as well as promote the Interest of Our Nation 
among them; I have some reason to apprehend evil minded per- 
sons have been Imploy'd, to lessen your Influence with them, a 
Circumstance I would by no means have effected and shall to the 
utmost of my power support you in the Exercise of the Commis- 
sion you received from General Braddock. But more of this when 
I see you. In the mean time I must Recomend a Reconciliation 
between you and M r . Van Schaick of this town who I am told 
has both an Influence & [A]billitys to assist in, and Act under 
you, & I trust an Inclination to do it. One Abeel I am inform'd 
is nearly under the same Scituation, & there may perhaps be 
many others & it is most surely well worth your Consideration 
not to suffer such sort of men to be led away to Act under the 
directions of those who mean to gain an Influence with the 
Indians in prejudice to that you have hitherto had. & this I must 
in the strongest manner Recomend to you. 

As I propose meeting the Indians as early as the Season will 
permitt, to give them his Majesty's presents which I brought over 
with me. I shall hope to see you at New York, as early as you 
find the necessary attentions to those matters I have here Reco- 
mended, will permitt your taking this journey. 

Before you leave the Command you will Consider if any of 
the Artillery or Stores are proper to be removed from Fort Henry 
William & give such directions as you see Occassion 

I am, 
Sir, 

Your most Obed'. 

& Humble Servant 
General Johnson Cha s : Hardy 

indorsed: 

S r . Charles Hardy 
Albany 21 Nov r . 
reed 25 d°. — 



74 Sir William Johnson Papers 

FROM RICHARD GRIDLEY 
A.L.S. 1 

Fort Edward Nov'. 23. 17 55 

Sir 

Just before I receiv'd your favour of yesterday 2 I receiv'd 
a post from Saraghtoga with the inclos'd direction from Col°. 
Partridge 3 to the Officer there, who sent a post with it to me, & 
I expect by this time the Commissioners & about 25 Waggons 
are arriv'd at Saraghtoga, which obliges me to act somewhat 
different to what I shou'd do in Complyance with your Orders: 
here was a party of a L'. & 13 men with the Waggons from 
Albany who were returning, I therefore join'd that party with a 
party of a Cap 1 , two Subs & Fifty men to Saraghtoga the Captain 
upon his arrival at Saraghtoga, I orderd (besides giving him 
your orders) to deliver your dispatches to the Lieu 1 . & his party 
of 13, w tfl . orders to make all possible hast w tfl . 'em to Albany, 
& deliver em as directed the other party of 50 to Conduct the 
Commissioners & Waggons to this Fort, & I do not expect they 
can get here till tomorrow Night, & I woud desire you'd please 
to order a party to come from the Lake to Guard them from 
hence, for our works are backward, & if a party must go from 
hence it will retar'd the works more, w ch . I doubt not you will 
consider. — I wrote you Sir sometime since that the waggons 
for drawing stone were gone home because the provision for their 
Horses was out they are not return'd tho. they promis'd they 
wou'd & we have nothing like Stones enough for the Chimneys, 
& but 3 Trowells & one Stone hammer; I wrote for Six Broad 
Axes, & one Whip Saw which I did suppose might be spar'd 
from the Lake, they are not yet come, if we had tools I believe 
the Barracks &c wou'd be pretty well done in Ten days; I take 
all the methods possible to hasten them. I wrote to Commissary 



1 In Harvard University Library. 

2 See Johnson Calendar, p. 68. 

3 Col. Oliver Partridge. He was killed in action at Ticonderoga, July 
8, 1758. 



William Johnsons Affairs 1738-1755 75 

Emerson to send me 20 thous d . of nails for the roof of the 
Barracks & nail hammers but they are not yet come. — 

As to the last paragraf of your Letter Sir I am gratefully 
sensible of the favour done me when you ask my Choice, I 
wou'd say this, that it is not my inclination to tarry in this part 
of the World this Winter, but return to my Family; but if that 
cant be obtained, I wou'd choose to Continue here, because con- 
siderable difficultys will arrise in removing Bag & Baggage. — 
I am with Duty & respect Sir 

Your most Obed f . 
Humb 1 : Serv 1 . 

RlCH D : Gridley 4 

ADDRESSED : 

On His Majestys Service 
To The Honourable 

Major General Johnson 
at 

Lake George 
INDORSED: 

Fort Edward 23. Nov'. 1 755. 
Col: Gridleys Letter 



4 Col. Richard Gridley, commanding at Fort Edward. 



FROM THOMAS POWNALL 
A.L.S. 1 

N York Dec 8. 55 — 
Dear Sir 

This waits upon to Congratulate You upon y e . Close of your 
Campaigne, in which you have done so much faithfull Service to 
your Country & so much honor to yourself. I also most cordially 
rejoyce with You that You are releived from so disagreable a 
situation as your Command had become of late. 



1 In Harvard University Library, Sparks Collection. 



76 Sir William Johnson Papers 

I have nothing to add to y e . many letters I troubled you with 
lately, but to repeat my sincere offerrs of serving You in every 
instance & opportunity in my power. I don't know what I woud 
not give to have seen You here. We are to hold a Congress here 
on Wednesday, & if anything of Importance enough to dispatch 
home arises or is agreed upon, Gen 1 . Shirly will apply to Cap 1 . 
Diggs (my Old acquaintance) to Carry such to England, I 
shall certainly take y e . Opportunity of that Passage, it will be at 
least ten daies or a fortnight, lett me, if possible, hear from You 
or see You: if neither can be now write after me as soon as You 
can & send duplicates, putt my letters under Cover, To John 
Pownall Esq r . Secretary to y e . R*. Hon ble . Lords Commissioners 
for Trade & Plantations] London. — If there be a Wish that 
Honor Goodn[ess] or Freindship demands You have them all 
from me 

I am sincerely Dear Sir 
your faithfull humble 
Servant 

T Pownall 



FROM THOMAS POWNALL 

Albany Dec r . 21 ,55 
De[ar] Sir 

The Affair of y e . French together with y e . Shawanes & [ 
Delawares driving in & breaking up y e . Settlements in Pensyl- 
vania will make a great Noise. I will acquaint You how it stands 
& You will see a very great use may be made of it amongst y e . 
Kenunctioni. A very Large Body of French (some say 1500) 
have come this Fall to build Forts in Pensylvania so near as 
Susquehanna. They sent to the Delawares to acquaint them of 
their intentions [to] of taking Possession of that Country, that 



1 In New York State Library. 



William Johnsons Affairs 1 738-1 755 77 

if y e . Delawares woud join them they woud restore them to their 
ancient Lands independent of y e . Five Nations, if they woud 
not join them they woud destroy them together with y e . English. 
The Delawares have joind them. So that y e . Delawares &c have 
thrown of their subjection to y e . Five Nations & have sett up 
an Independent claim to these Lands & Country, & the [F]rench 
to form a Claim under them, — I should conceive y e . Five 
Nations must highly resent this Conduct of the French & that 
great Use may be made of it towards thoroughly engaging y e . 
Five Nations. I have not mentiond this hint to any One here if 
now this Winter You could with some of y e . Five Nations drive 
off these Wretches from Pensylvania It woud do You great 
Honor & show your Power in y e . Nations. I write this in so 
great hurry I have Scarce time to say half I think, take it only 
as hints & think y e . Whole Yourself 

I am Dear Sir 
your Faithfull 
Humble Serv 1 . 

T. POWNAL 
ADDRESSED: 

To 

Major General Johnson 
at His Camp 
at 
Lake George 

INDORSED: 2 

Albany Decb r . 2 1 •*. 1755 
Lieu 1 . Gov. Pownals letter. 



2 In Sir William's hand. 



78 Sir William Johnson Papers 

FROM SIR CHARLES HARDY 

A.L.S. 1 

Fort George New Yorfy 24 Decent. 1755. 
Sir 

I have your Letter of the 7 th ., 2 inclosing one from Myndert 
Wemple, 3 and a Packet of Letters from Canada, for a French 
Militia Captain Prisoner in the City. If you can influence the 
dependent Nations of Indians from joining the French by means 
of your own Message or from the five Nations you will do very 
singular Service to the Provinces, and gain great Reputation. 
We have too much reason to think many Indians who have been 
esteemed Friends to the English are concern'd with the French 
in the many Ravages and Barbarities committed in Pensilvania, 
where the Mischief done has been great and I fear continues 
to be so ; and I fear if a timely Spot is not put to their Incursions, 
New Jersey and this Province will soon have a Visit from them; 
I must therefore recommend it to you most earnestly, to influence 
the five Nations to take up the Hatchet, not only against these 
Invaders, if they do not desist upon their Message, but prevail on 
them if possible to make a Visit to the French Territories. 

If you think it so material to deliver three French Prisoners 
to the Indians at this time and can find means to convey them 
from hence out of the Fund in your Hands, you may send for 
them, and they shall be delivered to your Order Or I will at 
all Events preserve such a number for you. 

I have no Guns that I can supply you with, and if I had, I 
should not know how to convey them to you. 

I hope you may get that Jean Cour, 4 or any Emissarys the 
French may send among the Indians, be sure you hold fast all 
such as you get into your Hands. 



1 In New York Historical Society. 

2 Johnson Papers, 2:387. 

3/tiJ, 2:325. 

4 Daniel Joncaire, Sieur de Chabert et Clausonne. 



William Johnsons Affairs 1 738-/ 755 79 

I am informed by General Shirley that he has sent you a new 
Commission and Instructions. As I am under some apprehensions 
you may be disatisfyed at such a Proceeding, I cannot avoid 
advising you to accept of such Powers, rather than give up the 
management of Indian affairs at this critical Conjuncture, when 
you may be assured the Government at home will expect all your 
Services, and make you a proper Compensation. 

I should be glad to see you at New York as soon as your 
Negotiations with the five Nations will permit your leaving 
Mount Johnson. 

Inclosed I send you an Order to detach from the Militia of 
your County, and a Copy of that to Dutches to detach from that 
County, as many Men as may be wanted to complete our Quota 
of the Garisons of Fort Edward and Fort William Henry, 
which I should be glad you would attend the Execution of if 
possible before you leave Albany. I consider'd Albany as having 
many Troops now for its defence, from whence too they must 
reap great Advantages, and that they had been less harassed 
lately than Dutches; Besides I'm informed they are rather more 
numerous, and from these Reasons I fix'd the Proportions of 
two thirds for Albany and one third for Dutches, the latter being 
also at a greater distance from the Forts. You will send a proper 
officer with the Detachment who need not continue if there are 
Officers enough. The Orders I left you at Albany are I think 
full enough, in case you apprehend an Attack on either of the 
Forts. If they are not, you are to detach whatever part of your 
Regiment you may at any time find absolutely necessary to pre- 
vent their falling into the Hands of the Enemy; and in case of 
your absence you are to leave such further Orders with the next 
Commanding officer as you shall judge proper and necessary — 

I am, 

Sir 
Your most Obedient 
humble Servant 

Cha s . Hardy 

The Hono bIe . WlLLIAM JOHNSON Esq r . 



80 Sir William Johnson Papers 



INDORSED: 5 



Decb'. 24 th . 1 755 



Gov r . Hardys letter 



5 In Sir William's hand. 



FROM JOHN WATTS 
Extract 1 

New York 19*. April/756. 2 

The 9 th . Ins*. I deliverd to M r . Wraxall £2259. .5. .6 & 
then sat down to write a few lines & inclose his Repts, but before 
I could finish, he had taken Wing, however I deliverd my letters 
to a Kinderhook Skipper. 

My Compliments to all my g[ ] successful Campaign 

— your an Mr Bayard pressed hard to put off some 

] , if you can dispense with any let me know the Sum, he 

will deliver them at Albany in such Convenient Bags or papers 

as you shall choose. 



1 First paragraph quoted in C. H. Mcllwain's notes; remainder is a 
mutilated fragment. Johnson Calendar, page 76, summarizes this letter as 
"about finances and military movements," to Sir William at Albany. 

2 Date in Calendar is April 1 2, 1 756. 



FROM STEPHEN HOPKINS 
L.S. 1 

Providence April 30. 1756. 
Sir 

That Ingratitude might not be thought the universal Character- 

istick of New England Men, the General Assembly of the Colony 

of Rhode Island, at their Last Meeting requested Me to return 



1 In John Carter Brown Library. 



Sir Williams A fairs 1756-/758 81 

the Thanks of this Colony to You, for the good Services You 
performed to all his Majesty's Colonies in general, and to this 
in particular, in conducting the late Expedition, designed for the 
Reduction of Crown Point, and for the Seasonable and happy 
Defeat of the Baron de Dieskau and his Army; and that I 
would request You to pay the Same Compliment, in Behalf of 
this Colony, to Capt. Eyre, Your Engineer General, for his 
Bravery and Conduct in that Expedition. And I do in the Name 
and Behalf of the said Colony return You their Hearty and Sin- 
cere Thanks accordingly, and desire You to do the Same; on 
their Behalf to Captain Eyre. 

Free Governments have Sometimes produced the greatest 
Men, and always the most thankless People, who envy the 
Glory, they can never hope to rival. However the little Shades, 
their impotent Malice may cast on a Character, serve only to make 
it appear brighter to every competent and impartial judge; and 
what crowns all is Modesty to despise their Senseless Clamor, 
and steadily pursue our Country's Interest. 

I heartily Congratulate You on the Honor conferred on You 
by His Majesty, and on the Favorable Notice the British Legis- 
lature have been pleased to take of your Services, and am, with 
the greatest Respect and Esteem. 

Your most Obedient and 
Most Humble Servant 

Step Hopkins 
Sir William Johnson Baronet. 



2 Governor of Rhode Island. 



82 



Sir William Johnson Papers 



FROM WILLIAM EYRE 
Extract 1 

Schenectady 28 May, 1756 



] progress [ 
] now on foot. 

I have lately had a Line [ 
informs me he is much distress'd [ 
we employed As Gunners for their P [ 
his Word for it And they are now coming on | 
consequence of his promise : this Wi [ 
disappointment, makes his Situation [ 
I wish if you could do Any thing to relie [ 

I hear Capt. Wraxall is not well. My Comp' s . to Him. 



] 



1 Fragment of mutilated letter; last sentence is from notes of C. H. 
Mcllwain. According to Johnson Calendar, p. 78, it was directed to Sir 
William at Mount Johnson "about Onondaga Congress, warlike prepara- 
tions at Albany, pay of gunners; in postscript, mentioning a letter from 
Dublin and expected visit of Warren Johnson." 



STATE OF FORT JOHNSON 

D. 1 

Parole Newcastle Fort Johnson June 8, 1 756. 

A Return of the State of Fort Johnson with all the Cannon 
Warlike Stores & c . Contained Therein 



Lower 
Battery 


Cannon Mounted fitt for 
Service 


Shott 




1 8 Pounders — 1 3 
1 2 Pounders — 3 


Total 


18 Pounders 316 
12 D° 100 


Total 




-16- 


416 



1 In Henry E. Huntington Library, Loudoun Papers. 



Sir Williams Affairs 1 756-1758 



83 



The Battery is in very Good Order, though the Parapet is low 
being butt Two and a half foott high that the Cannon Fire over 
it, en Barbet, it contains a Magazine in Good Order. Capable of 
Lodging 1200 lbs . of Powder, also a Well of Indeferent Water 



Upper 
Fort 


Cannon Mounted 
fitt for Service — 


Cannon Mounted 
Unfitt for Service 




9 Pounders — 5 
6 Pounders — 2 


Total 


12 Pounders 5 
9 D° 2 


Total 




-7- 


7 



Shott 


Powder 


Match 


12 Pounders 138 
9 D° 146 


Total 


In the ) 

250 
magazine \ 


is 


6 D° 32 


316 


I" the )90 

cannon \ 

Total 440 


12 


Firelocks 


Firelocks 


Cartouche 


fit for Service 


Unfit for Service 


Boxes 


25 with one 


46 though they 




Buccaneer p s . 


may be made 
Serviceable by being 
sent to the Armorour — 


— 43 


Muskett Ball 


Flints 


Powder horns 


— 1080 — 


700 


— 10 — 



84 



Sir William Johnson Papers 



Cartridge Paper 

For 
Cannon — 1 Sheets 
Musketts — 1 quire 
Spare Cartridges 
made up 288 



Copper 
Ladles 

For 

18 pounders 5 

12 D° 4 

9 D° 6 

6 D° 2 

4 D« 1 

Total 18 



Rammers & 
Spunges 

For 

18 pounders . . 7 

12 D° 2 

9 D° 4 

6 D° 1 

Total 14 



Handspikes 

Shodd . . . 
unshodd . 



16 

14 

30 



Worms 

18 pound rs . 2 

12 D° 4 

9 D° 3 

6 D° 2 

Total 11 



Lentstocks 



— 10 



Lanthoms 

1 Plain 
1 Muscovy 
1 Dark 

3 Total 



Formers 


Spare Tompions 


18 pounders 2 

12 D° 2 

9 D° 4 

6 D° 2 

Total 10 


18 pounders 10 

12 D° 7 

Total 17 


1 Flagg 

2 Pounch barrels 
1 Powder Hide 

1 p r . Caliper Compassas 
1 3 Prickers 
5 Iron Crows 


1 Broad Axx 
16 Linchpins 
36 Firelocks 

8 Copper Hoops 

1 Ginn 

4 Ginn Chains 






Sir Williams Affairs 1756-1758 



85 



1 Iron Swivel 


1 pair hand Screws 


4 Iron Trucks 


1 Drill Boxe 


4 Wooden D°. 


1 hand hammer 4 e 


1 Ginn Block & fall 


4 Sheep Skins 


2 pair Slings 


1 Grind Stone 


3 Strap & Blocks 


3 Iron Potts 




31 Spare Bedds 




66 D°. Coyns 




4 D°. Carridges 




a Parcle of Old 




Iron — 



The Fort in very Bad Order not capable of being De- 
fended, the Platform in several places Rotten, the Walls 
all Shattered and Tumbling down. The Gates, Draw- 
bridges &c. all Rotten. Intirely open on the Land side 
for Want of Gates and Drawbridges. The Glacis has been 
Repaired ab u . a Year since, butt not above half Finished. 
The Magazine is soe bad & Damp, that noe Powder cane 
with Safety be Lodged in it, & the Barracks Is not Suf- 
ficient to Shelter Men in them 



The Strength of the Garrison at present is 6 Private Men. from 

y e . Independent Company's & 2 quarter Gunners The 

Cheif Gunner being at present under Suspension. 

I am with all Respect Your Excellencys 
Most Obedient Humble Servant 

Jn° Lloyd Cap*. & Commander 



86 Sir William Johnson Papers 

FROM JOHN OGILVIE 
A.L.S. 1 

Albany, June 9, 1756 

] so that we have nothing [ 
[ ] had not left England when [ 

sail'd from thence. 
My compliments to Wraxal, 2 I am sincerely sorry for his 
Indisposition. My Regards [ 

Claus &c. Mrs. Ogilvie & Major Spa[rkes] 3 
] their best Wishes. My most fervent [ 
y] our safely shall never be wanting 

I am with the greatest Resp [ 

Joh[n Ogilvie] 

1 Fragment of burned letter. One line quoted in notes of C. H. Mc- 
Ilwain. Johnson Calendar, p. 78, says it was "about letters received and 
sent and money paid to John Glen." 

2 Peter Wraxall, secretary for Indian Affairs. 

3 Major William Sparkes came to live with Ogilvie in November 1 755. 
Ogilvie Diary. 



FROM WILLIAM WILLIAMS 
Copy 1 

Fort Williams, June 10, 1756 

Sir. 

These are, at the Desire of 20 Onondagas that came here 
yesterday, to inform you that they are come here at your request 
to Guard the Battooes down the Lake until you come along and 
then to Escort you to their Castle, which they Shall impatiently 
wait for, but that they dont design to fail of performing what you 
required as to guarding the Batteaux. Here were about 10 of 
the same Tribe here before they came, who as well as those gone 



1 In Oneida Historical Society, Utica. Original was destroyed by fire. 




PETER WRAXALL 

Original portrait owned by Mrs. W. S. Moore, New York and 

Hulls Cove, Maine. 



Sir Williams Affairs 1756-1758 87 

down to see you, have behaved better than any Indians I ever saw. 

These say, that there are seven Canada Indians waiting at their 

Castle with packetts for you from Canada, who have been here 

a Month or near. We have Skulking party about us continually 

and I think grow biger & biger 

I am Sir etcr 
Sir William Johnson Bar 1 . 

Fort Johnson W M . WlLLIAMS 



FROM ROBERT LEAKE 
Copy 1 

Albany 26 July 1756 
Sir 

I Received a Letter the 24 th . Instant from Derrick Vander- 
hide Interpreter and headman of the Cattle drivers designed for 
Oswego acquainting me that all the drivers under him were 
determined to go no farther without a Guard I wrote him to 
proceed as far as Herkermans fresh meat was wanted there for 
the sick and wounded which they have complied with, but writes 
that there is great Danger betwixt the Onondago Castle and 
Oswego and that they will not go without a Guard. Please Sir 
to lay this before the General. I am etc etc 

Rob t . Leake 
Commissary General 

N.B. 100 head of Oxen & 4 Milch Cows is ordered for Oswego. 
To Capt n . Abercrombie 2 
Aid de Camp 



1 In Oneida Historical Society, Utica. Listed in Johnson Calendar, 
p. 81 . Largely mutilated by fire. 

2 Captain James Abercrombie of the 42d regiment, son of General 
James Abercromby. The son changed the spelling of his name; but, 
although the copy has it this way, the fragment of the original letter spells 
it 'Abercromby." 



88 Sir William Johnson Papers 

COMPLAINT OF SENECAS 
Copy 1 

Fort Johnson July 28 l K 1756 

A Complaint made by five Senecas to Sir William Johnson 
against Capt. W m . Williams at the Carrying Place some time 
the beginning of this Month. — In Presence of Lieut. Kennedy 
Capt n . Montour Interpreter. 

Sayengarachto Cheif Warriour of the Senecas Spoke as 
followes, Brother Warraghiiyagey 

When we arrived at the Carrying place, It was in the Evening 
when Ranassadey alias Capt. Williams Came to us, & viewed 
our Arms & asked us if we had no more, Shortly after attempted 
to disarm us, Which we would not suffer. We desired to know 
the reason of this unBrotherlike behaviour to us. He told us by 
his Interpreter (One Clement) that the Senecas were all in the 
French Interest and good for Nothing. A Brother of Sayen- 
guaraghto's Spoke & told him that his Father who was Cheif of 
that Nation has Always been and Still is a freind to the English 
and that as all News comes first to him they his Sons must know 
if any such change had been, but that they were convinced it was 
false & only a malicious Wicked aspersion, they desired to know 
how Cap*. Williams had that News & from whom, to which 
Capt. Williams answered & Said he had it from S r . W m . Johnson 
by Letter, the Indian Said We are going that Way now & will 
hear the truth from him. In the meantime as there were some 
Onondagas there, we thought it proper to Send by them an Acc f . 
of what happenned & let our People know the Danger we were 
then in. 



1 In Oneida Historical Society, Utica. Original was destroyed by fire. 



Sir Williams A fairs 1756-1758 89 

FROM THOMAS GAGE 

A.L.S. 1 

Schenectady Aug 1 . 5 th . 1756. 
Sir, 

I am sorry to inform you of a very imprudent Step taken by 
some of our People, in Respect of The Indian Jerry, who was 
killed last Night, and his Head found this morning Stuck upon a 
Pole in the Camp. I have ordered The Head to be buried, & 
wish every Thing relating to this Affair could be buried with it, 
but apprehend, this will occasion no small bustle amongst The 
Indians, nor will you have little Trouble to pacify Them How, 
when, where, or by whom this was done I can't yet learn, various 
are the Reports, some say it was done by Officers, some by 
Soldiers. We told you yesterday we were apprehensive, if some 
of our People should meet with him, they would knock Him in 
the Head, & I am sorry He did not go away with you. I am 
with great Regard 

Sir, 

Your Most obedient 

humble Serv 1 . 

Tho s . Gage 

P S 

I have wrote this Affair to Gen 1 . Abercromby to acquaint L 
Loudoun with it. 

ADDRESSED : 

To 
S r . William Johnson Bar*, 
at 

Fort Johnson 



1 In possession of Mrs. John W. Whiteley, Ticonderoga. 



90 Sir William Johnson Papers 

INDORSED: 2 

Schenectady August 5 th . 1 756 

Letter from ColR Gage 
rec d . the 6 th . 1 756. 
ab f . 8 a Clock 



2 In Sir William's hand. 



TO CHARLES HARDY 
A.L.S} 
Fort Johnson August 7 lh . 1756 — 

May It Please Your Excellency 

I inclose You Pottman & Elwoods Acc tl . for building the 
Mohawk Fort, together with their Receipt for the Money which 
I advanced to them at your Excellencys desire, and for which 
You will be pleased to give A Warrant on the Treasurer of this 
Province In favour of M r . William Kelly Merch*. in New York. 

I am 

Your Excellencys 
Most Obedient 
& Most Humble Serv*. 
W M . Johnson 



1 In collection of Mrs. Henry M. Sage, Menands. 



Sir Williams Affairs 1756-1758 91 

FROM LORD LOUDOUN 

A.L.S. 1 

Albany, August 16K 1756 
Sir 

I had this morning the pleasure of your letter of the 1 5 h . 2 As 
you have been so good as to aquaint M G Webb 3 with the 
Intelligence I hope the danger will be prevented and I will take 
care to prevent officers treating Indeans in this manner after this 
or the must Suffer for it. 

As I am very busie at present dispatching my letters to England 
and am told I shall soon have the pleasure of Seeng you hear 
I shall only Assure you that I am ever most faith-ly 

Sir Your most Obedient 

humble Servant 

Loudoun 



1 In Harvard University Library, Sparks Collection. 

2 Johnson Papers, 9:503. 

3 Maj. Gen. Daniel Webb. 



FROM JOHN POWNALL 

A.L.S. 1 

Plan: office, Dec*. 22 d , 1756— 
Sir, 

By the Pacquet boat which brought over my Brother I reced 
the favor of your Letter of the 4. of August and a duplicate of it 
by the same conveyance with the Letters of attorny empowering 
me to receive the 5000.1 granted by Parliam*. as a Reward for 
your Services, and as I shall always with pleasure obey any of 
your commands I have made the proper Application to the 
Treasury [and] in consequence of which the money is ordered, 



In Historical Society of Pennsylvania, Gratz Collection. 



92 Sir IVilliam Johnson Papers 

and I hope to receive it at the Exchequer next week when I shall 
not fail to pay the Ballance remaining after the office Fees are 
paid, which I believe are trifling, into the hands of Alderman 
Baker as you desire. I am with great truth 

Sir Your most Obed*. humble Ser f . 

Sr. W m . Johnson Bar'. J Pownall 

indorsed: 3 

London Decb r . 22 d . 1 756 



Letter from J n . Pownall Esq r . 



2 William Baker, London Merchant. See Johnson Papers, 2:663. 

3 In Sir William's hand. 



FROM WILLIAM BAKER 

[London 3/ st March, 17 57] 2 
Cap*. Rob[ ] 

Triplicate 
Sir 

I have no letter from you Since I wrote the o[riginal of the] 
foregoing. I have rec'd from M r . John Pownall the Money 
wh[ich he] received from the Exchequer being clear of Fees 
&c a . £ 4945 [18. . 6 . ] You have the particulars annext which 
I have extracted from [M] r . Pownall Letter to me. I have in- 
vested this money as near as I well could in Three ^ Cent Bank 
Annuities which now Stand in my Name & Cost you £4943 . .2 
. .6 being the Purchase of £5500 Capital in said Fund of which 



1 In New York State Library, Johnson Manuscripts. Printed in W. L. 
Stone, Life and Times of Sir William Johnson, 1 : 554-5 5. 

2 Date line and other words in brackets are supplied from the copy in 
Stone, loc. cit. The original was slightly mutilated by fire. 



Sir Williams Affairs 1756-1758 93 

the particulars are annext. I have been extreamly hurried of late, 
otherwise you Should have had these advices Sooner, now I 
have only to add that 

I am 

s*. 

Your most hum Ser f . 

S R . William Johnson Bar'. 

W M . Baker 

An Account of Money rec'd by John Pownall Esq r . for S r . 
William Johnson 

Granted by Parliament £ 5000 

Fees at the Treasury for the Warrant 

order & Letter £ 846 

Fees at the Exchequer viz 1 . 

Pett s 4 7 - 

Tellers & poundge ... 1 43 10 — 

Auditor 9 7 - 157 4 - 165 8 6 

4834 11 6 
Rec'd at the Exchequer poundage 

remitted £ 1 25 — — 

Deduct Fees at the Treasury for that 

order 1 1 - 123 19 

£4958 10 6 
Paid for S r . W m . Johnsons appointment^ 
to be Agent for Indian Affairs \ 

£4945 18 6 



Verte 

[Received for Sir W m . Johnson] [and] Transferr'd for his 
Account into the Name [of W m . Baker £]5500 Bank three 



94 Sir William Johnson Papers 

<P Cent Annuities Viz*. [£4000 trjansferr'd by Thodore 

Crowley at 89^4 $ O £3570. -.- 

[ 1 500] W™. Cotsford . . 8914 ^ O. . . . 1 338. 1 5.- 

Paid I Shipton Broker*. Y & qr) O. on £5500. . 6.17.6 

My Commission J/2 : T ] O. on D° 27.1 0.- 



ADDRESSED : 

To 

S r . William Johnson Bar 1 . 
Albany 
Via Bristol 

<P the Grace Cap'. Ker — 
INDORSED: 

Forwarded by S r . 
Y r . Most Obied'. 
hble Sert 
H. V. SCHAACK 3 
INDORSED : 

rec d . 6 th . July for d . 7 th . 
by y r . humble Ser 1 . 

Alex r . [Colden] 4 



INDORSED: 5 



London March 3 R 1757 
Alderman Bakers letter 

ab'. my Money in y e . Funds. 



3 Henry Van Schaack, Albany postmaster. 

4 Alexander Colden was postmaster at New York. 
B In Sir William's hand. 



£4943. 2.6 



Sir Williams Affairs / 756-1 758 95 

FROM THE EARL OF LOUDOUN 

A.L.S} 

New York April 23 d . 1757 
Sir 

I have Several letters of yours 2 to Answere which as they 
contain Many Matters of Consequence will take some dayes to 
Consider but I would not delay so long of aquanting you that 
we have had a meeting with Sir Charles Hardy about the 2 
Indean prisoners Confind at Albany for murder 5 and in the 
Present Sittuation of Indeans we have agreed in Consequence 
of your oppinion to Releas them that is so far as depends on us 
for this must be done by an act of Goverment and Sir Charls 
is to have the Councel with him this Morning on that Subject who 
I dare Say will be guided by the oppinions of Sir Charles and 
me as soon as this is Settled I shall write to you fully on all Points 
and send it by Express but I am sorry to see that those Indeans 
in there Answere to you Mention nothing but those Prisoners 
for I see not so much as a hint of there friendship to us 

Pray be so good as to follow out as far as possible that Intel- 
ligence the Indeans have given you of the Germans Coresponding 
with the Enemy and of the Corespondence that Some of the 
Officers have caryed on from the Flatts last Summer which must 
apper to me a Secret I have had intelligence of Some time but 
have not been able to come at the Bottom of so I beg you will 
save no Pains in discovering it which I hope you may do when 
the Indean Returns that caryed the letters [/rom] who can 
Inform from whom he receved them and to whom he deliverd 
them which as it will be a very Matterial Service you must get 
out of him Cost what it will and if you can do it Privatly he 
may be of further use to us in Making Still further discoverys 



1 In New York Historical Society. 

2 Johnson to Loudoun, April 15, 20, 21, 1757; Johnson Papers, 
9:677, 683, 685. 

3 See Johnson to Charles Hardy, April 21, 1757, Johnson Papers, 
9:686. 



96 Sir William Johnson Papers 

As to the Money I shall not be able to leave the whole of the 
Sum you now demand at once but Shall leave part of it and give 
M G Webb 4 directions to supplie you further 

Sir Charles Hardy has made over to Me the Remainder of his 
Indean Presents which are now at Albany and I shall by the 
Express send you an order on them and you may have those of 
the Province at the Price they payed for them when more are 
wanted you must provid 

Wishing you all happyness and succes I am with Sincer Regard 

Sir 

Your most obedent 
No Packet yet Arived humble Servant 

Loudoun 
addressed: 

Sir William Johnson Bar 
LOUDOUN 



INDORSED: 5 



New York 23< of April 1757 



Lord Loudouns Letter 



4 Major General Daniel Webb. 

5 In Sir William's hand. 



FROM JAMES DE LANCEY 
A.L.S. 1 

New York 10* June 1757 

Sir William 

I send you orders in consequence of a letter from my Lord 
Londoun to Sir Charles Hardy, & that you may be the better 
able to put them in Execution, I desire you will send me down a 



1 In Harvard University Library, Sparks Collection. 



Sir Williams Affairs 1 756-1 758 97 

State of your Regiment, what officers are wanting in each 
Battalion & the names of proper persons to fill up the vacancys, 
that I may send commissions up as soon as possible I wish you 
health & success in your negotiations & am 
Sir 

Your most humble Servant 
Sir William Johnson Bar*. 

James De Lancey 



FROM THE EARL OF LOUDOUN 

A.L.S. 1 

Sutherland at Sea June 28 h . 1757. 
Sir 

As you was so good as to Promis to gett Me some Seedes and 
plants Colected in your Neighbourhood at the Propper Season of 
the Year I give you the trouble of this to aquaint you with the 
Kind that occure to me to be easily got. 

I would be obliged to you for Seedes of the Right Sugar 
Mapple and Seedes of the Flouring Mapple and likewise Seedes 
of the Right, White Pine 

And I should be glade to have both Seedes & Roots when 
the Season comes of the following things of the Plant that caryes 
A Fruit like a Lime and of the Genzen 2 and if they can be had 
of the defferent Sorts of Snake Root and of the Sorsaperilla The 
Roots should be put up in Earth and I would have the whole 
derected for me and sent to Beverly Robenson at New York. 
I ever am most f aithaly 

Sir Your obedient 

humble Servant 

Loudoun 
To Sir William Johnson Bar 



1 In Fort Ticonderoga Museum. 

2 Ginseng. 



98 



Sir William Johnson Papers 



TO ONEIDAS AND TUSCARORAS 
Cop^ 
[Fort Johnson, August 25, 1757] 




[Seal] 2 



1 This document was referred to by Sir William, Johnson Papers, 9:81 5. 
A facsimile tracing by Rufus A. Grider, in July 1898, from the original, 
signed and dated, is in the Grider Scrapbook, No. 2, New York State 
Library. The original was probably destroyed by fire in 191 1. A draft 
of the form was in the Johnson Manuscripts, printed in Johnson Papers, 
3:187. Hence the text is not reprinted. This form was probably used 
until 1 770, when an engraved certificate was made. See Johnson Papers, 
7:494-95, 521-22, 590-92, 658-59; illustrated, 10:254. 

2 Enlarged sketch of seal drawn by Rufus A. Grider was described by 
him as "Endless chain held by 6 Indians and one white man. Wigwam 
[probably a council fire] tree and pipe and canoe — Ind". Emblems, Ship 
white mans emblem." Inscription in circle reads: "SUPERINT 
RERUND IND SEX NAT ET CONFED SIGN." 



Sir Williams Affairs 1 756-/ 758 99 

FROM JAMES ABERCROMBY 

[Albany September 18, I757] 2 
Sir 

Last night I was favoured with your's of the 16 th . ins'. 3 & 
shall by this days post transmitt the paper of intelligence &c. to 
my LA Loudoun who by the arrival of the packet will be detained 
longer at New York than he proposed, The papers contain the 
Alterations in the Ministry, It's Said further that Lord Halifax 
has resigned & that he will be succeeded by Lord Duplin. 

If Lieut Cahoon 4 explained himself to Captain Wraxell, He 
will see that it was for his own business that I wanted him, in order 
to discharge some men of his own company, who tho they were 
not included in the Capitulation yet they are not worth their pay 
& Victuals, please tell him he need be in no hurry in comeing 
here, only that when he comes to bring His Companys Book & 
other papers relative thereto that all matters may be setled between 
them, & I am Sir 

your most Obedient 
humble Servant 
To Sir W m . Johnson James Abercromby 



1 In collection of Dr. Joseph E. Fields, Joliet, III. 

2 The manuscript is not dated. But, since it is a reply to Johnson's 
letter of September 16, 1 757, the postscript of which was written Septem- 
ber 1 7, and sent by bearer to Albany; and, since probably the messengers 
arrived that evening, "last night" referred to the 1 7th and the date of the 
letter is September 1 8. 

3 Johnson Papers, 2:739-41. 

4 Lt. Alexander Colhoun, of the New York regiment. Ibid. 2:741. 



100 Sir William Johnson Papers 

JOURNAL OF INDIAN AFFAIRS 
Copy 1 

[Fort Johnson] Nov. 4, 1757. 

Canadiorha, alias Nickus Brant's son, who was in quest after 
De Couagne as far as Oneida, came here [Fort Johnson], and 
said he inquired what news was stirring among the Oneidas. One 
of the sachems told him the same piece of news Ogaghte brought 
some days since, about the French intending to stop the powder 
from the Six Nations, — building a fort near Chennessio, &c. — 
that it made a great noise among the nations, and gave them un- 
easiness; wherefore they were assembling often at Chennessio, 
and keeping [holding] often great council among themselves how 
to act in this affair of last moment. He further was told at 
Oneida, that but two days ago the Six Nations received a message 
from the Twightwees [Miamies], letting their brethren of the 
Six Nations know that they had heard of the insolent attempt of 
the French, of destroying the Six Nations; and that after the 
many provocations the French gave them, in stirring them up to 
war against the English, &c. they were now resolved to turn the 
hatchet against the French, and resolved to pass the Six Nations' 
country in their way to war. They expected not to be delayed, 
but to be immediately joined by the warriors of the Six Nations, 
and to proceed toward Canada. He also said he heard the 
foreign [distant] nations complain very much for want of trade 
with the English; and Tahaddy, a Chenundidie chief, said that 
he was stopped by the French to sell his fur at Cataraghqui, and 
that he got not the half quantity of goods that he could [have] 
got from the English, and that he intended to keep his furs for 
the future, and in the Spring to go with them to Albany, and at 



1 Extract printed in William L. Stone, Life of Joseph Brant, Thayenda- 
negea, 1:6. Stone quoted from a volume which he called Sir William's 
diary, then owned by Archibald Johnson of Canada. Under the title, 
"Records of the Indian Agency, 1 757-59," this was a part of the Johnson 
Manuscripts in the New York State Library and was destroyed by fire. 
A few other extracts follow, post. 



Sir Williams Affairs 1756-1 758 101 

the same time to intercede with Sir William in behalf of all the 
western nations, to grant them a trade again — and further Cana- 
diorha said not. 



FROM JAMES ABERCROMBY 

L.S. 1 

Albany Decem r . the 27 th 1757 
Sir 

Before my Lord Loudoun left this he made a disposition of 
the Troops which I could not take upon me to Alter, but upon 
your application I made the strongest instances for a Command 
to be sent to Stonarabia, and by the post which arrived on Sunday 
afternoon His Lordship has consented to send a party of Rangers, 
Upon which I have sent Capt. Carver with Orders to detache 
Capt Keen with all the Rangers at Skenectady fitt for service, 
with instructions which he will lay before you to which instruc- 
tions you will add what further you shall judge necessary — This 
Command is not so strong as I could wish because the Govern- 
ment of Boston have not as yet suplied them with any one thing 
they wanted necessary for this Service, when that comes the re- 
mainder of this Company at Skenectady shall proceed & in the 
mean time to strengthen this party I have ordered Lieut Johnson 2 
with the New Yorkers at Canejohary to march & put himself 
under Captain Keens command, who I am well informed is an 
active & diligent officer — & is the bearer of this Letter — 

As the Contractors cannot furnish provisions to this Command 
You will give directions that the Inhabitants supply them at the 
usual allowance of four pence Sterling a man per day before this 
Letter comes to your hand you will have another of the same date 
from me by the way of Skoery, 3 I am of opinion that alarm will 



1 In New York State Library, Tayler-Cooper Collection, property of 
William Leland Thompson. 

2 Lt. Guy Johnson. 

3 See Johnson Papers, 2:768-69. 



102 



Sir William Johnson Papers 



prove groundless, but in Order to make the people easy & put 
them in a posture against any small Scalping party, I send a 
Command there on Thursday who is to assist and direct them 
in throwing up some breastwork for their defense, and I think 
it would be necessary for you to give directions to Capt Keen & 
the inhabitants on the North side the River to do the same for 
their Security — 

M r . Wendels report is so satisfactory that I have sent it to 
my Lord Loudoun, but I am sorry to find the Mohawks left 
him, which will give my Lord no less uneasiness, a I am sure it 
does you, but in regard to these and other particulars I shall 
trouble you no further untill I have the pleasure of Seing you 
here We have nothing remarkable by the last New York post 
excepting that the Pile of Barracks opposite to the Governors 
house was set on fire by some Drunken Taylors & burnt to the 
ground, You would hear before that Colonel Whitmore with 
upwards of 1 700 Drafts was arrived which will compleat the 
Corps in America, I am Sir 

Your most Obt 
humble Servant 

James Abercromby 
To Sir W m . Johnson Bart — 



ADDRESSED ! 



INDORSED 



On His Majestys Service 

to 
Sir William Johnson Barnt 

at 
Fort Johnson 

Albany Decb'. 27*. 1757 
M Gener 1 . Abercrombies 
Letter <P Cap tn . Keen 



.4 



4 In Sir William's hand. 



Sir Williams Affairs 1 7 56-1 7 58 103 

TO JAMES ABERCROMBY 

Fort Johnson 28 lh . Decb r . 1757 — 

Dear Sir — 

I am favoured with yours of Yesterday 2 which I received at 
12 a Clock last night by the Express. — I must say the account 
which the Scohare People have given You of the Enemys Motion, 
& design of attacking that Settlement So Suddenly, appears verry 
Strange to Me, as I think if {there was]* any thing of that kind 
was intended, and that it came to the Knowledge of the Oghqua- 
goes or Scohare Indians I should be imediately acquainted with 
it, at least as Soon as the Scohare People for the Indians of both 
them places, I am certain are [to be depended upon] trusty 
Friends. — besides M r . Croghan whom I sent to Scohare Some 
days ago with Cloathing [& returned ij e . 26 th . Ins 1 .] for them 
Indians, (whose report I here inclose You) left that Settlement 
I belive as late as Lawyer, or those who [were out] brought You 
the Intelligence, and was at Lawyers House with whom he had 
a good deal of Conversation but never heard a word of what they 
reported to You either from him, the Ind s ., or anybody Else. 
Lawyer told him then that he proposed going to Albany the 
next Morning. — In Order to sift this matter and know the 
certainty of it, I propose imediately to send M r . Croghan, & two 
of the Indian officers to Scohare across the Woods from hence, 
whom Should they find any truth in the report, are to Send You 
an Express imediately, and another to Me, that I may order the 
Militia accordingly. [On their] they are also to return [they 
are to wait upon You] by y e . way of Albany & make a report 
to You of everry thing they have learnt, & done in consequence 
of my orders. — I shall give y e . officer of the Rangeing Company, 
which his Lordship has consented Should be Sent to Stoneraby, 
(as Soon as he comes here) all the Instructions I am capable, 



1 In New Jersey Historical Society, Newark, N. J. 

2 Johnson Papers, 2:768-69. 

3 Words italicized and in brackets are crossed out in the manuscript. 



104 Sir William Johnson Papers 

and shall recommend it to the Inhabitants there to do the same, 
with regard to the Route they are to take in the Woods, as being 
best acquainted therewith, but if they are not brisk & experienced 
Woodsmen they can be [of] but of little, or no Service that 
way. — I wish heartily it had appeared proper to his Lordship 
[had thought proper] to have Sent a greater Number of Troops, 
& Rangers up this River [&] the German Flatts &ca., as it is 
verry probable there may be Occasion for them soon. — there 
is a parcell of Powder left in the Magazine at Albany, which 
is part of the present his Majesty Sent the Indians, and as I 
want it now, Should be glad to know when I may Send for it. 

I am [with] 
D'. S'. 

Y r . Most &ca. 
Major Gener l . Abercrombie 

Wm. Johnson 



JOURNAL OF INDIAN AFFAIRS 

Copy 1 
Fort Johnson, J 3th Jan., 1758. 

At a meeting of some of the Mohawk chiefs of the lower town. 

Present 

Sir Wm. Johnson Bart. 

George Croghan Esq. 

Capt. Thomas Butler. 

Lieut. Claus Dep. Sec'y- 
Mr. Arent Stevens, 
Captain Montour," 



Interpreters 



1 Printed in William L. Stone, Life and Times of Sir William Johnson, 
Bart., 2:389-92. From the Manuscript Journal of Sir William Johnson. 
~ Andrew Montour. 



Sir Williams Affairs 1756-1758 105 

Abraham, Speaker. 
Brother Warra: 

We come here to lay our case before you, which, as it seems 
at present, is very precarious; listen, Brother, and we will relate 
you our unlucky accident which happened in our town yesterday 
evening. 

One of our young men who has been these many weeks past 
from home, returning yesterday found that since his leaving home, 
an other party of men were posted in the garrison. In order, 
therefore, to pay a visit to the commanding officer, and bid him 
welcome to his garrison, (not knowing that the sentries were 
ordered to stop any Indian from entering the fort) he came up 
to the gate, and to his great surprise, as quite uncustomary hereto- 
fore, was repulsed by the sentry, and after offering the second 
time to go in, was pushed to the ground with the butt of the gun. 
Upon which, seeing himself thus unfriendly used, he returned to 
his house, and going along one of the block houses, they emptied 
the chamber pot upon him and shrew 3 him with snow balls: 
standing, a little after, under the door of his house, he saw two 
soldiers coming towards the Indian town, and considering his ill 
treatment a little before, went to the gate of the Indian fort, and 
attempted to stop the soldiers; giving them to understand, that 
as they would not let him enter their fort, he was unwilling they 
should come among the Indians, but he was soon pushed back; 
and one of the soldiers took up a piece of wood, and knocked 
him to the ground leaving four wounds in his head. Upon which 
a French prisoner, who lives in our town, tried to take up the 
wounded man, but was prevented by the soldiers, and obliged 
to run for his life to a white man's house just by there, and they 
followed him, and would have given him some cuts had he not 
pushed the door after him and kept the door shut. 

Some of our young men seeing all this, immediately ran to 
meet us, (as we were not yet come home from the meeting at your 
house) , and finding us at John Wemps, where we stopped a little, 
told us that there was fighting and quarreling among the soldiers 



3 To treat abusively. 



106 Sir William Johnson Papers 

and Indians; we hastened home, and I driving up towards my 
stable, in order to take my horses out of the sleigh and put them 
up, in the first place found four soldiers in the stable, and upon 
asking them what they were doing there, and desiring [them?] 
to leave the stable that I might put up my horses, the immediately 
struck me with their fists; on which I got hold of him that struck 
me first and brought him on the ground, holding him some time 
to prevent his striking me again, when the rest got hold of me, 
tossed me about, and had like to choke me; tore my wampum 
and silver medal from my neck, which they have either kept or 
thrown away, as I can't find it in the place we struggled. During 
the time of this, two other Indians hearing the noise, came to see 
what the matter was, when the soldiers were calling for help to 
the fort, as I found afterwards by a number of soldiers coming 
with drawn cutlasses, and pursued the two young Indians who 
were unarmed, and one of them ran to his house, and by a good 
strong door which he pushed after him saved himself, although 
many cuts were made into the door to split it. The other Indian 
ran likewise to his house, but he had not time to shut the door, 
when the soldiers rushed into the house, fell on cutting him and 
gave him three wounds in his body, two in his head, and a stab 
in his breast, which proves very dangerous. His sister being in 
the house at the same time, cried out murder, when one of the 
soldiers struck at her and cut her in two places under her arm; 
and her having a blanket about her saved her from being killed. 
At last an officer a sergeant came from the fort to prevent their 
doing more mischief, but the soldiers were in such a rage that he 
was obliged to draw his sword among them and actually cut one 
of them in the arm; which, Brother, we mention to you for this 
reason, that upon enquiry into the affair we mayn't be charged 
with having wounded him, for we assure you, we had no weapon 
in our hands during the whole fray, nor intended at all to quarrel. 
Yesterday morning, also, when two of our women wanted to 
cross the river in a canoe that belongs to us, and being ready to 
push from the shore, they were pulled out the canoe by the hair 
of their head, by two of the soldiers, and the canoe taken from 



Sir Williams Affairs 1756-1758 107 

them. And not long ago an old woman, wife to one of our 
sachems, coming along the road with a load of wood on her 
back, was attacked by the soldiers, who wanted to ravish her, 
but defending herself with her axe, she prevented their design. 

This, Brother, is now the true state of our complaint, and we 
assure you we have told you nothing but what is really fact; we 
could give you more instances for the ill usage and behavior of 
the soldiers towards us, but will for the present, pass it with 
silence. 

Cave a string of Wampum. 

Brother: If you take this our case into consideration, you 
must be convinced that it is very hard. We, who expected to be 
beloved by these people as brethren, to be protected and defended 
by them, to be treated in such a manner! We assure you, 
Brother, it is a shocking accident to us, and pierces our hearts. 
(N. B. The speaker showed tears in his eyes at uttering these 
words.) We hope, Brother, we have given convincing proofs 
during our friendship and acquaintance with the English, and 
last war as well as this, that we have taken your case to be ours, 
shared the same fate with you, and still are resolved to continue 
so to our last; and now to see ourselves thus rewarded for our 
love and fidelity towards the English! There have been many 
garrisons among us, but we never were so ill used as by the 
present; it appears by their actions as if they wanted to pick a 
quarrel with us at any rate. Now and then, when a drunken 
Indian was troublesome to the officers heretofore, and the sachems 
found it out, they always took care immediately to make up and 
settle it between them. 

Brother: If the affair happened in the garrison, we would 
not think so bad of it, but to see ourselves in danger of our lives 
in our own doors from people who pretend to be friends and 
brothers is very bad and not to be borne with. Wherefore, 
Brother, we most earnestly entreat you to represent our case to 
the general, and if he has any love or regard for us, he will remove 
this garrison, and thereby restore peace among ourselves and 
prevent farther accident. 



108 Sir William Johnson Papers 

JOURNAL OF INDIAN AFFAIRS 
Extracts 1 

Jan. 14-19, 1758 

When I drank to them at parting, they in return drank my 
health, and thanked God I had recovered my late illness. They 
then all said that it was happy I did not die then ; for, said they, 
"had you died, we and the English would get by the ears very 
soon, we see; and we fear it will be the case when you die or 
leave us." 

Brother, We are extremely glad to see you so well recovered 
of your late very dangerous illness, and thank the Great Spirit 
above for it. Had you been taken away from us that time, our 
case would have been melancholy, and our situation extremely 
precarious. It will be so, we fear, whenever we lose you. 



1 Printed in William L. Stone, Life of Joseph Brant, I:8n. Cited from 
the diary as examples of Indians' concern for Sir William's health. 



ORDER 
D.S. 1 

[Fort Johnson April 14, 1758} 

By the Honourable Sir William Johnson Baronet Colonel of 
the Regiment of Militia Foot for the City and County of Albany. 

In pursuance of an Order from the Lieu'. Governour of this 
Province 2 dated the 31 st . of March ult. made in consequence of 
the Act of Assembly, I am directed unless a sufficient number 
of Voluntiers offer before the 25 ,h . day of this Instant, on that 



1 In Fort Ticonderoga Museum. 

2 Lieutenant Governor James De Lancey. See his letter of March 1 7, 
1 758, describing military plans. Doc. Rel. Col. Hist. N. Y., 7:343. 



Sir Williams Affairs 1 7 56- J 758 109 

Day to detach 5 1 4 Men from the Militia of the City and County 
of Albany under my Command, or so many Men as with the 
number of effective Men raised by voluntary inlistment in the 
said City and County shall make up the full number of 514 
Men, being the Quota of the said City and County; and also to 
take care that such detachment consist of none but able bodied 
and effective men, fit to perform the service of the Campaign, as 
noneffectives will be dismissed by the Officer whom the Leiu'. 
Governour is to appoint to Muster them. In which case I am 
imediately upon receiving notice from the said Officer, of the 
number of noneffective Men, to detach an equal number of 
Ablebodied and effective Men in lieu of such noneffectives, and 
so in like manner from time to time, until the whole are effective 
and compleat; which Detachments I am to cause to be marched 
Viz f . those raised on the Mohawks River, to Schenectady, and 
those raised in the other parts of the County to the City of Albany 
under the command of their respective Officers, and there de- 
livered to the Officer Who shall have orders to receive them, and 
without delay, to return to the Lieu 1 . Governour a List of the 
names of the persons detached under my Hand : and in pursuance 
of the Lieu 1 . Governours Letter to me Dated the 8 th . of this 
Instant, 3 wherein he signifies to me that Major General Aber- 
crombie would choose the Voluntiers entering into the pay of this 
Province, and the Men to be detached from the several Regim ts . 
of the Militia should bring their own Arms to the Rendezvous 
he shall appoint, Judging, that the Men will preferr the arms 
they are accustomed to shoot with, to the heavy Arms of the 
Crown, & for their encouragem 1 . has promised that he will cause 
any that shall be damaged to be repaired and that those which are 
lost in the service shall be paid for in Money; The Lieu'. Gov. 
therefore directs me to inform the Men of this that they may 
have their Arms in good Order, together with a powder horn, 
Shot bag, and a Case for the Lock of their Gun, to keep out the 
weather. — 



Not f 



ounc 



I 10 Sir William Johnson Papers 

Now you are in consequence thereof, hereby Ordered and 
directed to see all of the before mentioned Orders put imediately 
into execution agreeable to the Act of Assembly, without the least 
partiality, favour, or affection to any person whatsoever, and for 
your further information I enclose you the Act of Assembly for 
levying the Troops upon this occasion. 

Given under my Hand at Fort Johnson the 14 th . day of April 
1758 — 

W M . Johnson Coll°. 
TO Lieu t . Coll°. Glen, 4 or 

next Commanding officer — 

INDORSED: 

order of Co 1 . W m . Johnson 

Rec d . the 16 th . Day of April 1 758 



4 Jacob Glen. This address in Sir William's hand. 

JOURNAL OF INDIAN AFFAIRS 

Copy 1 

April 4-Nov. 18,1758. 

April 4th. Sir William having had an invitation from the Six 
Nations to attend a grand meeting to be held at Onondaga within 
a few days hence, where he intends to proceed, in case the last 
alarm should prove groundless. 

April 15-16. Sir William set out for Canajoharie, and took 
with him Captains Johnson, 2 Fonda, and Jacobus Clement, in 
order to settle some matters with the Indians of that castle. He 
arrived that night. 

April 16th. He delivered a string of wampum to Brant and 
Paulus, two sachems, desiring them to call all their people out of 



1 Extracts from the "Records of the Indian Agency, 1 757-59," printed 
in William L. Stone, Life of Joseph Brant, 1:6-10, and 1 7n. Original 
volume destroyed by fire. 

2 Guy Johnson. 



Sir Williams Affairs 1756-1758 1 1 1 

the woods to attend a meeting he proposed the next day with them, 
at which he should let them know General Abercrombie's pleasure, 
and his own inclination and advice — also what passed between 
him and the several nations, who of late had had several meetings 
with him. 

3f» *$t *p S§* *fi $fr 3{$ 

The body of Otqueandageghte, an Onondaga warrior, who 
lived for some years at 'Swegachy, and formerly a mate of Sir 
William's, was found. His name was engraved on the handle 
(of his knife), and how often he had been to war, together with 
this inscription — "Otqueandageghte la Camera de Jeanson" 

Sf» S£» Cf> Sfa Sft *]• Sft 

May 5th. Sir William having no further accounts of the 
enemy's appearance, sent a scout of two Mohawks, two Cana- 
joharies, and a white man, to go as far as Wood Creek and the 
Oneida Lake, in order to obtain the certainty of the alarm. About 
noon all the women of the chief men of this castle met at Sir 
William's lodging, and brought with them several of the sachems, 
who acquainted Sir William that they had something to say to 
him in the name of their chief women. 

Old Nickus (Brant) being appointed speaker, opened his 
discourse with condoling with Sir William for the losses his 
people had sustained, and then proceeded : — 

Brother, we understand you intend to go to a meeting to 
Onondaga; we can't help speaking with this belt of wampum 
to you, and giving out sentiments on your intended journey. In 
the first place we think it quite contrary to the customs of any 
Governors or Superintendent of Indian affairs being called to 
Onondaga upon public business, as the council fire which burns 
there serves only for private consultations of the confederacy; 
and when matters are concluded and resolved upon there, the 
confederacy are to set out for the great fire place which is at 
your house, and there deliver their conclusion. In the next place 
we are almost convinced that the invitation is illegal, and not 
agreed upon or desired by the confederacy, but only the Oneidas 
— which gives us the more reason to be uneasy about your going, 



1 12 Sir William Johnson Papers 

as it looks very suspicious. Did not they tell you, when they 
invited you, the road of friendship was clear, and every obstacle 
removed that was in before? They scarce uttered it, and the 
cruelties were committed at the German Flatts, where the remain- 
der of our poor brethren were butchered by the enemy's Indians. 
Is this a clear road of peace and friendship? Would not you 
be obliged to wade all the way in the blood of the poor innocent 
men, women, and children who were murdered after being taken? 
Brother, by this belt of wampum, we, the women, surround 
and hang about you like little children, who are crying at their 
parents' going from them, for fear of their never returning again 
to give them suck; and we earnestly beg you will give ear to our 
request, and desist from your journey. We flatter ourselves you 
will look upon this our speech, and take the same notice of it as 
all our men do, who, when they are addressed by the women, and 
desired to desist from any rash enterprise, they immediately give 
way, when, before, every body else tried to dissuade them from 
it, and could not prevail. 

Gave the Belt. 

Canajoharie, May 7th. This afternoon Sir William had a 
meeting with the chief women of this castle, and returned them 
thanks for their condolence of the 5th instant. At the same time 
he condoled with them for the loss of one of the tribe of the Bear, 
that belonged to the chief of that tribe, with a stroud blanket, a 
shirt, and stockings. 

A string of Wampum. 

Sir William told them that he would answer their speech 
concerning his journey, when the messengers who had gone to 
Oneida came back. He also made private presents to a few of the 
head women of each tribe, with a blanket and shirt each. 

May 10th. This afternoon Sir William returned his answer 
to the speech of the chief women of this castle, made to him on 
the 5th instant, which is as follows: — 

Dyattego, your tender and affectionate speech, made some days 



Sir Williams Affairs 1756-1758 1 13 

ago, I have considered, and thereupon have dispatched messengers 
to Oneida, in order to inquire how things stand there after what 
happened at the German Flatts, and whether my presence at the 
meeting would be still necessary. These messengers are returned, 
and I find by them that the sachems of Oneida likewise disapprove 
my proceeding any farther, for sundry reasons they give in their 
reply. Wherefore I shall comply with your request to return, and 
heartily thank you for the great tenderness and love expressed 
for me in your speech. 

Returned their Belt. 

Albany, May 18, 1758. Capt. Jacob Head, of a Company 
of Stockbridge Indians, brought to Sir William's lodgings four 
French scalps, which his cousin, chief of another company of said 
Indians, had taken from the enemy some few days before, and the 
aforesaid Jacob spoke as follows : 

Brother Warraghayagey : This scalp (the one with a black 
belt tied to it painted) I desire may be delivered to my wife's 
uncle, old Hickus, [Nickus], of Canajoharie, to replace her 
mother, who was his sister. 

This scalp, (meaning another upon the same stick, with a 
bunch of black wampum tied to it,) I send to the aforesaid man 
to replace Eusenia, who was Taraghyorie's wife. 

This scalp, (meaning a scalp by itself on a stick, with a bunch 
of black wampum,) my cousin, Captain Jacob, gives to replace 
old King Hendrick, of Canajoharie. 

This scalp, (meaning the small one tied round with a bunch of 
wampum,) my said cousin gives to replace Hickus's son, who was 
killed at the battle of the Lake under your command. 

Fort Johnson, Nov. 18, 1758. Nickus, chief sachem of Cana- 
joharie, arrived from the meeting at Easton, and in the presence 
of the Belt, a Seneca chief, several more of said nation, the 
Red Head, and some more Onondagoes, showed me all the belts 
which passed between the Governors of Pennsylvania, New 
Jersey, and the several nations of Indians there assembled, with 
the purport of them, which I need not insert here. 



1 1 4 Sir William Johnson Papers 

JOURNAL OF NIAGARA CAMPAIGN 
Coptf 

[July 26-Oct 14 J 759] 

The garrison of Niagara surrendered July 25th at 7 in the 
morning. The number of which consisted of 607 men and 1 1 
officers, besides a number of women, children, &c. The former to 
be sent to England by the way of New York, and escorted to 
Oswego by a detachment of the 46th, consisting of 300, the 
latter to the 1 st French post with one Priest. 

Officers' Names in Garrison. 2 

Chevalier Pouchot, captain of the regiment De Beam, Comd 1 . 

Vilar, captain of the regiment [of] La Saire 

Servier, captain of the Royal Rouissilon 

Chevalier De La Roche Veinay, 3 captain of marines 

Bouraffons, 4 commanding officer of artillery 

Consnoyer, 5 lieut. of a detachment of marines 

Soluignag [c] , officer of the regm't of Beam 

Le Chevalier De Larminac, lieutenant of marines 

Joncair, captain of marines 

Chabear Joncair 6 

Morambert, Lieut. De Guyendre, Chirurgeon, left to take care 
of the sick 

July 26th; They embarked, after grounding their arms, and 
proceeded to Oswego. 7 



1 Printed in W. L. Stone, Life and Times of Sir William Johnson Bart., 
2:394-429. The original manuscript was destroyed. 

2 Punctuation in the copy was incorrect, confusing persons and places. 
It has been tabulated in accordance with the record of the treaty. Cf. 
Doc. Rel. Col. Hist., 10:992. 

3 Oliver de La Roche Verney, in Ibid. 

4 Bounnaffous, in Ibid. Also Bonnafoux. 

5 Cournoyer, in Ibid. 

Chabert Joncaire, in the regiment of Guienne, in Ibid. 
7 See terms of capitulation and Pouchot's account thereof in Doc. Rel. 
Col Hist. N. Y., 10:989-92. See also, Johnson Papers, 3:108-1 13. 



The Niagara Campaign J 7 59 



115 



List of the officers, and cadets, taken in the action of July 24th, 
the whole consisted of 30 officers, of which three only escaped, 
the following were taken prisoners, and the rest killed, viz : 



Aubrey, 
De Ligneris, 



Comdts. 



Chevalier De Villier, 
Montaigny, 

Chevalier Desponligney 
Mr. Marin, 



Captains. 



Mr. Gamelin, Captain of Militia. 



La Chauirgre, 

La Noye, 

La Moelle, 

Baitlent, 

Mortisanbert, 

Derius, 

Feran, 

Dequindre, Col. 



> Lieutenants. 



1 

La Motte Domeille, Major \ 



Militia officers. 



Defilete, 
Dehgneris, 
Soumandre, 
Barroiz. 



> Cadets. 



Mr. Duclos a la garde. 

Boiford, Chirurgeon major with their attendants. 

27th; I divided among the several nations, the prisoners and 
scalps amounting to two hundred and forty-six, of which ninety- 
six were prisoners. The officers I with difficulty released from 
them, by ransom, good words, &c. 

28th; The greatest part of all the nations set off in boats with 
a deal of plunder for their several countries. 



1 1 6 Sir William Johnson Papers 

Do. Die. Buried Brigadier General Prideaux in the chapel, 
and Colonel Johnson with a great deal of form.* I was chief 
mourner. The evening of the 27th, I sent 3 whale boats with a 
party of above 30 men to reconnoitre Fort Toronto, and on their 
return, propose to send to destroy it. 

Colonel Haldimand arrived here with Captain Williamette 
from Oswego, to claim the command, which I refused giving up, 
as my commission gave me rank of him. He gave up the point, 
until General Amherst's pleasure was known, which may be 
soon, as Col. Haldimand, on receipt of my letter, wrote him 
upon it. 9 

In order to secure this important post to his majesty, it is 
necessary to leave for the present a garrison of 700 men, who are 
also to repair the works, which have been hurt by our cannon, 
and put the fort in the best posture of defence they can, with 
the assistance of an engineer, who is to be left here for that 
purpose. 

To have the two vessels fitted out, armed, and manned to 
escort the battoes with the remainder of the army to Oswego; 
also endeavor to take the French schooner. 

Artillery and ammunition to leave here, and have Captain 
Stretchy's opinion in writing thereupon — also some artillery men 
and gunners. 

The French officers and other prisoners to take with me to 
Oswego, and send them to York in order to be sent to England. 

To write Governor De Lancey to send all the French prisoners 
to England as soon as possible. 

5 days' provisions for the troops' journey to Oswego, and to 
get a return of the remainder. 

Ammunition to carry with me to Oswego, and some artillery — 
also working tools — good ship carpenters to send for immediately 
to New York; and everything necessary for building and com- 



8 Brig. Gen. John Prideaux and Col. John Johnston of the New York 
regiment were killed July 20. 

9 See letter of Sir William to Amherst, July 31, 1759. Johnson 
Papers, 3:115-17. 



The Niagara Campaign 1759 1 17 

pleting two vessels of force, without which we cannot maintain 
the two posts of Oswego and Niagara, particularly the latter; 
also rigging for two other smaller vessels already built ; about forty 
or fifty good house carpenters to be immediately sent up to make 
a fort at Oswego, and repair Niagara. 

To write the secretary of state and send him a plan of Niagara ; 
also, give him an idea of the consequence of it to his majesty's 
Indian interest; the extention of the free trade, and, above all, 
its cutting off the communication between Canada and Louisiana. 

To send Governor De Lancey a copy of the plan of the fort 
as soon as I can, in order to have it printed, or plates of it pub- 
lished for the benefit of the public. 10 

To write to, and settle with the general how far my limits 
extend, for taking care of or managing Indian affairs, that I may 
regulate my passes and Indian trade. 

29th, I gave the French officers shoes, stockings, and blankets 
I wrote by De Normandy to Oswego for all the ship carpenters 
to come here, to build 2 vessels of 18 guns each, and to bring all 
the naval stores, and as much provision, as they can, along as 
soon as may be; the house carpenters then to repair the battoes 
and make a number of oars, paddles, &c, against I get there; 
a detachment from the York regiment to come with the convoy. 
Do. Die. I wrote a letter to the secretary of state with a short 
account of the siege of Niagara ; also sent him a plan of the fort, 
and a return of the killed and wounded in the siege and action of 
the 24th July — being 60 killed and 1 80 wounded, besides — 
3 Indians killed and 5 wounded — 63 killed, 185 wounded. 

30th, At night Lieutenant Francis 11 returned from Toronto, 
and reported that the enemy had burned and abandoned that 
post, and destroyed many things which they could not take along, 
viz: working utensils, arms, &c. A Chippaway chief came to me 
with Mr. Francis in order to speak with me. 

31st. I settled the garrison to be left here, and gave orders 
accordingly; also the train engineer, artificers, ammunition and 



10 See the plan which was engraved later for Sir William. Ibid. 3:80. 

11 Turbutt Francis, of the 44th regiment. 



1 1 8 Sir William Johnson Papers 

provision. Also ordered the building of two good armed vessels 
at this place to carry 1 6 or 18 guns each. 

Do. Die. I wrote a letter to General Amherst with a plan of 
the fort, a list of the killed and wounded, also a return of the 
effectives now here, and a list of artillery stores wanted for 
Niagara, given by Captain Stretchy. With which I sent Captain 
John Butler express and 7 of my batteau men with him. 

August 1 st, 1 759. I went to see Niagara Falls with Colonel 
Haldimand, Mr. Ogilvie, 1 " and several officers, escorted by three 
companies of the light infantry. Arrived there about 1 1 o'clock ; 
in my way at the thither end of the carrying place, I met a flag 
of truce from Presque Isle, desiring to know the number of 
officers I had in my hands, from the action of the 24th, and beg- 
ging I would advance them anything they might want, they being 
men of fortune and credit. One letter was from the commandant 
of Presque Isle named Chevalier Poitneuf, the other from Mons. 
De Couagne, 1 '" who came with the flag of truce, with 9 men and 
Indians. I ordered them to stay in the woods, and left Mr. Rogers 
with a guard with him, until I sent a message to them and pro- 
visions. The artillery was this day partly shipped on board the 
batteaus, the readier to be shipped to-morrow, with ammunition, 
&c. 

22d. I wrote a letter to the Chevalier — by the flag of truce, 
and sent Captain McLeon 14 with a party to escort them to their 
boats. This day I ordered all the boats, &c, to be made ready 
for embarking the troops, &c, which are to go to Oswego, in 
order to leave this on the morrow. Spoke to the Chippaway 
sachem, Tequakareigh. With a string and two belts of wampum, 
I bid him welcome and shook him by the hand. By the 2d, which 
was a black belt, I took the hatchet out of the hands of his, and 
all the surrounding nations; recommended hunting and trade to 
them, which would be more for their interest than quarreling 
with the English, who have ever been their friends, and supplied 



12 The Reverend John Ogilvie of Albany, Sir William's chaplain. 

13 Jean Baptiste de Couagne, later interpreter for the English. 

14 Capt. Allan MacLean of the New York regiment. 



The Niagara Campaign 1 759 1 1 9 

them at the cheapest rates with the necessaries of life, and would 
do it again, both here and at Oswego, provided they quit 
the French interest. This I desired he would acquaint all the 
surrounding nations with. A black belt, the third and last, was 
to invite his, and all other nations living near them, to repair early 
next spring to this place and Oswego, when there should be a 
large assortment of all kinds of goods fit for their use ; also recom- 
mended it to them to send some of their young men here to hunt 
and fish for the garrison, for which they would be paid, and 
kindly treated. Told them at the same time, that I would send 
some of my interpreters, &c, with him on the lake to the next 
town of the Mississageys, with whom I desired he would use 
his best endeavors to convince them that it would be their interest 
to live in friendship with the English, and that we had no ill 
intentions against them, if they did not oblige us to it. To which 
he answered, and said it gave him great pleasure to hear so good 
words, and was certain it would be extremely agreeable to all the 
nations with whom he was acquainted, who, with his, were 
wheedled and led on to strike the English, which he now confessed 
he was sorry for, and assured me they never would again, and that 
should the French, according to custom, ask them to do so any 
more, they would turn them out of the country. He, at the same 
time, begged earnestly that a plenty of goods might be brought 
here and to Oswego, and there, they, as well as all the other 
nations around, would come and trade; and their young men 
should hunt for their brothers whom they now took fast hold of 
by the hand, and called upon the Six Nations, who were present, 
to bear witness to what he had promised. He also desired I would 
send some person to the Mississagay town, near where Toronto 
stood, to hear what he should say to that nation, and to see that 
he would deliver my belts and message honestly. I clothed him 
very well, and gave him a handsome present to carry home. Then 
took from about his neck a large French medal; gave him an 
English one, and a gorget of silver, desiring whenever he looked 
at them, he would remember the engagements he now made. 
This day I agreed with Mr. De Couagne to serve at Niagara 



120 Sir William Johnson Papers 

as interpreter, until relieved, at the rate of £12 per month. 
Colonel Haldimand, with Captain Williamore, set off for Oswego 
with 2 whale boats. I desired him, on his arrival there, to send 
away the French women to La Galette immediately, with a good 
officer, capable to make remarks and draw the situation of that 
part of the country, so that I may know what to do in case it 
should be thought proper to attempt anything that way. Also have 
boats ready against I arrive at Oswego, to send the French 
officers in for New York. 

3d. I gave Lieut. Nellus and De Couagne orders to go over the 
lake with the Chippaway chief, and call the Missessagays, and 
speak with the commanding officer of Niagara and Oswego ; also 
to trade with and hunt for their brethren the English. They, the 
interpreters, are to remain at Niagara, until farther orders, and 
assist the commanding officer here all in their power. 

This day I ordered some guns for the vessel and carriages, so 
as to be ready to-morrow morning to sail for Oswego with me. 
I sent a string of wampum by three Chenusios to their nation, 
telling them now my surprise at their going away from hence in 
so a [illegible] manner, not allowing me a meeting where I 
intended to have said something to them, and the rest of the 
nations — 3 strings wampum. I sent them a white belt to thank 
them for the good salve they gave me for my wounds, meaning 
Niagara, and to desire they would continue to have a careful eye 
over it, and not suffer any nation to insult, or hurt it. 

Saturday August 4th. — I was to embark at 5 o'clock in the 
morning with the troops, &c, for Oswego, but the two French 
schooners appearing off harbor prevented our embarkation until 
5 in the evening, when I left Colonel Farquhar everything in 
charge; also some Indian goods to give occasionally to such Indians 
as might come upon business to him. Then set off with all the 
Yorkers except one company; all the light Infantry, and grena- 
diers, and the general's company of the 44th regiment, and arrived 
at Oswego, Tuesday, about 3 o'clock P.M., with everything safe. 

Wednesday 8th. — Enquired into the state of the provisions, 
and everything else, and find provisions so short, and slowly sent 



The Niagara Campaign 1759 121 

up, that I fear those two posts on the lake will suffer greatly, 
unless other measures are taken to supply them, than hitherto has 
been. I sent away Ensign Brown 15 D. I. M. to Fort Stanwix, also 
Major Hogan, 10 in order to hurry up the bateaux with provisions. 
Also sent from hence this day 21 French officers with a captain, 
2 subalterns, and sixty men, as a guard to Fort Stanwix. I also 
sent away to Fort Stanwix all sick and wounded, as were judged 
by the doctor unfit for service, or likely to continue so during the 
campaign, to prevent the consumption of provisions. 

9th. — I was regulating the camp and works. 

1 Oth. — Getting returns of the state of everything belonging 
to the army, and writing to General Amherst, Governor 
De Lancey, &c. Do Die; Some Mohawks, Onondagas, &c., 
arrived here from Niaraga. 

1 1th. — I dispatched an express, one to Albany, with 

letters to the general and others. Also sent to Captain Jn. Butler 
to come up with what number of Mohawks, and others he could, 
immediately. At the same time, I sent Captain Fonda, 1 ' Lieutenant 
Hair, 18 an interpreter, and others, to Onondaga, to call the young 
men of that nation here, to go upon service. I sent a black belt 
of wampum by him to speak with, and to send it to the other 
nations from thence. In the afternoon Captain De Fere arrived 
with part of the escort, went to the French garrison, and brought 
some provisions with them. 

1 2th. — In the morning, the little schooner arrived here from 
Niagara with Captain De Normandy, and brought me a letter 
from Lieutenant Colonel Farquhar, commanding officer there. 
It rained very hard, which stopped the workmen. Very windy also. 

In the afteroon I went to the woods, where the party were at 
work cutting and drawing timber, also building a small redoubt to 
cover the working parties — cut vistas through the woods, also, for 
the same purpose. 



15 Ens. Andrew Brown of the 44th regiment. 

16 Maj. William Hogan. 

17 Capt. Jelles Fonda. 

18 Lt. William Hair. 



122 Sir William Johnson Papers 

Monday 13th. — Very stormy in the morning. Had the 
schooner loaded notwithstanding, with the rigging, &c, belonging 
to our vessel, and fifty barrels of provisions. I wrote Colonel 
Farquhar by her, and employed Mr. Thody 10 to go, and bring 
the new schooner down to this place. Gave orders to seize all 
sutler's rum, and put it in the king's store. Sent an order to the 
officer commanding at the falls, not to suffer any bateaux, &c, 
to pass with sutlers, or others, without they take the opportunity 
of an escort. 

Tuesday 1 4th. — Sent an order to the Oneida Lake post, to 
keep 50 of the Provincials, who were a guard to the French 
garrison, to remain there, in the room of 50 sailors there, who 
are to come here in order to navigate the vessels. I sent Lieutenant 
Francis with 60 men and 2 Indians, in 3 bateaux, to Irondequat 
and the Seneca river, in order to pick up, and bring along with 
him, all the whale boats, and bateaux he may find there, or along 
the lake, with 1 days' provisions. Two Yorkers just now arrived 
here from the royal galley, and say that on seeing our schooner, 
the master and all the crew run ashore, and left her at anchor, 
about 8 miles this side of Sodus. They have seen nothing of the 
remainder of the crew since. I ordered them to the guard, until 

the affair is cleared up. 8 at night; 3 more of her crew 

arrived, and reported her taken by the enemy, and her masts, 
rigging, and anchor cut away. 

Wednesday 13th. [15th.] — Early in the morning more of 
her crew arrived, and the galley, also, brought in by some of 
Dr. [De] Normandy's crew, with a letter from him. This day I 
sent some Onondagas to Swegatchie as spies; and on their return, 
they are to bring me a prisoner if possible, for which they are 
to have 1 00 dollars ; they are to be back in 5 or 6 days. 

Wednesday 1 5th. — Works carrying on as usual. Block houses 
building in the wood, and vistas cutting to the lake, and a battery, 
to prevent the enemy's annoying our working parties. 

Thursday 1 6th. — Brigadier General Gage arrived here in 



19 Michael Thodey. 



The Niagara Campaign 1759 123 

the afternoon with 300 drafts for the 3 regiments here. I gave 
up the command to him, and General Amherst's instructions to 
the late Brigadier Prideaux, also his last letter to Do., which I 
received on my way from Niagara. He then showed me a letter 
or two he received from General Amherst, with orders to proceed 
to this place, and take the command. Also to proceed to 
Niagara, if not yet taken. If taken and the troops returned, then 
to proceed to La Galette and take post there, which (in case 
General Wolfe should be defeated) would make a frontier, with 
Niagara, Oswego, and Crown Point. He told me that on read- 
ing General Amherst's letter, he gave him as his opinion, that he 
thought it impracticable to establish a post there in so short a 
time, and furnish it with provisions. General Gage brought up 
about 140 barrels of provisions, only, with this reinforcement. 
We have now about 3 weeks' provisions here for the whole — 
the New Hampshire regiment coming by land with cattle. 

Friday 1 7th. — Fine weather. General Gage agreed to the 
plan of the fort proposed by Engineer Lowers, 20 viz: a pentagon. 
Accordingly, they set about it, and marked out the ground. This 
day I made up an affair between Colonel Massey 21 and Captain 
Forbes, 22 which, otherwise, was to be tried by a general court 
martial. The drafts were this day divided among the 3 regiments 
here. 

Saturday 1 8th. — A fine morning. Colonel Haldimand came to 
my tent, and on our talking over several matters, among other 
things, I asked him whether the general had said anything to him 
about advancing to Swegatchy. He answered, that the general 
had showed him all his instructions, but said nothing about going 
to La Galette, on which I gave him my opinion that our going to 
La Galette and destroying it was practicable, and might favor 
General Amherst's designs, but to remain there was impossible on 
account of provisions, and being too late to make such a respectable 
work there, as the French would not be able to take. He expressed 



20 Capt. Thomas Sowers. 

21 Lt. Col. Eyre Massy. 

22 Capt. William Forbes of the 46th regiment. 



124 Sir William Johnson Papers 

himself against attempting it, for the above reasons and further, 
that the enemy might carry on an expedition against it in the winter, 
adding, also, that if one of our convoys should be cut off, it would 

ruin the whole, and oblige us to abandon even this post, &c. 

General Gage expressed himself the same way, and added, 
farther, that his honor was as dear to him as General Amherst's? 
could be to him, and did not understand running his head against 
a wall, or attempting impossibilities, with a great deal more to that 
purpose, and what I thought not unreasonable, after telling me 
the state of everything, particularly artillery, ammunition and 
provision. I told General Gage that I thought our going to and 
destroying La Galette practicable, but not to take post there, for 
the several reasons given to Lieutenant Colonel Haldimand the 
same day. The general then said he would get a few stray boats 
built to carry each a piece of large cannon in the bow, to guard 
against the French vessels, and would then make a trial. — I 
asked him then, whether he would have me send for the several 
nations of Indians to come immediately and join us, to which he 
made no answer. 

Sunday August 19th. — Fine weather. Lieutenant Francis, 
with his party, returned with several whale boats &c, from 
Irondequat. Also came in this day, some Onondagas, and 
Chenusios, who told me they were sent to let me know that several 
sachems and others were coming to Oswego to meet me, also two 
sachems of the Mississagues, and would be here in four or five 
days; that they had a great many furs and skins to trade, and 
hoped there would be plenty of goods for that purpose. I repre- 
sented to General Gage, the necessity of having traders come up 
here, and to Niagara, for that end. He told me to act in that 
as I thought best for the service, and to give papers to such as I 
thought desired them. 

Monday 20th. — Cloudy weather. I gave General Gage a 
rough draft of the River St. Lawrence from Frontinac to the 
island below La Galette, drawn by the Red Head, an Ondaga 
Indian. Dined with General Gage, after which we took a walk, 
and talked together about going down to La Galette — to which 



( 



The Niagara Campaign 1759 125 

he agreed, as soon as artillery, vessels, &c, could be got ready. 
Mr. Brown arrived from Fort Stanwix with 24 bateaux with 
provisions, and rum &c. 

Tuesday 2 1 st. — Very stormy, and rained all night — con- 
tinued stormy all day. I wrote a letter to my brother by Lieutenant 
Linall of the Highland regiment; another to Kelly, 23 Corry, 24 
Date, 25 Wallace, 20 and my daughter Nancy. Sent another to 
Molly, 2T by Hance Clermont, not to come here. 

Wednesday 22d. — Very stormy, and rain. Lieutenant Linall 
came for my letters, and set off for army with General Amherst 
by whom I sent word I should have as many Indians, as necessary. 
Provisions being scarce, I cannot collect a great number. Major 
Graham arrived about 2 o'clock, with 2 of the Highlanders. 
About 6 in the evening the schooner arrived from Niagara. When 
she left, the evening before, all well there. By letters from thence, 
I learn that the Mississagays came there on my invitation, and 
have made peace with us, as by Colonel Farquahar's letter, and 
Lieutenant Neller's 28 will appear, which letters must be entered 
in the Indian Records. Captain Fonda returned from Onondaga 
with the Bunt and others of that nation, and tells me there will 
be about 100 of that nation here to-morrow. He brought me a 
letter from Mr. Croghan, dated July 20th, and brought by 
Tiaquandean, an Onondaga warrior, returning with five prisoners 
and some scalps from the Catawbas' country. 

Thursday 23d. — Fine weather. The Bunt, chief of Onon- 
daga, with several of his nation, came to my tent. I bid them 
welcome; told them I was glad to see them, and, as I heard they 
were not yet all assembled, would defer saying anything upon 
business, until they arrived, when I would let them know what 
news I had, and the reason of my sending for them. Then ordered 



23 William Kelly, merchant. 

24 William Corry. 

25 Probably a misreading for Daly. 
20 Hugh Wallace. 

27 Molly Brant. 

28 Hendrick Nellus. 



126 Sir William Johnson Papers 

pipes, tobacco, a dram, and some punch, and sent an officer to 
see them take up their ground for encampment, also to draw 
provisions, so parted. They soon got drunk, and were very 
troublesome. — This day my express returned after delivering 
his letters at Albany, and brought a packet from General Amherst, 
for Brigadier Gage and me. His to me was dated the 6th at 
Crown Point, 29 very kind and polite, and pressing me to get as 
many Indians as I can to join General Gage on another enter- 
prise. Received also a letter from Dirck Vanderhuyden of London, 
by which he appears in my debt £144.4.7 sterling for ginsing 
of mine which lay in his hands a long time, and now sold at 
3c, & 3-3 ptt. 

Friday 24th. — Fine morning. I propose this day speaking to 

the Indians. All drunk, could not meet them. Major 

Christie 30 arrived about 1 2 o'clock from Crown Point in 1 days. 
Brought me a letter from General Amherst, 31 and another from 
Colonel Eyre. 32 General Gage shewed me his letter from the 
general — also all his to him, to Mr. Kilby, Country, &c, in 
all, settling the state of the army. Provisions, artillery, boats, and 
tools, which, when ready, he would lose no time in following 
his orders. Major Christie told me he had heard at Canajoharie 
that Captain Butler was passed there on his way hither, so that 
I soon expect him with the Indians. The schooner is this day 
sent to Niagara, for one 1 8 pounder — 2 fourteen pounders, some 
shot and other things for our expendition, which I fear will delay 
us. 

Saturday 25th. — Fine weather. About 1 1 o'clock, 3 bateaux, 
with Senecas, Chenusios, to the amount of 70, arrived from their 
country, and fired 3 volleys when near our camp, which was 
returned by the guard of the 14th battalion of royal artillery. 
I then sent Captain Fonda and an interpreter to show them their 



20 Johnson Papers, 3:11 8-20. 

• {0 Capt. Gabriel Christie of the 60th regiment. 

- 1 Johnson Papers, 3:124-25. 

:52 Lt. Col. William Eyre, engineer, of the 44th regiment. 



The Niagara Campaign 1759 127 

ground for encampment, the opposite side of the river, and get 
them provisions. The same time Old Saquerisera, sachem of 
Onondaga, and his party came to my tent; wished me joy of our 
success at Niagara, and wished a continuence of it. I thanked 
them, and told them as soon as it suited them, I should be glad 
they would all meet, and allow me an opportunity of acquainting 
them what had passed between the Northern Indians and me, 
since they parted with me at Niagara — also some other matters 
which concerned our mutual interest. They promised to give me 
Notice when they were ready, and so parted. 

Sunday 26th. — Fine weather. The interpreter Prindup 33 
arrived from Onondaga with above fifty warriors, and a number 
of women and children. Encamped them over the river, and sent 
them word I would meet them all this afternoon. The interpreter 
tells me the messenger who was sent with my belt to call the 
Indians, returned last Wednesday from Cayuga, and reported 
that a great number of that nation, as well as Senecas, were on 
their way hither, and would be soon here. They got an ox among 
them this morning. No news yet from General Wolfe except what 
was in the prints. This day General Gage desired I would not yet 
let the Indians know our design of going to La Galette, but 
endeavor to get a party of them to fetch a prisoner for intelligence, 
from Cadaraghqui first. In the evening I went over and condoled 
their losses by sickness &c, with three strings of wampum, and 
told them as it was then late I would meet them next morning 
at this camp. Two Onondagoes arrived with an account of the 
enemy's taking one, Mr. Bean, a sutler, prisoner, and killing his 
bateaux men, and destroying his bateaux this side of the Oswego 
Falls. I acquainted General Gage of it, and advised him to send 
one hundred of the light infantry in whale boats to cut off their 
retreat, and get 50 Indians to go with them. 10 o'clock at night. 

Monday 27th. — Still good weather, but windy. About 9 
o'clock a party of the Onondaga warriors, with their speaker, 
came to see me at my tent, where I gave them a dram, pipes, and 



William Printup. 



128 Sir William Johnson Papers 

tobacco, and bid them welcome as customary. They told me they 
had a number of arms and utensils out of order, which they begged 
might be mended. I told them our smiths here were much em- 
ployed, however at times they should mend such things for 
them as they wanted most, and that as soon as I got home, I would 
provide a smith to work in their country for them. They then 
parted, and I went to meet the rest in council. About 1 2 o'clock, 
the Onondagas and Senecas met, when the chief of Chenussio 
returned with three strings of wampum, the compliment of the 
ceremony of condolence. After which I told them what had 
passed between me and the chief of the Chippaway Nation at 
Niagara, as well as what the Mississagay had done in consequence 
thereof, which gave great satisfaction. I then desired they would 
let me know what news they had from the Ohio, and other parts ; 
when the Chenusio chief, named Karaghyianaghqui told, as fol- 
lows; viz: that after the battle of Belle Famille, the Ottawas, 
and others, then with the enemy, held a council at the Falls, and 
came to a resolution to go back to Niagara, and speak with the 
English, and Six Nations, and make peace, but the French would 
not allow them, on which they, notwithstanding, sent 2 of their 
people to Chenusio, to know whether they were angry with them 
for the part they had acted, and to assure them they were much 
pressed to it by the French. The Senecas reminded them of the 
friendly messages they had sent them last year to Teughsaghruntie, 
which they expected they would have regarded. They told them 
now, that they were not angry, and desired the two Mississagays 
to return as soon as they could, with said answer. Soon after 
another of that nation arrived, charged with the same business, 
to whom the Chenusios returned for answer, that they had 
delivered what they had to say to the first two messengers, and 
had not [anything?] to say further, but to recommend a speedy 
return to them with their answer. They were not gone when these 
Indians left home. The chief sachem then told me and the Onon- 
dagas, that some of their nation, who came from Ohio, told that 
the French had burned and abandoned Wenanga [Venango?], 
Fort La Riviere [de] Boeuf, and Presque Isle, and that the 



The Niagara Campaign 1759 129 

garrisons retired to Detroit. This they affirmed for truth. The 
Chenusio chief then spoke with a string of wampum as follows: 

"Brother: I can now with pleasure acquaint [you] that these 
Indians, whom you have so often called from the southward, are 
arrived in our country, and as they have left their plantations, 
corn fields, &c, must now suffer for the want of provisions, unless 
assisted by you this year, and we for their behalf earnestly request 
you will assist them, as they are now come to incorporate with 
us — Gave 3 strings." The new vessel hove in sight while we 
were met, which I told them was called the Mississagay. Her 
size and name pleased them all much. I then told them as it was 
late, I would meet them the next day, and talk farther to them 
on other mattars — so parted. 

At 7 in the evening, the scout returned from a river, about 20 
miles from here, when the Indians found by the tracks, &c, that 
the party which scalped our people the day before were gone. 
Mr. De Couagne arrived with the Mississagay schooner, and 
tells me he thinks that that nation, as also the Ottawas, are very 
sincere in what they have said, and determined to settle a firm 
alliance and trade with us, if properly managed, and encouraged. 
This evening rained very hard. General Gage came to my tent 
and told me he intended to leave about 300 34 men to carry on 
the works, and carry the rest with him. He ordered the survey of 
the boats to be continued until all examined. 

Tuesday 28th. — Blustering weather. This morning wind at 
N. W. I sent for the Bunt, speaker of Onondaga, and 2 Seneca 
chiefs, viz., Karaghyianaghqui and Belt, to whom I repeated 
what I intended to say to all the nations present, and to those 
not here, who are to deliver it to-morrow morning, to the whole 
in my presence at their own camp, and is as follows: 

29th. — "Brethren: I have received messages from the Mis- 
sissagays, and other nations on the lake, very friendly to us, and 
you. They, among other things, earnestly desire an extension and 



34 The figures in the manuscript are indistinct. They are designed either 
for 300 or 900. — Stone's note. 



130 Sir William Johnson Papers 

plentiful trade may be carried on by us at Niagara, and this 
place, so that they and all other nations around them, may be 
supplied with the necessaries of life, at as cheap a rate as can 
be afforded. This is what his majesty has in view; and the building 
the several forts you see along the country is purely to protect 
you, and such a trade from the insults of our troublesome enemy 
the French. I therefore, by this belt of wampum, desire that you 
will not be uneasy or alarmed at them. 

A white belt. 

"Brethren: I understand there are some of our people who 
have deserted; others who are by some means or other come 
among you, and harbored by you. As it is not right to keep them 
among you, or detain them, I expect they [will] be all deliverd 
up to me as soon as you conveniently can — and for the future 
that you do not allow any to come and settle among you, without 
our consent. 

A belt. 

Brethren: As you have taken our hatchet and used it success- 
fully this campaign, I must desire you to continue making use of 
it, as much as is in your power, against your and our common 
enemy the French; and that you remain here with his majesty's 
troops, and be ready to join them in any operations, which may 
be carried on during the season. This will gain you credit with 
his majesty and all his subjects your brethren, and with the blessing 
of God, greatly contribute to put an end to the war ; after which, 
with the regulations that may be made in trade, you will live 
peaceably and be a happy people. And this, I strongly recommend 
to you all by this belt of wampum. 

A Belt. 

Brethren of the Seneca Nation: I am glad to hear that all those 
of your people, who were living at Ohio, and dispersed about, 
are now come to settle among you. It is right to settle in bodies, 
as by that means, you will be more respectable. You see, brethren, 



The Niagara Campaign 1759 131 

our hands are full at present, putting our new acquisitions into a 
state of safety, and reestablishing Oswego as fast as we can, for 
your interest as well as ours ; so that really we have enough to do, 
until this hurry is over, to carry up the necessary supply of pro- 
visions for the use of the army. Notwithstanding, you may be 
assured, all assistance in our power will be given at Niagara, and 
here, to such as are really in distress. 

A string of wampum. 

Thursday 30th. — The schooner arrived with Captain Walton 
of the train, and three-pounders, tools, &c. An express from Gen- 
eral Amherst came in, by whom I had a letter dated Crown Point, 
August 21st, 35 an answer to mine of the 9th ; 3C General Gage 
had also a letter. Some letters and papers mention General 
Wolfe's having begun to bombard Quebec, the twelfth of last 
month; that the French army, under the command of Major 
Hourlemazhe, 3 ' were intrenched on an Island six miles from 
St. Jeans, whither General Amherst was to proceed as soon as 
a sixteen gun frigate was finished. In the evening, I went over the 
river to receive the Indians' answer, to what I had said to them 
the day before. Being met, the Onondaga Speaker arose, and 
asked the Senecas whether they were ready. The Seneca chief, 
named Karaghyianaghqui, answered they were, and spoke as 
follows: — Present, Captains Fonda and Lotteridge; 3 * Lieu- 
tenants Claus and Hair; Clement and Printop, interpreters. 

"Brother Goraghko Warraghiyagey, and you Brethren of the 
Onondaga Nation: Give attention to what I am now going to 
say in behalf of the Senecas, and Chenusios. The news which 
our friend Warraghiyagey told us yesterday from the Mis- 
sissagays, and other distant nations, and the assurances he gave 
us of his Majesty's intentions toward us, and all nations who were 
inclined to live in friendship with him, as well as that the several 



35 Johnson Papers, 3:126-27. 

36 Ibid. 3:120-24. 

37 Bourlamaque. 

38 Capt. John Lottridge of the Indian Service. 



132 Sir William Johnson Papers 

forts which he was now building in our country, were to cover 
them from any attempts of the enemy, and protect the trade, 
which was to be carried on with them at said posts, gave us much 
satisfaction, as we hope it will to you, and all our allies; being 
sensible it must prove greatly to our mutual advantage, if carried 
on in an honest manner, which by this belt, we entreat it may. 

Gave a belt. 

Brother: Your request, concerning such of your people as are 
among us, shall be complied with, but it will require a little time 
to collect them, being dispersed among the several villages around 
us. You may depend upon it, they will be delivered to you at your 
house, or to the governor of Philadelphia, from whose government, 
we understand, most of them have been taken by the Delawares, 
Shawanese, &c. We will (showing the belt) take your belt 
through the nations and show it to them, and then send it to our 
brethren of Onondaga, who will doubtless return it to you, with 
such of their people as they may have. 

Brother: You yesterday strongly recommended to us to per- 
severe, and make good use of the axe you had given us, against 
the French, as long as the war continued, which you were of 
opinion could not be very long. We of the Seneca Nation do 
assure you, brother, that we will assist our brethren the English, 
while the war lasts ; and wish it to end honorably. 

Returned the belt. 

Then the Onondaga speaker came to me from his council, and 
assured me, they would do the same, as well as the Seneca nation. 
They then asked me, what news we had by the express. I told 
them the account we had from Quebec, and so ended the meet- 
ing. I privately spoke to Bunt, the speaker, and others, to encour- 
age their young men to go upon immediate service. They said 
they would. 

31st. — Red Head came, and told me he would set off for 
La Galette on to-morrow, in order to get a prisoner for our intel- 






The Niagara Campaign 1759 133 

ligence. He and party were fitted out with every necessary, and 
[I] gave them money to buy fresh provision for a feast as usual. 
This afternoon, I advised the general to send a flag of truce to 
La Galette and Frontenac, to enquire for and demand the officers 
who ran away from the guard at Fort Herkimer. He agreed to 
it and prepared a letter, and intends to send Lieutenant Baker 
with it. I sent away this day, a letter to General Amherst. I 
took a German deserter's information this day, and read it to the 
general. This day, constant rain ; no work carried on. 

Saturday the 1 st of September. — Weather pretty good, and 
moderate. I fitted out a party of eleven Onondagas and Senecas, 
who are to bring a prisoner from La Galette, if possible, and all 
the intelligence they can of the enemy's strength, and the station 
of the vessels. They are to be back in ten days, if well. I sent a 
belt of black and white wampum by them to the Swegatchie 
Indians, and any others they may see, advising them all to go 
out of our way, and quit the French interest. If they continue 
obstinate, and will not take my advice, they must blame them- 
selves for the consequence, which I think will be fatal to them, 
we being determined to carry that place at any rate. I gained 
all the intelligence I could from the Indians, of the navigation 
of the River St. Lawrence to La Galette, which I gave the 
general. About 12 o'clock, Mr. Baker set off for Cadaraghqui 
in a whale boat, with a letter from General Gage, demanding the 
officer and two privates of Niagara garrison, who ran away from 
Fort Herkimer. The sachems of Onondaga came to beg I would 
stop Red Head's party, and allow them to send others there with 
a charge to the Swegatchies, to quit the place immediately. I 
gave them a very smart reprimand, and told them I would rather 
go without an Indian, than to have any with me who were not 
quite hearty. On which they told me, they would all go with 
me whenever I called upon them. I told them I was so much 
ashamed of their backwardness in going on a scout, that I had 
a good mind to ask the general's liberty to go on that service 
myself, without a man of them, as it appeared to me, they either 
were afraid, or unwilling to have that nest destroyed; which 



134 Sir William Johnson Papers 

made them look very grave. The Seneca sachems, who were 
attending without, sent me word they had something to say, and 
would be glad to be heard, on which the others broke up, and 
they came in. The speaker said he was very sorry at the Five 
Nations' abrupt manner of parting after the surrender of Niagara, 
which did not allow me a meeting with them, as they since found 
by the messages I sent them to their country from Niagara, by 
some of their own people, I intended. He assured me that due 
regard would be had, by their nation, to the directions sent them 
at that time, and that they would keep a good look out so that 
nothing should hurt the people then, if in their power. We then 
made an apology, for no more of that nation coming at this time, 
and said it was owing to the death of the chief of all the warriors, 
who died the third day after their return, which, according to 
their custom, puts a stop to every kind of business, until his death 
is properly condoled. He then returned a black belt of mine, sent 
them sometime ago. A Belt. He then said a great deal concerning 
these, begging that goods might not be sold them too dearly ; that 
they had now with them a parcel of skins and furs, which they 
wished to get rum and goods for, and not be obliged to carry them 
back so far. So ended. I then recommended to their young men 
here present, to exert themselves now, and not return until the 
end of the campaign. I promised them that they should have their 
skins, &c, exchanged, and that some traders are gone to Albany 
for goods, some time ago for that purpose, and daily expected. 
They returned many thanks and parted. 

Sept. 2d. — Fine weather. Two Oneidas and two squaws set 
off with a white belt from the sachems, for Swegatchie, in order 
to bring me intelligence, and to call all the Swegatchie Indians 
from thence immediately. Red Head's party of eleven men, 
stopped by the sachems, as they think he would only inflame 
matters. 

Sept. 3d. — About 8 o'clock, the sachems of Onondaga and 
Seneca came to my tent, and told me that the Oneidas or Tusca- 
roras would not come, as they heard, by some of their people 
who understand English, from the soldiers at Fort Stanwix, that 



The Niagara Campaign 1759 135 

as soon as all the nations were assembled at Oswego, the English 
would give them as much liquor as they would drink, then fall 
upon and destroy them. They, the Oneidas, &c, would wait the 
event, and in such case be ready to fall upon the English in their 
turn. They told me that a great many of the Cayugas were on 
their way hither, but hunted a little by the road, being a plentiful 
place of game. They said that a drove of cattle passed their 
town, and would be here this day. About 1 2 o'clock, I set off for 
Little Sodus in a whale boat, with five Indians. Captain John- 
son, 39 myself, and two bateau men, to shoot ducks, &c. In the 
evening, it rained and blew very hard. Got to Sodus about five 
o'clock; a very pretty shore, and a large bay with a creek run- 
ning easterly ; navigable as far as Captain Lotteridge went, about 
four miles, for a vessel. Rained all night upon us without cover- 
ing. 

Sept. 4th. — We all went out to shoot ducks, &c. Returned 
about 12 with fourteen ducks and one otter, and stopped at all 
the creeks and ponds by the way, which are many. There is one 
creek about eight miles from Oswego, which I think would be a 
better passage than by the Suego [Oswego?] Falls. The Indians 
told me it was navigable for boats to the head, which was near 
the Three Rivers. About 6 o'clock we arrived at Oswego, and 
found nothing new since we left it, only that the news of three 
of our men being scalped at the Falls was contradicted. The 
enemy were seen there, but did no harm. The eighteen pounder 
had been three times fired on board the little gaily, which bore 
it very well. 

Wednesday 5th. — Wind strong at S. East. Last night a 
Cayuga runner arrived, and told me that an express from his 
nation had overtaken them about two miles above the Seneca 
Falls, and reported to them that a young Indian of said nation had, 
in their absence, killed a daughter of Ottawana, a sachem of 
Cayuga, which made them all turn back, except the Post; they 
were eighty-four men in the whole. I this morning acquainted 



39 Guy Johnson, a captain of rangers. 



1 36 Sir William Johnson Papers 

General Gage with it, and told him I thought an express from 
me would bring them here in six days or thereabouts, and desired 
to know, whether he would have me send for them. He told me, 
I should send for them, if they could be got here in that time. I 
proposed to him the regulation of trade here, and at Niagara, 
with the Indians, as without some regulation, the trade would be 
so unjust, that all Indians who felt it, would be dissatisfied, and 
spread it among all nations, which would greatly hurt his majesty's 
Indian interest, and be the means of unsettling all that had been 
done by us for the promotion of it. In the evening the Seneca 
and Onondaga sachems came to my tent, and proposed sending 
to-morrow some of their people to Cayuga, and wished some of 
ours to accompany them, in order to condole the loss of Ottawana's 
daughter, killed by one of their nation three days ago. I told 
them it was what I intended to do, and was to have proposed it 
to them, had they not been before hand. I told them I would 
prepare the belts and people against morning, and desired they 
would prepare theirs ; — So ended. 

Thursday 6th. — The weather a little better, and the wind a 
little abated ; at which I sent Captain Lotteridge, Lieutenant Hair, 
the Red Head, and a Cayuga Indian, to condole the loss of a 
woman killed at Cayuga, by one of their own people, and to 
bring all the warriors with them. They are to be here in six 
days. I have also sent to the several traders for their services, in 
order to settle the prices of goods, rum, skins, beavers, &c, so 
that the Indians may not be imposed upon. Tiyaquande, an 
Onondaga chief, set off this day with his family for his castle, 
and is to return with the Cayugas in six days, with all his people. 
I sent two belts of wampum, and a string by the Red Head to 
Cayuga — This afternoon I had a long discourse with Brigadier 
Gage, when I told him my sentiments very ingenuously, regard- 
ing the present expedition intended. He also spoke his mind 
freely, and said that General Amherst had missed the opportunity 
of favoring General Wolfe, and that unless General Amherst 
pushed for the whole country of Canada, which he thought now 
too late, an expedition this way would be of no service. Farther, 



The Niagara Campaign J 7 59 137 

that he thought this little army had done more than his, and if 
they could finish a fort here this season, supply this and Niagara 
with sufficient provisions, they would carry a very great point. 

Friday 7th. — A fine morning, but a little wind. Lieutenant 
Beckers arrived about 12 o'clock last night, and says the enemy 
abandoned Cadaraghqui the 29th of August; also the advanced 
post which they had on the island. He says he saw some boats 
with a few Indians crossing the lake, and one going to Swegatchie. 
The two French schooners lie near one of the islands about thirty 
miles from hence. — About 1 2 o'clock, the general called some 
officers who understood something of the sea-faring business, and 
consulted with them how to take the French vessels. In con- 
sequence thereof, an order was given for an attempt of the kind 
to be made by two hundred volunteers from the several corps, 
under the command of Captain Parker. They are to endeavor 
to board them by surprise, by landing in the night on the island 
close by them. This afternoon, Captain Butler arrived here 
with twenty-four Mohawks, and Canajoharies. He left home 
on receipt of my letter, which he got the 16th ult. Was very 
ill treated at the Upper Oneida town by Ganaghquiesa, and in 
short by the whole three, but kindly received by Gawehe and 
those at the lake, who promised that thirty of them would follow 
and join me at Oswego. This evening, the Senecas and Onon- 
dagas met at my tent, and spoke with two belts and a string of 
wampum, as follows: The first, was a black belt I gave them 
some time ago, to unite them and strengthen our alliance with 
them, which they now only produced to show me it was fresh 
in their memory, and to assure me that it had full effect with 
the Confederacy, — as they had since shown by their actions, and 
were firmly resolved to continue our friends. The second, was 
three strings of wampum complaining of the dearness of our 
goods, and earnestly desiring they might have fairer dealing; 
otherwise, it would alter the present good dispositions of all the 
Confederacy and their allies, who expected a more advantageous 
trade might be carried on with us, than with the French; which 
above all things would bring those nations over to us and attach 



138 Sir William Johnson Papers 

the whole to his majesty's interest — Gave three strings. The 
last and third was a white belt, charging me with being too hasty 
and inconsiderate in thinking of another expedition before I had 
returned home, and considered what was next best to be done, 
and consulted with them, adding that if I now proceeded and 
should fail, the whole Confederacy would be overset. They, 
therefore, in the strongest manner, laid hold of me, and insisted 
on my staying at home. If I did not comply, all their nations 
would think ill of it, and give them great uneasiness. — I told 
them I would on to-morrow answer as to the several matters they 
had now spoken about. — Very wet afternoon, prevented the 
scout going out. Rained very hard all night. 

Saturday 8th, A very windy, wet morning; prevented the 
party's going after the French vessels, and the men's working 
until afternoon. 

Sunday 9th, Morning wet until eight o'clock ; the party, under 
command of Captain Parker, 40 embarked. Two hundred and fifty 
rank and file, and Silver Heels with them; also five Mohawks 
and Printop's son by themselves. About two o'clock, arrived a 
man, with some letters which were dropped by the post, and 
found by a Mohawk. In the evening, the post arrived, who was 
thought to have been scalped, with letters. I had one from 
Governor De Lancey, and others. No news from General 
Amherst, or Wolfe, nor Stanwix yet. With the post arrived 
twenty-two Indians of Canajoharie and Oneida. Late, the 
general came to my tent, and showed me what a quantity of pro- 
visions the Indians consumed. 

Monday 10th, Very wet morning. All the men obliged to 
quit work until 9 o'clock. About 12, the two French vessels 
appeared in sight, and stood in for this place above two hours; 
then stood a little off, and was still in sight the whole evening; 
many conjectures about them. Some would have it that they 
were taken by our detachment, which was out in quest of them; 
but by their not coming in, it appeared they were yet the enemy's. 



40 Capt. John Parker of the 60th regiment. 



The Niagara Campaign 1759 139 

The Seneca Indians came to know when I would answer to what 
they said last Friday. I told them I would to-morrow at farthest. 
By a Mohawk, this day wrote a letter to Nancy, another to 
Molly, and a third to Isaac Quaqenboss, 41 &c, with a pass. 

Tuesday 1 1 th, A fine morning, no wind, but a strong breeze ; 
the vessels out of sight. I sent Clement for Abram and Thomas, 
Mohawks, to let them know the general's pleasure, and give them 
an answer to what they said last Friday. In this manner; viz: 

Brethren of the Six Nations: It is now four days since you 
spoke to me on two points, to wit, concerning trade, and my 
going on another expedition. The reason of my not answering 
them sooner, was expecting to have heard what General Amherst's 
pleasure was concerning an expedition this way, so that I might 
speak to you with certainty. No such letter is as yet come, but 
daily expected. However, from the conversation I had yesterday, 
with the general here, I can answer you. With regard to trade 
I can say no more than what I have already told you, and you 
may depend upon it, the trifling trade now here, you, nor your 
people at home, are to judge by, as in war time every thing is 
dear — Gave them three strings of wampum. 

As to the other and last point, I am surprised at, as you, a 
few days ago, assured me that all your people, and the rest of the 
Confederacy, were determined to act heartily with us during the 
war, and now press me not to proceed with the army, and say I 
act rashly, in not first going home, and considering what farther 
steps are proper to be taken. It seems to me that you have very 
little confidence in Providence, and no regard for my honor, or 
character, or your own, when you desire me to stay inactive 
behind. I desire to know what part you, the Six Nations, will 
act, in case your request should be complied with, — then I will 
give you my answer. Returned their belt. The general desired 
me to stop the Cayugas and others from coming here (as he finds 
it impracticable to move from here on an expedition), but to keep 
a few Indians to scout about here to prevent scalping. He told 



41 Isaac Quackenbush of Schenectady. 



140 Sir William Johnson Papers 

me that he entirely gave up all thoughts of proceeding to La 
Galette, but desired I would keep it very private. 

Wednesday 12th, Fine morning, but cold, wind northerly. 
Last night arrived a boat of Parker's detachment, with four 
prisoners of the ship's crew taken yesterday, as they went on 
shore to shoot, who, they say, vary in their accounts. One of 
them says that each of the vessels have forty men on board, partly 
militia, &c. ; that one of them carries ten, the other eight guns, 
some of them twelve pounders; that they were to cruise eighteen 
days, then return to St. Paris; 42 that they were then fifteen days 
out; that two hundred men who were at Cadaraghqui had lately 
abandoned it, and retired to Isle Galot; that on said island, 
Monsr. Levee 4 ' 5 had about two thousand men entrenched, and had 
Mr. Mercier, an artillery officer, with him; that the vessels are 
to go to Point Paris or La Galette soon; that the third vessel is 
ready all to her rigging; and that their allowance of provision 
was one lb. of bread and one quarter of pork per diem. About 
12 o'clock, an express arrived from Albany, but no letters from 
General Amherst. Some letters from his army of the 3d inst. 
say that he is building a large five-sided fort, and five redoubts, 
which, if all the men are employed, will be completed this season, 
and that the troops are not to go to winter quarters before 
finished. This evening, I sent the interpreter to call the Seneca 
sachems, in order to [hear] what they said. 

Some days ago, a party of the Canajoharies came on my call, 
and offered to go to La Galette on a scout, as soon as I pleased. 
I thanked them, and told them the sooner the better, and named 
the morrow for them to set off on this scout. At 6 o'clock, P.M., 
the sachems and young men of each nation assembled at my tent, 
when Abraham, chief of the Mohawks, delivered my answer 
to them; on which four of the chiefs withdrew to consider of 
what I had said, and what I desired to know of them concerning 
their desire I should not go any more against the enemy this 



42 Point Paris. Probably Point Baril, present site of Brockville, 
Ontario. 

4r! Chevalier de Levis. 



The Niagara Campaign 1759 141 

campaign. They returned in about half an hour, and said that 
as they had agreed to our going to, and destroying Niagara, they 
now hoped and expected, that I would comply with their request, 
adding a great deal about the loss my falling would be to all their 
nations; and farther, that although they have (agreeably to my 
repeated advice) spoke to, and used their interest with all the 
nations, as far as the Canatas, yet, they did not think the alliance 
so firm as to push things too far, lest they might alter their resolu- 
tions, and think you grasping too much. 'This is only our opinion 
and advice, concerning our allies ; as for us, we are determined to 
stand by you agreeably to our engagements." They thanked me 
for the promises made them of a trade being established on a fair 
and regular plan, as soon as the war is over, and assured me, 
that would be the most effectual method we could take of attach- 
ing all the surrounding nations to his majesty's interest. I then 
told them, that I would take their request into consideration, and 
give them my answer as soon as ready — on which the meeting 
broke up. 

As the general told me two days ago, that he could not proceed 
to La Galette, or carry on any expedition, and desired I would 
stop the Cayugas and other Indians coming, I think to make them 
this answer; viz: that if they will engage to keep this post of 
Oswego, and all other our posts between this and the Mohawks' 
country, free from scalping by the Swegatchie or other Indians, 
I will agree to their request. This will please them, and lay them 
under obligations to us, at the same time that the general does 
not intend anything that way. The general sent a boat this day 
with some orders to Captain Parker. 

Thursday 13th, Fine weather and very warm. The two 
vessels set off for Niagara with provisions. About two o'clock 
a Swegatchie Indian from the Cayuga nation arrived here; w 7 as 
sent by the Onondagas, whom I sent to Swegatchie for intelli- 
gence, and left there with Captain Parker's party last night, and 
expects they will be here this evening. 

Friday 14th, Fine weather. The scout, I sent for intelligence 
to La Galette, arrived, and brought the following accounts and 



142 Sir William Johnson Papers 

news, viz: that on his way thither, he was met by a canoe full 
of Swegatchie Indians, who were encamped at Point Paris with 
some French. They went with them to their camp, and told 
them they were sent by me and the Six Nations, with a message 
to them, which they would deliver to them in their castle, on 
which they decamped. The French also decamped on their 
leaving them, and burnt everything at Point Paris, and retired to 
Isle Galot. 44 On their arrival at their castle, they all assembled, 
and then my messenger told them, I sent them to acquaint them 
that our army would go that way, and if they would quit the 
French interest, and leave the settlement, they had an oppor- 
tunity of saving themselves, and their families. If not, this would 
be the last warning they were to expect. They, for answer, 
desired the messengers to return me their hearty thanks for the 
advice I gave them, and the care I showed for their safety, and 
assured me in the most solemn manner, that they would not only 
quit the French interest, but on our approach meet and join us, 
and show us the best way to attack the enemy on the island, 
who were not above six hundred. They desired we would make 
all the haste possible, lest on General Wolfe's being repulsed, 
the enemy might send up large reinforcements to La Galette, 
and by that means baffle our design, and charge them with 
treachery. They told me the enemy carried away most of their 
cannon from Isle Galot, on one Mr. Beam's intelligence of our 
army being intended to go down the river St. Lawrence. I 
immediately communicated this intelligence to Brigadier General 
Gage. About 5 o'clock, I sent a scout of thirty-two Canajoharies, 
Oneidas, and Onondagas, under the command of Captain Fonda, 
to La Galette. With him went Lieutenant Francis, Captain 
Tiebout, 40 Ensign Roberts, 40 and three battoe men of my own, 
with orders to bring prisoners for intelligence, and make all the 



44 Isle aux Galots, near Sackets Harbor. 

4r ' Perhaps Capt. James 1 albot of the 43d regiment. But see Johnson 
Papers, 10:23. 

4,; Ens. Benjamin Roberts of the 46th regiment. 



The Niagara Campaign 1759 143 

useful observations they possibly could. They set off in four 
whale boats. 

Saturday 1 5th. — Rain in the morning, but a northerly wind 
cleared up the weather, so that the works were carried on very 
briskly. This morning, Bunt, chief of Onondaga, with his three 
sons, and others came to acquaint me that they were resolved to 
go on a scout to La Galette, and set off the day after to-morrow. 
Silver Heels, Daniel, and others, told me they were resolved, also, 
to go as soon as Captain Lottridge returned from Cayuga. About 
10 o'clock, the general called me, Colonels Haldimand, Massey, 
and Graham 4 ' to his hut, when he asked our opinions what num- 
ber of men we thought sufficient to carry on the fort, so as to leave 
it this campaign on barbette, which, he said, was as far as the 
engineer expected to get it, and what number of men for the 
guards of the camp, woods, &c, and also, what number of men 
we thought necessary for incidental duty or fatigue. We were 
of opinion that 1 1 00 men would be sufficient to work at the fort, 
200 for guards in our absence, 1 00 for incidental fatigues or other 
duties, and an addition of 42 men to Captain Schuyler's company 
of battoe-men. Then the general cast the whole up, and it 
appeared that there were about 1000 rank and file to go on an 
expedition, besides Indians, the number then unknown, as they 
were constantly coming in from different quarters, and the Cayugas 
all expected the next day. I told the general that our going and 
destroying La Galette, would be the means of drawing all the 
Swegatchie Indians away from the French [interest], and that 
if we did not attempt it now, it might be the means of riveting 
them more firmly in it. Besides that, our destroying La Galette, 
might make us masters of the French vessels, which then would 
be out of the way of any relief. All he said was, that it all de- 
pended on General Wolfe. After various opinions, our meeting 
ended in nothing, no resolution having been taken. A little after, 
the general told me I had better stop the Cayugas then on their 
way, and send those here home, by telling them the season was 



47 Major Gordon Graham of the 42d regiment. 



144 Sir William Johnson Papers 

too far advanced, and could not complete this post if we went 
on any expedition, &c. About 1 o'clock, Captain Lotteridge 
arrived from Cayuga, with Lieutenant Hair, Red Head, and 
one Seneca, and reported that the Cayugas had received them 
kindly, and would all be here to-morrow, and desired them to 
acquaint me, that in case I should be gone on my march, they 
would overtake me before we could come to action, in which 
they were all resolved to act the best part they could. A number 
of Onondagas arrived just now, who came and told me they were 
come to join us, and that the rest of their nation were all coming 
with the same intent, and expected we were ready to proceed; 
if not, they would go by themselves against the enemy. The 
general told me this evening he had a letter by express from 
General Amherst, but no news, nor nothing of his proceeding 
to Mt. Real, or elsewhere, as I can hear. 

Sunday 1 6th. — Fine fall weather, windy and dry. An express 
arrived here from General Amherst, with letters to Brigadier 
Gage, inclosing him an extract of General Stanwix's letter to him, 
dated at Fort Bedford, the 16th of August, wherin he tells him 
that on the taking of Niagara, the French abandoned their posts 
at Winango [Venango], River Boeuf, and Presque Isle; and 
on account of the lowness of the waters, were obliged to burn 
all their bateaus, &c. This, also, prevented the General sending 
Major Tulican 4S with 400 Royal Americans to relieve the 
garrison of Niagara, so that now he waits to hear from Niagara 
what time they can send boats to Presque Isle for the transporta- 
tion of that body of troops. General Amherst recommends to 
Stanwix, the sending Colonel Boquet to command at Niagara, 
if convenient. The general showed me the letter he wrote the 
10th inst. to General Amherst, wherein he tells him that it is 
impossible to do more with the few troops he has, than to make 
this post tenantable by the latter end of October, and bring up 
provisions for it and Niagara. As the building there will not be 
finished until very late, having so few hands, it will be very 



48 Maj. John Tullikens of the 60th regiment. 



The Niagara Campaign 1759 145 

difficult to get the garrison from them this season. On the whole, 
the general seemed much perplexed, and said he wished he had 
not written to Stanwix about the garrison. He also shewed me 
two letters he had written Bradstreet, in one of which he tells 
him that unless provisions are sent up with more speed, and greater 
quantities than hitherto, he would be obliged to abandon Niagara, 
and these works. Shortly after, the general called me, Colonels 
Haldimand, Massey, and Graham, to his hut, to learn what 
intelligence Mr. De Quagne 49 learned from the French prisoners, 
by which the general would have it, that the enemy were very 
strongly entrenched there, with numbers superior to ours. After 
all, he desired the opinion of the gentlemen present, not as a 
council of war, but to enlighten him, as he vowed he was at a 
loss what step to take. The first that spoke his opinion was Colonel 
Massey, who said he thought it would be imprudent to go with 
any thing but a flying light body of troops — about 500 — in 
order to destroy La Galette. I gave the general my opinion as 
thus — that I was apprehensive (i.e. was of opinion) a body of 
six hundred men might carry La Galette, and the Indians from 
thence, which would be a thing of great consequence; that if the 
enemy were weak at Isle Gallot, they might probably on our 
destroying La Galette, abandon it, if they did not learn our 
small number, which should be carefully concealed; that the 
vessels might also fall, by our succeeding at La Galette. If we 
found the enemy too powerful, I thought we could retreat with 
care, and good conduct; that if we did not attempt anything 
that way, it might probably fix the Swegatchies firmer in the 
French interest, and be the means of establishing a stronger post 
there than ever. The other two gentlemen were very reserved, 
Haldimand in particular. We broke up without any resolution. 
The general followed me, and desired I would turn the thing 
in my mind seriously, and let him know my thoughts further about 
it. I, on this, spoke with Colonel Massey upon the subject, who 
said he would gladly go in case I went. I told him I was resolved 



49 De Couagne. 



1 46 Sir William Johnson Papers 

to go if allowed, and would go directly and throw myself in the 
general's way, expecting he will ask me my opinion. I did so 
several times, even to the tent door, with his aid-de-camp and 
brigadier major, but he avoided talking with me on the subject. 

Monday 17th. — Very wet weather; no works going on. I 
intend this day to ask the general for 600 men, to go to La Galette, 
as the Indians here and there, both, are desirous of it. If he will 
not agree to it, I shall then desire liberty to go home. Thomas, 
Aaron and his family left this yesterday, and took one of the 
prisoners, taken from the vessel with them. I wrote to Nancy 
by them, and to my bowmaster. This day, an express arrived 
from General Amherst, with letters to General Gage, by which, 
I heard Mr. Gage say, he did not expect anything to be done this 
way. Accounts from General Wolfe not very favorable. I re- 
ceived a letter from Mr. Amherst, dated 11th inst.,'"' another 
from Mr. Croghan with all his conferences. His letter is dated 
16th of August; 51 had not yet received my letter, and three 
Mohawk Indians. Very severe weather all day. 

Tuesday 1 8th. — Cold, raw, windy morning, after the severest 
night I ever remember for wind and rain. I catched a fellow in my 
tent drunk, with his firelock. He crept in from the weather. Sent 
him away to the guard, not as a prisoner, but relieved. I this 
day wrote to General Amherst 52 pr. return of the express. The 
Indians very impatient to know whether we are to proceed or not. 
I have put them off from time to time, in hopes there would be 
something for them and us to do. 

Wednesday 1 9th. — A fine fall morning ; wind at S. E. The 
Bunt's three sons, with seven Onondagas more, came and were 
fitted out to go scalping to La Galette. I ordered a whale boat 
for them, and everything necessary. Gave a silver gorget to the 
Bunt's grandson, who was appointed their leader. His name is 
Punch. — Soon after Missarung with six more came and were 



r '" Johnson Papers, 3:136-37. 

r ' 1 Not found. 

52 Johnson Papers, 3:137-39. 



The Niagara Campaign 1759 147 

clothed, and joined the other ten Onondagas. In the evening, 
Karraghiagygo, with eight more, came to acquaint me, they were 
resolved to go a scalping by themselves the next day. In the 
evening, the wind turned to N. W., and rained very hard, and 
blew a severe storm. Rained all night. 

Thursday morning 20th. — A cold N. E. wind; blew so 
hard that the parties could not set off, the lake being too rough. 
I have observed, since I gave my opinion for going to La Galette, 
that the general is not free or friendly with me, but rather shuns 
me. This day I answered the Ganughsharagey Indians, and told 
them, on my return, I would either give them some provisions or 
money, for their families, which they were very thankful for. 

Friday 2 1 st. — A fine morning, but cold. I sent Printop over 
the river to hurry out the several parties, who are going a scalping. 
About 10 o'clock, I fitted out Karraghiagygo's party, consisting 
of nine men, with everything necessary. The sachems of the 
Senecas, &c, came to know what we were resolved to do, whether 
to proceed or not. I told them I would answer them in the evening. 
The Bunt being drunk prevented meeting them. This afternoon, 
the two parties set off for La Galette with Captain Lotteridge, 
and the other with Lieutenant Hair. They are to be back in ten 
days if the weather permits. No news from any quarter; the 
express expected. 

Saturday 22d. — A fine morning. I took a whale boat, and 
Colonel Massey another, and went six or eight miles along the 
lake side a shooting — little or no game. We went up a creek 
which is called Red Head's creek. About two miles, very navig- 
able and deep, but no farther. Good fishing in said creek, and 
beaver also. Nothing extraordinary happened in my absence — 
the sick all ordered down. 

Sunday 23d — A dark morning; wind N. W., no account of 
our vessels yet from Niagara. We begin to fear they are lost. 
This day, to the amount of one hundred and fifty sick were sent 
downwards. Last night, some more Onondagas joined us, and 
others to come this day from the Falls. About 5 o'clock, several 
Onondagas came to my tent, and told me they were come accord- 



148 Sir William Johnson Papers 

ing to promise, and are ready to go with us upon service; that 
their chieftain, named Teiyoquande, notwithstanding he had lost 
one of his children, whom he had just hurried, came with them, 
and was also resolved to join the army with his party, as he found 
the Six Nations were now heartily engaged in our cause. I bid 
them welcome; told them I was sorry for my friend's loss, and 
would condole it to-morrow. They farther say, that they were 
told at the falls, by our people and the Indians that there was 
no expedition going forward, and that they might turn back. 
They answered, that as they were so far on their journey, and 
had promised faithfully to return hither, they would come and 
know from me the certainty, which they now desired I would 
acquaint them with. I told them I would advise them on the whole, 
the next day — so parted, after drinking with them, and giving 
them pipes, tobacco, &c. I also gave Bunt clothes for himself and 
family — thus ended. 

Monday 24th. — ■ A very fine morning ; quite calm. Our two 
vessels returned from Niagara, with all the Yorkers that were left 
there. They say, Captain Lee 53 with fourteen men went to Presque 
Isle, in order to learn where Mr. Stanwix was ; the Mississagays, 
of whom there came about one hundred and fifty, to Niagara, 
brought and delivered up two of our men, taken at Belle Famille 
in the battle of the twenty-fourth. About 10 o'clock, Weaver, 
the post, arrived here with but few letters. The news by him was, 
that General Wolfe was still at Quebec, destroying all the country 
about. The sachems and warriors of the Onondaga and Seneca 
nations came to my tent, in order to know what was to be done, 
or whether the army was to proceed or not. On which I asked 
General Gage what answer I should make to them. He desired 
I would tell them, that as soon as the scouting party returned, 
and he could learn from the prisoners they might bring in, what 
news at La Galette, or that way, he would enable me to answer 
them. This I told them, and so parted, after condoling with 
Tyioquande. 



63 Capt. Charles Lee of the 44th regiment. 



The Niagara Campaign 1759 149 

Tuesday 25th. — Very fine, warm weather. The Seneca and 
Onondaga sachems came to my tent, when the former told me, 
they had lost three of their people since they came here, and 
many more now very sick, so that they wanted to return home; 
besides they did not see any sign of going forward. I sent a black 
string of wampum by them, strongly recommending to their nation, 
in whose country Niagara was, to keep a good look out, and take 
care that none of that garrison or traders be molested; otherwise 
the general will be obliged to take proper measures to punish 
such a people. 

Our two vessels to sail this afternoon for Niagara with pro- 
visions. Mr. Vanscaack, and other traders are also going there 
this day with my pass. Cobus Van Eps asked liberty to go to 
trade at Irondequat with the Chenussio Indians. As it is near to 
their settlement, I agreed to it. Besides, it will be some plea for 
us to claim some right of building there and trading. 

Wednesday 26th. — A fine morning ; wind at south east. I 
received a letter from Dominie Hardwick. 54 Mr. Carty arrived 
here with a number of sheep for the army ; lost several by the way. 
Nothing new this day. 

Thursday 27th. — a little rain this morning; cleared up with 
a N. W. wind. Daniel, Belt, Silver Heels, &c, left this on their 
way home. Gave them some money, orders, &c, and so discharged 
them. This day nothing new. 

Friday 28th. — Morning clear, and wind at N. W. ; blew hard 
all the night. This day wrote two letters for London; the one to 
Alderman Baker; 55 the other to Messrs. Champion and Hayley. 56 
About 9 o'clock P.M., Captain Fonda, Mr. Roberts, and twenty 
of the party, who left this the 1 4th, returned for the want of pro- 
visions, and a good guide. The rest of them are gone on to 
La Galette, in number, ten. They also saw the two parties pass, 
who left this last week. 



54 Rev. John Christopher Hartwick. Letter not found. 

55 William Baker, Sir William's London agent. 

56 Merchants in London. 



150 Sir IVilliam Johnson Papers 

Saturday 29th. — A fine morning. Mr. Carty called upon me, 
and took my two letters for London, and one for Mr. Van Der 
Huyden.'" I sent Captain Butler to make a discovery, if he could, 
of a meadow which is two miles. Returned and found it would 
not do; is grown over with brush. Dined on a Michaelmas goose 
with General Gage. The Indians, who came from near Cadaragh- 
qui, say they heard several cannon fired, they think, on board 
the vessels, about the 25th of this month. 

Sunday 30th. — Very fine morning. Work goes on very well, 
and the fort in great forwardness. At 12 o'clock, a boat with 
Onondagas, some whites, and two French Indians, arrived here. 
They were Bunt's son's party with Lieutenant Hair, who, meet- 
ing a French party coming this way a scalping, turned them back, 
and brought two Skanendaddy Indians to me from said party. 
On their arrival here at my tent, they told me all the news they 
heard in Canada, which I immediately acquainted General Gage 
of, and is as follows, viz: That General Wolfe is yet before 
Quebec; that eleven hundred Ottawas arrived at their, and the 
Coghnawagey castles before they left home, and were plundering 
the country; that the priest of La Gallete told them there were 
twenty-five hundred men on Isle Galot, fortifying themselves as 
fast as they could; that about seven days ago, a scout of seven 
men from General Amherst to Gage, was taken at La Gallete 
with their letters; that there is no news from General Amherst, 
than that he is at Crown Point building vessels and a fort; that 
these two Indians were sent by the rest of the party to know 
whether the news which the Swegatchie Indians told them they 
received from me was true; if it was, they assured me that all 
their, as well as the Coghnawaga castles, would pay all due 
regard to what I said to them, and never more assist the French, 
&c. 

1st October, Monday. — Fine weather. Colonel Massey and 
sundry other gentlemen and myself, went in two boats to Red 
Head's creek to hunt and fish, but had no luck, so returned. This 



57 Dirck Van Der Heyden, London merchant. 



The Niagara Campaign 1 759 1 5 1 

day an express arrived with letters for the general and others; 
also newspapers, but little or no news in them. 

October 2d, Tuesday. — Fine morning; work goes no very 
well. Gave one McMaster, a pass to trade at Niagara with four 
battoe loads. The two Indians, who came from Canada, are gone 
this day to Onondaga to see some of their friends there, and 
promise to return in four or five days here, and carry a message 
from me to their nations. The Bunt's daughter-in-law was buried 
this day, after which he came and dined with me, and assured 
me he would not move until I did, be it which way it would. 
At the same time, he told me he would be glad to know what was 
to be done by us, whether to advance or not, that he might manage 
affairs accordingly with his nation. I told him that as soon as 
the general let me know his resolution, I would acquaint him. 
Then parted for this time. 

The general told me this afternoon, that General Amherst wrote 
him the 21st ult. from Crown Point, but nothing of his moving 
on, nor of ours here, but expects Mr. Gage with his troops will 
finish this fort, and complete Fort Stanwix. 

Wednesday, 3. — Fine pleasant morning for work. The gen- 
eral read part of General Amherst's letter to him of the 21st ult. 
from Crown Point, wherein he expresses his concern at Mr. Gage's 
not taking post at La Gallete, which is so advantageous a pass, 
and nothing to hinder it, as all their force is employed below. He 
then says, that he expects, as he is determined not to take post 
at La Galette, that he will complete Fort Stanwix and this post, 
as well as cut open a communication between this and the Mohawk 
river; that he has written the several governments to continue 
their troops the month of November, which he does not doubt 
they will come into; and a great deal more concerning the gar- 
risons, provisions, and artillery — six hundred men to be here. 
He seemed greatly concerned on the whole, and was much sur- 
prised at the general's manner of writing. In the evening, he 
desired I would take up my quarters in one of the barracks, and 
then walked away. The boat returned from Fish Creek, and 



152 Sir William Johnson Papers 

brought back the provisions intended for the party on the scout 
so long; but on seeing no signs of them the sergeant returned. 

Thursday 4th. — Began to rain about 7 of the clock. The 
works quitted thereby. This day, invited the General, Colonel 
Haldimand, Colonel Massey, Colonel Graham, Hancy, 58 Fen- 
ton 59 and Benton 00 to dine with me. In the afternoon, I asked 
the general how long he thought it necessary to keep me here. 
He answered no longer than [until] the scouts returned, who 
are gone to La Gallete, or that it was agreeable to me. This day, 
received a letter from the general at Crown Point, concerning a 
party of Mohawks who were detained there by him until he 
heard their character from me. I answered said letter the same day. 

Friday 5th. — A fine morning ; no wind. All hands at work. 
A party of Royal Americans sent to Fort Stanwix in order to 
enable the garrison to make roads and carry on the works there. 
Mr. Rivet sent to view the three posts between this and Fort 
Stanwix. The three men who were to be shot are pardoned. This 
day ten Cayugas arrived here from their country. On their com- 
ing to my tent, I condoled with three strings of wampum their 
losses, and then desired they would let me know what news in 
their country. They told me that their people were very sickly, 
and that several had died of the bloody-flux. They told me that 
their sachems were very negligent, and did not pay that regard or 
attention to business, which they, the young men, expected they 
would, and at this time, thought they should. Wherefore they 
came of themselves to see me at Oswego, and to know what was 
to be done further; that they expected to have another message 
sent to them in case we wanted them, and that they would all 
have come to us. They further added, that on the sachems' finding 
that they were coming this way, they sent a string of wampum by 
them, desiring to acquaint me they were in great distress for want 
of smiths in their country to mend their arms, &c, and begged 
I would send them such. I told them I would speak to them the 



58 Perhaps Ens. Lancey. 

59 Lt. James Fenton of the 1 st regiment. 

60 Probably Lt. Denton. 



The Niagara Campaign 1759 153 

next day — gave them pipes, tobacco, rum, &c, and parted for 
that time. This day Bassy Dunbar 01 and Lieutenant Pionier 62 
of the Royal Americans, fought a duel, in which the former 
received a shot in the breast through the lungs, which is thought 
will be mortal. 

Saturday 6th. — A dark, hazy morning and warm, after a 
good deal of rain in the night. All hands at work as usual. This 
day the first range of officers' barracks is to be raised. 

Sunday 7th. — Fine, warm day. The general and I took a 
ride to the half way creek with a guard of the light infantry. 
Dined with him. Captain Fonda returned from the next Oneida 
station, from whence to the ford at the Three Rivers, he marked 
out a road, with three Onondaga Indians whom I employed for 
that purpose, and says it will not be above ten miles distance. The 
general much pleased at their finding so good and short a road. 

Monday 8th. Excessive hot weather. The sloops or schooners 
arrived from Niagara and brought five prisoners of ours from 
thence, who were taken in Major Grant's 63 affair on the 24th July 
at Belle Famille. One of them is son of Mr. Guist, 64 who gives 
a very good account of the Detroit settlement, &c. He says they 
expected to be drove from there by me, after Niagara was taken, 
and believes had we attempted it, they would all fly before us. 
Colonel Cole, 65 of Rhode Island, arrived here yesterday, and 
brought me a letter from Mr. Hunter. 

This day Captain Lotteridge and his party of Onondagas and 
Oneidas returned from their scout, and brought in three prisoners 
and two scalps, which they took between La Gallete and the 
island they are fortifying. They bring us the agreeable news of 
Quebec's having surrendered to the English army the 18th of 
September. Mt. Calm [Montcalm] killed — shot through the 



61 Lt. Baziel Dunbar of 62d regiment. 

62 Lt. Peter Penier of the 60th regiment. 

63 Maj. James Grant of the 77th regiment. 

64 Son of Christopher Gist of Virginia. 

65 Lt. Col. Edward Cole commanded the Rhode Island regiment at the 
battle of Lake George. 



154 Sir William Johnson Papers 

breast. General Wolfe killed, and the next in command, Mr. 
Ramsay, 66 with six hundred in the citadel, capitulated. The army 
retired to a river about fifteen leagues above Quebec. Mr. Levy, 
going to Quebec with fifteen hundred men, was defeated by our 
people under the command of Murray. The general proposes 
sending an express with the news to General Amherst at daybreak 
to-morrow. 

Tuesday 9th. — Fine morning ; wind at S. E. I wait for the 
return of four Mohawks yet out about La Gallete. When they 
return I propose to go home, the general having told me there 
was nothing more to do at present or for this campaign. The party 
of Onondagas, who returned yesterday with the prisoners and 
scalps, came to my tent with the rest here, and divided their 
prisoners and scalps. I gave one prisoner in the room of Bunt's 
daughter-in-law, named Kahiuenta, with three thousand wampum. 
I this day gave De Couagne instructions going to Niagara. The 
two vessels sailed for that place this afteroon, with provisions, 
artillery, rigging, sheep, &c. In the afternoon, about thirty Sene- 
cas, with their chief man, the Drunkard, arrived here. Mr. Guist 
came to know if I had any commands down the country, as he 
was to set off for his regiment next morning with our battoes. 
Gave him some, and parted. Mr. Edward Cole, of Rhode 
Island, applied to me for advice and liberty to trade at Niagara. 

Wednesday 10th. — Fine weather; wind at S. E. ; fair for the 
two vessels. The Onondagas came to know what resolution the 
general had come to, on examining the prisoners brought in by 
the Indians, agreeably to his promise made them several days ago. 
I told them I would acquaint them this day with the general's 
resolution, concerning what they wanted to know. I spoke with 
the general about it, who desired I would acquaint them the 
season of the year was so far advanced, and so much work to 
be done here to finish the fort, that he did not intend to proceed 
further this campaign, and that they might return to their respec- 
tive habitations and country. He desired I would return them 



66 M. de Ramezay. 



The Niagara Campaign 1759 155 

thanks for their many services this campaign, and hoped they 
would be ready the next to join when called upon. This afternoon 
the Seneca sachems and warriors came to my tent, when I con- 
doled their losses, and then talked to them upon business, and 
told them I would, the next day, meet all the nations here assem- 
bled, and settle all matters with them. 

Thursday 1 1 th. — Cloudy weather ; wind at south. This day 
the post arrived with letters from the army, and papers of the 
1st inst., with an account of Prince Ferdinand's beating the 
French army. This day I had a general meeting with all the 
Indians here, viz: Onondagas, Senecas, Cayugas, Oneidas and 
Mohawks, when I spoke to them in the general's name; returned 
them thanks for their services and attendance here this time past; 
told them that as the general only proposed finishing the fort in 
hand here, he did not intend to move further, so discharged them. 
I then spoke to them all in presence of three Indians sent by the 
Swegatchie and Coghnauagey Indians to me on business. The first 
belt was to acquaint them of the general's not going forward 
this year, and that I had complied with their request, and I saw 
they did not choose I should go that way; and I told them that 
I expected they would always comply with my desire, whenever 
I might apply to them — Gave a Belt. Secondly : I desired they 
would all exert and interest themselves in the protection of 
Niagara, Oswego, and all the posts we have in their country. I 
also told them that if the Swegatchie Indians and others should 
attempt to molest any of said posts, or touch any of his majesty's 
subjects, for the future, I never would speak a word in their favor, 
but advise the general to cut them to pieces; so hoped they, as 
their friends, would be careful to prevent them plunging them- 
selves into danger and destruction ; that as these forts were for the 
protection of their country, as well as of that of the trade intended 
to be carried on with them and their allies, it behooved them to 
do all they could for the safety of them — A Belt. Thirdly: A 
large black belt sent to the Swegatchie, Coghnawagey and Skan- 
endaddy Indians, letting them know that I have hitherto be- 
friended them; that they have it in their power now, by quitting 



1 56 Sir William Johnson Papers 

the French, to become once more a happy people, but if, con- 
trary to the many and solemn professions made to me and the Six 
Nations, and the assurances they lately, by belts and strings of 
wampum, gave me of their fixed resolutions to abandon the 
French, they should act a different part, they must then expect 
no quarter from us — Gave a large Belt of Black Wampum 
mixed. I then told the Indians I proposed leaving this place in 
a few days, and that they might expect to hear from me as soon 
as there was anything of consequence to communicate. They 
made answer that as it was now late, they would to-morrow say 
something in answer. 

Friday 1 2th. — Rained all the night. Morning wet, so that 
the works could not be carried on. Wrote to General Amherst 07 
this morning per servant, as the post was sent off unknown to me. 
At 3 o'clock, P.M., the Onondaga, Seneca and Cayuga chiefs 
and warriors came to my tent, when their speaker told me they 
had all attentively heard what I yesterday said and recommended 
to their nation; and they assured me, by a belt of white wampum, 
that they would keep a careful eye over Niagara, Oswego, and 
all our other posts in their country. At the same time, they said, it 
would be hard to blame them should any little damage be done 
at any of the places mentioned, as the French, as well as we, 
are always persuading parties to fretch prisoners for intelligence. 
However, we might depend upon their using all their influence 
with their relations, the Swegatchies, Coghnauwageys, and 
Skanendaddys to quit the French entirely, if not, they must suffer 
for it. Here Gave the Belt. 

Next, the speaker said, it was the desire of the Senecas, 
Cayugas, and Onondagas that I would send a smith and trader 
to each of their castles; also begged there might be a large store 
of goods, &c, at Niagara, Oswego and Fort Stanwix, which, 
they said, would please the foreign nations more than anything. 
They then desired to know when I would leave this, that they 
might tie up their packs, take their hatchets in their hands, and 



67 Johnson Papers, 10:129-30. 



The Niagara Campaign 1759 157 

escort me. I told them in two days, if the party of Mohawks 
returned in that time. I again strongly recommended the care of 
all the posts in this part of the country to them ; promised to send 
them smiths, &c, and so parted. 

Lieutenant Bassey Dunbar died this evening of his wound; 
and died in peace with mankind, he told Parson Ogilvie. This 
day I gave orders for packing up, and preparing for a march 
homewards, as there is nothing to do here. 

Saturday Morning 13th. — Wet; wind at N. W. ; a fresh gale. 
This morning I began to back up my little things and prepare to 
set off to-morrow, if God pleases. I waited on the general for 
leave to go home, which he readily complied with. Also gave Mr. 
Ogilvie liberty to go with me, and desired I would let him know 
what I wanted, that he might order Major Christie to get every- 
thing ready for me. This night I supped with Colonel Massey, 
when all the company were very merry. The Onondagas and 
Senecas spoke for powder and presents, with wampum, which I 
gave them. 

Sunday 14. — Windy; dry weather; the wind at N. E. I 
was up early, and desired all hands to strike our tents, and load 
the battoes. 



ORDERS FOR WILLIAM FARQUHAR ET AL. 

Copy 1 

Niagara, Aug. 2d 1759. 

Orders and Instructions for Lieut. Col. Farquhar of the 44th 
Regiment. 

1st, You will see that those employed in repairing the fortifica- 
tions, in putting the artillery and stores in proper order, in repairing 
or building vessels, and fitting up barracks, have all manner of 



1 Printed in William L. Stone, Life and Times of Sir William Johnson, 
Bart., 2:392-93. Original in Johnson Manuscripts destroyed by fire. 



1 58 Sir William Johnson Papers 

assistance and be kept diligent at their several works — As Mr. 
Dimpler has directions about erecting a battery for two 18 
pounders near the water side, you will give him assistance as soon 
as you can — As the general in chief is very desirous that vessels 
should be built with all expedition, and as more timber will be 
wanted, you will send out for it occasionally, taking care to send 
a strong escort, at different houses, and places. 

2d, As this fort is ordered by Major General Amherst to be 
garrisoned by part of Brigadier General Stanwix's army, you 
will, on being relieved by them, embark the present garrison, and 
join the army at Oswego, leaving with the officer that succeeds 
you in the command, all instructions you may have received, and 
what information you can furnish him with for the service. Should 
the garrison sent by General Stanwix not be sufficient, according 
as circumstances may appear to you, you will leave a detachment 
of the forty-fourth regiment, equal to what the service may require. 
Some of the French officers and private men prisoners, not being 
now in condition to be removed, you will take all possible care of 
them, and when recovered, send them by the safest conveyance 
to Oswego, The guard over them will be careful not to allow 
any Indian, or suspected person, to have any communication with 
them upon any pretence whatever. The officers who are able to 
move about to have the liberty of the parade. 

3d, As soon as the army is embarked, you will shut the gate 
of the covered way, and not allow any man of the garrison to go 
out — to prevent stragglers being taken by the enemy — being 
informed they want to take a prisoner for intelligence. 

4th, As provisions are very difficult to be brought to such a 
distance, you will see that the commissary takes all possible care, 
and serves out first, those likely to spoil. 

5th, As it is expected that the Indians in the neighborhood, 
formerly in the French interest, will now, at least in appearance, 
be our friends, you will receive them with civility ; give them 
provisions, and assure them that traders will soon arrive to buy 
their skins more to their advantage than ever the French did. 
If the Indians should come in large bodies, you will not admit 



The Niagara Campaign 1759 159 

above twenty to come within the fort at a time. Two interpreters 
are left here under your orders, who you will take care to see 
civilly treated. 

6th, As you being in possession of this place, greatly distresses 
the enemy, and is of great importance to his majesty's interest, 
you will take care that the service is performed with the greatest 
strictness, as possibly some attempt may be made. Whatever 
extraordinaries may happen, you will send immediate notice of 
it, directed to the care of the officer commanding at Oswego, with 
leave to open the letter if you think necessary. 

Wm. Johnson 

Orders for Mr. Dimpler. 

You are to stay at Niagara under the orders of Lieut. Col. 
Farquhar. 

You will, with all possible dilligence, repair the fortifications 
in the best manner; build a battery for two eighteen pounders 
on the water side as directed. After which, all the buildings and 
barracks are to be put in good condition for the winter. 

After a strict examination, you will send a list of what things 
are necessarily wanted to put the post in a good condition of 
defence, and comfortable for the troops during the winter; this 
to be countersigned by the commanding officer, who is directed 
to give you what assistance you may want. 

Wm. Johnson 

Orders for Captain Walton. 

You will, without any loss of time, put all the artillery and 
stores in proper order, and place them to the best advantage. 
And as soon as it can be done with exactness, send a return of 
whatever may be wanted in your department to put this place 
in a good condition of defence. This to be countersigned by the 
commanding officer, who will give you assistance as you may have 
occasion for it. 

William Johnson 



160 Sir William Johnson Papers 

TO JOHN LOTTRIDGE 

Copy 1 

Oswego J 4 lh Octb r . 1759 

Sir. 

You are to remain at Oswego untill further Orders and during 
your Stay there you are to see that whatever Indians come as 
Friends be treated as such. You will see that no Injustice be done 
them in their Dealings with the Traders; if such there should 
be, you are to report immediately to the Commanding Officer, 
without Favour or Affection to any, and see that in such Case 
proper Satisfaction be made to the Indian or Indians aggrieved. 

You will prevent all in your Power any Quarrels or Differ- 
ences to happen between the Soldiery and Indians, if such should 
unluckily happen, you are to accomodate them in the best Manner 

you can. 

In Case of the Enemys sending out Parties to disturb any 
of our Posts or Communication between this and Fort Stanwix 
you are immediately ( :if there be any Indians here at the Time:) 
to pursue them with such Party as the Commandant may judge 
proper to send and also acquaint me and the Onondagos of it. 

In everything you will act to the best of your Judgment, for 
the Good of his Majestys Service and keep an exact Journal of 
your Proceedings, so as you may be able to report the whole to 
me at your Return. 

Lastly you will keep up a constant Correspondence with the 
Officers of the other Posts. 

I wish you a good Time of it and am &c &c 

W M . Johnson 
ColK 
TO Capt n . John Lotteradge 



1 In Oneida Historical Society, Utica. Original was destroyed by fire. 



The Niagara Campaign 1759 161 

FROM WARREN JOHNSON 

Dublin Oct'. 1 5 th . 1759 — 

D R . Brother — 

I wrote you two letters 2 since I had any from you, but it gives 
me infinite pleasure to find by the publick papers that you are 
well after your great Success at Niagara I pray Heaven to 
preserve you. 

The Bearer M r . Michael Byrne is a Gent, in whose favour 
many have interested themselves that are & ought to be dear 
to us & who have Strongly Applyed to recommend him to your 
protection, he formerly served in the Navy & was at the Bombard- 
ment of Pondichery, upon the peace returned to Ireland and 
betook himself to Country Affairs which he understands well 
but his Lease having expired without hopes of a renewal he 
Chuses to try the fortune of War in the Land Service, his Bro: 3 
was Married to a near Relation of ours, and to whom I owe 
many Obligations a Gen 1 , well worthy our esteem a perticular 
friend and Acquaintance & so is the Young Gen 1 , his Brother 
in whose favour I write, his friends flatter themselves with the 
hopes of his prosperity from my recommendation as you may 
easily get him into some post or Commission by which he may get 
his bread and serve his Country which I earnestly recorhend to 
your kind attention in the Warmest manner and shall take it as a 
perticular favour if you can serve him in any Shape. 

in my last I Acquainted you of the Enquiery I made about 
Settlers at Rathkul & was there myself there are but few 
Families there inclinable to go & those are of the German Extrac- 
tion their Names Ebeny & Pemperton but upon so good a peace 
as we are likely to have am Certain of getting great Numbers, 



1 In New York State Library. 

2 Not found. Last letter of Warren printed was in 1 752. 

3 Probably John Byrne who in 1 763 sought letters of introduction from 
Warren Johnson. Johnson Calendar, p. 1 69. 



1 62 Sir William Johnson Papers 

I am with Sincere good Wishes for your Health & prosperity My 
D r . Bro — 

Y rs . most Affecty. and 
faithfully — 
Warren Johnson 
addressed : 

To 

The Hon ble . Sir William Johnson 
at Fort Johnson in the 
County Albany and province 
of New York in 
North America 
INDORSED : 

Letter from Warren 

Johnson — 1 5 October 1 759 



FROM PHILIP DE VISMES 
Extract 1 

New York Nov. 22*. 1759 

If you have Occasion to come to New York. Expect the 
favour of your Company at my House during your Stay in lieu 
of that of my Dear & ever lamented Brother Peter Wraxall. . . . 



1 Copy in notes of C. H. Mcllwain. Original destroyed by fire. Ac- 
cording to Johnson Calendar, p. 100, it also dealt with "goods received 
from London." See Sir William's description of DeVismes in Johnson 
Papers, 3:140. 



The Niagara Campaign 1759 163 

INDIAN CONFERENCE 
Df. 1 

[Montreal, September 16, 1760] 

1. B'. Warry. 2 

We are glad to meet you and thank you for your friendly 
Advice [ofY sent us from Oswego, [rve have complied] that 
we should keep out of the Way; We have [acted] paid a due 
Regard [to it] thereto and thank the Great Spirit above who 
allows us to meet together this Day in so Friendly a Manner. 

a String 

2. B rn . of y e . Nat s . 

l[t] [gives] gave us great Pleasure of your having resolved 
at Swegachy to accompany our Brother Warry. as far as here. 
Your coming along was very necessary and of mutual Service 
We therefore most sincerely [thanl?] return you our hearty 
Thanks for it. 

a Belt. 

3. B'. Wy. 

We heard and took to heart the good Words you spoke to us 
yesterday; We thank you most heartily for [them] renewing and 
strengthning the old Covenant Chain [of] which before this War 
subsisted between us, and we in y e . Name of every Nation here 
pres*. assure you [to] that we will hold fast [of] the Same, for 
ever hereafter. 

4. B r . Wy. 

We are greatly oblidged to you for opening the Road from this 
to [Albany] your Country we on our parts assure you to keep it 
clear of any Obstacle & use it in a freindly Manner — 

5. Br. Wy. 

You desired of us to [see] deliver up your People who [may 



1 In New York Historical Society. Jelles Fonda Journal, but in hand 
of Daniel Claus. 

2 Brother Warraghiyagey. Therefore addressed to Sir William. 

3 Words italicized and in brackets are crossed out in the manuscript. 



164 Sir William Johnson Papers 

be] are still among us — [W^e] As you have now settled all 
matters w th . us & we are become firm Friends. We [are] who 
are present here as Representatives of 8 Nat s . do assure you 
that what you desired shall be fully agreed to as soon as possible. 

a Belt 

6. B'. Wx. 

We also agreable to your Desire yesterday will burry the 
french hatchet we have made Use of, in the bottomless Pit, never 
to be Seen more by us or our Posterity. — 

a Belt 

7. Breth n . of y e . 5 Nat 3 . — 

[You] In Return to your Belt of Yesterday Whereby you 
told us that as your B r . W>\ had finished every thing with us 
you on your part had something to say w ch . was that as there had 
been during this War a Division & Disunion between us; and 
[thereby] desired us to reunite & be firm Friends as heretofore, 
We hereby assure all here present that we with pleasure agree 
to your friendly Proposal and reunite as formerly 

8. B r . W>\ With Regard to the String you spoke by yesterday 
of your Returning as soon as possible to your homes and of your 
leaving two Persons behind to transact Business in your Absence 
and at the same time told us to send some of every Nation [to] 
with you to Albany in order to try y e . goodness of the Road, we 
are ready whenever You go to accompany You. 

A String — 

9. Br. W. 

As we have now made a firm Peace w th . the Eng sh . & y e . 6 
Nat s . we shall endeavour all in our Pow r . to keep it inviolably. 
There is one thing B r . w ch . we understand you have great Plenty 
of, which is Liquor, as that is the only thing w ch . can turn our 
heads and prove fatal to us, we who now represent 8 Nat s . here 
present entreat you in the most earnest Manner not to suffer any 
of your People to sell or give any to [any] us, as it 

a large Belt. 



The Niagara Campaign 1759 165 

10 With another large Belt they made the same Request to the 
6 Nat s . not to bring any Liquor to their Country 

a Belt 

11. B'. Wy. 

Every thing being now settled between us in y e . most friendly 
Manner w ch . we rejoice at; We have only to acquaint you that 
our Young Men are soon going upon the hunt and perhaps may 
happen to come to [some] of your Posts, that you will give [a] 
Strict charge to the Officers of every Post along [here] not to 
surfer any Person to dispose of any Liquor to any of our People 
that may come there as it might be productive of Disputes & ill 
Consequences between them & your People w ch . might shake the 
[Chain of] Friendship now so happily [concluded] strengthned 
and w cfl . by all Means [you] I will endeavour to avoid. 

a black Belt 

12. Br. Wx. 

It is proper for you to know the Way our Affairs were man- 
aged while under the Care of the french w cri . is that Smiths &ca. 
were allowed to work for Us upon that Governm fs . Expence. 

13. B^. Wy. 

We are heartily thankfull to the Gen 1 , for his Goodness in 
allowing our Priests to remain & instruct us as usual, and we shall 
endeavour to make a good Use of it, as [the] He is now the head 
of all here, & had subdued our former Superiors, who maintained 
our Priests, they must now suffer & cannot subsist without your 
Assistance; Therefore we beg you will not be worse than our 
former Friends the french. And also beg that you will regulate 
Trade so that we may not be imposed upon by y e . People our 
new [Allies] B rs . 

a Belt 
here ended. — 

[Br. Wy.] 

Then arose Ad'yadarony chief of y e . War", of Caghnawy. and 
addressed himself to S r . W m . in the Follows. Manner 



1 66 Sir William Johnson Papers 

14. B'. W. 

The Sach ms . having finished the Good Work of Peace w ch . is 
agreable to all our young Men, I shall offer something in behalf 
of them, w ch . I beg you will take Notice of. — Should any of the 
young People thro' Imprudence or Liquor drop or make Use 
of any foolish or rash Express s . to [the] You or those you leave 
behind, we beg you will not take Notice of them, but of us [ip/jo] 
now present who are their chiefs. 

A Warr". Belt 

15. B r . Wx. 

As we are now linked together in the Chain of Friendship ; we 
the Warr rs . have one Request more to make w ch . is that if M r . 
Purthuit 4 alias Ohowa late Interp r . to Onontio should apply 
to you to be further employed that Way, you will not hear to it, 
but let him go with his former Master over the great Lake and 
let us have one of your own People to act as Interp r . 

gave a string of W m . 
here ended the Meeting 
[M] Sept'. 16*. 1760 — 
B r . Wx. 

As every Matter is now settled to our mutual Satisfaction we 
have one Request to make to You who have now the Possession 
of this Country, That as we have according to your Desire kept 
out the Way [and been Neuter] of your Army, You will allow 
us the peaceable Possession of y e . Spot of Ground we live now 
upon, and in case we should remove from it, to reserve to us as 
our own. 

a large black Belt 



4 Louis Perthuis. 



The Niagara Campaign 1759 167 

JOURNAL OF JELLES FONDA 
A.D. 1 

[June 29-October 23, 1760] 

Jornal of Jelles Fonda 1 760 agust 1 th . at oswego 

Sunday 29 th . June 1 760. Reseved orders with Cap*. John Butler 
to go to Chennesscio and Summons all the Six nations to Come 
to oswego acording to Orders I whent 30 th . June with Cap*. 
John Butler & two Mohok Indians this night we Lodged at fort 
Stanwix Lu*. wine 2 Confined one of the Mohoks and Said had 
Listed him in pheled ef he and geven him Eaight Daller with a 
great Dele to Do I got him fall 

the 1 Day July after Draing provision we Set of for oneida and 
Lodged about half way in the wouds 

Whensday 2 th . July in the morning we Came to oneida and 
the Same Day had a Meeting with the oneidas and Tuscaroras 
and we Delevered our Speech to them Cap*. Butler Seeing the 
ware Larg and truw the ware Belts But not one of the oneidas 
Stud op — But Desired ous to Stay for the oneidas from the 
Lake whome theay whould Send for acording to there Desire 
we Stayed this Day 

Thursday 3 th . we Stayed in oneida the 4 July in the Morning 
we Reseved our answer wich was that theay was Ready when 
Sir W m . Came op to Jouyn him the Same Day we Set of for 
Canuserago when we passed Tuscorora I Spoke to there head 
men named Degawehe who Said would not go this night laid at 
Canuserago and Delevered our Spech the Same night theay 
Said whould Be at there fishing ground Nere the eneida lake 
and Jouyn Sir W m . when passed — 



1 In New York Historical Society. Apparently it was an earlier part 
of this journal which was in the Johnson Manuscripts in the New York 
State Library (Calendar p. 103) and was destroyed by fire. See Johnson 
Papers, 3:237 n. 

2 Lt. John Wynne of the 46th regiment. 



168 Sir William Johnson Papers 

The 5 in the Morning Set of for ondago and this night Came 
to ondago and found all the Indians was Drunck I heard 

Carechiago at Canuserago Say that [It] theay was opon the pinte 
quarling with the English I heard that at Several places we Laid 
in a tent Nere the Bonts house 

Sunday 6 th . in the Morning the Indians was still Drunck But 
Said that there Chefes wa a Slepe I here from Several Indians 
that 3 Swegatie Indians is at oswego one named Otquandageghte 
who I heare has Bene Thelling all the Indians y*. the Inglish 
was fully Desined to Cut of all there Castels and Cill all the five 
Nations 3 I thould them that I was Shure he was Sent By frensh 
to put hache [hate] in there head — this Day about 12 a - Clock 
we Delevered our Spech to the ondagoes and about half an our 
after theay made answer and Said that as theay had no Rome 
was a Shamed to Sing y e . ware Song But Said was Ready and 
we whould here the ware Song at oswego theay Semed to Be 
Very Cinde and willing here was Several Swegatie Indians in 
ondago this is the 6 of this Instent 

the 14 July left Cap 1 . Butler in Chenesseia and Came this Day 
to Caniaia ware we Stop at my frinds house named Canecage 
I had with me one oneida named Conachquaiesa and one ondaga 
named ochseno 

the 1 5th. Set of and Came to Canatsego where the Indians 
was all Busy making Cnows and Said whould Come as Sone as 
the Cnows was Done — 

the 16 Set of for Cayugo and Sep at ottorowanas house and 
there was the place ware we was all to asembele together 

the 1 7 in the morning I Sent ottorowana the Cayuga to Hurry 
the Indians to Come he Came Back at none and thould me that 
theay whould all Come in the Morning whe Staid Still at 
ottorowas house this night at none the Druncerd a Senneca Indian 
Came and Jouyned ous with Some Sennecas — 



3 Cf. Johnson Papers, 3:272. 



The Niagara Campaign 1759 169 

1760 

the 10 of agust Sir wiliam Johnson Set of from this for 
Swegatia and left Cap 1 . Butler and Self here at oswego to Se 
all the Indians that was Dronck of Beoe [before] we ware to 
Set of and acording to orders Stayed this as there was many 
Indians Dronck 

Set of from oswego the 1 1 Day 

Memorandoum 

and Jurnel of Jelles 
Fonda 

Johrnal of Jelles Fonda — 4 

Sir W m . Johnson Set of the 1 of agust 1 760 in Company with 
Gen 1 . Amhost and the Most of army whent with them Genral 
Gage Set of at None and Retorned the Same Day for fear of 
hard wind and the 1 1 th . Early in the Morning he Set of a Gane 
with C o11 . potman 5 and fitch — with there Redgments a wile 
after the Indians was Sober where we was left for to Bring them 
we Set of with all we Could Get and as we was a in the lake 
we found the winde so hard that we Turned Back to oswego at 
none Set of from oswego and Ledged this night Below Caiahago 

The 1 2 Set of at Break a Day and Came op with Sir W m . at 
none By the Stone Rever the Same Day whent on ontil we over 
toock General amhost and most of the army nothing material 
this Day 

the 13 Set of with Genrall amhost and most all the army this 
night Lodged opon an Eyland — nere Caderochqua — in the 
morning I heard from from our Indians that the Indians who was 
gone to Swegatia was Retorned and Said whould Cep them selves 
Nuteral when we whould Come there theay further Said that 
the frensh | ] One of the frensh Vessels who had Bene parsued 
By our Vessels was Stove and after Burned now the frensh have 
only one Vessel more this is the 14 of Agust this night Lodged 
on an Eyland nothing Material — 



4 Here begins another section of the journal on slightly smaller pages. 

5 Col. Israel Putnam of Connecticut Militia. 



1 70 Sir William Johnson Papers 

the 1 5 in the Morning Set of and about nine a Clock pased 
our two Vessels and there we met Thomas an Indian who had 
Bene opon Buseness to Swegatia nothing material the Day we 
laid ware the Rever was Narrow. — 

the 1 6 in the Morning we Sent two Indians to Swegatia with 
Some of the Light Inventry this night laid Just Above Swegatia 
and Just as as we landed we was fired on By the frensh Vessel 
who laid at ancer ware we was to Land 

the 1 7 we Sent our four Row galles out to take the frensh 
Vessel wich theay Did in about 3 our thime then we marced on 
to Swegatia ware we laid this night when we landed at the 
Indian Town Some Indians Ron of for fear of ous and them that 
Stayed at home Receved ous Cindely laid this night [at Sxvegatia 

r 

Cap 1 . Lotteredge and I was ordered to go to the frensh fort 
and Reconiter the fort with two Ingeners at Both Sides of the 
Rever wich we Did to our Sadisfachtion [ 

The 1 8 Retorned to Swegatia — and the Same Day Came 
of Belowe Ele gallow 7 ware we Incamped — 

the 19 Lay ed Still in our Incampment and Sent M r . Nare 
on a Scout Saw nothing our pepele is a Recting Bateryes on 
Both Sides of the Rever the one one the Eyland & y e . other on 
the mane Shore 

the 20 Sent M r . Nelles on a Scout with 10 Indians this Day 
about 12 a Clock I was Sent with 2 weale Bots & 20 Indians 
Doun the Reaver to See How the pasadge was By water I 
found it Verry passebele and Returned the Same Day noting 
Material this Day laid in Camp 

the 21 Sent M r . Wemp on a Scout with Seven Indians saw 
noting our 3 Bateryes was fyrijng on the fort Like men 

the 24 the Fort Serendered to ous and we toock possession of 
the fort this Day & Toock Monsure Puscho 8 with all his men 



G Rubbed out. 

7 La Galette. 

8 Capt. Pouchot, commander at Fort Levis. 



The Niagara Campaign 1759 171 

preseners and the 26 Sent him and all his men to albany or 
further — 

Sep tr . 8 th . Day in the morning as we Laid Before Moreial 9 y e . 
frensh Sent a fladg of Truse to Genral amhost — That theay 
would Capetelate and gave op all the Contry to ous agreed opon 
and the graniders Marched in Montereial this Day and placed 
Centrys Round the Cetty — 

Sep ,r . 26 th . Set of from Moreiale for oswego Lodged this night 
at Cachnewago 
the 27 Remaned Still at Cachewago for the Bad weather — 

the 28 Set of this night laid at y e . Seders 10 

— Sunday — the 29 Set of in y e . morning and this night laid 
nere ochquesasne 1 x on an ELyland 

the 30 Reaned and Stayed at ochquasasne 

the 1 of October Set of from ochquasasne & layed at Tarunque 

the 2 Set of & layed at Eneraghquandarase 

the 3 Set of in y e . morning and laid at Swegatia where I found 
Most of all the Indian houses Destryed, and theay where Still 
Cotting and Dustrying the houses for fire woud Lute Erwill com- 
manded there he Said would hinder them as he had had the 
Command only yesterday he Said that Lu f . Rede of the Roy 1 . 
Hielanders had had Command there Before Him — 

I Spoke to the Commanding offeser and thould Him that it 
might Be a thing of Bad Conseq ce . and Said thougt would be 
of more than Theay Could answer for he Said he would hinder 
it now I wrote this to Co 11 . Schuyler 12 — 

after I had wrote it to Co 11 . Schuyler I thought Best to go my 
Self & Did go Back from Swegatia to fort wi m . agustus to let 
Co 11 . Schuyler now the huts was almost Destryed and would all 
Be Destryed if there was no other orders given to them he 
thould me y f . Genrall Amhust new it: further I thould him that 



9 Montreal. 

10 The Cedars, a well-known landmark on the St. Lawrence. 

11 Aughquisasne, St. Regis, site of a mission. 

12 Col. Peter Schuyler of the New Jersey regiment. 



1 72 Sir William Johnson Papers 

the frch men was in the Indian Huts and that the Indians Belong- 
ing to Swegatia would Be here this Day or tomoro at furthest and 
would have no Houses to go in when theay Came here he then 
thould me that he would See and get them out of the Indian huts 

this is the 4 of this Instent this Day at none Set of from Swegatia 
and layed this night about 1 mile above Swegatia 

the 5 in the 
the 5 in the Morning Set of and Had a feare winde and Sealed 
with a fare winde ontil none and layed about 40 miles from 
Swegatia — 

the 6 in Morning Set of and over took M r . Gilland the Sutler 
and a wile after over took Carechiago an Indian and this night 
laid nere Caiahago 

the 7 the wind Bluw and Was forsed to Stay ontil none and 
then Set of and went all night And at Breack a Day Came to 
oswego 

the 8 Stayed at oswego 

the 9 Set of from oswego and Layed half way the fales [falls] 

the 1 Came to the fales — 

the 1 1 Stayed at the fales 

the 1 2 Still Stayed at the fales 

the 13 Still wated at the fales for the provision Batows 

Stayed at the fales ontil the 16 and then Set of with the 
provision Batowe this night Laid above the 3 Revers 

and the 1 7 Set of and at none Came to the oneida Lake and 
onloded the Batows in the Vessel and Laid on Bourd with all 
the goods the was no winde 

the 1 8 in the Morning the wind Bluwe Right a head and about 
one a Clock the winde turned and Came fare and got over Just 
at Dusk at the Est End of the lake — 

this night laid on Bord of the Vessel 

the 19 Set of and laid this night in woud Creek 

the 20 Came to Fort Stanwix 

the 21 Early in the Morning I got the goods Read over and 
laid this night Nere fort Schuyler 



The Niagara Campaign 1759 173 

the 22 Set of Before Day light this night laid at Caneiore at 
M r . Temenerman 13 

the 23 Set of [and] Just at Day Break and the Same Day 
Came home 



13 Probably Conrad Timmerman. 



LIST OF INDIANS 
D} 

[October 1760] 

The following is a List of the Indians w ch . proceeded w th . 
S r . W m . to Montreal 

Mohawks. 
Turtle 
Christian Name. Indian Name. 

1 . Johannes Sozihowane 

2. Peter, french Taquayanont 

3. Cornelius little Tyoragara 

4. Zacharias Tehanoghsonkoghtha 

5. Aria Karonghiazigoa 

6. Thomas Nokareghso 

7. Aron Tesonaronny 

8. Adam Tecanaghquaghse 

9. Moses Teyeyaghse 

10. Aron Canodadiro 

11. Seth 

12. Hendrick Keandaraher 

13. half Kings Son Tsiuaye 

14. Jacob Anoghreande 

1 5. half Kings young Son S5se 

1 In New York Historical Society. Bound with Fonda Journal, but 
in the hand of Daniel Claus. A similar list with some variations — not 
including the Schoharies, and lacking clan designation and Christian names 
— was printed in Johnson Papers, 10:1 80-85. 



1 74 Sir William Johnson Papers 

Bear 

1 . Johannes Canadagaye 

2. Lawrence Sanagaris 

3. Thomas Takaroris 

4. Gidion Canoghsaronwe 

5. Thom s . Canad s . Son Onihaweghte 

6. Joseph D° C 

7. Peter Gidions Neph w 

8. Cap n . Dick Teyonquario 

9. Johannes big Anughsagandiake 

1 0. Gidion his Neph w Thighresa 

1 1 . Thomas Canaghsadirho 

12. Nickus Canadiorha 

13. Aquarant Taondariako 

14. Moses Sakoyenderese 

1 5. Nick s T'kahonwaghse 

16. Isaac Anoghsokte 

Wolf 

1 . Abraham Teyorheasere 

2. Dow Canadohare 

3. Lawrence Aquilaighse 

4. David Tehanerowanshaddy 

5. Johannes Raheyos 

6. Joseph Canadaighse 

7. Peterus one Arm Ondaraghniro 

8. Peter Tekayendanhare 

9 Kaghwanho 

10. Jacob Sozih e . Son Nadohonagaraa 

1 1 . David little hend s . Son Yonowandannio 

12. Abraham :w:ha:S: Soghradisse 

13. John Sokodyoughquisax 

1 4. Jaque Tehanoyoughqua 

1 5. Seth Tehodinayea 

Ury houses Son 
46 in all. — 



The Niagara Campaign 1759 175 

Canajohares 

1 . Paulus Oneahario 

2. Hance big Tekarihogo 

3. Nickus Owadoqueani 

4. Isaac Thayayake 

5. Joseph Teyoghsaghrogo 

6. Johannes 

7. Arent Kanundaghkirha 

8. Moses Tehonaghrio 

Bear 

1 . Jacob Onhaghtoro 

2. Thomas Askodax 

3. Henerick Sanoughsise 

4. Johannes Tehanoghrakhas 

5. Abraham Soheandese 

6. Paulus Tekaghnawadeghko 

7. Peter Takeghsaado 

8. David [his] Tehaneyorea 

9. Thomas Tehowakaghneraddy 

Wolf 

Moses lv i , 

A.i >Rarondodea 

Athanasius \ 

Antony Sorihowane 

Rath Karughiyonko 

Moses Sotkanaghty 

Hendrick Sarahowane 

David Karaghkundy 

Sander Kaghniyokandas 

Joseph Tayendanega 2 

Nickus 

Johannes Tayotsyaronsere 

Lot Tyorhadaghrio 

Moses Othaharaqueaa 

30. in all. — 

2 Joseph Brant. 



1 76 Sir William Johnson Papers 

The Belts Family 

6. in all 

Jacob's Party 

1. Jacob wide m lh Sakoderiughtha 

2. Joseph Tiyonquaroony 

3. Han Ury Kanondwandageara 

4. Hanes Niquattiha 

5. Antony Orughiyagareghre 

6. John Oghwistadere 

7. Hanyost Kaghniza 

8. Han Ury Tewahowagarahe 

9. Cornelius Kaghnearase 

10. Jaque Kanoni 

1 1 . Cornelius Wadoriadeghdo 

Peter Tyorhadaghrio 

Hendrick his-Son Oghsidago 

Oneidas 

1 . Pierre Kowehe 

2. Joseph Canaghsadirho 

3. John Tekahoweasere 

4. John Baptist Seskyeghte Seghsenowak 

5. Hanjost Thaosaquattho 

6. Hanes Teyoneghserise 

7 Skandiyughquatte 

8. Adam Akoyote Son Onderohokte 

Canaghsoragey 

1. x T ., ( Karonghiyage 
No other name \ & J G 

2. / 1 akatsyor 

Tuscaroro 

1 . Lot Onoghsaweghte 

2. John Otsineghtara 

3. Adam Onowarandio 

4. Walter or Wowder Cayenquaradennyo 

5. Nickas Taroughiyoghtha 

6. Jacob Atkaniyatha 



The Niagara Campaign 1759 177 

Aughquago 

1 . Thomas King Teyakodereghsere 

2. Hance Ury Kanakaraher 

3. David Taquayanont 

4 Taraghgores 

5. Elisa Gun 

Schoharees 

1. Seth Tetsiniyaghko 

2. David Otkoghraro 

3. Jacob Otsdoghrodo 

4. Lawrence Onoghrageghte 

5. Joseph T'hrewaghty 

6. Joseph Kaneiya 

7. Hance Ury Sawanagarady 

8. Nicolas [Sakor] Seskiye 

9. William Tehodoghwenziokoghto 

River Indians 

1 . Cap*. Jacobs Tsiksakan 

2. Jeremy Maguawopogh 

3. Francis Caghkenaont 

4. John Monamauckh 

5. William Mughaghkehandy 

6. Jack Madogh'k 

7. George Koose, Cap 1 . Mc Guire 

8. John Aneweemot 

9. Benjamen Oscaawachkamen 

10. Philip Mahoos 

1 1 . Cornelius Tankalkel 

12. Hendrick Naghkawimet 

13. Abraham Eaidone 

14. Jacob Knamhikan 

15. John Wosanegk 

16. John Songooss 

17. 



1 78 Sir William Johnson Papers 

Onondagos 

1 . Bunt Rotsinughyatha 

2. Abraham Tekakedorea 

3 Oghwenziowane 

4 A-Aghrogo 

5. George Niyadaziwak 

6. Johny Karistowano 

7. Buttermilk Kayoskodo 

8 Kanahokeayat 

9 Tekahowaghsa 

10 Keckhoa 

11 Kanatsyahoha 

12 Kindarundye 

13 Tsyotquaghty 

14 Koskhaho 

15 Tharighwandos 

16. John Kaneya-a 

17 Teyohaquande 

18 Tek'yaneda 

19 Thoghniyadokea 

20 Tekawisoko 

21 Kaneahake 



FROM RICHARD SHUCKBURGH 
Copy 1 

New York, March 23 J 76/. 

I have had it in my head to address the Gen', in a Memorial 
to re'stablish me as y r . Secretary as My Lord Loudon admited 
Cap 1 . Wraxall (Independent of his Warrant for Secretary of 
Ind n . Affairs) to that office. Capt. Gates thinks I should succeed, 



1 In notes of C. H. Mcllwain. Original destroyed by fire. Johnson 
Calendar, p. 112, mentions that it also dealt with "letters, printing of 
prayerbooks in the Indian tongue, stamped paper, . . . English criticism of 
retention of so many troops in Canada, and Indian trade." 



The Niagara Campaign 1759 179 

but more especially if you would mention it to Gen 1 . Amherst with 
the manner & reason f m . whence L. Loudon was induc'd to make 
that Gentleman your Secretary extraordinary. Mr. Marsh I 
believe may not think it worth his while, for the Pittance he is 
to receive by his Warrant, to act as Secretary of Ind n . Affairs 
without the Clerkship of Albany with its perquisites &c. 



RECEIPT OF DAVID SCHUYLER JR. 

Copy 1 

Received Schonectady 6 th . October 1761 of Jn°. Glen A.D. 
Q M G. the sum of ninety Seven pounds Ten Shillings Currency 
Being in full for one Trip done to Fort Stanwix by fifteen men 
and one Trip done To the Little Falls by Seventeen man. 
£97.10 

his 
David + Schuyler jn. 
mark 



1 In Oneida Historical Society, Utica. The original was destroyed by 
fire. 



FROM RICHARD SHUCKBURGH 
Copy 1 

Fort Johnson Dec. 22, 1761 . 

In regard to my last Request to you I beg leave to add as you 
may with more propriety in y r . Detail to the Gen 1 , of the Requisi- 
tions necessary to carry on the Ind n . Affairs. That as you had 



1 Extract in notes of C. H. Mcllwain. After the verbatim extract 
the notes continue that, "Col. Amherst he says told him he could not hold 
both offices & should dispose of his Commission." Johnson Calendar, 
p. 122, says it was addressed to Sir William at Kingsburgh and also dealt 
with "his illness." 



180 Sir William Johnson Papers 

an Extraordinary Clerk, viz. Cap'. Wraxall who attended you 
on all y r . Excursions at 10 s /p r . Diem, if you would admit me 
at 5 s / especially as the Secretary of Ind n . Affairs, is so uncer- 
tain in his health & may be supposed as clerk of the County of 
Albany not be oblig'd to go from his Residence but only to 
Register the Conferences &c in the Archives of Albany. 



JOURNAL OF WARREN JOHNSON 

A.D. 1 

[June 29J 760 -July 3 J 761] 
Clocester Street Queens Square N°.9 

Sunday the 29 th . of June 1 760 I sailed for Pargate, on board 
the Race horse Capt n . Norman, & arrived the 30 th . at 1 1 th . at 
Night, & went to Harrigate Spaw in Yorkshire, Where I stay'd 
about a fortnight with Captain Tyrrell. 2 

The waters in that spaw, tho: Extreamly disagreable in taste, 
are very medicinal in Scorbutic Cases, & had a fine & salutary 
Effect upon me. 

The 20 th . of July I sett out from London for Lady Warrens 
in Hants ; And sailed the 23 d . from Cowes, on board the Resolu- 
tion Capt n . Norman, for Philadelphia. 

August the 1 th . we lost Mizen-top mast, & sprung a Lake the 
12 th ., which daily Encreased, particularly the three Days before 
we made the Land. 

September the 5 th . we were very near being ruined by whirl- 
winds, & water spouts, we went as far southward D:26: M:37: 
And there we were within 500 Miles of Barbadoes ; the weather 
in that Latitude was soe Excessively warm, that I could bear noe 
Cloaths night or Day for 5 weeks; Notwithstanding the Cabin- 
windows were kept open every Night: We then got up Delaware 
River as far as Chester, & landed there the 9 th . of September, it 
is but sixteen Miles from Philadelphia. — 



1 In New York State Library. 

2 Richard Tyrrell, a cousin of Warren and Sir William. 



Warren Johnsons Journal 1 760-1 761 181 

The 10 th . of September we arrived in Philadelphia, where 
there are prodigious Alterations Since the year 1 746 as they 
generally build 100 new houses yearly they are made of Brick 
& wooden Shingles: the Town is finely laid out, the Streets 
spacious, but very miry, even in summer, having very litle Pave- 
ment, but where they walk, which is paved with Brick. 

There are in that Town three Churches, besides other places 
of worship. An Admirably fine Market Place, And great 
Quantities of Provisions of all sorts ; Beef sold at 3 d . J/4 English 
^ Lb. and all other provisions mostly in proportion; their 
Markets are held on Wednesdays & Saturdays, they have there 
likewise plenty of Fruit, & Roots of all kinds, Indian Corn per 
Bushel from 2 s . to 3 s . Philad 3 . Currency, & wheat from 4 s . to 5 s . 
<p Bushel Since the commencement of this war: they have a 
very fine assembly house and most of their Members Quakers; 
they have a speaker & 36 of the Members sit in Night Caps; & 
arm-Chairs. — There is a Battery of about 32 Gunns from 12 
to 32 pounders but much impaired, nay almost rotten by Time; 
They have a Barracks for about 2000 men, And but a very bad 
Hospital & poor house, for the country provides for their own 
poor. &c. their Bedlam is in the Hospital; there the ships come 
up to the Merchants Doors, who have made considerable Fortunes 
by Tradeing to the west Indies: but now that Trade is much 
embarrassed; the English Men of war having Seized their Ships 
there. They have Pumps in the Streets & Excellent fine water, 
They sew their wheat in the Latter End of August, & make it 
up in July, they sow their Indian Corn in Spring & make it up in 
the Midle of October; their Oats they sow in Spring & their 
Oats & hay are Ripe at the same time. They put Catle on their 
wheat. Their crops are very bad, in comparison of our, & odly 
sowed, as the Land is very indifferent being light & sandy, neither 
is the country yet much cleared. The weather is [much hotter] 
as hot in summer, & even in the Latter End of septem 1 ". ; here, 
[f/ian] as in Jamaica their Summer Seasons are very wett, which 
Occasions fevers & agues to a great Degree, few families Es- 
caping them, Except the Negroes, who are not subject to them, 



182 Sir William Johnson Papers 

yet them disorders have not been generally soe brief as this year. 

They have a regular Post twice a week ; all their Horses are — 
almost Pad/' size being about 14 hands high, their Roads bad 
& sandy; they drink lavishly of weak Punch, at 12 O Clock 
which is very requisite. Flies & Musketoes are troublesome 
beyond Naming; the common flie, worse than the horse fly with 
us, and continues to the End of November. Their Provisions of 
meat by noe means as [good] as our. 

More Ships come to this City of Philadelphia than any Part 
of America for ab f . 1800 sail in, & out here yearly. It is sur- 
prizing how Tradesmen get soe much Money here, as they are 
vastly more careless than the Irish — 

The weather is here soe variable that one Day the Heat is 
almost intolerable, & next Day the People can hardly bear 
leaving the fire, tis soe Excessive Cold ; Madeira wine is not soe 
good here, as at N:york, and is sold at 3 s .-6 d . q~> . or 40 £ 
English <p Pipe, & Claret is sold at 4 s . <$9 Botle, the Cyder of 
this Province is pretty good, but their small beer bad, & sold at 
4 d . ]/4 ^ quart. Rum 3 s . - 6 d . - English q^ Gallon. They have 
three Crops of Hay here of a season, but very bad on some 
Marshes. They generally Lime their Chief sowing, their Cows, 
sheep, & swine are small; their buckwheat is sowed in Winter 
for their Poultry, & for hot Cakes, which they use at Break fast. 
There are here two or three Coaches, many chairs, & 2 Sedans 
only: The N: W: Gusts cool the air, the Lands here are low, & 
wett, there are Numbers of Creeks which usually overflow with 
two or three hour's Rain. Cyder in the Jerseys this year is 
generally sold at about 14s. - 6 d . <p English Barrell, Bristol 
Beer at I s . - 3 d . En: ^ Botle. Septem r . the 15 th . Such violent 
Heat that there was noe going out, & the 16 th . every mortal Sit- 
ting over fires Shivering with Cold, & burning Oak, Hickery, 
with every other Combustible. 

Wood is here very dear, the Chord of Oak, being 4 feet, long, 
& 3 high, is sold at 1 £-10 s . English and Hickery at 1 £-14 s .-6 d . 



3 Pad. An easy-paced horse. 



Warren Johnsons Journal 1760-1761 183 

A good Pad is sold here at 20 £ English, they [have] but few 
trotting horses, and more valued than Pads. The Inhabitants of 
this Province bury their Dead in the open fields, making a fence 
of wood round the Place. They Strip the Indian Corn, about 
the Midle of Septem r . that it may dry the better, the Leaves of 
which when dryed are good feeding for the Catle in Winter, 
their buck wheat is ripe in October, which is commonly between 
ten & fifteen Bushels <P acre, and is sold at l s .-6 d . English q|3 : 
& Oats the same. Their Cows dont give much Milk which is 
oweing to the poor Soil that grows in a weak shamrougue. They 
make wood, & in some places hedge fences, for which there is 
a small premium, as it preserves Timber : of which the dread the 
Scarcity. Coals for forges are made here of burn't Wood. Hay 
is sold here at 2£ Ster 1 : <$ Ton. The River Delaware runs 
for Small Sloops or larger Burthen vesels, noe higher than Trent- 
Town 4 30 Miles from Philadelphia, as there are Rocks, & shoals 
there, but Boats may goe a good way higher. — 

September the 18 th . I Set out for Nryork the Roads were deep, 
red & sandy with many ferrys & Creeks hardly fordable: Our 
Horses Sometime Swim ; very wet weather & Rains much Heavier 
than in Europe; I was obliged to stop on the Road, on acc f . of 
high waters; the North East wind makes always bad & rainy 
weather; the North west good, but cold; the south wind makes it 
Hot: very litle of the Country, as One travels is cleared; the 
Inns much worse, & dearer, than in Europe, & one must call for 
more meat, & drink, particularly the Latter, tho: he don't use 
it. — 

Potatoes there not soe good, as in Europe, they have good 
Bread, wherein, they most use yeast for Barm. 5 as in Philadel- 
phia. They generally have 10 Bushels of wheat ^ Acre, 15 
of Indian Corn, & much the same of Oats: In the beginning of 
Septem r . their wheat is over ground, but in a very weak plant; 
and is sowed as Level, as our Oats, Notwithstanding the soil is 
very Wett. — 



4 Trenton, N. J. 

5 I. e., for fermentation. 



184 Sir William Johnson Papers 

The Tobacco plant grows in a broad Leaf 4 feet high, & ripens 
in October. They plow the Ground very light, and in broad 
Ridges with Three Horses a breast, & noe plow boy, but a 
Negroe, Generally holds the Plow. 

I hired horses at 5 £ - 1 s . for New York. They have mostly 
wooden Houses from Philadelphia to N :york, their sheep are 
small, their Cows & Horses, &:C: are pretty good, & have Bells 
about their Necks that they may be easily found in the woods. 

The Roads in the Jerseys are Extreamly bad, & in Staten 
Island soe much wind & Rain that it is very difficult travelling. 

Septem r . the 20 th . I arrived at the Ferry 10 Miles from york, 
which, it blew soe fresh, I could not cross. I put up at Major 
Duglas's bad House & very Dear, where, What may be called 
bad Hay for a Horse <p Night is One Shilling & three pence 
English, One is, here Charged for his Own & Servant's, Lodging, 
tho he has horses; & a travelling Days Expences here is at least 
7 s .-6 d . & in England but 2-6 for a Servant. 

September the 21 st . I arrived at New york, at Night, & next 
day, dined at M r . Kelly's where I drank 3 Botles of bad dutch 
Claret, & afterwards supped at a Tavern, with fresh Company, 
& drank Madeira, which Occasioned a Violent fever, again the 
next Day. in the Morning of the Saturday following, I had 1 6 or 
1 8 ounces of Blood taken from me, and took a puke in two Hours 
after, & drank [26] 23 quarts of water, which by operating 
downwards gave me 16 Motions. And that Night — alsoe I 
required to be blooded : In short I had a violent fit of it, & had 2 
Doctors & a Nurse, attending me. — 

October the 22 d . at Night, I went on board an albany Sloop 
and was soe very weak that I could hardly get to the Vessel, the 
25 th . in the Morning, I arrived at Albany; Where there is a fine 
River, And but a Nasty dirty Town, whose Inhabitants [made] 
a vast Deal of Mony [money] this War. there I found myself 
weak, & not rid of my Sickness — October the 28 th . arrived at 
my Brothers. — 

New York is much about the Same Largeness with Philadel- 
phia, but not soe regularly laid Out, for the Streets are paved, 



Warren Johnsons Journal 1760-1761 185 

& Narrow, the Houses made of Brick, & Shingled. Some Odd 
old Dutch Houses, the People mostly Dutch, & have something 
Odd about them, their Jail, & College are their best Buildings. 
They [do] great Trading here; There has been a kind of 
Smugling from this Place to the French, which is Stopped : The 
Lands about the Town, (and th[at I seen] em I saw as I rode 
about the Country for ten Days) are very bad & not Cleared, 
their Meat here is bad, they have no market Place as in Phila- 
delphia, they have Every thing very Dear, they dine mostly at 
1 of the Clock & drink very hard, the Weather is not quite as hot 
here as at Philadelphia, tho: it is very hot for some Days in 
October, and very Sickly, Almost half the People of the Town & 
Country Sick of Fevers and great Numbers die. Of a Saturday 
500 Chairs & Curricles goe out to drink Tea or Dine., Their 
Horses, and Pads mostly as at Philadelphia, but not near soe 
good Soil nor Meat; Maderia 5 s . ^ Botle; Rum: 6 s . Claret 5 s . 
Currency & — 

My whole body, legs & hands broke out 3 Times in a Violent 
Rash, & peeled, [m.p Urine was — ] & had Pains like the 
Rheumatism, Nothing would Stay on my Stomach for 14 Days, 
Neither could I eat or Sleep but when I took things to make me. 
Schenecktedy is a litle dirty Village 1 6 Miles from my Brothers, 
& has 3 Company 55 , quartered in it. I took two Days traveling 
in A Curricle from Albany to fort Johnson, the Roads being but 
very Indifferent; The 8 th . of Novem r . the Weather very fine, 
& really warm; I eat Suppan G & rode out every Day which did 
me vast Service — 

More Custom at fort Johnson than any Inn in England from 
the Number of Regular & Provincial officers passing by every 
Day, as the River Mohawk is within 40 yards of the Door, the 
Provincial Troops are soe Sickly, particularly the New England 
Ones, that the bury 40 of a Day, chiefly oweing to their dirtiness 
which gives them fevers & fluxes, they throw them on the Beech, 
as they die, & some they bury Just by the House, and Scarcely 

6 Indian dish of corn and beans. 



186 Sir H^illiam Johnson Papers 

below the Surface — They Sail in Battoes. the People here 
are Subject to violent Colds, attended with fevers; There are 
here vast Numbers of Indians, who are troublesome beyond 
thought to my brother; they often kill one another in drunken 
fits, there is noe Law to punish them, but some of the Deceas'd's 
friends, very often, nay, almost always kills the Killer at an 
other drunken Bout: The Indian Skwas pick the Lice of one 
another & eat them; Every thing very Scar[c]e, and very dear 
here, wild fowl very Scarce, there is a kind of Pheasant & wood- 
Cock — Which is not much Larger than A snipe with us, there 
are few Ducks, and Some wild Turkeys & Deer to be had in 
Winter, they are obliged to pin up their Sheep, for fear of the 
Wolves. New york Currency in October 1 65 £ — for 1 00 £ 
English : in September 1 60 £ for 1 00 £ ; Their Horses run in 
the Woods all Winter, their Cows are but small Every Family 
kills two or three Cows, & generally as many Hogs for Winter's 
Provision; A Carpenter has here 8 s . ^9 Day with Meat & 
Drink, & Common Men 4 s . Current; They sow wheat in spring, 
which Ripens at the Same Time with the other wheat — They 
take very litle pains, & Scarcely know any thing about Gardening 
in America. My Brother gives 30 £ a year meat & Drink to One. 
Madeira at N.york is 80 £ ^ pipe Currency: That of the 
Best some years agoe was Sold at 30 £ : News Papers are 
printed Once a week at N:york & Philadelphia; Noe plenty of 
Fish at Either Place. There are between 30 & 40 Coaches at 
York: Indians feast greatly upon Dogs; both white People & 
Indians Eat bears' Flesh. A Sett of Indifferent Shoes for an 
Horse Shall cost 6 s . English, Iron <P Cw*. is 40 s . Currency. 
Brandy was 4 Guineas a Botle at, Montreal before it was taken. 
The Galletegage Indians 7 goe out a hunting in the Latter End 
of October, & very often bring their whole Families with them, 
& stay out till Christmas. 

9 th . of Novem r . the Weather Changed to frost, & snow, & 
Rain, which affects me very much, by giving me Pains in my 



Iroquois at La Gallette, near Oswegatchie on St. Lawrence River. 



Warren Johnsons Journal 1760-1 761 187 

Bones & headaches: my Apothecary's Bill while at N:york, 
amounted to 10£-13 s .-6 d . — 

There are Shoals of wild Pidgeons here, which are not Shot 
flying: Fort Hunter the Chief Indian Castle is within two Miles 
of Fort Johnson ; The Indians are very Sickly : The Wood Cocks 
leave this Country the Latter End of October; & where they goe 
to noe One knows: the Water is bad at New york, officers 
Carried Napsacks in Abercrombies Time — About half a Salt 
of our's at Montreal before taken 1 20 of our men were drowned 
at a Water fall going to Montreal, where the french Indians, 
if we had not got them to be Neuter, might have given us a great 
Check: The Enemy knowing my Brother's Boat, fired at it in 
particular from a Fort going up to Montreal, The Indians will 
not, if they can, fight one another., & take Special Care of the 
white People who goe out with them, if sick. The Duch are an 
odd & very bad Sort of People, & there is noe Confidence to 
be put in them. The Mohawk River was soe frozen The 16 of 
Novem r . that One might walk over it at Schenectedy: New 
England People & others Eat pork & other Meat raw particularly 
if frost-bitten; if travelling they give their Horses 2 quarts of 
Oats for a feed, & water at any Time, & Tye them to a stake for 
many hours when the weather is hot: There are fine Hickery 
Nuts, Butter Nuts, a kind of Wallnuts, Small Chesnuts in 
abundance, & Peaches & apples very plentifully As One travels 
along the Roads. Land Sells here for ever at 20 s . «P Acre, if 
any way good, the midling kind of Land at 10 s . <JQ Acre. 

There Oysters are not Salt, their Hare like the Rabbet; 25 
Novem r . tha[n]k God, pretty well recovered, & Strong [tho 
my Urine is still foul] New England Rum (which is very bad,) 
is 8 s . currency <P Gallon, at Fort Hunter, it & all other Kinds 
of Liquor were very dear last summer in our Camp, they Use 
Leaf Tobacco instead of Roll, their Horses seldom Littered & 
badly fed: Otter's Skins very good Furr for Muffs, Some of the 
Indians are now marryed by our Clergy, & Numbers willing to 
become Christians. Albany River generally frozen in Novem r . 
the Indian Women cutt all their fireing both at home, & when 



188 Sir William Johnson Papers 

a hunting, the french have been better setled about Montreal than 
we are in any of our Provinces, all European goods Extreamly 
dear when the place was taken, having noe supplies from home 
for Some years. Vast Rewards offered by M. Veaudriuel s for 
the thorn in their Sides; Sir W m . thought twice he had got his 
Scalp, & paid Rewards for it. Sir William prevented Several 
Nations of french Indians from fighting against us & run very 
great Dangers between his own House & Albany, being fired 
at several Times. At New york Milk is 6 Currency per Quart. 
Butter very Dear & bad: Negroes not marryed but their Masters; 
An Indian makes 40 £ & upwards yearly by hunting Winter, 
Spring, & Fall. The Indian Women make up their Corn & there 
is 8 s .-6 d . Currency for making A Shirt, there are white Hares 
above fort Hunter & at this Place there are 100 Indians; the 
wheat Sewed in Spring, is not Sae good as if in Winter Oats 
sowed as late as the Midle of May; Noe High Winds in the 
Mowhawk's Country until December; Tymothy-Grass Seed 
sowed on very boggy wet ground, three quarts of clear Seed to 
an Acre will dry the Ground in 3 years Time. If an Indian tells 
another, he will kill him, the other Submitts & holds down his 
head, & even will Stay there, tho his Enemy Should [go] A 
Mile for an Axe, or other Weapon to doe it. If one of them in a 
boasting Way says he is a great Man, Another comes & Con- 
tradicts him, & tells him he is Nothing, but that he is the great 
Man, & tell him his Exploits, whereupon he looks foolish & Sub- 
mitts: General Gage & all the officers. Almost reckon 300 In- 
dians above a Match for 1000 Regulars, in the Woods, they are 
very great Walkers, bear Fatigue, & quick sighted. Sir W m . 
Johnson brought about a Neutrality with thirteen Nations of 
French Indians, which proved of the utmost Consequence to us, 
As they might, if Joined with the french, have Stoped our Army 
at the great fall or Strong Rifts near Montreal. Indians are not 
near soe much affraid of fighting against white people as against 
Indians: the Cheroquee In Carolina consist of 4000 Men, In the 



s Pierre Francois Rigaud, Marquis de Vaudreuil. 



Warren Johnsons Journal 1760-176/ 189 

Creeks 9 are Sadie Horses Seldom rid from Novem r . till April 
but during that Time are generally turned Out — Pidgeons are 
soe plenty there is noe driving them of a small piece of Ground of 
6 Acres, with many Gunns tho Numbers of them be killed. The 
Sheep in the west Indies Small & hairy, the Indians goe in 
Mourning for their Relations, the white people condole with 
them, by clearing their throats to make them Speak, they wipe 
away the Tears from their Eyes, & the Blood of the Deceased 
from their Bed. & out of their Sight, that their Hearts may be 
chearful: this is done by giving them Strings of Wampum, & 
black Strouds, & by covering the Grave of the Deceased that 
they may mournn noe more over, it. Indian Warriors unac- 
quainted with managing affairs, Sachems doe all & seldom goe 
out to fight, the Indians drink Rum greatly, & have an Ox 
roasted at a Time & dance all Night: All the Gent: here kill 
Bullocks for their Own Table: the Indians thank you very much 
for condoling with them, And don't fight or make their ap- 
pearance at any Meeting until you doe. Sir Will m . was the first 
Proposer of the Niagara Expedition to gen 1 : Amherst at Ticon- 
deroga, 'the Highlanders by Mistake gave Our Indians two full 
fires which killed Numbers :'the Indians have noe Notion of a 
Prisoner's fighting Against them A Second Time, tho: Ex- 
changed, When they take Prisonners in their Own quarrells they 
keep them for ever, & never Exchange them, even after the Con- 
clusion of a Peace, and are mightily displeased with us for Ex- 
changing Prisonners^ Indians dont care to goe in Sloops, or larger 
Vessels, as they think it would make them Stomack Sick ; the Mo- 
hawk Indians, are related to, & have great influence over the 
f rench Indians : the Indians are not very Easy, & still Suspect that 
we Intend to cutt them all of & destroy them: Numbers of Indians 
Encamped with us last Campaign at Oswegoe 1358 worn 11 . & 
Child", included. 585 Warriors went against Montreal of Differ- 
ent Nations; Sir William and the Indians were in a Dangerous 
Situation at Montreal the Night before, the Capitulation, if 
the french w d . have fought. — 



9 Bottom lands. 



190 Sir William Johnson Papers 

The Indians were greatly disgusted at not being admitted into 
fort Levi on Isle Royal after the Surrender; Some however got 
in, & seen the Grenadiers, who took possession of it, plundering, 
& pillageing, & themselves, not allowed; but Such as got in, 
ordered out by the General, they were universally dissatisfied, & 
many returned home upon that Acc f . there were some plundered 
Goods given to them but in all not worth 30 £, nor had they 
Liberty to See the prisonners, Sir Will" 1 , had a great Deal of 
Trouble to Satisfie them; Deputations came there to Sir W m . 
from 8 french Indian Nations, who were afterwards Neuter, 
which in a great Measure ruined the French. 

The French Indians are prodigiously attached to their Priests 
& religion. The french in Canada never ride, but goe all in 
Chairs. Sir William, & the Indians at Isle perault opposite the 
Island of Montreal, took 300 Prisonners, & got a Considerable 
Deal of Plunder. The Duch keep the New year always for 6 
Days as holy Days, And ride in their Slays to one another's 
Houses, they dance and lie all together let there be ever soe 
many men & Women, before the fire; the Men must have on 
their Breeches, & women their Petty Coats. At Caghnawaga, 
a large french Setlement & Fort, near Montreal, 500 french 
Indians, but Neuter by Sir Williams good Management, were 
assembled on the Shore Side, as our Army rowed up the River 
S f . Lawrence, to Montreal, &, behaved very well. 

We rested on our Arms the Night before the Surrender of 
Montreal; there were Neither Tents nor Provisions, particularly 
with the Indians. & it rained very hard. A Carrying place is where 
One is Obliged to put ashore, & goe by Land to the next Naviga- 
ble River; The Indians very often carry their Canoes on their 
Backs over it, particularly if made of Birch, almost all Indians 
have Sleas; they are generally crooked ham'd with black Eyes, 
& hair, — few, red, & of a Large Size, very decent at a funeral, 
whereof I was Eyewitness, they are Accustomed to keep in their 
Toes to avoid Stump's in the woods, they bury in the fields after 
which they drink merrily; if a Child is got by a white person 
its Hair is never black but brownish &c. — If an Indian of 



W arren Johnsons Journal 1760-/76/ 191 

Honour promises you even his Wife in Drink, he will certainly 
Agree to it after. — 

When the Indians lose a man in Action, & chance to take an 
Enemy prisonner, he belongs to the family of the Deceased, 
who take great Care of him, & look on him in the Same light as 
on the Person lost, & even leave him the same fortune. Indians 
greatly reverence their forefathers, whom they look upon to have 
been the wisest of Men, & are themselves obliged to Such persons 
as keep up to their Laws, Ceremonies, & Customs; the Indian 
War Song is like the Irish Cry &.c — 

Indians keep their Corn, over their fires, or on Lofts, & they 
have some Cocks & Dogs without Tails; there is among them 
Some, Wood called the Bush; They put Lice on Broth to make 
it rich. 

One may see seven large trees grown from one Root the Lands 
are very hilly, & mostly Rich, tho: but litle clear from albany 
to Fort hendrick, or Lonajoharce 10 They have Trouts plenty, 
some Pike & few Salmon. Trouts are catched in great Quantities, 
in Winter, in a kind of Baskets, much like the Colliers, by 
cutting the Ice & setting the Basket ag st . The Stream, 20 at a 
Time, some a foot & a half long. Turkies are Pretty plenty, 
Some weigh 60 lb. but generally 30 lb. which are seldom seen 
till after New year, when the Farmers ride down their grain 
to Albany in Sleas which the Turkies pick in a hard Season. 
The Justices of Quorum, & Dutch of the Province of New york 
are out of the way, very mean People, I think the Indians pre- 
ferable to the latter, They all wear Check shirts, & some Ruffles 
of the Same & alsoe Indian Shoes Stockings, & Night Caps. — 

White Pease they have with A worm in them, which greatly 
destroys them, there are vast Quantities of Snakes whose Bites 
are mortal, if not immediately prevented by applying Salt or 
Oyle to the Part affected, Otherwise the Leg swells, which runs 
upwards, & the Person dies very Shortly: in Winter they goe 
into Rocks & Holes, & the Latter End of April come out weak 



10 Canajoharie. 



192 Sir William Johnson Papers 

& feeble. Most officers this War, wore Check Shirts in the 
Woods: The Indian Language is very Soft, being quite Guttural, 
Warraghigagey 11 signifies A man who undertakes great Things. 
Hats there [not] good [nor] but not well coloured — & are 
Sold at 1 £~15 s . English a piece, the Indian women have very 
great Influence over the Indians, soe that if the young Warriours 
are going to War they can almost hinder them, but when going all 
Sing the War song, & get a Charge from the Old Women, par- 
ticularly to behave well, & not to be a Discredit to themselves, 
or their forefathers. The Duch make great Use of Stoves, which 
keep the Room next to them, very warm, which is intirely dis- 
agreable to all Strangers & gives them an Head-ach. An Indian 
Cradle (which they mostly all use) is a flat Board with a Top 
over the Childs face, on which hangs a Curtain. & the Child 
bound round to keep it Straight; They have a belt fixed to the 
Cradle, which they put round them, & carry it in that Manner — 
Decem r . the 20 th . I Sett out from Fort Johnson, with Sir 
Will" 1 ., for Conajoharie, where we arrived that Night, but not 
without great Difficulty in crossing the Mohawk River — being 
full of Ice, the three Days following we were admitted to their 
Councils which were very Solemn & decent in form of an House 
of Lords & Commons. On the Second Day they unanimously gave 
Sir William a Gift of 100,000, Acres of Land or thereabouts, 
that is 16 by 10 Miles, & reckoned the very best in the Country 
opposite Fort Hendrick, & 36 Miles from Fort Johnson. I put 
up at an Indians house (Brants) at Conajoharie, & lay in my 
Cloaths on a straw Bed before the fire for 3 Nights. The 23 d . 
I arrived at Stonaraby, a very good German Settlement, & more 
clear Land, than any Part I have Seen in America, I mean from 
Philadelphia to that Place, 'tis 20 Miles from Conajaharie, & 
same Distance from Fort Johnson; lay in my Cloaths alsoe that 
Night on a Straw bed, (noe Sheets the four Nights) the Next 
Morning, breakfasted upon Sausages, fryed Bacon & Strong 
Punch; The 24 th . returned to Fort Johnson. Indian Women 
assist at Councils, the Speakers of both Houses only Speech 



n Sir William's Indian name. 



Warren Johnsons Journal 1760-176/ 193 

which they doe very decently. Such of the Dutch Clergy as I 
have seen, seem very odd People. — 

Four Quarts of Oats cp Day is reckoned good feeding for an 
Horse, for one Pint of Oats Extraordinary ^p Day founders 
the Horse, that is, it Stiffens their Joints, & requires a year, or 
two to recover them, & perhaps Never. Strawberries are every 
where One goes & they Say very good, There are Some Rasp- 
berries. Wheat sold the 26 th . of Decern 1 ", above Albany at about 
15 s . English %^ Barrell Oats 7 s . & Indian Corn at 10 s . English 
<p Do — Six Gallons of Sugar boiled, from Sugar Trees pro- 
duces two pounds of brown Sugar. At Philadelphia they have a 
fine flat fish called sheep's-head. The Dutch are very foul feeders, 
their Women very ordinary, & broke before 25 years of Age, 
the better Sort of both their Men & Women generally wear black 
& keep blacks as Servants, in America A good Negroe Slave 
is worth 70 £ English. Dutch and Indians carry knives, And 
are very Treacherous particularly, if Drunk, Dutch Ladies in 
the Country bring out their young Children Visiting & have 
them in their Laps at Table cursedly disagreable, & not over 
modest in speech. Alegini 1 " Mountains, near the River Ohio, 
the highest in all America, are reckoned 29 Miles higher than 13 
Philadelphia, & are Boggy on the Top, like our Mountains: low 
Swamps & marshy Grounds are vastly the Best, the Earth being 
generally rich & Black: the Hills are sandy, Large Timber grows 
on the Low Grounds: And good Land is Easily known by the 
Trees, tho: it be covered with Snow; there are Lead ore, & 
mines in them, the Low ground, tho: quite A swamp when the 
Trees are on, Yet when Cleared, dries wonderfully, by (as they 
Say) the Heat of the Sun without Draining, or any other Method. 
The Farmers are very bad & seldom Rent, but buy Land. The 
Creeks are a vast addition to the Land, as One has there both 
Saw & Grist-Mills. The Ground is generally covered with Snow 
from Novem r . to May: The Rivers break about April; the 
Winters are much Severer in Canada, but more moderate as the 



12 Allegheny. 

13 Distant from. 



194 Sir William Johnson Papers 

Country is Cleared. Noe riding on Horseback from Novem r . till 
May. 

Sleas are Excellent Machines for travelling on Snow, & cost 
1 5 £ English <P . The Indians are prodigiously reduced, Mohawk 
Castles, when Sir Will" 1 , came to America had 1400 Men now 
not 300. they were moderate untill we corrupted them, & now 
love Rum Excessively, & are very troublesome, when drunk, 
& mighty hard to be got Away: They petitioned, or rather 
begged of Sir William to allow them a Parson & Schoolmaster 
to Instruct them, which he has granted. 

The Tree, by which Sir Willm. Stood in the Action at Niagara 
had fourteen Balls Lodged in it. — 

New England is bad & Sandy light Soil, Philadelphia Jerseys 
& above Albany reckoned very Good, Philad a . produces much 
wheat. The Germans are preferable to the Dutch in every 
Respect. — 

At N.york 36 shillings English is 3£-3 s .-0 d ., a Guinea 1 £- 
16 s ., a Dollar 8 s . The Currency at Philadelphia is a litle better, 
for there the Dollar is 7 s .-6 d . The Indians paint their Bodies, 
legs, & head &C, And in Action have on, only a Lap, & Indian 
Shoes, & their Amunition Slung round them, with Balls in their 
Mouths which prevents their being thirsty. Several Indians, & 
Some white People blue their Faces, (in a kind of Ridges) & 
nick their Breasts, &:C: which is done by pricking the Skin with 
Pins, till the Blood comes, & then applying Gunpowder to it; 
which will remain for ever: 'tis a great Torture, however it makes 
them look desperate, & besides is A Considerable Addition to 
their Fury, — The Duch &:C: have here built large Barns, 
wherein they put their Hay & Corn, & have their Stables & 
places for their Cows in them; the Beer here is very bad, & 
Muddy, which the Duch don't regard; the Malt is generally 
of Barly, & Some of wheat, The Indians, in Action, dress a 
Red Feather in their Heads & Make a Terrible Noise with their 
Shouting & Screaming. They are Excellent at curing Disorders 
by herbs gathered in the woods, they cure the french Disease 14 



14 Venereal d 



enereal disease. 



Warren Johnsons Journal 1760-1761 195 

well, by herbs; they have got it, & other Disorders very much 
among them. When clearing Land, the Set fire to the Timber, & 
burn it to ashes, which they Scatter about on the ground; they 
make Charcoal of Wood; They never clear more Land than 
Serves for their Own Use 

of the whole country, which was formerly theirs they have now 
but a small Share, they Sold their Land for Rum, & Trifles, 
like Sailors, who, when they have mony, are never Easy till they 
get rid of it. December the 27 th . a party of them left Sir Williams 
House, with some mony he gave them, & went to a Tavern, (soe 
they call every litle house, which sells Rum) four Miles from 
Fort Johnson, where, a Bear & wild Turky was prepared for 
them; for which they at Once laid down ten Dollars, & paid for 
Rum besides, phaps twenty Dollars. Venison is not in season 
in Winter; the Hunters kill them for their Skins & Eat the Flesh. 

There is an Act past, (& a Reward of half a Crown,) against 
killing Pheasant: Duck & other wild fowl. Fowl are in Season 
in May; & they say there are some Moor Fowl. Some Families 
have spruce Beer, which is very wholesome, & of which the 
french made great use; the Trees are not easily found, as they 
doe not grow in Many Places. 

Sir William, has the Nameing of all officers, & has had the 
Albany Regim'. of Militia since the year 1 744 being then made 
privy Councellor; the Regim': consists of 5000 Men; 'tis a 
great Command, as they are subject to the military Laws, he 
marched with them Several Times this War. 

An Indian Letter or Message is A String of Wampum. It 
freezes there soe hard in One Night as to shut up the Rivers, on 
which One may walk next morning. The Mohawk River is 
300 yards broad, and is soe hard frozen in one Night, as people 
may walk over it; Decem r . the 28 th . it was soe cold as to freeze 
almost any thing even by the fire's side: The frost is soe intense, 
that if you walk in Leather Shoes & Gloves, you are frost bitten. 
Gent: drink Punch at Victuals at 12 o'clock in the Day even 
in Winter, & tho: always cold they would chuse in winter to 
have a hard frost & snow on the Ground, 'tis wholesomer; & 



196 Sir William Johnson Papers 

they can the more Easily ride down their Corn on they Ice to 
Albany, and bring their Fireing home. The Cat-fish is very good 
there, & weigheth about 70 Lb, only in the River Mohanangaely, 15 
near fort Pitt, which River runs to the Mohio. 'tis about 78 
years Since PhiladeK was built. The finest Land, & most Cleared 
in America is there abouts. Sir William had 70 men allowed 
him by the Governm*: this War in his Fort. 

if a married person here, be 3 years without hearing from his 
wife, or a woman from her husband, they are allowed by the 
Laws to marry again, the Person being supposed Dead. Indians 
chiefly live on boiled Indian Corn. One Gallon of Molosses., which 
is but 2 s . Ster., sufficient for a Barrell of Spruce Beer. The more 
to the North, the better the Furr; tis much better, & vastly plentier, 
in the Canada than in the Country of Albany. 

January the 3 d . bad disagreable Cold Weather, Rain, then 
a very hard frost & great Snow. 

A Duch Parlour has Always a bed in it. & the man & woman 
of the House Sleep in it. their Beds are good, for the Mind noe 
other Furniture. The Europeans, are hardier, & bear the Cold 
better than the Natives in America, Except the Indians. — the 
New England Men are lazy, & not Esteemed as good Soldiers, 
as the Men of the Other Provinces, nor soe good Farmers, & 
are as easily distinguishd. as the County Cavan Men in Ireland. 
Yorkers the best, being mostly Europeans. Officers wore noe 
Swords here during the whole War, in Action, but a kind of 
Bayonet, which was more handy in the Woods. Sir Will m . every 
winter has 4 Men, & 2 Horses employed for fireing. Viz 1 . 2 men 
for cutting & 2 to bring home the Wood; the Wood is Lynder, 
or a kind of Sycamore, or Mulbery tree. . 3 d . of January, [my 
Urine still foul] The Duch boil their meat, & then roast it, & 
use grease for sawce. In order to clear Land, they cut the Trees 
at the height of three feet from the Ground, & then they perish 
in One year; the Sugar — Wood in two years. — 

They put Horses in Stocks to Shoe them, which is very dan- 



15 Mononeahel 



Warren Johnson s Journal 1 760-1 761 197 

gerous. Indians mourn more, by goeing Naked than by wearing 
black, they often doe the former, they catch Horses with salt 
tho: ever soe wild, or young; the Horses will follow one like 
Dogs, after tasting it Twice. Roots of all Sorts will keep all 
Winter without being frozen in A Cellar. Days in summer, in 
Ireland are about 2 hours longer than here, & in Winter Two 
hours Shorter, being here Nine hours long in Winter &c — 

The light used in Mills & houses here generally is pich d .~pine 
Nots; The Indians have it in their Canoes fishing, & by it in the 
Night doe see Salmon & spear them. The Indians have particular 
Hunting Ground for Each Tribe, & never intrude upon One 
another's Places. 6 s . English for knitting a pair of Cotton Stock- 
ings. 

January the 8th: 1 761 Receiv d . the Ace 1 , of the Kings Death, 16 
which, was sudden ; at Kensington. 

The houses having noe window shuts above Stairs in the 
Country are much colder than in Europe it freezes so hard. 
January the 11 th . 1761 That Strong Punch in 20 Minutes, is 
covered with a Scum of Ice, & Ink on a Table is frozen, before 
the fire, the wind being generally at N.West. — 

There is about a foot of Snow, on the ground all the Winter, 
& back in the woods about four foot ; — February generally is the 
Month of great Snow. 

The Dutch not very polite, they Smoke in Ones Parlour, thoe 
not asked to sit down, & always seat themselves without bidding. 
Their Children at Seven year Old, Smoak, & their Parents think 
it a great Qualification. Sir William Actually had not above 
1 1 00 men Engaged at Lake George & them raw & undisciplined 
Soldiers, which obliged him to Expose himself greatly in Action, 
against 2200 French; he was soe hoarse in the Engagem f . with 
calling to the Troops, & running along the Lines, as not to be 
able to speak, untill he got a Lemon, & sucked the Juice, & 
Notwithstanding his wound, which affects him still, did not keep 
in his Tent, but was very active. To know whether Ice be Strong 



16 George II died Oct. 25, 1 760. 



198 Sir IVilliam Johnson Papers 

Enough to bear you, let fall an ax, on it, And if it does not get 
to the Water, you may safely venture on it. 

Mons r . Bernier (Aid-d-Camp, to Baron Deskeau at Lake 
George — Engagement) Commissary General in Canada, in- 
formed Sir Will" 1 ., & shewed him A Return, of the Regular 
Troops at Montreal, when taken; They had light Battallions, 
which consisted in all of 2150 Men. The take the shoes of their 
Horses in Spring, & let them goe without them, till Winter. New 
England Rum freezes, & Madeira, [unless] the Cellar be Warm 
& Closely Stopped. Wood Cocks goe from here in October, to 
Carolina, & towards the Missisippi. Sir William was very near 
being perished in a snow squall, coming from Schenectedy to his 
Own house; his Strength was soe Exhausted, as to be obliged 
to take hold of a big Dog (he had with him) by the Tail, which 
helped to an House, very near him; It was late in the Night, 
& the People could hardly hear him, it blew soe hard. The 
Panther is very Dangerous to be met with, it holloos like a human 
Creature. & is soe Nimble as to leap on One, at above 40 yards 
Distance, & immediately drives his Claws in you., Common Rum 
at Montreal in Novem r . 1 760 was 1 4 s . English <P Gallon, & 
Shrub 20 s . The Most of the French there were ruined by having 
Paper mony, which now will not pass current, A vast Scarcity 
of Provisions all over Canada, this Winter. Our Troops get some 
meat for Salt from the Inhabitants, they not having any ab f . 
Montreal. Indian Meal is very good to fatten Catle. Some 
People have an Indian's Skin for a Tobacco Pouch. America in 
General a very hilly Country, Virginia the flattest & very good 
Land. 

January the 13 th . 1761. The Weather soe Excessive Cold, 
That Maderia at 50 £ English Pipe botled in a Room, where a 
good fire is kept, is quite frozen; Lemon Juice in Large Botles, 
3 parts Strong frozen, Jamaica Rum alsoe quite frozen in a 
Room with fire in it; & the Strongest Rum, left out over Night 
is quite frozen in the Morning, this is as Severe a Winter as hath 
been for some years, Bread soe frozen that there is noe Eating 
it. the best way to thaw frozen Meat is in cold Water. — 



Warren Johnsons Journal 1760-1761 199 

January the 14 th . 1761, walked over the Mohawk River; I 
have seen One Indian, who would not drink Rum, & would 
drink Water Only; their Skin is thicker than any Christians; & 
when sickly they shut up their Houses, & goe into the Woods, 
they have Now, in January 1761 & had two years agoe, An 
Epidemical Distemper which comes with a pain in the head, 
& Back, & in four, or 5 Days Time, carries of Numbers of em 
it is attended with a fever, the Indians eat always leaning. Dutch, 
& Germans great One to the other, the Latter are vastly Superior. 
The Dutch hate both English & Irish, & Eat hogs Lard on their 
Bread, instead of Butter, with Tea; the Use the Grease of 
fryed Bacon with Sallets, in stead of Oil, & mix it up with their 
Hands for they never use forks; the Each Cucumbers sliced, 
in Buttermilk. A Constable's fees for bringing a Person before 
a Justice is — 1 s .-6 d . Currency. A summons I s . A warrant I s ., 
the first Mile 6 d ., he furnishes a Slea, the Rest of the way. 

Noe fresh Meat (except with Gent:men in Winter), nor Meat 
Markets even at Skenectady, or Albany, they keep the Rams, 
from the Ewes later than in Europe On Acct. of the Snow in 
Winter. 

Sir William fasted five Days, & only Eat two grains of Indian 
Corn. A firelock at Ticonderoga went off by accident, & hit him 
with seven grains of Shot, but were almost Spent. The Indians are 
great Eaters, yet can fast, ten, or twelve Days on Water: They 
know in the Woods, whether People passed by, lately by the 
impression on the Leaves, & their Numbers, by the Paths they 
make. 

They send their Squaws 30 Miles into the Woods for Venison, 
& know their way by broken Twigs which the Men break at 
every 3 or 4 Miles. Indians cross any River on floating Rafts. 
50 Men with Snow Shoes, tho: the snow be six foot Deep, will 
make an excellent Road, A Person cannot goe into the Woods 
in Winter without Them, the flesh of a Woodcock is the best 
Bait for A Salmon. — 

Brick burners have 5 s . English ^ Day, Battoemen 7 s . sP 
Day. Indians indure great Pain : the frost gets down the Chimneys. 



200 Sir William Johnson Papers 

January the 18th. 1761 : the Snow 28 Inches deep, it is gen- 
erally dry; to be seen here a litle Bird like a Linnet, but crook- 
billed like a Hawk. — 

A Saw Mill saws 500 Logs <]$ Day Each worth 1 5 d . English. 
Indians had noe pay, but more Expensive. My Indian Name is 
Ariwanughne. 

Indians know all Medicinal herbs; the Men of them goe 
mostly bare headed. 

Merchants have 1 50 £ <Jj3 Cwt. for European Goods; they 
dont use Mares here in Draught. — 

January the 23d. Extreme Cold, & a very hard frost, if one 
walks two Mile in European Shoes & gloves, he is frost bitten; 
Numbers of our Troops in marching last Winter suffered vastly 
soe, & were rendered incapable of Service, having lost Toes, & 
Fingers, & some feet Obliged to be cut of; above 100 suffered. 
When they Encamp in the Woods, have large Fires at their feet, 
& Sleep on the Branches of Trees, & Sometimes a shade of them 
round them. 

January the 24th. 1 761 , [My Urine Still Foul] The Weather 
soe cold that handling Brass, or Iron leaves a Blister on the 
Fingers: & in Bed People are cold even with ten Blankets on. 
They are remarkable at Philadelphia for making rifled Barrell 
Gunns, which throw a Ball above 300 yards, vastly well, & 
much better than any other Barrells. People here in general 
Shoot very well with Ball, but don't doe much with Shot. The 
Dutch all wear their hair (which buckles 17 like Candles) or 
Night Caps, they wont be at the Expence of Wiggs, The Men 
of them sleep in their Breeches, & Stockings, & the Women in 
their Pettycoats. A Slea carries five Barrells of wheat. 

There is a sort of whiskey distilled from Peaches, & Rotten 
Apples, it is called Brandy: 'tis mostly made in the lower part 
of Philadelphia; Should a person be thirsty at Night, he stands 
a bad Chance, unless he drinks Rum, every Other Liquor being 
frozen. 



17 A crisp curl. To put the hair in a buckle; i.e., to fasten it in shape 
like a candle. 



Warren Johnson s Journal 1 760-1 761 201 

January the 25th. 1 761 , Saw People with their Ears quite froze. 
Dutch Girls get Noe fortunes, when they marry, nor, untill their 
Fathers die, the Estate being Equally Divided between the Sons. 
Negroe Women Suckle white Children in the West Indies, & a 
great many here. There are many free Negroes here, who have 
good Estates; most Indians have their Ears cut, & Trinkets in 
them, & their Noses, which they Think a great Ornament: They 
very often have boiled bear & deer skins, on which they use to 
sleep, & Eat them for want of food : Sir William very often lay 
in the wods, in very wet & severe weather, without any Covering, 
& had his Sadie for a Pillow. The Dutch have Scarcely any No- 
tion of Distinction of Persons or compassion, Sir Will" 1 , has had 
many Escapes from them, being often waylayed by No. — being 
often way-layed by Numbers of them, & had at one Time, at 
Albany [20] 8 lusty Dogs of them upon him, of which he Got 
the Better by the assistance only of one Irish man, & almost 
destroyed them. & a Mob of them assembled the 1 8 th . of January 
1761, at Skenectady, at 11 o' th' Clock at Night, murdered 
two Irish Men: The Next Day all the Irish, in Town, got 
together & offered five pounds for the sight of a Dutchman, but 
None, dare appear; The Magistrates there (who are all Dutch- 
men) Summon'd The Rioters/their Country men, to appear be- 
fore them, and Only fined them, to the Number of 1 4 men, 7 £ 
1 6 s . cp man for the Murder, if the Irish had been the Guilty, they 
w d . have them certainly hanged. However the friends of the 
deceased, & the gent:men of Ireland in these Parts, have appealed 
to the Courts at New york. 25 th . of January 1761, great Snow, 
& next Day, very wet weather, & at Night a hard - - - frost, 
& a Storm at North west — 

The Dutch are more afraid of Sir William than any man Liv- 
ing, he is the only person can keep them in order. There are noe 
highwaymen in America, but great Horse Stealers. Wooll grows 
in A Season or two on West India Sheep here, & hair on Woolly 
Sheep there. Wolves destroy many Horses & other Catle, & 
very dangerous (if provoked) for Christians to meet. The Duch 



202 Sir William Johnson Papers 

in their Sleas run, as hard as they can, up the hills, & Easily 
down. 

January the 28 th . Rain, & always more moderate upon a thaw, 
Snow yet two foot deep; Beef killed the 1 st . of Decem r , is quite 
fresh, & very good Roasted in April, or as long as the frost con- 
tinues; 'tis hung up in a Garret, & the Boiled kept close in Tubbs. 

February the 6 th . 1761, very cold with hard frost, & snow. 
The Duch take 10£ currency Bail for a Murderer — if the 
Murderer be a Duchman. Hickorry Wood ^ Chord 1 £-1 I s . 
English, ash 1 £-6 s -0 d , the sap of sugar Wood makes very 
wholesome, & good Beer with Hops & Yeast. 

4C of Hay in January 1 761 Generally 16 s Eng sh . — There is 
about 2 Guineas for clearing an Acre of Land. Rogers 18 & 
Butler 19 were backward with Sir Will" 1 , at one Time, when he 
thought himself Surrounded by the french, & Indians, & only 4 
men, & a Squaw Stayed with him. Canada lies N. N. East from 
albany towards the Missisippi. — 

Indians this year, have given a Deer, or Bever Skin for a 
Spoonful of Rum. If a Drunken Indian comes among Sober Ones, 
they all fear him, & will not medle with him, but run away & 
hide themselves. — 

Five french Caughnawags rowed Sir Will ms . whale Boat, 
up to Montreal. There is noe Oath in the Indian Language. Noe 
Salt in North America; they had it here from the West Indians 
in January 1761 at 6 s . %} Bushel. 

February the 7 th . Rain, & pretty warm Weather; they here 
get their fat Catle mostly from New England, they dont sow 
as much Corn there as in long Isle. — 

February the 8 th . Great Rain & foggy Weather. — This Day 
there was A Woman buried in Sir Will ms . field close by his 
House. February the 15 th . Fogg rain frost & snow. 16 th . pretty 
warm, at Night cold with a fogg & some Rain. 1 7 th . great cold 
& a frost. 1 8 1 ' 1 . great Snow, & a thaw. 1 9 ,h . really warm Weather, 



]S Robert Rogers. 
1!) Col. John Butler. 



Warren Johnsons Journal 1 760-1 761 203 

& thaws fast ; 2 foot of snow yet on the Ground up the Country, 
but not soe much Downwards. 

February the 1 7 th . seen two white Lambs of Sir William's, 
'twas very hard for them to Live, having noe Grass. At Montreal 
this Winter, Butter was Sold at 3 s . English <p Lb. Bad Sugar 
the same <jj3 Lb, & a quarter of Mutton sold at a Pistole. Things 
were Dearer at Fort Detroit. The Reason is, because the french 
got noe Supplies from home these two years past. About Detroit 
the Country is good, clear, & fine; the french have great Setlem ts . 
there, & a great furr-trade. It is thought, English Traders will 
make a vast Profit, both there & in Canada in Exchange for 
their Goods. At the Isle Aunois 20 there is a fine clear Country, 
it is a great Branch of the Missisippi. Chicksaws thereabouts, a 
very warlike Nation, but amount, not to above 300 fighting Men. 
The Chenessies near Oswegoe a fine, flat, open Country, and a 
great Nation of Indians there. At the Time Fort Edward was 
attacked, & taken by Mons r . Moncalme, Sir William wanted to 
goe to the Relief of it; but Gen 1 . Webb would not consent to it; 
5000 Volunteer's offered to goe with him. 

The french Indians are very honest, of which there were several 
Examples, at Montreal this Winter. The french Indians near 
Detroit offered Sir William a fine, Island Eight Miles long, & 
three broad. A Member of the Albany Assembly, (a Duchman, 
& indeed the most of his fraternity) will sell l d . milk, l d straw, 
&.c. 

February the 1 8th. I heard an Indian playing many European 
Tunes, & pretty well on the Fidle. New Orleans, is the chief 
french Town on the Missisippi. About fort Moible on the Gulf 
Florida, there is a great french Setlem 1 . not above 1800 french 
Regulars in Louisiana; the French have a Lieuten'. Governor, 
there Subject to the Orders of the Governor of Canada. Louisiana, 
a sickly barren Country, but about Isle Aunois a very fine One. 

February the 19 th . I went over the Mohawk River in a Slea, 
tho. a great thaw, & Rain for three or four Days before. Wolves 



20 Illi 



mois. 



204 Sir William Johnson Papers 

& foxes came about 7 o'Clock this Night into Sir William's yard 
to a Dead Cow. 20 th . Feb. a great thaw Rain & Cold. 

Feb. 16 th . There were New Members of Assembly Chosen 
at Schenectady, and the Week before at Albany: And at both 
Places, there was as Eager a Competition between Candidates, 
and as great a Corruption of Parties as in Europe. 

February the 21st. very great Rain, & 18 Inches of Snow on 
the Ground; 22 d . went over the Mohawk River, in a Slea, tho 
there was great Rain & a Constant thaw for 7 or 8 Days before, 
this Night a violent Storm: 23 d . Snow, frost, & Extream Cold, 
& Ice as Strong as ever; I was at a great Schechems funeral at 
fort Hunter, he was interred in fine Indian Shoes, Stockings, &.C. 
the Indians behaved vastly decent, & shewed Sincere Grief, 
formerly they used to have their Guns, Axes, &.C. put in the 
Ground with them, immagining they were to hunt in the Other 
Country to the East (meaning the other World) & be merry, 
(it seems, that, by Instinct, they fell in, with the Notion of the 
Generality of the people in the Time of Paganism; as the Poets 
&.C. say.) — 

America in general is vastly remarkable for fine Navigable 
Rivers & Creeks, in which are plenty of Fish, if one gets a Dutch 
Girl with Child, 'tis not minded. 

February the 24th. I Eat Roast Beef killed in Novem r . ; Tripes 
&.C. are here kept up, & in Season untill april. I seen but 3 
Dutchmen, who wore wigs, & them black, their Cloaths in Town 
are always of the Same Colour; They are at noe Expence by 
Mourning, which they don't take much to heart, but Sincere 
Enough for their nearest friends, And just soe are most Europeans 
in this Part of the World. Traders get great Profit. Generally 
there is very litle Wind in the Country ; the woods, I fancy, break 
it off; if it blow here in Winter as in Europe there would be noe 
bearing with the Cold ; &c — 

February the 24 th . frost & very cold Weather, but Clear. Noe 
medium in this Climate, the Summer always Excessive hot, and 
the winter as Cold; the Latter End of Septem r . & the Month 
October is the most Agreable Time, being somewhat Temperate. 



Warren Johnsons Journal 1760-1761 205 

February the 25th. Great frost, & cold,. 45 out of 50 men of 
the province of New England, near Lake George in the year 
1 755 w d . not march for their officers, & acknowledged them- 
selves Cowards, & Signed their Names, to that Purpose. All 
Trees here almost Lean, to the S.East, Occasioned by the Wind 
being Generally from the North West. Great Quantity of wheat, 
Sent from this Country to the west Indies, & get Rum, Sugar 
&.C a . in Exchange. Pine Buds in spring used by way of Tea, & 
Buds of Red Deal Excellent against the Gravel. 

Feb. 26 th . Great Snow, A Sergeant at one of the Indian Castles 
requested as a favour of the Indians not to make their Broth 
soe very rich having put vast quantities of Lice into it for that 
Purpose. 

Indians pluck their Beard, & know how to trace their Game 
in Winter. 27 th . Seen, an Indian dressed like a white Man, with 
a Wigg. &.C. the Indians have a Method of calling Deer to them, 
by immitating a Fawn. There is Plenty of Game at the Ohio, & 
Virginia, Indians, good Archers, can kill anything with Bows & 
Arrows. 27 & 28 February, constant Snow. A Buffelo larger 
than an Horse. Prodigious Horses not now very plenty. A Slea 
Load of Hay 20 C wt . is 1 £-1 7 s .-0 En. at Albany 1 £-0 s .~o d . En. 
only up this Country. A Skipple, w ch . is the Measure used here 
for Grain, contains — 3 — Pecks. — 

February the 28 th . ther is Snow 4 foot deep; & March the 
1 st . I had this Day the honour, at Fort Johnson, to be made a 
chief Sachem, or Prince, in a grand Council of the Six Indian 
Nations, being the first white Man ever admitted to that Rank 
(my brother Excepted) amongst them. 

Virginia horses are the best, & hardiest in America the have 
mostly Tobacco, & not much Corn in that Province. March the 
4 th . Stormy Weather, the 5 th . Snow & frost, my Brother had 
four horses killed this Winter by Wolves. — 

My Brother gets Lime Stones carried, ten Miles, upon Sleas, 
at Nine Shillings currency <J3 Load. Shaving here in Winter is 
vastly disagreable & painful. March the 7 th . very cold & hard 
frost. 1 2 £ - 1 s currency Patent fees to the Governor here for 



206 Sir William Johnson Papers 

every 1000 Acres of Land; Snakes Birds, Squirrells, &.C. are 
not Strong untill about the beginning of June. The Indians affirm, 
that if you tie an Eel skin round y r . Leg, noe Snake will Ever 
come near you. — 

Their heads boiled, & hogs Lard thrown into it, will poison 
Balls. 8 th . of March Snow; 9 th . Snow, & a thaw, the Pigeons in 
Winter goe to the Southward, & return the Latter End of March. 
10 th . some frost but moderate fine Weather. A grand Council 
of the heads of the Six Indian Nations, held at Fort Johnson, 
some of whom came 400 Miles to it. they complain greatly of 
our breach of Promise to them, having told them, before Canada 
was taken, That, if they w d . Join us against it, we w d . doe fine 
things, & find that we now want to shake them off: which is not 
good Policy by any Means, as it is in their Power almost to ruin 
us. An Indian will give you your Demand having No Notion of 
your imposeing upon him. the Mothers have the intire disposal 
of their Daughters. If an Indian takes you for a Mate, or friend, 
he will doe any thing for you, & Expects the same from you; 
but must have the greatest opinion of you before they commence 
Such a friendship. Indians Act quite Secure in Action, they think 
vastly of loseing any of their Men; They look upon me, as their 
great Mate, being Brother to Sir William, & having besides 
their own good Opinion of me. 

10 th . of March, a very cold frost, the 11 th . a hard frost, & 
Excessive Cold; the 12 th . great Rain, & at Night frost & Snow. 
13 th . cold windy Weather; the Morning of the 14 th . very fine, & 
a hard frost with a great Storm in the afternoon, the 15 th . Extream 
cold, & a very hard frost, the 1 6 th . the weather as Cold, & the Ice 
as Strong almost as any Time this Winter with 3 foot of Snow 
on the Ground: but not near soe deep, towards Albany, or York; 
but towards Oswegoe more than here; They have not soe much 
Snow, in Winter, in Virginia, but are more Sickly than these 
Parts, Neither is the Winter soe Severe at Philadelphia, as here. 

16 tK . of March my Urine quite foul, & I find my health, a 
good deal impaired, which I impute to the want of Exercize. 
The Province of New york, & some others gave 50 £ Ster. by 



Warren Johnsons Journal 1760-1761 207 

way of bounty Money, to Serve this last Campaign, & had their 
Pay besides. There is here 2 s .-6 d . currency Quit Rent, ^3 100 
Acres. — 

The Cherokees took a Disgust to us, for delaying Soe long the 
Attack of Fort d-Qesne, 21 they had near 600 men of their Nation 
there, who Stayed with our Army under Gen 1 . Forbes, untill the 
Midle of Septem r . & then declared they would goe home before 
the bad Season came on, having 700 Miles to Travel, upon 
which the Gen 1 . strip d . them of their Cloaths, Arms &.C. given 
them by the Govern 1 ", on the Borders of Virginia : — 

On their Return home, having noe Ammunition to kill Game, 
they killed Catle; we repulsed them. & soe the war bgan: They 
made Peace with us, at Fort, Johnson a year or two before, & it 
is thought by Some, that the five Nations could have made up 
this Breach. Oats sold the 1 6 March at 3 s . currency, "p> Skipple, 
Pease at 5 s ., Wheat at 5 s ., & Barley about the same, before the 
war, Oats used to be but 1 s .-3 d . -Currency, wheat 3 s ., Pease 2 s . 
March the 1 7 th . cold frosty Weather, A great Meeting at my 
Brother's House to drink St. Patrick, & most got vastly drunk. 
The 18 th . frost Hail & Rain. 19 th . frost. 20 th . a great Thaw. 
21 st . & 22 d . a fog & heavy Rain. March the 21 st . I got on Horse 
back for the first Time Since Novem r . ; Snow still in the Woods 
3 foot Deep: And People Extremely Sickly, having a Disorder, 
which comes with a Pain in their Side, attended with a fever of 
which they generally die in 4 Days. About 24 £ currency Patent 
fees for 1000 Acres of Land to the Governor, officer, Surveyor 
Genl; &c: of which the Governor gets 12£-10 s . The 23 d . of 
March there was a Bullock killed at Skenectady, & sold at 
5 d . Ster <£"} Lb. Sugar wood, Hickerry & Butter Nut, grow on 
the richest Soil. Oak on poor Land, the Sugar Wood, Butter Nut, 
& Hickery are the best fireing. Trees in general are very Straight, 
& there is a great Quantity of Pine. 

March the 23 d . A Thaw, about 9 'Clock this Morning, the 
Mowhawk River broke up at Fort Johnson, the Ice carried every 



21 Fort Duquesne. 



208 Sir William Johnson Papers 

thing before it, & really appeared dreadful, the 21 st . March I 
saw the wild Pigeons in great flocks, at which the Duch are 
very much rejoiced, as they Chiefly live on them till Winter, they 
are alsoe a great Relief to Others, particularly the Negroes, who 
live on Salt provisions all Winter. People crossed the Mohawk 
River the 22 d . of March, in Sleas & on Horseback. At Fort 
Hendrick the Roads are very bad: the Snow is 3 foot deep 
in the Woods ; And on the Clear about a foot deep ; fine Sleighing 
in the Woods, but noe where Else. 

March the 24 th . Some frost, but the weather very fine, and 
quite pleasant, were it not, for the Snow on the Ground: Vast 
quantities of Ice, on the Land, along the River, driven there by 
the River's breaking up. 

March the 25 th . the Ice not broke at Several places up the 
River, nor at Albany, the Roads are Scarcely passable, there is 
Some frost, but the Weather like our April, those two, or three 
Days past. 

26 th . of March; Shoals of wild Pigeons fly very high, & 
some wild Duck: very litle Snow on the low, clear Lands, Some 
frost in the Morning, but fine weather, and a quite warm Sunshine. 

27 th . of March; Some Rain, & sultry weather. People ride 
over the Ice, about 4 Miles up the River, & at several other 
Places: Terrible Thunder, & lightening, with Wind, Rain & a 
fog: Noe passing the River over Ice, but towards Canada, where 
the Lakes are not broke up, but Still firm. It generally blows hard 
in a Thaw. 

28 th . March, frost, & pretty cold, 29 th . the Weather very fine, 
and almost as warm as our Summer. 30 th . the weather the same, 
& the River quite broke up in all Places. — 

Wood-cocks came here, A week agoe, not much larger than 
our Snipe, & some Wild Geese; Now very little Snow, even in 
the Woods ; 3 1 sf . the Weather much the same. 

April the 1 st . cold windy weather, 2 d . & 3 d . mild, 4 th . very 
stormy with hail, rain Snow & frost, 5 th . cold, 6 1 ' 1 . very cold 
windy weather, with frost & Snow, 'tis dangerous being in the 
Woods, lest trees would fall on one. — 



Warren Johnson s Journal 1760-1761 209 

7 th . of April, Punch frozen, & the Weather as cold as any 
Time in Winter, & at Night great Rain, 8 th . wet weather, but 
much milder, 9 th . cold & frosty, 1 th . much the same, 1 1 th . cold 
& hazy: the Lakes towards Canada not broke up, as yet, and 
Snow in some parts of the Woods; but None on Clear Ground. 
Castle cumber Land 22 & about, it is a very fine deep rich black 
soil, & they are now preparing to sow their Spring Grain: they 
have 2 Bullocks behind, & one Horse before in the Plow, they 
have Roots of all Sorts, and very large Successively from one 
Season to Another: there is noe Eating Butter or Milk, on Acc f . 
of the Cows feeding mostly on Onions in the wood, which last 
but about a forthnight, & by that Time are too rank, for they 
grow only in rich Land. Indians formerly did not Sport or marry 
untill 30 years of Age, for they immagined it infeebled them; 
And when going to War, are not very fond of their Wives, on 
the same Ace*. : The Duch were the first Traders, with them at 
Albany, there was an Advertisement, this Winter, published by 
the Select Men of Boston, to warn People, to hang, or Chain 
up their Dogs, for fear of an Infection of the Small Pox. A good 
Saw-Mill saws, in 24 hours, 16 Logs of 13 Boards Each, at 
I s . <P Board. 

Wood cocks breed here in Meadow Ground & River Banks, 
& have 7 at a Time: I shot One this 1 1 th . of April full of Eggs. 
The Spring, & Fall, are the best Times for Sporting, tho : the fowl 
is not in Season, but Poeple here dont mind that, as I fancy they 
doe not know it: The black duck take trees, the Wood cocks 
fly by flocks & pitch towards Night on a green Spot. 

1 2 of April, the Weather very fine ; Roads very bad, — Horses 
are very badly broke, over all America ; Traders very busy going 
to Montreal &:C: 

Major Rogers computes there are about 30, or 40,000 Indians 
at Detroit, and towards Missilamakinac, & very warlike Nations. 
The Dutch salt Cabbage in the fall, on which they chiefly live 
with Bread. There are many Instances of both Men & women 



— Near present site of Johnstown. 



2 1 Sir William Johnson Papers 

recovering after being Scalped they pull it off from the back 
of the Head. — 

the 13 th . fine Summer Weather: the 14 th . cloudy fine weather, 
& some Rain towards Noon. Parsons keep publick Houses in 
this Country. When Deer, lick Trees in Night Time; if a lighted 
Candle be left in the Tree which It licks, that one may see him; 
& then stand at a litle Distance, one may Easily kill him. Pheasants 
here are not quite so large as our Grouse. 

April the 15 th . many Indians going out on their Spring Hunt, 
take Snow Shoes with them, as the Snow is Still 4 foot Deep 
in many places backwards in the Woods, the weather being very 
cold with Hail, Snow & Rain. — 

16 th . vast Rain, but very warm at Noon; & at Night cold 
with a Strong wind ; 1 7 th . very cold & a Mist, 1 8 th . frost & 
pretty cold, 19 th . frost in the morning, but fine weather; 20 th . a 
fine morning, but a very wet afternoon, both which Days a 
Lutheran Church was kept in my Brothers Barn, which 250 
People attended. There is 3 s . currency for Swearing an Oath 
over all America; the Doors are open in all Houses, the whole 
Nights: A Smith has 45 £ Currency, <P Annu m , & meat & 
Drink: Any Tradesman 8 s . & a Labourer 3 s ., who are very 
Scarce : — 

The Province of New Yorks Quota for the year 1 761 are 1 785 
Men ; & 1 5 £ bounty : they have 1 s -3 d . ^ Day, & Cloaths : my 
Brother often soe much fatigued with Indians this War as to 
faint several Times. Barly sowed here in May, may be cut in 
six weeks ; Peas, Oats, Summer wheat, Potatoes, Gardening the 
1st. of May; Buckwheat in June: Indian Corn, the 1 st . of May, 
3 foot Distance, 4 or 5 Grains in a Drill ; weed it well, when 
about 4 Inches high, & put a litle Dung or fresh Ground to it; 
& when about a foot high dung it round in litle hillocks. The 
Acre & Barrell not soe large here as in England, the Indian 
Corn ought to be planted in the best Ground. 21 st . an heavy Mist 
but Mild Weather, 22 d . fine weather in the Morning, but great 
Rain towards Night. This morning I set out from Fort Johnson 
for Albany, & came in a Battoe to Schenectady — was 5 hours 



Warren Johnsons Journal 1760-176/ 211 

by the way in company with my Brother 23 d . great Rain, the 
Streets of Albany the Dirtiest I ever Saw, & worse than Edin- 
burgh in Scotland for litle Houses; the lands about Albany are 
a bad poor Soil, produceing Nothing hardly but Pine Trees, &. 
24 th . warm weather: The reason the Duch doe not pave the 
Streets of Albany, is the Dread of the Stones wearing the Iron 
of their Cart wheels:. There are 1200 Regulars in Carolina: 
& Postage free for officers by Lord Loudon; The Bread at 
Albany is very Good & white : That Town, & up the Mowhawk 
River, is reckoned the Montpellier of America, & certainly 'tis 
the healthyest: 25 th . vast Rain & Cold; 26 th ., fine weather; I 
set out this Morning from Albany for N:York on board one 
of their Sloops, about 1 50 Miles, on a very pleasant River, but 
a barren poor Soil, mostly all along, & vast high Mountains 
appearing very wild, tho: there are many Setlers; & a fine fish- 
pond, well stored with fish, on the Top of the highest Mountain, 
in the high lands; 50 Miles from New York I took up Coll. 
Eyers 23 & some other officers, whose Sloop, runn aground; 27 th . 
& 28 th . foggy wet weather, 29 th . landed at N.York at 6 o'Clock 
in the Morning: The India 115 : Sometime use the Bark of Trees, 
for Tobacco; a Gent: at Albany drank 27 Bowls of Punch 
one Night. 

Trees are in blossom, and Aspargus very plenty the 1 5th. of 
April Ins". — 

The 29 th . I dined with Gen 1 . Amherst, & the 30 th . with the 
President: 24 And this Day 3 Men of war, & Transports with 
3 Regim ts . Embarked, 'tis thought for Gaudelope, but more 
probably, for Carolina. Officers, from the highest to the lowest, 
game here, to a very Surprizing Degree; (I was taken in for 
some Pieces) & they spend a vast Deal of Mony at Taverns; 
how they can doe soe, is what I can Scarcely Guess, the weather 
proved very fine the 29 th . & 30 th . of April Inst. &c. 



23 William Eyre. 

24 Cadwallader Colden, president of the council. 



2 1 2 Sir William Johnson Papers 

May the 1 st . Cloudy weather with Rain. The best Madeira in 
the year 1746 bought in the Islands of Madeira for 12£ Sterl. 
& 'tis Now 32 £ Sterl. — 2 d . & 3 d . of May moderate, fine warm 
Weather like our Summers; There is a fish here called Bass, 
plenty & Cheap, & another fine large flat Fish, & Now Pease, 
& Beans are about 3 Inches high, & Garden things in a Manner 
as forward as in Europe ; there were Radishes 6 Days agoe : 
4 th . of May wet Foggy weather & a very great Storm, the Cellars 
almost all overflowed: 5 th . clear in the morning with a brisk 
N.West wind & after-wards some Rain, the 5 th . 6 th . 7 th . & 8 th . 
fine weather at Noon, but Cold bleak winds tho. Southerly, the 
9 th . of May Sailed for Bristol, on board the Belle Sauvage Snow 
Capt n . Lewis, & came to Sandy Hok 30 Miles from York, 10 th . 
Wind bound, the wind blowing Easterly. Pease are blossomed 
since the 6 th . of May. An Horse at a Livery Stable will cost 
2 s -9 d . Cur?. ^P Night here — I have been much afflicted these 
five or six Days past with the Rheumatism in my Right Hand 
& Arm. 13 th . of May sailed from Sandy Hook: that Night & 
next Day very hard Gales of Wind & foggy; 15 th . — 16 th , 17 th , 
Cold, & quite thick & hazy weather with hard Squalls, & Calms: 
18 th . Hard Gales of wind. Our Course to England is East by 
South, for 100 Leagues, untill Nanticut Coasts are cleared, & 
then East & by North: Generally foggy thick weather on this 
Coast, during Summer & fall, & indeed the winter winds are 
mostly from the East, with a fog, but when westerly Clear, tis 
vastly disagreable on Board, having 10 Cabbin Passangers, 2 
women, & two young Parsons, all bad Companions, a Shipboard. 
&C. People have been remarkably frost Bitten this Winter, 
pticularly in Canada. &c London is 1 1 Degrees more to the North 
than New York: London being in 51 Do . . .35 M . & New York 
in 40 &x. Degrees North Latitude. 1 9 th . very hard Gales of wind, 
20 th . much the same, run 200 & odd Miles in 24 hours, for 2 
Days, the sea very high, & I am quite Sea Sick, 21 st . & 22 nd . the 
same weather; the Rheumatism still in my hand, and the Wind 
at South West. We goe a Degree & half to the South of New- 
found Land Banks: I Scalded my right hand very much, the 



Warren Johnsons Journal 1760-1761 213 

22 d . Day with a ketle of boiling Water, the Cook's Cabhouse 
being on fire, upon which Occasion we made use of the water, 
& happily Extinguished it tho twice on fire. &.C. 

24 th . vastly Strong Squals of Wind, with heavy Rain. 25 th . 
pretty fine Weather; 26 th . 27 th . fine Summer Weather. From the 
Twenty Ninth Day of May, to the 7 ,h of June, A Constant hard 
Gale of Wind at N.East quite against us. 4 th . June seen Curvo, 
one of the western Portugese Isles about 400 Leagues from the 
Lizard, & seen here Several Turtles, but the weather too bad 
to Send out a Boat. From the 7 th . to the 10 th . of June fresh 
North East Gales. 10 th . Saw Tercera Island, & Angra the 
Town, One of the Western Isles — 330 Leagues from the 
Lizard: There are Several Turtles about these Islands but not 
soe good as in the west Indias. the 1 1 ,h . in the afternoon, a hard 
Gale of wind which carried off all our Top Masts, try sail, Mast, 
& Sprit Sail, 4 Men got on the Yards, but fortunately none 
carried over Board, nor much hurt, we certainly cut a very 
miserable Figure, & the wind at North west. I have a Constant 
Heart-burn & am Stomach Sick. 15 th . the Wind Easterly & 
soe cold that a Person, at Noon, can with great Pleasure bear a 
Wide Coat, the wind these three weeks is very Severe against 
us. 16 the Wind Still against us, at N.East. & very cold, tho in 
Latitude 44. 7 Degrees more to the South than London the 
Weather more moderate, tho. noe South Wind almost the 4 
weeks. There was a Sailor flogged in Boston by order of the 
Select men, for kissing his wife in the Streets on Sunday tho. 
after three years absence: And a Stallion brought to a whipping 
Post, & lashed, by said Order, for covering a Mare on the 
Sabbath Day. these things are upon Record in Boston, as having 
happen'd not many years agoe, 1 7 th . wind Still at North East — 
the 19 th . the Weather moderate, & Light Air from the N west. 
20 th . June, Wind, S.West, & South East, & at Night very hard 
Squalls of wind & Rain, 21 st . wind at N.west but Light Airs: 
We sounded at 12' O'Clock, & found Ground, & Judge our- 
selves 12 Leagues Eastward of Cape Clear, & 65 Leagues from 
Lundy 



2 1 4 Sir William Johnson Papers 

We saw a Vessel this Morning, which lost her Top mast, & 
Two More a Brigg, & a Snow, in sight — the Brigg chaced by 
the Snow, which was a french Privateer: 22 d . a light wind, & 
against us, we were Chaced by a Large Ship, which proved the 
Venus Frigate, & came up with us & took us for one of the 
Privateers, there being four privateers in sight almost between 
here & Bristol. 23 d . the Venus Chaced the Snow Privateer, & 
came up fast with her, but towards Night, a very thick Fogg & 
calm came on, & we lost both Ship & Privateer, the wind being 
quite against us : We saw Cape clear at about 8 League's Dis- 
tance. 24 th . a Fog Rain, & a Strong cold wind against us, & 
have been these four Days under great apprehensions of being 
taken, & still are being — 80 Leagues from Lundy & we begin 
to be in want of most Things, & have noe Prospect of a Fair 
wind: The Winds (Except for few Days) have been from the 
East, these five Weeks past; hard Fortune! 25 th . light airs at 
S : west, Just at Day break : 

This Morning we seen a Vessel, but can't tell what she was, 
being foggy weather, & believe they, being to Winward, did not 
see us, we were a litle afraid, having but two old Guns; at Noon, 
we were Chaced by a large Ship, which proved the Venus; we 
had at Night a hard Gale of wind, at N:N:East: 26 th . The 
wind Still blows very hard at N:N:East. We saw several Sail, 
& the Venus in Company, & seen the English Land, at half an 
hour after '12, near Biddiford, & 20 Miles N: of Lundy. — but 
the wind was Contrary to get up Bristol Channel!. I am quite 
Sea sick, the Venus tells us of four french Privateers off Lundy, 
Viz*. A Snow, a Brigg, Cutter, & Lugsail Boat, the Two last 
generally under Land; At Night it blew Excessive hard from the 
East: 27 th . Landed at Apple Door in Devonshire near Biddiford 
150 Miles from Bristol, & same Distance from Bath; There are 
here about 2000 french Prisonners; July the 3 d . I set out from 
Bath for London, & arrived there that Night. There are at 
Bristol about 1 500 french Prisonners. 



The Detroit Journal 1761 215 

JOURNAL TO DETROIT 
Copy 1 

[Juh4 — Oct.30, 1761] 

Saturday 4th July, I 76 1. — At a meeting with all the Mo- 
hawks at my house, I acquainted them of my journey to Detroit, 
in order to call a meeting of the Ottawa Confederacy, and other 
nations of Indians, inhabiting those parts, with whom I am directed 
by General Amherst, to settle and establish a firm and lasting 
treaty; also to regulate the trade at the several posts in the 
Indian country. After that, spoke to them, and very strongly 
recommended a friendly behavior toward the king's subjects in 
my absence, and to follow their hunting, &c. They were much 
pleased with my acquainting them of the cause of so long a 
journey, and wished me all success, but said they were very 
uneasy for my safety, there being several nations of Indians, 
through whose country I must pass, very much attached to the 
French interest; that notwithstanding their late fair promises, 
there were several of the Six Nations, also, not to be much 
trusted at present. They then assured me they would strictly 
follow my advice, by endeavoring all in their power, to prevent 
their young men committing any irregularities, or differing with 
any of the soldiers or inhabitants. They then said a great deal 
concerning their lands, and begged most earnestly that there 
might be a stop put to their brethren pressing and teazing them 
for their lands, which were now so clipped about on every side, 
that they could scarce live by hunting on what was now left. I 
assured them no land could be now taken from them, without 
being fairly purchased from them, his majesty having giving it 
particularly in charge to his governors, to prevent any people's 



1 Printed in William L. Stone, Life and Times of Sir William Johnson, 
Bart., 2:429-77. This private diary, which was destroyed by fire, runs 
parallel to the official Indian Records, Johnson Papers, 3:428-503. A 
number of proper names are obviously misreadings of the manuscript. 
Where possible, the probable intention of the writer has been given in the 
footnotes. 



2 1 6 Sir William Johnson Papers 

taking up land without their consent, and payment made them 
for it. They expressed much satisfaction at it, and parted. 

Sunday July 5th 1 761. — I set off from Fort Johnson for De- 
troit, accompanied only by my son John Johnson, and Lieutenant 
Guy Johnson of the Independents. Dined at Hannis Eeil's; 2 
there left a letter for young Captain Fry, ! and four commissions 
for himself and officers. Arrived at Canajoharie about 10 at 
night. Next morning, being Monday, called the Indians of that 
village together at my quarters, to whom I spoke as to the 
Mohawks. They were full of acknowledgment, and returned 
many thanks for the admonitions I gave them, and assured me 
they would endeavor, all in their power, to follow them and live 
in friendship with their neighbors and others. They concluded 
with great complaints against some of the inhabitants, who are 
daily endeavoring to get away their lands from them, and that, 
for others living at York, &c, whom they never saw or knew 
anything of. They then delivered a good belt of wampum, and 
three strings, [of the same,] to confirm what they had said, and 
to beg that their lands might be left to themselves, being already 
scarce enough to live on. 

Gave a belt and three strings. 

I gave them the same answer on that head, as I did to the 
Lower Mohawks, and ended. — That evening, left Canajoharie, 
and arrived at the German Flats, where I met about thirty 
Oneida and Tuscarora chiefs, who were going to my house, in 
order to make up, if possible, the murder of one Gustavus Franks 
who was lately killed by one of their nation. 

Tuesday 7th. — They met at my quarters, and spoke with 
several belts of wampum, as may be seen in the minutes of that 
meeting, or in the Indian records. 4 This day my five boats arrived 
here, and set off immediately. 

Wednesday 8th. — I set off and arrived at Oriske field that 
night, where, not finding my boats, was obliged to lie out in the 



2 Johannes Ehle. 

3 Hendrick Frey, Jr. 

4 Johnson Papers, 3:430-37. 



The Detroit Journal J 761 217 

open air without any manner of covering or conveniency. Next 
day, being Thursday 9th, I arrived at Fort Stanwix about 12 
o'clock; dined with Major Campbell, 5 and lodged there. 

Friday 1 Oth. — My boats with the greatest difficulty arrived, 
having been obliged to drag them most of the way, on account 
of the lowness of the water. Ordered them over, and got them 
repaired in the best manner I could, and waited until the sluices 
were supplied with water to carry our boats down, which was 
not till Saturday noon, and then no farther than Bull's Fort, 6 
where we encamped in a burying ground because it was clear. 

Sunday 12th. — Opened the sluices, but for want of water, 
could not get the boats all through the sluice; so were obliged 
to encamp within one hundred yards of our last encampment. 
Some artillery boats near us, which have been five days going 
four miles. 

1 3th. — Opened the sluices, and with the greatest difficulty 
got over the smallest battoe; after which proceeded to Canada 
creek — the rest of the boats being obliged to halt about one 
and a half miles behind. Here Colonel Eyre 7 overtook and 
delivered me a letter from the general, with intelligence from 
Captain Campbell, 8 commanding at Detroit, concerning some 
design of the Indians rising against the English, which was cor- 
roborated by accounts sent me by two Mohawk lads, Joseph and 
David from the Canajoharie chiefs, who had it from one of their 
people, arrived from a place beyond the Chenusio, where he 
has lived several years. This was confirmed by a belt of wampum. 
They begged that I would not proceed, as it must be very 
dangerous to pass through the country of nations, who would 
not be now our friends. They were also told by the informant, 
that all Indians from whence he came, looked upon, and called 
them, the Mohawks, Englishmen; and that they would soon fall 



5 Probably Maj. John Campbell of the 1 7th regiment. 

6 Fort Bull, on Wood Creek east of Oneida Lake. 

7 Col. William Eyre of the 44th regiment. 

8 Capt. Donald Campbell of the 60th regiment. For this letter, see 
Johnson Papers, 3:437-39. 



218 Sir William Johnson Papers 

upon them, for their atachment to us. The two messengers staid 
with me that night. I dispatched them next morning with a belt 
in return for theirs, and this answer, viz : that I took very friendly 
their sending me the intelligence, they received from one of their 
people, and that I hoped the Indians in that quarter or any other, 
would consider their interest more than [consent?] to a thing 
which must inevitably bring on their ruin; that if they had any 
such wild wicked design in view, I did not doubt but my presence 
among them might put a stop to it; therefore was determined 
to proceed with all the dispatch possible. As to any nation attempt- 
ing to destroy them, for their attachment to the English, they 
might laugh at it, and be assured that as long as they, or any 
other nations, continued our friends, we would protect them from 
any enemies. Gave them some money for their journey, and 
dispatched them. 

1 4th. — We set off about nine in the morning, and encamped 
about a mile below the Oak Field. 

1 5th — Decamped, and with much difficulty arrived and 
encamped opposite the block house. 

Thursday 1 6th. — Sent off the baggage boat, and went up 
in a whale boat toward the Oneida Old Castle, in order to meet 
with the chiefs of that place, who were sent for the night before; 
but they not being at home, I delivered what I had to say to 
one of their chiefs in the presence of several of their women, 
and the Reverend Mr. Oaum, !) whom I very strongly recom- 
mended to them, as I did, also, a friendly behavior toward all 
their brethren, that I might hear no more complaints against them 
on my return, nor from them against the officers, soldiers or others 
as usual. I then acquainted them that General Amherst had 
sent me, some time ago, medals for such persons as went to 
Canada with the army last year, which I was now ready to 
deliver, were the persons here to whom they belonged. As they 
were not, must keep them till I had an opportunity of delivering 



9 Samson Occom, Indian preacher. The spelling is a misreading of the 
manuscript. 




SAMSON OCCOM 
Mezzotint, London, 1768. Courtesy of the Dartmouth College Library, 



The Detroit Journal 1761 219 

them myself, that no mistake might be committed. They seemed 
well pleased at Mr. Oaum's coming among them, and expressed 
a great desire of being instructed in the Christian religion. They 
also assured me they would communicate what I had said, to the 
rest, and added, they did not doubt their complying strictly to 
what I had recommended. They complained to me of their being 
in a very wretched situation at present, for the want of provisions; 
that although they were starving (which Mr. Oaum told me 
was the case), their brethren would not give them any provisions. 
I told them they should not depend upon that, but endeavor to 
support themselves by hunting, planting, &c. Then gave them 
a little money and parted. After that, I spoke to the trader there, 
about the prices of goods, and charged him at his peril, not to 
impose on any of them in trade. Then proceeded down the lake 
to Fort Brewerton, where we arrived at sunset. Supped with 
Captain Baugh, and encamped over the river, where some New 
York Companies were also encamped. 

Friday 17th. 10 — Early in the morning, Saquerisen, chief 
sachem of Ganoghsaragey, came to my tent, and begged I would 
let him have some powder for the support of his family, which 
were very poor. After ending what he had to say, which was 
chiefly on the dearness of goods, and low prices of beaver furs, 
I asked him whether any deputies were sent by the Six Nations 
to Detroit or any other nations of Indians this spring or summer. 
He answered, there were some sent by the Senecas; that the 
Cayugas were to have sent some also, but on the arrival of one 
of the Cayugas in the Seneca country, he was told that it would 
not be prudent for him to go so far alone, so the Senecas went 
without him. On my asking him, what they were gone about, 
he told me that they were in behalf of the Six Nations to per- 
form the ceremony of condolence for the Indians who were 
killed in the battle of Niagara in the year 1 759, and after that, 
to strengthen and renew the old alliance between them. As none 



10 Proceedings of this day also summarized in Johnson Papers, 3:440- 

41. 



220 Sir William Johnson Papers 

but the Senecas were sent among the western Indians, the 
Cayugas were set to Cadaraqui to perform the same ceremony 
to the northern Indians living on the north side of the lake, for 
the losses they sustained at Niagara, and after that to renew their 
old alliances. This is what he told me, and that on their return, 
a meeting was to be called at Onondaga, at which the result 
of both embassies would be made known to the whole Confed- 
eracy. After this I let him know — he being one of their most 
sensible men — that the Senecas who went to Detroit were acting 
another part, and that their plot was discovered. Here told him 
as much of the intelligence sent by Captain Campbell, as I 
thought necessary, and then laid before him the madness of such 
an attempt, and the very fatal consequences of it to all their nation ; 
and concluded with my advice to him and all of them, that if 
any such wicked design was intended, he and the rest of the 
Confederate part of them would immediately put a stop to it, 
otherwise it must inevitably bring on their ruin, which I was 
certain would be more agreeable to his majesty to avoid if possible. 
On hearing what I said, he seemed much surprised, and declared 
there was no such scheme agreed on by the Six Nations, nor 
such message sent by them to the Detroit or the Cadaraqui 
meeting; that if what I now told him was true, it must come from 
the Seneca nation, and concluded by assuring me he would, on 
his arrival at his castle, acquaint the rest of the sachems, and then 
fall on the best measures they could, to find what the Senecas had 
done at Detroit, and if, as they now heard, endeavor to put a 
stop to it. I sent a string of white wampum by an Onondaga 
young Indian, who came to me while talking to the Tuscarora 
sachem, to desire the Bunt and other chiefs of that nation to 
come to me at Oswego, in order to talk with them on business, as 
well as to deliver their medals to all those of that nation who 
accompanied the general last year to Canada. On my mentioning 
some particular chiefs, he told me they were gone on the invitation 
of the governor of Pennsylvania to a meeting there to be held. 
The Tuscarora sachem told me that his and the Oneida nation 
refused sending any to attend said meeting. I dispatched the 



The Detroit Journal J 7 61 221 

messenger, gave him a dollar and stockings, and to the other, 
several silver trinkets and decamped at 9 o'clock. Arrived at the 
Three Rivers about 6 in the evening, where I encamped. 

Saturday 1 8th. — Rained very hard until 1 2 o'clock. Then 
set off for Oswego Falls, where we arrived about 5 o'clock. 
Supped with the officer, Mr. Malto, and bespoke another boat. 

Sunday 1 9th. — Set off for Oswego about 6 o'clock, with two 
boats, and arrived there about one. Dined at Major Duncan's 11 
mess. After dinner viewed the vessel I am to go in. I saw some 
Senecas or Chenusios come lately from Niagara; asked them 
whether the deputies were returned from Detroit. They said not 
when they left home, but were daily expected. 

Monday 20th. — Had several Swegatchie, Mississagey, and 
other Indians come to my tent, to whom I told the intent of my 
going to Detroit was to settle and establish a lasting peace and 
friendship with all nations of Indians who desired his majesty's 
protection. Also to regulate trade, and put it on the best footing 
possible at present, and desired they would acquaint all their 
people with what I now told them. They seemed vastly pleased 
with what I told them, and promised to deliver all I said to them 
on their return to their nation. They asked the reason of so many 
men here, and passing by with cannon. I told them some were 
for finishing the forts, others for garrisoning the several outposts 
surrendered to his Britannic Majesty by the capitulation, which 
by the lateness of the season could not be done last year; that 
the cannon were for the vessels and forts. I sent a string of wam- 
pum by Kayenquego, a Chenusio Indian, to desire that a few 
sachems of his nation would meet me at Niagara, in five or six 
days at farthest. He set off in the afternoon, and promised to be 
at Chenusio in three days, for which I bought of Mr. Keikman 
a shroud, gartering, stockings, &c, for him as a present, and 
gave him a little money to buy provisions. In the evening, two 
Onondagas arrived, and let me know that forty of their nation 
were encamped about a mile from hence, and would be here in 



11 Maj. Alexander Duncan of the 55th regiment. 



222 Sir William Johnson Papers 

the morning to hear what I had to say to them. The vessel being 
ready to sail for Niagara, I desired the messengers to return and 
let the sachems know I impatiently waited their arrival. On which 
they set off. 

Tuesday 21st. 12 — Got everything on board the vessel, then 
met the Onondaga and other chiefs. When assembled, I bid them 
welcome; condoled their late losses agreeably to custom; ac- 
quainted them with the reason of my not calling them to a general 
council since my return from Canada; and then let them know 
the reason of my going to Detroit, and told them I expected the 
Five Nations would have attended said meeting. Then advised 
them to a friendly behavior toward their brethren, and not to 
pay any regard to the reports of foolish, idle people, as they 
hitherto have too frequently done. — 

A Belt of Wampum. 

Then delivered the medals sent me by the general for those 
who went with us to Canada last year, being twenty-three in 
number. 

They then withdrew about an hour, and sent me word they 
were ready to answer. 

Present, Major Duncan, Captain Gray, 13 several officers of 
the 55th and Gage's regiment, interpreters, &c. 

The speaker stood up, and went through the ceremony of 
condolence for the losses we sustained, and returned first many 
thanks for what I had done, with three strings of wampum. He 
then pulled out a large, white belt, which I had given them 
formerly when going to Niagara, and repeated all I had said 
by said belt, viz: a good trade was promised, and good usage 
of them forever after, if they would exert themselves in con- 
junction with us against the enemy, which, they said, they had 
done by giving us Niagara as a salve for our wounds. Notwith- 
standing all this, they alleged they were very ill used and treated 



12 Proceedings of this day also in Johnson Papers, 3:442-48. 

13 Capt. Robert Gray of the 55th regiment. 



The Detroit Journal 176/ 223 

by our people in point of trade, and at the several posts, where 
they are roughly handled, very often without any cause. As this 
is so contrary to what they expected in case we conquered the 
French, they all entreated that they might be better used, or else 
they must think that what the French told them was true. — 

Laid down a large belt. 

Brother: We are surprised at your going to call a council at 
Detroit, when you know that the chief and only council fire 
burns at your house and Onondaga; besides these Indians you 
are going to, ought rather, as being aggressors, to come to you. 
You recommend it to us to mind our hunting and trade, and live 
in friendship with our brethren at the several posts. It is what 
we would be very desirous of, but they, by their behavior to 
us at the several posts, seem not to have any liking for us, and 
use us very ill at times without any cause, taking our women from 
us by violence, using them and us ill besides, and hindering us 
from fishing and hunting on our own grounds near the posts, and 
often taking what we catch or kill from us. This is not agreeable 
to the promises made us, or the friendship so long establishing 
between us and you. We beg, brother, you will interpose and see 
justice done us, and that there may be a fair trade carried on by 
your people; also interpreters allowed at the several posts, who 
may prevent misunderstandings happening between us and our 
brethren, for want of knowing what each other says. 

Brother: With regard to what you told us — concerning the 
intelligence sent from Detroit, and desiring us to take care how 
we entered into any such vile, dangerous schemes, and that we 
should not get drunk, or suffer our heads to turn, which would 
end in our ruin — we can only say, that we know nothing at all 
about any such plot; neither are we, or shall we get drunk or 
suffer our heads to grow giddy, but hold fast the covenant- 
chain, and hope you, on your part, will also hold it fast — then 
we may both live to be grey. This belt of yours shall be sent to 
the several nations, our allies and acquaint them with what you 



224 Sir William Johnson Papers 

say, and our resolutions now declared to you, which we expect 
will be a rule or precedent to them, when they are all acquainted 
therewith, you will receive a belt in return. 

Brother: Here is one of our people present, named Kanadacta, 
who had his hunting house near this place, plundered this last 
spring, while he was on the hunt, of thirty buck skins, two 
kettles, a gun, axes, &c, by some of the English going to Isle 
Royal. He hopes you will inquire into it, and get him some 
redress. He is now left quite naked thereby, as he has nothing 
to purchase clothing. 

— A String. 

Brother: I now speak at the desire of the warriors who came 
here to see you, and wish you a successful journey, and safe 
return. I am, on their behalf, to let you know they are much 
distressed for the want of ammunition to hunt and maintain 
their families by. Not being able to get any for love or money, 
they, therefore, by this large bunch of wampum, beg you will 
let them have a couple of casks to serve them with until you 
return, and lead in proportion; and be assured they will not 
forget your favor. — Gave a large Bunch of Wampum and ended. 

I then answered them thus : 

Brethren of Onondaga and others: — This belt you now lay 
before me by way of reminding me of the promises made you 
heretofore, is needless, because I have it on record, as well as 
your promises and conduct never to be forgotten. Your behavior 
last year, in many of your people leaving the general and me 
at Swegatchie after the reduction of Isle Royal, was so unbrother- 
like, that neither the general nor myself could think of serving 
you, who left us, as heretofore: that and some other parts of 
your conduct, has occasioned our not fulfilling all that was 
promised you, so that you may blame yourselves, not us. How- 
ever, if your promises now made of keeping fast hold of the 
covenant chain for the future be sincere (which will be your 



The Detroit Journal 1761 225 

interest), you may expect we will, in such case, act a friendly 
part toward you, and allow you a plentiful trade, and not suffer 
any of our people to molest or use you ill. If they should unde- 
servedly, they will be punished; for the general is determined 
that neither shall kill or hunt the other unpunished. 

A Belt. 

Brethren: As our conquests in this country are now great, by 
beating our common enemy, our trade and alliances of course 
must be more extensive than heretofore, and it will be necessary 
to have other meetings and places of trade, than Oswego and 
Onondaga. So that your surpise may now cease, when you see 
that we have agents for the management of Indian affairs in 
several quarters, viz: here at Pittsborough, Detroit and Canada, 
the better to keep up a good understanding with, and strengthen 
the extensive alliance now between us and the many nations of 
Indians who have, and are daily coming in to our interest; seeing 
it their interest to be friends with the English, it will be for your 
good to keep up a good understanding with them also. As to 
your people being abused, or ill treated at our posts, I fancy it 
must be owing to ill behavior in you when in liquor, wherefore 
[I] would recommend to you to leave off the immoderate use 
of it ; and I am certain then you will not meet with any ill usage 
undeservedly. I would also advise you not to be going constantly 
to, or idling away your time at the posts, as you can employ it 
to more purpose by hunting for the support of your families. 
On my return, I shall provide interpreters to remain at the prin- 
cipal forts or posts, which will be a means of preventing disputes 
arising between the garrisons and your people, for want of under- 
standing each other. 

Brethren: I am very glad to hear that you know nothing of, 
nor have no hand in, what is said to have been proposed by the 
Senecas at Detroit. If you act the wise part, you will avoid 
engaging in a wild scheme, which none but madmen would think 
of, as such a one would inevitably end in your ruin. You are 



226 Sir William Johnson Papers 

right in letting all your friends know your resolution of holding 
fast the covenant chain, and living in friendship with the English; 
and I doubt not but that they will readily follow your example, 
as they certainly have sense enough to know what is their own 
interest. That will be the surest way of living until you are grey- 
headed, which I wish you to attain to. 

Brethren: Could the person who robbed Kanadacta's hunting 
house last spring be found out, he would be punished in such a 
manner as the nature of the crime required, and proper satisfaction 
made to the man agrieved. But until it can be known who did it, 
there can be nothing done, more than that I will, on my return, 
consider his losses, by giving him some clothing, a kettle, &c. 

Returned his String. 

Brethren : As I am pleased with your professions of friendship, 
and conduct at this meeting, and am sensible of your distressed 
situation for the want of ammunition to support your families, I 
will speak to the officer commanding this fort, to supply you with 
two casks of powder, which I hope you will, by your behavior 
toward your brethren, shew them you deserve it; and that will 
be the means of making us ready to assist you, and be ready to 
supply your wants another time. Returned a large bunch of black 
and white wampum. 

I then concluded by telling them, that soon after my return, I 
proposed calling a meeting of the Six Nations, in order to 
strengthen the covenant chain, and put all matters between them 
and us on the best footing. Then I bid them farewell. So ended 
this meeting. I then dined with Major Duncan, and at 4 o'clock 
P. M., went on board the French schooner called ], 

with Colonel Eyre, Lieutenant Guy Johnson, Lieutenant Irwin, 14 
and my son Captain John Johnson — the wind at W. S. W. 

Wednesday 22d. — Fine weather. We had a view of Iron- 
dequat land; also, towards evening, a view of the Highland on 



14 Lt. William Irwin of the 80th regiment. 



The Detroit Journal 1761 227 

the north shore. This day wrote my brother Warren a letter, 
and enclosed it in one to Ferrall Wade. 

Thursday 23d. — Fine weather; wind N. W. We were 
obliged to trip it. About noon, the wind blew very hard ahead, 
so that we could not reach Niagara although in sight, and were 
obliged to beat off all night in a very rough sea, in great danger 
of loosing our mainmast. 

Friday 24th. — In the morning, wind at N. East. At 6, in 
sight of Niagara Fort; stood in and made the harbor about 7 
in the morning. Went on shore, when I met Major Walters, 15 
and several of the traders; went to the fort, to a room prepared 
for me, breakfasted and dined there. Major Walters delivered 
me a letter from Captain Campbell, at Detroit, with minutes of a 
conference held there, the 3d inst., 1G by the two Seneca deputies 
with the several nations living about there, who disapproved of 
the Seneca's message and intentions. Mr. Preston, 17 formerly of 
the 44th regiment, came to me and told me that the Chenusios, 
with whom he lived all the winter, were not well affected to the 
English, neither did they like our going beyond Niagara to 
garrison posts, or even to trade; that it was their country, and 
they looked upon it, that we were going to surround or hem them 
in; that they were very scarce of powder, and believes if they 
had a sufficiency, the would be ready enough to fall upon some 
parties of our people going to Detroit; that they have an English 
lad prisoner, and a great number of horses, which they stole 
from us ; and that they daily take more from Pittsborough, &c. 

Saturday 25th. — Some Senecas came to me and complained 
of their being robbed by some of the garrison, having four horses 
also stole from them, and one of their men wounded in the breast 
and arm, by shot from one of the soldiers at Little Niagara. I 
gave them two casks of rum, some paint and money, to help 
toward making up their losses, on which they went away pretty 
well satisfied. Another complained of his brother being killed by 



15 Maj. William Walters of the 60th regiment. 

16 Letter and minutes, Johnson Papers, 3:448-53. 

17 Lt. Achilles Preston of the 44th regiment. 



228 Sir William Johnson Papers 

some of the garrison at Venango without any cause, which made 
the rest of the people of that settlement break up, and go to 
Chenusio much dissatisfied. In the afternoon, Major Gladwin 
arrived with Gage's Light Infantry, and encamped. Our boats 
still behind. Captain Butler 18 from Toronto arrived here, and 
gave a very good account of the behavior of the Mississagays, 
Chippawas, Michilimakinacs, &c, during their residence there, 
and by their speeches, and everything else, seemed to be very 
hearty in our interest. He is to set off from here on the morrow. 

Sunday 26th. — At seven in the morning, I set off with Colonel 
Eyre, Lieutenant Johnson, my son, and De Couagne, 19 for the 
island, whereon the vessel is building for exploring the Lakes 
Huron and Michigan, which island is about two miles from Little 
Niagara, on the place where Shabear Jean Coeur 2u lived. There 
is a house built within a quarter of mile of said place, by one 
Stirling, 21 for the use of the company, viz; Rutherford, 22 Duncan, 
&c, who intend to monopolize the whole carrying-place, by virtue 
of a permit from General Amherst. The schooner, building upon 
the island, was in such forwardness as to be ready to launch in 
about ten days, but was put a stop to in order to build a boat, 
pinnace fashion, for Major Gladwin's service. Dined with John 
Dies, 23 after which Colonel Eyre went in a boat to explore the 
Chippaway river — the entrance of which is about two miles 
above the Great Falls. In another branch of said river, our people 
found a great quantity of pine planks of several dimensions, 
sawed by hand, which they used in making the vessels. About 
6 P.M., we set off from the post where Jean Coeur lived, and 
arrived at the fort of Niagara at 9 at night. 

Monday 27th. — Major Gladwin and I went to desire Major 
Walters to suspend a court martial, which was ordered to be held 



18 Capt. John Butler. 

19 Jean Baptiste De Couagne, interpreter. 

20 Daniel Joncaire, Sieur de Chabert et Clausonne. 

21 James Sterling, a trader at Detroit. 

22 Capt. John Rutherford of the New York regiment. 
2:! John Dies, New York land speculator. 



The Detroit Journal 1761 229 

on one Ensign Hays, 24 which he said he could [not] possibly 
agree to, so the court martial sat. About 9 o'clock, an Onondaga 
Indian came and complained to me of John Abeel's 25 cheating 
him; on which I sent the Indian, with the orderly sergeant, and a 
few lines, to Abeel, and made him do justice to the Indian, which, 
with a little money I gave him to buy provisions for his journey, 
pleased him greatly, as did also my acquainting him with the 
reason of my journey to Detroit. He greatly disapproved of the 
Chenussios' conduct, and said they were always a troublesome 
set of people. About 12 o'clock, took a walk into the Trader's 
Town, where I met Mabicomicot, 26 chief of the Mississagays, 
with whom I had a little chat, and invited him to the fort. Dined 
with Major Walters. After dinner, Major Gladwin and I 
settled the number of men necessary to send, for garrisoning the 
several little out-posts in the Indian country, viz; two subalterns 
and sixty men, which, with what men Campbell may spare, we 
judged sufficient for three posts, which Mr. Gladwin imagines is 
as much as he can visit this season. They are to set off and follow 
us as soon as boats and provisions can be got ready, so as not 
to delay the service. Captain Etherington 2 ' was present at the 
time. I gave Major Gladwin, at the same time, two letters, the 
one for Mr. Croghan at Sandusky, the other for Captain Campbell 
at Detroit; with which he is to send an officer to-morrow, and a 
boat's crew to Sandusky, where he is to remain until Mr. Croghan 
arrives; then proceed to Detroit. The reason of my sending this 
express is, to have all those Indians acquainted with our coming 
there, so as not to surprise or alarm them. My boats not yet 
arrived. I ordered a battoe to be fitted up for my own use, there 
being no whale boats here, nor at Oswego, fit to go in. 



24 Ens. Jehu Hay. 

25 John Abeel was an Albany Indian trader who took an Indian wife 
from the Senecas. He was the father of the famous Seneca Chief Corn- 
planter. See letter of Hendrick Frey, Dec. 29, 1 763, post p. 32 1 . 

26 Wabbicommicot. 

27 Capt. George Etherington of the 60th regiment. 



230 Sir William Johnson Papers 

Tuesday 28th. — Had a meeting with several Chippaway 
chiefs, in the presence of Colonel Eyre, Major Walters, &c, 
Mr. De Couagne, interpreter, which will appear by the records. 
An Onondaga Indian just arrived from Detroit with a trader, 
who was present at the meeting there, between the two Seneca 
messengers, the Chenundaddeys, Ottawas, &c, and told me the 
whole of what passed there. He says it was chiefly spoken in 
Shabear Jean Coeur's name, who, before [he was] taken, advised 
that step to be taken, in case the French should fall. He thinks 
some of the Ottawas are not yet well inclined to peace with us, 
but that the Wyandots asked the Onondaga whether his nation 
was concerned in the affair. He declared they were not, which 
pleased the others much. He tells me the two messengers are 
returned by the way of Ohio; they live at Garahuskaragey ; one 
of their names is Tahaiadoris. The Onondaga, who came from 
Detroit, complained to me of his being wronged by one Stillman, 
in whose employ he was as battoe-man. Said Stillman agreed 
with him for £4 pr. month, victuals and drink; that he had 
served him faithfully, and could not get his pay, Stillman trump- 
ing up an account against him for £11.18. of which sum, he 
charges for five gallons of rum £ 1 0, — and delivered me said 
Stillman's account. I sent for him, in order to examine into the 
affair, but he is gone to the carrying-place. Major Walters made 
a long complaint to me of the disrespect showed him by his 
officers, and the partiality shown in behalf of Mr. Hays, tried 
yesterday by a court martial, and said if the general did not sup- 
port him, he would desire to be relieved. About 5 o'clock, began 
to rain. No account yet of my battoes. This morning, the light 
infantry moved up to the carrying-place and propose to begin 
riding over some of their things to-morrow morning. This day, 
made out a speech to deliver the Senecas and Chenusios on their 
arrival here. I hourly expect them. Ordered some provisions this 
day for the Indians, viz ; 1 1 loaves of 4 lbs. each, and 28 [pounds] 
pork. Supped with Captain Etherington. 

Wednesday 29th. — Fine weather. No account of my boats 
yet. Three French families arrived yesterday evening from Mon- 



The Detroit Journal 1761 231 

treal, going to settle at Detroit. They saw nothing of my boats. 
This day, borrowed of William Knox, sutler, the sum of fifty-six 
pounds York currency; when we arrive at Detroit, he will make 
up as far as one hundred pounds, which I am to give him a draft 
for, on Ferrall Wade. Wrote this day, by Colonel Eyre, to 
General Amherst. 28 

Thursday 30th. — Fine weather ; wind westerly. Colonel Eyre, 
Mr. Cox, and Mr. McAdam were to sail in the vessel for Oswego, 
which was loaded mostly with beaver skins, &c. This afternoon, 
I had the Chippaway and Mississagey sachems, who delivered 
me their answer to what I said to them the day before. I promised 
them some clothing to-morrow, and a little ammunition and pro- 
vision to carry the families of those who go with me, back to their 
own country — also to send them a smith next fall to this place 
to mend their arms and working utensils. 

Friday 3 1 st. — A fine morning. Colonel Eyre came to my 
room at 5 o'clock to take leave, the vessel waiting with a fair 
wind No account yet from the Senecas, whom I sent for from 
Oswego. Wrote Ferrall Wade by Colonel Eyre; also a letter 
to General Amherst per Colonel Eyre. In the afternoon delivered 
the present to the Chippaways and Mississageys, who were very 
thankful, and made the fairest promises that could be, of living 
forever in friendship with the English. They added, that on the 
return of their people, who were setting off for their country, 
their nation, on seeing the friendly usage they met with, would 
be convinced more and more of our brotherly regard for them, 
and would be the means of riveting them all firm to our interest. 
Then I spoke with some Chenundaddey Indians, just arrived 
from Detroit, and desired them to call upon me next morning, 
that I might send a message by them to their nation. 

Saturday August the 1 st. — The Chenundaddey Indians came 
to my quarters, when I delivered a belt of 7 rows of wampum, 
and desired they would acquaint their nation of my coming to 
hold a council in their town, where I desired they, the Wyandots, 



2S Johnson Papers, 10:320-23. 



232 Sir William Johnson Papers 

would summon all the surrounding nations as soon as possible, 
that I might be able to return before the bad season of the year 
came on. I also acquainted them by said belt of Major Gladwin 
being on his way thither, in order to garrison the several French 
posts, surrendered to us by the capitulation of Canada last year, 
so as not to be surprised at their appearance. Then delivered them 
a little clothing, paint, some silver trinkets, and cash to buy bread 
for their journey. — 

A Belt. 

Their answer. Brother: It gives us great pleasure to see you 
of whom we have often heard; and we now heartily shake you 
by the hand as our friend. We return you many thanks for this 
mark of your friendship; and be assured, if the wind will allow 
us, we will be in a few days home, when we will deliver your 
message faithfully to our chief men, who will doubtless send run- 
ners to call the other nations to meet you — then parted. About 
two hours afterward they returned to let me know that they could 
not proceed, as their canoe was broken by the soldiers at Little 
Niagara, on which I got Major Walters to write the sergeant 
there about it, and get them a little pitch to mend it. So set them 
off. This day Soajoana, 29 chief of the Senecas, arrived here. I 
sent an Onondaga to desire he would come to me, as I wanted to 
speak with him. In the afternoon took a walk to my old en- 
campment in 1 759. 

Sunday August 2d. — Fine, warm weather. No account yet 
of my boats. Quite out of patience waiting for them. In the 
afternoon took a walk to Petite Marie, or landing-place, but 
could not see or hear anything of my boats. Two of the light 
infantry deserted. Soajoana not come to me yet. 

Monday 3d. — Still fine weather; wind at W. A Chenusio 
young fellow arrived here about 3 o'clock, sent by the sachems 
to acquaint me, that they were, to the number of thirty, on their 
way hither, agreeably to the call I gave them, when at Oswego, 
on hearing that some of their nation had been to Detroit with a 



29 Also Sogigewona, Johnson Papers, 10:627. Also post, Sonajoana. 



The Detroit Journal 176/ 233 

war-belt. The messenger told me they would be here to-morrow 
or next day at farthest, having parted from them yesterday. 
Major Gladwin came here from the Falls, and told me he ex- 
pected to have his boats, &c, over in four or five days; that the 
pinnance he ordered to be made would be finished in about ten 
days. Captain Fonda ° arrived here from Toronto, where he said 
the trade was over for this season ; and that they had a great deal 
of goods yet on hand, which he offered to sell at prime cost, but 
could not dispose of them. He says the Indians all behaved 
extremely well who came there to trade ; that they sell gunpowder 
at a bear skin for a pound. 

Tuesday 4th. — Fine weather; very warm. Wind at S. W. 
No account of my boats yet. This morning, sent two Senecas in 
pursuit of two deserters of Gage's. A Seneca Indian, who came 
over to my camp during the siege of this place, with about thirty 
of his people, paid me a visit. On my examining him, and ask- 
ing how it came that the Senecas sent such a message to the 
western Indians at and about Detroit, he told me that it came 
from the Indians about Ohio, who had one of their men killed 
at or near Fort Pitt last spring; that others were abused much by 
the English, and lately, five Delawares were killed near Shamo- 
kin, and a Seneca killed by the garrison at Venango; that he 
believed that to be the reason of their sending such a message 
to Detroit, imagining the English intended their destruction from 
their unfriendly and rough behavior to the Indians who came to 
see them. The name of Shabear's son, who went with the war 
belt to Detroit is Tahaijdoris; the other is Kaiaghshota, 31 both 
Senecas. Mr. De Couagne, interpreter, came to let me know 
that Sonajoana, chief of the Seneca nation, was here, and in- 
tended to wait on me this morning. About 12, he, another 
Seneca, and their families came to my quarters, and after telling 
me they were very glad to see me, said they would wait the 
arrival of the several sachems of their nation, who were coming 



30 Capt. Jelles Fonda. 

31 Kayashuta. 



234 Sir IVilliam Johnson Papers 

here on my call from Oswego, and expected they would arrive 
to-morrow. Gave them pipes, tobacco, a little provision, and a 
couple glasses of wine to each, and parted. I desired Major 
Walters to forbid any rum by traders, sutlers or others, to the 
Indians, during the stay of the Seneca chiefs, as it would not only 
confound them, but greatly retard the intended meeting. He ac- 
cordingly gave out his orders for that purpose. This afternoon, 
I made out regulations for Indian trade, which is to be put up at 
each post where trade is carried on with Indians. 

Wednesday 5 th. — Very heavy rain in the morning until nine 
o'clock. Wind at S. West. No account yet of my boats. 
Captain Fonda came to acquaint me he was going to Toronto, as 
he could not dispose of his cargo here, although he offered all 
his rum at 8s. 6d. per gallon. In the afternoon went a gunning 
with Captain Slossen.' 12 Four men whipped, for robbing a Seneca 
Indian of a keg of rum, in their presence. 

Thursday 6th. — Fine weather: wind at N. East; very warm. 
No account of my boats yet. I made out a regulation for the 
Oswego trade this day, which I am to send by first opportunity to 
Major Duncan in order to set it up in the fort. In the afternoon 
took a ride to Petite Marie with Lieutenant Johnson, Captain 
Etherington and Doctor Stevenson. In the evening Collins An- 
drews 13 arrived here from Detroit in fifteen days; all well there, 
but trade very dull. Goods sold at 20 and 30 per cent, profit 
to each other. Mr. Gamblin, 34 who was taken prisoner here two 
years ago, is come in company with him to the falls, and will be 
here to-morrow or next day. 

Friday 7th. — Fine weather; but rather too hot wind at west. 
No account of my boats. 

Saturday 8th. — Fine weather; wind at N.E., until 1 1 o'clock, 
then turned to S. W. ; weather warm. At 1 2 o'clock the Senecas 
came to me, and told me that three young men, who were sent 
by the sachems express, arrived, and were desired to acquaint 



32 Capt. John Joseph Schlosser. 

33 Collin Andrews, trader. 

34 M. Gamelin of Detroit. 



The Detroit Journal 1761 235 

me that the sachems, &c., who were coming on my call from 
Oswego, were returned on account of one of their chief men, 
named Karaghianaghqui, falling sick, which prevented their pro- 
ceeding. Therefore, would be glad if I would deliver what I 
had to say, to the Senecas, who were at Niagara, being about 
twenty-two in number, with a chief called Sonajoana, who would 
acquaint the rest with it. I told them that I was surprised at their 
not obeying the summons sent them, as it greatly concerned their 
interest and welfare, having something of moment to say to them ; 
however, as there were some of their chiefs here, I would, in 
the afternoon, speak to them. After dinner Mr. Gambling 
arrived, and told me that an Indian from the Ottawas desired 
him to take care of himself, and get out of the way, as this place 
and Detroit would be destroyed in a few days. On asking Mons. 
Gambling when he returned, he answered in three or four days, 
but that he would wait any time to accompany me to Detroit, 
where his horse [house] was at my service. At 4 o'clock, sent 
for the Senecas to my quarters in the fort. When met, delivered 
them what I had to say myself, Mr. De Couagne not being able 
to do it. It will appear in the records of Indian affairs. They 
told me they would return me an answer on to-morrow. Then 
broke up. Captain Slasser 35 took me out to walk, when he let 
me know his desire of settling on a farm and quitting the army, 
and sending for his wife and family. He left it for me to choose 
a proper place for him, which I shall look out for on my return. 
Sunday 9th. — Very fine, warm weather; wind at N.N.E. 
No account of my boats yet. This morning I wrote a letter to 
Captain Clause by Mons. Desonie 36 who is going to Mt. Real 
with about three hundred packs; another letter to Major Duncan 
at Oswego, with the regulation for trade. Mr. Gambling came 
to see me and talked a good deal about the present situation of 
affairs at Detroit, and the disposition of the Indians in that quarter; 
all which he represented in a very favorable light, and is of 
opinion that few or none of the Indians that way like the Six 

35 Capt. John Joseph Schlosser. 

36 Johnson Papers, 10:323-25. 



236 Sir William Johnson Papers 

Nations. Mons. Desonie gave me also a very good account of 
the Indians inhabiting those parts; and is of opinion that no rum 
should be sold, or allowed to be sent beyond Niagara. It never 
was allowed by the French government. Major Gladwin arrived 
here from the landing place above the Falls, and said he would 
be ready to start in about three days. Asked me whether I had 
any commands. I told him none; that he might proceed as soon 
as he could to Detroit, and that I expected to overtake him before 
he got there. In the afternoon about twenty-five Senecas assembled 
at my quarters, and in answer to what I had delivered them yes- 
terday, declared they did not know anything of the affair; and 
that they were of opinion, as the two messengers who went to 
Detroit with the belt of wampum live at or near Fort Pitt, that it 
must be from that quarter; that as to their people stealing horses, 
they did not deny but some foolish young men might have done 
so, but promised that they would for the future take better care, 
and prevent any cause of complaint of the kind, as they were de- 
sirous of living in friendship with us. Here gave a bunch of 
wampum. The speaker then, in behalf of the warriors, sachems, 
and principal women, begged I would be so kind as to consider 
their poverty, and allow a little ammunition to the young men to 
kill some game for their support, and some clothing to cover the 
nakedness of their women, which, if granted, they would always 
be grateful for. — A bunch of wampum. 

My answer. — Brethren of the Seneca Nation : I have with 
attention and surprise heard you now declare your innocence and 
ignorance of the late message sent to Detroit by two of your 
people, who, although they live detached from you, would not, 
I am certain, presume to take upon them an affair of that kind, 
without your consent or approbation, as I well know that in 
matters of less moment you all consult each other. As this is so 
villainous an affair and carried so far, I must tell you plainly that 
I look upon what you now tell me only as an evasion, and kind 
of excuse to blind us. And I tell you, that all the excuses you can 
make, and all the rhetoric your nation is master of, will not satisfy 
the general, nor convince me of your innocence, unless a deputa- 



The Detroit Journal 1761 237 

tion of your chiefs appear at the general meeting which I am now 
calling at Detroit, and there in the presence of all the nations 
declare your innocence and disapprobation of what was done by 
the two messengers last month at Detroit. This I expect you 
will do to show your brethren your innocence, and all the Indians 
your detestation of so vile and unnatural a plot. — I here re- 
turned them their own wampum, to show them I paid no regard 
to what they said, which greatly staggered them all. After some 
time spent in talking together, their speaker said: Brother: You 
are very hard upon us, after our honest declarations of innocence. 
However, as it does not give you satisfaction, we will send off to- 
morrow morning your belt to our nation, with what you have said 
to them, and doubt not but some of our chief men will be ready 
to go to the proposed meeting at Detroit, and then satisfy you 
and the world of their innocence. 

Then I desired they would lose no time, so that they might not 
retard the meeting, and promised them I would cover their naked- 
ness the next day. And as to ammunition, I told them it was 
owing to their ill behavior last year, in leaving us after the sur- 
render of Isle Royal, that they were not taken more notice of. 
Besides, they could not expect we would now put arms or am- 
munition into the hands of people who are mad enough to think 
of quarrelling with us. However, on their solemnly declaring 
themselves innocent of the charge, and promising to behave as 
friends, I told them they should have a little ammunition for the 
present, to kill some game on their journey home. Thus ended. 

At 9 o'clock at night my boats arrived from Oswego, having 
eleven days' passage; brought me several letters and newspapers; 
also a letter for Captain Campbell at Detroit. 

Monday 1 0th. — Fine weather ; very warm, ordered my boats 
over the river opposite to the fort, and after drawing provisions, 
to embark and go up to the landing place or La Platon. A 
report made me of several things destroyed and ruined by getting 
wet in the boats. 

Gave Mr. De Couagne a list of such goods as I propose giving 
to the Seneca Indians, that he may purchase them of the traders 



238 Sir William Johnson Papers 

here. At 12 o'clock, delivered the goods to them, and promised 
a keg of rum on their journey, when ready to set off. About 4 
o'clock, the boats set off and went up to the landing place. 
Nickus, of Canajoharie, an Indian, arrived here, and acquainted 
me that several of his castle died of a malignant fever, since my 
passing that castle, and that all Brant's family were ill of the same 
disorder, except the old woman. He also told me that he had 
heard, by the way, from several Indians, that I was to be destroyed 
or murdered on my way to Detroit, and that the Indians were 
certainly determined to rise and fall on the English, as several 
thousand of the Ottawas and other nations had agreed to join 
the Five Nations in this scheme or plot. 

Tuesday 11th. — Fine weather; very hot. Every day I am 
making ready to set off for the landing place, in order to hurry 
every thing over. Sent my son there with directions what to have 
done; also orders to Captain Walters to get the boats over as 
soon as possible. 

The Mohawks and Oneidas spoke in behalf of their nations 
to the Chenusios with wampum; and after condemning the part 
they understood they were acting, strongly exhorted them to a 
better behavior, and also insisted on their delivering up what 
horses they had taken from hence — otherwise it must be pro- 
ductive of a quarrel with the English, which they will be blamed 
for by all nations. They also advised, that some of their sachems 
might attend the intended meeting at Detroit, and there declare 
their sentiments in the presence of their brethren, the English, 
and all the nations of Indians assembled at said congress. Three 
strings of wampum. The Senecas thanked them for their advice, 
and assured them, they would faithfully report it to their chiefs, 
on their arrival in their country; and were of opinion it would 
have great weight with them. 

Old Belt, the Seneca chief, two other chiefs, and several 
others of his nation just now arrived, who came purposely to see 
me, hearing I was at this place. On asking him how all in his 
country did, he answered, "all well and very peaceable." I asked 
him if he had not heard of the measures proposed by some of the 



The Detroit Journal 1761 239 

Senecas lately at Detroit. He declared he had heard nothing of 
any moment since his arrival in [t] his country. After ordering 
him some provisions, which he seemed in great need of, he went 
away, and promised to come and smoke a pipe with me in the 
afternoon. He accordingly came and spoke (as will appear in 
the records of that day), 3 ' when I told him what passed at 
Detroit, which surprised him. I asked his opinion of it. He said 
that when the sachems from the Seneca country, who were gone 
to Onondaga on business, were come back, he could tell what 
was intended, and would let me know it. He added, that as he 
was invested with the direction of the affairs of the nation where 
he lived, I did not doubt but he would be able to settle all matters 
on the best footing among them. 

Wednesday 1 2th. — Fine weather. I set off for the landing 
place with my baggage, in company with Captain Etherington, 
Doctor Stevenson' 8 and Lieutenant Johnson. When I arrived 
there, I found Mr. Frazier, an officer of Gladwin's party, getting 
over the last of their things. In the evening, I sent over four of 
my battoes, there being no more carriages. The royal American 
party is also here, waiting to get over their provisions, &c. I expect 
they will be ready to accompany me. In the evening, I took a 
walk to look if there could be a better landing place found, but 
could see none, without it was made with a great deal of labor. 

Thursday 13th. — Still very fine weather. Got the wet goods 
dried as well as I could, and the damaged casks, cases, &c, re- 
paired. Sent Lieutenant Johnson with a boat to Niagara, in 
order to invite Major Walters, Mons. Dember,'" 9 &c, to dine 
with me, and to get some provisions. About one, they arrived, 
and dined, as 2 o'clock. Then got very merry and returned. 
This day some Indians arrived here from Missillimackinac. I 
could not speak with them; they have come to trade. 

Friday 1 4th. — A good deal of rain ; very sultry. Got over 
the rest of my boats, and some of the Royal Americans, provi- 



31 Johnson Papers, 3:466-67. 

° ,s James Stevenson, surgeon of the 62d regiment. 

30 Lt. George Demler of the 60th regiment. Also written "Dimpler." 



240 Sir William Johnson Papers 

sions, &c. Nickus, the Mohawk, with his party encamped here 
last night. He told me he expected White Hame, 40 his uncle, 
would be up with us in a day or two. Mr. Hutchinson, a trader, 
brought me letters from below, dated the 23d ult. ; not any news. 

Saturday 15th. — Still rainy weather. Sent over nine waggons 
loaded with such articles as may receive least damage, and nine 
men with them. I had a long discourse with the Old Belt, and 
gave him an order on De Couagne for one pair of strouds, twenty 
pounds of penniston, six shirts, twelve pounds powder and ball, 
and one keg of rum — so finished with him. I wrote Captain 
Robertson 41 to order the boats to be mended. Wrote for Wab- 
bicomicot to come up, also Mr. Gambling if ready. — I wrote to 
Major Walters for one Ct. of powder, provisions for forty, for 
20 days — being for my family, and the Indians who accom- 
pany me. Received a letter from Captain Robinson letting me 
know that he had ordered another carpenter to work at my boats. 
Five Missilhmackinac Indians came to me and begged to have 
their rum and goods carried over the carrying place. Agreed to it. 

Sunday 16th, 1761. — Rained early in the morning and all 
night, but cleared up about 6 o'clock. Had the waggons loaded 
and sent off. Major Walters, Captain Etherington, and Lieuten- 
ant Hay dined with me, and all got very merry. 

Monday 1 7th. — A little rain in the morning, but cleared up. 
Loaded all the waggons and set off myself and company for the 
other end of the carrying place, or Little Niagara, where Shabear 
Jean Coeur lived. In the afternoon two French canoes arrived from 
Detroit and Missillimackinac. They said all was quiet in those 
parts; that there were between twenty and thirty families living 
there; a litte fort abandoned by the garrison; the Post La Bay 42 
eighty leagues distant from that. Went to the Island to see the 
vessel, and my battoe, which was repairing. Mr. Dies said in 



40 White Hans. 

41 Lt. Charles Robertson of the 77th regiment. See Amherst's Instruc- 
tion, Johnson Papers, 10:293 ff. Also, post, called "Robinson." 

42 La Baye, now Green Bay, Wis. 



The Detroit Journal 1761 241 

about a fortnight she might sail. The French traders met Major 
Gladwin this morning, entering the lake. 

Tuesday 1 8th. — Showery. I went to see the falls with Lieu- 
tenant Johnson, Johnny 43 and Ensign Holmes. 44 Returned at 9 
o'clock, when I met Captain Slosser and Mr. Dembler at my 
tent. Mr. Dembler gave me a plan of Niagara and its environs. 
Wind contrary. I gave out orders for fitting up the boats so as 
to load them to-morrow and set off. Orders that all the boats keep 
in sight, and encamp together every night. At 1 1 o'clock, the 
last of the provisions came up with the waggons. Very heavy rain 
all the afternoon, so that there was no doing anything. My battoe 
not yet finished. Captain Slosser, Dembler, Dies, Robertson, &c, 
dined with me, and got pretty happy before they left me. 

Wednesday 1 9th. — A very wet, raw, disagreeable morning. 
No stirring the goods until we have fair weather. Mr. Breme 45 
was yesterday in the lake some miles, left by Mr. Robertson, who 
says he judges the south side of the lake best for me to go. I 
gave a French blanket to each of the Chippawas, to a Seneca, 
to an Oneida, to two Mohawks, and a pound of paint. Mr. 
Johnson, my son, Captain Slosser and his son, are going to the 
island to see the vessel, and to bring my boat over mended. I 
wrote to the general this day, and gave the letter to Captain 
Slosser. Captain Walters very bad with the gout; obliged to 
leave him behind. As it holds up raining, I ordered the boats to 
be cleaned and loaded immediately. Mr. Dies spoke to me yester- 
day about the two islands, which he was of opinion would be 
a valuable thing in time. I promised him, if he could lay down, 
or think of a good plan or scheme, I would assist in getting them 
from the Indians. He said he would. 

At four o'clock embarked with the Royal American party, 
and the Yorkers, under the command of Lieutenant Ogden: 46 



43 John Johnson, Sir William's son. 

44 Ens. Robert Holmes of the 60th regiment. 

45 Lt. Dietrich Brehm of the 62d regiment. 

46 Amos Ogden. 






242 Sir William Johnson Papers 

the Royal Americans, commanded by Ensigns Slosser 4 ' and 
Holmes, with four battoes, and the former with eight battoes and 
one birch canoe, with the Mohawks, &c, making in all thirteen 
boats. Mr. Gambling sent me word he would be here to-morrow 
morning in order to accompany me. Touched at the island as 
we passed along; then struck over to the south side of the river, 
and encamped on the large island by a creek about two miles 
and a half from the shipyard. The island is full of fine large 
oak, and very level, as far as I could see. By the creek mouth, 
a fine situation for a house and trade, there being a good harbor 
in the creek for boats. 

Thursday 20th. — Fine morning. Decamped at 5 o'clock from 
Point Pleasant. The creek does not divide the island; ends in a 
swamp or meadow. The end of the large island is within five 
miles of the entrance of the lake, which is very ragged and 
rocky, also narrow. We arrived there at 1 o'clock, dined, and 
waited till two for the rest of the boats; then set off, and encamped 
in a bay, about seven miles from the entrance. The lake about 
twenty miles broad at our encampment. 

Friday 2 1 st. — Morning gloomy ; embarked at 5 o'clock. 
Cleared up about 8 o'clock, with a northerly breeze. Halted 
and dined at a point about twenty-six miles in the lake, when 
the boats all came up, embarked again, and"came to the Grand 
river, 4fS where we encamped. This is the first river we came to 
since our entrance into the lake. It is pretty large and navigable 
for canoes a great way. The Ottawas have two carrying places 
from this river to Lake Ontario, but are pretty long, one in 
particular. The lake here is so wide we could not see across. The 
goods for the present are very wet by the badness of the battoes, 
and want of oil cloths enough to cover them. There is a small 
island a little above the entrance of this river, which makes it 
very remarkable. 



47 Ens. Francis Schlosser of the 60th regiment. Referred to above as 
son of Capt. Schlosser. 

48 Grand River, Ontario, flowing into Lake Erie. 



The Detroit Journal 1761 243 

Saturday 22d. — A very rainy morning; wind at N. E. One 
of the Chippawas in [our] company, lives up this river, about 
half a day's journey, whom I intended to visit. I went about 
twelve miles up said river; very deep and still; about 150 yards 
wide, mostly N. W. and N. N. W. Where we turned back, the 
creek ran about west. Fine meadows on each side. Returned about 
3 o'clock. Rained all the time. Mr. Gambling came up with us 
here. 

Memoranda. — To settle all my affairs when I get home, with 
regard to land, settling tenants, &c. 

To go to New York this winter to settle about my patent 
opposite to Canajoharie. 

To make out a plan for the management of Indian affairs, 
what officers, interpreters, &c, will be necessary, and what the 
expense of the whole will amount to; then send it to the board 
of trade, and ministry. 

To have my books and all my accounts properly settled; and 
all my tenants' accounts adjusted regularly and put into one book. 

To sow the several seeds I pick up in my way to Detroit. 

To give diversions at Detroit to the Indians, and also to the 
French, of the best sort, balls, &c. 

To enquire of the governor at Detroit, how much land, in the 
French time, each man held, what rent they paid, to what use put, 
and to whom paid. 

Little summer houses to build in my gardens when I get home. 

To get my ten black beavers dressed and made up into a large 
blanket for a bed. 

To send Doctor Stevenson some present, and some few new 
books by Captain Etherington. 

I agreed with Mr. Harsen, 49 of Albany, to work as gunsmith 
for the Indians who come to Niagara, at £ 1 00 currency per 
annum. Present Captain Slosser. 

Sunday 23d. — Embarked at 5 o'clock, with a strong N. 
Easterly wind. Sailed at the rate of six miles an hour. Reached 



49 Jacob Harsin, smith at Niagara. See Johnson Papers, 5:226-27. 



244 Sir William Johnson Papers 

the river Fiatro;'" a good harbor for any number of boats. Dined 
here, and at 2 o'clock embarked; wind still strong, but changed 
to the N.N.E. Have picked some seed like Piony, and at Grand 
river, seed of a weed good for a flux; also here some black sand. 
Sailed at the rate of five miles an hour, until 5 o'clock. By the way, 
met two French canoes, which left Detroit four days ago, and 
met Major Gladwin three days ago at the Grand Point 1 " 1 or carry- 
ing place. We encamped at a little river near a long island, which 
is next to Point Bass' 2 and is called Buedel. 

Monday 24th. — Embarked at 5 o'clock with a strong wind 
at N.E. Sailed at a great rate. Sea very high, especially to Point 
Bass, off which came a canoe of Mississengeys, nine in number, 
all naked. They only came to get something; then returned. At 
Point Bass, it makes a great bay, through which we sailed about 
ten miles to the Grand Point, where we were obliged to row and 
sail through bulrushes and a great meadow, to the bank which 
divides the lake; makes the Great Point the passage or carrying 
place, which is now cut open a little by Major Gladwin; is not 
above forty yards across. I had my boat first hauled over, and 
all the rest in half an hour. Then set off with a good breeze, and 
sailed along a kind of beach about sixteen miles; then along a 
high sand bank, about twenty miles more, where there is no 
harbor nor even landing for boats in case of bad weather, until 
we came to the river Alavar, ' 3 which is a good harbor for boats. 
Here we encamped about 7 o'clock; about 8 o'clock my boats 
came up. 

Tuesday 25th. — A fine morning; wind at N.E. Several bales 
of blankets, &c, being wet, I gave orders for halting here this 
day, in order to dry them and prevent their spoiling. About 8 
o'clock, a boat appeared in sight, coming after us, which taking 
for Mr. Bream, I sent Lieutenant Johnson and Ensign Slosser 
in a boat to meet them, and know who they are, and where come 



50 R. a la Chenette on French maps. Now Nanticoke Creek. 

r>1 Long Point. 

52 Pt. a la Biche, on French maps. Now Turkey Point. 

M R. a la Voille. Now Otter Creek. 



The Detroit Journal 1761 245 

from. At nine, Mr. Bream came to our camp. He had been round 
the Grand Point, which he says is twenty-two miles long from the 
carrying place; very low toward the end, which is swampy, and 
about two miles broad; lies mostly S.E., and is about a third of 
the lake in length. He set off again immediately, and is resolved 
to visit the islands toward the end of the lake. All that land along 
the lake very barren as far as I could see; timbered chiefly by 
white oaks. At 10 o'clock, Tom. Lottridge 54 arrived here from 
Niagara, which he left the 21st inst., and brought me a large 
packet from General Amherst, with the news of the surrender 
of Belle Isle to his Britannic Majesty, the 7th of June last; also 
an account of our defeating the Cherokees the tenth of last July, 
and burning fifteen of their towns ; also an account of the reduction 
of Pondicherry in the East Indies. On which I gave orders for 
the Royal Americans and Yorkers, at three o'clock, to be in 
arms, and fire three volleys, and give three cheers; after which, 
each man is to have a dram to drink his majesty's health. I also 
acquainted the Indians with the news, who were greatly pleased 
at it. All the officers dined and spent the afternoon with me, and 
Mr. Gambling, the Frenchman, who got very drunk this night, 
and told me several things very openly. 

Wednesday 26th. — Fine morning, little or no wind. Em- 
barked at 5 o'clock. Everything in pretty good order after yes- 
terday's drying. The wind comes from the S.W., and rises 
pretty high, which obliges us to put into a river, called by the 
Indians Kanagio; by the French, river Sholdiere. 55 It has been 
a settlement of Indians formerly, and a very pretty place. My 
boats have great difficulty to get up the river against the wind, 
and there is no sailing them out in the lake, or anywhere but in 
the river; the bank being so high for many miles that a man can 
but in a few places creep up with difficulty. Here I am obliged 
to lie by for the contrary wind, and shall employ the party the 
rest of the day drying the present. My boats did not arrive until 
night. They received no damage. 

54 Thomas Lottridge of Albany, brother of Capt. John Lottridge. 

55 R. a la Barbue. Now Kettle Creek. 



246 Sir William Johnson Papers 

Thursday 27th. — Cold morning; wind not favorable. Ordered 
to embark and try to make all the headway we can. The wind 
soon turned quite contrary and blew very hard. Met some French 
boats from Detroit, which they left ten days before, and are 
going to Montreal with skins and furs. They met Major Gladwin 
yesterday evening about fifteen leagues from here, and Mr. Breme 
this morning. They told me Mr. Croghan had arrived at Detroit 
two days before they left it, with a few Shawanese, Delawares, 
&c. The cattle not yet come from Pittsborough. The wind still 
strong and quite ahead, with a great surf. Notwithstanding, I 
pushed on for a harbor — the bank being very steep and no 
rowing a boat without coming to a harbor; which at 6 o'clock 
we found at the end of a long point called the Green [ ] , 

where we were obliged to draw up our boats on a sandy beach. 
Here met with two birch canoes; one an Ottawa, the other a 
Chenundaddy, going a trading. I had them to smoke a pipe at 
my tent, when they told me that Mr. Croghan was arrived. They 
told me that nothing ever gave the nations living around their 
country greater pleasure than my going among them; that they 
were certain it would have a very good effect; and that all the 
surrounding nations were sent to attend the meeting on the 
arrival of the Chenundaddy messenger, who brought my belt 
of summons. They then begged that I would give them a few 
lines to have their goods and provisions carried over at Niagara 
Falls, which I complied with. They told me I would not see many 
young men of their nation, as they went to war, on my desire, last 

4 

spring, against the Cherokees. 

Friday 28th. — A fine morning ; wind northerly and pretty 
cold. Embarked at 5 o'clock, and proceeded to a beach near to 
Point a Pain; 5 " there dined, and saw where the light infantry 
had been mending their boats the day before. Then set off and 
rowed along the point, which is a fine sandy beach about ten 
miles, and very narrow, making a large bay to the westward. 
There is a carrying place at the north end of said beach, but 



56 Pointe aux Pins. 



The Detroit Journal 1761 247 

hardly passable without more trouble than profit. Encamped at 
the end of the beach, near to the Highlands, which is eight leagues 
long. None of my boats, except the Royal Americans, yet come 
up. One of the present boats and Captain Montour's" being left 
behind yesterday, I ordered Lieutenant Ogden of the Yorkers 
to wait for their coming up, and then to proceed with the whole. 
Wind moderate, and the wind lulled. A French canoe, going to 
Detroit, encamped near to us. 

Saturday 29th. — Fair weather; the wind contrary, being a 
shore wind, and we having the high banks or bluff shore to go 
along, which is eight leagues. Not one of the Yorker's boats yet 
in sight, so shall be delayed by them. My provision and everything 
is on board those. At 9 o'clock the wind blew very hard at S. W. ; 
obliged to have our boats drawn up three times on shore from the 
surf. Rained a good deal until 12 o'clock, when the wind lulled 
a little. No account or sight of my store-boats yet. About 4 o'clock, 
the wind and surf much greater. My boats within four miles 
encamped, could not reach us ; the swell being so great two of them 
almost filled with water, and spoiled some things. We are obliged 
to remain here this night. About eight at night, quite a storm with 
great lightning. Boats obliged to be pulled up as far as we could, 
and sentries to watch them. 

Sunday 30th. — Still very stormy weather; wind at W.N.W; 
no possibility of stirring, nor of getting the store-boats up. I was 
obliged to send two men to look for the boats, and to bring me 
some provisions and ammunition, what I had, being expended. I 
gave my own provisions to the Indians, who accompany me, 
theirs being in the boats behind. A great plenty of pigeons here; 
killed several. 

Monday 31st. — Fine weather; wind contrary. Embarked at 
6 o'clock with the Royal Americans and my own boat, the others 
not being come up. Turned the point which is about twelve miles 
from where we set off. A bank all along, very bad and steep. 
Dined and set off about 2 o'clock, and encamped on a beach 



57 Andrew Montour. 



248 Sir William Johnson Papers 

above the highland, and within a couple of miles of the carrying 
place of Point Place. 58 Lotteridge and Gambling gone to the 
portage. My boats not come up. Here is a large body of drowned 
land or swamp, with a river or creek through the middle (called 
River Du Coeur) but stopped up by the land at the lake side. 
A fine place for ducks, geese, &c. The light infantry encamped 
here, I believe, yesterday, by the fresh tracks. Blew hard in the 
night. 

Tuesday September 1 st. — Fine morning ; little or no wind. 
Embarked, and set off for the portage, where we arrived at 10 
o'clock. Then went to the end of Point Place, which is but a 
very narrow ridge or bank of sand, about thirty yards wide for 
several miles. Then the said ridge continues for three or four 
miles into the lake almost due south, but just covered with water 
which breaks over it. About one hundred yards from the extremity 
of the sand point, is the best passage for boats, — water nearly 
two feet deep. There I dined, and seeing my boats in sight, en- 
camped early for their coming up, having neither liquor, linnen 
or anything but what is on board the store boat. Have come 
about twelve miles from the Point Place to the high land. At 
8 o'clock, the boats all arrived except the one Montour is in. 
Rained and blew hard the most part of the night. 

Wednesday 2d. — Embarked at 6 o'clock, with N. N. E. 
wind. Sailed at a great rate, as the wind blew very fresh. Mostly 
high land to the entrance of the River Detroit, except here and 
there small beaches. At the entrance of the river appear islands 
to the westward, and a bunch of trees which is called Point Moire, 
being always wet. Encamped at 5 o'clock, opposite the end of 
Isle Bois Blanc, or White Wood Island. 59 This island is about 
two miles in length, and half a mile in breadth; pretty ground 
and bank. On the east shore of the river, opposite said island, 
are about five hundred acres of clear land, which was planted 
by the Hurons twelve years ago; had two priests here, but left 
this for the place where they now live. It would make a very 

58 Pointe Pelee. 

59 At the mouth of the Detroit River. 



The Detroit Journal 1761 249 

pleasant place for a settlement; land good, and a fine prospect 
of the lake, river, and island. There might be now mowed a 
vast quantity of hay. Here a fine hunting place all about it. 

Thursday 3d. — At 4 o'clock I arose, and wrote Mr. Croghan 
a few lines by Mr. Gambling's canoe, to meet me about six 
miles this side of the fort with horses. I take Mr. Gambling in 
my boat. Fine morning, but cold, and the wind right ahead. 
Embarked at 7 o'clock, and on our way passed several fine 
islands and drowned meadows. About twelve, came to the house 
of Mr. Jarves 60 of the militia, which is the best house I have 
seen in the neighborhood. Eat some melon there, and set off for 
Detroit, which is but a league from said house. Opposite to the 
Huron Town, and Pottawattamie village, saw Mr. Groghan 
and St. Martin, <u the interpreter, with horses expecting us. 'On 
coming farther, the Indian towns drew out and began to fire with 
cannon and small arms, which I returned by three volleys from the 
Royal American detachment; then went on shore and rode to 
town through a number of settlements. All along the road was 
met by Indians, and near the town, by the inhabitants, traders, 
&c. When I came to the verge of the fort, the cannon thereof were 
fired, and the officers of the garrison with those of Gage's Light 
Infantry received me, and brought me to see my quarters^ which 
is the house of the late commandant Mr. Belestre," 2 the best in 
the place. After having given directions for my baggage to be 
brought there, went to Campbell's quarters, where his officers and 
several of the French gentlemen were introduced to me. Hearing 
Major Gladwin was very ill, went with Captain Campbell to 
see him, and found him very ill. Then returned to my quarters, 
and supped that evening with Captain Campbell. 

Friday 4th. — Fine weather. I was all the forenoon taken up 
with receiving visits and compliments from the different nations 



60 Louis Gervais, captain of militia, who had a farm on the south side 
of the river. Also called Captain Jarvis, post. 

61 Jacques Baudry St. Martin, interpreter for the Hurons. 

62 Francois Marie Picote, Sieur de Bellestre, last French commandant 
at Detroit. 



250 Sir William Johnson Papers 

of Indians, that came here to meet me, to whom I gave pipes, 
tobacco, and some drink. Dined with Captain Campbell, whom 
I desired to order a feu de joie on the great success of his Majesty's 
arms in the reduction of Belle Isle, and destroying so many 
villages of the Cherokees, which was done about 7 o'clock in the 
evening, having first acquainted all the Indians with the news, 
and the reason of firing; which they seemed greatly pleased at. 
The Ottawas and several other nations sent me word they would 
wait on me next morning to pay their respects. This afternoon, 
Captain Campbell went with me to Major Gladwin's quarters, 
and there we settled about the garrisoning the several posts in 
the best manner we possibly could, considering the bad situation 
of affairs, viz: the lateness of the season, the badness of the boats, 
and above all the scarcity of provisions and ammunition, which 
Captain Campbell and Major Gladwin reported to me to be 
the case, the latter having lost all of his ammunition and a great 
part of his provisions in coming here. These circumstances, well- 
weighed and considered, we unanimously agreed to send back 
] men of Gage's [Light Infantry] to Niagara, for provisions, 
as the vessels bringing provisions here are very precarious. The 
remainder to proceed with a garrison of an officer and thirty 
men for the fort of Missillimackinac and ten months' provisions; 
also an officer and fifteen men for St. Joseph; an officer and 
fifteen men for Warraghtenhook,'"" with as much provision as can 
possibly be spared; and an officer and fifteen men to relieve the 
Rangers at the Miami's post immediately ; — Captain Campbell 
and Bellfore 04 to settle and order the proper number of boats 
necessary for said service, and make an exact calculation of the 
quantity of provisions for said garrisons to-morrow morning, so 
that they may set off as soon as possible. I am greatly distressed 
for the want of provisions for the Indians, having received none 
from Fort Pitt as I expected; wherefore am obliged, at a very 
great expense, to purchase cattle and what I can get here. 



63 Wawiaghtanok, Ouiatonon, site of the present Lafayette, Ind. 
61 Capt. Henry Balfour of the 80th regiment. 



The Detroit Journal 1761 251 

Saturday 5th. — A very wet morning; cleared up about 10 
o'clock. This day I wrote to Ferrall Wade, which is to go by 
Lieutenant Ogden. Had [to dine with me] Captains Campbell, 
Bellfore, McCloud, 00 eight or ten other officers, and Colonel 
Du Quesne 0,j and Major La Mott," 7 his brother, who were my 
prisoners at Niagara. While the company were drinking, two 
of the head men of the Hurons came in to acquaint me that the 
women of their nation were all come to see and bid me welcome 
here to their country. On which they were introduced by Mr. 
Croghan, to the number of fifty, old and young. After saluting 
them, I ordered them a glass of wine and some biscuit, and drank 
their healths. They then told me, they had brought me some corn, 
the produce of their land, which they begged I would accept of. 
In return I ordered them a beef for their nation, which pleased 
them much. At parting they shook hands again, and bid farewell ; 
— so ended their visit. In the morning all the principle inhabitants 
of Detroit, with their priest, came to pay their respects and 
desire protection. I returned the compliment, and gave them 
assurances of his Majesty's protection, while they continued to 
behave as good subjects. Then gave them rusk and shrub in 
plenty, which they made very good use of, and went away ex- 
tremely well pleased — their priest at their head. 

Sunday 6th. — A very fine morning. This day I am to dine 
with Captain Campbell, who is also to give the ladies a ball, that 
I may see them. They assembled at 8 o'clock at night, to the 
number of about twenty. I opened the ball with Mademoiselle 
Curie — a fine girl. We danced until five o'clock next morning. 
This day the Ottawas, by Mr. La Bute, 08 interpreter, made me 
a speech, chiefly on the begging order, and to support the French 
interpreters. Answered them with a belt of wampum. 

Monday 7th. — A fine morning. Montour not yet come, nor 
the mohawks. I shall send the interpreters this day to desire that 



65 Capt. Normand MacLeod. 

66 Louis Cesair Dequindre, colonel of militia. 

67 Maj. La Motte Domeille. 

68 Pierre Chesne La Butte, interpreter and merchant at Detroit. 



252 Sir William Johnson Papers 

all the nations may be ready to attend the meeting to-morrow, 
or next day at farthest. The Light Infantry and Royal Americans 
are making ready to set off to-morrow, or next day at farthest. 
I had all the Delaware, Shawanese, Six Nations, and huron 
chiefs from the south side of the lakes this afternoon, when I 
told them I should speak to all on Wednesday, when I desired 
that they and all the other nations would be ready to attend. 
Gave them pipes, tobacco, and rum, for their whole number, 
and parted very friendly. 

Tuesday 8th, 1761. — Fine morning. This day am about 
finishing what I have to do of the speech, which I am to make 
to-morrow to all the nations assembled here. Also making out 
instructions and orders for the officers going to command at 
Missillimackinac, St. Joseph, Miamis, &c. On examining the 
goods intended for the present, many are found to be rotten and 
ruined by badness of the boats, for want of a sufficient number 
of oil cloths, &c. ; so that I shall be obliged to replace them, 
and add more goods to the present, the number of Indians being 
veiy great. In the afternoon, I had the two interpreters at my 
quarters, when I got Mr. Williams, of the light infantry, to tell 
them in French what I intended to say, which he did very dis- 
tinctly. 

Wednesday 9th. — Fine morning, but windy. I ordered all the 
seats to be made out of doors for the meeting, there being no house 
here half large enough to meet in. Received an account this morn- 
ing of the loss of one of my store boats, which Montour was in. 

I ordered two cannon to be fired at 10 o'clock, as a signal for 
them all to assemble. This day, the Light Infantry and Royal 
Americans, which are to garrison the forts at Missillimackinac, 
La Bay and St. Joseph, set off with ten months' provision. I gave 
Mr. Lastly"" for Missillimackinac, about fifty pounds of tobacco 
out of my present. Nickus, of Canajoharie, arrived this morning, 
and left Montour and Preston, with my small boat, yesterday, at 
the entrance of this river. What they had of my stores in their 



* 9 Lt. William Leslye of the 60th regiment, Royal Americans. 



The Detroit Journal 1761 253 

boat is all lost and ruined, having been, he says, cast away. About 
10 o'clock, the Indians were all met, when I went there with 
Captain Campbell and all his officers, the officers of the Light 
Infantry, all the merchants and principal people of the town. 
Mr. Croghan, Lieut. Johnson, Mr. Breme, Mr. Mya'° from 
Pittsborough, Mr. Bostwick' 1 from Missillimackinac, Mr. Bute 
and St. Martin, Interpreters, the former to the Ottawas, the 
latter to the Hurons, Printup only as spectator. After the speech 
was delivered, I arose, and with the gentlemen went to dinner 
at my quarters, where, about 5 o'clock, the Hurons, Ottawas, &c, 
came to the amount of thirty chiefs, to let me know that they 
understood the Indians from the south side of Lake Erie were 
determined, to return, having heard what I had to say; and that, 
therefore, they would not, while said Indians were here, let 
me know how that war-belt was sent here. I thanked them for 
their honesty and readiness, but told them it was better to have 
it mentioned in public, when I received an answer from all the 
nations. To this they agreed, and said that as some chiefs of each 
nation might take to drinking, they would be glad to answer 
on the morrow; and desired two guns might be fired, as on this 
day, whereby they might all assemble and finish ; — to which 
I readily agreed, and promised them it should be done accordingly. 
Gave them pipes, tobacco and some liquor, — then parted. 

Thursday 1 0th. — Fine weather. My quarters full of Indians 
of different nations about little affairs of their own, which I 
settled. After that, a very honest Seneca Indian came and told 
me what he had heard among his relations living here, which he 
delivered very ingenuously, and seemed to me to be very just. 
No account yet of Montour or the boat's crew. This day I wrote 
by Captain McCloud to Major Walters for ammunition, provi- 
sions, and an officer, sergeant and ten men for the garrisoning one 
of the posts, viz: Miamis or Miamis Wawiaghtanook. Yesterday 
Captain Balfour with one hundred and twenty of Gage's [Light 
Infantry], set off with the Royal Americans for Missillimackinac, 

70 Probably Myer, or Myers, a trader. See post. 

71 Henry Bostwick, a trader. 



254 Sir William Johnson Papers 

&c. I wrote the general this day by Captain McCloud. In the 
afternoon, the Indians all assembled, and gave their answer to 
my speech made the day before, which was very satisfactory. 
After all was over, the White Mingo'" came to my quarters 
where all the gentlemen were with me, and desired I would 
return to the meeting, as he and the Six Nations from Ohio had 
something to say in answer to what the Hurons had charged them 
with. We all returned to the council, where we found every 
nation by themselves. Then Kaiaghshota, a Seneca chief, and 
one who accompanied the two messengers who came here with 
the war axe to the Hurons, stood up, and with great oratory 
and resolution, endeavored to clear himself of the imputations 
laid to his charge, when one of the Hurons named Adariaghta, 
the chief warrior of the nation, confronted him and the White 
Mingo, and discovered everything which had passed. Upon 
which, the White Mingo told them that they had come several 
times to him at Ohio, and pressed him and others living there to 
fall upon the English, which he as often refused. After a great 
deal of altercation I got up, and desired that they would not go 
to too great lengths, being now joined in stricter friendship and 
alliance than ever. Left them liquor and broke up the meeting, 
telling them I intended next day delivering them some goods, &c, 
which I had brought up for their use, and desired they would be 
punctual as soon as the cannon was fired. They thanked me, and 
promised they would be ready to attend — parted. Supped with 
Cole and went to bed early. 

Friday 1 1th. — Fine morning. At 6 o'clock Mr. Croghan set 
about cutting up the present, and making proper divisions thereof 
for the several nations. This morning, I gave Baby's' " daughter 
a present, her father being a principal sachem of the Hurons. 
Went to the meeting about 12 o'clock, where the Indians were 
all assembled to the number of five hundred and odd, when the 
Delawares and Shawanese made a speech. After that, I made 



72 Kanaghragait (John Cook), a Seneca chief. 

73 Jacques Duperon Baby, a principal habitant across the river from 
Detroit. 



The Detroit Journal 1761 255 

a reply to what all the nations had answered yesterday, as [will 
appear] by records. Then gave them the present, divided in 
nine parts. After that went to dinner; and after dinner, about 
forty of the Chippawas, who had just arrived, came to see me, 
and made a friendly speech with a string of wampum, assuring 
me of their firm resolution of abiding by us, and complying with 
everything proposed by me, and agreed to by the rest. Gave 
them pipes, tobacco, and rum; then they departed. This day I 
ordered to be laid aside a good many things for the Huron 
sachems, Delawares, Shawanese, &c, and am to speak to them 
separately my opinion and advice. 

Saturday 1 2th. — Very fine weather and warm. I had meet- 
ings with the several nations of Ottawas, Shaganoos, Chippewas, 
&c, who made many demands and requests for their several 
nations, and gave the strongest assurances of being happy in what 
I said, and of their adhering inviolably to the promises and engage- 
ments entered into here, as did the Delawares, Shawanese, &c, 
by belts and strings. I then sent for the White Mingo alias 
Kanaghragait and the Seneca who accompanied Tahaiadoris here 
with the Seneca's message, named Kaiaghshota, to whom I said 
a great deal concerning the late design of the Indians in their 
quarter; set forth the madness of it, and desired them, by a large 
string of wampum, to reform and repent, which they assured me 
they and all their people, would pay the strictest observance to; 
then condoled the Seneca who was killed by our troops stealing 
horses, with two black strouds, two shirts, and two pair of stock- 
ings ; gave them their liquor, I promised, and parted. This morning 
four of the principal ladies of the town came to wait on me. I 
treated them with rusk and cordial. After sitting an hour, they 
went away. This day, I gave private presents to chiefs of sundry 
nations. At 9 o'clock at night a York officer arrived at my quarters, 
express from Niagara in sixteen days, with letters from General 
Amherst, and the belt, which the Senecas sent here, to desire the 
Hurons, &c, to join against the English. 

Sunday 1 3th. — Very fine weather. I had a meeting with the 
Chippawa nation at my quarters, who spoke with two large 



256 Sir William Johnson Papers 

bunches of wampum, giving me the strongest assurances imaginable 
of their resolution to live in the strictest friendskip, and that the 
speeches I had made to them, and the manner I had treated them 
and all the nations here, convinced them that I was their friend. 
They then said my presence had made the sun and sky bright 
and clear, the earth smooth and level, the roads all pleasant, 
and the lakes placid, and begged I would continue in the same 
friendly disposition toward them, and they would be a happy 
people. They then prayed to have a plentiful and fair trade, 
which I promised them; gave them a beef, liquor, &c, and parted 
very happy and well pleased. At 10 o'clock, Captain Campbell 
came to introduce some of the town ladies to me at my quarters, 
whom I received and treated with cakes, wine and cordial. 
Dined at Campbell's. In the evening, several Indians came to 
my quarters to bid me farewell. 

Monday 1 4th. — Fine weather. This day I am to have all the 
principal inhabitants to dine with me; also Captain Campbell to 
have a meeting with the Hurons, and give their chiefs a private 
present; also to settle with the two French interpreters and pay 
them. I took a ride before dinner up toward the Lake St. Clair. 
The road runs along the river side, which is all settled thickly 
nine miles. A very pleasant place in summer, but at other seasons 
too low and marshy. The French gentlemen and the two priests 
who dined with us got very merry. Invited them all to a ball 
to-morrow night, which I am to give to the ladies. 

Tuesday 1 5th. — Fine weather. This day settled all accounts. 
Paid La Bute one hundred dollars for interpreting all the time for 
Captain Campbell; to St. Martin one hundred dollars for the 
same; to Doctor Anthony' 4 [ ]. I had the three Huron 

interpreters here at my lodging, and Aaron, also St. Martin, 
when I thanked them kindly for their conduct in the affair of 
the war-belt offered by the Six Nations' deputies this summer; 
strongly recommended to them a steady and uniform adherence 
to all the advice I had given them, and told them I looked upon 



' 4 Dr. George Christian Anthon, post surgeon at Detroit. 



The Detroit Journal 1761 257 

them as the head of the Ottawa Confederacy. Having lighted up 
a council-fire, I desired they would take care to keep it in good 
order, and not neglect their friends and allies, as the Six Nations 
have done, notwithstanding all my admonitions. Cautioned them 
against evil minded people or their wicked schemes; laid before 
them the danger of quarreling with the English; all which they 
thanked me for, and promised to pay the strictest attention to 
all I said. They then let me know that the Senecas had given 
another war-belt to the Shawanese, who told them that they 
would act as the Hurons had done. They then let me know that 
they would, on the morrow, return an answer to the speech of 
the Mohawks, and for that end, desired a gun to be fired in order 
to assemble the Ottawas, Pottawattamies, &c, to the meeting. 
Then ordered up a very good private present, and dismissed them. 
In the evening, the ladies and gentlemen all assembled at my 
quarters, danced the whole night until 7 o'clock in the morning, 
when all parted very much pleased and happy, promised to 
write Mademoiselle Curie as soon as possible my sentiments; 
there never was so brilliant an assembly here before. 

Wednesday 1 6th. — Still fair weather, wind contrary for us. 
I ordered all the baggage to be packed up, and every thing ready 
to embark to-morrow. About eleven, the Huron chiefs arrived, 
and acquainted me that they waited for the other nations, who, 
when assembled, would acquaint me, and come to my quarters. 
I am to dine this day with Captain Campbell. About one o'clock, 
the Hurons, Ottawas, Pottawattamies, Chippawas, &c, met at 
my quarters, and made several speeches, large and full of gratitude, 
as by the minutes of this day's conference will appear. They 
also answered to the Mohawk belts, with which they had spoken 
to all the nations the tenth inst; and delivered them a calumet to 
be kept and smoked out of at our council at the Mohawk's; — 
the smoke of which will reach the most distant nations. This 
calumet was delivered by the Chippawas, and a bunch of green 
painted wampum to me, wherewith to dispel all clouds, and to 
clear all about us. I gave out private presents to the four chiefs 
of the Hurons, which were very considerable, and pleased them 




258 Sir William Johnson Papers 

much. Nickus, the Mohawk, desired I would take home the 
pipe, belts, and strings, and deliver them to the sachems of the 
two Mohawk castles. 

Thursday 1 7th. — I counted out, and delivered to Mr. Crog- 
han some silver works, viz; one hundred and fifty ear-bobs, two 
hundred brooches or breast buckles, and ninety large crosses all 
of silver, to send to Ensign Gorrel' 5 of the Royal Americans, 
posted at La Bay on Lake Michigan, in order to purchase 
therewith some curious skins and furs for General Amherst and 
myself. Also gave Mr. Croghan some silver works as a present 
for himself to the amount of about forty pounds, — he having 
given me many presents of Indian kind. This day I am to give 
an answer to what the Indians said yesterday, and to set off, if 
I can, after visiting Major Gladwin, Irwin, &c. 

I set off about 4 o'clock in my boat, when the guns of the fort 
were fired. Arrived at the Huron castle soon, where the Indians 
were drawn up and saluted. Encamped here; visited the Priest 
Pierre Pottie; 70 took a ride with Captain Jarvis in his chair; 
supped with St. Martin, the Jesuit, La Bute, &c, and went to 
the Huron's council room, where they had every thing in good 
order and three fires burning. I here delivered them an answer 
to what they had said the day before, as will appear by the 
minutes of this day. Then broke up. 

Friday 1 8th. — Fine cool morning. As my store boat did not 
come up last night, I dispatched my own battoe to Detroit in 
order to help and hurry them down here, so as to set off, having 
finished everything. Captain Jarvis is to have three chairs here 
this morning, for us to ride to the end of the settlement, being 
about six miles. This is a beautiful situation, and a dry, healthy 
place. At 9 o'clock, the chiefs of the Hurons met at my tent 
and returned an answer to all I said last night, in the most friendly 
manner, as will appear by the minutes of this day in the records. 
I then gave them twenty kettles full of tobacco, about fifty 



75 Ens. James Gorrell of the 60th regiment. 

7,! Louis Antoine Pothier (also called Peter Potier), a Jesuit priest. 



The Detroit Journal 1761 259 

damaged blankets, twenty pounds of powder and silver works, 
which greatly pleased them all. Captain Campbell, several officers 
of the Light Infantry, French and traders, came over to take leave 
of me and were present at the meeting; also the priest. Treated 
them and the Indians ; set off my boats ; and went with three chairs 
to Captain Jarvis' where we took breakfast. Madame Jarvis 77 
accompanied us to our boats. In our way, called in at several houses 
to see some of the principal inhabitants. Dined with the company 
out of doors. Parted [from] them all at this place, which is 
called Isle de [ ] . Set off at one, and encamped. At the 

west end of the lake, about two miles into the lake is the large 
island; nine leagues long and two miles broad; in several places 
very rocky ; worth taking up, and also Isle Bois with one thousand 
acres of land on the east shore, where the Hurons formerly lived. 
The Indians and inhabitants were all very kind, and extremely 
pleased with all that was done at this meeting. We left their 
country with the greatest credit. 

Saturday 1 9th. — Fine morning. I took my first dose of elec- 
tuary. Embarked at 6 o'clock, and went about five miles, where 
we were obliged to put ashore for a head wind, having taken in 
some water. Where we encamped is a drowned, swampy country, 
as is the west end of the lake for the most part. The lake runs 
generally S.S.W., at the end. Embarked at 1 o'clock, the wind 
being a little abated. Got to Stony Point. 7S There the wind sprung 
up very fresh, and the waves ran very high, so that we took in 
water several times. Encamped at the next point from the Stony 
point which is about nine miles distant. The wind still very high, 
and some of my boats not able to come up to me. 

Sunday 20th. — Fine weather, but wind contrary till 1 2 
o'clock ; then embarked, and crossed a great bay to Cedar Point. 79 
About the middle of the bay, almost opposite the Miami river, 
is a small island, and about five leagues to the E. of said island, 
is another larger in sight. This is the largest or deepest bay I 

77 Madelaine Langlois Gervais. 

78 West end of Lake Erie, today in State of Michigan. 

79 East point of Maumee Bay. 



260 Sir IVilliam Johnson Papers 

have seen; and the end of the lake, near the Miami river, 80 is 
about five leagues or more across. We crossed it with fine moderate 
weather, and encamped on Cedar Point, where I cut some cedar 
sticks to bring home. It is a pleasant encampment, and plenty of 
game. I gathered sand and shells here. It is about twenty-four 
miles from here to the camping place of Sandusky, which is a 
mile and a half across; from thence six miles to the Indian village. 

Monday 2 1 st. — Set off from Cedar Point at 6 o'clock. Rowed 
till three [against] a contrary wind, along a narrow, low, sand 
beach, with drowned land and meadows within side — full of 
ducks and geese. Arrived at the carrying-place of Sandusky, 
which is on the east side of a fine river; which river runs S.W., 
and is pretty large. Encamped here, as none of my boats are in 
sight. It is a pleasant place, and full of game. There is an island 
about ten miles off bearing about N.E., near the end of the point 
of land, which makes the carrying-place. A Tawa 81 canoe came 
to us here, and gave me two wild geese. He had a scalp and belt 
hoisted in his canoe, which he took this last spring from the 
Cherokees. About six and seven o'clock my boats all arrived. 
I gave orders to set off early the next morning, so as to get round. 

Tuesday 22d. — I sent my boats round the point, and ordered 
them encamped at the east side of the entrance of Lake Sandusky 82 
into Lake Erie, which is about a mile across — there to wait 
my coming. Then I crossed the carrying-place which is almost 
opposite one of the Wyandot towns, about six miles across the 
lake here. I sent Mr. Croghan to the Indian town, and went 
down the lake in a little birch canoe to the place where the block 
house is to be built by Mr. Myer. This place is about three leagues 
from the mouth of Lake Sandusky, where it disembogues itself 
into Lake Erie. They have a view of all boats which may pass 
or come in from said post. It is about three miles from another 
village of Hurons, and fifteen by water from the one opposite 
to the carrying-place, and nine by land. The Pennsylvania road 



80 Maumee River. 

81 Ottawa. 

82 Sandusky Bay. 



The Detroit Journal 176! 261 

comes by this post. This is one hundred and seventy miles from 
Presque Isle, and forty miles from Detroit. In the afternoon, 
set off from the post in the little canoe, and desired Mr. Croghan 
to follow me directly in order to give him what things I reserved 
for some Tawas, who received nothing at Detroit. I arrived at 
the encampment at sunset, when I ordered all the things to be 
left out and ready for morning. 

Wednesday 23d. — Stormy weather ; wind N.W. Very rough 
sea; we cannot move. Last evening Mr. Croghan and Mr. Myer 
came to our camp and brought me a birch canoe. I gave Mr. 
Croghan his instructions, a memorandum for some things, and a 
letter for Colonel Bouquet with the regulations for trade for 
Pittsborough. This morning delivered Mr. Croghan all the silver 
works for Sir William, 83 Killbuck, 84 and Jacob, three Delaware 
chiefs. Also what goods I have for about thirty Tawas. I sent 
my watch by Mr. Croghan to have it mended at Philadelphia. 
Then he parted [from] me about 9 o'clock, as did Mr. Myer. 

1 gave the Tawas' two sons two silver gorgets which pleased 
them much. The wind very high all the day and rises toward 
night. No stirring with my craft. In the night the wind blew so 
hard that we were all afloat in our encampment and beds, and 
could not move anywhere else, being on a sandy beech between 
two waters. 

Thursday 2 1 st. — A very stormy morning. Wind hard at 
N.E. No possibility of stirring. I was obliged to move my camp 
into the woods about two hundred yards back, being all in the 
water. When first encamped, the sea washed over us. Everything 
quite wet. Last night a Tawa squaw came into my tent, quite 
wet, having fallen into the lake at 1 1 o'clock at night. About 

2 o'clock P.M. began to rain very hard, which I hope will lower 
the wind. 

Friday 25th. — The weather cleared up a little, and the wind 
lulled a good deal, but a great gust yet remaining and swell. 



83 No doubt named after Sir William. 

84 Alias Bemineo. 



262 Sir William Johnson Papers 

Embarked at 1 1 o'clock. The swell yet very great. One of my 
boats wrecked, but fitted her up in a manner so as to get her 
along. At a river within fifteen miles of Sandusky Lake, I saw 
three wolves on shore who had driven a fine buck into the lake, 
which I shot through the head; and in the evening, I divided it 
among the party and Indians; it was enough for them all. The 
horns, skin and sinews I took with me as a trophy. Encamped 
about 6 o'clock; my boats all behind. The last or broken boat 
came up about 8 o'clock at night. 

Saturday 26th. — Fine, mild morning ; not the least wind. 
Embarked at six of the clock and intend to beach near to Caya- 
hoga 8a this day. The Seneca tells me there is a good deal of high 
or steep banks to pass by this day, where there is no getting on 
shore. I found it so for the most part of this day's journey. Very 
bad banks, indeed, of rock and some places clay; very steep and 
high. The wind turned fair about 1 1 o'clock, and blew steady 
all the remainder of this day, which made this day's journey nearly 
forty miles. Encamped before six o'clock, on a beach. Pleasant 
enough. One boat behind a great way. We have a long point 
to turn to-morrow morning. This side of the lake from Sandusky 
is very full of turns and points running northward or rather N. 
Easterly. We came about thirty-six miles. 

Sunday 27th. — A fine morning. I got up at 4 o'clock, and 
made ready to embark, so as to get as far possible this fine weather. 
We rowed all day, the wind ahead. We passed two little rivers 
and some beaches for boats to go in; but the bank in general 
is steep. Arrived a little before sunset at a river, the entrance 
of which is very shallow and rapid, but deep fourteen or fifteen 
feet when you get in, and about one hundred yards wide. We 
came this day nearly thirty miles. My baggage-boats behind a 
considerable way. 

Monday 28th. — About 6 o'clock, my two boats came up and 
set off. We embarked immediately, the weather very good, but 
no wind ; the day very warm. Passed three or four creeks and 



85 Cayahoga River, present day Cleveland, Ohio. 



The Detroit Journal 1761 263 

other good harbors for boats in case of bad weather. At 6 o'clock, 
encamped in a very good creek and safe harbor. The creek about 
fifty yards wide, and pretty deep; two very steep hills at the 
entrance thereof; and the water of it of a very brown color. We 
came this day about thirty miles by our reckoning. The banks, 
this day's journey, are not quite so steep as those we passed these 
two days. 

Tuesday 29th. — At 6 o'clock embarked, and found the chan- 
nel into this creek, but shallow. Sailed the greatest part of the 
day, with a good westerly wind; passed two or three creeks and 
some good beaches for landing. About two o'clock, appeared in 
sight the point near Presque Isle, which we did not expect was so 
near. About half after four arrived at the landing place, where 
we had a good deal of difficulty in landing on account of the 
great swell and surf which beat upon the beach. Got the boats 
and everything over this evening, but in a very wet condition. 
The fort of Presque Isle is about eight miles from here. This 
carrying-place is a sandy beach about one hundred yards across 
into a rushy bay. The neck or peninsula is eight miles long or 
thereabouts, and a mile over from the fort; the entrance is not 
the best. 

Wednesday 30th. — Wind ahead or N. East. Set off at 7 
o'clock, and arrived at Presque Isle block house about 9 o'clock. 
Captain Cockran, 86 who commanded here, went yesterday for 
his health to Niagara. Met Mr. Jenkins, ST of the Royal Americans 
here from Niagara, going to Detroit, in order to command at 
Wawiaghtenhook. He delivered me some letters and newspapers, 
but nothing very material. I gave some Chippawas some ammuni- 
tion, tobacco, &c, who were in fact in great want of them. 
Dined with the officers, and after dinner intended to have set off, 
but the wind blew too hard ahead, so encamped here. Swapped 
my gun with a Chippewa Indian for a French gun. Gave the 
Indians a keg of rum to drink the King's health. 



86 Capt. Gavin Cochran of the 62d regiment. 

87 Lt. Edward Jenkins of the 60th regiment. 



264 Sir William Johnson Papers 

Thursday October 1 st. — Embarked at 7 o'clock, with the 
wind strong ahead. Continued so all the day; notwithstanding 
improved all day and got to Jadaghque creek 88 and carrying 
place, which is a fine harbor and encampment. It is very dangerous 
from Presque Isle here, being a prodigious steep, rocky bank 
all the way, except two or three creeks and small beaches, where 
a few boats may run into. There are several very beautiful streams 
of water or springs, which tumble down the rocks. We came about 
forty miles this day. The fire was burning yet where Captain 
Cockran, I suppose, encamped at last night. Here the French 
had a baking-place, and here they had meetings, and assembled 
the Indians when first going to Ohio, and bought this place of them. 
Toonadawanusky, the river we stopped yesterday at, is so called. 

Friday 2d. — A very stormy morning; wind not fair; how- 
ever, sent off my two baggage-boats, and ordered them to stop 
about thirty miles off in a river. The Seneca Indian tells me, we 
may get this day to the end of the lake. I embarked at 8 o'clock 
with all the rest, and got about thirty miles, when a very great 
storm of wind and rain arose, and obliged us to put into a little 
creek between the high, rocky banks. The wind turned N.W., 
and rained very hard. We passed the Mohawks in a bay about 
four miles from here. Some of our boats are put into other places 
as well as they can. My bedding is on board the birch canoe of 
mine with the Indians somewhere ahead. The lake turns away 
greatly to the north-east and looks like low land. From Presque 
Isle here, is all high bank except a very few spots where boats 
may land. In the evening, sent the Oneida to the Mohawks' 
encampment to learn what news below. 

Saturday 3d. — A very stormy morning; rained and blew all 
the night prodigious hard. About 8 o'clock this morning the 
Mohawks came to my tent, and told me what news they had. 
They desired me to acquaint their people that they intended to 
hunt this winter at Cherage creek and return early in the spring. 
Aaron says he may go to Sandusky. Hance will not go farther 



88 Chautauqua Creek. 



The Detroit Journal 1 761 265 

but return to Niagara, and will wait there for the other. I met 
them at Kanandaweron. s9 They were all well and out about 
forty-eight days to this time. They parted from me about 12 
o'clock, when the wind began to abate. At two, ordered my boats 
to be made ready in order to set off as soon as the weather and 
roughness of the lake may allow. We are now about thirty miles 
from the entrance of the river, where the vessel lies. Set off at 
3 o'clock with all the boats except two, which separated yesterday 
in the storm. We rowed and sailed till night, and could find no 
harbor; so continued rowing till eight at night, when we got into 
a bay within | ] miles of the river's mouth. We very narrowly 
escaped a parcel of breakers after night, about two hundred 
yards from the shore, which was near demolishing us. Neither 
of my two baggage-boats seen or heard of yesterday. 

Sunday 4th. — Very fine morning. The land on the other side 
of the lake in view. Embarked at 7 o'clock, and rowed near shore 
about six miles. Then set off across for the river, where we met 
Captain Robinson sounding. It is three, four, and five fathoms 
water near the mouth of the river. We went on board the schooner 
which lay about a mile from the entrance of the lake in the river, 
where the current runs six knots an hour. She has about ninety 
barrels of provisions on board, and twenty-four barrels for Gage's 
sutler. Captain Robinson told us that the garrison of Niagara, 
himself and crew, were lately within a day or two of abandoning 
the fort, vessel, &c, when provisions arrived from Oswego. 
Dined on board, and left the vessel about 5 o'clock, and encamped 
about ten miles down the river. One boat yet behind since the 
storm. 

Monday 5th. — Embarked, and called to see Jno. Dies on the 
island, where he is building a sloop, which will not be finished 
this season, he says, as he goes down in a fortnight, his men being 
sickly. Arrived at Little Niagara about 10 o'clock, and got over 
on horseback myself, and got waggons to carry over as many 
of my boats, baggage, &c, as I could. Then set off in an old boat 

89 Canadaway Creek, or Ga-na-da-wa-o. Beauchamp, Aboriginal 
Place Names, p. 38. 



266 Sir William Johnson Papers 

for Niagara, where I was met at 8 o'clock at night by the water- 
side, by Major Walters and all the officers. Supped with the 
Major, and took up my old lodgings. 

Tuesday 6th. — I wrote Ferrall Wade by a trader. Heard the 
state of the garrison here, which is very bad for want of provisions, 
having but six days' flour. The Major, De Couagne, &c, com- 
plain of Sterling monopolizing the trade by keeping a great store 
of goods at Little Niagara, which will prevent any Indians com- 
ing to the fort, or under the eye of the garrison, so that they 
[i. e. Stirling and others] may cheat the Indians as much as they 
please, in spite of all regulations. 

Wednesday 7th. — Fine warm weather. Doctor Stevenson 
visited me yesterday, and gave me some bottles of curious liquor 
for my own use. I returned the compliment. My boats are not yet 
arrived, which will detain me this day. Captain Cockran desires 
to go in company with me to Oswego, which I agreed to. He is 
going to the doctor or surgeon of the hospital there. This day 
I clothed and discharged the Seneca Indian who accompanied 
me to Detroit. Ordered my party to be ready to set off to-morrow. 
This day the little schooner appeared in sight, and with a con- 
trary wind was obliged to work in by tripping. She brought forty 
barrels of flour, but no news or letters for me. The garrison of 
Oswego, Major Duncan writes, has but nine days flour. This 
evening, the Seneca who accompanied me to Detroit, came and 
received his present, when he told me that the Coghnawageys, 
Ottawas, &c, had a council at Onondaga in the spring, at which 
they entreated the Six Nations to rise and join them against the 
English, who were now overrunning the country and oppressing 
them everywhere where there was a garrison; that it was easy 
now to do it in Canada, being thin and dispersed. The Six Nations, 
he says, refused, and told them that as the English had conquered 
their Father the French, they must be content and bear it. Besides 
they, the Six Nations, had no reason to regard anything the 
Coghnawageys said, as they of late acted independent of them. 
He says that the Coghnawageys and four other nations came and 
called a council a second time at Onondaga, at which they begged 



The Detroit Journal 1761 267 

that all the warriors would be present. He says, they did accord- 
ingly attend, but does not know the result, as it was about the 
time he went with me to Detroit, but assures me that if his father, 
the Old Belt, desires him, he will bring me all the news, and 
what the result of the council was. 

Thursday 8th. — Fine morning, but windy. Settled every- 
thing here. Dined with Major Walters, and at 5 o'clock em- 
barked. Sea very high, and wind still rising. About half after 
six, put ashore at Petite Marie with difficulty, and encamped here. 
My birch canoe not come up; a very stormy night; wind at 
N.N.W. The schooner was to have sailed at 4 o'clock, but could 
not get out for the wind and swell. 

Friday 9th. — Wind at N.E. ; very strong; no stirring with 
the boats. This is a fair wind to carry the vessel into Lake Erie, 
if ever she can get in. I gave Collin Andrews and Barret Visger 90 
a pass for three canoes to La Bay, which Captain Campbell is 
to pay me £ 5 for. My birch canoe is just come up with difficulty. 
Lieutenant Hay and De Couagne came to see me, and went 
back at sunset. 

Saturday 1 Oth. — Still blustering weather ; wind contrary. The 
vessel came out, and makes but little way. I never passed so bad 
a night with a pain in my right thigh, and cold night. This day 
shall set off if possible. The wind increased to a degree that the 
vessel was obliged to put back to Niagara. Mr. Johnson gone 
to Niagara for half a dozen pounds of powder, ours being wet. 
I took physic this morning which purged me tolerably. Major 
Walters came to see me, and spent the afternoon. I never had a 
worse night than this in my life. 

Sunday 1 1th. — A fine morning; wind ahead. Major Walters 
came to see me, but I was ill abed, so he went away. At half 
after nine set off. Sea rough and wind ahead. Put into a creek 
about two miles from hence, a very fine harbor. About twelve, 
a birch canoe came to us from Oswego. They were from Cayuga, 
and were going a hunting to Sandusky. I gave them some tobacco 



90 Barret Visscher, a trader. 



268 Sir William Johnson Papers 

and pipes, which they were much pleased with. One of them is 
a Sappony, 91 and was at the East town meeting. He could tell 
me nothing except that it was about land affairs. Last night three 
Senecas came to me for powder, having got none at Niagara; 
gave them also pipes and tobacco. I was very bad all this day and 
night with pains in my thigh and downwards, so that I could 
not walk or stand up without help, nor sleep a wink. 

Monday 1 2th. — A fine morning, but cold and contrary wind ; 
the sea too rough to move, and our provisions growing very short. 
A Seneca chief came to my encampment, and was, on my desire 
and using him kindly, very open and candid with regard to the 
late conspiracy of the Senecas, which I got Lieutenant Johnson 
to take down in writing. Gave him some powder, clothing, and a 
letter to Major Walters to use him kindly. He, with some others 
of his nation, have with them several horses, in order to deliver 
them agreeably to my desire, on my way to Detroit. About one 
o'clock embarked, and got to a large creek and harbor for any 
number of boats, about fourteen miles from Niagara Fort. We 
espied a sail from Oswego, and sent Lieutenant Johnson on board 
to ask for letters and some provisions for my party, having but 
four days [provisions]. He returned at nine at night; found it 
to be a sloop loaded chiefly with provisions for Niagara from 
La Gallete, viz: three hundred and ninety barrels of pork and 
flour, some live stock, &c. No letter for me, but brought a barrel 
of pork and one of flour for the men. I had a very bad night of 
it, with a pain of my thighs. 

Tuesday 13th. — A fine morning, but the wind still ahead, 
and a great swell and surf, so that there is no stirring early. Where- 
fore ordered my boat, which is become very leaky by carrying 
over at Niagara, to be corked and pitched as well as they can. 
The master of the sloop says that there is a considerable quantity 
of provisions at Fort William Augustus; 92 and that the Provincials 
are all to leave Oswegotties creek and go home, their time having 



91 Saponies were a branch of the Catawba Indians. 

92 On Isle Royale in St. Lawrence River, three miles below Ogdensburg. 



The Detroit Journal 1761 269 

almost expired. I took physic this day, which worked pretty well. 
My pain ceased a good deal this night. 

Wednesday 1 4th. — A fine morning, with a smart white frost. 
I ordered the boats to be loaded, and set off at 6 o'clock; the 
wind yet pretty contrary. I saw a good many geese this morning. 
Passed by several good harbors and creeks. The wind lulled, 
and we rowed about thirty miles to a small creek, where I en- 
camped on the bank, in the woods. This day met a trader's boat. 
They had been twelve days from Oswego; and said the news 
of a peace had reached Oswego. My pains have abated a good 
deal since yesterday, but my cough continues as bad as usual. 

Thursday 1 5th. — A fine frosty morning as yesterday ; little 
or no wind. The schooner from Niagara passed by for Oswego. 
Embarked at 7 o'clock. About ten the wind turned in our favor, 
but it was a very small breeze. About one o'clock, passed John- 
son's Harbor, 93 and several good creeks for boats. At four, 
arrived at Prideaux's Bay, 94 which we found shut up. Neverthe- 
less encamped here on the beach. The pain of my thigh is very 
much abated, but my cough as usual, having nothing to take for it. 

Friday 1 6th. — Fine morning ; not cold. I got up at 3 o'clock, 
in order to set off early, the wind being tolerably fair and fresh. 
Embarked at 6 o'clock, and got to Irondequot at a half an hour 
after nine. It is about fifteen miles distant; the Seneca river about 
midway. I stopped at Irondequot, and went shooting for about an 
hour and a half. Then embarked, and with a fair wind got within 
six or eight miles of Sodus about 7 o'clock, where I had my boats 
drawn up and encamped in an Indian encampment. Bourke kept 
on with my baggage-boats to Sodus. 

Saturday 1 7th. — Very fine weather ; wind pretty fair. We 
embarked at 7 o'clock, after having refreshed the men and given 
them two days provision, and set off for Sodus. Which is in sight 
and in appearance not above six miles off. This is the only harbor 
along the south side of the lake for vessels. It is thirteen feet deep 
over the bar. From Sodus to Oswego, very steep banks and few 

93 Outlet of Johnson Creek now in Orleans County. 

94 Now Braddock Bay, a corruption of the earlier name. 



270 Sir William Johnson Papers 

good harbors for boats. This was a very warm day, as was yes- 
terday. We arrived within two miles of Oswego about sundown, 
and encamped on the gravelly beach. About twelve at night, 
began to rain; surf abated. 

Sunday 18th. — A fine warm day. Embarked at 7 o'clock, and 
arrived at Oswego about eight. Found all well there, and the 
works in a good deal of forwardness. Dined at Major Duncan's, 
who complained greatly at the scarcity of flour, and the slowness 
of its being sent up. Walked round the fort and gardens. The 
former is very neat as far as finished. It will take another season 
to finish it. Supped with Major Duncan, Captain Cockran, &c. 
The latter is to take his passage with me to-morrow morning at 
8 o'clock. Doctor Barr 95 is to make up some things for me to 
take along. I crossed the river at eleven at night and went to my 
tent, where I found all my boats' crew drunk. 

Monday 1 9th. — A fine, pleasant morning. I set off at 9 o'clock 
and arrived at half way creek at twelve, where I found several 
huts and a house, which were built for parties who cut timber 
here. I was obliged to wait here all the day, without victuals or 
drink, my boats not having come up. An Indian of Cayuga told 
me that the Chenusios has pressed the other nations to join them 
in a war against the English, which they all refused, and advised 
the Chenusios to defer doing anything until I returned, and they 
knew what was done among the western and Ottawa nations by 
me. He said the Englishman 00 was speaker, and that the Six 
Nations expect that I will call them all down to my house, as 
soon as I get home. Their being debarred the use of powder, or 
liberty of purchasing it by General Amherst, is the chief cause 
of their discontent, as they are perishing for the want of it. I 
have seen a Cayuga Indian pay at Oswego yesterday four salmon 
(which they sell for a dollar apiece) for about half a pound 
of powder, which is thirty-two shillings, or three pounds four 
shillings for a pound. My boats came up at 11 o'clock in the 
night, with all my baggage wet. 



95 Cf. Johnson Papers, 4: 1 79. 

96 A Cayuga chief. See Johnson Papers, 10:22. 



, 



The Detroit Journal 1761 271 

Tuesday 20th. — A fine morning. Embarked at 8 o'clock, 
and arrived at the Falls at 1 1 o'clock. Got over everything. At 
five P.M., dined with Ensign Meut, and embarked at 6 P.M., 
and encamped on the little island. I walked from the half way 
creek to the Falls, which increased the pain of my thigh greatly. 

Wednesday 2 1 st. — A fine morning, and warm day. Embarked 
at 8 o'clock. At the Three River Rift, met Sir Robert Davis 97 
and Captain Etherington, who gave me a packet of letters from 
General Amherst, and a copy of a treaty held at Easton, in 
August, by Mr. Hamilton" 8 of Philadelphia, and some scattering 
Indians about that part of the country; all of little or no conse- 
quence. Encamped about three miles above the Three Rivers. 
Captain Etherington told me Molly was delivered of a girl; 00 
that all were well at my house, where they stayed two days. 

Thursday 22d. — Very wet morning. Rained almost all the 
night pretty hard, and all the day incessantly, so that we could 
not move. There is some very good land about the Three Rivers 
on both sides. 

Friday 23d. — A raw, cold morning after the rain. Ordered 
my boats to be made ready, and embarked at 8 of the clock. 
Rained a little all day. Met several sutlers' and traders' boats 
going to Oswego. Arrived at Fort Brewerton at 5 o'clock. Supped 
with Lieutenant Brown, 1 " who told us General Amherst was 
to go home, and the army to go to Mississippi; by whom com- 
manded he did not know. Yesterday at 12 o'clock, there was 
such a storm as emptied the river by this post of water, so that 
several salmon and other fish were left dry for a while. 

Saturday 24th. — Rained this morning, and from 12 o'clock 
last night, so that I hope the water will be good in Wood creek. 
The wind fair for crossing the lake. Ordered the boats ready to 
embark. Very raw, cold, and wet weather. I was very full of pain 
all night with my old wound. Embarked at 9 o'clock. Wind turned 



97 Sir Robert Davers. See Johnson Papers, 3:759; 4:150. 

98 Lt. Governor James Hamilton of Pennsylvania. 

99 Elizabeth, Sir William's daughter by Mary Brant. 
100 Lt. Arch. Mont. Brown of the 55th regiment. 



272 Sir William Johnson Papers 

ahead after we got about eight miles into the lake, and continued 
so all the day. Arrived at the royal block house at the E. end 
of Oneida lake after sunset. Went to the fort and supped with 
Captain Baw, 101 Gray 10 " and Mr. Burns. 103 At 8 o'clock went to 
camp and drank a few glasses of Maderia with Mr. Burns, &c, 
and went to bed early as usual. 

Sunday 25th. — A wet morning; rained almost all the night. 
Drew two days provision for the party, ordered my boats ready, 
and embarked at 10 o'clock. Very wet, disagreeable day, but 
very good water. Encamped near the Oak Field about 5 o'clock. 
Rained very hard, and little or no fire. Some of the Oneida chiefs 
came and told me how the affair, which Captain Baw complained 
of, happened. As they relate it I don't think they were to blame, 
having only desired a little provision as usual, and that the garrison 
would not fish in the creek which comes by their village, but leave 
that to them, and they might fish anywhere else they pleased. I 
gave them a long lesson and desired they would behave well, and 
live in friendship with their brethren everywhere, which they 
promised to do. I gave them some tobacco and pipes, and so 
parted. 

Monday 26th. — A dark, gloomy morning, after a very wet 
night. Rains still a little. The Wood creek very high, so that I 
expect to reach Fort Stanwix this day. Embarked at 8 o'clock. 
Reached the Oak Field by half after nine o'clock; got up to 
Canada creek about twelve. From thence to the sluice at Fort 
Bull, where we met with great difficulty getting up and through, 
the sluice being out of order. Set off for New-Post, 104 where we 
arrived about eight at night. Were obliged to have candles lighted 
in our boats to drag and get up as well as we could. Lieutenant 
Johnson and myself walked through the woods with the light of 
a candle to Fort New-Post, where I found a party of the Yorkers 



101 Capt. Thomas Baugh of the 55th regiment. 

102 Capt. Robert Gray of the 55th regiment. 

103 Michael Byrne, who was commissary at the Royal Blockhouse. 

104 Fort Newport on Wood Creek, one mile from Fort Williams. See 
map, Johnson Papers, 10:42. 



The Detroit Journal 1761 273 

lying ready to carry provisions to Oswego. From thence walked 
with Doctor Peters to the fort, after ordering the sluice open to 
carry up the boats. Supped with Captain Ogilvie, 105 Mr. Fister, 106 
and Doctor Peters, 10 ' and at 1 o'clock went to bed. 

Friday 27th. — A fine morning. I got up early, and ordered my 
boats and baggage over the camping place. I yesterday stopped 
and took their passport from Messrs. Fonda and Neukirk, 108 
which was for the Senecas, &c, and gave them one for Oswego, 
Niagara, Oneida Lake, &c. I took another pass from one Knox, 
which was for La Galette, and gave him a proper one. Dined and 
supped with Captain Ogilvie, and after dinner walked down to 
see my boats come over, and gave orders for embarking early 
to-morrow morning. The fort here, as far as finished, is very neat, 
but will require another summer to finish it, as will Oswego also. 

Wednesday 28th. — A fine, frosty morning. All things ready. 
Embarked at 10 o'clock. The water in the river very good 
though falling. Yesterday Colonel Whiting 109 and Captain 
Ogilvie told me the Provincials who were sent to fetch provisions 
up from the little falls, were just returned without provisions, there 
being no battoes at the falls. They all cry out against, and greatly 
blame the quartermaster generals for the scarcity at all the 
garrisons, some of whom were lately within a very little of aban- 
doning their posts. Arrived at Fort Schuyler 110 at 4 o'clock. 
Drank some punch with Lieutenant Smith, 111 who made me a 
present of a fine pointer, which he had of Sir Robert Davis. He 
told me he wrote the general for the land round that fort. I 
promised him a farm there in case I succeeded in the purchase I 



105 Capt. William Ogilvie of the 3d N. Y. regiment, brother of the 
Reverend John Ogilvie. 

106 Lt. Francis Pfister of the 60th regiment. 

107 James Peters, surgeon of the New York regiment, nephew of 
Richard Peters. 

108 Jelles Fonda and John Newkirk. 

109 Col. Nathan Whiting, of Connecticut militia. 

110 On Mohawk River, present site of Utica. 

111 Probably Lt. Richard Smith of the New York regiment. 



274 Sir William Johnson Papers 

was about of all the lands which belonged to Governor Cosby's 
heirs, which I shall do. I set off and encamped about three miles 
below the fort. Fine, pleasant day, but cool in the evening. 

Thursday 29th. — A fine morning, but cold and frosty. Em- 
barked at 8 o'clock, and arrived at Conradt Frank's 112 by 12 
o'clock. Dined there, and set off for Canajoharie; where I 
arrived at 7 o'clock at night. Lodged at Brant's. 

Friday 30th. — Fine morning, but smart white frost. Set off 
at 8 o'clock Dined at Hannis Eil's, and arrived at my house 
about half after seven at night, where I found all my family well ; 
so ended my tour — Gloria Deo Soli. 

Wm. Johnson. 



112 At Burnets Field, or German Flats, near Herkimer. 

DEPOSITION OF COLIN McLELAND 
D.S. 1 

[January 23, 1762} 

This day appeared before me Sir William Johnson Bart, one 
of his Majesties Council for the province of New York, Colin 
M c Leland of Conajoharee in the County of Albany, who being 
duly sworn on the Holy Evangelists, deposeth and sayeth that 
in or about October last, he was a Witness, together with one 
Daniel Miller to a Deed for some lands at Conajoharee afore- 
said, containing twelve hundred acres, for which George Klock 
of the aforesaid place was to pay the Conajoharee Indians thirty 
pounds New York Currency. That there were six seals affixed 
to said Deed, and that the said George Klock made use of all 
methods to persuade an Indian called Cobus with his Wife (who 
reside in an old house belonging to Klock, & near his present 
place of residence) and one Paulus to sign the same, that to 



1 In possession of Mrs. Marjory Featherstonhaugh, Duanesburg. In 
hand of Guy Johnson. This affidavit, or a draft undated, was among the 
Johnson Manuscripts destroyed by fire. See Johnson Calendar, p. 155. 



Building Johnson Hall 1763 275 

induce them thereto, he gave them plenty of liquor, and that the 
said two Indians being made drunk, were persuaded to sign the 
same, but that the Indian woman refused for some time to agree 
thereto, she being sober, but after many arguments she was at 
length induced to sign it. — 

That said Klock spoke to the Indians, no Interpreter being 
present nor any Justice of the peace, or Civil Magistrate. That 
the Deponent did not see the said George Klock pay any money, 
or give any Consideration to the said Indians for signing said deed, 
and that there were no other Indians present at the time of sign- 
ing said Deed as before mentioned. — That said Klock afterwards 
endeavoured to get old Paulus to sign said Deed, which he 
absolutely refused to do, and thereupon said Klock gave liquor 
to, and made several Indians drunk in order to quarrel with, and 
abuse said Paulus for his refusal, saying to the Deponent that 
he had a great mind to beat said Indian himself, That said Klock 
had several Meetings with the Indians to prevail on them to sign 
said Deed, at each of which, he gave them plenty of liquor making 
them drunk to persuade them thereto, but without effect, That 
the said Geo: Klock and his son Jacob keep each of them a tap 
in the same house, where they have a resort of many Indians to 
whom they give plenty of liquor, and who for the most part are 
kept drunk with design as the Deponent believes, and has allways 
understood to persuade them (when in that state) to agree to 
his proposals. And that the said Daniel Miller who was a witness 
to said deed together with the Deponent; has often told the 
Dep 1 . that he is ready to prove the truth concerning the affair 
agreable to what the dep'. hath deposed as before mentioned, 
and further the Deponent sayeth not — 

Sworn before me the 23 d . January 1 762 — 

W M . Johnson 



INDORSED : 



Affidavit 

of Colin M c Leland, relative 
to the proceedings of Geo. Klock 
of Conajoharee — 



276 Sir William Johnson Papers 

DEPOSITION OF EVE PICKERD 
D.S. 1 

[January 25, 1762] 

This day appeared before me Sir William Johnson Bart, one 
of his Majesties Council for the province of New York, M rs . 
Eve Pickerd of Conajoharee in the County of Albany who 
being duly sworn on the Holy Evangelists of Almighty God 
Deposeth and say'th that several years ago, David Schuyler & 
Peter Waggoner of Conajoharee aforesaid, came to the de- 
ponent's house and informed her that they had been spoke to 
by M r . Collins surveyor to accompany him a little way, which 
they complied with. That they were persuaded by said Collins 
to go farther, and farther till they came to an empty Wigwam 
at Conajoharee aforesaid near the mouth of Onowadaga Creek, 
where they reposed themselves that night — That during the 
night said Collins set his compass and took a course into the 
woods, and very early in the morning he waked said Schyler & 
Waggoner, and desired them to make haste and embark in their 
Canoe, least the Indians should discover them, as they would 
certainly kill them ; whereupon they asked him what he had done, 
he informed them he had taken a Survey of land for M r . Livings- 
ton, that they then embarked, but in their hurry forgot an axe, 
and other articles — That shortly after, said Collins came to the 
Dep ts . house, where several people were present, who spoke to 
him concerning said fraudulent survey, to which he answered "I 
don't care how it is, I have got thirty pounds for it, and I have 
now done it." 

That said Schuyler several times after applied to the dep 1 . (as 
she understood the Indian language well) to beg she would 
acquaint them, y e . Indians that he had no hand in said affair, 
as the Indians had threatned to murther him on that account. 



1 In possession of Mrs. Marjory Featherstonhaugh, Duanesburg. In 
Guy Johnson's hand. 

2 See similar deposition of David Schuyler. Johnson Papers, 3:613-14. 



Building Johnson Hall 1763 277 

That the Dep*. has frequently heard the Conajoharee Indians 
declare that it was a fraudulent survey, contrary to their inclina- 
tions, for which they were never payed a Consideration; and 
which they were determined never to agree to. And further the 
deponent sayeth not — 

Sworn before me this 25 th . Day of January 1 762 — 

W M . Johnson 



TO GOLDSBROW BANYAR 

Extract 1 

[April 2, 1762} 

* * * Should you deign to pay me a visit, I shall endeavor 
to make everything agreeable to you, and introduce you to a 
Princess of the first Rank here, who has large possessions, as well 
as parts, provided I could be assured of your paying her more 
civility than you did to the lady I shewed you at Albany, and 
dischargeing ye necessary Duty, wh. men of years and infirmities 
are seldom capable of, 



1 Printed in catalog of Sale Number 2100 — November 26, 1926, of 
The Anderson Galleries, New York, from the collection of Theodore 
Sedgwick. Draft in Johnson Manuscripts was destroyed by fire in 1911, 
but was printed, evidently without this passage, in the proof prepared 
under the direction of Hugh Hastings (cf. I,vii), and also in Johnson 
Papers, 3:665-67. While the sale copy was the original letter signed, 
the passage appears also to have been in the draft as evidenced by three 
asterisks printed at the end, and the statement in the Calendar, p. 1 30, 
referring to "the diversions of a prospective visit from Banyar." 



278 Sir William Johnson Papers 

FROM FRANCIS PFISTER 
Extract 

Fort Stanwix, April 26, 1762 

As I have often had thoughts of Settling in America when 
the Ware is over Should be extramly glad of your advice and 
also beg the faveur to know, if you think the Indians would part 
with a Small Tract of land on the other side Wood Creek 
opposite to fort Newport & hearing of so manny of them being 
at your Seat now, thought that might be a good opportunity to 
ask that Question .... 

Sir W m . Johnson Fran s . Pfister 2 



1 From copy in Oneida Historical Society, Utica. Original in New 
York State Library was destroyed by fire. According to Johnson Calendar, 
p. 1 33, the rest of the letter dealt with "sending map, with promise to 
send supplementary map as as soon as he receives a survey from Diconderoga 
to Montreal, which Mr. Braser, draftsman to the general, will furnish him." 

2 Lt. Francis Pfister of the 60th regiment. 



FROM HENDRICK FREY 

Cop}) 1 

Canajoharie Jully 31 , 1762 
abouth 6 oclock in the afternoon 

this is to Let you know that this Day the gearman flath is 
Bornd and Destrit of the Indians in great Hast your frind 

Sir William Johnson Hend k . Frey 



1 In Oneida Historical Society, Utica. 



Building Johnson Hall 1763 279 

FROM RICHARD PETERS 

Philadelphia 23<*.8ber 1762 
Sir 

Herewith you will receive a Copy of the Indian Treaty at 
Lancaster which I send at the Instance of the Governor as well 
as in consequence of my promise to you. The Answer to your 
kind Letter to y e . Gov 1 ". 2 went by Post but this Copy goes by 
the Stage, Both directed to the Care of M r . Watts 3 who I dare 
say will a", the advice of M r . Colden get it forwarded as soon 
as possible. 

M r . Allen 4 desires me to acquaint you that he has received 
good Information of the Quakers having already drawn up some 
scurrilous Remarks on your Conduct at Easton & that it is sent to 
London to be put into the Papers there but I suppose this is in 
case they shall find that you have represented them in any un- 
favourable Light to the Ministers. 

I have apprized M r . Penn of the Turbulent Temper & designs 
of these meddling People and he will watch their Conduct & 
Publications but it might not be amiss to give an hint to some 
of your Friends in London to keep a good watch over their Doings 
and to learn if they are countenanced by the Body of Friends in 
London. 

Pray might it not be proper to treat the Lancaster Treaty and 
to give a general Account of what was done at Easton by way 
of Introduction to it. I should be obliged to you for your Sentiments 
on this Subject as I woud not have any thing done without your 
Approbation. 5 



1 In American Philosophical Society, Philadelphia, Pa. 

2 See letter of James Hamilton, Oct. I 7, 1 762, Johnson Papers, 

10:551-54. 

3 John Watts, New York merchant. 

4 William Allen. 

5 For Sir William's reply to this letter, see Johnson Papers, 3:908-09; 
draft is incorrectly dated Oct. 19, 1 762, since Sir William could not have 
received this letter until early November. 



280 Sir William Johnson Papers 

The Prop rs . settled all their differences thro the means of 
M r . Croghan as well w th . the Shawonese as with the Conoys and 
Nantycokes and I know of nothing now that is not satisfactorily 
bought & paid for, unless the Scheme of the Quakers to set up 
the private Indian Rights of the Delawares against the general 
Idea of the Six Nations shall confound things & excite fresh 
troubles. 
I am 

Dear Sir 

Your most obliged 
and obedient 

humble Servant 
S R . W M . Johnson Baronet Richard Peters 

INDORSED: 6 

Philadelphia &>'. 23< 1 762 

Letter from M r . Peters 
with y e . Lancaster 
Treaty — 



6 In Sir William's hand. 



TO JOHN WILKINS 

A.Df.S. 1 

Johnson Hall, 22 d . Decb'. 1762. 
Sir — 

Your favour of y e . 7 ,h . Ins 1 . 2 I yesterday rec d . whereby I am 
glad to find that M r . DeCoaugne 3 Succeeded so well, and that 
the Indians acted so honest & freindly a part as to deliver up, 
& escort so many Deserters to Y r . Garrison — 



1 In New York State Library. 

2 Not found. 

3 Jean Baptiste de Couagne. 



Building Johnson Hall 1763 281 

[it is a thing they are not fond of doing (in general), owing 
in a great measure to their haveing (often) been often promised 
payment, (and) and (often disapointed by deceived., I dare 
venture to Say] 4 I am certain if they had been so rewarded, & 
satisfied by others, as I now understand they are by You, it 
would have been of great Service, [as / am certain] for in such 
case, no Deserter could make his Escape. 

I approve of the Smiths working for Your Order, whenever 
he has leisure, which I imagine must happen often, as the Indians 
do not resort [here so much] to Y r . Post as formerly, owing [as] 
I understand to a Trade carried on by French & others at Toronto, 
which is verry wrong to allow, as they being under no restraint 
will doubtless take all advantages of the Ind s . [being under no 
restraint, and that] & grossly impose upon them w h . must of course 
give them a bad opinion of Us, and in y e . End inevitably hurt 
his Majesty's Ind n . Interest [verry much], I wrote [to] Sir 
Jeffery Amherst verry early on that Head, who has repeatedly 
assured me he would take proper measures to prevent such an 
Illicit Trade for the Future. I wrote him lately on the same 
Subject, hearing that [those] there were People [there] at 
Toronto sell, & Sold Rum to Ind s ., [&] also took upon them to 
Send Messages & Belts of Wampum to the Severall Nat s . at 
& ab l . Missillimacfyenac, all w h . he verry much disaproves of, 
and [would] thinks it adviseable I should call such Dilinquents 
to Ace"./ for y e . latter w h . I am determined to do. He also writes 
me, He has given you directions to send Partys to Toronto when 
you think necessarry who are to seize all liquor they can find 
there with the Traders, but I am against their being allowed there. 
At any rate, [it] and I doubt not of his being of the same 
opinion as soon as he receives my last letter. — I heartily wish 
you y e . usual Compliments of the Season, and am Sir Y rs . &c. 

W Johnson 



4 Words italicized and in brackets are crossed off in manuscript ; 
portions in parentheses also crossed out by a line through the word. 



282 Sir William Johnson Papers 



INDORSED: 5 



Decb r . 22 d . 1 762 - 
Letter to Major Wilkins 



5 In Sir William's hand. 



TO SAMUEL FULLER 
J~\ .L/.vJ. 

Johnson Hall Janry. 5 th . I763 2 
Sir — 

I here with send you a Plan of the House I intend to build 
early in the Spring, and shall be glad to have a Bill of Scantlin, 
or the dimensions of all the timber w h . will be requisite for it, 
and that in two or three days time if possible as I shall delay 
beginning to square the timber until then. Therefore expect you 
will not fail sending it by that time, and verry exact. — The 
House is to be 55 feet long from outside to Outside, four Rooms 
on a floor of ab l . 18 feet Square, with a Hall in the Middle of 
the House 18 feet Wide thro the House, with a good Staircase 
at y e . end thereof on one side of the Back Door, as many 
Windows in the rear as in the Front of the House, the first Story 
to be 12 feet high from Beam to Beam. The next as it will not 
be a full Story to be 8 feet from y e . floor to the Ceiling — 

A large Cellar under y e . whole House with 2 Fire places. 
— I would not have the Roof so heavy as that in the Inclosed 
Plan. As I imagine this Discription may sufficiently enable You 
to make out the Quantity of Timber necessary for such a House, 



1 In New York State Library. 

2 The date was first written 1 762, a common error the first week in the 
New Year; but this date is important in fixing the planning of the mansion 
at Johnson Hall. Sir William had used the date line "Johnson Hall" as 
early as May 1 762, evidence that other buildings were occupied on the 
site long before the mansion was built. 



Building Johnson Hall 1763 283 

I need not add further on that Head. I would willingly have a 
draft from You on the same Plan with the best kind of Roof you 
can make, also the lowest rate You will work for the whole 
Season that is until next Fall. — 

Pray let me have the Acc tl . of the Timber, and Y r . proposal 
as to pay before next Sunday if possible, as I intend to begin 
Squareing next Monday — & Y u . will oblidge 

Y r . Humble Serv 1 . 

W M . Johnson 
[ ] y return my Plans when y u . write me — 
M R . Samuel Fuller 



AGREEMENT WITH SAMUEL FULLER 

A.D.S. 1 

Johnson Hall Feh^y. 24 ih . 1763 

M — This Day I agreed with M r . Samuel Fuller now of Schenec- 
tady, Carpenter in y e . following Manner Viz 1 . — He is to direct 
the building of my House at Johnson Hall, and Assist to finish 
it agreable to my Plan, for which he is to receive from me Eight 
Shillings New York Currency <P Day Meat Drink & Lodging 
dureing the time, in Case He finds Tools for any of the rest of 
the Workmen dureing the time they are at Work at Said House, 
or any other for me and that they agree to allow him anything 
<P Day for the use of the Same, I will on their order pay to 
Said Samuel Fuller what they agree for the loan of the Same. 

W M . Johnson 
Samuel Fuller 



1 In New York State Library. 



284 Sir William Johnson Papers 

FROM WITHAM MARSH 
Extract* 

Nerp York Feb. 28,1763 

Yes, and if I was fool enough, I suppose He [Van Scheit] 

wou'd take t'other half too — the D 1 doubt his Dutch 

Modesty, as well as his Albany Honesty — They are both pretty 
much alike. 



1 In notes of C. H. Mcllwain, where the preceding part is paraphased as 

follows: "He just missed a sled or he would Come to J ! ! He fears 

the road & the weather are bad. The Cou'cil for Van Scheit offer him 
possession of the Records of the contested office but Van Scheit to be his 
deputy with 1/2 the profits." after the extract: "His Cou'cil advises him 
to refuse as they will be able not only to preserve the prerogative (his main 
aim he says) but get more money too." Johnson Calendar, p. 161, says 
the letter deals with "notice inserted in Weyman's paper, relief from gout, 
difficulty in way of coming to Johnson Hall, expectation of humbling 
opponent in lawsuit, Mr. Hutchinson, farmer from near Belfast, who 
wishes to settle near Johnson, and can induce 40 Irish families to follow 
him, and condition of Judge Chalmers, who is stricken with palsy." 



FROM JOHN BRADSTREET 

Albany /6 th . March 1763 
Sir 

I am assur'd by the late Mayor of this City that the Corpora- 
tion have not purchas'd the Lands of Scorticook 2 from the Indians, 
and that they have nothing to show for it but a pretended Copy; 
he farther adds, that all the Corporation papers were in his hands 
for some Years, which he carefully look'd over, and that the 
Lands are five hundred Acres all on the South Side of the Creek 
and as good as any there. 



1 In McCord Museum, McGill University, Montreal. 

2 Schaghticoke. 



Building Johnson Hall 1763 285 

I am 

Sir 

Your most Obedient 
humble Servant 

Sir W.ll.am Johnson Bar'. Jn Bradstreet 

INDORSED: 3 

AhV. 16*. March 1763 



INDORSED 



Letter from Coll. Bradstreet 

.4 

Ans d . March 2 1 st . promise to 
make Capt Claus inquire 
into the affair of the Scorticook 
Indians on his going to Canada 



3 In Sir William's hand. 

4 In Guy Johnson's hand. 



MEMORANDUM OF SAMUEL FULLER 

D. 1 

[Johnson Hall June I763] 2 

Sir W m . Johnson Hous 

54 feet 6 Inches long 37 feet 6 Inches wid from out to out 
the Coving proiects 1 foot 2 Inches the flat on the top of the house 
36 feet 6 Inches by 19 feet 6 Inches Rises but 2 feet 7 Inches 
leaves a Ridg on the top of the hous 1 6 feet 9 Inches long the lore 3 
or first Pitch of the Rough 4 flys 1 feet 2 Inches and Rises 9 feet 
4 Inches 8 Inches a low between the first and Second pitch for 
the Cornishing 

from the top of the grond Sill to the Top of the Chamber girt 

1 In New York State Library. 

2 Date fixed by comparison with Journal of Samuel Fuller, post p. 303 ff. 

3 Lower. 

4 Roof. 



286 



Sir IVilliam Johnson Papers 



12 feet 8 Inches and from the top of the girt to the top of the wall 
Plat 1 1 feet a lowing [ 1 fot] 

So al [ ] o 1 foot for the Debth of the girt the [ ] Sid of the 
hous Is 24 feet 8 Inches high 



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-|/2 framing In the hole 





5 Figures represent the days in May and June, and the number of persons 
employed in "Framing" those days. See Journal of Samuel Fuller, 
post pp. 303-17. The computation is for the charge at five shillings per 
day, plus board. The three days in June do not correspond so well with 
the Journal record. 



Building Johnson Hall 1763 287 

FROM JOHN CAMPBELL 

Copy 1 

Fort Stanwix, July 6 th ., 1763 
Sir 

The Onaida Indians that lived in a Castle about three Miles 
from the Royal Blockhouse Stole Some Sheap from that Post 
and have gone away, man, woman & child, they have not even 
left a horse at s d . Castle. I am not well enough acquainted with 
their Customs to conjecture what they are about, some imagen 
they are gone to a Castle 10 or 11 miles Westward. This intel- 
ligence I thought proper to inform you off. I am &c &c. &c 

John Campbell, Lieut. Col°. 

17 th . Regt. 
P.S. Only 28 provincials have joined as yet. 



1 In Oneida Historical Society, Utica. The original was destroyed by fire. 



288 Sir William Johnson Papers 

JOURNAL OF ROBERT ROGERS 
Copy 1 
Dated at Detroit 8 th . Aug 1 . 1763. 

A Journal of the Siege of Detroit, taken from the Officers who 
were then in the Fort, and wrote in their Words in the following 
Manner, viz: 

The 6th of May ; when we were privately informed of a Con- 
spiracy formed against us by the Indians, particularly the Tawa 2 
Nation, who were to come to council with us the next Day, and 
massacre every Soul of us. On the Morning of that Day, being 
Saturday the 7th of May, fifteen of their Warriors came into the 
Fort and seemed very inquisitive and anxious to know where all 
the English Merchants' Shops were. 

At 9 o'Clock the Garrison were ordered under Arms and the 
Savages continued coming into the Fort till 1 1 o'Clock, diminish- 



1 Printed in Diary of the Siege of Detroit, ed. Hough, pp. 125-35. 
Original in Johnson Manuscripts in New York State Library was destroyed 
by fire. See Johnson Calendar, p. 1 75. 

"Major Rogers arrived at Detroit on the 29th of July, 1 763, with 
the Detachment under the Command of Capt. Dalyel, and shared in the 
gallant but unfortunate Sortie made under the Command of that Officer 
a few Days after, in which the Leader and many of his Men perished. 
The Information contained in the following Narrative is entirely from 
hearsay, and only brings down the Chain of Events to the 4th of July, 
although dated nearly a Month later. It is probable that Maj. Rogers 
began to write an Account of the Siege soon after his Arrival, and that 
this was only partly finished when the sailing of two Vessels offered a con- 
venient Opportunity for sending it to Sir William Johnson. At the Close 
of the Volume of Journals published by Major Rogers in 1 765, is an 
Advertisement of a second Volume to contain, among other Things, an 
Account of the Indian Wars in America subsequent to 1 760. Sub- 
scriptions were solicited and the Book was promised within a limited Time, 
but for some Cause unknown, it was never printed. It is reasonable to 
infer that the following Pages were intended to form a Portion of the 
Book, and that this Fragment, now first printed, may be the only Part that 
has been preserved. It was found among the Manuscripts of Sir William 
Johnson in the New York State Library. — F. B. H." 

2 Ottawa. 



Building Johnson Hall 1763 289 

ing their Numbers as much as possible by dividing themselves at 
all the Corners of the streets most adjacent to the Shops. Before 
12 o'Clock they were three hundred Men, at least three times 
the Number equal to that of the Garrison; but seeing all the 
Troops under Arms, and the Merchants Shops shut, imagined 
prevented them from attempting to put their evil Scheme into 
execution that Day. 

Observing us thus prepared, their Chiefs came in a very con- 
demned like Manner, to Council, where they spoke a great deal 
of Nonsense to Major Gladwine and Capt. Campbell, protesting 
at the same Time the greatest Friendship imaginable to them but 
expressing their Surprise at seeing all the Officers and Men under 
Arms. The Major then told them that he had certain Intelligence 
that some Indians were projecting Mischief, and on that Acc f . 
he was determined to have the Troops always under Arms upon 
such Occasions: That they being the oldest Nation, and the first 
that had come to Council, needed not to be astonished at that 
Precaution as he was resolved to do the same to all Nations. 

At 2 o'Clock they had done speaking, went off seemingly very 
discontented and crossed the River half a League from the Fort, 
where they all encamped about 6 o'Clock that Afternoon. Six 
of their Warriors returned and brought an old Squaw Prisoner, 
alledging that she had given us false Information against them. 
The Major declared she had never given any kind of Advice. 
They then insisted upon naming the Author of what he had heard 
in regard to the Indians, which he declined to do, but told them 
it was one of themselves, whose Name he promised never to reveal ; 
whereupon they went off and carried the old Woman Prisoner 
with them. When they arrived at their Camp, Pondiac their 
greatest Chief seized on the Prisoner and gave her three strokes 
with a Stick on the Head, which laid her flat on the Ground, 
and the whole Nation assembled around her and called repeated 
Times kill her, kill her. 

Sunday the 8th, Pondiac and several other of the principal 
Chiefs came into the Fort, at 5 o'Clock in the Afternoon and 
brought a Pipe of Peace with them of which they wanted to 



290 Sir William Johnson Papers 

convince us fully of their Friendship and Sincerity, but the Major 
judging that they only wanted to caggole us would not go nigh 
them nor give them any Countenance, which oblidge Capt. Camp- 
bell to go and speake with them, and after smoaking with the Pipe 
of Peace and assuring him of their Fidelity, they said that the next 
Morning all the Nation would come to Council where every 
thing would be settled to our Satisfaction, after which they would 
immediately disperse, and that that would remove all kind of 
Suspicion. 

Accordingly on Monday Morning the 9th, six of their Warriors 
came into the Fort at 7 o'Clock, and upon seeing the Garrison 
under Arms went off without being observed. About 10 o'Clock 
we counted fifty-six Canoes, with seven and eight Men in each, 
crossing the River from their Camp, and when they arrived nigh 
the Fort, the Gates were shut, and the Interpreter went to tell 
them that not above fifty or sixty Chiefs would be admitted into 
the Fort, upon which Pondiac immediately desired the Interpre- 
ter in a peremptory Manner to return directly and acquaint us 
that if all their People had not free Access into the Fort none 
of them would enter it: that we might stay in our Fort, but he 
would keep the Country, adding that he would order a Party 
instantly to an Island where we had twenty-four Bullocks, which 
they immediately killed. Unluckily three Soldiers were on the 
Island and a poor Man with his Wife and four Children which 
they all murthered except two Children, as also a poor Woman 
and her two Sons, that lived about half a Mile from the Fort. 

After having thus put all the English without the Fort to death, 
the ordered a Frenchman who had seen the Woman and her two 
Children killed and scalped, to come and inform us of it, and 
likewise of their having murthered Sir Robert Davers, Captain 
Robertson and a Boats' Crew of six Persons two Days before, 
being Saturday the 7th of May, near the Entrance of Lake 
Huron, for which Place they set out from hence on Monday the 
2d Inst, in order to know if the Lakes and Rivers were Navigable 
for a Schooner which lay here to proceed to Michilimackinac. 
We were then fully persuaded that the Information given us was 



Building Johnson Hall 1763 291 

well founded, and a proper Disposition was made for the Defense 
of the Fort, although our Number was but small, not exceeding 
one hundred and twenty, including all the English Traders, and 
the Works were nigh Mile in Circumferance. 

On Tuesday the 1 0th, very early in the Morning, the Savages 
began to fire on the Fort, and Vessels which lay opposite to the 
east and west Sides of the Fort. 3 About 8 o'Clock the Indians 
called a Parley and ceased firing, and half an Hour after, the 
Waindotes Chiefs came into the Fort, on their way to a Council 
where they were called by the Tavvas and promised us to en- 
deavour to soliciate and persuade the Tawas from committing 
further Hostilities. After drinking a Glass of Rum they went off 
at three o'Clock that Afternoon. Several of the Inhabitants and 
four Chiefs of the Tawas, Waindotes and Chippawas and Potta- 
wattomes came and acquainted us, that most of all the Inhabitants 
were assembled at a Frenchmans House about a Mile from the 
Fort, where the Savages proposed to hold a Council, and desiring 
Captain Campbell and another Officer to go with them to that 
Council, where they hoped with their Presence and Assistance 
further Hostilities would cease, assuring us at the same Time 
that come what would, that Capt. Campbell and the other Officers 
that went with him, should return whenever they pleased. This 
Promise was assertained by the French as well as the Indian 
Chief, whereupon Captain Campbell and Lieutenant McDougal 
went off escorted by a Number of the Inhabitants and the four 
Chiefs, they first promised to be answerable for their returning 
y'. Night. 

When they arrived at the House already mentioned they found 
the French and Indians assembled, and after counceling a long 
while, the Waindotes were prevailed on to sing the War Song, 
and this being done, it was next resolved that Captain Campbell 
and Lieutenant McDougall should be detained Prisoners, but 
would be indulged to lodge in a French House till a French Com- 



3 The Channel of Detroit River opposite the Fort, ran but a few 
Degrees South of West, although its general Course is nearly South. — 
Hough's note. 



292 Sir William Johnson Papers 

mandant arrived from the Ilenoes, that next Day five Indians 
and as many Canadians would be dispatched to acquaint the 
Commanding Officer of the Ilonies that Detroit was in their 
Possession and require of him to send an Officer to Command, 
to whom Captain Cample and Lieutenant McDougall should 
be delivered. As for Major Gladwin he was summoned to give 
up the Fort and two Vessels, &c, the Troops to ground their 
Arms, and they would allow as many Battoes and as much Pro- 
vision as they judged requisite for us to go to Niagara: That 
if these Proposals were not accepted of, they were a thousand 
Men, and storm the Fort at all events, and in that Case every 
Soul of us should be put to the Torture. The Major returned for 
Answer, that as soon as the two Officers they had detained were 
permitted to come into the Fort, he would after consulting them 
give a positive Answer to their Demand, but could do nothing 
without obtaining their Opinion. 

On Wednesday the 1 1 th, several Inhabitants came early in the 
Morning into the Fort, and advised us by way of Friendship to 
make our Escape aboard the Vessels, assuring us that we had no 
other Method by which we could preserve our Lives, as the 
Indians were then fifteen hundred fighting Men, and would be 
as many more in a few Days, and that they were fully determined 
to attack us in an Hours time. We told the Mons'rs that we were 
ready to receive them, and that every Officer and Soldier in the 
Fort would willingly perish in the Defense of it, rather than 
condescend or agree to any Terms that Savages would propose. 
Upon which the French went off as I suppose to communicate 
what we had said to their Allies, and in a little afterwards the 
Indians gave their usual Hoop, and five or six hundred began 
to attack the Fort on all Quarters. Indeed some of them behaved 
extremely well and advanced very boldly in an open plain exposed 
to our Fire, and came within sixty Yards of the Fort, but upon 
having three Men killed and above a dozen wounded, they retired 
as briskly as they advanced, and fired at three hundred Yards 
Distance till seven o'Clock at night, when they sent a Frenchman 
into the Fort with a Letter to the Major, desiring a cessation of 



Building Johnson Hall 1763 293 

Arms, that Night, and proposing to let the Troops with their 
Arms aboard the Vessels, but insisting upon our giving up the 
Fort, leaving the French Auxilliary all the Merchandize and 
officers Effects, and had even the Insolence to demand a Negro 
Boy belonging to a Merchant to be delivered to Pondiack. 

The Major's Reply to these extraordinary Propositions was 
much the same as to the first. 

Tuesday the 12th, five Frenchmen and as many Indians were 
sent off for the Ilinoes with Letters wrote by a Canadian agreable 
to Pondiacs Desire. On the 13th we were informed by the 
Inhabitants that Mr. Chapman, a Trader from Niagara, was taken 
Prisoner by the Waindotes, with five Battoes loaded with Goods. 

The 21st, one of the Vessels was ordered to sail for the 
Niagara, but to remain till the sixth of June at the Mouth of 
the River in order to advert the Battoes which we expected daily 
from Niagara. 

Upon the 22d we were told that Ensign Paully who com- 
manded at Sandusky was brought Prisoner by ten Tawas, who 
reported that they had prevailed after long Consultation with the 
Waindotes who lived at Sandusky to declare War against us; 
that some Days ago they came early of a Morning to the Block 
House, and murthered every Soul therein, consisting of twenty 
seven Persons, Traders included; that Mess rs . Callender and 
Prentice, formerly Captains in the Pennsylvania Reg*, were 
amongst that Number, and that they had taken one hundred 
Horses loaded with Indian Goods, which with the Plunder of 
the Garrison was agreed to be given the Waindotes before they 
condescended to join them; that all they wanted was the Com- 
manding Officer. 

On the 29th of May, we had the Mortification to see eight of 
our Battoes in the Possession of the Enemy, passing on the oppo- 
site Shore, with several Soldiers Prisoners in them. When the fore- 
most Battoe came opposite the Sloop, she fired a Gun, and the 
Soldiers aboard called at those in the Battoe, that if they passed 
the Savages would kill them all, upon which they immediately 
seized on two Indians and threw them overboard with him and 



294 Sir William Johnson Papers 

tomahawked him directly, they being near the Shore and it quite 
shoal. Another Soldier laid hold of an Oar, and struck that 
Indian upon the Head, of which Wound he is since dead. Then 
there remained only three Soldiers, of which two were wounded, 
and although fifty Indians were on the Bank not sixty Yards, 
firing upon them, the three Soldiers escaped aboard the Vessel, 
with the Battoe loaded with eight Barrels of Provisions and gives 
the following Account of their Misfortune, viz : 

That two Nights before, about 10 o'Clock, they arrived about 
six Leagues from the Mouth of the River where they encamped. 
That two Men went a little from the Camp for Firewood to boil 
their Kettle, when one of the two was seized on by an Indian, 
killed and scalped in an Instant. The other Soldier ran directly 
and alarmed the Camp, upon which Lieutenant Cuyler immedi- 
ately ordered to give Ammunition to the Detachment, which con- 
sisted of one Serjeant and seventeen Soldiers of the Royal Ameri- 
cans, three Serjeants and seventy-two Rank and File of the 
Queen's Independent Company of Rangers. After having de- 
livered their Ammunition, and a Disposition made of the Men, 
the Enemy came close to them without being observed, behind 
a Bank and fired very smartly on one Flank which could not 
sustain the Enemys Fire and they retired precipitately and threw 
the Whole in Confusion. By that Means the Soldiers embarked 
aboard the Battoes with one, two and three Oars in each Battoe, 
which gave an Opportunity to the Savages of taking them all 
except the two Battoes that escaped with Mr. Cuyler to Niagara. 

Sunday the 5th of June, we were acquainted that Fort Maimes 
was taken, that Ensign Holms who commanded there had been 
informed by two Frenchmen who arrived there the preceeding 
Day of Detroits being attacked by the Indians, which he would 
hardly believe, but threatened to imprison the French for that 
Report, that an Indian Woman had betrayed him out of the Fort 
by pretending that another Woman was very sick, and begged 
of him to come to her Cabin to let blood of her, and when he had 
gone a little Distance from the Fort was fired on and killed. The 
Serjeant hearing the Report of the firing ran to see what it was, 



Building Johnson Hall 1763 295 

and was immediately taken Prisoner. The Soldiers shut the 
Gates and would have probably defended the Fort if one Walsh, 
a Trader who had been taken Prisoner a few Days before, had 
not advised them to open the Gates, alledging that if they did 
not comply the Indians would set Fire to the Fort and put them 
to death; whereas, if they opened the Gates, they should be well 
treated. Whereupon the Gates were opened, and the Soldiers 
grounded their Arms. 

On the 18th of June we heard that Ensign Schlosser the Com- 
manding Officer at Saint Josephs was taken Prisoner and that 
all the Garrison (except three Men) were massacred. That the 
Indians came on the 25th of May with a Pretence to Council, 
and as soon as the Chiefs had shaken Hands with Mr. Schlosser, 
they seized on him, gave a Shriek and instantly killed ten Men. 

The 12th we were told that Lieut. Jenkins and all the Garrison 
of Owat'anon, consisting of a Sergeant and eighteen Men were 
taken Prisoners and carried to the Ilonies. 

The 18th a Jesuit arrived from Michillimakenac and brought 
a Letter from Captain Etherinton and Lieutenant Lessley, with an 
Account of their being taken Prisoners. That Lieutenant Jamet 
and twenty-one Soldiers. That on the 2nd the Indians were play- 
ing Ball as usual nigh the Fort, where Captain Etherington 
and Lieut. Lessley happened to be looking at them, but were 
suddenly seized on and carried into the Woods. At the same 
Time the Savages had purposely thrown their Ball into the Fort, 
as if that had heppened by Accident, and followed it directly 
into the Fort, where a Number of their Women had Tomahawks 
and Spears concealed under their Blankets, which they delivered 
them and put the whole Garrison to death, except thirteen Men. 

The 30th we were informed that the Blockhouse at Presque 
Isle was burned, that Ensign Christie and all his Garrison, which 
consisted of twenty-nine Men were taken Prisoners except six 
Men, who it was believed made their excape to La Beuf. 

On the Night of the 2d Instant [Captain Campbell] and Lieut. 
McDougall were lodged at the House I have already mentioned, 
about two Miles from the Fort, and made a Resolution to Escape, 



296 Sir William Johnson Papers 

when it was agreed on between them that McDcugall should set 
off first, which he did and get safe into the Fort, but you know it 
was much more dangerous for Captain Campbell than for any 
other Person by Reason that he could neither run nor see, and 
being sensible of that failing I am sure prevented him from at- 
tempting to escape. 

The 4th a Detachment was ordered to destroy some Breast- 
works and Entrenchments the Indians had made a Quarter of a 
Mile from the Fort, and about twenty Indians came to attack that 
Party, which they engaged but were drove off in an Instant with 
the Loss of one Man killed (and two wounded) which our 
People scalped and cut to Pieces. Half an Hour after the 
Savages carried the Man they had lost before Captain Campbell, 
striped him naked, and directly murthered him in a cruel Manner, 
which indeed gives one Pain beyond Expression, and I am sure 
cannot miss but to affect sensibly all his Acquaintences, although 
he is now out of the Question. 

The Indians likewise reported that Venango and Le Beuf is 
taken by the Savages. 
To Sir William Johnson Rob t . Rogers 

CERTIFICATE OF EDWARD JENKINS 
Cop)) 1 

Ft. Chartres 1 5 Aug. 1 763. 

I do hereby certify that Monsr. Constant Vien served as 
Interpreter at Ouiatanon from the 1 7th of Jan 1 762 to the 30th 
of May 1 763, being five hundred and thirteen Days at one 
Dollar per Day which amounts to four thousand one hundred & 
four shillings New York Currency which Mr. Winston 2 has 
paid by order of me. r~™. t„»t„..*«. 

K J Edward Jenkins 
Lt. 1st B.R.A-R. 

1 In Collections of Illinois State Historical Library, ed. C. W. Alvord 
and C. E. Carter, 10:19. Copied by C. E. Carter before manuscript 
was destroyed by fire. See Johnson Calendar, p. I 76. 

2 Richard Winston. 



Building Johnson Hall 1763 297 

FROM DANIEL CLAUS 
Extract 1 

Montreal, August 17, 1763 

.... Mr. and Mrs. Ogilvie 2 present their compliments, he will 
be down soon about his private business being now upon half 
pay, . . . 



1 Copied by William Ogilvie Comstock in a typescript brochure "Four 
Officers of the Colonial Period," Boston, 1915. Copy in New York State 
Library. Original destroyed by fire. Johnson Calendar, p. 1 76, says of 
this letter, "recommending Caghnawageys who visit Johnson and bring this 
letter, describing favorable disposition of Caghnawagey warriors and 
message of Caghnawagey envoys to Missisages, and mentioning pressure 
of business with upper nations." 

2 The Reverend John Ogilvie and his wife. 



FROM THOMAS M C KEE 

A.L.S. 1 

Lancaster the 25 th . Aug sl . 1763. 
Sir — 

Was it not for the distress'd Scituation of my Family I shou'd 
have accompanied M r . Croghan to wait on you. But I was 
obliged to Leave my Habitation about a Month past on acc ft . 
of the late Rupture with the Indians, and have been ever since 
with a Distress'd Family in a very unsettled State. — 

I have been at Fort Augusta on Susquehannah and there had 
two or three Conferences with the Indians, Of which I then ac- 
quainted y°. and sent Copies of what passed. But have never as 
yet had the [An] Honour of a Line from you. I begg you'l 
be so kind as send me some Instructions how I shall act in this 
Department with Regard to Indian Affairs, if you think there 
will be any further Occassion for me. 

The Indians on Susquehannah with whom I conversd behaved 
as well any People cou'd do. But the imprudent Conduct of some 

1 In Pennsylvania Public Records Division. 



298 Sir William Johnson Papers 

of our [imprudent] Inhabitants in killing three of our Frindly 
Indians will I am afraid be of bad Consequence — 

I begg Leave to subscribe myself with the greatest Esteem — 
Sir 

Your most Obedient 

Humble servant 



The Hon ble . 

Sir William Johnson Barr'. &c 



Thomas M c Kee 



ADDRESSED : 

On His Majesty's Service 

To 
The Honourable Sir William Johnson 
Barron 1 . &c. at 
Fort Johnson 
fav r . of 
George Croghan Esq r . 

INDORSED: 2 

Lancaster 25. Aug. 1 763 



Cap*. Th s . M c Kees Letter 
^ M r . Croghan 



2 In Sir William's hand. 



FROM WILLIAM PRINTUP 

Coplj 1 

Fort Ontario, August 27 th . 1763 
Sir. 

I take this Opportunity to Inform that on thursday the 24 th . 



1 In Oneida Historical Society, Utica. The original was destroyed by 
fire. See Johnson Calendar, p. 177, which adds that the letter also re- 
ported "loss of Capt. Delyall \sic] in battle, and coming treaty at Oswe- 
gotche, and asking to be called home, as there will be no Indians at Oswego 
this summer". 



Building Johnson Hall 1763 299 

Instant Arrived here a party of Indians from Montreal they 
had been at Conasadaga & Cochnewaga & they Informd me that 
the Indians at the two above Mentioned places have agreed to 
their proposals & further told them that Nothing should be want- 
ing on their part agreable to the proposals made to them, the party 
of Indians went to Montreal & Informd Gen'. Gage & Mr. 
Clauson what they had Done which very much pleased them, 
the General sent a Belt of Wompum with them to Deliver to the 
Six Nations in order to make them Steady & faithfull to their 
Brothers the English, when these Indians Returned from Montreal 
they stopt at Conasadaga where they met a party of Messasagas 
who Informd them that they had no hand in the present plot 
against the English but on the Contrary they was Ready & 
willing to Assist the Six Nations against the Enemy, whenever 
they was Called upon ***** 
To Sir W m . Johnson 

W M . Prentup 



FROM HENRY BARCLAY 

./l..Z_/.wJ. 

New York October 5 th . 1763 
Sir 

I received Your Favours of the 25 th . Ult: 2 I am sorry I cannot 
give You a better account of the progress made in the New 
Edition of the Prayer Book. 3 The Printer 4 has been so unfortu- 
nate as to lose the best hand out of his office, and the work has 



1 In Thomas Gilcrease Institute of American History and Art, Tulsa, 
Okla. 

2 Not found. For Sir William's reply to this, and one of Oct. 27, 
dated Nov. 24, 1 763, see Johnson Papers, 10:935-36. 

3 For correspondence of Barclay on the revision of the Mohawk Prayer- 
book, see Doc. Hist. N.Y., 4:321-22, 326-27, 330, 334-35. 

4 William Weyman. 



300 Sir William Johnson Papers 

stopt for above two months, till last week, when I had a Sheet 
sent me to correct, and am to have another this week. There are 
not above five sheets done, so that it will take some considerable 
Time before it be finished. You may depend upon my diligence 
in forv/arding the Work as much as I can. Governor Barnard has, 
at the Request of some of the Mohawks, ordered a small Edition 
to be printed at Boston of the daily Service, Morning and Evening 
Prayer jumbled together, more incorrect than the first, a copy of 
which was sent me. 

As to the Indian Lad You mention Joseph, 5 I should be very 
glad to assist in his Education, and could procure him enterance 
into the College, when qualify'd, and I doubt not but the Society 
for the Propagation of the Gospel would be at the Expence of 
his Education. But is there not reason to apprehend some bad 
Consequences of his residing in this City at this conjuncture; 
when he can hardly be a Day without hearing his Countrymen 
in general heartily cursed as deserving to be all extirpated; and 
is it not probable the Boys in the Street will be apt to insult him? 
You will be pleased to consider this, and if You think we may 
notwithstanding venture to bring him down, You may send him, 
for I assure You, it would give me the greatest Pleasure to see 
one of these poor People perfectly Civilized. If you conclude 
to send him, be pleased to let me know that I may look out for 
a proper Lodging. M r . Bennet*' whom I formerly Mentiond to 
You is by this Time setting out for the Mohawk Country, as a 
Catechist, He is very capable, and I am sure will gladly under- 
take the Instruction of Joseph, if it should be tho't best not to 
send him to this City. I shall order Collier' to receive and Board 
M r . Bennet. I cannot but feel for You when I consider the 
Embarasments that must attend Your office and Situation in 



B Joseph Brant. 

8 Cornelius Bennet. See Rev. Dr. Barclay to Rev. Saml Johnson, 
Aug. 8, 1 763. Doc. Hist. N.Y., 4 :332-33, and note. 
7 Isaac Collier. 



Building Johnson Hall 1763 301 

the present State of Indian Affairs. I dread the Consequences 
of this Rupture which I fear will not soon or easily be healed 
I remain with great Esteen 

Sir 
Your Most Obedient 
humble Servant 



Sir William Johnson 

indorsed: 8 

Doctor Barclays 
Letter — Octb r . 5 th . 1763 
concerng. Joseph &ca. 



Hen: Barclay 



8 In Sir William's hand. 



FROM WITHAM MARSH 
Extract 1 

New York Oct. 24, 1763 

Yesterday I was informed new proposals would be made me 
with w ch . I cannot comply, as Mr. Smith, perhaps, may insist on 
Ganse's 2 being continued as my Deputy, — I know not how to 
act as I fear I may not live to see the action finished, and no Small 
Sum will be offered, I'm sure, with full possion of the Records. 



1 Copy in the notes of C. H. Mcllwain. Printed in his edition of 
WraxaWs An Abridgement of Indian Affairs, p. civ, note. Original 
destroyed by fire. Johnson Calendar, p. 1 84, says it includes "details of 
his lawsuit and mentioning the execrations and complaints leveled at 'the 
actions of a certain Person' (General Amherst?) ." 

2 Harme Gansevoort, made county and town clerk of Albany, Sept. 
25, 1750. 



302 Sir William Johnson Papers 

FROM JOHN DUNCAN 
Copy 1 

Schenectady, Nov. 19, 1763. 

I have been thinking on what has for some time passed been 
advised, which is that I should become a candidate to represent 
the township in Assembly whenever a vacancy happened, and 
as my becoming a member . . . might be a means to settle all party 
affairs here, I shall . . . have no objection in so doing, provided 
you approve and will favor me with your Interest . . . otherwise 
I will think no more of it ... on the other hand, if you think it 
right I will endeavor with my other friends to make what Interest 
I can . . . although I am sensible that your Interest alone can do it. 



1 Extract made by Carl Becker, and printed in American Historical 
Review (January 1901), 6:268n. Original letter was destroyed in 
Capitol fire of 1911. 



FROM JOHN BRADSTREET 

Extract 1 

Schenactady 21 st . Novbr 1763 
Sir 

•t* *T* *•* *T* **"* 

General Amherst wrote me he had desir'd that you would be 
so good as to send some Inhabitants to Build & repair the Bridges 
near Fort Stanwix. I must therefore beg the favor that you will 
let me know what can be done in it, being very sure they will 
be much wanted this Winter to get some particular things forward. 
I am &c 
Sir W m . Johnson Bar 1 . 

Jno. Bradstreet 



1 Copy in Oneida Historical Society, Utica. Original destroyed by fire. 



Building Johnson Hall 1763 303 

FROM WITHAM MARSH 
Extract 1 

New York Dec. 5 J 763 

It gives me great pleasure to hear your house is furnished 
[finished] all but papering and of the happy riddance of the 
cursed hammerers — your cellar will be fuller for it. 



1 From an essay by Rev. Wolcott W. Ellsworth, written for the State 
Historian before the fire of 1911. The letter was destroyed by fire. 
According to Johnson Calendar, p. 191, it was "about his [Marsh's] 
illness, his suit, troubles of Johnson's position, the general satisfaction at 
Sir Jeffery's going, Gen. Gage, the completion of Johnson Hall, a coming 
parliamentary inquiry into the expenses of a certain office, the action of 
the assembly for public defense, and the negro sent by Mr. Frank Wade." 



JOURNAL OF SAMUEL FULLER 

A.D} 

[March 15 -December 24, 1763] 

Samuel Fuller His Book 
of a Conts. 1 763 

The first part being an a Cont of Woork Done on Cap*. Clouse 3 
house for Sir W m . Johnson 



1 In Schenectady County Historical Society. The spelling and capital- 
ization of the original have been followed, except for proper names which 
have all been capitalized, although the practice varied in the manuscript. 

2 Samuel Fuller, said to have been born in Boston, was in Schenectady 
with Abercromby's Army in 1 758. He is credited with building many 
well-known landmarks in and near Schenectady. In addition to the build- 
ings at Johnson Hall, and work on Sir William's former home, the Claus 
house, mentioned in this journal, he built Guy Park, St. George's Episco- 
pal Church, Schenectady, and the Johnstown Court House. He married 
Anna, daughter of William Hall, December 7, 1 763. 

3 Daniel Claus, Sir William's son-in-law, had been given the house 
formerly known as Mount Johnson, on the Mohawk, which stood one mile 
east of Fort Johnson. 



304 Sir William Johnson Papers 

like wise an a Cont of Expences layd out for the Same by me 
The Second part an a Cont of woork Done at Johnsons Hall 

Left Schonacady March 1 5 1 763 
My Self and M r . John Moncreef and my lad John Hall the 16 
began to woork on the house M r . Farell Wade 4 begon to bild. 

Schonacady the 25 March 1 763 M r . Jacob Draper and John 
Gibson and Michel Tannery left Schonacady and begon to 
woork on the Same the 26 

Lemuel Baker 5 Begon to woork on the Same Apriel the 1 9 — 
1763 

John Broad begon to woork on the Same Apriel the 23 — 1 763 

Left the house May the 7 — 1 763 

My Self and Lad" and M r . Draper and M r . Baker and M r . 
Broad 

An a Cont of where the men whear when absent from the 

woork 

March 23 : 1 763 absent my Self 2 Days Done at Schonacady 

for Carpenter 

Apriel 1 — 1 763 my lad John Hall Done at Schonacady at his 

mother 4 Days 

Apriel the 2 — 1 763 Done at Schonacady My Self 3 Days 

for Shingels and [ ] and Sondreys 

Apriel the 20 Tannery Not fit for woork 1 Day 

Apriel the 25 and 26 absent my Self Done at Schonacady for 

Stors 

Apriel the 26 Tannery absent at M r . Waterses 

Apriel the 29 absent my Self and at Johnsons hall 

Apriel the 28 Tannery hurt his Leag absent at 12 a' Clock 



4 Ferrall Wade, a merchant who dealt with Sir William, later went to 
Philadelphia, and formed a partnership with C. Keiueser. 

5 Tradition had made Lemuel Baker of Boston the builder of Johnson 
Hall. This shows him to have been employed by Fuller. 

(! John Hall, mentioned above, more often as "my layd." 



Building Johnson Hall 1763 305 

[Apriel] 1 May the 7 absent all Hands at 12 a Clock went 
Done to Schonactady to[ ] Moncreef and Gibson on the 

woork — 

a gane May the 9 

* * * * * 

An a Cont of houseal 8 fornenture for the men to Cook with 
and lodging 

Receive of Cap 1 . Close 9 March 26 — 1 763 

5 Blankets 1 piller 2 Brass Cittels 

1 Butter Dish 4 Buter plat 4 Spons 

1 Butter bason 

April the 1 3 — 1 763 Receive 3 Blankets 



An a Cont of Stors Received on Sir Williams a Cont of Pro- 
visions for my Self and men 

March 24 — 1 763 

Receive of M r . Windel at Schonacady 
1 68 lb of floore 70 lb of Pork and 1 3 gallons of Rice 

March 26 — 1 763 

Receive of Cap 1 . Close Yl a Skipel of greas [ 

April 2 — 1 763 Receive of Cap 1 . Close 1 barel of porke and 
1 barel of floor 

April the 24 — 1 763 Receive of Cap 1 . Close a but 15 lb of 
beaf 

the 26 Receive 1 loaef of bread 

the 27 Receive 1 loaef of bread and a bout 8 lb of beaf 

Apriel the 26 — 1 763 
Receive of M r . Windel at Schonady on Capt. Closes a Cont 
1 68 lb of flour and 1 26 lb of Pork 

May the 1 2 Receive of Sir W m . 

1 bag of protaters 



7 Crossed out in manuscript. 

8 Household. 

9 Capt. Daniel Claus. 



306 Sir William Johnson Papers 

An a Cont of Stors bought by Me for the men wilts at work 
on the house beloe the fort 1 " for Sir W m . Johnson likewise for 
other Nesserary Exspens 
March 1 5 — 1 763 
Payd for the Caridge of my Chist of Tools on a 

Stage £ 0-6-6 

March 24 — 1 763 
Bought of M r . Samel Tyms 11 one barel of Rum 

32 Gallons at 4/4 £ 6-18-8 

The barel £0-5-0 

To a lb of Tea £ 0-11-0 

March the 24— 1763 bought of M r . Shuyler 16 

lb of Shuger at 0/6 £ 0- 8-0 

Payd for the Caridge of the Same and M r . Drapers 

Chist of tools £ 0-10-0 

Apriel the 28 payd for 2 Skipel Protaters at 3/0 £ 0- 6-0 

May the 3 to 1 Skipel of Dito £0-3-0 

May the 9 — 1 763 

Payd to M r . Aaron Brat for 19J/2 lb of gamon 

at 1/0 lb £ 0-19-6 

Payd to M r . James Wilson for 1 m of Sprigs. . £ 0- 8-0 
November the 14 — 1 763 — 

Payd to M r . Watters for Vitels £ 0-12-0 

Payd to Mrs. Hall for 15 lb of gamon at 1/0. . £ 0-15-0 
Payd to Justes Vannaps 12 for J/2 a Quarter of 

Shuger 0-8-0 

Payd to M r . Dudley for glas 0-15-0 

Payd to M r . Dary in s. boord for my Self 1 Days 

at 20 per Day 1-0-0 

And 10 Days of my layd at 2/0 1-0-0 

And 10 Days for M r Moncreef 1-0-0 

Payd to M r . McDaniel for Vituls for the men . . £ 2- 6-0 



10 Fort Johnson. 

1 1 Samuel Tyms, Schenectady merchant. 

12 Van Eps. 



Building Johnson Hall 1763 307 

An a Cont of things bought by me for the men one use that they 
are Detd to me wilst at woork at Capt Clous [ ] H Hous 

[March the29] i:i 

Apriel the 2 — 1 763 

bough of of M r . John Brown 1 lib Yl °f Powder and 7 lb of 

Shot — bought of M'. Shofler 2 lb of Sope 0-2-0 

*x* *T* *•* *X* *X* 

heare Endth the first part of the Book 

•nf* *X* *X* *T* *I* 

Second part of the book 
Monday May the 9 — 1 763 Draper and M r . Baker Came to 
Johnsons Hall [the begon] the 1 begon to woork 
Thusday 14 May the 10—1763 Came My Self 
May the 11 — 1 763 M r . Ogden and my lad John Hall came 
Sonday May 22 — 1 763 

Moncreef and Gibson left the house below and Came to Johnsons 
Hall 

Fryday Septemb r the 2 — 1 763 Robert Hazerd came to Johnson 
Hall 
Satterday the 3 begon to woork 

* # # # * 

An a Cont of what the men are Doing of Eatch Day that they 

are under my Care at Johnsons Hall 

1 763 May 1 Draper and Baker framing the Shay house 

the 1 1 Droving a Plan my Self to frame the long house by 

Draper and Baker on the Shay hous framing 

the 12 begon to frame the large hous at woork framing on it my 

Self and lad and Draper and Baker and Ogden 

the 13 framing my Self and lad and Draper and Baker and 

Ogden 

the 14 all hands helping to Rays the Cotch house 1 



.15 



13 Words italicized and in brackets are crossed out in the manuscript. 

14 Tuesday, so spelled by Fuller. 

15 The coach house thus was distinguished from the shay house, out- 
buildings at the Hall. 



308 Sir William Johnson Papers 

the 1 5 Sonday 

the 16 framing my Self and lad and Draper and Baker and 
Ogden and Price and King and Gasper 

the 1 7 Thusday my Self and layd Draper Baker Ogden Price 
King and Gasper framing the hous 

the 18 Wedenday my Self and layd Draper Baker Ogden King 
Gasper framing the hous Price not well 

the 19 Thursday my Self and layd Draper Baker Ogden Price 
King Gasper framing the hous 

the 20 Fryday half-the Day my Self and layd & Draper Baker 
Ogden fiting Bords for the out Sid of the hous the other half 
framing the house Price King and Gasper on the Sash frames 
the 21 Satterday my Self and layd Draper Baker Ogden and 
King framing the hous Price and Gasper on the Sash frames 
the 22 Sonday 
the 23 Monday a holie day 

the 24 Thusday my Self and lay d . Draper Baker Ogden King 
and Gibson framing the hous Price Gasper and Moncreef on the 
Sash frames 

the 25 Wedenday my Self and layd Draper Baker King Gasper 
Gibson framing the hous Price Moncreef and Ogden on the 
Sash frames 

the 26 Thursday my Self and layd Draper Baker King Gasper 
Gibson framing the hous Price Ogden Moncreef on the Sash 
frames 

the 27 fryday my Self and Layd Draper Baker King Gasper 
Gibson framing the hous Price Ogden Moncreef on the Sash 
frames 

the 28 Satterday my Self and layd Draper Baker King Gasper 
Gibson framing the hous Price Ogden Moncreef on the Sash 
frames 

the 29 Sonday. 

the 30 Monday My Self and layd and Draper Baker King Gas- 
per Gibson framing the [the] hous Price and Moncreef Ogden 
on the Sash frames 
the 3 1 Thusday my Self and layd Draper Baker King Gasper 



Building Johnson Hall 1763 309 

Gibson framing Price Moncreef Ogden on the Sash frames 

June the 1 Wedenday my Self and layd and Draper and Gasper 

making pins for the house and huing 10 the hip Rafters half the 

Day the other gitting on the grond floor Price making a tabel 

and Sondreys for the brick maker half the Day the other [half 

gitting the grond flo] 1 ' not well. King making a fence at the 

bow masters hous and hnging a gate: Moncreef Ogden on the 

Sash frames half the other half gitting on the flore Baker Gibson 

fitting bords for the out sid of the hous half the Day the other part 

the — 

Thursday the 2 of June 1 763 begon to Rais the Hous my Self 

and layd and Draper Baker Ogden Moncreef Gibson King 

Gasper Price half the Day the the other half Not well 

the 3 fryday my Self and layd and Draper Baker Ogden Mon- 

cref Gibson King Gasper and Price finishing Raising and puting 

up the hip Rafters Price Not well half the Day 

the 4 Satterday my Self on Sondreys my layd having bords for 

the Rough Draper Ogden Moncreef fiting In the Ribs into the 

hip Rafters half the Day the other half Rough hording the Sids 

of the hous Baker Gibson fiting bord for the outsid and Gasper 

half the Day the other absent [M r .] Price absent Not well King 

absent Not well 

the 5 Sonday 

Monday the 6 my Self and Layd Draper Baker Moncref Gibson 

Ogden Gasper fiting Stuf for the out Sid of the hous pting It on 

Price and King Not well 

Thusday the 7 

My Self and layd Draper Baker Moncreef Gibson Gasper on 

the Same Price and King Not well 

Wedenday the 8 

My Self and layd Draper Baker fiting Stuf for the out Sid of the 

hous Moncreef Ogden Gibson King Gasper giting out Stuf for 

the floors Insid the hous Price Not well 



16 Hewing. 

17 Words italicized and in brackets are crossed out in manuscript. 



310 Sir William Johnson Papers 

Thursday the 9 

My Self and layd Draper Baker giting out Stuf for the outsid 
Moncreef Gibson King Gasper giting out Stuf for the floor Price 
Not well 
Fryday the 10 

My Self and layd Draper Baker Moncreef Gibson Ogden King 
Gasper Giting out Stuf for the out Sid and Putmg it on Price 
Not well 
Satterday the 1 1 

My Self and layd Draper Baker Moncreef Gibson Ogden King 
Gasper fiting for the out Sid and puting It on Price Not well 
Gasper absent half the Day 
Sonday the 12 
Monday the 13 

My Self Draper Bake Moncreef Gibson Shnghng King bringin 
up Shingels Gasper giting out out Stuf for Sash frames Ogden and 
my lad og 18 for the Same Price making a Chist 19 
Thusday the 14 

My Self and layd Draper Baker fiting Stuf for the outsid Mon- 
creef Ogden giting out oge 18 for the Sash frames Gibson fit floor 
bords Price King Gasper making Sash frames 
Wedenday the 1 5 

My Self Draper Baker Moncreef Ogden Gibson Shingling King 
bring up Shingels Price Gasper on the Sash frames my layd giting 
out oge for the Coving 
Thursday the 16 

My Self Draper Baker Moncreef Gibson Shingling my layd Saw 
hip Shingels Price Gasper King making Sash frames 
Fryday the 1 7 

My Self and Baker Ogden Gibson fiting bords for the outsid 
and puting them on Draper Moncreef Shingling 
Price and my layd on the Sash frames King and [ | Gasper 

Cuting timber for the Cornish gutters 



ls Ogee, a cyma curved molding. 
19 Chest. 



Building Johnson Hall 1763 311 

Satterday the 18 

My Self at Schonacady Draper left In Carge him Self fiting Stuf 
and finishing hording the out sid with Baker Moncreef Ogden 
Gibson [go] King fiting bords for the Shay hous Price Gasper 
and my layd on the Sash frames 
Sonday the 19 
Monday the 20 

My Self at Schonacady Draper In Carge him Self Baker Mon- 
creef Ogden Gibson King Gasper fiting Stuf for and hording 
the outsid Price and my layd on the Sash Frames. 
Thusday the 2 1 

My Self Coming from Schonacad Draper In Carge him Self 
Baker Moncreef fiting Stuf for the Coving Ogden Gibson King 
and Gasper fiting bords for the Shay hous Price and my layd on 
the Winder Sheters 20 
Wedenday the 22 

My Self on Sondreys Draper and Moncreef on the two front 
Doors Ogden Gibson on the floors for the Insid Gasper at the 
bowmasters hous making out Sid Seller Doors King and Baker 
giting out Stuf for the frontis peaces Price and my layd on the 
Winder Shetters 
Thusday the 23 

My Self and Baker fiting Stuf for the frontes peaces Draper and 
Moncreef on the two out Sid Door Ogden Gibson on the floors 
Gasper and King gitin out Stuf for the frontes peaces and Insid 
Doors Price and my layd on the Winder Shetters 
Fryday the 24 

My Self and Baker fiting Stuf for the frontes peaces Draper 
Moncreef on the two outsid Doors Ogden Gibson Gasper fiting 
for the floors King giting out stuf for Insid Doors Price and my 
layd on the Winder Shetters 
Satterday the 25 
My Self Baker fiting Stuf for the frontes peaces Draper Mon- 



i0 Window shutters. 



312 Sir William Johnson Papers 

creef on In Sid Doors Ogden Gibson King Gasper fiting for the 
floors Price and my layd on the winder Shetters 
Sonday the 26 
Monday the 27 

My Self and Baker fiting Stuf for the frontes peaces Draper 
Moncreef on Insid Doors Ogden Gibson fiting Stuf for the floor 
King Gasper hording the Shay hous Price and my layd on the 
window Shetters 
Thusday the 28 

My Self and Baker fit Stuf for the frontes peaces Draper Mon- 
creef on the Insid Doors Ogden Gibson King Gasper fiting Stuf 
for the Shay hous and bording of It Price and my layd on the 
window Shetters 
Wedenday 29 

My Self Baker fiting Stuf for the frontes peases Draper and 
Moncreef on Insid Doors Ogden Gibson King Gasper fiting Stuf 
for the Shay hous and bording the Same Price and my layd on 
the winder Shetters 
Thursday the 30 

My Self and Baker giting out Stuf for Door Cheaks Draper 
Moncreef on Insid Doors Ogden Gibson King Gasper fiting 
Stuf for the Shay hous and put It on Price and my layd on the 
winder Shetters 
Fryday July the 1 — 1 763 

My Self and Baker giting out Stuf for the coving and for a Stone 
molding or water tabel Draper [mon — ] Moncreef on Insid 
Doors Ogden Gibson King Gasper bord Ing the Shay hous Price 
and my layd on the winder Sheters 
Satterday the 2 

My Self and Baker giting out Stuf for the Coving Draper Mon- 
creef on the Insid Doors Ogden Gibson King Gasper fiting Stuf 
for and bording the Shay [/ious] hous Price and my layd on the 
winder Shetters 
Sonday the 3. 

only giving an a cont of whare the men are when absent from 
Johnsons hall from Monday the 4 of July 1 763 



Building Johnson Hall J 763 313 

Moncreef absent and King to Rays a barn for Cap'. Clous Price 

absent one Day 

Wedenday the 6 Moncreef retornd 

Thursday July the 14 My Self absent Not well one Day and Yl 

Satterday the 1 6 of July Gasper Absent half a day 

the 1 6 Draper Baker Ogden absent at 8 a Clock In the morning 

Sat out for Schonacady Draper Baker and Ogden retorned 

Monday the 18 at Eight In the morning 

Monday July the 18 

Price absent Done at Cocnivogni 21 

Thursday the 2 1 Price Retornd at Twelve a Clock 

Satterday the 23 absent my Self Down at Schonacady Retornd 

Tuesday the 26 

Moncreef and Gasper at woork 

Thursday the 28 making gats 22 for the fortt Rond Jonsons hall 

and fiting the pickets [and] for the Same 23 

Thursday July 26 — 1 763 M r . Price and my layd begone finish 

the west front Rome In Johnsons hall. Moncreef at woork In 

the hous 

a gane Monday Augst the 1 

the 6 Satter Day Augst Moncreef and Ogden at woork on the 

fort 

Sonday the 7 Ogden and my layd Sat of for Schonacady 

My layd Retorned Wedenday 

Augst the 1 Ougden Retornd thursday Augst the 1 1 

Fryday the 12 Moncreef and Ogden at woork on the fort 1 

Day Eatch 

Sonday Augst the 1 4 — 1 763 

Ogden Put his Sholder out by a Dissput with M r . Maden 

Satterday Augst the 13 M r . Price Sat out for Cocknivogni 

RetoH. 

Wedenday the 1 7 being absent 2 Days 

Thursday Augst the 1 8 Gasper absent half a Day 

21 Caughnawaga. 

22 Gates. 

23 Perhaps the first fortification; not the later stone blockhouse. 



3 1 4 Sir William Johnson Papers 

Satterday Augst the 20 Sat out for Schonacady my Self and 

Moncreef 

Moncreef Retornd 

Monday the 22 Retornd my Self 

Wedenday the 24 

Gasper absent Satterday Augst the 27 One Day 

Monday Augst 29 — 1 763 King Retornd from Capt Clous barn 

and begon to woork on Johnson Hall 

Monday Augst 29 M r . Price and my layd at woork 5 Days 

han[g]ing the out Sid winder Shetters In Johnson Hall. 

Thursday Septemb r the 1 — 1 763 

Gasper and King at woork one Day one the Shays hous Eatch 

hording the Rough of It 

Monday Sept the 5 Gasper absent one Day 

Satterday Sept r . 10 M r . Price finished the west front Rome In 

Johnsons Hall 

Septemb r . the 23 King and Hazerd one Day laying the floor in 

the Shays hous louft 

Satterday Septeber the 24 — 1 763 

Done at Schonacady my Self retornd 

Wedenday Septeber 28 [Casper on the bowmasters house] 24 

Gasper absent Monday September the 26 one Day the 27 Gasper 

be gon to woork on the bowmasters house 

Wedenday September the 28 — 1 763 

Ogden Retornd to woork at Johnsons Hall 

Sonday October the 2 1 763 Gasper hurt him Self by a fall absent 

fore Days then at the bowmasters hous 2 Days 

Thursday October the 4 — 1 763 King begon to woork on the 

grist mill 

Monday October the 1 Gasper begon to woork on the grist mill. 

Wedenday October the 12 — 1 763 Price absent Not well 4 

Days 

Monday October the 17 — on the woork agan 



24 Words in brackets and italicized are crossed out in the manuscript. 



Building Johnson Hall 1763 315 

Satterday November the 5 — 1 763 Gibson absent at teen a clock 
half a day 

^£4 Irf* r£* *J« *J* 

25 £ 30-2-8 

left an order with 
Capt. Tice 

* * * # * 

An a Cont of money Receive of Sir W m . — Johnson for my 
Self and men In part of pay 

Augst the 4 1 763 Receive £ 1-12-6 

Augst the 6 1 763 Receive £ 32-10-0 

Augst the 20 — 1 763 Receive £ 6-10-0 

November the 14 — 1 763 Receive 320- 0-0 

•T* *T* *T* *X* *jf* 

An a Cont of Money Payd to the men by me to wards thare wages 

Augst the 4 1 763 John Ogden to Cash £ 9-15-0 

Augst the 5 — 1 763 Jacob Draper to Cash .... £ 0— 2-6 

Augst the 1 Lemuel Baker to Cash 3— 5-0 

Augst the 20 John Moncreef to Cash £ 3- 5-0 

Augst the 20 Jacob Draper to Cash £ 3— 5—0 

Augst the 22 John Moncreef to Cash £ 0— 8-0 

August the 23 Jacob Draper to Cash £ 2—1 7—0 

Answered by me to your lanlord In Schonacady 

August the 27 John Gibson to Cash £ 2— 0-0 

Augst the 16 John Ogden to Caysh £ 1-12-6 

Sept the 26 John Ogden to Caysh £ 5— 3-0 

answered by me to M r . Tyms In Schonacady 
To Sept. the 26 John Ogden to Caysh 

Answered by me to your Brother £ 10— 0—0 

October the 16 Jacob Draper to Caysh £ 0—16—3 

October the 31 Lemuel Baker to cash 0-16—3 



25 On a separate page. 



316 Sir William Johnson Papers 

[to M\ C] 

November the 15 — 1 763 

Baker Det d . to Caysh £ 10- 0-0 

November the 1 7 

Draper Det d . to Caysh £ 15-0-0 

H" H" H< *{• •{• 

Draper and Baker begon to woork at Capt Clousses Novemb r 

21 — 1763 

Left It Decemb r the 18 — 1 763 

Pay to Eatch £6- 0-0 £12-0-0 

December the 24 — 1 763 

*J* *X* •X* *♦* *dt* 

A Cont of things that the men have of me 
June ye 20 1 763 

M r . Morfel Det r . to a pare of Shooes £ 0-14-6 

July the 25 M'. Gibson Df. 

To two pare of Stockings £ 0-11-0 

July the 16 — 1 763 M r . Baker Det r . to a Pare 

of briches £ 

Augst the 4 M r . Draper Det r . for tobaco - 1-0 

Augst the 1 3 M r . Draper Det r . to 3 lb of tobaco 

at 9/ £ 0-2-3 

m r . Gibson Det r . to 1 lb of tobaco 0-0 9 

October the 2 Gasper Det 1 . to a Role of tobaco . . £ 0-1—6 
October the 6 Draper Det r . to a Role of tobaco. £ 0-1-6 

rft *^f* •J* *X* *T* 

Jessey Price to [S — ] Det r . 
March the 15 1763 

1 Rasing plane £ 0-10-0 

1 Plane £ 0-10-0 

1 1/2 ^ch Quarter rond 0-11-0 

1 Chalk line 0-1-6 

1 Door mortising Chisel 0- 0-6 



Building Johnson Hall 1763 317 

May the 9 — 1 763 

to 1 han saw at £ 0—1 7—0 

June 23 to a pare of buckels 0— 2—0 

June 27 to a pare of Stockings 0— 5—6 

July 25 to a Role of tobaco 0—1-3 

Augst 29 to a pare of Shooes 0-11—6 

To penscal 0— 1—0 

October the 1 to a Role of tobaco 0-1-6 

***** 

Degr [ ] Company 

to M r . [Ma] den for 1 gallon of Rum £ 0-6-2 

Mr. Magregrey for 3 gallons 0-18-0 

| Magreagrey for 3 gallons 0-18-0 



A DECLARATION 
Contemporary Copy 1 

The Declaration of M r . Jadeau to Major Henry Gladwin and 
Captain James Grant at Major Gladwin's House in 

Detroit on the 24 lh . Dec r . 1763 — 

Saith, that in a Council with Pondiac composed of the follow- 
ing Principal Inhabitants Viz*. Navarre, 2 Sicotte, 3 Campeau, 4 
Currie, 5 and Frank Meloshe* some time about the latter end of 
June or beginning of July 1 763 Sicotte told Pondiac that they 
could not fight with him against the English, as they would thereby 
expose their Wives, and Children to inevitable Ruin, should they 
not succeed, but that there were above 300 Young men in the 



1 In Canadian Archives, Indian Records, Vol. 7. First part printed in 
Johnson Papers, 1 0:985-6; entire document given here. 

2 Robert Navarre. 

3 Zacharie Cicotte. 

4 Baptiste Campau. 

5 Antoine Cuillerier. 

6 Francois Meloche. 



3 1 8 Sir William Johnson Papers 

Settlement, who had neither Parents, or much Property to lose 
that might and ought to join him. in Consequence of which Speech 
Pondiac addressed himself to some young men present, who 
immediately agreed to join him in fighting against the English. 
Kentaign told him of this Council, and that Frank Meloshe had 
visited in said Council, that M r . Navarre being a knowing, and 
a leading Man, would tell, and assure Pondiac that they were 
all ready, and willing to take up arms with him against the 
English, which Navarre absolutely refused, and said, No, I will 
not tell him, tell it him your self. — That on Jadeaux's hearing 
the Result of this Council, he came to Pare Potie the Jesuit,' 
and prevailed with him to go to the Fort, and acquaint the Com- 
mandant of what had passed; but that as the Jesuit was ready to 
Set out, Piere La Bute s & Babtiste Coverenne came, and finding 
he was going to the Fort, told him he was mad, — that Pondiac 
would burn his Church, destroy all he had, and then kill him, 
which frightened him, and prevented his going to acquaint the 
Commandant. — That it was agreed upon in Council about the 
5 th . of July that the Garrison was to be attacked without by the 
Savages, and French, and within by the French Inhabitants 
residing in the Fort. — 

N. B. This Corresponds with three large Keys being found 
in the Fort, which answered in every Respect the Locks of the 
Fort, and with the Deposions of M. Comrie a Soldier in the 60 th . 
Regiment, who at that time had been Prisoner, who had been 
told by a fellow Prisoner who spoke good French, that the Garri- 
son of Detroit was all to be murdered, as the French were all to 
attack it both without & with in Conjunction with Savages. — 

Jadeaux further sayeth that at Piere La Butes House he told 
Pondiac of the Peace, and putting three of his fingers close, 
Shewing him, as the three great Kings had now made Peace, that, 
in Attacking the English, it was attacking the whole Three, and 
made use of many other Arguments to prevail on the Savage 



7 Louis Antoine Pothier (also called Potier) 
s Pierre Chesne Labute, interpreter. 



Building Johnson Hall 1763 319 

Chief to listen to Reason, which for a little while he seemed 
inclined to, giving great Attention, but that the said La Bute in a 
rage told him (Pondiac) th[at] it was all a Lie propagated by 
the English, to deceive them, and that Jadeaux himself was no 
other than an Englishman. — 

Further Sayeth that all the St. Ogaignes, and Campeaux are 
the most pernicious People in the Settlements, and that it was by 
them proposed to make Trenches ; that when the Enemy was close 
on the outside, the Garrison was to be attacked within, that Bartle 
the Gun smith & Choppeton,' J two Inhabitants of the Fort, had 
often gone out amongst the Savages, and told every where that 
the English in the Fort were half dead, and that a good Savage 
Cry would make them Surrender — further that Currie, Sicotte, 
Mine Chone, U) Godfroy, 11 and others knew of the Plan in Council 
to murder the Garrison several days before it was attempted to 
be put into Execution, and that by the Request of Currie, 
Campeau, and some others, Captain Campbell was to be saved; 
that Piere La Bute had told him (Jadeaux), that Currie had 
also desired of Pondiack to save Captain Hopfyins,^'" that he 
was, as one of them, which he promised to do if he knew him. — 
Further that Babtiste Campeau came to his (Jadeaux's House), 
Shewed him some Letters, and a Belt which were to be sent to 
the lllenois by Godfroy, and Mine Chone, which on reading, 
surprized him so much, that he asked Said Campeau, if he shewed 
them to the Commandant, that he answered with equal Surprize, 
What Commandant? — we have no other Commandant now, 
but Pondiac, and next Sunday you will go to Mass to the Fort, 
and you will see no English there — we will take it 'ere that time. 
Jadeaux then replied, how will you take it? we will take it by 
Sap, replied Campeau. — further Saith, That Tissoe who came 
in the Fall from the lllenois, positively declared there was no 
Peace — that it was all a Lie — that there would soon be an 



9 Jean Baptiste Chapoton. 

10 Meni Chesne, interpreter. 

11 Jacques Godfrey, trader and militia officer. 

12 Capt. Joseph Hopkins, of the company of rangers. 



320 Sir William Johnson Papers 

Army from the Illenois, with Ammunition enough — (Lodge & 
resides at old Predom's house) . — that La Ville Beau, Charloe 
Campeau, and old Predom, particularly harboured, and fed the 
Savages in the worst of times — that outwardly Kantaignes, Cab- 
bache, 5'. Andrews, and S l . Bennards are all good Men, but 
that in short the Villainy of the whole Settlement in general 
would fill a Volume. — 

On Thursday the 5 th . of April 1 764 Jadeau further said in 
Colonel Gladwin's Room and Presence that Tiata the Huron 
Chief had told him that the Source of the Indian War was not 
owing to any Belts or Emissarys sent amongst the Indian Nations 
about Detroit, by the Six Nations, but to the French who had 
been constantly telling them, that their Fathers would come, and 
take Montreal, and that they were coming here with an Army 
from the Illenois — that they would be angry with them if they 
did not strike the English, and take the Fort 'ere they came, — 
that this was the Argument used by more than two thirds of the 
Settlement to Stir up the Indians to Mischief. — 

I am informed by M r . Le Grand, 13 and Monsieur Denisseaux, 
that before Canada was taken, Pondiack, and some chiefs from 
Detroit suspecting a compleat Conquest on the side of the English, 
had gone down to Fort Pit, and the other Forts on that Com- 
munication towards Pennsylvania to enquire the treatment they 
should have, should the English succeed, to which they were 
answered that all the Rivers were to flow with Rum, — that 
Presents from the Great King were to be unlimited — that all 
Sorts of Goods were to be in the utmost Plenty, and so cheap, 
as a Blanket for two Beavers — four Racoons, for a Beaver, 
with many other fair Promises which they told in the Settlement 
on their Return with much Joy; in consequence of which, they 
allowed Rogers with a handful of Men to take Possession of 
the Fort, and Colony, receiving them with Joy, and using Monsieur 
Bellelre with much disrespect, he being the same time the French 
Commandant, — that in about a-Year after, Pondiac in particular 



13 Gabriel Christopher Le Grand, post surgeon. 



Building Johnson Hall 1763 321 

had been heard to Complain, and say the English were Liars, 
which opinion then became general. — that a long time before 
they openly declared themselves in Arms — a general Discontent 
prevailed amongst all the Nations, and that the chief Complaint 
was, the Prohibition of Rum, and that the English took six 
Racoons for a Beaver, when the French never took but four, 
with many other Complaints more triffling in their Nature, such 
as annual Congresses promised &ca, so that on the whole they say 
that all the Promises the English made, were only to blindfold 
& delude them, for which they had been heard to Say, they would 
kill all the Liars, and give their Lands to their Fathers. — 
Signed — 

James Grant, Cap f . in the 
80*. Regm 1 . 



FROM HENDRICK FREY 

Cop}) 1 

Canojoharie 29 th . Dec r . 1763. — 
Sir 

The Bearer hereof M rs . Abell apply d . to me Yesterday Com- 
plaing of her mad husband, 2 Signefying she fear'd her Life, and 
y*. he harbours of Number of Sinneca Indians in his house, and 
instead of her, Keeps his old Bedfellow, haveing taken his wifes 
Bed and Gave it to the Squa, she tells me he has Disbandon'd all 
from the house that are of white couller and only Suffers a few 
Nigros to Stay, and that he takes Loaded arms Every night Into 
his Bead, Last night Gisbert Van Alstyne went to the house 
and Enquired for his Brother Cobes, he Immediately took a 
hatchet and Struck it Into the door Post calling the Indians, upon 



1 In New York State Library. Facsimile copy of original in Johnson 
manuscripts, by Rufus A. Grider, March 5, 1890. In Grider Scrapbook 
Vol. 3, p. 99. Original destroyed by fire. 

2 John Abeel. Johnson Calendar, p. 1 96. 



322 Sir William Johnson Papers 

which Van Alstyne Verry Briskly Engage'd his Slay and Run 
off, tells me Under the Pains of Death, as it might Likely Create 
Disturbance to be doing any thing for the Woman Dureing the 
Indians Being there I Advis'd her to make Application to you, 
I hear the Serj ,s . in Executeing their orders on Tillbag 1 were 
Beat Smartly and Glad to Get off, I have not yet Got a Span 
of horses for the price you told me But think will Soon have them 
by Ading a few pounds I am Honour bl . Sir 

Your Most Obed'. Serv'. 
Sir W m . Johnson 

Hendrick Frey 



3 Martinus Dillenbach, Jr. Ibid. 



FROM WITHAM MARSH 
A.L.S. 1 

New York, J any. 23 d . 1764. 

]e received mine of the 15 th . & 16 th . 2 wi [ 
]d M r . Weyman 's Account for printing" 
o ] . .o. . Currency wK I wou'd have paid, 
] believe, has transpired worth [ 
[ ] I [ ] was at Long Island, took a [ 

] itself [ ] Hell-gates, & got safe to [Connecticut 

] pposed. — What you saw in | 



1 Mutilated, but a few lines supplied from the notes of C. H. Mcllwain. 
It is summarized in Johnson Calendar, p. 202 : "about the publication of 
the King's proclamation, a friendly paragraph in Weyman's paper, the 
escape of Rogers to 'precious' Connecticut by way of Hell-gates, articles 
to be sent by sled, patents, his lawsuit and a project of revenge in case 
of an adverse decision of the court, and a letter for Mr. Croghan." 

2 Marsh to Johnson, Jan. 15-16, 1 764. See Johnson Calendar, p. 199. 
"William Weyman's bill of the 16th, "for printing 50 copies of a 

royal proclamation dated December 24, 1 764." Johnson Calendar, 

p. 199. 



Land and Indian Affairs 1764-1773 323 

] to the Indians, pray excuse, for [ 

] ng Him there was good News from [ 
] the paragraph, which He thought [ 
] this and other Provinces. As to [ 

] e Proclamations, is totally his own [ 
] good Intent, in order to shew your [ 
confidence is reposed in you by His Majes[ty 
] of Trade. — Some people will loofy [ 
| out to inspect their Aspects. I h [ 

] £re, and desired M r . Darlington to [ 
] therein mentioned, which He will do. Of [ 
] a Dispensatory : I've got one at last, [ 
| send it yet, (unless we have Sledding weather [ 
] th some other Things, such as French [ 
/ a — I've heard no w[ord] of the [ 
] ily persuaded there is some [ ] sed D [ 

] ating Trouble, by a Sect. [ ] were [ 

] Mischief. 

M r . Attorney General (General [ 
] Self (With Law cases) have push'd the [ 

]bout the last Mandamus for the Recor[ 
] will be determined. M r . Kem[pe 
] has been very great. If the Court [shou'd determine] 4 
against me] (w ch . I know they cannot by Law, by [Heavens 
'11 ] [write su]ch a Letter to L — H — , 5 as [shall drive 'em] 

from the Bench; I] mean two of them, who have [no] 
great affection for English-men.] 

Yesterday M r . Darlington gave me [a letter] 
for M r .] Croghan. This morning I sent a [ 
] know whe r . my Friend of early [ 
] Town; but He was returned non [ 
] I've ventured to Send it to the Ha [ 



4 Words in brackets from C. H. Mcllwain's extract. See Wraxall's 
Abridgement of Indian Affairs, p. civ, note. 

5 Lord Halifax. 



324 Sir William Johnson Papers 

[ ] of consequence. I beg you'll accept my [ ] 

my Friends with you, and am with the utmost [ ] 

Your sincere & mos [t 

Wit [ham Marsh] 
[ ] le . Sir W m . Johnson. Baronet &c, &c. &c a . 



FROM BAYTON WHARTON AND MORGAN 

Df: 

Philad*. April 25,1764 

As you was pleased to communicate to Us, The very agreable 
Intelligence of the Subjection of the Senecas & of the animated 
Viguor of other Tribes, We took the Liberty of indulging Our 
Printers with it, That so the Inhabitants of this & the other 
Provinces, might certainly know; — To Whose Wisdom & 
unceasing Vigilance, They were indebted, for the present pleasing 
Reverse of Indian Affairs. 

We have the Honor of being, Sir, with the Utmost Respect 

Y r . most Oblig d . & most Ob 1 , hble S ts . 
B. W. & M. 

1 In Pennsylvania Public Records Division. Baynton, Wharton & 
Morgan Papers. Letter printed, from copy made before Capitol fire, in 
Johnson Papers, 4:407-08; but this paragraph was omitted. 



FROM THOMAS PENN 
A.L.S. 1 

London May 12, 1764 

Sir — 

I thought it propper to send a duplicate of my last Letter, 2 
and shal only add, that we greatly rejoyce at the Success your 

1 In the University of Pittsburgh Library. 

2 April 1 4, I 764, Johnson Papers, 11:1 25-27. 



Land and Indian Affairs 1764-1773 325 

first party of Indians have met with, a more particular account 
of which we shal expect by the next packet. 

The Board of Trade have not yet entered into the Considera- 
tion of the Indian affairs, I find they have been consulting with 
some Americans and Some Traders here upon a plan for fixing 
the method of carrying on the Indian Trade, but have not had 
the State of Indian affairs before them yet, The settlement of the 
New Colonys having taken up all their time, but I believe the 
next packet will bring you Some accounts. I have sent my Lord 
Hillborough a paper of M r . Croghan's relating to the boundary, 
of which he no doubt writes you in the enclosed Letter. 

I have nothing more to trouble you with, so shal end this by 
assuring You that I am with great regard 

Sir Your most obedient humble 
Servant — 

Tho Penn 



INDORSED: 3 



London May 12 th . 1764 
M r . Penns Letter 



3 In Sir William's hand. 



FROM WILLIAM EYRE 

Note 1 

[New York, Ma]) 12,1764.} 



1 Listed in Sale Number 2100 — November 26, 1926, of The Anderson 
Galleries, New York, Theodore Sedgwick Collection, and described: an 
interesting letter in which he mentions at length his desire to be relieved here 
and allowed to go to London, and asks Johnson's tactful assistance in pro- 
curing this leave. He mentions his opposition to Sir Jeffrey [sic] Amherst's 
methods of treatment of the Indians to "Chastize them if they misbehave," 
which measures he says are "so obviously Romantic and contrary to Com- 
mon Reason," etc. 

Sir William's letter to Eyre of May 31, 1764, Calendar, p. 227, is 
a reply to this, citing "the advantage to public interests of allowing Eyre 
to visit England." 



326 Sir William Johnson Papers 

FROM BAYNTON, WHARTON AND MORGAN 

Contemporary Copy 1 

Philad a .May26, 1764.— 
Sir 

By Capt. Hammit Who arrived yesterday from London, We 
received under Cover the inclosed Letter for you — [ Which We 
immedif. forward by the Post.] 2 

As We are in very large Advance for M r . Croghan & as He 
has Now wrote to Us, to pay a Sum of Money for Him. We 
would fain hope Y r . Honour will Not be displeas'd, If We 
presume to intimate to You, that We shall be very highly Obliged, 
By Y r . [Honors] ordering a Bill to be remitted to Us for the 
Am*, of our Invoice, [We have not received] When y r . Leisure 
will admit. 

We are with the utmost Respect 

Y r . Ho rs . Most oblig d . & most 

hble S f . 

B. W. & M. 
The Hble 
S R . W M . Johnson &&&c. 

INDORSED: 

May 26*. 1 764 — 
S r . William Johnson 



1 In Pennsylvania Public Records Division. Baynton, Wharton & 
Morgan Papers. Original in Johnson Manuscripts destroyd by fire. 
Johnson Calendar, p. 225. 

2 Words italicized and in brackets are crossed out in the manuscript. 



Land and Indian Affairs 1764-1773 327 

FROM WITHAM MARSH 
Extract 1 

Albany, May 28, 1764 

This Day, or tomorrow, finishes the affair ab ( . the Records — 
Ganse looks like a Devil. 



1 Copied in the notes of C. H. Mcllwain. Printed in Wraxall's Abridge- 
ment of Indian Affairs, p. cv, note. Original destroyed by fire. Johnson 
Calendar, p. 226, describes contents of this letter: "informing of his 
arrival, after a seven days' passage, from New York, with a servant, a 
box of dollars and a bundle of paper currency, mentioning litigation about 
records, the gout, and offering felicitations on the birth of a granddaughter." 



INSTRUCTIONS TO JOHN BUTLER 
A.L.S. 1 

[Johnson Hall, May 30, 1764] 

[ ] 

me without fail. Except y e . Senecas are to be told, to 

meet at Niagra the 20 th . of June, by w h . time I expect to be there 
myself. 

You will use y r . utmost endeavours with the rest of the officers 
of y r . Corps, to get as great a Number of Warriors as you possibly 
can to Join Co". Bradstreet at Oswego by the day appointed, 
and to prevent the Women going with them all in y r . power. 

On y r . Arrival at Oswego You are to see that the Indians 
Encamp in a good place and at a proper distance from the Troops, 
so as to prevent as much as possible any differences to arise 
between them, and to See that they be [ear]ly & properly sup- 
plied with provisions, for [which] you are to apply to Co 11 . 
Bradstreet for an Order as [ ] 2 



1 In New York State Library. Fonda Papers. Although a fragment 
with no addressee's name, it appears by context to be a portion of the in- 
structions to Captain Butler, as mentioned in Johnson Papers, I 1 :237 Cf. 
also Ibid. 1 1 :207. 

2 Several lines missing. This begins on the reverse of fragment. 



328 Sir William Johnson Papers 

in y r . power from giving [ ] the effects of that 

alone all [ ] so [ ] arise. — 

Lastly You will write me whatever is necessary for me to 
know, and send it by Express if of consequence. — 

Given under my Hand at Johnson Hall this 30 th . Day of May 
1764 — 

W M . Johnson 



FROM CHARLES LEE 

Copy 1 

London July 25 th . 1764. 
Dear Sir 

The liberty which I take in so abruptly writing to you will 
probably surprise you particularly upon a subject of so extra- 
ordinary a nature — but the confidence I have in your good 
nature & universal desire to oblige encourages me to the under- 
taking. You must know Sir that Lady Susan Strangway a 
daughter of Lord Ilchister has to the great mortification of her 
family & friends taken it into her head to marry a Mr. O'Brien 2 
a Player. Her father & uncle (Lord Holland) are desirous of 
providing for them, but not at home. They turned their eyes to 
America where they have thoughts of procuring or purchasing 
for the husband some employment of sufficient salary for their 
immediate support, & obtaining a grant of lands as an establish- 
ment for their family. As I had been some time in America they 
consulted me on this subject. I replied that New York was un- 
doubtedly the most eligible province for residence — but upon 
inquiry we find very little or no land in this province remains 
ungranted unless what is the immediate property of the Indians. 
We therefore applied to our friend George Croghan who is of 
opinion that the Mohawks would easily be prevailed upon to 



1 Printed in New York Historical Society Collections, Lee Papers, 

I (1871), pp. 34-36. 

2 William O'Brien. He and Lady Susan were to visit America, and 
Johnson Hall, the following year. 



Land and Indian Affairs 1764-1773 329 

part with a small tract of theirs & points out that part lying 
betwixt Canada & Canajoharie Creeks as the most desirable 
purchase. ' If Sir you think that this can be effected consistently 
with the interests of the country in a manner satisfactory to the 
Indians & upon easy terms to us you will lay us under an eternal 
obligation in bringing it about. I say us because Patterson 4 of 
Gage's Light Infantry (whom you must have known) & myself 
are to be joined in the patent. An order is already dispatched to 
the Governor of New York to survey & grant sixty thousand acres 
in any part of the province which is not yet granted or claimed 
by the Indians, or to purchase this quantity from the Indians in 
the King's name according to the regulations made by the Lords 
of Trade. If through your means they consent to the sale these 
sixty thousand acres are intended for Lady Susan her husband 
& a Mr. Upton (an intimate friend of mine) & both Dr. Hills- 
borough & Lord Holland have solemnly engaged that forty 
thousand more shall be added, for Patterson & myself the instant 
the Council assembles. As the case stands thus we think it will 
be the most sensible method to agree with the Indians for the 
whole hundred thousand together rather than sixty thousand & 
forty at another — that if the purchase of sixty is practicable 
that of a hundred is equally so. You, Sir are the best judge of 
the practicability of the one & the other — perhaps they are 
neither. To you we refer it & entreat your interest to affect it if 
you think it unexceptionable. I flatter myself you will at all events 
give us your opinion by the first opportunity, directed to me at 
Clotworthy Upton's Esq. in Lower Grosvenor st. London. Crog- 
han who I understand sets out for America in a few weeks can 
more fully explain our intentions than anything I can write — In 
the interim we would request that if any other persons have 
intentions of making purchases of this nature from the Indians 
you would if possible contrive that a tract of this quantity may 



3 This suggestion, if it were made by Croghan, is hard to reconcile for 
it covers lands already acquired by Sir William. See Sir William to 
Charles Lee, Dec. 6, 1 764. Johnson Calendar, p. 247. 

4 Lt. Walter Paterson of the 80th regiment. 



330 Sir William Johnson Papers 

be reserved for us on or near the river. I shall at present make 
no apologies for this extraordinary liberty as I have thoughts of 
writing to you by Croghan, who has I fancy given you the outlines 
of our people at the head of affairs. He has undoubtedly hinted 
to you their vigor, decision & amazing depth in American affairs. 
By all that is sacred their absurdity is intolerable. Unless they are 
roused by your remonstrances our acquisitions in that hemisphere 
will be fruitless. Sir Jeffrey Amherst does I am persuaded con- 
tribute all in his power to continue them in their errors by his 
most wicked misrepresentations. I have used my utmost efforts 
to weaken their force but I am afraid with little success. In my 
next I shall speak more at large — in the mean time believe dear 
Sir that I am with the unmost [utmost] sincerity 

Your humble Servant 

Charles Lee 5 

5 Capt. Charles Lee (1 732-1 782) of the 44th regiment had spent some 
years in America and was acquainted with Sir William. He was a critic 
of British policy in America at this time, and in 1 775 joined the American 
Revolutionary army. 



FROM DANIEL CLAUS 
Extract 1 

Montreal, August 16, 1764 

.... Dr. Ogilvie being just setting off for N. York after receiv- 
ing of your two favors from Niagara and Oswego," so that I have 



1 Copied by William Ogilvie Comstock in a typescript brochure "Four 
Officers of the Colonial Period," Boston, 1915. Copy in New York State 
Library. Original destroyed by fire. Johnson Calendar, p. 233, says of 
this letter: "expressing satisfaction at the result of Johnson's labors at 
Niagara, mentioning the affairs of the Caghnawageys and asking to be 
relieved of the care of Indian matters, and speaking of legal action con- 
templated against Mr. Donnellan on account of his Quebec Delineated, and 
action begun against De Charme | Jean Marie du Charme], a Canadian 
trader who engaged in trade at Michilim'c." 

2 These letters are not found. Sir William was at Oswego June 26- 
July 3; and at Niagara July 8-Aug. 6, 1 764. 



Land and Indian Affairs 1764-1773 331 

only time to acknowledge the receipt of them. The contents 
thereof gave me and every friend of the English Nation that 
heard it great joy and satisfaction. 



MEMORANDUM FROM WITHAM MARSH 
CoplJ 1 

September 28, 1764 

Age creeps on, and bodily disorders, as well as those of the 
mind, multiply, particularly as a man cannot live to his own 
Liking. — With age, and a distemper'd Constitution, Laziness 
intervenes to render a man incapable of Busines — Sir W m . has 
always befriended me. — A Deputy is provided for the Clerk- 
ship of Albany City, and County — Cannot one be found for 
Indian Affairs agreeable to Sir William's Approbation? Or can 
little Simon be able to enter up the records with an allowance 
of 20 £ for the first year & 30 £ Every year afterwards, to be 
pd by me, with Sir William's Consent? [Or can he sell?] 2 

If these matters are settled I shall be happy, because I can 
then live according to my own Plan, and perhaps restore a 
broken & disordered Constitution at Bermudas or Bath. There 
would be no objection to part with both Offices, according to 
any Scheme (avec assez d'Argent) Sir William might Settle, 
and have the nomination of my Successor. — Yet no cursed Dutch 
republican, by reason He would ruin every Englishman, or at 
least bring the Titles of their Lands in question. 



1 In C. H. Mcllwain's notes. Printed in Wraxall's Abridgement of 
Indian Affairs, p. cv, note. Original destroyed by fire. 

2 Not a direct quotation. 



332 Sir William Johnson Papers 

FROM WITHAM MARSH 
Extract 1 

New York Nov. 12, 1764 

Mr. Mayor at last said he wo' d . deliver you [the town Records] 
to my Deputy, but did not before my Departure: what has been 
done since I know not, nor care not. — [Sister of his late friend 
Atty Gen'l Bordley in Md. left a vast fortune — ] 

There will be £20,000 if I get Her .... Time nor illness can 
never erase from my Memory, the Favour you did me in respect 
to appointing a Deputy for Indian Affairs. [The Albany appoint- 
ment very disappointing.] 



1 Copy in notes of C. H. Mcllwain. Material in brackets was para- 
phrased in the notes. Original destroyed by fire. Johnson Calendar, p. 
244, mentions that it also dealt with "his sufferings from the gout, Johnson's 
account against Short, Capt. Claus's sister's son just arrived from Germany, 
. . . Abraham's speech on the Kayaderosseres patent, and advising the 
publication of the speech in the Gazette." 



FROM WITHAM MARSH 1 

New York, Nov. 26, 1764 



1 Original destroyed by fire. Notes of C. H. Mcllwain summarize it 
as follows: "His deputy in Albany, Peter Silvester got the last book of 
the Albany records from the Mayor, but the Mayor retained the others. — 
W. J.'s proposition as to Sir [sic] Guy Johnson has his approbation, not- 
withstanding his proposal of | John ] Moore. 'I should not squeek.' As 
to the allowance he would let W. J. & Guy settle it. All he wants is a 
Competency, so that it could not be said a Fulcher starved — 'Fulcher was 
Lord of People when Hengist came to England.' Johnson Calendar, p. 
246, says it also dealt with "considering illness, 'Friend Croghan's shy- 
ness, Col. Bradstreet . . . and pronouncing a fervent blessing on Sir 
William." 



Land and Indian Affairs 1764-1773 333 

FROM ABRAHAM YATES JR. 

Albany 1 1 th . Decern' . 1764 
Sir 

Wilhelmus Dillenbagh on the 7 th . Novem r . 1 763, applied to 
me for Council how to act, as he told me, he apprehended you 
would fine him for £300, which I very candidly gave him, but 
what Steps he may afterwards have taken I know not, for I never 
after saw his Face except I think in the beginning of last Summer, 
being called upon by M r . Law who was in Goal, and there I also 
saw him, but he appearing cool and seemingly to shun me, I con- 
cluded he was not very well satisfied with me, and since that Time 
I never heard any Thing farther about him, until last Evening, 
when I receiv d . your Favour dated 30 th . Novem r . last, 2 with 
Copy of the Warrant enclosed, which I return you, and am sorry 
that my Pre-engagement in this Case keeps me from giving you 
the Information you desire, & which for the Future may be pre- 
vented as your Request shall be looked upon as a general Re- 
tainer by Sir, your 

most ob l : & very Hum. Serv f . 
Ab m . Yates Jun r . 
Sir W m . Johnson. 



indorsed : 3 



Alby. Decb'. 11* 1 764 



Atty. Yate's Letter — 



1 In New York State Library. 

2 Not found. 

3 In Sir William's hand. 



334 Sir William Johnson Papers 

TO SAMUEL KIRKLAND 

Contemporary Cop)) 1 

Johnson Hall, March 3d, 1765, 
Sir, 

I received yours wrote on the way going up. I hope this will 
find you safe arrived at the Senecas, where I shall be glad to 
hear you met with a kind reception & every thing agreeable to 
you. The enclosed come here under cover to me, with another for 
Woodley," which I Send to him. Peter of Oghguay & wife are 
gone to Mr. Wheelocks, about ten days ago by whom I wrote. 
The Deleware deputies from Ohiyo are here these eight days 
past waiting for the Squash-Cutter ; & long Coat, without whom 
& all the prisoners in your parts, I will not treat with them though 
they seemed very well inclined. When you have an opportunity 
write me — by Wemp 4 will be a good opportunity. 

I wish you heartily well 

& am your humble Servant, 

W. M. Johnson 
Mr. Kirkland 



1 Transcribed in Kirkland's Journal under March 20th., date of re- 
ceipt. Manuscript in Kirkland Papers, Hamilton College Library. Printed 
in William Ketchum, History of Buffalo (Buffalo, New York, 1864), 
1:234. The Journal tells of Kirkland's arrival at Johnson Hall, Nov. 16, 
1 764, of his outfitting by Sir William, who also supplied his convoy of two 
Indians and a message to the Senecas at Kanadasigea. Sending of letter 
mentioned. Johnson Papers, 11:619. 

2 Joseph Wooley, a Delaware, educated at Wheelock's school, was sent 
with Kirkland to learn the Iroquois language at Onoquaga. Doc. Hist. 

N. Y., 4:342. 

3 Delaware warrior, described by Kirkland in his journal. 

4 Hendrick Wemp. See Johnson Papers, 1 1 :660. 



Land and Indian Affairs 1 764-1 773 335 

ITEMS FROM DANIEL CAMPBELL ACCOUNTS 

D. 1 

[Schenectady, April 30, 1756-May 16, 1765] 

1 756 April 30 

S r . William Johnson Barr 1 . D r . 1 rime paper 1 6 

May 4 

Sir William Johnson 1 Stick Mohair 9 

May 29 

Sir William Johnson at Fort Johnson Dr. 

64 Gallons of Common Run 

at 3/ £9. . 12. .0 

1 Barrell 0. . 3..0 9 15 

June 18 

M r . Robert Adems at Fort Johnson Dr. 

12 Ells Striped (holl) Stuff 

at 2/ £ 1 . .4. .0 

1 Yd. Fine Linen 6/6 0. .6. .6 

2 ditto Coarse ditto 2/4 ... 0..4..8 1 15 2 

June 28 

Sir William Johnson at Fort Johnson Dr. 

1 pair Gloves For mrs s . Caty £ . . 2 . .9 
6 lb . Chalk by Cobes Clament 

@/4 0..2..0 049 



J 



une 30 

Sir William Johnson at Mount Johnson Dr. 

3 Gallons Weast India Rum 

p r . Farrell Wade £0. .16. .6 



1 In New York State Library. There are four day books and one 
ledger (Vol. 5) in these accounts. Daybook No. 1 is a fair copy of 
many items in the others, and overlapping items had to be eliminated. 
This selection includes not only all items against Sir William, but also 
those of his household where such were evident. 



336 Sir William Johnson Papers 

2 ditto Lime Juice @ 5/6. . 0. . 1 1 . .— 

1 Dozen Small Guilt Buttons 0. . 1 . .3 1 8 

July 20 

Sir William Johnson at Fort Johnson Dr. 

1 Gallon Weast India Rum @ 5 

July 30 

M r . Robert Adems at Fort Johnson Dr. 

1 quart Lime Juice . . @ . . . £ . . 2 . . 

2 Yard Flanell @ 3/6 0. .7. .0 

1 V 2 ditto Check . . @ 3/6 & 

2 handkK 2/6 0. .9. .4J/2 18 

July 30 

S r . William Johnson Bar*, at Fort Johnson . . . Dr. 
1 Doz Scarlet Mohair Buttons 

at 18 d . 4 Yds D°. Shalloon 

@ 4/ -..17.. 6 

3 Stiks D°. Mohair @ 1/for 

Masf. Johnny -..3..- 1 

1 756 September 2 

M r . Daniel Claus at Fort Johnson Dr. 

3 Yards Sharlet Shalloon @ 4/ ..12..- 
3 ditto . . . ditto by Young Wil- 
liam Prentup 4/ 12. .- 1 4 

October 1 6 

Sir William Johnson <jP Order of Arent Stevens . . D r . 

2 Pack's dears Leather Viz 

INK 9...67 lb . 

10... 68 .... 135i b ... @ 6/6 .. 43 17 

October 25 

Sir William Johnson of Mount Johnson D r . 

Sundrys for a squa $} order 2 



41/2 



- 6 



Land and Indian Affairs 1764-/773 337 

December 20 

Robert Adems . . . Mount Johnson D r . 

3 Pair Stockings — 3/ & thread for Your 

Children 8 

1757 February 18 

Sir William Johnson . . . Mount Johnson D r . 

2 Beals Blankets. .210/ & 2 Pices Indian 

Linnen @ 60/ 28 

1 ditto . . ditto . . 2 1 0/ & 2 ditto . . . ditto . . . 

ditto... 35/ 16 10 

March 1 1 

Sir William Johnson C r . 

By Cash to M r . Campbell 113 6 

April 18 

Sir William Johnson . . . Fort Johnson D r . 

10 lb. Virmillion...16/& 2 

Quart 5 . Sugar @ 1 6/ 9 . . 1 2 . . - 

2 lb. Bohea Tea . . 8/6 & Cask 

for to Pack the goods in 2/6 ..19. .6 10 11 6 

April 25 

Sir William Johnson Bar*. Fort Johnson D r . 

Cash Answ d . for Peter Scuy- 

ler 19.. 1..5 

2 lb . BoheaTea..8/16..100'b. 

Nails.. IK & 2 Schipell 

Salt @ 7/6 5.. 13.. 4 24 14 9 

April 29 

Sir William Johnson Bar' D r . 

Cash Paid John Sanders for 

c q 

2.. 2. .4 lb . Iron @ 8.. 5. .0 

ditto . . ditto . . ditto for Steel 

50">. }Qd 3..15..0 



338 Sir William Johnson Papers 

ditto Paid for Carrying Said 

Iron & Steel 1 . . 8. .- 13 8 

1757 May 15 

Sir William Johnson. . .Fort Johnson D r . 

1 Brass Kettle ^ Aront Stevens Son 12 4|/2 

May 17 

Sir William Johnson Bar*. Fort Johnson D r . 

1 p s . Strawds ( %> Cap 1 . John Butler) ... 11 

June 6 

Liu*. Daniel Claus D r . 

Cash Lent you 4 Dollars 3 Gall ns . of Ja- 
maica 9/ & 1 d°. Lime Juice 8/ & Cagg £ 3 1 — 

June 12 

Sir William Johnson. . . Bar f D r . 

30 lb Nails Boug'. from John Sanders 30/ 

& 1 Qu l . Brown Sugar 17/ 2 7 - 

June 1 5 

Sir William Johnson . . . Bar* D r . 

30 lb Nails Boug'. of John Sanders . . @ 1 / 1 10 

June 23 d . 

Sir William Johnson . . . Bar' D r . 

10 Galk Rum for an Indian <P Order 
4/6 & 5 Caggs at 1 6 2 12 6 

July 6 

Sir William Johnson D r . 

Sundries Answ d . for Hanas 

Wollf £8.. 0..8 

1 pair Shoes for mrs s . Wal- 

ace. .6/6 & 1 Freight of 

Inean Corn 10/ . . 1 6 . . 6 

1 2 pices Strowds £ 1 1 .0.0 

& 2 ditto Indian Linnen 

60/&50/ 137.. 10.. 146 7 2 



Land and Indian Affairs 1 764-1773 339 

July 7 

Sir William Johnson D r . 

124 Galk Common Rum @ 4/ & 100 lb . 

Nails @ lid 29 4 ll 2 

July 11 

Sir William Johnson Dr. to a Brass Kittle 

to aron 1 11 6 

July 11 

Leiut Daniel Clause Cr. By Cash 5 11 6 

Sir W m . Johnson Dr: to 3 Gil: Jamaica 

Spirts @ 8/ 1 4 

To 1 Gil Lime Juice 8/.. 1 Cagg. . 1/6.. 9 6 

1757 July 28 

Sir William Johnson . . . Bar' D r . 

To 1 Patron Buff Britchess 
. .23/ & 1 pair Knee Gar- 
tners at 3/ £ 1 . . 6 . . 

To 1 dozen Buttons 1/6 

Mohair 9 d .& Silk., at 1/ 0. .3. .3 

To 2 Loves Sugar W'. 19">. 
l oz ..@ 1/6& Cash Paid 
for mening your Durk ... 2..6..0 3 15 3 



August 4 

Lieu'. Daniel Clause D r . To a Book Call'd 

the Duks Orders 2 

To the Hire of my Waggon & Horses to 

Carrey your Serg'. Baggeg to Albany . . 10 

August 4 

Sir William Johnson Bar' D r . 



2 Incorrect ; should read £ 29 . . 7 . .8. 



340 



Sir William Johnson Papers 



Sundries to the Indians When on 

march to the Leak Viz. 
To4 Ib . Peant 16/3 lb . 

Powder. . .4/6 2 Knives 

1/& 1 Check Shirt .... 
To 3 Brass Kettles W. 1 1 > b . 

4/6 5 Ib . 8 oz . Loaf Sugar 



theyr 



£4.. 9. .6 



at 1/6 


2. 


.17. 


.9 


To 6 Steels . . 4 d . .5 Gallons 








rum. .4/6& 1 knife at 1/ 


1. 


. 5. 


.6 


To 1 Gun . . 45/ & 3 rasiors 








at 1/6 


2. 


. 9. 


.6 



112 3 



August 20 

Sir William Johnson D r . To Cash Paid for 
Y e . hire of A Horse to Albany 

September 1 7 

Sir William Johnson Bar* 

To 4 peices Blue Strouds 
@240/ £48 



6 



D< 



To 1 Ditto Blankits 

To Cash paid for Carrying 
up Goods to you 



0..0 
0..0 



12. 
0..12..0 



60 1 2 



September 27 

Sir William Johnson Bar 1 

To 32 Gallons rum Delivr'd at Fort Hunter 
@ 4/8 and 1 Barrl 3/6 

September 28 

Sir William Johnson Bar 1 

To 6 lb . Virmellion ... 1 6/ & 1 Gallon rum 
@ 4/6 

1757 October 2 

Liu*. Daniel Clause D r . to 16 Yards Linnen 
at 3/8 



D< 



7 12 10 



D' 







2 10 



Land and Indian Affairs 1764-1773 341 

October 6 

Sir William Johnson Bar 1 D r . 

To 2 Loves Sugar W*. 19 lb . 4 oz . @ 1/6 & 

2 Black Jacks.. @ 5/ 1 18 101/2 

October 17 

Lieu*. Daniel Claus D r . 

To 32 Gallons rum 4/0 1 Barrell 3/6 & 

2 Doz". Yarn Stockings 60/ 13 12 10 

October 23 

Sir William Johnson . . . Bar' D r . 

To 1 Peice Cristian Blankets 

at £12. . 0.. 

To 2 Spoted ruggs . . at 25/ 

& Cash Paid for Carrige 

at 2/ 2. .12.. 14 12 

October 28 

Sir William Johnson Bar* D r . 

To Cash Paid for a Horse 

hire to Albany £0. .4. .0 

To 30 ruffled Shirts. .10/ & 

32 Gallons rum Answ d . for 
M r . Monture & a Barrel 

5/ ^ G" 23.. 3.. 6 23 7 6 

November 3 

Sir William Johnson Bar 1 D r . 

To 2 Skippells Salt . . at 7/6 

& 1 Bagg..at3/ £0. .18. .0 

To 4 1 / 4 Gallons rum . . at 

4/6 & 1 Cagg..at 1/16 1 ..0..7|/ 2 
To 40 lb . Nails . . at 1/&2 lb . 

Tea. .at 9/6 2. .19..— 4 17 7'/2 

November 24 

Sir William Johnson Bar f D r . 



342 Sir William Johnson Papers 

To 32 Gallons rum. .4/3 & a 

BarrlL.at 3/6 7..0. .0 

To 2 Loves Sugar W'. 19 lb . 

12- .. 1/6 1..9..7|/ 2 8 9 71/2 

December 1 

Sir William Johnson Bar' D r . 

To 70 Ib . Nails difrent Sorts.. 1/ ^ lb . 

2 Skipills Salt 7/6 4 5 

December 6 

Sir William Johnson Bar* D r . 

To 8 pair Womans English 

Shoes . . at 7/6 3 . . . . - 

To 1 Gloves for Mis s . Polley . . . 3 . . 6 
To 32 Gallons Weast India 

rum 4/6 ^ & a Barrel 4/. 7..8..0 10 11 6 

1757 December 12 

Sir William Johnson Bar* D r . 

To 16 Yards Camblet 4/ & 

7d°. 6/4 Twetd Sarge 7/ . £ 5 . . 1 3 . . 
To 2 Skains Silk 2/ & 

thread.. 1/ 0. . 3. .0 

To 6 Buttons 4 d . & Making 

Your Cloack..16/ .... 0..16..4 6 12 3 ! 



December 1 7 

Sir William Johnson Bar' D r . 

To6 lb . Nails 1/ 32 50Lem- 

mons 1 5/ & 2 Yd s . Osen- 

brighs £1..4..6 

To 500 Needels 2/ $ G 1 

Almanack 1/ & 6 Packs 

Cards 1/6 1..0. .0 



3 Should read 4. 



Land and Indian Affairs 1 7 64- J 773 343 

To V 2 ]h . Small Beeds 5/6 & 

2 lb . Worsted 11/ 1..4..9 3 9 3 

December 1 7 

Sir William Johnson Bar' D r . 

To 29 lb . Nails.. 1/& 1 Box 

Lemmons . . at 1 00/ .... £6.. 0..0 
To 1 Pice Blankets 220/ & 

4 lb . Bohea Tea at 9/6 .. 12. . 18. .0 
To 19'/ 2 lb . Loaf Sugar.. 

1/5 & 55 GalK rum 4/3 12. . 9. .4]/ 2 
To 1 Doz n . Wine Glasses 

21/. 10 ' b . Nails 10/. & 

3' b . Beeds 2.. 5..0 33 12 4|/ 2 

1 758 January 9 

Sir William Johnson Bar' D r . 

To 2 p r . Singl Chaneld pumps, .at 14/. . 1 8 

January 1 

Lieu'. Guie Johnson D r . To J/2 Ib . Tea & 

Canester 12 

February 1 6 

Lieu'. Daniel Claus D r . 

To 5 Yards Fusten 2/6 & 

2 d°. Buckram at 3/ . . . £0. . 18. .6 
To1/ 2 d°. Brown Cloth 16/ 

& 1 d°. Osenbrigs 1/9. . . 0. . 9. .9 
To Buttons & thread 0..8..0 1 16 3 

1 758 February 28 

Sir William Johnson Bar' D r . 

To 4 Loves Sugar W'.. 36' b . 
13-.. .1/5 & 4 lb . Choco- 
late 2/4 3.. -1..5J4 

To 40 lb . Nails.. 1/1 Quarter 

Brown Sugar & 1 Bag. . . 2..18..0 5 19 5]/ 2 



344 Sir William Johnson Papers 

February 28 

Lieu'. Daniel Claus D r . 

To Ya, Yards Fustin 3/ & Cash paid the 

Taylor 2 19 3 

To 1 Dozn Small Buttons 2 

March 2 

Sir William Johnson D r . To 60 Gallons 

rum 4/3 12 15 

March 23 

Sir William Johnson D r . To 6 lb . Nails ^ 

Negroe 6 — 

April 6 

Sir William Johnson D r . To 1 P. Shoes for 

Polley & 2 lb . Cotten 12 6 

April 8 

Sir William Johnson . . . Bar 1 D r . 

To 1 Tearc rum Quty. 59 
GalK..4/3 & 1 Pice In- 
dian Blak' 24.. 10.. 9 

To 10 Large & 14 Small 

Knives 1.. 4.. 8 25 15 5 

April 11 

Capt n . Guy Johnson D r . 

To 1 Silk Handkf. 9/ 12 

Yard Silver Cord 3/ & 2 

Sk s . Mohair £2.. 7.. 

To 1 Pattron Buff Briches 

28/ & 2 Skains Silk . . 1 / 1..10..- 
To 4 Yd s . Scarlet Sarge 4/ 

1 d°. Buck'. 3/ & 3 d°. 

Fusten 3/ 1 . . 8 . . 5 5 



Land and Indian A fairs 1764-1773 345 

April 23 j 

Sir William Johnson Bar 1 D r . 

To 4'/4 Gallons Maderia 13/ & 2 Caggs 

@ 1/6 2 18 - 4 

1758 May 1 

Sir William Johnson Bar 1 D r . 

To 6 Doz n . Sizers. .5/6 

& 4 pices Strowds @ 

240/ £49.. 13.. - 

To 2 pices Indian Blan- 
kets £11.. 10.. & 10 

d°. Indian Linen 55/. . 
To 33 Indian Shirts . . 7/ 

&60GalK rum 4/4.. 
To 1 Large Trunk. .20/ 

& !/ 2 lb - Virmilion ^ 

John Lottrige 

To 1 knife & p r . Sizers 

for d° 

To 4 Baggs Small Shott 

W. 200»\ . . at 1 7i/ 2 d. 

To 32 GalK rum. . .4/4 

& a Barrel., at 3/6 .. 7.. 1..10 139 2 



50. 


.10. 


. — 


24. 


. 0. 


. — 


1. 


. 8. 


• 


0. 


. 1. 


. 9 


6. 


. 8. 


. 4 


7. 


. 1. 


.10 



To 2 pieces Blue Strouds 24 

May 4 

Capt n . Guy Johnson . D r . 

To 1 Cash Give ^r> Order to Sarjani: 

McCann & 1 Pair Shoe 2 10 - 

May 13 

Capt n . Guy Johnson D r . 

To Cash Lent you 80/ & d°. Lent Wheals 






at 4/ 4 4 



4 Total should be £ 2 . . 1 8 . . 3. 



346 Sir William Johnson Papers 

June 3 

Sir William Johnson Bar' D r . 

To 2 Brass Kittles W'. 6'/ 2 lb . @ 4/6 . . P r . 

Cap f . Lottridge 1 9 3 

June 12 

Sir William Johnson Bar* D r . 

To 1 1/2 yards Scarlet Shalloon. . @ 5/. . 

& 1 yard foriting 5 d 7 6 

June 27 

Sir William Johnson Bar 1 Dr. 

To 1 Hogshead Rum Quan- 
tity 115GalK @ 4/ ... £23..0..0 

To 1 Peices Strowds . . @ 
240/ 120..0..0 

To Carrige from Albany . . 1 . .8. .0 143 8 

July 2 

Sir William Johnson Bar 1 , to 1 1/ 2 Ell Shal- 

lon & 2 d°. foriting 6 8 

July 4 

Sir William Johnson Bar' Dr. 

To 1 Vi Ells Scarlet Shallon 5/3 & a Kitle 

delivered to Michial Son 17 3 

1758 July 13 

Sir William Johnson Bar' D r . 

To 1 Hogshead Rum Quantity 102 Gal- 
lons @ 4/3 21 13 6 

July 14 

Sir William Johnson Bar' Dr. 

To Cash give a Squa Pr order from M r . 

Croghan 4 

July 15 

Sir William Johnson Bar' Dr. 



Land and Indian Affairs 1 764-1 773 



347 



To 3 Gallons rum @ 5/ . . 
to 2 Botles @ 6 d . & 1 
Cag 1/6 

To 2 Gallons maderia & 1 
Quart & 1 Cag to y e . In- 
dians 



£0..17..0 



1..10. .9 



July 18 

Sir William Johnson Bar* Di 

To Cash paid M r . Croghans order in favour 
of John Wamp 

July 22 

Sir William Johnson Bart Dr. 

To 84 yards Peniston . . @ 

3/9 £15..15..0 

To 6 Blankets . . @ 12/ 

& 4 Peices Blue Strowd 

240/ 51. .12. .0 

To 33 yards Red Strowds 

@ 11/ 18.. 3.. 

To 33 Gallons Rum. . @ 

4/6&aBarel3/6 .... 7.. 7.. 6 



33 



92 \7 



July 25 

Sir William Johnson Bart 

To 2 Peices Strowds @ 240/ & 6 Hats 
@ 20/ & Cash for Carige 



Dj 



30 1 



August 3 

Sir William Johnson Bart 

To Cash paid Doctor Gilliland for Medi- 
cans M r . Croghan had for the Use of the 
indians as p r . acd 

To Cash paid M r . Croghan Order to 
Albart Veadder for an ox 

To Ditto from George M c Makin 



Di 



1 



4 
5 



12 

7 








348 Sir IVilliam Johnson Papers 

August 10 

Sir William Johnson Bar 1 . Dr 

To 50 lb Nails @ 1/ ... 2 10 

August 1 2 

Sir William Johnson Bar' Dr. 

To 1 Barrel rum Quantity 3 1 Gal s . . . @ 

...4/6 6 19 6 

To 1 Emptey Barrel 3 6 

1 758 September 3 

Sir William Johnson Bar' Dr. 

To 32 GalK Rum. . @ . .4/6 & 1 Empty 

Barel..3/6 7 7 6 

September 1 1 

Sir William Johnson . . . Bar* D r . 

To 80 lb . Nails . . @ & 2 Yards Osenbrig. 
@ 1/6 



5 



September 27 

Sir William Johnson . . . Bar' Dr. 

To 3 Barels Rum Quantity 

94|/ 2 GalK @ 4/6 ... £21.. 5.. 3 
To 3 Empty Barels. . . @ 

...3/6 0..10..6 21 15 

October 3 

Sir William Johnson Bar' 

To 47 fine Ruffled Shirts 

@..14/ £32. .18. .0 

To 36 Corsser D° . . D°. 

@..11/ 19. .16. .0 

To 60 Plain Shirts .... 

@..7/ ... 21.. . . 



• r ' No entry. 






Land and Indian Affairs 1764-1773 349 

To 48 Boys Shirts 

@..6/ 14.. 8.. 

To 56J/2 Gross pipes . . . 

@..4/9 13.. 8. .4J4 101 10 4|/ 2 

October 23 

Lieu f . Dan 1 . Claus Royal M Regm 1 D r . 

To 1 Yard Tammey 3/4 6 

Blue & 6 Yard Red Cox 

Combe £0..9..4 

To 2 Black Ribbond. . . 1/6 0. .3. . 12 4 

October 28 

Sir William Johnson Barr 1 D r . 

To 4 Barrels Rum Qu'y. 

1 1 9Vi GalK . . at 4/6 £26.. 17.. 9 
To 100 Limes... 10/ & 

2 Loves Sugar W l . 

26fc. 4-.... 1/6 ... 2.. 9. .4J/2 
To 4 Barrels... 3/6.. 0..14..- 30 1 P/$ 

December 3 

Sir William Johnson Bar 1 Dr. 

To 50 lb . duble & 10 lb. Single Nails. . @ 

1/ 3 

1 759 January 1 6 

Sir William Johnson Bar' Dr. 

To 1 Hogshead West india Rum Quaintity 

1 10 Gall-. @ 6/ £33 

To Cash Paid for Carrige up 1 

January 28 

M r . Clause. .Dr. to V/ 2 lb Castel Soal @ 

1/4 2 

January 30 

Sir William Johnson . . . Bar 1 . Dr. 



350 Sir William Johnson Papers 

To 1 Hogshead Rum 
Quany.. .116 Gall 8 . @ 

4/10 £28.. 0..4 

To Cash Paid for Carrage 

up 0..12..0 £28 12 4 

February 1 5 

Leiu*. Clause Dr. 

To 1 lb Green Tea £ 1 

February 27 

Sir William Johnson Bar* Dr. 

To 2 Quarts Rum by Order 

of Cap*. Lotteredg £0.. 2. .6 

To 3 Gallons Madira Wine 

@ 13/ 1..19..0 

To 1 Pair Rushel Shoes ... . . 1 1 . . 
To 2 lb Papper . . @ 4/6 . . 

&1Ca gg ..1/9 0..10..9 3 3 3 

March 5 

Sir William Johnson Bar 1 . 1 p r . Womans 

Shoes 8 

March 12 

Leau*. Claus: 1 pair Stone knee Buckles. . 2 

March 20 

Sir William Johnson Bar' Dr. 

To Bringing a freat Indians from Albany . . 10 

1759 April 2 

Sir William Johnson Bar 1 Dr. 

To 34 Caggs 

Containing . . 1 08 Gll s . 
To 1 Barral 

. . d° 32 

140 Gall". 
@5/ £35.. 0..0 



Land and Indian Affairs 1 764-1 773 351 

To 1 Gall". Wast India 

Rum..@7/ 3. .10. .0 

To 10 ditto Madiria 

Wine..@ 13/ .... 6..10..0 

To 60 peices Gertering 

@8/ 24.. 0..0 

To 1 ditto . . Linen . . . 

@55/ 27..10..0 

To 2 lb White thread.. 
@ 11/ & 9 Doz". 
knifes @ 12/ 6.. 10. .0 

To 3 Doz n . Common 

Knifs. .@ 8/ 1.. 4..0 

To 19 lb 12- Loaf 

Sug r . @ 1/6 & 2 lb 

Tea @9/ 2.. 7..7'/ 2 

To 500 needles . . @ 

1/6 & 30 Caggs... 

@ 2/ 3.. 7. .6 

To 2 Large Caggs . . @ 

3/&5 Mideling. . @ 

2/6 0..18..6 

To 82 lb Gammons . . @ 

8/& 1 Bar'. 3/9... 2.. 17.. 9 
To 23 lb Powder Suger 

@ 1/& 1 Cask.. 2/ I.. 5..0 

To 24 Osenbrigs Caggs 

@ 3/ & 1 Bar 1 . Bis- 

ket 60/ 6..12..0 

To 1000 Best Flints... 2..10..0 

To 1 & J/2 C Piggon 

Shot..@ 56/ 4.. 4..0 

To 8 Peices Gimps . . (a) 

6/ 2.. 8..0 £130 14 4 



352 Sir William Johnson Papers 

April 2 

Sir William Johnson Bar 1 Dr. 

To 1 Gallon Rum P r . Battoe Men 7 

April 4 

Sir William Johnson Bar 1 Dr. 

To 1 Gall". West India Rum p r . Battoe 

Men 7 

April 4 

Sir William Johnson Bar 1 Dr. 

To 2 Gall". Rum . . @ 7/ p r . Battoe Men 14 

April 4 

Sir William Johnson Bar 1 Dr. 

To 3 Peices Swanskin Viz 

N°. 1 Containg 43 Yards 

N°. 2 ditto 45 

N°. 3 ditto 49 . . 137 Yards @ 4/6 30 1 6 6 



1759 April 5 

Sir William Johnson Bar* Dr. 

To 1 Gallon Rum P r . Battoe Men 

April 8 

Sir William Johnson Bar* Dr. 

To 1 Gallon rum P r . Battoe Men 

April 10 

Sir William Johnson Bar 1 Dr. 

To 1 Peices Linnen . . @ 

55/ £27. .10. .0 

To 1 Dozen Knifes . . @ 

12/ 6.. 0..0 

To 2 Dozen ditto. .@ 8/ 0..16. .0 

To 2 lb fine White Thread 

@ 15/ 1..10..0 



Land and Indian Affairs 1 764-1 773 353 

To Linen for Packing .... . . 2 . . 6 

To 4 Barrels Rum Quan- 
tity 128GalK @5/... 32.. 0. .0 

To 30 Gross Pipes. @ 4/6 6..15..0 

To 106 lb Hogtail To- 
bacco . . @ 1 /3 6 . . 1 2 . . 

To 1 1 2 paper tobacco . . @ 

3|/ 2 d 1..12..8 

To 5 Empty Barrels . . @ 

3/9 0..18..9 

To 1 y 2 Gallon Rum 0. . 7. .6 84 4 5 



April 12 

Sir William Johnson Bar' Dr. 

To 2 Gallon Rum p'. Battoe Men 11 

April 13 

Sir William Johnson Bar* 

To 1 Gallon Rum P'. Battoe Men 5 

April 16 

Sir William Johnson Bar* Dr. 

To 1 Gallon Rum P r . Battoe Men 5 

To 1 ditto d° d° 5 

April 19 

Sir William Johnson Bar 1 Dr. 

To 1 Gallon Rum P'. Bat- 
toe Men £0.. 5. .0 

To 2 Gallon West India 

ditto. . .d°.. .@ 7/ 0..14..0 £0 19 



April 25 

Sir William Johnson Bar' Dr. 

To 1 Gallon Rum P r . Battoe 

Men £0. .5. .0 

To 1 d° d°. P r . d° 0..5..0 10 



354 Sir William Johnson Papers 

1759 April 28 

Sir William Johnson Bar* Dr. 

To 9 Gall". & 3 Quarts Ma- 

daria. .@ 13/ £3. . 6. .9 

To 1 Bottle Rum . . 1 . . 6 

To Cash Give Sqush 0.. 4..0 

To 1 06 pair Mens Gloves @ 
To 36 ditto Womens . . . @ 

To 1 Pice Crape 

To Gause To Cash gave for 

a man to Albany 8 . . 

To 13 Pair White Mans 

Gloves.. @ 3/ 1..19..0 5 19 3 

May 5 

Sir William Johnson Bar* Dr. 

To 1 Gallons Rum £0..5..6 

To 64% lb Spermacita Can- 
dles. . @ 3/3 10.. 10.. 3 

To 6 yards Scarlet Ratteen 

@ 25/ 7..10..0 

To 2 Barrels Rum.. 65 G1K 

@ 5/ 16.. 5.. 

To 2 Barrels & Cash paid 

for Carrige up . . 1 4 . . 6 

To 2 Pair Duble Chanl'd 

pumps . . @ 1 0/ 1 . . . . 

To 2 Gallon Rum.. @ 5/6 0..11..0 

To 64 ditto ditto . . @ 5/ & 

2 Barrels 3/9 16.. 7.. 6 53 3 9 

May 24 

Sir William Johnson Bar 1 Dr. 

To 1 Gallon Rum P r . Battoe Men 5 6 

May 26 

Sir William Johnson Bar* Dr. 

To 1 Gallon Rum P r . Battoe Men 5 



Land and Indian Affairs 1764-1773 355 

May 26 

Sir William Johnson Dr. 

To 3 Pair Women Shoes 11/ 1 13 

May 26 

Leau*. Daniel Claus Dr. 

To 3 Yards Cotten Hollend 

@ 4/6 £0..13..6 

To Thread 6< & 1 Ink 

Stand 1/6 0.. 2..0 

To Making of A Kilt 0.. 1..0 £0 16 6 



1759 June 21 

Sir William Johnson Bar 1 Dr. 

To 2 Silk Gause Black handkerchiefs 6/ 

this is the first Article 12 

June 23 

Sir William Johnson Bar* Dr. 

To 1 Gallon Wast India Rum p r . Battoe 

Men 7 

June 26 

Sir William Johnson Bar* Dr. 

To Vz Gallon Rum P r . Battoe Men 2 6 

June 28 

Sir William Johnson Dr. to |/ 2 Gall". Rum 2 6 

July 2 

Sir William Johnson '/2 Gallon Rum 2 6 



July 5 

Sir William Johnson Yl Gallon Rum 



July 17 

Sir William Johnson Bar' Dr. 

To J/J Gallon Wast India Rum . . @ 7/ . . 



356 Sir William Johnson Papers 

September 27 

Sir William Johnson Bar* Dr. 

To 1 Casks Biscuit 1 15 

October 10 

Sir William Johnson . . . Bar 1 Dr. 

To y 2 Gall". Rum p'. Battoe Men 3 6 

October 15 

Sir William Johnson Bar 1 Dr. 

To Yl Gallon Rum p r . Battoe 3 3 

October 24 

Sir William Johnson Bar 1 . Dr. to Yl Gall". 

Rum p r . B n 3 

November 3 

Sir William Johnson Bar' Dr. 

To 1 Hogshead Rum Quantity 1 19 Galk 

@5/8 33 14 4 

November 20 

Sir William Johnson Bar 1 Dr. 

To 1 Large Chamber Lock. . £0. .6. .0 
To 2 Small Closet Ditto .... 

@3/ 0..6..0 

To 6 Skeple Fine Salt 

@6/6&3 Baggs.@3/6 2.. 9.. 6 3 1 6 

1759 November 23 

Sir William Johnson Dr to Yl Gallon Rum 3 

December 5 

Sir William Johnson Bar* Dr. 

To 2 Pair Women @ 1 1/ . . . 1 2 

1 760 January 3 

Sir William Johnson Bar' Dr. 

To 3 Dozen Buttens to M r . 

Johnny. . @ 4/ £0. .12. .0 



Land and Indian Affairs 1764-1773 357 

To2SettChana...@ 13/ 1.. 6. .0 

To 1 pair Knee Gerters .... 0..3..0 2 1 



January 19 

Sir William Johnson Bar 1 Dr. 

To 5 Gallons Maderia Wine @ 15/ & 1 

Kegg 2/6 3 17 6 

February 1 2 

Sir William Johnson Bar* Dr. 

To 1 Box Pipes 30 Gross . . . 

@ 4/ £6..0..0 

To Cash Paid for Carrige up . . 3 . . 6 3 



March 4 

Lieu f . Daniel Claus Dr. 

To 7 YardLinin. .@ 5/6. £1..18..6 
To Yl Yard Cambrick (@ 

12) & Y 2 Dozen Shirt 

Butt 5 . P'. Clement 0. . 6. .4 2 4 10 

April 2 

Sir William Johnson Bar* Dr. 

To 1 Gallon Rum pr. Battoe Men 6 

April 4 

Sir William Johnson Bar* Dr. 

To J/2 Gallon Rum P r . Battoe men 3 

April 10 

Sir William Johnson Bar* Dr. 

To Yl Gallon Rum p r . Battoe men . . @ 6/ 3 

1760 April 10 

Sir William Johnson Bar* Dr. 

To Yl Gallon west India @ 8/ 4 



358 Sir William Johnson Papers 

April 14 

Sir William Johnson Bar' Dr. 

To Yl Gallon Rum . . @ 6/ 

P r . Battoe men £0. . 3. .0 

To 2 Loafs Suger W«. 24 

Lb.6Qz...@ 1/5 .... 1..14..6 1 17 6 



April 18 

Sir William Johnson Bar* Dr. 

To Yi Gallon Rum p r . Battoe men . @ 5/6 2 9 

April 19 

Sir William Johnson Bar 1 Dr. 

To 1 Gallon Rum p r . Battoe men 6 

April 23 

Sir William Johnson Bar*. Dr to 1 Gall". 

Rum 6 

April 24 

Sir William Johnson Bar* Dr. 

To Yl Gallon Rum p r . Battoe Men 3 

May 3 

Sir William Johnson Bar' Dr. 

To Yl Gallon Rum pr Bat- 
toe Men £0. . 3. .0 

To 2 Gallon Ditto ... @ 6/ 0..12..0 15 



May 3 

Sir William Johnson Bar* Dr. 

To 1 Gallon Rum pr Battoe Men 6 

May 6 

Sir William Johnson Bar' Dr. 

To 1 Gallon Rum pr Battoe Men 6 



Land and Indian Affairs 1764-1773 359 

May 8 

Sir William Johnson Bar 1 Dr. 

To 2 Gallons Rum pr Battoe Men . . @ 6/ 12 

May 10 

Sir William Johnson Bar' Dr. 

To 1 Gamon W». 10 Lb @ 1/ pr Major 

Van Slyck for Battoe men 10 

May 13 

Sir William Johnson Bar* Dr. 

To I J/2 Gallon Rum pr Battoe Men. @ 6/ 9 

1760 May 14 

Sir William Johnson Bar 1 Dr. 

To 1 Gallon Rum pr Battoe Men 6 

May 18 

Sir William Johnson Bar' Dr. 

To 1 Gallon Pr Battoe Men 6 

May 19 

Sir William Johnson Bar 1 Dr. 

To 2 Gallons pr Battoe Men. . .@ 6/. . . 12 

May 21 

Sir William Johnson Bar* Dr. 

To 1 Gallon Rum pr Battoe Men 6 

May 23 

Sir William Johnson Bar' Dr. 

To 1 Yi Gallon Rum pr Battoe Men . @ 6/ 9 

May 29 

Sir William Johnson Bar* Dr. 

To 2 Pair Women Shoes pr 

M r . Clase. .@ 11/ £1 . .2. .0 

To 1 Yl Gallons Rum pr Bat- 
toe Men.. @ 6/ 0..9..0 1 11 



360 Sir William Johnson Papers 

May 31 

Sir William Johnson Bar' Dr. 

To y 2 Gallon Rum pr Battoe Men 2 9 

June 9 

Sir William Johnson Bar f Dr. 

To 50 Lb Nails @ 1/ 2 10 

June 1 4 

Sir William Johnson Bar 1 Dr. 

To 100 Lb Nails @ 1/&1 Cag...3/... 5 3 

June 19 

Sir William Johnson Dr. 

To Yl Gallon Rum Pr Battoe men 2 9 

June 19 

Lieu 1 . Clause R. A. 

To Ya yard Blue cloth @ 40/ & 1 Black 

gravet 12/ 1 2 

June 23 

Sir William Johnson Bar 1 Dr. 

To 1 Gallon Rum pr Battoe men 6 

June 24 

Sir William Johnson Bar* Dr. 

To Yl Gallon west India Rum pr Battoe 

men 4 

1760 June 25 

Sir William Johnson Bar 1 Dr. 

To 1 Gallon Rum pr Battoe men 5 6 

July 1 

Sir William Johnson Bar 1 Dr. 

To 1 Gallon Rum pr Battoe men 5 6 



Land and Indian A fairs 1 764-! 773 361 

July 4 

Sir William Johnson Bar' Dr. 

To 7 Yards Linen. . @ 5/6 £ 1 . . 18. .0 
To J/2 Yard Cambrick. ... 0. . 6. .0 
To Buttens 4 d . pr M r . Claus 

order 0. . 0. .4 2 4 4 

July 4 

Lieu*. Claus Cr. 

By Cash in full 2 9 10 

July 8 

Sir William Johnson Bar* Dr. 

To 1 Barrel Rum 32 Gal- 
lons. .@5/ £8. . 0. .0 

To 1 Barrel 5/ & Cash for 

bringing up 6/8 0..11..8 8 11 8 

August 1 5 

Sir William Johnson Bar 1 Dr. 

To 1 Yi Yards blue stoff . . @ 

3/ £0..4..6 

To 4 Skans silk . . .@ 1/ . .. -..4..- - 8 6 

August 1 8 

Sir William Johnson Bar* Dr. 

To 1 Barrel Rum Quantity 

32 Gallons. .@ 5/ £8. .-. .- 

To 1 Empty barrel -..5..- 8 5 - 

October 20 

Sir William Johnson Bar* Dr. 

To 3 Yards Linen . . @ 5/ & 

3 Skans Silk @ 1/ -. .18. .- 

To9|/ 2 ditto Riband. @ 1/6 -. .14. .3 
To Cash Paid the Mantue 

maker 2. . 2. .- 3 14 3 



362 Sir William Johnson Papers 

October 21 

Sir William Johnson Bar* Dr. 

To 1 Gallon Rum p r . Battoe men — 5 

October 31 

Sir William Johnson Bar' Dr. 

To 1 Yi Gallon Rum p r . battoe men . @ 5/ 7 6 

1760 November 25 

Sir William Johnson. .Cr. By Cash In full 

1761 January 29 

Sir William Johnson . . Dr. to 1 4 lb. nails . . 14- 

February 4 

Mickiel Furry . . . Fort Johnson Dr. 

To 5 yards Tape forriting . . @ 4 d 1 8 

June 9 

Sir William Johnson Dr. 

3 Loves Sugar w l . 21 lb . 12 

oz. ..@ 1/6 £1..12. .7 

101b. nails 10..- 2 2 7 

June 23 

Sir William Johnson Dr. 

8 Gammons .... W l . 91J/ 2 lb. . . . 10 d . . . . 6 

June 28 

Sir William Johnson Dr. 

15 Gallons Jamacia Rum 

@ 9/ £6. .15..- 

3 Kegs 7. .6 

1 Rheam best Writing paper 1..18..— 9 6 

July 14 

Sir William Johnson Dr. 

,! No entry. 



Land and Indian Affairs 1764-1773 363 

Tol Barrell Rum.. 32 G1K 

@4/6 £7.. 4..- 

To 1 Barrell & Cash Paid 

for Carrige up -..11..— 7 15 - 

July 18 

Sir William Johnson Dr. 

To 10 Gallons West India 

Rum..@7/ £3.. 10..- 

To A Cask . . 5 . . - 

To 1 lb Hyson Tea 2 . . — . . — 5 15 - 

July 18 

Sir W m . Johnson Dr. 

To 1 Barrell Rum 32 galk 4/6 £ 7 4 

1 Barrell & Cash paid for Carreige up 1 1 

4 pair shoes womans £2 4 

1761 August 17 

Sir William Johnson Dr. 

To 1 Barrell Rum & a Barrell 7 9 - 

August 21 

Sir William Johnson Dr. 

To 1 Barrell Rum 32 Glk 4/6 £ 7 4 

1 Barrell 5 

August 27 

Sir William Johnson . . 50 nails lb 2 10 - 

August 31 

Sir William Johnson Dr. to 1 Skiple fine 

Salt - 8 - 

September 4 

Sir W m . Johnson 1 Skiple fine Salt 8 - 



364 Sir William Johnson Papers 

October 26 

Sir William Johnson Dr. 

To 1 Barrell West India 

Rum 32 Gall 8 . @ 6/6 £ 10. . 18. .- 
To 1 Barrell 5/ & 2 Quarts 

to the negroes 7 . . 6 

To 4 lb putty.. @.. 1/6. 6..- 11 11 6 

November 1 3 

Sir William Johnson Dr. 

To 1 lb Gun powder £0.. 5. .— 

To 2 Closet Locks. . @.2/ 4. .— 

To 1 piece Blankets 12.. — ..— 

To Cash to IVk Wade to 

Buy Ropes 1 . . 1 2 . . 6 

To 1 Barrell Rum 32 G1K 

at Niagara.. 10/ 16..-..- 30 1 6 

December 22 

Sir W m . Johnson Dr. 

To Cash to Buy Ropes to M r . Wade £ 1 12 6 

1762 March 17 

Sir William Johnson Dr. to rem Cash for a 

gown 6 6 

(for altring a silk gown) ' 

May 8 

Sir William Johnson Dr. 

To Cash paid for Iron & Steel 10 19 — 

June 16 

Cap*. Guy Johnson Dr. 

To 1 Broch £2 — — 

To 1 pattron Silk Breeches 3 — — 

To 1 ]/4 y d . Shalloon - - - 

7 From original entry in accounts. 



Land and Indian Affairs 1764-1773 365 

1 762 June 1 7* 

John Johnston Esq. Son to Sir William Johnston. .Dr. 

To 8 y ds . Sup r . fine dey'd 

Jean @ 6/ £ 2 . . 8 . . 

5 J/2 y ds « Grey Linnen 

for Lining @ 3/ . . 1 6 . . 6 

1 doz & 4 Coat But- 
tons @ 8/ 10. .8 

2 Doz Vest D° 

@ 4/ 8..- 

1 p r . Nankeen 1 . . 4. .— 

3|/2 y ds - Linnen. . . . 

@ 3/9 13.. V/ 2 

3 y ds . Striped Calico 

(5) 6/ 18. . 

4 y ds . Linnen . @ 3/9 15.. 
4 doz. Buttons @ /8 

& thread 1/6 .... 4. .2 7 17 5V 2 

June 17 th . 

Liu 1 . Guy Johnston of the Indp ,s Dr. 

To 21/? y ds . Brown Holland 

@ 4/6 £0..11..3 

1 Yl E^s white Linin @ 

/20 2.. 6 

Moulsfc thread 2. .2 15 11 

June 1 7 

Cap'. John Johnson Dr. 

To 2|4 yds. Velvet 22/ £2 9 6 

To 1 1/2 y d . Linnin @ 2/6 3 9 

To Buttons & thread 2/ 2 - 

To mohair 9/ 9 

June 19 

Cap*. Guy Johnson Dr. 

To 1 pair Boots £2 5 — 



366 Sir William Johnson Papers 

June 21 

Sir Willim Johnson Dr. 

To 1 ounce Black silk £0 6 — 

To 1 scheple fine salt 8 

June 22 

Sir William Johnson Dr. 

To 1 ounce Silk 6/ & Cash M r . Petters for 

1 Skiple fine Salt 14 

1 762 July 2 

Ch Cap'. Johnson 1 Skain Silk 1 

18 Shallon 

1 Skain Silk 

1 y d . Fustin 1/6 

July 14 

Guy Johnson 1 7-y ds . Linnin at £ 6 

3 y ds . Silk ... & thread 1 6 

July 14 

Sir William Johnson Dr. 

To 1 pair Shoes for M rs . Claus 12 6 

July 14 

Leu'. Guy Johnson 26 1 /2 y d . Linnen 5/6 

Canbrich V/ A 16/ 

July 28 

Cap'. Claus of 4 th . Batt w . R. Amer ns . for M rs . Claus. . Dr. 

1 Y 2 y ds . Rattenett @ 5/ . . . £0..7..6 

1 Sham Silk 1 . .— 

1 y d . Glaiz'd Linnen -..3..- £0 11 6 

August I s '. 

Cap'. Claus for M rs . Claus Dr. 

To%y ds . Sattin. .@ 20/. £0..15..- 

1 y d . Alamode 5 . .- 

1 y d . Ribbon 2..- 



Land and Indian Affairs 1764-1773 3>61 

Silk 1 / . for making the Bon- 
ner 4/ 5..- 1 7 

September 9 

Cap*. Guy Johnson 

1 pair Stone Buckles £3 10 

1 Sett Pinch Back D° 8 

Cash 10 

To 2 yards Holland for lineing 3/6 £0 7 — 

To 2 Y ds . Linnen @ 2/6 5 - 

To 2 dozen Buttons 2 - 

1 762 September 1 4 

Cap'. Guy Johnson Dr. 

To 1 Set Stone Broch £2. . — 

To 1 pattron Silk Breeches . 3 . . — 
To 1 J/4 Yards Shalloon @ 

V 

To Cash paid for a pair 

Boots 

To 26J/2 Yards Linnen .... 

@ 5/6 

To 1 y^ Ditto Cambrick. . 

@ 16/ 

To Cash paid for making 4 

Shirts ... 7/ 

To Cash paid for a pair Set 

Buckles 

To Ditto paid for a Sett of 

Shoe & knee do 

To 2 yards holland for lining 

3/6 

To 2 Ditto linnin . . . 2/6 . . 
To 2 dozen Buttons . . 1 / . . 

To Cash 

To the Balance of your for- 
mer Account 5. .13. .- 18 



• 


. 5. 


2. 


. 5. 


7. 


. 5. 


1. 


. 8. 


1. 


. 8. 


3. 


.10. 




10. 




7. 




5. 




2. 


10. 


. — . 


5. 


.13. 



368 Sir William Johnson Papers 

By a Sterling Bill for £21 Exchange at 

90 p r . lb 39 18 - 

Cap f . Guy Johnson to 1 Yi 

yards Linen @ 4/ £ . . 6 

To 3 yards Silk forit & thread 1 . . 6 

September 1 4 

Cap*. John Johnson Dr. 

To 2 J/4 yards Manchester 

Velvet @ 22/ £2.. 9.. 6 

To 1 Y 2 Ditto. Linnen @ 2/6 3 . . 9 

To Buckrum thread & Mohair 3 . .— 

To Cash Answerd for Jaceob 

Pickel 5.. 3.. 4 

To Shalloon fustin & 1 Skain 

Silk 4..- 8 

September 24 

Sir William Johnston Dr. 

To 4 . . . yards Allipeen . . . 

@5/ £1.. 0..0 

To 2 . . . do. . . . Linnin .... 

@2/6 5..0 

To 4. . .dozen white Stone 

plates @ 11/ 2. . 2. .0 

To 5 . . . Stone dishes ..16..- 4 3 - 

1 762 November 6 

Sir William Johnson Dr. 

To 4|/ 2 Skiple fine Salt. . .@ 7/ 1 11 6 

November 1 

Sir W m . Johnson Dr. 

To 4|/ 2 Skiple fine Salt — 7/ 
To 1 Barrell — 

8 No total. In margin to left of this entry is written: "pd. £3:0:7." 



Land and Indian Affairs 1764-1773 369 

November 1 2 

Sir William Johnson 1 pair Shoes for M rs . 

Wallace ^ Flood 12 6 

1763 Jany. 13 

John Johnston Esq r . Son to Sir William Cr. 

By Cash 7 19 5|/ 2 

February 1 4 

Cap'. Guy Johnson Dr. 

To 2 Cravats £ 

To 1 Chist lock 

To 1 2 Sticks mohair 

To Cash paid Frail the Tay- 
lor 4 

To 1 pair fine Shoes 

To 1 pair knee Garters .... 

To ]/4 yard Black Cloth . . 

To 4 handkerchiefs @ 7/ . . 1 . 

To 1 peice Chinee 6.. — ..— 

To 1 Pair Gallocis [Yallow 

Shoes] 7. .— 

To 12 Ells Black Caliman- 
coes (a) 2/3 

To 1 Dish 

To a Set of furniture 

To 4'/2 yards white stuff 3/ 

To Silk 

To Cash paid for Quilting a 

peticoat 1. . 4..- 25 12 5 s 

1763 

Cap'. Guy Johnson Cr. 

By a Set of Bills £21 Sterling £21.. - 

Exchange a 85 p r 17. .17 38 17 - 



16. 


.— 


5. 


.— 


8. 


.— 


11. 


.6 


13. 


.6 


3. 


.— 


6. 


.8 


8. 






1. 


. 7. 


.— 


5. 


. — . 


.— 


1. 


. — . 


.— 




13. 


.6 




11. 


.3 



9 Incorrect total. Should read £ 24 . .14. .5. 



370 Sir William Johnson Papers 

January 14 

Sir William Johnson . . Dr to 1 pair Shoes 

p r . Denis Madan 12 

February 1 4 

Cap*. Daniel Claus Dr. 

To 1 Trunk £ ..12 

2 handkerchiefs 14..- 1 6 

March 3 

Cap f . Claus . . 1 Trunk .... £ . . 1 2 

2 handerchiefs 14 

March 18 

Cap'. Claus «P Frail the Tayler D r . 

To V 2 y d . Sattin £0. .8 

% y d . alamode 3 . .9 

Thrimings & making a Childs 

Bonnett 5. .6 17 



May 1 

Sir William Johnson Dr. 

To 6 Ells Black Cloth.. @ 

28/6 

To 1 2 ditto Shalloon . . . @ 

3/9 

To 3 dozen large Buttons 

@ 1/16 

To 4 ditto Small ditto . . . @ 

9 d 

To 6 Sticks Mohair. . @ 9 d . 
To 2 yards Buckrum . @ 3/ 

To thread 

To 1 Quarter Cask madiria 

wine 

To 70 lb nails.. @ 1/3 ... 
To 1 Set mourning Buckles 



£8. 


.11. 


.0 


2. 


. 5. 


.— 




4. 


.6 




3. 







4. 


.6 




6. 


.— 




2. 


.— 


17. 





__ 


4. 


.17. 


.6 





. 4. 






Land and Indian Affairs 1764-1773 371 

To 1 pair Garters 1 . .— 

To 2|/2 Ells Strouds to Cha- 

trina..9/ 1.. 2.. 6 £35 1 

1763 May 10 

Cap*. Guy Johnson Dr. 

To 1 yard Crape £ 2. .6 

To 4 Sticks mohair 3 . .— 5 6 

May 12 

Cap f . Daniel Claus Dr. 

To 1 yard Crape 2/6 & 4 yards Calico 

@ 5/ 1 2 6 

May 29 

John Johnson Esq r . Dr. 

To 2 pair of Black silk 

Stockings @ £2. . 16. .- 

To 1 Set of Buckles -..5..- £3 1 

May 24 

Sir Wm Johnson 

50 11 Nails @ 1/3 £3 2 6 

May 24 

\Cap l . Daniel Claus Dr. 

To Cash paid for a Negroe Wench £65 

August 5 

Cap'. Guy Johnston Dr. 

To 1 pair of Woraans Shoes £ . . 12 . .6 

To fine Needles -. .5 £ 12 11 

August 1 4 

Cap'. Guy Johnson Dr. 

To 3 patrons for Petticoats @ 

16/ £2. . 8 

To 1 Book 16 



372 Sir William Johnson Papers 

August 24 

Cap 1 . Claus Dr. 

To 4 pair of Womans Shoes @ 12/ £2 8 — 

August 29 

Cap'. Guy Johnson Dr. 

To 4 pair of womens Shoes @ 12/ £2 8 - 

August 31 

Cap 1 . Claus Dr. 

To 4 pair of Womans Shoes @ 12/ . . . . £2 8 — 

1763 November 28 

Cap'. Daniel Claus Dr. 

To 9 yards fine Calimancoes 

@ 3/ £ 1 . . 7 

To 4|/2 ditto Shalloon . . @ 

3/6 15.. 9 

To 1 pair Shoes 10. .— 

To 1 Straw Cuting knife. . . 9. .- 

To 1 Yi ounces Silk . . . 6/ . . 9 . . - 

To 21 lb 14 Ounces Nails 

W 1.. 3.. 2 4 13 11 

December 24 

Cap*. Daniel Claus Dr. 

To 2 pair Womans Shoes & 5 Ells Stuff 
2/4 1 15 

1764 May 29 

Cap*. Clause Dr. 

To Cash you receiv'd from M r . Miller ... 113 

Schenectady Octob r . 3, 1 764 

Memorandum — 

Sent by M r . Adames — to Sir William Johnson a Certificate 
Sign'd by Cap'. Butler for 5 Barrells West India Rum 3 2 J/2 
Gall Each 



Land and Indian Affairs 1764-1773 313> 

@ 12/ ^P Gallon — 

likewise 2 Barrells York d°. 32 gll Each @ 1 0/ %1 gll — 

the whole amount — £ 1 29 . .10 

Also a Bill on Sir William for £27 — drawn by John 
Johnson, both those papers Sir Will took & laid by — In order 
to be Enter'd In his accounts — 

1765 April 17 

1 pair Channel pumps — 1 4/ 

& 6 pair thread Stocks, to be Sent 8/ 
to Cap 1 . Claus 

May 16 

Cap f . Claus Dr. 

2 dishes 3/9 £0 7 6 

1 d°....d° 2 6 

1 do. . . .do 4 6 

1 large 9 

1 dozen plates 10 

1 pair shoes 10 

1 pair fine stich'd heels 12 



FROM JOHN MORIN SCOTT 1 

Albany, June 25, 1765. 



1 Original destroyed by fire. Notes of C. H. Mcllwain describe it as 
letter by Scott "(Attorney for Marsh in the Albany Case) saying Marsh 
died owing him over £ 60 Cousel [sic] fees 'relative to the Suit between 
him & Mr. Gansevoort which was compromised some Time before his 
decease." Johnson Calendar, p. 274, mentions that it also asked Sir 
William to qualify as Marsh's executor. 



374 Sir William Johnson Papers 

FROM ADAM GORDON 

A.L.S. 1 

Niagara 2 d . July 1765.— 
Sir — 

I am glad of an opportunity, by a Vessell going to Ontario, 
to return You my thanks for the Attention, and Civilities, You 
was kind enough, to shew me, when I had lately the Pleasure, 
to pass a few days, with You, at Johnson Hall: a Place I shall 
always think of, & wish well to — My journey 2 from that, to 
Oneida Lake, was very succesful, & the whole of it, both by 
Land, and Water, to this Post, (where I have tarried a week,) 
has proved a most agreeable, and interesting one, to me. I have 
been as farr as Fort Erie — and am charmed with the Lakes, 
and the Communication from one to the other. — I went up 
from this, to, Little Niagara, on Horseback — and from that, 
by water; passing between Navy Island, and the Great Island — 
to the rapids, and returning round the other side of the Great 
Island — to the Carrying Place — & so to this Fort. — 

I have visited the Falls once & again — & if the Wind should 
continue unfavourable, I believe, I shall visit them again, and 
again. — Whatever Ideas I had formed to my self — of them — 
were infinitely short, of the astonishment — I felt at the sight. — 
I seriously aver, 'tis worth while, to cross the Great Lake, (as 
our Indian Freinds term it — ) was it but to see these same won- 
derful! Falls of Niagara! — 

From this, Commodore Loring 1 — (who desires to Offer You 
his best respects) , attends Your Humble Servant, to Montreal — 
Quebec — Lake Champlain, New York, & Boston — He is not 
more anxious, than I am — to pay our Respects, at the Hall — 
& if it is possible, we will: — but, if Time should not permitt us — 



1 In Historical Society of Pennsylvania, Gratz Collection. 

- See "Journal of Lord Adam Gordon," in Travels in the American 
Colonies, Newton D. Mereness, ed., (New York, 1916) pp. 418-28. 

3 Capt. Joshua Loring. He was referred to as "Commodore of the 
Lakes of North America." 




SIR JOHN JOHNSON 
Original portrait by John Mare. In Johnson Hal 



Land and Indian Affairs 1764-1773 375 

I shall — frankly, ask the favour of You, to meet us, at Schenec- 
tady — (sending You due, & timely notice — ) & I will return 
that way, on Purpose to receive & carry Your Commands 
Home. 4 — 

So fond Am I become, of this Back Country, I desire You 
will not be surprised, if I consult you, very seriously, about Lands 
and Islands; and should You have of either sort, in this neighbor- 
hood, to spare — I will ask a refusal, on equal terms. I will say 
no more on this Head, till we meet, which I imagine, may be 
in August. — 

I am pleased, to find every thing hereabouts, happy ; a Sensible, 
and a good Hearted Man, will always have that in his View, 
and will, nine times, in ten, succeed. You may guess where I point 

— He is near me, now; and wishing well as I do, to our own, 
and to this Country — I Could wish earnistly, we had twenty 
Such, on this Continent — I wish You was well acquainted with 
Col : Vaughan r> — & then You would say — whether I draw a 
Picture, like. — 

I was so ashamed of our riotousness — at Stone Araby, and 
of our friend Guy's (i Noise, after you was asleep — that I made 
off, before Sun Rise — wishing to avoid [if / cou] a sight of 
Lady Susan' — and of Your Countryman, with the weak Back! 

— I never held my own to be excellent, but I think it surpasses 
Obrians — & am contented. — When I bee You again — we 
will not be hampered, with fine Ladies. — I suffered much, for 
M rs . Gauss* — and endeavoured, all in my power not to disturb 
Her — but Cm; must answer, for all. — Capt n . Cuyler, to get 



4 Lord Adam recorded in his "Journal," op. cit., p. 447, that "from 
Schenectady I made another visit to Sir Wm. Johnson." He bore a letter 
from Governor Burton of Montreal, dated Aug. 1 6. Johnson Papers, 
1 I :896. 

5 Lt. Col. John Vaughan of the 46th regiment. 
Guy Johnson. 

7 Lady Susan O'Brien, wife of the actor William O'Brien. 

s Nancy Claus, daughter of Sir William. 

!) Probably Capt. Cornelius Cuyler of the 46th regiment. 



376 Sir William Johnson Papers 

clear of Guy — escaped, and gott into bed, with the Landlady — 
but she had too many witnesses, near Her — to admitt of his 
civil intentions — She Cryed out — alarmed the Family — & 
sett us all a going! — Pray Good Sir William — . when shall I 
be able to make You, a proper return for so many good things?, 

If ever it is in my Power — I am ready — & shall feel pleased, 
in obeying Your Commands; particularly should they relate, to 
a Young Gentleman, 10 of worth, whose only misfortune, is not 
knowing more of Home — & the World, at Home. — 

You may trust me — He'll return to America, more fitt to 
serve it — & not less so, to serve himself. 

Colonel Vaughan — Cuyler, &cc. & — (who drink your 
Health dayly) desire to be remembered to you — as I do to the 
Ladies — to Your Son — and to Graceless Guy Johnson — I 
love Him, but am not able to drink with Him. — Adieu Good 
Sir — 

I wish You all Happyness — and ever am with truth and with 
Esteem — 

Your most obedient & 
Most humble Servant 

S R . W M . Johnson Bar'. Ad. Gordon 

P.S. If Wadycomycutt 1 x was at Home — I should have visited 
Toronto — before I leave this. — as it is, the Parole is — 
Caderaqui — & S l . Laurence. The Squaws here are but middling 
— My Love to Molly 12 & thanks for her good Breakfast. — 



10 John Johnson, who was to go to England that fall in company with 
Lord Adam Gordon. 

11 Wabbicommicot, chief of the Chippewas. 

12 Molly Brant, Sir William's housekeeper. 



Land and Indian Affairs 1764-1773 377 

CERTIFICATE 

D.S. 1 

[Johnson-hall July 6, 1765] 
I do Certify that over and beside the five thousand Acres of 
Land, petitioned for by Conradt Frank, Frederick Frank, George 
Herkimer, Michael Klign & Peter Piper, for which I have 
transmitted a Certificate in Pursuance of an Order of his Honour 
the Lieutenant Governor and Council of the 27th day of February 
1 765 ; there yet remains a Tract of Two thousand Acres pur- 
chased of the Native Indian Proprietors & included in the Indian 
Deed on which the said Petition was founded, which said Two 
thousand Acres are now Vested in the Crown, & not Claimed 
by the said Indians — & that therefore the same may be Granted 
to any Reduced Officer or other person Agreeable to his Majestys 
Orders. — 

Witness my hand at Johnson-hall the 6th day of July 1 765. — 

Wm. Johnson 



1 In New York Historical Society, Banyar Papers. In Guy Johnson's 
hand. 



TO GOLDSBROW BANYAR 
A.L.S. 1 

July 12*. 1765 — 
Dear Banyar — 

I have only time to enclose You my Certificate 2 to that Deed 
by the Indians to Harkemer Frank &ca. — 

M 1 '. Dubois 3 is this Moment sett of with an Indian for the 
Conajohare Village, in order to settle Matters with them relative 



1 In New York Historical Society, Banyar Papers. 

2 Dated July 6, 1765. Ante. 

3 Peter DuBois. 



378 Sir William Johnson Papers 

to the difficiency occasioned by taking in some other Pattents in 
their Survey, and in case they agree to bring three of their Cheifs 
before me, & acknowledge their being satisfied, I hope he may 
succeed. The House is now full of Shawnese, Mingoes, &ca. So 
that I can scarce Make up my letter. — M r . Dubois can tell You 
a little of the trouble I now have. — 

I enclose You also a Certificate for the remaining 2000, Acres, 
which M r . Johnson 4 would gladly have for his location, as I 
mentioned to You when here. Should there be a necessity for 
producing it, You will give it the Gov 1 "., or make such other use 
thereof as You may Judge best. I shall be glad You push the 
Gov 1 ", to Settle it without loss of time. 

I am most Sincerely 
Dear Banyar 

Yours — 
Wm. Johnson 
] do you like Crown Point 
] at Communication? 

INDORSED : 

July 13, 1765 

From Sir W m . Johnson 



4 Guy Johnson. 



GUY JOHNSON TO JOHN BROWN 

A.L.S. 1 

Johnson-hall Dec r . 27 l K 1765.— 
Sir — 

I wrote you a few days ago that I should consult Sir William 
and lay before him your Letter, Petition &c.~ which I have accord- 



1 In St. George's Episcopal Church, Schenectady. 

2 Churchwardens of Schenectady to Sir Wm. Johnson, Dec. 10, 1 765. 

Doc. Hist. N. Y., 4:362. 



Land and Indian A fairs 1 764-1 773 379 

ingly done, and now transmit you his Answer, with the Petition — 
he is of opinion that the Clergy at New York will be able to 
effect your desire provided they stir heartily in it; he has as yet 
no Acquaintance with the New Governor, 3 when he has he will 
j if occasion requires. I would have added to the Num- 
ber of Subscribers to the Petition but that my place of residence 
being pretty well known it would not have been so proper to do 
so, not being an Inhabitant, — I shall be very Glad if my being 
a Trustee can be of any service. Therefore I have no objection 
to it. I have spoke with Cap'. Claus on that head but have not 
received his final Answer, 'tho' I don't doubt but he may agree 
to it. If the Petition was copied over on larger paper, and the 
Words "Your Excell c y\ Petitioners" added for, "Your [ 
at the beginning of last paragraph, I think it would do better, 
and also that It should be mentioned at the foot, "Signed on behalf 
of ourselves, & the rest of the Protestants of the Established 
Church" &c. This will look better I think, as the Subscribers 
appear too few to Constitute a Church especially it will be so 
represented by those who may disagree to your design — 

I shall be glad You will inform me what farther Steps You 
may take in it, & You may command my Services on anything 
within my power relative thereto 

I am, Yours Sincerely 
M R . Brown G Johnson 

I have not seen M r . Lyne 4 



3 Sir Henry Moore, appointed Governor, Nov. 1 3, 1 765. 

4 In the margin. 



380 Sir William Johnson Papers 

FROM THOMAS GAGE 

a.l.s: 

New York Jan*-y. I3 ih . 1766. 

Private 

Dear Sir, 

I have no News by the Packet lately arrived, but the unfor- 
tunate Death of the Duke of Cumberland, 2 and the Resentment 
of the Ministry, on the Violence and Outrages committed in 
America. Major Rogers is come over, and I have orders to 
appoint him Commandant of Missilimakinak, with a kind of 
superintendance over the Indians in that Quarter, not to interfere 
with you, but a sort of Deputy under you. I wish something could 
be hit upon to employ him where he might do less Mischief. He 
is wild, vain, of little understanding, and of as little Principle; 
but withal has a share of Cunning, no Modesty or veracity and 
sticks at Nothing. Be So good to Send me your advice" in what 
Manner he may be best tied up by Instructions, and prevent 
doing Mischief and imposing upon you. Where Cap*. Howard 
has charged you Hundreds, This Man will charge Thousands, 
unless prevented by all the Checks you can think of to bind him 
by. And if he has any Latitude by Draughts upon you, you will 
have immense Sums drawn from you for which you will get no 
Account. A pretty sort of Deputy they have given You. He 
deserved Some Notice for his Bravery and readiness on Service 
and if they had put him on whole Pay. to give him an Income 
to live upon, they would have done well. But this Employment 
he is most unfit for, and withal speaks no Indian Language. He 
made a great deal of Money during the War, which was squan- 
dered in Vanity and Gaming, and is some Thousands in Debt 



1 In William L. Clements Library. 

-William Augustus, Duke of Cumberland (1721-1765), third son of 
George III. 

3 Sir William's reply, January 25, 1766, Johnson Papers, 12:8-1 1. 



Land and Indian Afiairs 1764-1773 381 

here. M r . Croghan has sent off Smallman 4 & McKee 5 to Fort 
Pitt and the Illinois. 

I am D r . Sir, 

Your most obedient 
humble Serv 1 . 
S R . W M . Johnson Bar 1 . Tho s . Gage 



INDORSED: 6 



NYorkJanX. 13 th . 1766 



Private L r . — 
From Gen 1 . Gage 



4 Thomas Smallman. 

5 Alexander McKee. 

fi In Guy Johnson's hand. 



ACCOUNT OF THOMAS McKEE 

A.D.S. 

[January 28J766] 1 

] 

[ ] 

at F 1 . Augusta 

viz. 

] E1..12..0 

] 0..16..0 

] 0..18..0 

ver] million 20/ 1.. 3..0 

] 1.. 0..0 

]es for the Chief ) 

]@20/ ( £••»••» 



1 Date from Johnson Calendar, p. 299. 

2 Brackets indicate portions burned off. 



382 Sir William Johnson Papers 

[ ] 6 1.. 5..0 



] Stockings @ 7/6 £4. . 10. .0 

] @ 6/ 2..14..0 

] of Shott @ 8 d / 0.. 4. .0 

] match Coats @ 15/ 1. .10. .0 

] rum 0. .15. .0 

] full from Cap* 

Robert MCully £18 [ 

] white Man as a Guide . . 4 . . . . 
] Cap 1 . Graydon for Necess s . ^ 

] Red \ '• 3 -° 

Wa] ges Rec d . for D°. $ Red. . . . 1 5 . . 



Ceontents in full 

<P me 

Th[omas M c kee] 
indorsed : 

Acco". — 

[ ] Hon b,e . S r . W m . Johnson 

with 
[Thorn] as M c Kee 



FROM RALPH BURTON 

A.L.S. 1 

[Montreal, Feb. 15,1766} 

[ ] 

] me a lette [ ] 

] — h Interpreter, w [ 

by Captain Claws [ J 



1 Date from Johnson Calendar, p. 300, where the contents are sum- 
marized as "the sale of rum to Indians, death of the Duke of Cumberland, 
the writers intention to return to Europe and his son's fortunate voyage." 



Land and Indian Affairs 1764-1773 383 

the Messisagas. it explai[ns 
| of his Ambassy; and as he [ 

]& Rum, having occasione[d 
| of two Indians, near Oswegatch [ 
] t Orders to the Commanding [ 
] at that Post to give such Traders, 

] his, and others there to prevent 
] of the kind happening for 
] are, otherwise, that a stop must 
] to their retaileing any Spiritu [ous] 
ors to the Indians. The other letter [ 
] sed for Captain Claws, has been [ 
| some time past at the Secretary [ 
] . — I have the pleasure to acqu [ 
| the Indians of the neighbouring Cas[tles 

c] ontinue to behave very well. 



[w]iet th[ 
I must now beg [ 
which I do most sincer[ely 
of His Royal Highn[ess 
the loss, the Nation [ 
Demise of this Prince, [ 
will be felt by all, [ 
and more particularly, [ 
Should the Lakes be passe [ 
I propose Crossing th [ 
of this Month, or the [ 
the next, having obtaine[d 
leave to return to Europe [ 
unluckily came too late [ 
down the River. My Son [ 
a most fortunate Passage [ 
him, the 1 st . of Sep r . at Que [ 



384 Sir William Johnson Papers 

I have accounts of his bea [ 
arrived in London the 1 st . of | 



]blepay[ ] 

] before I leave I [ 

] go to Join with me [ J 

]cts to You and Compliments [ 

] Claws and Lady, and the rest [ J 

] Family. 
I have the honour to be, 
with great regard, and esteem, 
Dear Sir, Your most obedient 
humble Servant. 

R. Burton 

] William Johnson Bar 1 . &c. &c. &c. 



FROM JOHN DUNCAN 

[Schenectady, Feb. 16, 1766] 

] ing rec d . your fav r . by the Ind. [ ] shall do [ 

needfull. 

] s in our letters lately is Unaccountable, Nor can I believe is 
other than real Neglect of M r . Vanschaack, 2 an [ ] me 

Measure be Occasion'd by his troubles lately, which y [ ] ble 

Construction that can be put on it, Tho he [ ] Excuseable on 

that Ace*, or can it be even that he [ ] ce whilst he lives 

so far from Town & gives so ]nce. Shou'd this continue, 

& things be as of late ] ally requisite to Complain. — 



1 Date from Johnson Calendar, p. 300. 
- Henry Van Schaack, Albany postmaster. 



Land and Indian Affairs 1764-1773 385 

M r . Phyn 3 troubled y [ ] this Subject & Sent a letter from L'. 

Prevost 4 as a Vouch [er] 

All this House begs their best Complim ts . & respect to [ 
And Am 

D'. Sr. 

Your ever oblig'd freind & Hum [ 
Serv 1 . 

John Duncan 
Honble Sir W m . Johnson 

ADDRESSED : 

To 
The Honble Sir William Johnson 
Baronet &c &c &c 
at 
Johnson Hall 



3 James Phyn. 

4 Lt. Augustine Prevost. 



FROM MICH. THODEY 
A.L.S. 1 



[Feb. 17, 1766] 



] 

] me from [ 
| well Inform'd w [ ] 

] of the Commission [ ] 

] Affairs — 
] tervues Since 55 to 1 763 [ 
| that to Repeat them [ | Needless [ 



1 Date supplied by Johnson Calendar, p. 300, where it is stated the 
writer sought to "be considered in appointing commissaries." 



386 Sir William Johnson Papers 

] t not be the Inducement for your [ 
[ ]st- 

The Business I was brought up in [ 
] e a greater. Viz 1 , that of a Merch 1 . having [ 
] re in the house of DeLancey & Watts, and am [ 
[ ] by all the family. — 

] no Doubt that many have Apply'd to you S [ 
] Shoud have promis'd the Number you have [ 
] ore this Reaches you, beg that you will not [ 
] the worse for Applying in these hard Times [ 
] oud it be otherways and I shoud meet your [ 
] on for one of the Appointments, any Security, Th [ 
] wanting will be given for a faithfull Discharg [ 
[ t] rust Committed to my Care. — 

I shall wait wi[ 
[ ] for your Determination and am Sir. 

with the greatest Respect Your Most Ob f . Ser 

Mich. Thode[y] 
[ ] M . Johnson 

INDORSED : 

] nor [ ] Officers 

promise if any declined he will be 
remembered. — 

ADDRESSED : 

The Hon bIe . 

Sir William Johnson Esq r . 
Baronet. Coll°. & Superintendent of all 
his Majestys Indian Affairs for the 
Northern District of Ameri [ca] 



Land and Indian Affairs 1764-1773 387 

GEORGE CROGHAN TO THOMAS GAGE 
L.SS 

Philadelphia 1° May 1766 
Sir 

This day I had the honor of your Excellencys favour of the 
28 Ult. inclosing the three Setts of Bills for three hundred pounds 
Sterling — I've signed the Vouchers which I now send to be 
lodged in the office till I do account for that Sum agreeable to 
your excellencys orders. 

M r . Baynton 2 (one of the House) informed me this afternoon 
that my Bill for the Amount of the Goods which I purchased 
of them was not paid — and your excellency mentions the Reason 
in your Leter to me — when I sent your Excellency the List of 
Goods wanted for presents I mentioned the terms were ready pay, 
and when I had your orders to purchase them and draw for the 
Amount I made those express terms, and have reason to think 
this was their sole inducement to let me have the Goods on the 
terms they did. 

As I believe those Gentlemen are much in want of means to 
make some remittances home, having had no returns for the large 
Cargo they sent out last Year to fort pit to be sent to the Illinois — 

When I gave Messieurs Baynton Wharton" & Morgan 4 a Bill 
on your excellency I took their Bond for the delivery of the 
Goods in good order out of their Store at fort pitt and sent you 
the Invoice with their receipt and could have wished your excel- 
lency had honor'd my Draft. — When I first engaged those Goods 
I found that I could not get them of any body else on any terms, 
there was none to be had in this Town and I bought them as cheap 
as I possibly could with an attentive Eye to Oeconomy and the 
Good of the Service so often recommended to me by your excel- 
lency. The Merchants here have formed very injurious Opinions 



1 In William L. Clements Library, Gage papers. Johnson Calendar, 

p. 311. 

2 John Baynton of the firm of Baynton, Wharton and Morgan. 

3 Samual Wharton. 

4 George Morgan. 



388 Sir William Johnson Papers 

of my Drafts on Sir William Johnson last Year being protested, 
and no doubt will more so now. 

I therefore think it my Duty to inform your excelency that 
its out of my power to carry on the Service agreeable to your 
Excellency and Sir W m . Johnsons Instructions to me, unless I 
am enabled to compleat my engagements punctualy 

I dont want the public money put into my hands, — I never had 
any Sums to apply to any use had I occasion for it which I had 
not — But have often embarked my own Money and Credit in 
the Service, and think now it woud be best to appoint some other 
person in my stead in whom greater confidence can be pleased. 5 

It is now late in the Year — I have been ready these six weeks 
past only waiting for my Instructions and the purchases being 
made. I shall set of on Saturday to execute your excellencys 
orders which I will do to the best of my Judgment and hope before 
I return that your Excellency & Sir William Johnson will appoint 
an other person in my stead to carry on the Service in this depart- 
ment as it is not in my power to do it in the proper Season of the 
Year or with that Oeconomy I could wish, as a present of One 
Hundred pounds properly timed to Indians might often Save 
an Expense of five hundred — 

I am Sir with the greatest respect Your excellencys 
most Obedient and 
most Humble Servant 

Geo: Croghan 
To His Excellency 
The Hon ble . Major Gen l . Gage — 

INDORSED: 

M r . George Croghan 
Indian Deputy. 
PhiK Mayy e . 1 st . 1766 — 
Rec d . 3 d . May 
Answered — 



• r> Evidently intended for "placed." 



Land and Indian Affairs 1764-1773 389 

GEORGE CROGHAN AGAINST THE CROWN 

Copy 1 
D r . The Crown, 

Fort Pitt June 12 ih 1766 
To George Croghan Esq r . Deputy Agent for Indians Affairs, 

for sundry Indian Expences 

Pennsylvania Currency. 

To Mess rs . Baynton, Wharton & Morgans Acc f . 
against the Crown for sundry Goods given to 
the Indians by Cap*. W m . Murray's Orders 
as jr> Certificate, and Order to be included in 
my Ace*. £937 16 6 

To an Ace', of Goods left in the Kings Store with 
Cap 1 . W m . Murray & given by him to the 
Indian Deputies that went to Sir W m . Johnson's 
last Year and which has never been Charged 
in any former Acc ts . 

To M r . Mackees Ace 1 , and Vouchers 

To Richard Butler Gun Smiths Receipt for sun- 
dry peeces of Work done for the Indians 

To Doctor Alex r . Potts's Pay as <P Voucher 

To M r . Thomas M c Kee's Pay as P r . Voucher 

To M r . S l . Martains' 2 Pay as Interpreter at D' 
troit 

To M r . La Butes 3 Pay as Interpreter at D'troit 

To M r . Theophilous as Gun Smith at D'troit 

To Mess rs . Baynton, Wharton & Morgans Ace 1 . 
for Goods for a Condolance held with the 
Indians at Fort Pitt 363 15 



327 








174 


16 


9 


82 


7 


6 


78 


10 





51 


8 


6 


40 


3 


7 


40 


3 


7 


80 


7 


2 



£2176 8 7 



1 Printed in Illinois Historical Collections, 1 1 :258; original in muti- 
lated form was printed in Johnson Papers. 5 :264. 

2 Jacques St. Martin. 

3 Pierre Labute, possibly the same as Pierre Chesne. 



390 Sir William Johnson Papers 

2 1 76 8 7 Penn a . Currency equal to York 

Currency 145 1 1 



2321 9 8 
Received from the Hon bl . Sir William Johnson Baronet the 
amount of the above Ace 1 , by a draft in favour of Mess rs . Baynton, 
Wharton, & Morgan. 

Geo: Croghan 
indorsed: 

M r . Croghans Ace 1 . & Receipt for £2321/9/8 

July 1766 
Fort Pitt June 1 2 th . 1 766 George Croghan Esq rs . 

Ace". £2321/9/8 
Paid by Genr 1 . Gage to Baynton &c. 



FROM WILLIAM TRYON 

L.S. 1 

North Carolina Brunswick the I5 ih . June 1766 
Sir, 

The Sachem of the Tuscarora Indians waited on me the 1 7 th . 
of last Month; He shewed me the Credentials You gave him, and 
a Pass he obtained from Governor Fauquier of Virginia, both 
which, together with his Talk informed me of the Intention of his 
Journey from Susquehanna River. He arrived at this Town very 
111, I ordered a Doctor to attend on him, the best Care to be taken 
of Him, and to be supplied from my House with every thing he 
wanted; His Complaint was the Mumps, of which He recovered 
in about a Week. He dined Twice at my Table which was as 
often as his Health would permit, I found him not only Human- 
ized but really Civilized. 



1 In University of Pittsburgh Library. 



Land and Indian Affairs / 764-1 773 391 

As the Tract of Land the Tuskaroras hold in this Province 
upon the Roanoke, was Granted to Them by the Legislature of 
this Colony : I acquainted the Sachem it would be necessary that 
He waited till the meeting of the General Assembly to be held 
at Newbern the 30 th . of October next, when I would give him all 
the Assistance in my Power for the Sale of So much of the Land 
as would be Necessary to bear the Travelling Charges, of as 
many of the Tuskaroras as were willing to quit this Province, 
and march to Join the Six Nations : The Sachem at first was very 
unwilling to Stay himself till the above Time, as he said He had 
Promised his Nation and You Sir, to return to them in Seven 
Months from the Time of his Departure, and that that Term was 
already Expired, however, upon taking further Time to Consider 
on it, and upon My Assurance to Acquaint his Nation thro' You 
of the Necessity of his Waiting till the Meeting of Our General 
Assembly, He Consented to go to his People settled in this 
Province till the above Period. 

The Eight Indians he brought from the Six Nations, he told 
me he had left at the Indian Town on the Roanoke River. 

He gave me Strings of Wampum during his Talk. At my 
Request that He would give the Governor of this Province an 
Indian Name, upon a Days Consideration He honoured Me with 
his own Name Diagawekee in Testimony of his Regard for the 
Care I had taken of Him on his Illness. 1 his Name is to remain 
to all future Governors' of North Carolina. 

In a Letter I have lately Received from M r . Stuart Superin- 
tendant of Indian Affairs for the Southern District, he mentions 
Your Application for his Assistance to get the Tusks residing in 
this Country to remove and Join the Six Nations ; 2 to Accomplish 
which End, You may be Assured My Assistance shall not be 
wanting, as also My Protection to as many of the Nation as 
choose to Continue in the Province. I am told their Numbers 



2 See mention of this in letter of John Stuart, March 30, 1 766, Johnson 
Papers, 12:57. 



392 Sir William Johnson Papers 

(including Men, Women and Children) amounts to about Two 
Hundred and Twenty or Thirty. 

I gave the Sachem a Pass under the seal of the Province for 
himself and Attendants. The Interpreter is I understand the same 
who came from the Six Nations with Him. He seemed to be 
Attentive to the Sachem, and behaved Himself Very Well while 
at Brunswick 

I am Sir 

Your Very Humble Servant 
W M . Tryon 
Sir William Johnson Bar 1 . 



indorsed: 3 



North Carolina, Brunswick 
the 15 th . of June 1766 — 



Gov r . Tryons Letter 
concerning y e . Tuscaroras 
rec d . 7 br . 4 th . — 



3 In Sir William's hand. 



ANTHONY GORDON TO DANIEL CLAUS 

A.L.S. 1 

a S'. regis ce 27 juillet 1766 
Monsieur 

tous ceux qui ont l'honneur de vous connoitre sont si persuades 
que vous aimes a faire plaisir qu'il n'est personne qui ne s'addresse 
a vous avec assurance d'en obtenir tous les services que vous pouves 
rendre. C'est cette noble inclination qui vous porte a obliger tout 
le monde qui me fait prendre la liberie de vous demander p r . le fils 



1 In Historical Society of Pennsylvania, Gratz Collection. 



Land and Indian Affairs 1764-1773 393 

de M r . Rivon un permis pour aller au gensen ches les cinq nations 
sans etre oblige de se tenir dans les forts comme le porte le permis 
commun a tous les autres negociants, et qu'il vous montrera. je 
puis bien vous assurer que ce jeune homme ne fera rien et ne laissera 
rien faire a son monde qui soit tant soit peu contraire au bien du 
service, bien plus comme il entend asses bien la langue il pourroit 
peutetre vous etres de quelque utilite dans la persuasion ou je suis 
que si la chose que je vous demande peut s'accorder vous ne me la 
refuseres pas. souffres monsieur — que je vous en temoigne 
d avance ma reconnoissance en attendant que je le puisse faire 
ici de vive voix si vous nous faites 1'honneur de venir manger avec 
nous de saulmon frais comme on nous le fait esperer tous les jours 
lorsque vous aures termines les affaires qui vous ont conduit a 
choagen 

J'aiy 1'honneur d'etre avec beaucoup de repect et de considera- 
tion 

Monsieur 

Votre tres humble et tres 
obeissant serviteur 

A. Gordon Jes. 

ADDRESSED : 

Monsieur — 

Monsieu Claus officier 

Charge des affaires Sauvages 
A Choagen 



INDORSED 



o 



AS 1 . Regis July 27 th . 1766 

Pierre Gordon the Jesuits 
Letter to M r . Claus 



2 In Sir William's hand. 



394 Sir William Johnson Papers 

TRANSLATION 

Monsieur 

All those who have the honour to be acquainted with you are 
so persuaded that you like to please that there is no one who 
addresses you without assurance of obtaining all the services that 
you are able to render. It is this noble inclination that you have 
in obliging everyone that makes me take the liberty of asking 
you on behalf of the son of Monsieur Rivon a permit in order to 
go to Gensen 5 in the territory of the five nations without being 
obliged to stop in the forts since he carries the permit common 
to all the other merchants, and that he will show you. I can well 
assure you that this young man will do nothing and will not allow 
his group to do anything, be it large or small, that would be con- 
trary to the good of the service. Moreover since he understands 
the language rather well he would perhaps be of some service to 
you. It is my opinion that if the thing that I ask of you is able 
to be granted you will not refuse it to me — Permit me, Sir, to 
offer you in advance my gratitude while awaiting the chance to 
do it here in person, if you would do us the honour of coming to 
eat some fresh salmon with us, as we are daily given to hope, 
when you have finished the business which took you to Choagen. 4 

I have the honour of being with very much respect and con- 
sideration — 

Monsieur 

Your very humble and very 
obedient servant, 

A. Gordon Jes. 



3 Probably Geneseo. 
1 Oswego. 



Land and Indian Affairs 1764-1773 395 

RECEIPT OF BAYNTON, WHARTON & MORGAN 

Copy 1 

Fort Chartres August 22, 1766. 
Received of George Croghan Esqr. the Sum of One hundred 
& thirteen pounds in full for Stores supplied him at Fort Pitt & 
in his way from thence to this place. 

Baynton, Wharton & Morgan. 



1 Printed in Illinois Historical Collections, 1 1 :364; original in New 
York State Library was destroyed by fire. 



ACCOUNT OF GIRARDOT 

Copy 1 

Fort Chartres Sep 1 . 25th 1766 

The Crown 

To Gerardot 2 Dr 
for serving as an Indian Interpreter from the first Instant to this 
Day is 25 Days at five Livres <P Day 1 25 Livres 

Rec d . of Edward Cole Esq r . Commissary for Indian Affairs the 
above Sum of One hundred & twenty Livres at five Livres ^ 
Dollar 

GlRARDOT 
Witness 

Geo: Morgan 



INDORSED: 



September 25 th . 1 766 
Gerardot Interpreter 

N°. 21 — 



1 Printed in Illinois Historical Collections, 11:394; original in New 
York State Library was destroyed by fire. 

2 Girardot, Indian interpreter. 



396 



Sir William Johnson Papers 



INDIAN EXPENDITURES 

Cop]) 1 

[Fort Chartres] September 25, 1766 

D r . The Crown, 

To Edward Cole Esq r . 
Commissary for Indian Affairs at the Illinois, for Sundries for the 
Indian Department. Viz f . 



1766 

July 1 st . To Cash paid Edw d . Mum-1 

ford for £100 3 New York [ 

Curry, at 5 Liv s . p r . dollar, f 

for Sundries as p r . Voucher! 

1 5th To ditto p d . F : Hamback, at 
the Miamies for Sundries, 
£11 16 8 New York 
Cur?, as p r . Voucher 



23 d . To ditto p d . Jos h . Pallier of \ 
Wiatonon, p r . ditto ( 



31 st . To ditto p d . Nicholas of 
Post Vincent, for provissions \ 
&c as p r . Voucher 

Aug st . 25 th . To ditto p d . Ligonier Pilot/ 
& Voyager, p r . Voucher ( 



Livres Sols 
No. 1 1251 16 



147 17 



230 



469 



300 



1 Printed in Illinois Historical Collections, 1 1 : 388-90; original in 
New York State Library was destroyed by fire. 



Land and Indian Affairs 1764-1773 



397 



28th To ditto p d . M c Meen, &' 
Williams, for Attendance 
at the Congress held by Col : 
Croghan 

To ditto p d Charles M c Na- 
marra, an Interpretor 18 
days @ 5 Liv s . p r . day 

To ditto p d . J : Baptist Va-1 
drie, for the Hire of a Horse y 
from Post Vincent 

29th To ditto p d . R : Winston f or^ 
a Horse furnish'd to an In- 
dian Express, by order of 
Col. Croghan 



30th To ditto p d . on S l . Marie, for] 
Horse hire Sixty Liv s . & y 
100 L s . p d . Crupion 
Interpretor 



8 



50 



90 



60 



150 



10 160 



Carried Over 



Liv* 2908 13 



[page 2] 

Brought Over 

Aug st . 30 lh . To Cash p d . Vadrie & Fram- 
brist as p r . Ace 1 , and 
Voucher, for their diet &c, > 
during the Congress held by | 
Col: Croghan 



Liv s . Sol s 
2908 1 3 



No. 11 198 10 



398 



Sir William Johnson Papers 



3R To d°. paid J. B. Vodrie for 
his Service at Post Vincent, 
two days as Interpreter, & at 
this place, during the Con- 
gress held by Col. Croghan 

To d°. paid Anthony La 
Framboist for Serving as In- 
terpreter at Post Vincent, & 
at this place during the Con- 
gress held by Col. Croghan 

Sept r . 1 st . To Cash paid Maisonville 
for horse hire from Post Vin- 
cent to this place. p r Voucher I 

10th To Cash p d . Tho s . Small-] 
man, for a House & Lott 
purchased of him for the Use 
of the Crown as p r . Copy of 
the deed inclosed 



18th To d°. paid A: Dundas for 
1 75 £ Pork, furnished to the 
Indians during the Congress f 
held by Geo. Croghan Esq r . J 

20th To d°. p d . Fr. Miller for^ 
1 30 £ pork, furnish d . for d°. \ 

24th To d°. paid : D. Watson, for] 
milk deliver'd Sick Indians in I 
August last by my Order 



12 250 



13 250 



14 60 



1 5 3000 



16 175 



17 130 



18 15 



Land and Indian Affairs 1764-1773 



399 



To d°. p d . L'. Baugh, late 
Commandant at Kuskuskes, 
who supplied Sundry Ind ns . 
with Liquor &c 



To d°. p d . Doct r . Annesly 
p r . order of Geo Croghan 
Esq r . for his Attendance on, 
& Medicines adminstred to 
the Indians Since the 12th: 
Jany. is 256 days at 5/ pen- 
sylvania Curr?. of 18 d . p r . 
Livre 

Carried Forward 



19 257 



20 853 



Liv s . 8092 1 



[page 3] 

Brought forward 

Sept r . 25th To Cash p d . Gerardot for 
serving me as an Interpreter, 
since the first of Sept r . is 25 
days @ 5 Livres 



To ditto p d . Baynton & Co: 
for Sundry Goods had of 
them, & given to sundry 
Chiefs, & parties of Indians 
who have visited this place 
before & since the late Con- 
gress, but were not present 
during the Treaty 



Liv s . Sols 
8092 1 



N°. 21 125 



22 9511 



400 



Sir William Johnson Papers 



To my Salary from the 1 7th 
day of April to this day, is 5 
Months & 8 days: @ £200 
SterR p r . Ann[um] is £87. 
14.4. @ 5 Liv s . p r . doll r . 
makes 



1800 



Liv*. 19608 10 



The whole Amount of the above, being Nineteen thousand Six 
hundred & Eight Livres, ten Sols, at five Livres p r . dollar, is in 
New York Curry. One thousand, five hundred Sixty eight Pounds, 
thirteen Shillings & Sevenpence. I have drawn on the Hon ble . Sir 
W m . Johnson for, in favour of Baynton Wharton & Morgan, 
or Order, dated FORT CHARTRES Sepf. 25th : 1 766. 

Edw d Cole 

indorsed: 

September 25th 1 766 Fort Chartres The Crown in 
Ace', with Edw d . Cole. 



ACCOUNT OF BAYNTON, WHARTON AND MORGAN 

Cop]) 1 

September 25, 1766 

The Crown 

To Baynton Wharton & Morgan D r . 
for the following Goods deliver'd by Order of Edward Cole Esq r . 
Commissary for Indian Affairs at the Illinois &c. Viz'. 



1 Printed in Illinois Historical Collections, 11:391-394; original in 
New York State Library was destroyed by fire. 



Land and Indian Affairs 1764-1773 401 

1 766 Livres 

August 14 th . 1 P r . Stroud 200 

1 2 Shirts 15/ 1 80 

12 P r . Leggings 8/ 96 

12 Breech Clouts 8/ 96 

30|/ 2 ft Kettles 5/ 152 10 

2 ft Virmillion 20/ 40 

12 1 * Powder 5/ 60 

30ft Ball 1/ 30 

10 Gallons Rum 15/ 150 

2|4 Brass Wire 5/11 5 

1 00 Flints 10/ 10 

1025 15 



18*. 



2 P s . Stroud 


200/ 


400 


1 P s . English 






Match 






Coating 


200/ 


200 


40 P r . of Legings 


8/ 


320 


28 Breech Clouts 


8/ 


224 


28 Shirts 


13/ 


420 


42 ft Kettles 


5/ 


210 


4 ft Virmillion 


20/ 


80 


1 5 Gallons of Rurr 


, 15/ 


225 


30ft Powder 


5/ 


150 


60ft Ball 


V 


60 


00 Flints 


10/ 


20 


1 Vi of Brass Wire 5/ 


7 10 


2 Tom Hawks 


10/ 


20 



2336 10 



Sep'. 12 th . 12 Match Coats 15/ 180 

12 Shirts \5/ 180 

12 Breech Clouts 8/ 96 



402 



Sir William Johnson Papers 





1 2 P r . of Leggings 


8/ 


96 










12^ Powder 


5/ 


60 










30ft Ball 


1/ 


30 










50 Flints 




5 










10 Gallons Rum 


15/ 


150 










2 tb Virmillion 


20/ 


40 










13 J/2 Kettles 

Continued 


5/ 


67 


10 


904 








Livres — 


10 




-4266 


15 


[page 2] 










Livres 


Sols 


1766 


Bro f . Over 








4266 


15 


Sep 1 . 16 th . 


30ft Powder 
80ft Ball 
200 Flints 
20 Gallons of Rum 
4 Fuzees 
1 P s . French 
Match 
Coating 
20 Shirts 

20 P r . of Leggings 
20 Breech Clouts 
4 ft Paint 
7 Strouds 


5/ 

1/ 
10/ 

15/ 
60/ 

15/ 

8/ 

8/ 

20/ 

20/ 


150 

80 

20 

300 

240 

300 
300 
160 
160 
80 
140 










14!4ft Kettles 


5/ 


71 


5 








l 3 /4ft brass Wire 


5/ 


8 


15 








5 best Tom Hawk: 


5 12 10 62 


10 


2072 












10 


19th 


80 tb Powder 
200 Ball 
6 Fuzees 


5/ 

1/ 
60 


400 
200 
360 









Land and Indian Affairs 1 764-1 773 403 



24*. 



400 Flints 


10/ 


40 






6 ft Paint 


20/ 


120 






12%» Wire 


5/ 


62 


10 












1182 10 


10M Wambum 


50/ 


500 






1 ft Thread to mak 


e 








Belts with 


10/ 


10 














510 


1 2 Shirts 


15/ 


180 






6 Strouds 


20/ 


120 






6 Match Coats 










French 


20/ 


120 






12 Pair of Legings 


8/ 


96 






6 Breech Clouts 


8/ 


48 






20>/ 2 ft brass Kettle: 


» 5/ 


102 


10 












666 10 


4 Shirts 


20/ 


80 






4 Scarlet Strouds 


25/ 


100 






4 Scarlet Legings 


10/ 


40 






2 Breech Clouts 


8/ 


16 






2 Gorgets 


30/ 


60 






8 ft Powder 


5/ 


40 






20» Ball 


V 


20 






50 Flints 5/ 










2^ Paint 20/ 




45 







2 14 ft brass Wire 


5/ 


11 


5 




2 Brass Kettles 










W«. 18|/ 2 ft 


5/ 


92 


10 





504 



404 



Sir William Johnson Papers 



Continued 




Livres 


9203 





[page 3] Bro'. Over 






Livres 


Sols 


1766 






9203 





September 25 th . 4 Gallons of Rum 


15/ 


60 







8 ft Powder 


5/ 


40 






20^ Ball 


1/ 


20 






40 Flints 


4/ 


4 






4 Match Coats 


15/ 


60 






4 Shirts 


15/ 


60 






4 P r . Legings 


8/ 


32 






4 Breech Clouts 


8/ 


32 












308 





Li 



ivres 



9511 



Fort Chartres Sep 1 . 25th 1766 Receivd of Edward Cole Esq r . 
Commissary for Indian Affairs at the Illinois the above Sum of 
Nine thousand five hundred & Eleven Livres at five Livres <p 
Dollar — having signd two Rec ts . of this Tenor & Date. 

Baynton Wharton & Morgan 



I do hereby certify that the foregoing Goods amounting to 
Nine thousand five hundred and Eleven Livres were given to 
Parties of sundry Tribes of Indians who have visited this place 
before & since the Treaty lately held here by Geo e . Croghan 
Esq r . & were not present at the said Treaty. Fort Chartres 
Illinois September 25 th . 1 766. 

Jn° Reed COL 

D. C. 34 Reg'. 

INDORSED: 

Baynton Wharton & Morgan N°. 22 



Land and Indian Affairs 1764-1773 405 

LOSSES OF RICHARD WINSTON 

D. 1 

Fort Chartres, Illinois, Nov. 14, 1 766. 









] 






38 


] 


[ ] 




16 




[ ] 




846 




[ ] 




240 




[ ] unt c 


>f 


300 




[ ] @ £2.13 


4 t^ O. 


133. 6.8 




[ ] @ 1/4 




40 




[ ] @ 6/1 




21.12 




[ ] @ 1/4 




100 




[ ] @ £20 




60 




[ ] @ £20 




40 




[ ] @ 6/6 




16. 5 






2415.13.8 





Then appeared personally before me, John Reed, Colonell, 
Lt. Colonell of the 34th Regiment, Commanding at the Illinois, 
the within named Richard Winston and did on the Holy Evange- 
lists of Almighty God, depose, declare and swear, that the within 
Acct. of Losses sustained by him at Wiotouan 2 on the River 
Wabash, and on the way from thence to New York, during the 
late Indian war, amounting to the Sum of Two Thousand Four 
hundred & fifteen pounds, thirteen shillings & eight pence, New 



1 First portion of this document is printed in Johnson Papers, 5:423; 
the latter part, copied before the fire, is printed in Illinois Historical Col- 
lections, 1 1 :432-33. 

2 Ouiatanon, near site of present Lafayette, Ind. 



406 Sir William Johnson Papers 

York Currency, is just and true according to the best of his knowl- 
edge. 

Rich. Winston 3 
Sworn before me the 
day & Year abov Written 
Jn°. Reed Col 
LA O. 34 Regim*. 



3 Winston was one of the traders who formed a company to recover 
their losses from the Indians by a grant of land. The company was called 
the Indiana Company. 



REPORT OF GEORGE CROGHAN 

D.S. 1 

New York January 18 lh . 1767 
Sir 

Having finished my Journey to the Illinois Country, and being 
returned hither, I now proceed, Agreeable to my Instructions, 
from your Honour, and his Excellency — Major General Gage, 
To report such matters & observations, as Occurred to me, during 
my negotiations with the Natives. 

Upon my Arrival at Fort Pitt, I found there, a great number 
of Six Nations, Shawanese Delawares, and Hurons, from San- 
duskey, who had waited some time, to see me. — 
I soon discovered, That they were greatly Chagrined, on 
Account of the Murder of some of their people, on the Frontiers 
of our Governments, and on the River Ohio — , which rendered 
it indispensably necessary, for me, with the Approbation of the 
Commanding officer, to open a Conference with them, and thereby, 



In Albany Institute of History and Art, Albany. 



Land and Indian Affairs 1764-1773 407 

to remove disgusts, which appeared to me, to be of a very Serious, 
and Important nature, to His Majestys Colonys. — & In this, 
I was lucky enough to Succeed. — 

From Fort Pitt, I proceeded to the Mouth of the River Sciota, 
in Company with Captain Gordon, 2 And there, I was met, by 
a considerable number of the Shawanese, Delawares, and San- 
dusky Indians, in Short by all the Chiefs and Warriors, of each 
Nation. — And understanding, That Twenty of the Shawanese, 
had Just returned from the Illinois Country — I Assembled all 
the Chiefs and Warriors with them in Council, I desired to hear 
what News They brought from thence. — They very frankly 
communicated it to me, And as I then Transmitted it, to your 
Honour from Sciota, I must now beg leave to referr you to it. — 
From Sciota, I found it absolutely expedient to send Deputies of 
these Nations, by Land, to the Wabash and Illinois Indians, in 
order to remove dangerous Jealousies, and Suspicions, which the 
French had Industriously propogated against us. — In so much, 
that these Nations, were made, to believe, we were coming with 
a numerous Army, to cut them off, and by Violence, to retain their 
Country. — 

Having settled matters with these Nations, and having thus 
dispatched the Deputies, to the Wabash and Illinois Indians — 
I proceeded with Caution, to the falls of the Ohio, And from 
thence, I sent forward, some Runners to the Mouth of the 
Wabash, To discover, whether the Deputies, I had forwarded 
from Sciota, had removed the Insidious Jealousys and designs, 
of the Indians, whom the French, had Collected there, to intercept 
me. — They met me near the mouth of the Wabash, And repre- 
sented to me, That the sev 1 . Partys of Warriors, which had been 
Collected there, were returned, They believed to their Towns. — 

Upon which, I dispatched, over Land, a Deputation of the 
Tribes, which went down with me, from Fort Pitt and Sciota, 
to the Kaskaskeys;' desiring, that the Chiefs and principal War- 



2 Captain Harry Gordon. See his Journal of this trip in Illinois His- 
torical Collections, 1 1 :290-31 I. 

3 Kaskaskia Indians. 



408 Sir William Johnson Papers 

riors, of their Nations there, might be Collected, against my 
Arrival, so that, no delay might be given to the Service, I was 
going on. — 

I arrived at Kaskaskeys, on the 19 th . of August and there 
found, a very considerable number of Indians of different Nations, 
Collected together, who received me with the Deputys, of the 
Six Nations, Shawanese, Delawares and Hurons, with great 
kindness. — 

On the 20 th . I set forward for Fort Chartres, in order to know 
of Colonell Reed, 4 when it would be Agreeable to him, to open 
a Conference with the several Nations — And to obtain of him, 
and of the Commissary of Indian affairs, every information I 
could, respecting the disposition and expectation, of the Indians. — 

Having finished this business, I returned to the Kaskaskeys, 
when the Chiefs of the Indians, Assembled there, & Called me 
and the Deputies of the Six Nations Shawanese Delawares and 
Hurons, to a Council, where, after the usual Ceremonies, in such 
Meetings, were over, they proceeded to an Adjustment of the 
difference, between the Western and Northern Confederacys; 
Occasioned by the Warriors of the Former, Striking and Plunder- 
ing me, and the Deputies of the latter, The last year, at the mouth 
of the Wabash ; And in Order, that a safe Communication, might 
be kept up, from Fort Pitt, Detroit and other Northern Posts, 
with the Illinois & an extensive Commerce, might be Carried on, 
with the numerous Nations, and for the general Good, of His 
Majesty's Indian Interest. — 

I Judged it, indispensably requisite for me, to interpose, as a 
Mediator, between these two great Confederacys — And my 
mediation, was Successfull, on the following Terms. 

That, that all Hostilities Should immediately cease, between 
them. — 

Secondly, That the Western Confederacy sho d . Acknowledge 
their Transgression, in Striking and Robbing me, And the Deputa- 
tion, from the Northern Tribes the year before. 



4 Col. John Reed of the 34th regiment. 



Land and Indian Affairs J 764-1 773 409 

Thirdly, That the Western Confederacy, shall also, Acknowl- 
edge themselves, to be younger Brothers to the Northern, and 
promise, that an inviolable friendship, Should Subsist between 
them, And that they would follow the Advice of their Elder 
Brothers, upon all future Occasions, And take care, that their 
Warriors, Should behave in a better manner, than they had 
done. — 

Affairs thus being fully Settled, between the two Confederacys, 
— I Acquainted them, that on the 24th I should open a Con- 
ference with them, at Fort Chartres. 

They Accordingly met me — And then I informed them, of 
the several matters, with which I was Charged by your Honour, 
And his Excellency General Gage. And I have now the Pleasure 
of Acquainting you, that, I Ratified and Confirmed a Peace with 
the Several Nations, on the following Terms. — 

First, They Acknowledged the King of great Britain to be 
their Father, and to have the Sovereignty of their Country. — 

Secondly, They engaged to deliver up to the Officers of His 
Majesty's Garrisons, such English Prisoners, as they had in their 
Country, and to return the Horses, which they had Stolen from 
the Troops, of Fort Chartres. — 

Thirdly. They Agreed, That His Britainnick Majesty's Troops 
might, whenever they thought proper, Occupy such Posts where 
the French had before, or make others, for the Security of Trade, 
wheresoever, His Majesty Judged best. — 

Fourthly, They Agreed, that they had Sold Lands to the King 
of France, to Erect Forts or Posts on, And also, Land to his 
Subjects, for all which, they had received a consideration. — 
That these Lands, they Agreed, the King of France, had a right 
to cede to the King of Great Britain, — But denied, That He 
had any right to cede, any other part of their Country, to his 
Britannick Majesty. — And to prove the truth of their Allega- 
tions, they referred to several Treaties, between them, and the 
King of France's officers, since their first entering their Country, 
as then deposited, in Fort Chartres. — 



410 Sir William Johnson Papers 

Fifthly, They informed me, that, they had never refused to 
make room, in their Country, for any of the King of France's 
Subjects, to Settle on, neither had they any Objection, at any 
time, to grant any part of their Country, to their Father, the 
King of England, Provided, they received a Proper Considera- 
tion for it, They sayd that the great Giver of Life, had given 
them that Country and the Wild Beasts thereon, for their sup- 
port and That their forefathers, had come thro' that Land, many 
hundred years, before an)) white Man had Crossed the great 
waters, wherefore, they looked upon themselves, as the Sole 
owners of it, And expected, That no part of it, Should be taken 
from them, before they were paid for it. — 

Sixthly, They Agreed to keep the Roads or Communication 
open, both by Land and Water, thro' all the Country, ceded by 
the King of France to great Britain, and hereafter to Trade 
with His Britainnick Majesty's Subjects, Provided they Sold 
to them, as Cheap as the French. — 

And Lastly, That they would hold fast the Covenant of Peace, 
and friendship, on their parts, while the Sun and Moon gave 
light, and the waters run, in Confidence, That due care will be 
taken, by their new Father the King of great Britain, and his 
Subjects, that come into their Country to maintain the same on 
their parts, And that, their Father would in every respect, Treat 
them, as kindly when they came to Trade or to Council, as the 
French King, had always done, whereby their Women and 
Children, might enjoy the blessings of Peace. — 

Having thus Settled matters with the several Nations, I next 
proceed, to enquire into the nature of Trade, — the manner it 
was Conducted, and the annual Valuation of it. — Upon our 
taking possession of Fort Chartres, The most considerable Trading 
people, that were settled at Kaskaskeys, Fort Chartres, and 
Kahoki, 5 removed to the opposite side of the Missisipi, from 
whence, they have Constantly, sent Traders up the Missisipi, 



5 Cahokia. 



Land and Indian Affairs 1764-1773 41 1 

as far as the falls of S f . Anthony, up the Illinois River to it's 
Sources, And even up the Wabash and Ohio Rivers, by which 
means, they have carried on, a most profitable — Trade in that 
Country tho' to us an illicit & impolitick one. — Impoliticly it is, 
to the last dgree, — For whilst the French are provided with 
French Manufactories from New Orleans, are permitted to go 
into the Indian Country to Trade (as they now do) I am Con- 
vinced, it will be very difficult, if not impossible, except at a vast 
Annual Expence in Presents, to retain the Indians, in our Interest; 
for they Spare no pains, to inflame their minds, with the Strongest 
prejudice against us; They having from their first Settlement 
there, carried on a very lucrative Trade, And therefore, are very 
Impatient at any Opposition from us. — 

From, the best Intelligence I could obtain, both at the Illinois, 
and at New Orleans, I am thoroughly convinced, that the Skins 
and Furrs, received there and Shipped to France, are not worth 
less than Eighty thousand pounds Sterling, one year with an- 
other — 

Of how great Importance, a Trade of this very extensive 
nature, carried on, with British Manufactories, only, and Espe- 
cially — when Duties to a great Amount would be Annually, 
received from it, greatly more than Sufficient to defray the 
expences of Treaties with the Natives? — I say, of how much 
Consequence, a Trade of this sort, is to be the Kingdom of great 
Britain, — I submit to your Honour's Judgment, and especially, 
when it is recollected, that after the Conquest of Canada, The 
French of the Illinois, had so much Address, as to poison even 
the minds, of all the Indians, residing on the Lafyes and of the 
Shawanese and Delawares, against us — And from thence, Sup- 
ply them, not only w th . Cloathing But Ammunition, to prosecute 
their dreadfull War, against our Colonys, — 

In Order to remove the present dangerous & Clandestine Trade, 
carried on by the French — I know of no Method, Effectually 
to do it, except by Errecting a Fort, immediately, at the mouth 
of the Illinois River, whereby they could be hindered, from going 



412 Sir William Johnson Papers 

into the Indian Country, and the British Traders, would enjoy 
a very Valuable Trafick, from the numerous Indians, who would 
come down, to our Posts, from Lake Michigan, and the great 
Tract of Country, lying between it & the Missisipi. — 

I am also of Opinion, that a Post Should be Erected on the 
Wabash, from whence the five Nations, who are Settled on that 
River, may be supplied with British Goods And all the French, 
except those who become English Subjects, be prevented from 
Trading there. — During my stay at New Orlean's, I made par- 
ticular enquiry in regard to their Trade, And discovered, that 
the principal Merchants there, purchased quantitys of Indian 
Goods, from Mobile and Pensacola, and thereby were enabled, 
to carry on their Contraband Trade, in the Illinois Country. — 

This is certainly, very unjustificable, as it will not only enable 
the French to rival us, in the furr Trade in Europe (the English 
Merchants in Mobile and Pensacola being never paid, in Peltrys) 
But thereby, the Crown looses a great Revenue, which she other- 
wise, would derive from it, If British Merchants, themselves, 
only carried on that Commerce. 

Finding, when I was at the Illinois, that a Strong connection 
subsisted between, the several Indian Nations, who reside on 
his Majestys' side of the Missisipi and the Missouri, and Arkansa 
Nations, who dwelt on the other, I Judged it for the Good of 
the Service, to send a Deputation from the Kaskaskeys, to inform 
them of the Ratification of Peace between the Western Con- 
federacy, and myself, in behalf of his Majesty, and the Northern 
Confederacy, and to assure them, that a free Trade, would be 
allowed to them with his Majesty's Subjects at Fort Chartres, 
or at any other Posts, possessed by his Majesty's Troops, in the 
Illinois Country, and on the River Missisipi. — 

Thus — Sir — I have in as Brief, and yet, in as circumstantial 
a manner as possible, Communicated to your Honour such matters, 
as have Occurred, and such Observations as I have made, during 
my Touer, from Fort Pitt, to the Illinois, and from thence, to 
New Orleans. — 



Land and Indian Affairs 1 764-1 773 413 

The taking possession of Fort Chartres, has been attended with 
great expence, as well as my negotiations, this year, to remove 
the uneasiness of the Shawanese, on Account of the Murder of 
their people, and in Consolidating a Peace with our Numerous 
New Allies, in the Illinois Country. — But when it is considered, 
That that Country, is the Frontier of all our Canadian Con- 
quests — , Is a place of a most extensive Trade, whereby the 
French are able to rival us, in the Fun business, And with all, is 
Capable if possessed by them, to involve, all these Colonys, into 
the very heavy expences and Calamities, of Repeated Indian 
Wars. — 

I humbly apprehend that the Retention of it, & its Valuable 
Commerce, will Amply Compensate, for the expences already; 
And what may hereafter be incurred, by the Nation — And 
especially, if the King's Ministers should think proper to form 
a Government there — whereby not only Fort Chartres, and all 
the Posts, in the Illinois, could be supplyed, very Cheaply, with 
Provisions, But those down the Missisipi, even as low, as at the 
Natches And at the Iberville. — Indeed, As to the two latter, 
I am persuaded they could be Supplied, much Cheaper, and 
better down Stream from the Illinois, than from Mobile or Pensa- 
cola. — 

I Cannot Conclude this Report, without Acquainting your 
Honour, with the Spirit Zeal & firmness which the Deputation 
from the Six Nations Shawanese Delawares & Hurons (who 
Accompanied me to the Illinois) Uniformly, manifested, for the 
British Interest. And therefore as they lost all the Hunting Sea- 
son, in our Service I must in Justice to them, and as a matter of 
necessary Policy, earnestly recommend, that you will recommend 
it to the Commander in Chief, to order the Commander of Fort 
Pitt and the Commissary of Indian affairs, immediately to make 
them a Suitable Present, for their Services. — 

I am with great respect, Sir 

Your [Honoujr's most Obfedient] 
and most Humble Serv 1 . 

Geo: Croghan 



414 Sir William Johnson Papers 

To The Honble SlR WlLLIAM JOHNSON Baronet 

Johnson-Hall 

The Names of the Several Nations of Indians with whom I 
held the Conference at Fort Chartres in the Illinois Country — 
The 
Peorias, 
Kaskaskeys, 
Mitchigamis, 
Cahokias, 
Pyankichaas, 
Wawiatanons, 
Kikapoos, 
Masquatamis, 
[Tweetch] wees, 
Poutewatemis, 
Sackees, 
Outagamis, 

With the Deputys of the Six Nations — 
Delawares Shawanese and Hurons, which 
Accompanied me from Fort Pitt and Sciota — 

The above mentioned 12; Nations of Indians, composed the 
Western Confederacy in the Illinois Country, The French during 
the late War, Divided them into 26, Tribes and appointed a 
Chief to each Tribe; so that now, they consider themselves as 
so many distinct Nations, [and] Which makes it more difficult 
to Transact business with them — Since that time, many of the 
Tribes, have divided from the rest — Left their old Settlements, 
and have Settled in other parts of the Country — 



Land and Indian Affairs / 764-1 773 415 

INDORSED: 

Report 1 of G. Croghan Esq r . 
Depy Agent, on his 
return from the Ilinois — 



1 A similar report, varying in only a few words and phrases, was sent 
by Crogham to General Gage. This report, dated Jan. 16, 1767, is 
printed in Illinois Historical Collections, 1 1 : 48 7-95. Another copy, dated 
Jan. 16, 1 767, or a draft, addressed to Sir William, is in the Illinois State 
Historical Library. 



FROM DANIEL BURTON 

L.S. 1 

Abingdon Street Westminster, Feb. 5 th . 1767. — 
Sir, 

I have received the favour of your letter of the 8 th . of Oct r . 2 
last, & am desired to return You the Soc f y s . most hearty thanks, & 
to assure You, that they think it a peculiar happiness to have your 
Assistance & direction, which they are confident will be of the 
utmost use in carrying on their designs with the best prospect of 
Success. The Soc'y. perfectly approve your Plan of an Establish- 
ment of Miss ries . & Catechists under them for the Indians, & will 
very readily make such an Appointment, when proper Persons 
can be procured: In order whereunto I have wrote to D r . Auch- 
muty, :i & desired him to consider, whether any of the graver & 
more approved Clergy in his Neighbourhood might be induced 
to undertake that employment, if a larger Salary than usual was 
allowed; which I am confident would readily be granted, in pro- 
portion to the merits & abilities of the Persons employed. M r . 
Ogilvie is likewise desired to give his Assistance on this Occasion ; 



1 In New York State Library. The postscript is in the hand of Dr. 
Burton. 

2 Johnson Papers, 5:388-91. 

3 The Reverend Dr. Samuel Auchmuty was appointed rector of Trinity 
Church, New York, in 1 764 and served until 1777. 



416 Sir William Johnson Papers 

that the Affair may be carried into Execution with all convenient 
dispatch. 

I must request the favour of You to acquaint us, whether any 
Attention is to be paid to what the Indians say concerning the 
Soc'y s . title to D r . Barclay's House & farm, 4 if a Miss f y. be 
appointed there, & what the yearly Value of it may be. 

The Soc'y. are greatly obliged to You for your kind interposi- 
tion in behalf of the Church of Schenectady, & engaging the 
GoV. to add his influence & Authority ; will very readily appoint 
a Miss r y. there, as soon as a Worthy Man is recommended; & 
desire You to continue your Attention to that Place, that the 
designs of the Soc'y. & those of the Members of the Chh of Eng- 
land there may not be dissappointed by the violent opposition 
raised against them. 

Great acknowledgements are also due to You on our part for 
your intention of using your Interest with the Indians to obtain 
a Grant of Lands for the establishment of Miss nes . among them; 
which must indeed be a great means to make such an establishment 
permanent. 

I had almost forgot to mention the Soc'y s . full approbation of 
employing & encouraging such Mohawk Lads, as are qualified 
to act in the Capacity of Ushers being sensible what great use & 
advantage this may be to remove any prejudices they may have 
reced. Nor must I conclude without requesting You, when the 
multiplicity of your affairs will permit, to enlarge more fully & 
give us your whole thoughts on your excellent Scheme, which 
from the part You have already suggested, so perfectly merits the 
Soc f y s . esteem & attention. 

I am with very great respect 
Your most Obedient 
& very humble Servant 

D Burton 

"'Since the writing of this letter, your Son Sir John Johnson 
hath done me the honor to call at my house, & delivered your 



4 Cf. Johnson Papers, 10:241 -42 ; and 1 I :555,767. 
B Postscript in hand of Dr. Burton. 



Land and Indian Affairs 1764-1773 417 

letter of the 8 th . of November last: I was so unfortunate as to 
be from home; have returned his visit with the same success. 
But I have the satisfaction of informing You, that the Society 
most readily embrace the opportunity of testifying their great 
regard for You, by being very willing to appoint a Miss r y. for 
Johnson-hall ; & I will make it my particular business to procure, 
if possible, a person that shall answer your expectations : 

D B. 

Feb. 21 — 1767. 

INDORSED: 7 

London Febr?. 5 th . 1 767 — 



D r . Burtons Letter. 



6 Johnson Papers, 5:413-15. 

7 In Sir William's hand. 



TO CHARLES READ 

L.S. 1 

Johnson-hall 14 th . Feby 1767 

Sir — 

I have had the favor of your Letter of 20th Dec r . 2 concerning 
the Execution of Seamor :i for the murder of the Oneida Indian, 
which was delivered to me by the bearer a few days ago, when 
a Number of persons of that Nation were at this place to whom 
I imediately communicated the particulars, and expatiated on the 
Justice of your Province in bringing him imediately to punish- 
ment recommending it to them to follow so laudable an example, 
with which they seemed much affected, and I hope it will have 



1 In Thomas Gilcrease Institute of American History and Art, Tulsa, 
Okla. In Guy Johnson's hand. 

2 Not found. 

3 For the trial of Seymour for the murder of an Indian, see Johnson 
Papers, 5:419-20. 



418 Sir William Johnson Papers 

its good consequences, to which end I shall make a proper use 
of it, at my first Gen 1 . Congress with the whole Six Nations. — 
You very Judiciously procured Abraham to be present which 
should always be done in such occasions, for unless some of their 
own People are Witnesses, their Suspicions of our integrity 
(occasioned by the indiscretion of some people on the frontiers) 
might render it doubted, & I am persuaded, if the like conduct 
was universal it Would produce the most happy effects. 

I am, with much Esteem, 
Sir, 
Your most Obed f . Humble Servant 

W. Johnson 
The Honble Cha s . Read Esq r . 4 



4 Justice of the Supreme Court of New Jersey. 



A TRADER S BOND 

Contemporary Copy 1 

[April 3, 1767] 
Copy of Bond entered into by the Traders going out to winter 
among the Indians — 

Know all men by these Presents that we 2 do 

owe, and are indebted to our Sovereign Lord the King in the Sum 
of 2 lawful money of great Britain for the true 

Payment of which we bind our selves our Heirs Executors and 
Administrators firmly by these Presents In Witness whereof we 
have hereunto set our hands, and Seals at Michillimacinac this 
2 day of 2 1767 — 

The Condition of this Obligation is such that if the above 
bounden (Person going out) do not trade, traffic, or barter, or 
cause to be traded trafficked, or bartered any of his Goods for 
Fur, or Peltry at any Post whatever not mentioned in his Pass of 



1 In Canadian Archives, Indian Records, Vol. 7. 

2 Blank in the manuscript. 



Land and Indian Affairs 1764-1773 419 

this date, nor carry with him any spiritous Liquors to sell or give 
to the Indians directly, or indirectly which is in the said Pass 
excepted, or that he the said 2 do not refuse to aid, 

and assist as much as in his power lies (consistent with his own 
safety) all licensed Traders whatsoever, or do not commit, or 
cause to be Committed any unjust Act, whereby the public Peace, 
the lives or Properties of any of his Majesty's Subjects, may be 
endangered, the Character of the British Nation, or the trade 
thereof be injured, or that he the said 2 do not 

refuse to aid, and assist in suppressing any illicit trade, or in 
Seizing the Persons, and Effects of any Contraband traders from 
foreign Markets, or any Traitors, or People Stirring up the 
Indians against his Majesty if thereunto required & by persons 
lawfully authorized, and further that he do behave in this and 
all other Occasions as a true, and loyal subject, in Studying the 
Peace, and Commercial Interest of the British Nation, and return 
to this Place in the space of twelve Calendar months from the 
Date hereof, then this Obligation to be void, and of no Effect 
or else to remain in full Force and Virtue. 
Sealed & D d . } 

in the Presence of (j 



A PASS TO JAMES MORRISON 

Contemporary Copy 1 

[Quebec, April 1 3, 1767.] 
Copy of Governor Carleton's Pass to James Morrison — 
transmitted to Guy Johnson Esq r . Depy. Ag f . 
By the Hon ble . Guy Carleton Lieutenant Governor & Com- 
mand r . in chief of the Province of Quebec, Brigadier General 
of his Majesty's Forces &c &c &c. — 

25 Casks Brandy — His Majesty having been graci- 

16 Bales — ously pleased to declare, and en- 



1 In Canadian Archives, Indian Records, Vol. 7. 



420 



Sir William Johnson Papers 



3 Boxes — 
300 lb Gunpowder — 

9 Fusees — 

9 Baggs Shot 

1 Canoe — 

7 Men 
Value of the 
above Goods — 
£450 lawful Money — 
Edw d . wm. Gray — 



By th< 



le Lieu 1 . Governor's 
Command — }* 

I. GOLDFRAP Dy. Secry.J 

L.S. 



join by Proclamation given at his 
Court of S*. James's the Seventh 
day of October one thousand 
seven Hundred, and Sixty three 
that the trade with the Indians 
shall be free, and open to all his 
Subjects whatever. In Obedience 
thereto this License is given unto 
James Morrison of the City of 
Montreal Merchant to pass un- 
molested with the Canoes, and 
Merchandize specified in the mar- 
gin, to Toronto — and from 
thence to such Markets, or Parts 
as he shall find most advantageous 
for the Disposal of said merchan- 
dize, Provided always that such 
Places are not prohibited by the 
Regulations his Majesty has been 
pleased to give by himself, or by 
the Superintendant, or Commis- 
saries by him appointed to direct 
the Indian trade, the said James 
Morrison having given Bond to 
observe, and pay due Obedience 
thereto. — 
This License to be in Force for twelve 
Months, and no longer. — 

Given under my Hand, and 
Seal at Arms at the Castle 
of Saint Lewis in the City of 
Quebec this 13 th . day of 
April 1 767. — 
GUY CARLETON. — 



1 



Land and Indian Affairs 1764-1773 421 

RETURN OF EMPLOYEES IN THE INDIAN SERVICE 

Copy 1 

[April 15, 1767] 2 
A Return of pople Imploy d . in the Indian Depertment att the 
Iliniois Detroit & fort pitt 

Att Iliniois 
A Comisary £ 200: Sterling 

A Gunsmith 100: D°. 

An Interpreter 80: D°. 

A Doctor 80: D°. 



460 
Att Detroit 

A Comisary £ 200: Sts. 

A Gunsmith 100: D°. 

An Interpreter 80: D°. 

An Interpreter fer y e . Hurens 80: D°. 



460 
att Fort Pitt 

A Comisary £ 150: St«. 

A Gunsmith 80: D°. 

An Interpretor 80: D°. 

A Docter 80: D°. 



390 
the Gineral May think od of a Doctor being Wanted att Those 
posts Butt its Imposable to Do without one att Fort Pitt as there 
is Such a vast Resort of Indians & Warr partys passing Continuly 
by that post. 

INDORSED : 

Sallarys Agreed on for the 
Sever 1 . Officers in the Western 
District 



1 Printed in Illinois Historical Collections, 1 1 :557; original in Johnson 
Manuscripts, in hand of George Croghan, destroyed by fire. 

2 Undated, but probably inclosed in Croghan's letter of April 15, 1 767. 



422 Sir William Johnson Papers 

REGULATIONS FOR INDIAN TRADE 
Contemporary Copy 1 

[May /, 1767] 

By the Hon bIe . Sir W m . Johnson Bar 1 , his Majestys Sole Agent 
and Superintendant of Indian affairs: 

Orders and Regulations respecting the Indian Trade, and 
Dutie of Comissaries throughout the department in Consequence 
of his Majesty's Orders Signified By his Secretary of State: 

That every Person desirous of Trading with the Indians Shall 
first obtain a proper Pass from the Governor of the Colony from 
whence he came, and Shall enter into a recognizance to abide By 
the Regulations, which now are or hereafter Shall be Thought 
Necessary. 

That the Traders Shall on their arrival at each post lay before 
the Comisaire, their Pass with an Exact Invoice of all their Goods 
&c. and that they do not By any means breack Bulck, without the 
Comisaries knowledge and Permission, nor refuse him a State of 
the Traffic, and Pelltery when he Shall demand it. 

That no Trader presume to pass any post the residence of a 
Comisarie, without first Shewing the Comissarie his Pass, Specify- 
ing the place he is to Trade, and if no particular post be therein 
mentionned that than the Comisarie Shall give Such Trader a 
permit to go to the next post where a Comisaire resides, and Such 
Trader Shall go immediatly to Said post without breaking Bulck 
By the Way, and when there, Shall produce his pass and Invoice 
as before directed, to the Comisarie who Shall immediatly report 
to the Comissary who gave the permit the day of Such Traders 
arrival, and whether his Goods agree with the Invoice — and that 
no Trader having passed a post be admitted to Trade at another 
without a permit from the Comissarie of the post he so passed. 

That every Trader do take care to be allways provided with, 
and constantly make use of Just Weights and Measures as any 



1 In Canadian Archives, Indian Records, Vol. 15. Cf. Orders for 
Regulation of Trade, Johnson Papers, 1 1 :5 35 . 



Land and Indian Affairs 1764-1773 423 

Errors therin in Trade with the Indians, will be for the future 
considered as willfull — 

That the Trade with the Indians throughout the department be 
confined entirely to the posts and that nothing but the most absolut 
Necessity from the peculiar Situation of the Indians North of 
Laike Hurron Shall Justify any Permision given to Traders from 
Misilimakinac to go amongst the Tribes - and any Trader So 
going out Shall be answerable for all consequences and not Expect 
the protection or Redress of Government — 

That no Trader presume to beat or abuse any Indian or Send 
any Belts of Wampum or Messages to any Nations or Individuals 
whatsoever, or to hold meetings with them on any Occassion, or 
use any unfair practises to draw in the Indians to Trade with him, 
or them, or force away their Peltry under pretence of their being 
in debt, as all Traders who Volonterily credit the Indians must 
abide By the consequences. 

That a Tariff be Established By the Comissary early Every 
Spring on the most Equitable Terms, for both Traders and 
Indians that all Traders abide thereby, that the Traffic be 
carried on at each post By day light in the most public manner, 
and that the Traders avoid Taking pledges particularly Arms 
and Medals — 

That the Traders do Strictly observe and follow those regula- 
tions on pain of having their Bond put in Suit and of being other- 
wise dealt with for the Neglecting this ordre of Governm': 

That the Comissarys cause frequent inquiry to be made whether 
any Persons be Trading in the rivers, Bay's &c f . or along any of 
the Laikes and if any Such there are that he apply to the Com- 
manding officer for assistance to bring Such Trader away, and 
that the Comissaries do constantly acquaint the Commanding 
officer of any material Occurrance or how many Traders have 
past the post and whom 

That the Comissaries do Corresspond constantly with each other 
Communicating Every Thing Necessary, the bettre to enable them 
to detect frauds and abuses, and to transact the affairs comitted 
to their charge agreable to his Majestys Intentions 



424 Sir William Johnson Papers 

That the Comissaries carefully inspect into the Conduct of the 
Interpreters who are employed Solely for the uses of the Depart- 
ement, that they Likewise See that the Smiths are diligent and 
Work faithfully for the Indians, without fee or reward. 

That the Comisaries do for the future regularly Correspond 
with and report to the deputy agents of the district in which they 
are Viz*, those of Fort Pitt, Illnois, Detroit with George Groghan 
Esq r . Deputy for the Western district, those of the Province of 
those of the Province of Quebec (when appointed) with Daniel 
Claus Esq r . deputy agent, those of Misilimakinac, Niagra and 
Ontario with Guy Johnson esq r . deputy agent for the midle 
district, and those of Nova Scotia (when appointed) with Joseph 
Goreham Esq r . deputy Agent, which agents are to report to the 
Superintendant. 

Lastly that these Orders and regulations be posted up at all 
the Guarrisons throughout the departments where Comisarys re- 
side that none may plead Ignorance thereof. 

The above a True Copy of the regulations for Indians Trade 
transmitted to Brigadier Gen 1 . Carleton By Cap* 11 . Claus By Sir 
William Johnson's Ordre As mentioned in the postscript of his 
letter to the General of the 1 st . May 1 767. 2 

Quebec the 9 ,h . 8 br . 1 767. 

By the L l . Gouvernours Command 

(Signed) H. T. CRAMAHE 



2 Not found. See request of Carleton for a copy of the regulations in 
his letter of April 14, 1767. Johnson Papers, 5:537. 



Land and Indian A fairs 1764-1773 



425 



TO JOHN FARREL 

May 19*. 1767 — 
M R . Farrel — 

I will Accept Your Bill from M r . Matthew Wade 2 on Me for 
Three Hundred pounds York Currency, As Soon as General 
Gage Sends Me the Money for the Same, which will be in a 
Month or Two I imagine. — The Money will be verry Secure 
to You, As Gov r . Carleton has Certified the Acctt of M r . Wades. 
— w h . Acct I this Day rec d . — 

I am 

Sir 
Y r . Humble Servant 
W. Johnson 



ADDRESSED : 



INDORSED 



To 

M r . John Farrel 
at Still Water 

John Johnsons 3 
Letter 

To 
John Farrel 



1 In New York State Library. 

2 See Johnson Calendar, p. 355. 

3 This incorrect indorsement may be of a later date. 



426 Sir William Johnson Papers 

EDWARD COLE TO GEORGE CROGHAN 

Cop)) 1 

Fort Chartres July 3 d . 1767 
Dear Sir 

You will receive this by the hands of M r . Messonville, 2 who is 
a goeing to get his Accot. paid, I have Exam d . them, and 

Cirtified them, as I really think, he could not avoid those Expences, 
I hope you will Interest yourself in his behalf, as I think he de- 
serves Favours, and I believe him to be a very honest man, and 
as much of an Englishman as is possible for a Frenchman to be, 
but as you know him better then I — and what directions you gave 
him I need say no more, only refer you to him to know the dis- 
potions of the Indians on the Ouabach and the nature of our 
Government. 

The Indians About here, seem well disposed as also those from 
the Messourie, that have been with me. Many more would have 
been here before this had not the war between these nations, the 
Sakies and Reynards prevented, but I am told they are now on the 
way from an Imense distance up the Messourie, I assure you I 
have but little time to myelf — their Numbers are beyound any 
thing I could conceive, and the Great Lenity always Shewn them 
by the French — they now Expect to continue, and a Veriety of 
Circumstances makeing this Indulgence Necessary — absolutely 
overcomes me with Fatigue — I wish I had some one to assist me 
— Pedigogue who came with me from Detroit, died some Little 
time past, I assure you he was a good man and behaved well 
amongst his people, The nation assembled before me in order to 
have another chief — Young Dequoney being the next heir, he 
was Unanimously pitched on if agreeable to me, I could have no 
objections knowing him to be a fine young fellow not Debauched 
with Liquors, and from the readiness he Shews to receive advice 
and his Good behavour, makes me think he will become one of 



1 Printed in Illinois Historical Collections, 1 1 :580-81 ; original manu- 
script, badly mutilated, was printed in Johnson Papers, 5:578-79. 

2 Alexander Maisonville. 



Land and Indian Affairs 1764-1773 All 

the Greatest chiefs in this country — Voudra who was with you at 
Detroit, was here the other day with some Indians from the post, 
he Says you appointed, him Interpreter at the post, and that he 
was to have five Hundred livers a Year, and wanted me to pay 
him, but his not haveing it from under your hand, and your not 
mentioning it to me I would not pay him which much displeased 
him, And also Flamboise who Expected to be paid as Last year 
for his Jorney Tho. they boath knew I had an Interpreter here. 
Notwithstanding they Refused the Employ last year Either would 
Gladly accept it now, but I think I am much better Supplyed — 
I hope the Smith will be soon here, or that I shall know whither 
there is one or no a Comeing, as a very good one now offers. My 
Comp s . to all friends 

I am D r . Sir Your mos 1 . ob*. Serv 1 . 

Edw d Cole 
addressed : 

On his Majesty's Service 
To George Croghan Esq r . Dep. 
Superintendant of Indian affairs 
Fort Pitt. 



INDORSED 



Fort Chartres July 3 d 1 767 — From Corny Cole to 
G Croghan Esq r . 



JOURNAL OF DANIEL CLAUS 

AD. 1 

[Aug.19-Sept17,1767] 

1767. Aug*. 19 th . Arriv d . at Montreal 2 
24 th . went to Caghnawy. 



1 In Canadian Archives, Claus Papers, Vol. 21 . Diary No. 5. 

2 According to Sir William's letter to Gage, Aug. 6, 1 767, Claus set 
out for Canada, Aug. 7, 1 767, Doc. Hist. N.Y., 2 :860. 



423 Sir William Johnson Papers 

Aug 1 . 25 th . held a Meeting at Caghnawagey where I condoled 
in form [for] the Death of an old Chief Tharough-wandats in 
whose place was unanimously chosen a young Warr r . called 
Takanundye & the Medal of the decea[s]ed put ab'. his Neck 
with the usual ceremony. 

Then saluted them in behalf of S r . W m . Johnson and delivered 
them his Message and told them of the intented Peace with the 
Cherokees & 6 Nat s . 

Also acquainted them of the Murder committed by 2 Chip- 
pways on Cap 1 . Sinclairs Servant," — as well as the Misunder- 
standing between the Senecas & Missisageys. 

26 th . Sent a Summons to the Aughquisasne Ind ns . 

Set out with a chief 2 Interp r . & 4 young Ind ns . in Canoe for 
the Lake of 2. Mount 5 , alias Canegh got as far as the End of the 
Island lodged at one Thos. Pilon Tav n . keep 1 ". 

27 ,h . Arrived at the Lake after 8 a.m. 

The 3 Nat s . apprized me by a String of W: of the dead of 
one Canadasse a chief who was barbarously murdered last Spring 
by a parcell of drunk". Ind ns . I desired a Meeting of the 3 Nats. 
being met they Saluted me and by way of Introduct". acqut d . 
me that since my Absence 8 of their people Lost their Lives by 
drunkeness occasioned by the Quantities spirit s . Liq rs . that was 
sold among them all over ; 

I then proceeded with the Ceremony of Condolence as follow 85 . 

1 . Three Strings to wipe the Tears clear the Throat open 
the Ears. 

2. A black Strowd & ca . to cover the Grave of the dead. — 

3. A Belt to rise or replace the dec sd . by another chief. 

4. To gather the Bones of the dead and put them out of Sight 

a Belt 

5. To exhort the Warr rs . to Obedience of their Elders. 

a String 



3 Cf. Johnson to Gage, July 1 I, 1767, Doc. Hist. N.Y., 2:858; and 
Sinclair's protest of his loss, Johnson Papers, 5:825. 



Land and Indian Affairs 1764-1773 429 

6. To [cleanse] sweep the Council Room And dress up the 

fire & make it burn clear. — 

a String 

7. To clear the Sky and make the Sun Shine bright. 

a Belt 
then ended — 

In the Evening they gave their Answ r . upon every Article 
before mentioned by returns. Thanks, as to the replacing the dead 
Chief they would apprize me whenever they had chosen one. 

Then they harangued very long upon the Quantity of Liquour 
being sold them in particular by one Murray who would sell them 
Rum in Spite of all Complaints they made & were making dayly, 
as it seemed he had more Influence & Eloquence with the Magis- 
trates who gave him a License to sell than they, since not with- 
standing all their Remostr ces . he still was allowed to sell Liquor 
to them w ch . at last must terminate in y e . violation the Peace 
between them & their Bretheren the English & d[e/j/e]isturb 
the Earth ; And the said Murray might ever so much deceive his 
Superiors by fair & groundless Declarations of not selling Liquor 
to them, they could prove the contrary by the several Pledges 
now in his Possession for Liquor ( : mentioning them as herafter 
specified:) wherefore they must beg for the preservation of Peace 
to have s d . Murray removed, as being a dangerous person, who 
did not care how much the public Tranquility suffered prov d . he 
could sell Rum to [Ind m .] them. 

28 th . Gave a Treat of 2 Oxen to the 2 Villages and every 

thing belongs, thereto being prepared I spoke to them in the 

middle of their Village before the Feast was given about, And 

answered them ab f . their Complaint of Liquor that it would be 

remedied by an Officers & party coming to reside near them &ca. 

Then spoke to them about their Divisions, reunited them by a 

large Belt of Wampum and reestablished an old Nipisin Cheif 

whom they had degraded unknown to me, put up a new Maypole 

before his house (: as customary with the Ind ns . of that Vill e .) 

& cut down the one irregularly erected in the presence of the 

whole Village & very mortifying to some. 

a large Belt. 



430 Sir William Johnson Papers 

29. Returned after receiving the Thanks of the 3 Nations for 
yesterdays Speech and on my embarking was saluted with 3 
chambers & 3 rounds of Musq r y. by the whole Village, arrived 
at Caghnawy. late at Evening the Aughquisasnes not come. 

30 th . Returned to Montreal. Co 1 . Rob ,s . arrived. — 

3 1 . No Acco'. of the Aughquis e . 

Sept r . 1 . Set out for Caghnaw^. on my Arriv 1 . at La Chin the 
Aughq s . with pere Gordon 4 arrived crossed and immed'y. called 
them to meet me. As the proceedg s . of the Meetings shows. — 

4. Wrote by Thom Wileman 5 

9 th . Gave them a paper in English & french that they have 
it in their power to chuse or refuse a Trader to live at their 
Village. 

1 0. Set for S f . Francis after sending a letter w th . my Acc 0,s . 
to S r . W m .° by C n . Campbell. Arrived at Sorrell a Vessell con- 
signd to Haren from Col : Christi, to Load Boards. Lodgd at 
Provincalls who gave me the part rs . of Head ns . Death. 

1 1 . Arrived at S l . Francois 3 chambers saluted entered the 
Village condoling reced w th . great Demonstr". of Joy being the 
first Time, Lodgd at Jos h . Louis's 

12 th . Proceeded upon Bus s . in Conjunct". w ,Jl . the Caghnaw s . 

13. Gave their Answ r . with the pet", ab*. their Lands s. — 

14. Left the Village by myself in a Birch Canoe & 3 Ind ns . 
for Quebec. The Caghn s . being pressd to stay [arrived] crossed 
the Lake in a fine Calm & arrived at point du Lac. 

15. Set out early a very foggy Morn§. stoped at 3 Riv rs . 
to take in Prov s . arrived at M r . Evrars Seigny. the Tyde observa- 
ble in the Lake S*. Francis begins to be strong here. 

16. passt several Sloops the channel becomes very intricate 
& narrow on Acco'. of the Shoals on both Sides passed the Rapids 
of Richelieu w ch . I believe are not 500 Yards broad very rocky 



4 Anthony Gordon, Jesuit missionary. 

5 Thomas Wildman. 

,; Letter of September 9, 1 767, mentioned in Claus to Sir William, 
Sept. 29, 1 767, Johnson Papers, 5:707. 



Land and Indian Affairs / 764-1 773 431 

on both Sides & at low water almost dry for half a Mile from the 
Shore — arrived at one Germains — N.B. The Bank of the River 
above 1 00. yards high perpendicular of Height. 

1 7. The Wind & Tide ahead obliged To lay by the latter 
made so quick that our Canoe was taken away before we could 
get to the Riv rs . Side & the Ind ns . obliged to wade & swim for it. 7 



7 This journal ends at this point, although Claus in his letter to Sir 
William, Sept. 29, 1 767, stated that he returned from his excursion to 
St. Francis etc. "last Sunday," Sept. 27, which had lasted 17 days. 
Johnson Papers, 5 :707. 



JOURNAL OF DANIEL CLAUS 

A.D. 1 

[October 4, 1767] 
At a Meeting of the Iroquois of Caneghsad>\ held the 4 th . of 
Oct". 1767 — 

Karundacky begun with the Cerem>\ of Salutation & safe 
Arrival here to w ch . I returned them my thanks. Then desired 
them to repeat to me the Complaints they made before Col°. 
Jones 2 when I was at Quebec, that I might hear them & give 
them my Opinion thereupon, 

In the Afternoon they met and the Cagnawageys opened the 
Counc 1 . P r . Assarigoa with respect to their Message w ch . is to 
put them in Mind & renew the old Agreem 1 . [of] made by their 
forefathers w ch . was that all the Nations in Canada should enjoy 
a free hunting wherever they thought proper that there should 
be no claim of property of any particular Spot, but all Ind ns . 
in General should equally enjoy the Liberty of hunting in the 
woods, [whenever they thought proper.] w cfl . their wise fore- 



1 In Canadian Archives, Claus Papers, Vol. 2 1 , Diary No. 5. 

2 Lt. Col. Valentine Jones of the 5 2d. regiment. See Johnson Papers, 
5:635. 



432 Sir William Johnson Papers 

fathers concerted & agreed upon in order to prevent Jealousies 
& Envy w ch . they but justly foresaw must produce Disputes & 
Quarrels & finally [&] bring on their Destruction. And there- 
fore gave them their advice to [/iear] use the Wood with the same 
freedom as they would a Kettle with Victuals when invited to 
a feast and with one Spoon & one Knife to eat all together 
sociably & without begrudging those that had a better appetite 
& eat more than others 

Then they [gave their Answer] proceeded upon what I desired 
them this Morng. & said they sent a Deputation to Montreal to 
thank the GoV. for redressing them in their Complaints ag st . the 
Sale of Liquor in appointing a person meaning Cap*. Slosser 3 to 
stop the selling of Rum among them, that at the same Time they 
thought their Village [place] where he intended to fix himself 
improper for that purpose since there was no Retailors of Liquor 
in their Village but at Vandreuil where they received most hurt 
from Liquor being sold there in spite of all Authority & would 
be as long those persons remained there. 

I then replied that Cap'. Slosser intended to move over to 
Vandreuil the day after to Morrow, that I believed in the Spring 
he would post himself at Carnll n . 4 and that I should this Winter 
use my Endeavours w ,h . S r . W m . to have all the Rum Stoped 
in the Provinces &c a . 

They gave their Answer satisfactorily to the Caghnaw s . and 
desired me to make the Six Nations acquaint with it, w ch . I 
promised them to do. 






3 Capt. John Joseph Schlosser was appointed by Governor Guy Carleton 
to enforce ordinances against retailers of liquor. Johnson Papers, 5:650. 

4 Carillon on the Ottawa River. 



Land and Indian Affairs 1764-1773 433 

JOURNAL OF GEORGE CROGHAN 

D. 1 

[October 16-December 17, 1767] 

October 16 th . 1767 

I got to Fort Pitt where I mett several Shawanese, Delawares, 
and Senecas. I took an Opportunity of speaking to each of them 
seperately, and enquired of them the reason of that great Meeting 
of the several Nations, which I was informed, was to be held at 
the lower Shawanese Town 2 this Fall, and what they thought, 
could be the cause of so many Nations Meeting at that Season, 
which is the Time, they generally go a hunting. 

Each of them told me, they did not know the true cause of it 
— That it was said their Meeting was to settle some disputes, 
which had happened among the Nations, who were to meet there; 
And to renew their Ancient Councils; but that their Chiefs cer- 
tainly knew what the intention of their Meeting was, better than 
they did. 

The Shawanese and Delawares informed me, that their Chiefs, 
this last Summer had a private Council with the Senecas, to which 
they called all the principal Warriors but that they knew nothing 
of what was transacted at that Council. — that they heard their 
Chiefs say, they would inform me of it. 

1 7 th . A Young Shawanese Man, informed me that his Uncle 
(One of the Chiefs of that Nation) was coming up with him from 
their Towns, to inform Me of the News, that was passing amongst 
them. That a Runner had overtaken them, which obliged his 
Uncle to return to the lower Shawanese Town. Since that he heard 
there was a second Message sent by the Chipawas, and Ottawas, 
to acquaint the Delawares and Shawnese, that the Meeting of 
the several Nations, which was proposed this fall was put off, 



1 In William L. Clements Library; latter part in handwriting of Alex- 
ander McKee, and partly mutilated, was printed in Johnson Papers, 
6:10-1 1 . This journal has been printed and thoroughly anotated by 
Howard H. Peckham (Ann Arbor, University of Michigan Press, 1939.) 

2 On the Scioto River, near present Chiilicothe, Ohio. 



434 Sir William Johnson Papers 

untill next March, and that the Shawanese and Delawares, might 
go a hunting for the Winter, — but desired that none of them 
might go far from their Villages. This Indian further informed 
me, that his Uncle told him the Night before the Runner over- 
took them, that the Senecas and Western Nations, was deter- 
mined to Strike the English in the Spring. — That they had 
invited the Delawares and Shawnese to Join them, and that he 
was then coming up to inform Me of their designs, and of the 
reasons the Senecas, gave for making War on us. M r . Maison- 
ville, who is just come from the Ouabache, gives Me the following 
Account of the State of the Nations residing on that River. 3 
He says — Those Nations expected last Spring a Trading Place 
would have been fixed in their Country for them to Trade at, 
which had been promised them. — That some of their Chiefs 
went to Fort Chartres, to enquire why a Place was not fixed 
agreable to the promise made them. — And was Answered there 
was no Orders come for that purpose. — After that, they went 
to Detroit, on the same Business, and returned much dissatisfied, 
having received the same Answer. Since that they behave very 
Sulky and complain that the English despise them, and say, that 
is the reason [Wrp] they do not establish a Place of Trade in 
their Country, as they have among all the other Nations round 
them, — That the French Traders who come into their Country, 
sell them Goods as Dear as they used in time of War, and that 
the English even try to prevent them of getting Goods that way, — 
by Ordering the French Traders to leave their Country, — That 
if the English did not fix Places of Trade, and open a Trade 
with them, as they promised and had given to the Nations round 
them — altho' it was contrary to their inclinations, yet, if forced 
they would Plunder both the English and French, as they must 
live and have Cloaths. 

M r . Masonville says, he is certain that the great Number of 
little French Traders, who go amongst these Nations — Spirit 



'■'• The five tribes settled on the Wabash were: Kickapoos, Weas, 
Piankashaws, Mascoutens and Miamis. 



Land and Indian Affairs 1764-1773 435 

them up against the English, by telling them, the English will not 
suffer them to have any Trade, and if they are catched trading 
with them, that the English will hang them — by Propagating 
these and the like Stories — Those Indians have concieved a 
prejudice against the English, which will be very difficult to 
remove. 

24 th . Sett out from Fort Pitt to Detroit. 

27 th . Came to a large hunting Village of the Delawares, where 
I met some Chiefs and Warriors of that Nation, who pressed me 
to stay with them that and the day following, which I agreed to. 

28 th . In the Morning We met at a fire prepared by the Indians 
for that purpose. ' I informed them that I was going to Detroit to 
restore their Friends the Two Chippawas that had been sent 
Prisoners to Albany. They Answered, that they were glad to 
hear it, as the Nations over the Lakes were making a great com- 
plaint to their Allies — that every little Crime which any of their 
People committed in their drink — was taken great Notice of 
by the English, and their People sent Prisoners to be hanged — 
When the English at the same time refused to punish their 
Negroes 4 for Murdering their People before their faces, and 
that they were not able to obtain Justice from the English for 
any injuries they did them/ The Delawares reply'd We know 
this to be true; we could never obtain Justice from you, when 
any of our People were Murdered by Yours; When at the same 
time, if any of our People took a Horse from Yours, you always 
followed us, and insisted for Satisfaction. — They then said, 
We do not mention this in Anger, tho' We have suffered, only 
to let you know, that we are sensible when we are ill treated, 
and do not forget the injuries done us. 

In Answer to this, I used every Argument in my Power to 
convince them, That every step that was in the Power of the 



4 Referring to the murder of two squaws by a Negro slave of a Detroit 
trader. See Gage to Johnson, May 4, 1767, Johnson Papers, 12:307; 
and Johnson to Gage, May 20, 1767. Doc. Hist. N.Y., 2:853; Gage to 
Johnson, June 1, 1767, Johnson Papers, 12:322; and Johnson to Gage, 
June 12, 1767, Doc. Hist. N.Y., 2:855-56. 



436 Sir William Johnson Papers 

General, and Superintendant ; were taken to bring such People 
as committed Offences in the Indian Country, to Justice. To Which 
they Answered, "We thought you had Laws for that purpose." 
I then delivered them a Belt of Wampum and told them — 
As I had been some time out of their Country ; I should be glad 
to hear what News was passing among their several Tribes. — 
They told Me, after taking some time to Consider, that I had 
come from the Country from whence all the News came, and 
believed I knew it, as well as they did, — but as I desired to hear 
it from them, they would tell Me every thing that came to their 
knowledge. And say'd that a Party of Senecas who came from 
the Six Nation's Country called the Shawanese, Delawares, and 
Senecas who lived at the two Creeks, 5 to a Council. At which 
time they told them, that the English were Robbing them of a 
Tract of Country lying between the Ohio River, and the Settle- 
ments of Virginia, Maryland and Pensilvania, and had made 
large Settlements thereon, and had killed several of their War- 
riors passing to and from War against the Southern Indians, 
calling their Country which they had unjustly taken Possession 
of, theirs. They said it was true, they had agreed with Sir William 
Johnson to give up that Tract of Country to the King for a Con- 
sideration, but they never had received any, and had been often 
cheated by the English in the Sale of Lands, and were now 
determined to have Justice therein, or bury every Warrior of their 
Nation, and desired them to consider well what they had said, 
and prepare themselves to bring the English to a sence of the 
Injustice they were doing them, and delivered them several Belts. 
— This Party then sent to Council with the Chipawas and Otta- 
was. — sometime afterwards, a Party of Chipawas came to the 
lower Shawanese Town with Messages to the Shawanese and 
Delawares, informing them that the Chiefs and Principal War- 
riors of Twelve different Nations, would collect themselves to 
a Council in the Shawanese Country, (and that the Senecas 



5 Mingo Town, a Seneca village, was on the northwest bank of the Ohio 
River, the present site of Mingo Junction, Ohio. 



Land and Indian Affairs 1764-1773 437 

would likewise attend) in the Fall of the Year. And that since 
a Second Message was sent them from the Chipewas letting them 
know, that this Council would not take Place till the Frog Month 
(which is March) next. This, They said was every thing, that 
came to their knowledge worth acquainting me with. That they 
were sorry, things were in such a Situation — for their own parts 
they wished for Peace, tho' some of their own People had suffered. 
They then told me I would meet a Number of the Shawanese 
and some of their People at Muskingham, 6 who would inform 
Me, that every thing they had told me was truth. 

30 th . I got to Muskingham where I met a large Number of 
the Shawanese and some Principal Men of the Delawares, who 
gave me the same Intelligence as I had from the others, and told 
Me, they longed much to see me, and wished that all the Chiefs 
of their two Nations were together to speak to me. 

After Considering the Situation of Affairs I thought it would 
be for the good of His Majesty's Service to invite the Chiefs of 
these Two Nations to meet Me at Fort Pitt on my Return from 
Detroit. I delivered these Indians Belts for that purpose to be 
sent to their several Chiefs. 

November 6 th . I reached Sanduskey 7 where I met a Number 
of Weyondotts or Hurons, with a Number of Mohichons, Shawa- 
nese and Connewagoe Indians, — I asked them what was the 
meaning of that great Meeting of Twelve different Nations of 
the Western Indians which was proposed to be held in the Shawa- 
nese Country. They declared they were not informed what was 
the intent of it — And desired if I knew the cause of it, that I 
would acquaint them therewith as they had reason to think it 
was not intended for any good, That the Messages delivered to 
the Delawares & Shawanese, were sent from the Western Nations, 
at the request of the Senecas, that they, the Hurons who had 



6 Muskingum, a Delaware Town on Muskingum River, near present 
Conesville, Ohio. See Hutchins "Map of the Country of the Ohio and 
Muskingum Rivers," printed in Johnson Papers, 1 1 :866. 

7 Fort Sandusky, south of Sandusky Lake, or bay; see Hutchins Map, 
Johnson Papers, 1 1 :866. 



438 Sir William Johnson Papers 

always been in the confidence of the Western Indians, had not 
been acquainted by any of them, with the design of this meeting. 8 
I told them that I was not Invited to Attend at that meeting, 
therefore I knew nothing but what I heard on the road, and then 
informed them of Some part of the Intelligence I had got from 
the Delawares and Shawnese. — 

After taking some time to Consider on what I had told them, 
they answered that they had nothing to do with any disputes, 
and hoped that they might be all Settled, and themselves have 
liberty to pursue their Hunting in peace. And then requested as 
the Lake was difficult to pass in Winter, that some Traders might 
be sent to reside among them to Supply them with goods. On 
which they gave a Belt. 

November 15 th . I reached Detroit, where I met Andrew the 
Huron, who was Sent last Summer to the Illinois, Oubache & 
S f . Joseph's, to gain Intelligence and pry into the State and dis- 
positions of the Several Nations in that part of the Country. He 
gave Me the following Accounts. That He was Thirty Two 
Days in the Illinois Country, & Conversed with all the Chiefs, 
and principal Warriors, of the different Tribes and found them 
well pleased with the English ; They Acknowledge that they pur- 
chase Goods much Cheaper than ever they had done from the 
French, before the English came into [the] their Country; They 
Seem inclined to Peace, and Wish that the English and French 
would agree better than they had hitherto done amongst them- 
selves. He Says, the Sioux & Reynard's are carrying on a War 
against these People. When he came to Post Vincent, 9 he found 
the Indians there very much Incensed against the English, because 
they had not Established a trading Place in their Country, as 
well as amongst the other Nations near Fort Chartres & Detroit, 
they Said, they always had a place of Trade, when the French 
lived in their Country, & that the English had promised it to them, 
but had not performed their Engagements, and they would break 



8 From this point the journal is in the hand of Alexander McKee. 

9 Fort Vincennes on the Wabash, site of present day Vincennes, Ind. 



Land and Indian Affairs 1764-1773 439 

theirs with the English. When he came to Ouitanon, he found 
the three Nations there 10 in the same temper & when he got to 
the Miamis, 11 he heard that a party of the Warriors from Post 
Vincent had met a hunting boat from Fort Charters with Eight 
English & French men on Board, who were hunting for Buffaloe 
meat above the Confluence of the Ohio with the Mississippi, and 
made the Eight Men Prisoners & plundered them of every thing 
they had. That after carrying them Prisoners to their Country, 
they killed two of them and set the other Six at Liberty at the 
request of their Chiefs. He Says, that unless those Nations on 
the Ouabache be Spoke to Early in the Spring, and allowed an 
open Trade, as at Detroit & Fort Chartres, he is of Opinion they 
will Rob and Plunder all the Traders they meet with any where 
in the Country. — From this place he went to S f . Joseph's 12 
where he found the Two Tribes who reside there in a great Con- 
fusion having Quarrelled with each other in their Liquor, by 
which means Twenty Four men were killed; That this difference 
was not Settled when he left it, and one of the Tribes had gone 
off from their Village some distance into the Woods. — 

He Says Pondiac had not been there since his Return from Sir 
William Johnson's 13 nor delivered any Speeches from him to 
those Indians. — 

1 6 th . I Sent off an Express Canoe to Michillimackinac with His 
Excellency General Gage's Dispatches for that Post. — 

1 7 th . & 1 8 th . Were taken up in holding a Court of Enquiry on 
M r . Hay Commissary for Indian Affairs, 14 on account of Several 
Complaints against his Conduct, for particulars of which I must 
referr to the Minutes of the Court. — 



10 Weas, Kickapoos and Mascoutens. 

11 Fort Miamis, at headwaters of the Maumee River, on the present 
site of Fort Wayne, Ind. 

12 Fort St. Joseph, on the St. Joseph River, in present town of Niles, 
Mich. 

13 The meeting at Fort Ontario, Oswego, in July 1 766. 

14 Jehu Hay was appointed commissary in March 1 766. 



440 Sir William Johnson Papers 

November 19 th . & 20 th ., I had several private Meetings with 
the Chiefs of the Hurons, Ottawas, Poutewatamies & Chippewas, 
Separately. I made the Strictest Enquiry I could, what was the 
cause, or what was intended to be transacted at this great meeting 
of the different Nations, who were to Assemble next Spring in 
the Shawnese Country. But I could not obtain one direct Answer. 
The Chiefs of these Nations Said they did not know. — 

In the Evening of the 20 th . I Sent for the Chiefs of the Hurons, 
and desired them to tell me, what they knew of this matter; They 
answered, they knew Nothing of what was intended, for they were 
not even Envited to Attend at it, they desired Me to call the 
Chiefs of the Four Nations together, and they would Convince 
Me they were not in the Secret and that they desired nothing 
more than to live in Peace. — 

2 1 st . At Nine o'Clock I Assembled the Chiefs of each Nation, 
delivered them a large Belt, and demanded the reason why they 
kept the cause of this intended Meeting so great a Secret. — 

I acquainted them, I could not help Suspecting they had some- 
thing bad in their hearts; I desired them to Act like Men, and 
tell Me what it was that made them Uneasie. One of the Chiefs 
of the Hurons took the belt in his hand, and Spoke to the follow- 
ing Purpose. — Father, I told You already I knew nothing of 
this Council; Our Nation has not been invited to Attend it; I 
now tell You before these Chiefs, that I think as You do, that 
something bad is intended, or We Should have been invited to 
Attend at it. Here is the Man that carried the Belts to the 
Shawnese, let him Act like a Man, and tell us both what he 
knows of it and then delivered the Belt to an other Chief — 
(One of the Chippewas from Chagonan Bay) 15 who got up 
and Said, Father, I will tell You all I know of it; Five Indians 
of Our Nation from Tarunto 10 came to my Village at Chagonan 
Bay last Summer, & brought with them Several Belts of Wam- 
pum with Messages, which they delivered Me; They told Me 



15 Saginaw Bay on Lake Huron. 

16 Toronto. 



Land and Indian Affairs 1764-1773 441 

they were Sent by the Chiefs of our Nation, that I was ordered 
to Send them forward immediately to all the Western Nations, 
and desire a general meeting of the whole in the Shawneses Coun- 
try this Fall, and that I Should go Myself and deliver the Belts 
that were for the Shawnese and Delawares, which I did; and 
Sent the other Belts as directed. The Intention of this Meeting 
of the Several Nations, is to Settle some disputes Subsisting 
between the Northern & Western Nations, & Unite the whole 
as One Nation, that we might become as one People for Ever. — 

At the Time the Messenger delivered Me these belts, he told 
Me the Six Nations were much displeased with the English on 
Account of their Settling some part of their Country without their 
Consent, and that this was to be talked over at this great Council ; 
That the reason of his not telling it to their Brethren the Hurons 
was, there was no Belt for their Nation. — 

He then delivered the Belt back, and Said, he had informed 
me of Every thing he knew relating to the Meeting intended in 
the Spring in the Shawnese Country. — 

22 d . I Called a meeting of all the Indians at Detroit & after 
Captain Turnbull 1 ' & Myself had condoled with them (agreable 
to an Antient custom of theirs) for several of their Chiefs who 
Died this last Year, I Spoke to them on Several Belts, and pointed 
out to them particularly every part of their past ill Conduct towards 
His Majesty's Subjects Since the Peace; Let them know, they 
had Violated all their Engagements to Us, that they had from 
Time to Time been forgiven when they deserved the Severest 
punishments, and particularized their Cruel and Barbarous treat- 
ment of Captain Campbell. 1 s I then told them, that to convince 
them of the Humanity and Clemency of the British Nation, 
that His Excellency Major General Gage, the Commander in 
Chief, and the Honorable Sir William Johnson Bar'., had Sent 
back their Two Men who had Murthered Captain Sinclair's 



17 Capt. George Turnbull. 

18 Capt. Donald Campbell at the siege of Detroit was seized while on 
a truce mission and in retaliation was killed and mangled by the Indians. 



442 Sir IVilliam Johnson Papers 

Man, 19 and who ought to have been hanged: I then delivered 
the two Men to their People. I then told them on a large Belt, 
that they must be convinced, we had it in our Power to punish 
any Nation who dare Offend us; And tho' we were Slow to 
anger & loth to take revenge for the Injuries done us, I assured 
them by that Belt, that for the future we would punish with 
death, every Offender who dared be so hardy as to break their 
Engagements with Us, and Violate the Articles of the Peace. 

I then Spoke to the Ottawas on a large Belt, respecting the 
Murder of Baynton, Wharton & Morgan's People, this Fall 
on the Ohio; I told them of the Cruelty of their Young Warriors 
in plundering and Murthering in cool Blood, in the time of pro- 
found Peace, and without any provocation, a Number of innocent 
Men carrying Goods into their Country, to Supply them with 
Necessarys they could not live without. — 

I told them what I then Said was only from Myself, that it 
happened since I parted with the General, and Sir William John- 
son; But that I made no doubt, but that the perpertrators of 
that Bloody Act, would be Demanded of their Nation, in order 
to be punished, and to deter others from Committing the like 
Cruelties. — 

I then delivered a Belt to the Hurons in the presence of the 
whole, and returned them thanks for their Steady and good 
behavior since the Peace, as I was informed by Captain Turn- 
bull, & M r . Hay the Commissary of Indian Affairs, that this 
Nation had behaved themselves remarkably well, and taken care 
that none of their Young Men behaved ill or broke any part 
of their Engagements to Us. — 

Novem r . 23 d . — The Indians assembled in Council, & made 
Me the following Answer to what I Said to them Yesterday. — 

The Chief of the Chippawas Speaker — 

He held the Several Belts which I had delivered them in his 
hand and Said; Father, We have considered of the Several 
Speeches You made us Yesterday ; Every thing You Said to Us 



19 The servant of Capt. Patt Sinclair. 



Land and Indian Affairs 1764-1773 443 

is truth. We cannot deny but our Conduct has been very bad. We 
have lost some of our People by the English which You know 
as well as Ourselves ; You have now brought Two of our People 
to Life, and given them to Us, which I hope will learn us to be- 
have better for the future. I Speak to you in behalf of all the 
Indians present, a great many of our People are out Hunting; I 
will Call a Council, of all our Nations in the Spring and lay before 
them your Several Speeches; And You may be assured You shall 
then have our Answer to them, as I am Convinced in my own 
Heart, that we have behaved ill; I will Speak my Sentiments at 
that Council, and hope our future Conduct will merit the Appro- 
bation of Our Fathers, as well as our Brethren the Hurons has 
done: He then gave a Belt. 

I now Speak in behalf of the Ottawas respecting the Murder 
& Robbery of your People by a Party of their Warriors; They 
desire Me to tell You, they have nothing to Say in defence of 
their People's Conduct, it was owing to one bad Man, who they 
believe was tempted by the Evil Spirit. As Soon as this Party 
returned, and told what they had done, the Chiefs brought the 
whole Party down to Detroit, to the Commanding Officer, & 
Commissary of Indian Affairs, to Relate how this Unlucky Affair 
happened & begged forgiveness. As to what was Said then, they 
referred Me to the Commanding Officer, but assured me that if 
the General & Sir William Johnson would not forgive them, that 
such of the Party as were Concerned in the Murder, Should 
be delivered up when Demanded. — 

The Same Speaker then Spoke on an other Belt and Said 
Father, when the French had this Country, they always kept 
a Doctor to Attend our Sick People at this Place, and for some 
time after You came here, You did the Same; We are now, and 
have been this Summer past very Sickly for want of a Doctor 
to Attend us as formerly, We have lost a Number of People, 
We therefore beg You'll let us have a Doctor to attend us 
when Sick. — 

24 th . I Set out from Detroit and got to Sandusky the first of 
December, where a number of Indians Settled in that part of the 



444 Sir William Johnson Papers 

Country Assembled to Meet Me; I Informed them of every 
thing that had been transacted at Detroit, and then Condoled 
with them for some of their People who had lately Died, for 
which they returned thanks; And on the Second of December, 
I took my leave of them, and Set out for Fort Pitt. — 

9 th . I arrived at Fort Pitt, where I found the Chiefs & Princi- 
pal Warriors of the Delawares, with Several Senecas from the 
Two Creeks, and a few Deputys from the Shawnese waiting for 
Me, as Some of their People were out a Hunting, I was obliged 
to wait four days before I could call them to a Meeting. — 

Decern 1 ". 1 4 th . I met them in Council, and informed them of my 
business at Detroit, & repeated over to them every thing that had 
passed at the Meetings I had with the Indians at Detroit. — 

After Captain Edmonstone 20 & myself had Condoled with them 
for such of their People as had Died, or been killed by the 
Enemy; I Spoke to them on a Large Belt; I told them I had 
informed them of Every thing that passed between Me and the 
Nations at Detroit, that they mus[t] be Sensible, that the meet- 
ing of Twelve different Nations of Indians, who were to assemble 
in their Country in the Spring, must Alarm such of the Nations 
as were not invited to Attend it; That it had raised my Curiosity 
to Enquire what the business was, that were to be transacted at 
this Meeting which they kept so great a Secret from Us: I then 
desired to know from them what was meant by it. 

One of the Chiefs took up the Belts in his hand, returned Me 
thanks for the Speeches I had made, & for burying the Bones of 
their Deceased friends that lay Scattered in the Woods. He then 
replyed our Assembling here at this Time, is to acquaint You 
with what we know respecting the Meeting of the Different 
Nations in our Country in the Spring, and tomorrow we will 
Inform You of every thing that has come to our knowledge. — 

15 th . At 10 o'Clock We met in Council, when the Indians went 
thro' the Ceremony of Condoling with Capt. Edmonstone & 
Myself; And then taking the Belt I had given him Said, Father, 






20 Capt. Charles Edmonstone of the ■ 8th regiment. 



Land and Indian Affairs 1764-1773 445 

You have been informed by Some of our People, as You was 
on your Journey from here to Detroit, who are now present, of 
a private meeting we had with Some of the Six Nations last 
Summer, & of the Messages Sent us by the Chippawas, which 
must Convince You this Council is not called by us. There has 
happened Several little differences between the warriors of Our 
different Nations during the last war, all which is intended to be 
Settled at this Meeting; And it is further proposed to Unite the 
Northern & Western Indians so that we become One People, & 
to renew & Strengthen our Antient Friendship with each other 
which has been Neglected for Some Years Past, this is the true 
intention of this Meeting; But at the Same time the Six Nations 
are to lay before the Council a Complaint against the English for 
making Settlements in their Country before they have been Paid 
for their Lands; Have killed & wounded Several of their War- 
riors last Year, as they were Passing & Repassing to & from War 
against the Southern Indians. All which we know to be true, they 
seem determined upon having Revenge, and have told our Na- 
tions, that as we are part of their Confederacy, it concerns us as 
much as them. That the Country belongs to us all in common, & 
that they Expect we will Assist them in obtaining Justice from the 
English. — 21 The speaker then returned me the Belt, and told me, 
they had acquainted me with all they knew concerning the Meet- 
ing. 

He then spoke on another Belt, and said Father, I spoke in 
behalf of our Nations, and I Assure you by this Belt, that it is 
contrary to our Judgements and inclinations to have any Quarrel 
or difference with the English, and nothing will give us greater 
pleasure than to hear that the great Men will settle those disputes 
before they come to an open quarrel that we may enjoy a long 
and lasting Peace, to follow our hunting for the support of our 
Family's. He gave the Belt. 

I then returned them thanks for the open and free manner in 
which they had communicated to me the business that was to be 



21 From this point in another hand. 



446 Sir William Johnson Papers 

transacted at the Meeting intended to be held in the spring. I 
told them they were sensible every step had been taken by the 
Commander in Chief and Sir William Johnson to drive those 
People that had made Settlements in their Country, out of it. 
That they had been driven twice by the Officers and Soldiers 
sent from Fort Pitt for that purpose, That I thought both the 
Six Nations and them, were very wrong in attempting to stirr up 
a quarrel on that Account, when they knew those People were 
not settled by Any Authority, but were a Sett of poor People 
who had fled their Country to seek a living in the Woods. That 
they might be Assured, His Majesty wou'd not suffer any of 
His Subjects to take any part of their Country without his making 
them a Satisfaction for it. That they had often experienced His 
Majesty's Pity for, and generous disposition towards them and 
all the Indian Nations by the many Presents that they had, and 
were daily recieving from His Officers, That their Conduct on 
this Occasion shewed a want of gratitude, as well as want of 
understanding in them. On which I gave them a large Belt. 

On the 1 6 th . and 1 7 th . of December, they took leave of Cap- 
tain Edmonstone and myself, and returned to their several Vil- 
lages. 

INDORSED: 

Copy/. Journal 

of M r . George Croghan's 

Journey from New York to 

Detroit, and back from thence, 

to New York, where he arrived 

on Tuesday Evening Jan?. 12 th . 1 768. 



Land and Indian Affairs 1764-1773 447 

PLAN OF ROBERT ROGERS 

D. 1 

[1767] 
To sett this matter in as clear & Just a light as I possibly can, 
I shall point out the several outposts of Michilimakinac, the num- 
ber of Canoes & Quantity of Goods annually required to supply 
the Savages which resort to them, The prime cost of those Goods 
in Quebec & Albany, the Expence of Importing them from thence 
to Michilimakinac, and the quantity that it will take provided the 
Trade is extended free & open to said posts. 

In the next place the Number of Canoes and quantity of Goods 
that will be Sufficient to Supply the post of Michilimakinac pro- 
vided the trade is confined to that, And no Traders suffered to 
make sale of their Goods at the out posts. — and also a list of 
the furs and peltery that was Exported from Michilimakina the 
Summer of 1 767 all of which was caught the forgoing winter 
by the Savages. 2 

Lists of Posts & the Canoes necessary to supply them, 

In Lake Huron — 

Saguinay Bay 3 canoes 

Machidash & Riviere auSable 3 

In Lake Michigan 
La Grand Riviere, and a few small posts) 

depending on it( 

Saint Josephs & its dependancies 8 

Milwayte 2 

La Bay & its dependancies 36 

1 In American Antiquarian Society. Document in the Johnson Manu- 
scripts, badly mutilated by fire and consequently confused in arrangement, 
was printed in Johnson Papers, 6:43-58. The present manuscript is partly 
in the hand of Rogers, the rest in that of his secretary. It was printed with 
Rogers' Michillimackinac Journal, edited by William L. Clements, in 
Proceedings of the American Antiquarian Society, New Series, Vol. 28, 
pt. 2, April 1918, pp. 224-273. 

2 This sentence is a marginal insert in Rogers' hand. 



448 Sir William Johnson Papers 

In Lake Superior) 
On the South Side I 

Saint Marys 2 

La Point Chagouamigan, Including S*. 

Ance, La fond du lac, la Riviere Ser- ► 8 

pent & petite Ouinipique ! 

On the North Side 

Michipicotton 1 69 

Brought over 69 canoes 

Changuina, Caministigua or three rivers 3 

Alempigan & its Dependancies one large) 

/ 4 

Canoe & five small ones which is equal to \ 

In the Interior parts of the Countrey 

to the West & Northwest of Lake Superior 

Lake Leplus, Six small canoes equal to 3 

Lake du Bois, two small D°. equal to 1 

Riviere du Beuf & La Riviere Ounipique ) 

three small canoes equal to ( 

Fort LaReine, five small D°. equal to 2J/2 

La Biche, three small D°. equal to 1 Yl 

Fort Dauphin three small D°. equal to V/l 

Dupais five small D°. equal to 2Yl 

La prairie five small D°. equal to 2Yl 



92 

To the Souis 2 

If the foregoing posts are all Supplyed Agreeable] 
to the Above plan I am well Informed that no more 
than about Six Canoes would be Annualy con- 
sumed at Michilimakinac 1 



Large canoes 100 



Land and Indian Affairs 1764-1773 449 

One Hundred Canoes will not be more than Sufficient for the 
Annual Consumption, if this Trade be extended under proper 
regulations to the outposts. The Load for one of which when made 
up in Montreal into Bales of about Ninety pounds French weight 
for the Convieniency of Carrying them round the Falls & rapids 
on the Awawa or North River on the Rout to Michilimakinac 
is as follows. — 

Eighteen Bales consisting of Strouds, Blankets, frize Coates, 
Callimancoe Bed Gowns, coarse Callicoe, linnen Shirts, Leggins, 
Ribbans, beads, Virmillion, gartering and many other such Arti- 
cles. And the following pieces of about the same weight. — 
Nine Kegs of Gun powder 
One Keg of Flints, Steels & gun Screws 
Ten Kegs of British Brandy 
four cases of Ironwork & Cutleryware 
Two cases of Guns 
Two Bales of brass Kettles 
Two cases of Looking Glasses & combs &c 
five Bales of Manufactored carrot Tobacco 
Twelve Bags of Shott & Ball 
One Box of Silverwork & wampum 

Which goods at the lowest value at Quebec 
Amount to £450 SterK <P Canoe, prime 
Cost of 100 Canoes £45000. . 0. .- 

To which I may also add the price 
of the Canoes, together with the wages 
of upwards of 1000 Men, which are 
annually employ'd in this Trade be- 
tween spring & Harvest to Navigate 
said canoes £ 95 . .10 for each canoe 

Wages of Clerks, or Commis em-1 

ploy'd in Said Trade computed at J> 3888.. 

about I 



9550.. 0..- 



Carried over— £58438. .00. .- 



450 



Sir William Johnson Papers 



Brought over £58438. .00. .0 

I may also allow for money annually 
paid to Mechanicks, such as blacksmiths, 
Carpenters, Coopers & Taylors to make up 
Cloathes, Shirts & other things necessary for 
this Trade. Together with the charges of 
Carrying the said goods from Montreal to 
Lachine three Leagues from Montreal, And 
on the other side to Schinactady five Leagues 
from Albany, in order to be Embarked, 

About 

Provisions such as Beef, Pork, Bis- ^ 
cuit & peace &c about ( * " ' " 



1740.. 00.. 
720.. 00.. 



Prime cost & totall expense of 100 canoes to 

Michilimakinac £60898. .00. .0 



So that the Totall Amount of the Merchandize, with the 
outfitt & Expences Arises to Sixty Thousand Eight Hundred 
& Ninty eight pounds, in case the Trade be open and free to 
the Different out postes; And these regulated properly by the 
Commandant or Governour of Michilimakinac, so that the whole 
may be equally divided, as in the time of the French, which I 
have reason to think is not Exaggerated. — 

On the other hand if trade is to be Confined to this Fort only, 
And the Traders not Allowed to go beyond it; Ten canoes will 
be Sufficient, Which without making any Difference in the prime 
cost of Goods and 

The Expences, will Amount to £ 6089. . 16. .— 

from which it appears that the real Difference 
from the first outfitt by confining the Trade to 
this Fort, and having it Extended & carried on 
in the Indian Countrey as it was formerly done 
by the French is Fifty four Thousand Eight ) 
Hundred & eight Pounds four shillings of^ 



54808 



Land and Indian Affairs 1764-1773 451 

which Sum Great Britain will lose Annually ) Ad^aci n n 

1 I— ■ T'\ 1 C T T 111 tUJUVJ . . \J • • \J 

about r orty 1 housand hve Hundred \ 
Pounds. And the remainder will Intirely fall 
on the most usefull and Industrious part of his 
Majesties Subjects in the province of Quebec; 
particularly within the District of Montreal, 
who chiefly Depend on this branch of Com- 
merce for their Support. — 

3 A List of the fur and peltery that was Exported from 
Michilimakinac Y e . Summer of 1 767 

price Current 
at New York 
Beaver Sckins worth per pound 

Wesels Each worth 

Foxes & ca . Each worth 4 

Martins Worth Each two 

price Curant 
at New York 
Rackoons Each worth 

£000 
s d 
total amount £ 
So that at Michilimakinac the gains anualy of the fur traid 
is over and above paying all thier first cost and After Expence, 
ammounts to 

s d 
£000 
This Estimate perhaps may seem partial [& extravigant]* to 
some, but as I am confident it is very near the Truth, so I am 
persuaded it will be approved of by such as are tollerably ac- 
quainted with the Situation of Michilimakanac with regard to 
the out Posts above mentioned, and to the Several Nations, Tribes 
and Bands of Indians Trading to them — 



3 Beginning at this point in Rogers' hand. The figures are no doubt 
purposely omitted in this tabulation. 

4 Words italicized and in brackets are crossed out in the manuscript. 



452 Sir William Johnson Papers 

In the first place it should be observed that if the Trade be 
confined to Michilmakanac, [no] few if any Indians from the 
West of Lake Michigan or from the South and west of Lake 
Superior would ever visit that Post at all, some because they are 
at such a distance that they cannot possibly do it, and others 
because they can be Supplied at Home with every Article they 
stand in need of, for it is more than probable, it is certain that 
if we do not send a Supply to those Indians the Spaniards will, 
who have already began to Trade in the Country of the Soux 
& at some Posts on the Lakes Superior [and] Michigan so that 
we should wholly Loose the Trade of near thirty Thousand 
Indians which we may now have if [the Trade] it be extended 
to [&] the out Posts & these properly Supplyed [and were the 
Loss of their Trade all, the Consequences Would not be so bad, 
but] This loss would be of the outmost moment, but it is not 
all, we should also loose their Friendship; and [by their] their 
Attachment to the French and Spaniards [//jep] would become 
[are] stronger, so that we should have them for our most dan- 
gerous and implacable Enemies 

Secondly we not only wholly Loose the Trade of such num- 
bers of Savages by a confinement of Trade to Michilimakanac, 
but those nations Tribes and Bands that will continue to Supply 
themselves from that Post will not Trade near so largely, per- 
haps not more than to two thirds of the value annully, that they 
would do were Traders allowed to visit and Supply them at their 
Hunting Grounds or winter Quarters, — 

The reason of this is plain: The presence of the Trader with 
a Supply of such Articles as the Savage wants, excites and en- 
courages Him to greater Industry and Assiduity in Hunting, it 
animates Men Women and Children to exert themselves to the 
utmost for the procure [men/] ing of what they can upon the Spot 
immediately Barter for such things as will be usefull or ornamental 
to them. — 

Besides, as the Savages are mostly poor they are not able to 
supply themselves with large Stores of such things as are abso- 
lutely necessary not only to their Hunting but even their Sub- 



Land and Indian Affairs 1764-1773 453 

sisting with any Comfort, so that in case of any [im] emergency 
or Accident they must often Suffer great inconveniences if Traders 
are not among them or near at Hand to Supply them afresh, 
for Instance the Loosing or breaking of a Hatchet or two or 
three Knives & the like many lay a whole Family under great 
inconveniences for six or eight Months together, the Spoiling 
of a Small quantity of Gunpowder, the breaking a Spring or a 
gunLock & ca . may be the means of destroying a whole Seasons 
Hunt and of distressing and Starving a numerous Family, whence 
tis easy to infer that confining Trade to the Post of Michili- 
makanac will greatly diminish our Trade even with Those 
Savages that will Still depend upon it for their Supplies for the 
Savage can Trade only in proportion to His Industry Skill & 
Success in Hunting, — 

Now is it diffucult to collect [what the] furmer bad Tendencys 
[that] such a confinement of Trade must have [to] by exasperat- 
ing & procureing the ill will of those Savages who have been 
accustomed (& their Fathers before them) Annually to expect 
Traders with Supplies of such articles as they wanted at their 
Hunting Grounds or winter Quarters, will not the necessitous & 
hungry Savage conclude that his hurt & ruin is connected with 
if not intended by such an innovation? will he not be provoked 
to retalliate in some way or [an] other? — 

It may here be added that it is utterly impossible for many 
of those Savages, who are within the Limits that would be 
dependent on Michilimaka c . (were the Trade confined to that 
only) to carry their Furrs and Peltery there — First Many of 
them have not & cannot have Conveyances — Secondly many 
others must leave their Wives & Children to Starve and perish 
in their Absence, and lastly the Situation & Circumstances of 
Some nations and Tribes are such, that were they obliged to carry 
to the Single Market of Michilimakanac the Produce of their 
years Hunt or any Part of it, they must leave their Wives and 
Children not only in a distressed and Starving Condition but 
liable every day and Hour to become Slaves and their whole 
Country and Substance be left a prey to neighbouring Savages. 



454 Sir William Johnson Papers 

The different nations & Tribes are now often at War with each 
other, and it is very certain these animosi s . would increase greatly 
when they come to have different Connexions, Seperate Channells 
of Trade and as it were opposite Interests — 

I cannot but think what has been said is Sufficient to con- 
vince any one that the above Estimate of the odds between con- 
fining the Trade to the Post of Michilimakanac only & extending 
it free and open to the Out Posts at present dependent upon it, 
is neither partial nor improbable, & that such a Limitation and 
confinement of Trade would not only [so largely] greatly curtail 
& lessen our Trade but would otherwise be greatly Injurious & 
detrimental to the Brittish Interest in this Country, by opening a 
Door for neighbouring Enemies to enter & encroach upon our 
Territories, by cooling the Friendship of many Savages and by 
exciting the Enmity rage and brutal Revenge of many more 
against His Majestys Subjects in this Part of the world, for it 
is well known that the revenge of a Savage is not Governed by 
reason or Justice but falls at random upon the first object he 
meets with anyways related to or connected with those from whom 
he has received a real or Supposed Injury 

It should also be considered that the Sum [of one Hundred & 
Seven thousand one Hundred and Twenty eight pounds clear 
Profits in Trade] [& forty eight — £40500] of Forty Thousand 
five hundred pounds is not the whole Loss that Great Briton 
[and His majestys Subjects in the Provance of Qubecl?] must 
Suffer by Such Restriction [of Trade] For whatever Lessens 
British Manufacturies or puts a Stop to those Employments by 
which British Subjects may decently Subsist and increase their 
Substance may be justly Estimated a public Injury or national 
Loss. — now according to the above Estimate Such a restriction 
of Trade will Annually hinder the Sale of [fifty three] [thirty 
four] [thousand five] [six] [hundred and sixty four] [Seventy 
three pounds] r> Forty five Thousand pounds worth prime Cost in 
[London] [Quebec] Qubec of Goods chiefly of British Manu- 



Words in italics and brackets were successively crossed out. 



Land and Indian Affairs 1764-1773 455 

facturying — and as it must Hinder the Sale of them there it 
will also hinder the importing them from London to Qubec & 
from [thence to America] thence to Michilimakinac and in 
that proportion Effect our Shipping or Naval Interest — and in 
America it must immediately turn out of Employment at least 
[250] 1000 Subjects who Act as Servants, [Batteau] Canoe 
Men &c. [over and Exclusive of Merchants & Clerks &ca.] 
[Clerks, Messengers &] [besides Merchants Clerks &ca.] in 
carrying on the Trade who not only decently Subsist by such 
Employments but many of them greatly increase their Substance 
and Consequently add to the Riches of the Nation — 

So that upon the whole, the clear Profits of Trade Lost by 
such a Restriction of Trade ought not to be Estimated more than 
one half of the real Loss it must be to the nation [Besides for] 
it should be observed that the profits of this Trade does not come 
to british Subjects in Cash but what is much better in fur and 
Peltery, all which are to be manufactured and turned perhaps to 
ten times their original value before they come to the highest 
Market. 

For notwithstanding I have here fixed the Price at which 
Goods are Sold to the Savages at four times their prime Cost in 
London allowing one fourth for the Expence of importing to 
Michilimakanac, and two fourths for the Traders clear profits, 
yet it should be observed that many of those Goods when carried 
to [the] very distant out Posts are Sold at Six or eight hundred 
& a thousand per Cent in proportion to the distance to which they 
are carryed, which great Advance after leaving [The Trader 
his Clear Profit of two hundred per Cent] upon an average, goes 
to defray the expences of exporting & carrying from one place 
to another to the payment of Batteaumen, Cariers, Clerks, Inter- 
preters and the Like. 6 

I cannot but think what has been said is abundantly Sufficient 
to convince every one that it is greatly for the Interest of Great 



6 This paragraph is crossed through with lines, apparently with the in- 
tention that it be stricken out. 



456 Sir William Johnson Papers 

Brittain not to restrict the Indian Trade to the Post of Michilli- 
makanac but to extend it open & free with all reasonable encour- 
agement to the Several Out Posts that have heretofore been 
looked upon dependent upon it & that have for many years Since 
been Annually Supplied from it, and even to extend it further if 
possible into the Interior Country to Tribes and nations of Savages 
at present unknown — I will here only Subjoin that some national 
advantages may arise (and those not inconsiderable) from having 
a number of Subjects Annually Employed & for the most part 
resident four, Six and eight Hundred Ligues and some further, 
west, Northwest and Southwest of Michilimakanac — who can 
say what valuable Discoveries may one Time or other be made 
by this Means? — and at any Rate this would prevent any other 
European Nation from Secretly gaining any considerable footing 
in those remote regions that might be detrimental to us — it would 
bring a great number of British Subjects acquainted with the 
Rivers Mountains, Plains and Passes of the Country in a good 
Degree who would Serve for Guides and Conductors in case 
of any immergency — it would give us an oppertunity of knowing 
in some good Measure the Temper and Resolutions of the Sav- 
ages wuth regard to us from Time to Time, — in fine it would 
be as was hinted before a probable means of conciliating and 
attaching great numbers of them to the British Interest, who 
upon any Occasion would prove our Stedfast Friends and faithfull 
Allies — 

Now the Case with Regard to the other principal Posts below 
Michilimakanac is very different and no one reason offered here 
for extending the Trade to the out Posts can with any Strength or 
Propriety be urged for either of them — 

To begin with Oswego, 

There are no Savages dependent upon that Post for a Supply 
of necessaries or whose Furr & Peltery comes to that Market but 
what at almost any Season may easily repair to it in two or three 
days Time, or if they do not Chuse to go there, they may with 
equal ease repair to the English Settlements and be Supplyed 
with whatever they have occasion for. And indeed the Trade 



Land and Indian Affairs 1764-1773 457 

with the Indians at Oswego is now very inconsiderable and if 
divided into three or four Branches it would not be worth a 
Trader's while to go after either of them, so that no ill conse- 
quences can follow from a Restriction of Trade to this Post — 

Nor is the case of Niagara widely different from that of 
Oswego; the Trade with the Indians indeed is Larger, but there 
are no Savages who are originally Supplyed from that Post or 
that make it their usual Market, but what may repair to it at 
all Seasons of the year in a very Short time and return again to 
their Hunting grounds or places of residence, or in case of any 
emergency may send a band of their young Wariors and be 
quickly Supplyed with whatever they have occasion for — Indeed 
there is no out Post belonging to Niagara so considerable that any 
Trader would [be obliged] Chuse regularly to attend and Supply 
it were he permitted or desired to do it — 

As therefore no great disadvantage to the Traders or Incon- 
venience to the Savages if any at all can arise from a restriction 
of Trade to this Post there can I think be no Solid objection why 
such Restriction should not take place there — 

And as to Detroit the Case differs very little from that of 
Oswego and Niagara, the Trade there with the Savages, Tis 
true is much larger than at both the other Posts, But it is chiefly 
with Savages that have an easy and quick recourse there, who 
at any time can in a few Days be Supplyed from thence with 
whatever they have Occasion for: 

As to those Indians who live at a greater distance upon the 
Southwesterly Banks of Lake Erie in Spite of any orders or 
regulations to y e . Contrary They will not fail to stop such a 
number of Pack Horses with their Drivers passing that way from 
Philadelphia to Detroit Loaded with Goods, as will be Sufficient 
to Supply them — Nor can we reasonably Suppose but that the 
Trader will easily submit to such a Constraint, as he is saved 
from forfiting his Bonds given to the Commissary at Fort Pitt 
and has a prospect of making a quick & advantageous Market 
of His Goods — . The very Same is the Case at the Mamee 
where Ponteac has taken up His Residence for two Winters past. 



458 Sir William Johnson Papers 

He certainly will make no Scruple of Stoping Such a number 
of Canoes passing between Detroit and the Illinois as are Suf- 
ficent to Supply His [Detachment] band 

This being the Case no material Injury or Inconveniency can 
arise to the Trader, the Savage or the State by restricting Indian 
Trade to Detroit — 

And to avoid Repetitions upon this Subject, very much the 
same holds True of Fort Pitt and the Post at the Illinois; The 
Savages dependent upon those Posts for Supplies of Goods are 
either so near to them that they can easily repair thither upon any 
urgent Occasion & in a Short Space of time so as not to distress 
their Families or neglect their Hunting, or else are so Situate as 
to Supply themselves from Traders passing from Philadelphia 
to Pittsburg, from Pittsburg to Detroit and from both those Posts 
to the Illinois, or from Fort Pitt to Fort Chartres, a Trade is 
also carried on from Fort Pitt by Boats down the Ohio by which 
many Savages may be Supplyed &c — 

It need not surely be repeated that the Case of Michilimakanac 
is very different — This is the outside or Frontier British Post in 
America — It is or ought to be a Barier to all that may come 
Westerly Northwesterly or Southwesterly to the Pacific Ocean — 
It is or ought to be a Beacon from which a most Extensive and 
as yet unknown Territory is Watched and observed — It is or 
ought to be a Store House frought with all manner of necessaries 
for the Constant Supply of almost innumerable Bands Tribes 
and nations of Savages — Savages removed from it five, Six & 
eight Hundred and some a thousand Leagues, who cannot An- 
nually nor ever in their Lives visit it as a Market — They must 
loose one years Hunt to make Sale of another — They must 
leave their Families distressed and Starving — Their Country 
and Substance naked & exposed to Enemies, and perhaps perish 
themselves with Hunger and want on their way — Savages long 
accustomed to expect Traders Annually with Supplies in their 
respective Countries — 

Tis true some principal person from [each] some of these 
distant Tribes and nations, Generally visit Garrison once [ever);] 



Land and Indian Affairs 1764-1773 459 

in two or three years. But it is their year's Employment when 
they come. They bring nothing with them except some Triffling 
Present, or some Small matter to Exchange for necessaries to carry 
them back again, they do not come to Market — Their Business 
is to renew and brighten the Chain or Path of Friendship and 
make Solemn Declarations of their peaceable dispositions and 
Amicable Intentions towards us — , And their principal Request 
of the Commandant is that Traders may come into their respective 
Countries, That their Wives, Children, Old Men Friends and 
Countrymen may be Supplied with such things as (having been 
long accustomed to the use of [them]) they cannot comfortably 
and patiently Subsist without — 

But I forbear — Any one of the least Sensibility may imagin 
somthing of the Pain and Chagrin that a Commandant must feel 
when he finds Himself obliged to Answer, that he cannot permit 
any Trader to come nearer to them than this Garrison, and if they 
want Goods they must come heither for them — 

And what must be the Consternation, the uneasiness displeasure 
and Resentment of those Tribes and Nations when their Chiefs 
Return with this unexpected Melencholy but possitive Answer, 
— who can Answer for the Measures they may take in these 
Circumstances — 

And will not a neighbouring Ambitious Enemy make all possi- 
ble advantages of this unhappy Posture of Affairs? — Will they 
not Construe, Aggravate and Turn such proceedings as much to 
the Injury of Britton and British Subjects as possible? — Will 
they not hence take occasion to make inroads and incroachments 
and to create fresh Troubles to his Brittannic Majesties Subjects? 
They already have done it and are doing it daily as has been 
Hinted before 

But I will add no more upon this Head The Point is so clear 
and obvious that it need not be enlarged or insisted upon — 

I shall conclude the whole I have to say with the following 
Queries, in the Speedy Judicious and wise Decision of which I 
think the British Interest materially Concerned, viz. — 



460 Sir William Johnson Papers 

Quer. 1 st . Is it the Interest of Great Britain to keep the Terri- 
tories and Possessions in North America Ceded to Her by the 
last Treaty, or to give up or neglect a part of them and Suffer 
a neighbouring Nation to become possessed of and fortifyed in 
the Same? 

Quer. 2 d . Is it the Interest of Great Britain to Secure and if 
possible increase Her Trade of Furr and Peltery with the Sav- 
ages, or to Suffer that Branch of Trade to be curtailed, to dwindle 
and fall into the Hands of Her Enemies? 

Quer. 3 d . Is not the largest Channal of the Furr and Peltery 
Trade in North America so circumstanced and Situated, that the 
Security and increase of it greatly depends upon the due Regula- 
tion & wise managment of Indian Affairs at the Post of Michili- 
makanac? 

Quer. 4 !h . Ought not the Government to pay a particular Atten- 
tion to that Post upon which the Security of an immense Teritory 
and a most profitable Trade so greatly depends? 

Quer. 5 th . Would it not greatly contribute to the Security and 
increase of Trade in these boundless Regions to erect Michili- 
makanac into a Civil [State or] Government independ f . of any 
other Post with a proper Subordination of Legislative and Execu- 
tive Officers for the forming of proper Regulations from time to 
time and the due Administration of Justice? .... 

Quer. 6 th . Would it not contribute to the Same valuable pur- 
pose not only to keep the Post of Michilimakanac Garrisoned 
with a Suitable number of brave well disciplined Troops, but to 
send into and Station in this Country some Companies of [flying] 
light Troops, who might March upon any immergency to its 
Out Posts or be employed in exploring the Country, Awing the 
Savages and making fresh Discoveries? .... 

Quer. 7 th . Since it is in fact true (and can be reported By 
a Multitude of Witnesses) that the French at Michilimakanac, 
St. Josephs the Green Bay, St. Mary's and other places in this 
Country where they are lurking & walking up and down, are an 
Indolent Slothfull Set of vagabonds, ill disposed to the English 
and having great influence over the Savages are continualy exciting 



Land and Indian Affairs 1764-1773 461 

their Jealosys, and Stirring up their hatred and Revenge against 
us, Ought they not therefore as Speedily as possible to be removed 
out of this Country for the better Security of British Subjects and 
British Trade? — 

Quer. 8 th . Since Our Neighbours the French & Spaniards Have 
in Fact begun a Settlement on our Side or the East Side of the 
Mississipi, upon the River Luis Constance where it joins at a 
place called the Dog Plain, a thourough fare formerly for great 
numbers of Indians to Michilimakanac and now intended by them 
to prevent their Trading to that Post for the future, Since they 
already have and daily are Sending out Traders to Posts on the 
Lakes Superior and Michigan and into the Country of the Soux 
&c which Acts are manifest encrochm ts . upon the Territories 
and Trade of Great Britain 

Ought not the Government to pay a Serious & Speedy Attention 
to these Encrochments and enter upon some effectual Measures 
to prevent them ? 7 

If y e . above Queries be answered in y e . affirmative, as they 
surely must, the following Plan, seems absolutely necessary to 
gain the great, & Valueable Ends, hinted at, & propos'd by them. 
Viz: — 

Which is humbly submitted, to the better Judgement, of his 
Majesty, & the Government of Great Brittain who at all times, 
have consulted the Interest of his Majestys Subjects, but more 
especially at this Glorious period, of the Brittish Annals. Viz — 

That Michillimackinac & its dependencies, shoud be erected 
into a Civil Goverment; with a Govemer, Lieutenant Governor, 
& a Council, of twelve; chose out of the Principal Merchants, 
that carry on this valueable branch of Trade with Power to enact, 
such Laws, as may be necessary & these to be transmitted, to the 
King: & ca . for Approbation; That the Governer, should be 
Agent for the Indians, & Commandant of the troops, that may 
be order'd to Garrisson, the Fort who must not see a divided 



7 From this point the manuscript is in the hand of Rogers' secretary, 
or a copyist. 



462 Sir William Johnson Papers 

power, which the Savages laugh at & Contemon: and have 
Authority to leave the Lieu'. Gov r ., his Deputy, when the service 
may, require him, to Visit the Indians at a distance; in order 
to prevent, Quarrels and Wars among the Savages; which at all 
times is disadvantageous, to the publick, & to Trade, or in order 
to remove incroachments of the French & Spaniards, or other 
greiviencies, that may occur at the out posts, & Frontiers — 

For the further preventing, of which, as likewise the intentions, 
of French, & Spaniards, of drawing the Indians, from between 
the Lakes Superior & Michigan & the River Misissippe, to trade 
with them & build thier Villages, or settle thier Habitations on 
thier side the said River, which they Actually are attempting 
at this time; by sending Belts & Messages amongst the Indians; 
to that purpose, with large presents to induce them to it which 
is to my certain knowledge: having clear proofs & Attestations 
thereof. I say for further preventing these & other dangerous Con- 
sequences to the well being of trade of this distant & critically 
situated part of His Majesty's dominions it is, or it seems abso- 
lutely necessary, that a Body of light Troops, or rangers, well 
diciplin'd, be fix'd in this district, under the Command of the 
Gov 1- ., Two three, or more Companies, as shall seem necessary, 
with power to detatch them, to any Post where it may be needfull, 
or to station a part of them on those parts of the frontiers most 
expos'd, to the incroachments mentiond above, at proper seasons 
of the Year, such as the mouth of Ousconsins, where it joins the 
Misissipi, & where the said encroachments, are notorious, or other 
such places — 

That the Gov r . & his Council should report in all civil matters, 
or in Affairs relating to the Indians to the King, & Council. And 
that a fix'd sum shou'd be allow'd Annually, for presents, to the 
Indians, to keep them peaceable, & well dispos'd towards His 
Majesty's Just & mild Goverment such as shall be thought reason- 
able and Adequate for a Post to which more than one third of 
the Indians on the Continent resort, besides many other nation to 
the Westward, as far even as the Pacific Ocean, that are not 
now known, who may be induced to visit, & trade, with us, upon 



Land and Indian Affairs 1764-1773 463 

the Fame of so wise, & prudent, regulations, if properly carried 
into Execution — 

The Nesessity of having a Lieu'. Gov. & one who is known 
to Indian Affairs, is pretty obvious from what has been said: 
That the Gov r . may on many occassions be oblig'd to be at a 
great distance from the Fort, as has been the Case since my 
Arrival, at this Garrisson, having had repeated Belts, & messages, 
to visit the Indians, at great distance in thier Villages, & has been 
absolutely oblig'd to go. At which times one may be oblig'd, 
to leave the Command to one no ways known to Indian affairs, 
which makes it absolutely necessary to have a second well experi- 
enc'd as well with the manners of the Indians so, likewise with the 
nature of the trade of this Country, one who is a friend to Civil 
Power & to Trade, who need be no further expence to the Gover- 
nment, then having the second Company of Rangers with a mod- 
erate Allowance for Commanding in the Gov rs . absence — 

If to this Plan it shou'd be objected; that the constituting of 
small Garrissons, & Posts, to the Westward, under the Command 
of regular Troops, wou'd answer all the purposes of the Rangers 
&ca. It is plain they cannot, from many obvious reasons, Regular 
Troops who must be often chang'd can never know the Woods, 
the Savages, their manners, thier ways of making War, or any 
of the purposes for which the Rangers are propos'd. so well as 
men who are inlisted for these purposes, who are pick'd out for 
thier knowledge & Experience in these things, & who are to abide 
by, & make them the bussiness of thier Lives. — 

These small Garrisons, being weak & at a great distance, one 
from another & under the Command of inferior Officers, [n>/?o] 
are liable to be surpriz'd, or taken by force at all times by the 
Savages, numbers of whom, are always dispos'd to commit such 
depradations as a Savage heroism, or for plunder, as happen'd in 
the last Indian War of 1 763 — 

The inferior Officers & Soldiers in small Posts, both from their 
circumstances & thier being not immediately under the Eyes of 
thier Superiors, have great temptations to yeild to corruption & 
to tyranize over the Merchants & people in civil Life — 



464 Sir William Johnson Papers 

Whereas by the propos'd Plan, all are under a Civil Power & 
y e . Gov r . Commandant of the Troops, & Agent to the Indians — 
Which wou'd cause every Branch to be countenanc'd for the 
mutual safety of each other. 



FROM THE EARL OF HILLSBOROUGH 

L.S. 1 

(No. 1 ) Whitehall 23*. J a^. 1768. 

Sir, 

His Majesty having been graciously pleased to appoint me to 
be One of His Principal Secretaries of State, and to commit to my 
Care the Dispatch of all such Business relative to His Majesty's 
Colonies in America, as has been usually dispatched by the Secre- 
tary of State for the Southern Department, I have His Majesty's 
Commands to signify this Arrangement to you, and His Majesty's 
Pleasure that your Dispatches be for the future addressed to me. 

I have nothing further to add but to express my earnest Wishes, 
that by the utmost Attention and Application I can give, I may 
be able to fullfill His Majesty's most gracious Intentions; and I 
take the Liberty to assure you that I will not omit to lay your 
Dispatches, as soon as I receive them, before the King, and to 
forward and assist as far as I am able your Measures for the 
Public Service. 

I am with great Truth and Regard, 
Sir, 

Your most obedient, 
humble Servant 

Hillsborough 
Sir William Johnson 
P. S. You will be pleased to continue to number each Letter 



1 In New York State Library. Cf. Hillsborough to Governors of North 
America, Jan. 23, 1768. Doc. Rel. Col. Hist. N. Y., 8:7. His second 
letter to Sir William. Ibid. 8 : 35-36. 



Land and Indian Affairs 1 764-1 773 465 

you address to me in the same Manner as in your Correspondence 
with the Earl of Sheiburne, beginning your first Letter to me with 
N°. I. 2 



indorsed: 3 



Whitehall 23<*. Jany. 1 768. 



From the Earl of 

Hillsborough Secretary 

of State for American Affairs. 

N°.1 — 



2 See Guy Johnson to Hillsborough, June 20, 1768. Ibid. 8:76. 

3 In Guy Johnson's hand. 



JOURNAL OF DANIEL CLAUS 
A.D. 1 

[July 8-1 3,1 768] 
8 th . July 1 768. Arrived at Montreal after a tedious Journey 
[over the La\e\~ having left home 22 d . of June, entring my 
Lodging I found it full of Caghnawagey Ind ns . chiefly warriors 
who heard of my being at la praeirie last Night came to wellcome 
me, expressing themselves with great Cordiality & friendship, for 
w ch . I thanked them sincerely & assured of my Regard & Readi- 
ness of serving them on any just Occasion they might require my 
Assistance. 

9 th . I had a Visit of 2 Missisagey chiefs their party being at 
Caghnawagey consisting of 16 I thanked them for their Visit & 
told them what News I had, and that all Nations in Europe were 
at peace with one an other & of Consequence might expect peace 
& Tranquility here gave them a String of Wampum to Salute 
their chiefs & people at home and acquaint them w th . what I 



1 Canadian Archives, Claus Papers, Diary No. 5. 

2 Written faintly in pencil. 



466 Sir William Johnson Papers 

told them and that they should not listen to every Person that 
would pretend to tell them any News of Consequence that when- 
ever anything occurred material enough to concern Them or the 
Ind n . Country They might depend upon to hear it from me with- 
out the Least Disguise or Untruth & that I expected the same 
from them that in the mean time they should diligently follow 
their hunting & Trade and promote peace & Tranquility between 
the Whites & Ind ns . 

d°. Die a Chief from Lake Nipisin came to see me with a 
Message from his Village, to let me know all was well & quiet 
with them and they should endeavour to keep things so, remem- 
bring my Advice to them. I thanked them for the Complim'. & 
returned them a String of Wampum much to the same purport of 
the same purpose of the Last. — 

10 th . About Midnight I was called up by y e . Corporal of 
Capt n . Shlossers 3 party at Vaudrueuil who delivered me a Letter 
from CoI°. Jones 4 And at the Same time told me that Capt n . had 
sent him w fh . the utmost Dispatch to Col°. Jones to acquaint him 
he was apprehensive of an Insurection from the Canad s . & Ind ns . 
vid: C. Joness Letter; — 

1 1 . Went early to Col. Jones ab f . the Aff r . & told him I 
could not imagine that such a thing could happen for sundry 
Reasons. At the same time I would go and see w l . was the 
Matter he approved of it & I sat off at 8 a.m. met some of the 
Caghn- V . Chiefs at la Chine who were coming to wellcome me 
upon my Arrival, They told me some were gone by water. I 
called them in at Mr. Haney's house & told them I had some 
pressing Bus s . at Caneghsy. Wrote by one of them to my Land 
Lord to receive them well & not let them want. Proceded & 
was stoped by a Shower by the way And coming to Ferry found 
the Wind too high to cross the Lake Lodged at the Ferry one 
Pillon. 



3 Capt. John Joseph Schlosser. 

4 Lt. Col. Valentine Jones of the 5 2d regiment. 



Land and Indian Affairs 1764-/773 467 

12 th . At sun rise embarked a leaky small Birch Canoe and 
landed at Cap'. Shlossers quarters at 8 a.m. Talking to him ab*. 
the Aff r . he gave me a long Detail of it & I soon found the whole 
to be founded on different suspicious Apprehensions. I told him 
if he had been at that Place the 4 first years after the Reduction 
of the Country he would have had more Objects of Suspicion & 
Apprehensions & think these not worth his Notice. Crossed over 
to the Village & the chiefs assembled & I saluted them & they 
returned the Complim*. Told them I had nothing material to 
say at present but might the next time I came, so parted. — 

1 3 : Arrived ab*. 1 a.m. the Caghnawageys were gone a little 
before in the Evening The chiefs of the Arundax & Nipisins 
came to salute me in very cordial & friendly Terms making all the 
professions of Attachment to the English; I ordered them some 
Victuals. 

D°. Die arrived an Ottawa chief from Michilimakinac w ,h . 
his party of 8. he was charged by his Nation to acquaint me that 
all was quiet with them and that they kept fresh in Remembrance 
the Engagements of Friendship entered into w*. S r . William and 
that next Summer they intended to come & renew Them in a 
Body at this Place, that they had a great Sickness among Them- 
selves last [ely] Fall and losst upwards of 50, of their people. 



468 



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482 Sir William Johnson Papers 

NOTICE OF PARTITION OF LAND 

D.S. 1 

[Albany, February 17, 1769] 
To the Honourable Sir William Johnson Bart, one of his 
Majesty's Council of the province of New York. 

Whereas in & by the partition of a certain Tract of Land in 
the County of albany called Schenondehowah alias Clifton park, 
The Lots Number one and three of the first allotment, The Lots 
Number Sixteen & Eighteen of the second Allotment, The Lots 
Number thirty three & thirty five of the third Allotment, The 
Lots Number Twenty two & twenty five of the fourth Allotment 
& the Lots Number Forty three & forty five of the fifth Allot- 
ment & of the disputed Land the Lots Number one and three of 
the sixth Allotment, The Lots D and F of the seventh Allot- 
ment, The Lots C and E of the Eighth Allotment & the Lots 
six & eight of the ninth Allotment were drawn to the Name of 
the patentee Nanning Harmense, And whereas we the Subscribers 
in pursuance of a certain Act of the Lieut : Governor the Council 
& the General Assembly entitled an Act for the more effectual 
collecting of his Majesty's Quit Rents in the Colony of New 
York 6c for partition of Lands in order thereto, have lately pro- 
ceeded to a Survey of the Lands above mentioned. We do 
hereby give Notice that true Maps & field Books of the Survey 
of the same, and of the Allotments made specifying the Bounds 
of every Lot on which Maps the Lots are laid down & numbered 
and which said Maps & field Books are signed by us & Thomas 
T. Williams our Surveyor are filed one of the said Maps & field 
Books in the office of the Clerk of the County of Albany and the 
other in the Secretary's office at the City of New York, And 
we do in pursuance of another Act of the Governor Council & 
General Assembly of this Colony entitled An Act to continue an 
Act entitled an Act for the more effectual collecting of his 



1 In the office of the county clerk, Ballston Spa. Book of Entries of the 
Commissioners appointed for the Partition of the Proprietary Share of 
Nanning Harmanse in Clifton Park. 



Land and Indian Affairs 1764-1773 483 

Majestys Quit Rents in the Colony of New York & for partition 
of Lands in order thereto, And also to continue another Act en- 
titled an Act to explain part of an Act entitled an Act for the 
more effectual collecting of his Majesty's Quit Rents in the 
Colony of new york and for partition of Lands in order thereto 
Do appoint Wednesday the Nineteenth day of April next 2 at 
Johnson Hall in the County of Albany to be the day and place 
for balloting for the said Lots & Allotments. We do therefore 
in pursuance of the said Acts hereby request you to be present 
on the Day and at the place aforesaid to oversee the Balloting 
so to be made. Given under our hands at Albany the seventeenth 
day of February one thousand seven hundred and sixty nine 

John Wennee 
By order of the Comiss™ RycKERT Van VRANCKEN 

RobT Yates, Clk to ye. Com- \ Jacqb g Van Woqrdt 

A Copy of the foregoing Notice was served on the Honble Sir 
William Johnson Bar: this 3 dayof 

by 

in the year Last above said. 



2 See infra. 

3 Blanks in manuscript. 



DRAWING FOR LOTS OF LAND 

D.S. 1 

[Johnson Hall, April 19, 1769.] 
At a meeting of the Honourable Sir William Johnson Baronet 
one of his Majesty's Council for the province of New York and 
of John Winne, Ryckert Van Vranke and Jacob J. Van Wourt 



1 In the office of the county clerk, Ballston Spa. Book of Entries of the 
Commissioners appointed for the Partition of the Proprietary Share of 
Nanning Harmanse in Clifton Park. 



484 Sir William Johnson Papers 

Commissioners appointed to make partition of the Lands herein 
before mentioned at Johnson Hall in the County of Albany on 
Wednesday the nineteenth day of April in the year of our Lord 
one thousand seven hundred and Sixty nine. 

The said Commissioners proceeded to make and Did make as 
many Tickets as there are Allotments made of the Lands herein 
before mentioned to be divided with the Number of each Allot- 
ment on every Ticket, and as many Tickets as there are Grantees 
of the said Land with the name of each Grantee on every Ticket, 
And the Tickets of the Names were put into one Box, and the 
numbred Tickets into another Box and the said Commissioners 
did then appoint Jeremiah Ermich a Lad of about thirteen years 
— to draw the several Tickets of the Names and the numbred 
Tickets who did accordingly draw the same first a Ticket of the 
Names And then a Ticket of the Numbers and so did proceed 
until all the said Tickets were drawn and the same fell out on 
the drawing aforesaid in the following manner to wit 

To the name of the Grantee. Nicholas Visger were drawn 
the Lot N°. One of the first Allotment, The Lot N°. Two of the 
second Allotment. The Lot N°. one of the third Allotment, The 
Lot N°. one of the fourth Allotment, The Lot N°. one of the 
fifth Allotment, The Lot N°. Two of the sixth Allotment, The 
Let N°. one of the Seventh Allotment, The Lot N°. one of the 
Eighth Allotment, The Lot N°. One of the Ninth Allotment, 
The Lot N°. One of the Tenth Allotment, The Lot N°. one of 
the Elevinth Allotment, The Lot N°. three of the Twelfth Allot- 
ment, The Lot N°. one of the fourteenth Allotment. The Lot N°. 
One of the thirteenth Allotment, and the Lot N°. one of the 
fifteenth, Allotment. 

To the name of the Grantee Harme Visger were drawn the 
Lot N°. Two of the first Allotment, The Lot N°. three of the 
second Allotment, The Lot N°. Two of the third Allotment, 
The Lot N°. Three of the fourth Allotment, The Lot N°. three 
of the fifth Allotment, the Lot N°. One of the sixth Allotment, 
The Lot N°. Two of the Seventh Allotment, The Lot N°. Two 
of the Eighth Allotment, the Lot N°. Two of the Ninth Allot- 



Land and Indian Affairs 1764-1773 485 

ment, The Lot N°. Two of the Tenth Allotment, the Lot N°. 
Two of the Elevinth Allotment, The Lot N°. Two of the Twelfth 
Allotment, the Lot N°. Two of the thirteenth Allotment and the 
Lot N°. Two of the fourteenth Allotment and the Lot N°. Two 
of the fifteenth Allotment. 

To the name of the Grantee Johannes Visger were drawn the 
Lots N°. three of the first Allotment, The Lot N°. One of the 
second Allotment, The Lot N°. three of the third Allotment, The 
Lot N°. Two of the fourth Allotment, The Lot N°. Two of 
the fifth Allotment, Lot N°. three of the sixth Allotment, The 
Lot N°. three of the seventh Allotment, The Lot N°. three of 
the Eighth Allotment, The Lot N°. three of the Ninth Allotment, 
The Lot N°. three of the Tenth Allotment, The Lot N°. three 
of the Eleventh Allotment, The Lot N°. one of the Twelfth 
Allotment The Lot N°. three of the thirteenth Allotment the 
Lot N°. three of the fourteenth Allotment and the Lot N°. three 
of the fifteenth Allotment. 

Of which said Balloting and proceedings we 
have made this Entry and Do Certify the same 
this Nineteenth day of April in the year One 
thousand seven hundred and sixty nine./. 

W Johnson 
By order of the Comis rs . ) 

Rob t . Yates Clk to y e . Corns 5 . \ 

John Wennee] 
Ryckert Van Vrancken [Corns 5 . 
Jacob G. Van WoordtJ 



486 Sir William Johnson Papers 

TO GUY CARLETON 

Dp 

Johnson hall June 20 th . 1769. 
Sir — 

I have had the favor of your Letter of the 25 th . May, 2 and 
agreable thereto I inclose you a Copy of the Regulations for Trade 
in 1 769, ; together with the Instruction to the Commissary but you 
will please to observe that these Instructions were only General, 
as from the obstructions which the [pla]* Execution of the plan 
met with, The Commissary had as little Support as Authority, 
& under such a State of Uncertainty [/ Was obliged] no other 
could be given him than such as arose from the Circumstances of 
Affairs there. — 

Agreable to his Majestys Orders for discontinuing the Officers 
appointed for the Affairs of Trade I have discharged all the 
Commissarys, & the Smiths & Interpreters would have been all 
Withdrawn Likewise but that Neither the General nor Myself 
thought it prudent to be done imediately but rather to wait 
a little time that the Colonies might be able to make the Necessary 
provisions agreable to his Majestys Expectations, This however 
seems to be very doubtfull, because the different Views & [Senti- 
ments] Interests of each, render a Cooperation of Sentiments 
very difficult to be effected, without which these Matters can 
never be well conducted. — The [province] Legislature of New 
York have passed some Resolves, & made some offers, with a 
Provisoe that Quebec & Pensilvania Joyns them in it, I have 
not heard of any thing done, or under consideration in the other 
Colonies As to the Amount of presents It was not in my power 
during the short time that the plan was endeavored to be executed, 
to Ascertain them, The Acco ts . of the Commissaries were ad- 
mitted or rejected according to the Circumstances of Affairs, and 



1 In New York State Library. In Guy Johnson's hand. 

- In Johnson Papers, 12:720-21. 

*Ibid. 6:762-64. 

1 Words italicized and in brackets are crossed out in the manuscript. 



Land and Indian Affairs 1764-1773 487 

Indeed I do not See how the Expences can ever be ascertained, 
for on the one hand an Unlimitted [Sum] Indulgence ought not 
to be given to the Officers, & on the other a fixed Sum May fall 
greatly Short of what may be necessary on Emergencys, when 
Time will not allow to Consult a Superior & wait his Orders. — 
I shall at all times readily offer my Sentiments on any point 
where they may be thought Necessary, & I am with great Truth 
& Regard 

Sir &ca. 
Gov R . Carleton 

INDORSED: 

June 20 th . 1 769 



To Gov r . Carleton 



ACCOUNT OF JELLES FONDA 

D} 

CaughnaWaga 6 July 1769 

Sir W m . Johnson D 1 . 

To Caulking a Boat . . 8 . 

To Tools for d°. & hire 1 . . 1 . 

To 3 men for their trip from 

hence to the salt Lake — 

To 4 Kegs with Battow mens Rum^ 

Limes, & Egs ( 

To 1 pack salt about y e . Egs 
To 1 p s . English Blankits — 



1 In New York State Library. Fonda Papers. In a small memorandum 
book. 



488 



Sir William Johnson Papers 



ACCOUNT OF DANIEL CLAUS 

d.s: 

[July 20 — Sept. 21,1 769] 
The Honourable Sir William Johnson Bar*. D r . 

To Daniel Claus Esq r . his Deputy for district of Canada 
On Account of Indian Expences in said District in Summer 1 769 



1769 
July 20 th . To Expences attending 
Congress and private Meet- 
ings with the Caghnawageys 
at their Town 

To D°. going to Quebec 
on Business and convening 
the Hurons and others 

To D°. on a meeting with 
the S*. Regis and Swegachy 
Indians 

To D°. with the Three 
Nations at the Lake of the 

Two Mountains 

Sept r . 13 th . To W m . Murrays Acco*. 
of Victualling the Ind n . 
Chiefs going to Montreal on 

Business 

21 st . To Hugh Haneys Ace 1 , 
of sundrys in Victualling the 
Indian Chiefs of the differ- 
ent Nations that came to me 
on Business during my stay 
in Canada as <P Receipts . . 

To paying an Interpreter 
of the Western Nations oc- 
casionally 



21. .16 



27. .10. 



7..12..— 



23. .18..— 



3.. 4. 



57. .16.. 9 



11.. 8..— 



1 In New York State Library. 



Land and Indian Affairs 1764-1773 489 

1769 

To Canoe hire going to the 
Indian Towns as <P Re- 
ceipt 2 . . 5 . . — 

To Co 1 . Jones' order for 
Rum to Indians 1 . . — . . 5 

To Postage and Stationary 1 . . 1 1 . . 6 

To my Expences going 
and returning from Canada 24 . . 1 5 . . 4 



Errors excepted ... £ 1 82 . . 1 7 . . 3 J/2 



Dan. Claus 

Dy. Ag l . for Canada 



Allowed, 



W, Johnson 



indorsed : 

Dan. Claus Esq r . 

his Acco*. of Ind n . Expences 

in Canada Sumer 1 769 



£182.. 17.. 31/2 



490 Sir William Johnson Papers 

TO JELLES FONDA 

Marc/! 20< A . 7770 — 

Sir — 

please to let the Bearer have a Saw Mill File, and charge it 
to ace', of y r . 

Humble Serv 1 . 

W Johnson 
To Major Fonda — 

INDORSED: 

20 March 1770 
Sir William Johnsons 
Order 






1 In New York Historical Society. 



TO THOMAS GAGE 
A.L.S} 

Johnson Hall May 10*. 1770 



1 In William L. Clements Library; the draft slightly damaged was 
printed in Johnson Papers, 7:654-55. Gage's endorsement indicates that 
it was received May 1 9 and answered. 



TO THOMAS GAGE 
A.L.S. 1 

Johnson Hall June 1 sl . 1770. 



1 In William L. Clements Library; the draft only slightly damaged was 
printed in Johnson Papers, 7:705-06. Gage's endorsement indicates that 
it was received June 9th and answered. 



Land and Indian Affairs 1764-1773 



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Land and Indian Affairs ! 764-1 773 495 

TO THOMAS GAGE 
A.L.S. 1 

Johnson Hall July 6">. 1770 



1 In William L. Clements Library; draft only slightly damaged was 
printed in Johnson Papers, 7:789-90. Gage's endorsement indicates that 
it was received July 1 6. 



TO THOMAS GAGE 

Johnson Hall August K 1770 



1 In William L. Clements Library; draft dated July 31, 1770, was 
printed in Johnson Papers, 7:817-18. Gage's endorsement indicates that 
it was received August 1 3 and answered. 



TO JELLES FONDA 

Copt; 1 

August 11 th . 1770 — 
Sir — 

please to let the the Head Man of the Mississagas have a felt 
or Wollen Hatt, and three more for the other Cheifs. 2 He will 
divide 

I am Sir 

Y r . Humble Servant 
To Major Fonda W Johnson 



1 In Rufus A. Grider Scrapbook. New York State Library. A 
facsimile tracing of the order then ( 1 886) in the possession of the Schenk 
family, living west of Fonda. 

2 See Fonda's account, Johnson Papers, 7:980, for record of "4 Castor 
Hatts to the Mussisagoes cp order" at 20s. totaling £4. 



496 Sir William Johnson Papers 



TO THOMAS GAGE 

Johnson Hall Novb r . 8 th . 1770 



1 In William L. Clements Library; draft slightly damaged was printed 
in Johnson Papers 7:992-94. In the last paragraph Andrew Wemple re- 
quested "his half Years Sallary"; and the full figure for Capt. Stevenson's 
expenses was "£34 . . 1 5 . . 1 Curcy." The indorsement indicates that it was 
received November 18, 1770, and answered. 



BOND IN TRESPASS SUIT 

D. 1 

[November 14, 1770] 
Know all men by these presents That we S r . William John- 
son Baronet of the County of Albany, Robert Henry of the 
City of New York Merch f . William Kane of the said City 
Merch*. Martin Garretson Vanbergen of Katts Kill Yeoman, 
Hugh Denniston of the same Place Inn holder. Robert Lake 
Esq r . Commissary of Stores William Steuart of the City of New 
York Drugist & John Adams of the said City Merchant are 
held and firmly bound unto John Tabor Kempe of the City 
of New York Esquire in the Sum of five hundred Pounds Cur- 
rent Money of the Province of New York, to be paid to the 
said John Tabor Kempe, or to his Certain Attorney, Heirs 
Executors Administrators or Assigns To which payment well and 
truly to be made we bind ourselves our Heirs Executors & 
Administrators Jointly and Severly firmly by these presents, 
Sealed with our Seals Dated the Fourteenth Day of November 
in the Eleventh Year of our Sovereign Lord George the third 
by the Grace of God King of Great Britain &c and in the year 
of our Lord One thousand Seven hundred & Seventy 

Whereas an action of Trespass and Ejectment is depending 



1 In Cornell University Collection of Regional History. 



Land and Indian Affairs 1764-1773 497 

in the Supreme Court of Judicature of this Province at the suit of 
James Jackson on the several demises of Lieutenant Swords 
late of his Majestys fifty fifth Regm'. and of Josiah Harper 
and William Spaight against Hendricus Custerhout Defendant 
for divers tracts of Land lying In the County of Albany near 
the Division Line between the said County of Albany and the 
County of Ulster, in which Suit the above named John Tabor 
Kempe is Attorney upon Record for the said Plaintiff at the Special 
Instance and Request the above named Lieutenant Thomas 
Swords, Thomas Lynott, William Cockburn, S r . William John- 
son Bar*. Robert Henry, William Kane, Martin Garretson Van 
Bergen, Hugh Deniston, Robert Lake Esq r . William Steuart, 
& John Adams, Parties all Interested in the Premises under 
the Lessors of the said Plaintiff or one of them Now the Condi- 
tions of this Obligation is such that if the said James Jackson 
shall suffer a Non suit to pass against the said Plaintiff Then if 
the above bounden S r . William Johnson Bart. Robert Henry, 
William Kane, Martin Garretson Van Bergen, Hugh Deniston, 
Robert Lake Esq r . William Steuart & John Adams their Heirs 
Executors & Administrators or one of them do and Shall well 
and truly pay or Cause to be paid unto the said Defendant his 
Certain Attorney, his Executors Administrators or Assigns all 
such Costs, Charges and Disbursments which shall be recovered 
by the said Defendant against the said Plaintiff in the said Suit 
and Taxed by one of the Judges of the said Supreme Court, and 
well and truly save harmless and indemnified the said John Tabor 
Kempe, His Heirs Executors and Administrators and Every of 
them of & from the same, and every Part and parcle thereof & 
of and from all and every Action & actions, Suits Attachments 
Processes and Damages in any wise Concerning the Premises, 
Then this Obligation to be Void and of none effect Otherwise 
to be and Remain in full force and Virtue. — 

Sealed & Delivered 
by S r . William Johnson 
in the presence of 



498 Sir William Johnson Papers 

ONEIDA CHIEFS TO GOVERNOR DUNMORE 

Onoide Decern'. y e . 3/ st . 1770 — 
To His Excellency the Right Honourable John Earl of Dun- 
more, 2 Cap tn . General & governour in Chief of the Province of 
New York. 

A speech from the Chiefs of the Onoide Indians 
Brother Gover r . of N. York, & our Governour also — listen 
to us, in what we shall now say, as we have thot proper & neces- 
sary to address You, & {forward our rvords] 3 communicate our 
speech by ink & paper; as y e . great distance between us forbids 
a personal intercourse. 

Br r . Gover r . — We have heard of your Arrival — & are 
glad — we welcome You to N. York — we wish You great 
success in Your Administration, & peace in all your Goverment 
— & hope y e . same may continue amongst ourselves — as We 
have begun in earnest to attend to the holy word of God — & 
many of us have embraced y e . gospel of Jesus Christ, y e . only 
Saviour of both white people & Indians. 

Br r . Govr r . — we desire now to speak freely w h . You, as our 
Freind, & acquaint You w h . our Situation & present Necessities. 
we are at a great distance from [our Br n .] the white ppl & almost 
an hundred Miles from our Br r . S r . W m . Johnson, where we are 
obliged to travel, in order to get our Hoes Axes and Guns 
Mended, & y l . some times not accomplished without great diffi- 
culty — We wont mention y e . many weary & hungry days we 
are sure to meet with in y e . Journey. & sometimes a poor old 
Man, or an old woman, [crooked] bent w h . age, who can 
scarcely [go] walk — yet necessity drives y m . out upon y e . long 



1 In Hamilton College Library, Kirkland Papers. Petition in hand of 
Samuel Kirkland quotes the reply of Sir William to the plea of the Oneidas. 

2 John Murray, Earl of Dunmore, was governor of New York from 

Oct. 19, 1770 to July 9, 1771. 

3 Words italicized and in brackets are crossed out in the manuscript. 



Land and Indian Affairs 1764-1773 499 

Journey — & y a . are but just able to return, for y e . snow & 
rain. 

B r . Gov r . — Now listen to us — we stand in great need of a 
Blacksmith — to work for us here at our oTvn place — if it be 
but a short while — perhaps six months or a year — in which 
time, some of our Young Men might acquire a small degree of 
skill in y e . trade, so y*. hereafter we might shift for ourselves in 
cases of necessity. — But in order to [do] this, we must ask a 
still greater favour of our Br r . y e . Governour — the implements 
[necessary] of y e . smith trade, — such as bellows, Anvil, Vice, 
hammers, files, — we mention no more lest they shoud appear 
too numerous — especially with the addition of a little iron & 
steel, which our B r . will no doubt judge necessary. 

This Charity once granted, w d . be very extensive & manifold. 
[much] — We cou'd then hire a smith to do our work here, w h . 
very little Cost — & escape many hungry days y'. our Journey 
to Sir W m . Johnsons always brings upon us, & improve these in 
hunting. 

We have begun to work — & for our parts will build a house 
suitable for a smith & provide Coal. — Wood is plenty with us. 

Br r . Gov r . — we pray You to consider well our petition. — 
We earnestly beg for this favour & shall esteem it very great. 
We must [tell] inform You, that [this] a Smith has been 
promised to us many years since, — & our Br r . S r . W m . John", 
has given us encouragement from time to time — till a few weeks 
ago, we rec d . the following reply to our last application there — 

"Brethern — It is not in my power to grant you this Assist- 
ance — my hands are now shut, — the King's purse, [which] 
y l . is committed to my Care to disburse among the Indians, is 
very small. — I might provide you w h . a smith for a year or 
More, & furnish you w h . all y e . implements for y f . Business — 
& for the other Nations, but y f . w d . exhaust all y e . little store, 
& you w d . of consequence have no clothing, or Amunition. — 
And I must tell you, that the providing & ordering of Smiths 
& Trade among the Indians is not with me. The King, has put 



500 Sir IVilliam Johnson Papers 

that into y e . hands of y e . several Govern 55 , on y e . Continent — 
each to give orders & direct in y r . respective jurisdiction — the 
Governour of N. York is to order with respect to these Things, 
for you, & y e . other tribes in five Nations." 

"Thus said our Br r . S r . Will m . Johnson — " 

We therefore now apply to you, as our Govern r . & y e . Minister 
of the Great King — whom we revere, & who we have always 
heard [cares for our welfare] has our welfare at heart. If You 
sh d . think y l . we ask too great a Charity, (supposing nothing is 
due in point of Justice & agreeable to former promisses) — we 
then beg for the latter — Viz. — "for y e . Implements of y e . 
[black] smiths Trade" & we will endeavour to help ourselves. — 

from our very hearts, we pray You, B r ., w h . all your Councel, 
to consider our poverty & necessity, w c . speaks loud, & perhaps 
you will find it in your hearts to compassionate us — We shall 
be glad to hear from you soon. — 

B r . one word more, & we are done — that is, if our petition 
shall be rejected (tho' the thing asked has been long promised 
in y e . King's Name) dont think we shall resent it, like Indians 
& Heathen — No, B r . we have learned better things, the Gospel 
of Jesus X has taught us, to live in peace w h . our Br n . & seek 
y e . public good — & especially to have compass", upon the 
poor, w c . are always to be found. 

Br. our Governour, farewell. 

The Names of the fTagawaron Speaker 

Chiefs present | Ojekhete 

at & delivering | Tekeango 

y e . speech | Suhnageorot 

Giwi 

Shinhore 

Seskate 

Tegawe 



Land and Indian Affairs 1764-1773 501 

Interpreted by, 

Your Excellencys most obed 1 . & most humble 
Servant 

Sam l . Kirkland, Miss r y. 

to the Onoides 

N. B. I have given as literal an Interpretation of y is . speech, 
as y e . idioms of y e . different Languages w d . admit. 



TO 



A.L.S} 

[ 1770] 

Monday Evening 

Sir — 

I this Moment rec d . yours, and am oblidged to You for the 
trouble You have taken about the Battoes, and as my Horses 
are greatly fatiuged, would be glad You would get them rid in 
by other Sleds but pray order them to put long poles under them 
as they do when they ride Hay & Bunches of Straw behind, & 
before well tyed to Save them from rubbing or thumping against 
the Sleay, which would damage them much — 

Y r . Compliance will oblidge 
Sir Y r . Welwisher 
& Humble Servant 



W Johnson 



INDORSED: 



Sir 

Willems Johnson 

Bout Van Ds: 

pattos na Sackendagoe 

1 770 

men & 19 



1 In New York State Library. 



502 



Sir William Johnson Papers 



A PETITION FROM SCHENECTADY 
D. 1 
[Schenectady, Jan. 20, 1771] 



* 



* 



* 



* 



] 

] Jun*. 
] Truex 

] IDER 

Cornelius [ ]n Slyck 

Petrus Vander Volgen 

Anthony D. Bratt 

William Hall 

[ ] M. Wemple 

John Quackenbous 

John Jacob Vroman 

Simon Vroman 

John Van Sice 

John Clute 

Nicholas Van D. Bogert 

John W. Hall 

Gerret J. Lansing 

Wessel Wessels 

Ahaswerus Christeyanse 

Jelles Clute 

Cornelius D. Grafe 

John Corry 

Andrew Mitchell 

And w . M c Farlin 

Benj n . Young 

John Heighan 

John Veider 



John [ ] 

Nicholas F. Van Petten 
John Wemple 
Takel Marselius 
John Is[aac] Wemple 
Barent Wemple 
Arent S. Bratt 
Frances Osburn 
Myndert R. Wemple 
Jacobus Van Eps Jun r . 
David Russ 
Jelles Brower 
Cornelius Romkel 
And w . Rynex 
Issac Jacob Swets 
Gerret Van Schaick 
Cornelius Groot 
Seger V. Sandfordt 
Jelles Van Vorst 
Samuel Steers 
Alexander Marselius 
And w . Van Petten 
Frances Veider 
Johannes Fort 
Jelles D. Van Vorst 
Harmanus Van Slyck 
Flias Post 



1 An additional sheet partly mutilated with a list of signers; should be 
appended to the document printed in Johnson Papers, 7:1105-07. 



Land and Indian Affairs 1764-/773 



503 



WM. M^Entire 
James Wilson 
Bynear Mynderse 
John Knox 
Jacobus Vroman 
Henry V. Dresen 
James Shuler 
Richard Smith 
David Peak 



William Petus 
John R. Mynders 
Peter Peterson 
Simon Groot 
Abraham Groot 
Hugh Mitchell 
John A. Bradtt 
Jacob A. Vroman 
Jacob Bradtt 
Abr m . G. Lansing 
Abr m . Bradtt. — 



INDORSED: 



Copy of the Petition of the 
Freeholders & Inhabitants of the 
Township of Schenectady 
ag*. Ryer Schermerhorn & Ors. 



SPEECH TO CAGHNAWAGEYS 

D. 1 



[Johnson Hall, July 15, 1771] 
S r . W m . Johnsons Speech to the Caghnaw^. D? 5 . Speech of 1 5 th . 
July 177 1. 2 after Condoling for Onughrageghte their chief a bt . 
100 y r . old who died this Spring. 



Brothers 

I have heard your CompK and I agree with you in Opinion 
that it will be most convent for you to hold y r . Lands in the 
manner you desire that no white people should be permitted to 



1 In Canadian Archives, Claus Papers, Diary 5. In handwriting of 
Daniel Claus. 

2 See Proceedings of a Congress in July, 1771. Doc. Rel. Col. Hist. 

N.Y., 8:282-83. 



504 Sir William Johnson Papers 

settle there upon. I have therefore wrote a Letter to the GoV. 
of Quebec ab*. it w*. a View that the french People may be pre- 
vented from Settling thereupon ; w ch . I think the best Measure to 
be taken for answering your Desires, and in the mean time I 
hope you will demean yourselves Soberly and discretely, without 
entring into any Quarrels concern?, it. 

a Belt. 
NB To mention to the Gov r . of Quebec that the Ind ns . of 
Caghny. have the Enjoym f . of their Lands while they remain 
there otherways to revert to y e . Crown. 

Bro rs . 

The Story you tell me of the Interp r . is not of Consequence 
enough to give you any Concern, when he spoke in the idle 
Manner that you represent, /: for w ch . he is justly blameable, I 
suppose he must have been in Liquor or over come with Passion, 
as you must all well know that the English have promised you 
Protection & favour, and will afford it to you so long as you 
deserve it; Continue therefore to act like sincere Good Men, 
faithful to your Engagem ts . And you may be assured that you 
have nothing to fear but that you may confidently rely on the 
favour of the King, and be assured of my Friendship. 

a Belt. 
Bro rs . 

Your Bro r . Col°. Claus my Depy. who has the Care of your 
Concerns in Canada, being ab f . to proceed thither is instructed 
by me to enquire into your Aff rs . & to use all his Endeav rs . for 
procuring every reason bIe . Demand to w ch . you can made Pre- 
tens s . 

a Belt 
Bro" 

I am sorry to find the Consequences of Philips s Conduct 
have extended so far & that a chief Woman sh d . suffer on his 
Ace'. Nothing in my Power shall be wanting to apply proper 
Remedies to these Disorders. And I dare say that Col°. Claus 



Land and Indian Affairs 1764-1773 505 

will be able now to settle all Matters amicably for if they will 
not pay due Regard to his Admonition, w ch . they may be as- 
sured will always be for their Good they cant expect my Good 
Will. — 

a Belt 



RECEIPT 

Copy 1 
Johnson Hall September 28 lh . 1771. 

Received of Mess rs . Bartholomew and Peter Vroman of 
Scohare the Sum of four Hundred Pounds Which they passed a 
Bond for in my prescence, and that for a Tract of Low Land 
bought by them of the Scohare Indians which Sum I am to de- 
liver to the Indians when all Assembled in Council, 

W Johnson 



1 In New York State Library. Facsimile copy by Rufus A. Grider 
from original owned by A. G. Richmond of Canajoharie. April 1 888. 
In Grider Scrapbook, Vol. 8. p. 1 8. 



506 



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522 Sir William Johnson Papers 

A RELEASE OF LAND 

D.S. 1 

[June 10, 1772] 
This Indenture made the Tenth day of June One Thousand 
Seven Hundred and Seventy Two Between The Honorable 
Sir William Johnson of Johnson Hall in the County of Tryon 
and Province of New York Baronet of the Kingdom of Great 
Brittain of the One Part And the Right Honorable Lord Adam 
Gordon of Preston Hall in North Brittain of the other Part 
Witnesseth that the said Sir William Johnson for and in Con- 
sideration of the Sum of Five Shillings Current money of New 
York to him Paid by the said Lord Adam Gordon the Receipt 
whereof is hereby Acknowledged Hath and by These Presents 
Doth Grant, Bargain and Sell unto the said Lord Adam Gordon 
All That Certain Tract or Piece of Land being Part and Parcel 
of a Larger Tract of Land Granted by his Majesty's Letters 
Patent Bearing date the Twenty Eighth day of February One 
Thousand Seven Hundred and Sixty Nine To Peter Servis 
and others and now by Sundry Mesne Conveyances in the Pos- 
session of said Sir William Johnson Scituate, Lying, and being 
in the County of Tryon by the Late Division of the County of 
Albany into Three Countys which said Tract or Piece of Land 
is Butted and Bounded as Follows Vizt. 

Beginning at a Large Beech Tree Marked on four sides with 
a Blaze and Three Notches Standing in the Line or Easterly 
Bounds of Lord Holland's Tract and Distant about Twenty 
four Chains on a North Sixteen Degrees and Fifteen Minutes 
East Course from the North side of a Large Brook or Creek 
Running Nearly West, The Said Tree is marked also with the 
Letters L H on the West side and L A G on the East, and 
Runs Thence North Sixteen Degrees and Fifteen Minutes East 
Six Hundred and Sixty Five Chains along the said Easterly 
Bounds of Lord Holland's Tract, to the South Westerly Corner 



1 In the Oneida Historical Society, Utica. 



Land and Indian Affairs 1764-1773 523 

of a Tract of Land Belonging to the Honorable Thomas Gage, 
Thence South Seventy Three Degrees Forty Five Minutes 
East, One Hundred & Forty Five Chains Along the Southerly 
Bounds of said Tract to the North Westerly Corner of a Tract 
of Land Belonging to Sir William Johnson Baronet, Thence 
South Sixteen Degrees and Fifteen Minutes West Seven Hun- 
dred and Eleven Chains along the Westerly Bounds of the Last 
mentioned Tract — Thence North Fifty Three Degrees and 
Forty Five Minutes West One Hundred and Fifty Five Chains 
along the Northerly Bounds or Line of a Small Tract or Piece 
of Land Belonging to the said Sir William Johnson To the 
place of Beginning Contaiiig Ten Thousand Acres of Land 
To Have and to Hold the said Premisses hereby Granted unto 
the said Lord Adam Gordon his Executors, Administrators and 
Assigns for One whole Year from the day next before the date 
of These Presents Yielding and Paying therefore the Rent of 
One Pepper Corn, if Demanded, at the Expiration of said Term, 
To The Intent and Meaning that by Virtue of These Presents 
and Force of the Statute for Transferring Uses into Possession 
he the said Lord Adam Gordon May be in the Actual Posses- 
sion of The Premisses and Thereby be Enabled to Accept and 
Take a Grant and Release of the Reversion and Inheritance of 
said Premisses to him and his Heirs for Ever In Witness whereof 
the Parties aforesaid have hereunto Set Their Hands and Seals 
the day and Year first within Written — 

Sealed and Delivered 

in Presence of W, JOHNSON 

Ro: PlCKEN 

Dudley Davis 



. Recorded in Lib. A. folio 21, and 22 in the 

j ss Clerks Office and Examined & compared with 
' the Record by 

John Blagge Clk 



524 Sir William Johnson Papers 



INDORSED: 



Sir William 
Johnson Bar f . 

to 

Lord Adam 

Gordon — 



( 



Lease 
for a Year 
of 10,000 
Acres of 
Land — 



in 
Services Patent 

June the 10 th 1792 
D, Davis 



A RELEASE OF LAND 

D.S. 1 

June 11, 1772 
This Indenture made the Eleventh day of June One 
Thousand Seven Hundred and Seventy Two Between the 
Honorable Sir William Johnson of Johnson Hall in the County 
of Tryon and Province of New York Baronet of the Kingdom 
of Great Brittain of the one Part And the Right Honorable 
Lord Adam Gordon of Preston Hall in North Brittain of the 
other Part Whereas Our now Sovereign Lord King George 
The Third by Letters Patent under the Great Seal of the 
Province of New York Bearing date the Twenty Eighth day of 
February One Thousand Seven Hundred and Sixty Nine Did 
Give and Grant unto Peter Servis and others All That Certain 
Tract of Land Situate and Being in the County of Albany and 
Province of New York Containing Twenty Five Thousand 
Acres of Land with the Usual Allowance for Highways, as 
by the said Letters Patent or the Record thereof in the Secre- 
tary's Office of the Province of New York Relation being there- 
unto had may more fully and at Large Appear And Whereas 
The said Sir William Johnson by Virtue of Sundry Mesne 
Conveyances is become Seized of the whole of said in part re- 



1 In the Oneida Historical Society, Utica. 



Land and Indian Affairs 1764-1773 525 

cited Tract of Land Now This Indenture Witnesseth That the 
said Sir William Johnson for and in Consideration of the Sum 
of Three Hundred and Seventy Five Pounds Current money of 
New York to him in hand paid by the said Lord Adam Gordon 
at or before the Ensealing and Delivery of These Presents The 
Receipt whereof he doth hereby Acknowledge and thereof and 
of every Part and Parcel thereof, Acquit, Release and Discharge 
him the said Lord Adam Gordon his Heirs, Executors, Ad- 
ministrators and Assigns for Ever by These Presents Hath 
Granted, Bargained, Sold, Aliened, Released and Confirmed 
and by These Presents Doth Clearly and Absolutely Grant, 
Bargain, Sell, Alien, Release and Confirm unto the said Lord 
Adam Gordon /in his Actual Possession now being by Virtue 
of a Bargain and Sale to him thereof made by Indenture for 
One Whole Year Bearing date the day next before the day of the 
date of These Presents and by Force of the Statute for Transfer- 
ring of Uses into Possession/ and To his Heirs and Assigns for 
Ever All that certain Tract or Piece of Land being Part and 
Parcel of the above in part recited Tract Situate, Lying and being 
in the County of Tryon by the late Division of the County of 
Albany into Three Countys which said Tract or Piece of Land 
is Butted, Bounded and Contains as follows Viz'. Beginning at 
a large Beech Tree marked on four sides with a Blaze and three 
Notches Standing in the Line or Easterly Bounds of Lord Hol- 
land's Tract and distant about Twenty four Chains on a North 
Sixteen Degrees and Fifteen Minutes East Course from the 
North side of a large Brook or Creek running nearly West, The 
said Tree is marked also with the Letters L H on the West side, 
and L. A. G, on the East, and runs Thence North Sixteen De- 
grees and Fifteen Minutes East Six Hundred and Sixty five 
Chains along the said Easterly Bounds of Lord Holland's Tract 
to the Southwesterly Corner of the Tract of Land Belonging to 
the Honorable Thomas Gage, Thence South Seventy Three De- 
grees and Forty Five Minutes East One Hundred and Forty 
Five Chains along the Southerly Bounds of said Tract to the 
North Westerly Corner of a Tract of Land Belonging to Sir 



526 Sir William Johnson Papers 

William Johnson Baronet, Thence South Sixteen Degrees and 
fifteen Minutes West Seven Hundred and Eleven Chains along 
the Westerly Bounds of the last mentioned Tract, Thence North 
Fifty Three Degrees and Forty five Minutes West One 
Hundred and Fifty five Chains Along the Northerly Bounds or 
Line of a Small Tract or Piece of Land belonging to the said 
Sir William Johnson To the place of Beginning at said Beech 
Tree Containing Ten Thousand Acres of Land And The Rever- 
sion and Reversions, Remainder and Remainders, Rents and 
Services of all and Singular the said Tract of Land and premisses 
above mentioned and hereby Intended to be Granted and of every 
part and Parcel thereof with the Appurtenances, And also all the 
Estate, Right, Title, Interest, Property, Claim and Demand what- 
soever both in Law and Equity of him the said Sir William 
Johnson of in and to the same and of in and to every part and 
Parcel thereof with The Appurtenances/Excepting and only Re- 
serving as in and by his Majesty's Letters Patent thereof is Ex- 
cepted and Reserved/To Have and to Hold the said Tract or Piece 
of Land and Premisses hereby Granted and Released as men- 
tioned or Intended so to be, with the Appurtenances and Every 
Part and Parcel thereof unto the said Lord Adam Gordon his 
Heirs and Assigns to the only proper Use and Behoof of the 
said Lord Adam Gordon his Heirs and Assigns for Ever Sub- 
ject to the Quit Rent, Reservations and Restrictions in the same 
Letters Patent mentioned and Expressed of and Concerning the 
same And the said Sir William Johnson for himself his Heirs, 
Executors and Administrators Doth Covenant Grant and Agree 
to and with the said Lord Adam Gordon his Heirs and Assigns 
by These Presents in manner and form following, That is to say, 
That he the said Sir William Johnson at and immediately before 
the Ensealing and Delivery hereof is and stands Seized of the 
Premisses hereby Released of a Good Estate in the Law in Fee 
Simple and Hath in himself good & Lawfull Right, Power and 
Authority to Grant and Convey the same to the said Lord Adam 
Gordon his Heirs and Assigns in manner and Form aforesaid 
And that the same Premisses shall forever hereafter Remain and 



Land and Indian Affairs 1764-1773 527 

Continue in the Quiet and peaceable Seizen and Enjoyment of the 
said Lord Adam Gordon his Heirs and Assigns and That free 
and Clear of and from all Quitrents Accrued on the same 
Premisses to the day of the date hereof and of and from all 
manner of former and other Titles, Charges, Troubles & In- 
cumbrances whatsoever, the Quit rents hereafter to Grow due 
for the same Premisses by Virtue of the said Letters Patent and the 
other Reservations and Restrictions therein Contained only Ex- 
cepted And Lastly that he the said Sir William Johnson and his 
Heirs and all Claiming or to Claim by from or under him shall 
and will at any time hereafter at the Request and Charge of 
the said Lord Adam Gordon his Heirs and Assigns make do 
Acknowledge and Execute or Cause to be Made, Done, Ac- 
knowledged and Executed this and every such further Deed or 
Deeds, Conveyances and Assurances in the Law for the further, 
Better and more Perfect Assuring and Conveying the Premisses 
hereby Granted unto the said Lord Adam Gordon his Heirs 
or Assigns as by him or them or his or their Councel Learned in 
the Law shall be Reasonably Devised, Advised or Required So 
Always that for the doing and Executing thereof the said Sir 
William Johnson or his Heirs or Those Claiming under him 
shall not be held or Obliged to go further from their Respective 
Habitations than the Distance of Ten Miles In Witness whereof 
the Parties to These Presents have hereunto Set their Hands and 
Seals the day and Year first within Written — 



W. Johnson [SEAL] 



Sealed and Delivered 
in Presence of us, the Lines 
25, 26 & 27, all wrote upon One 
Continued Erazure, and also 
the Words, "And also all the 
Estate', in Line 29 — 
Ro: PlCKEN 

Dudley Davis 



528 



Sir William Johnson Papers 



Received on the day of the date of the within In- 
denture the Sum of Three Hundred and Seventy 
five pounds York money being the Consideration 
mentioned — 



V £ 375 YC 



Present — 
Dudley Davis 



W, Johnson 



Tryon 



County I 



Recorded in the Clerks Office in Lib. A. fol: 
25, 26, 27, and Examined and compared with 
the Record this third day of December 1 772 

John Blagge Clk. 



J Be it remembered that on the Twenty fifth day of June in the 
Year of our Lord 1 772 personally appeared before me Guy 
Johnson Esq r . one of his Majesty's Judges of the Inferior Court 
of Common pleas for the County of Tryon in the Province of 
New York, the Honb le . Sir William Johnson Baronet and 
Acknowledged that he Signed Sealed, and as his voluntary Act 
and Deed delivered the within Instrument for the Uses therein 
mentioned And I having inspected the same and finding 
therein no material Erazures or Interlineations but what were 
taken notice of before its execution, do allow the same to be 
recorded. — 



INDORSED : 

Sir Will™. Johnson 
Bar 1 . 

To 
Lord Adam Gordon 



G Johnson 



D Davis 



Release of Ten 
Thousand Acres 
of Land in the 
County of Tryon 

in 
Services Patent 
June the 11*. 1772— 



1 In Guy Johnson's hand. 



Land and Indian Affairs 1764-1773 



529 






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Land and Indian Affairs 1764-1773 617 

JOURNAL OF DANIEL CLAUS 

A.D. 1 

[June 19 - Juhj 27, 1773.] 

June 19* 1773 
left home 3 p.m. for Canada, got to Scheny. left that Sunday 

Evens, got to Peoples, 2 21 st . got to Fort Ed wd . 22 d . Lake 

Geo e . 23 d . no Craft from y e . Lands. Got M r . Jones Boat 

arrived at the Lands. 1 1 p.m. 24 th . dined w th . M r . Feltham 

got to Crown point ab*. Midnight, 25 th . detained by the Comds. 

OfF r . on Ace', of fresh prov s . left that w th . a fair Wind ab l . 

Noon w ch . blew all Morns, got to Riv r . au Sable 26 th . blew 

hard crossing Bays Oskanondo 8 & Cumberland, after w ch . 

the wind turned ag st . us And we had hard work to get to y e . 

Land". Taylors 27 to St. Jean ab f . 2 p.m. saw M rs . [ 

and Continued. 

Memorand ms . for Sum r . 1 773 during my Stay in Canada — 

June 28 th . 

Arrived at Caghnaw^. reced by all the Chiefs very joyfully, 

told me ab f . settling thier Bound s . to y r . Satisfact". & ca . Lamented 

B r . Guys Accd'. 4 

fMisisqui Ind ns . ab l . M r . MatcafF. 
29. <j Went to Montreal to pay my Visits, Col°. 
ITemp r . 5 laid up w th . the Gout. 

30 th . Returned & dined at Maj r . Whartons 6 w th . some Officers 

reed, a Message by 2 Runners that the 6 Nat s . were at the 

Cedars. 7 sent a Note to Col°. Templer. 



1 In Canadian Archives, Claus Papers. Vol. 2 1 . Diary No. 1 . 

2 Peebles, home of the family by that name, later a tavern 3% miles 
north of Waterford, on the west bank of the Hudson River. 

3 Probably Ogharonde, a place on west shore of Lake Champlain north 
of Plattsburgh. See Beauchamp, Aboriginal Place Names, p. 45. 

4 The burning of Guy Park. 

5 Lt. Col. Dudley Templer of the 26th. regiment. 
G Maj. John Wharton of the 60th. regiment. 

7 On the St. Lawrence River. 



618 Sir William Johnson Papers 

July 1 st . Thorn Wileman s & others went to meet the 6 Nat s . 
Dep s . gave them prov s . wrote my Letters to S r . W m . & M r . 
Cramahe, 1 ' Peter 1 " dined with me. 
2 d . M r . Scott & Rimington dined with me. 
3 d . Went to Montreal ab f . Prov s . & sent my Letters. 11 
4 th . Returned from Montreal Aughquisas at my Lodging heard 
what they had to say. 

5 th . Went over the Riv r . to Caghnaw>\ to the Meeting a young 
Ind ns . dying of Consum". prevented it. 

6 th . Last Night attacked with a Violent pain in my back w th . a 
fever just able to cross to the Meeting w ch . begun with the 
Customary song of Condolance. then a large black Belt was 
given in behalf or S r . W m . to cover the grave of Oneaghrageghte 
and a white one by the 6 Nat s . for Aghtaghqueesere and so pro- 
ceeded with the usual Articles of y e . Ceremony consisting of 10 
Belts & Strings the last was a large Belt whereby they told the 
Caghnaw s . that the 6 Nat s . had come to a Resolution to unite all 
those Nations that heretofore belongd to the Confederacy & 
English Governmt s . in particular those who [had] by changing 
their former place of Abode. 

and thereby becoming Allies to the french King & in a Manner, 
alienated themselves from their own Nation & former Alliance, 
however that by a successfull War the English conquered the 
french and took Canada from them whereby those Ind ns . that 
separated themselves from thier natural Friends & Allies fell 
[once more] under the English Governm'. again & having pro- 
posed to them the 6 Nat s . to join the Confederacy some time ago 
it was recommended to the Warriors to look upon themselves for 
the future as one Body w ,h . those of the 6 Nat s . that likewise the 
upper Senecas influenced by french Counsels became wavering 
& in a manner, detached Themselves from their Confederacy & 



s Thomas Wildman. 

9 Hector T. Cramahe, who became governor of Quebec in 1771. 

10 Peter Johnson, son of Sir William and Molly Brant, who was then 
at school in Montreal. 

1 ' Cf. letter of July 3, 1 773, Johnson Papers, 12:1 026. 



Land and Indian Affairs 1764-1773 619 

the Eng sh . Interest during the late War & till of late acted an 
unbecoming & unfriendly part but last Year they recollected 
themselves & saw their Error & unanimously desired to be re- 
united w th . the chief & Warr rs . of the 6 Nat s . [&] promising to 
would attend the Couns 1 . fire at Onond a . as formerly 

The Belt. 

The Caghnawageys considered ab*. the Speech of the 6 Na- 
tions and were only puzzeld ab f . the last Belt not remembring 
when they proposed to unite w th . them again and put off the 
Answer to that Belt, but answered the ceremonial part with 
thanking the 6 Nat 3 , for the Compliment. I then crossed the 
Riv r . to my Lodging. N. B. gave them a Treat w th . pipes Tobacco 
& a Dram. 

Dined at Staceys 1 " — 
7 th . A Canoe came over for me at 6 a.m. the Wind being too 
high I could not pretend to cross till ab f . 1 1 . when it blew less 
and I embarked but in the midle of the Riv r . was pretty well 
toss'd ab f . some of the Onotagoes being unwell gave them some 
Turlington The Caghnaw>\ chiefs sent for me to meet them being 
next they told me that the St. Francis Ind n . Chief had sent a 
Complaint to them that the Warr rs . had taken the Bag w th . 
Wamp m . from them & they were without Authority or public 
Bus s . that one Jos h . Louis Gill was the cause of it. I told them 
that I expected the Abinaquis to be w th . me in ab f . 3 Weeks 
Time and that I would summons Gill to come along to hear both 
Sides w th . w ch . they were satisfied — They then came upon the 
S'. Regis Affair & the Report Otkwand e . & Saghseanag e . made 
of S r . W ms . Answer to them w ch . they s d . was that S r . W m . told 
them that he was glad they were come that he could make nothing 
of the Caghnawageys Letter wrote to me and would Now throw 
it quite aside. — 

That the Warriors & Women should not be admitted to the 
Council, but the chiefs only, and that they y e . 2 Messen s . should 



12 John Stacey. 



620 Sir William Johnson Papers 

be the head Men in y e . Village. — I told them that I was 
present when S r . W m . gave his Answer to their Speech which 
referred them to the Letter I wrote & the Answer the chiefs 
sent me there upon ab*. the Abinaquis, y f . he disapproved of 
Women & a few Warriors overruling their Councils & recom- 
mended to the Chiefs To maintain their Authority, and not allow 
of such doings going on among them contrary to all custom ; And 
lastly that if they could not put up with the Trader established 
at their place to indemnify him for his house & ca . before they 
sent him away, crossed the Riv r . something in better health than 
in y e . morn§. 

8 th . The 6 Nat s . came to me this Morns, to go to Town & 
wanted Tawan nce . to go along but he declined & I told them I 
had wrote Colo. Templer ab f . thier coming & that I should write 
to Perthuis 13 & desire him to attend them while in Town when 
they asked for something to eat & parted, After w ch . I told the 
Priest of S'. Regis w th . Ind ns . & Otquandagegate in order [to] 
Vindicate himself of what was reported of him in have, falsely 
delivered S r . W ms . Answer I could find by his hesitating & stam- 
mering that he delivered [ — ] it [S r . V/ m .] as much in his fav r . 
as he could & publicly declared himself to stand up for the The 
Priest w ch . occasioned a great Jealousy among the whole and the 
cheifs of the other side w ch . is now the strongest went away I 
desired them to stay and told them that I knew now of no other 
way towards a Reconciliation than to send away their priest, 
w ch . however they would not consent to [neither] when I told 
them I was at a Loss what to say but I could see the whole 
Jealousy proceeded from Otquandageghte & Saghseanug e . 
espousing the Priests cause & taking the Authority they [did] 
had had no right to and rejecting Soghdeghrawane a clever 
Speaker to be in the Council & even in y e . Village & setting them- 
selves up after returning from S r . W ms . The Priest had a long 
Discourse with me. — 
9 ,fl . The chiefs from Caghn e . came over represents, to me that 



13 Louis Perthuis, interpreter. 



Land and Indian Affairs 1 764-1 773 621 

Sadeghr — was a very useful Man to them in Council & they 
therefore had appointed him Speaker for themselves & Aughquis e . 
Ind ns . 

That they understood Otquandaghto took upon him to be chief 
w ch . they knew nothing off he being an Ind n . that had no certain 
place of Abode. I told them of the Medal Gen 1 . Carlton gave 
him w ch . they said was precedent, that there was no such thing as 
appointing a Chief among them without the Concurr ce . of the 
other Chiefs of the place he belonged to, in short they detest 
Atquand e . and Sagoghseanugeghte on Acco'. of their late 
Ambasade w ch . they say in Opposition of the Letter I wrote hav§. 
desired by them to desist from going every thing being annswerd 
thereby what they wanted. — 

The 6 Nat s . returned from Montreal and I had a fine house 
full of them they laying all next to my Room it being wet weather. 

10*. 

The 2 Lewis's from S f . Francis came to me ab f . Bus 55 , the 6 
Nat s . with me all day and very troublesom & expensive about 
dark they crossed to Caghnawagey, this Night a very heavy Night 
w th . Thunder & Lightning. 

Finly Powder came to be put up at haneys in All the bad 
weather; Stanhouse import^ 13,000^. 
1 1 th . Went to Montreal to church, the Lightning Struck in S l . 
Lawr ce . Suburbs no thing burnt. a child of 10 years deaffen'd 
thereby. M rs . Simpson stabd herself w th . a pen knife in the pit 
of the Stomach last Evening she lives still but much in danger of 
her Life says the Devil put it in her head and begin s . to feel 
& dread the Terror of Death with horror. Rec d . a Letter from 
Gov r . Cramahe in Answer to mine whereby he wishes to see 
me. 

12. Paid M r . Fuchet for Peters Board 14 2 mo l K 24 DolR 
left Montreal in order to go to La Chin where I met Biron gave 



14 Cf. the two letters of Dr. Huntley, Jan. 2, Mar. 6, 1 773, regarding 
charges of M. Fouchet (or Foucher), for Peter Johnson's board and 
instruction. Johnson Papers, 12:1010-11, 1013-14. 



622 Sir William Johnson Papers 

him a paper. After Dinner set off for point Clare where I lodged, 
the Ind ns . got farther hired a Cart to Carry Prov s . &ca. 
13 lh . Ab f . 8 a.m. came up with the Ind ns . after Breakfast crossed 
the Lake in order embarkd w ,h . Bunt, arrived at Caneghs d . ab'. 
1 . p.m. marched in crying & proceded to the Council Room & 
after the first Cermony went to Dinner bought 2 Beefs. 
14 th . The Arundax & Shaghg 5 . call me for a Meeting & 
acquainted me w th . Makateo quels wanting to go to War ag st . the 
Foxes & Desired me to stop him told them would consider ab'. 
it, After Dinner the 6 Nat s . spoke. — 

1 5 th . Two Canoes w ,h . one Cabet Interp r . to y e . Sakis from la 
Bay arrived gave me an Acco*. of Du Charms 15 Aff r . viz 1 , that 
the Missouri Ind ns . had killed 6 Spaniards whereupon the Comd§. 
offlc r . of Fort Louis 10 Miles below the Missouri demanded the 
Murderers when they sent him word that they would take his 
Scalp soon & carry of his Wife upon w ch . he stopd trade from 
them. And tis said Du Charm went to ask his Leave to go among 
them under the pretext of being a frenchman M r . Piernaas sent 
him off w lh . a flea in his Ear, & Ducharm (according to his [act- 
ing] passion [of] Treason:) stole up the Missouri and supplied 
the Ind ns . w th . Amun". & ca . the Spaniards have, watched his Mo- 
tions sent a party of 50 men as report^, to take Ducharm but he 
like a Desperato defended himself w tfl . his party & the Canoe he, 
was in got off he receing a Wound in his thigh and His other 
Canoe & hands surrendered containing 84 packs.x* — 

Went to meet the 3 Nat s . of Caneghsady. attended by the 
Caghnaw s . and gave them my Answer upon Yesterdays Informa- 
tion charging them strictly to keep their Warr s . quiet as there was 
now a general Tranquility prevailing among the Ind ns . Then 
speaking to them upon Gov r . Cramahes Letter they answered that 
at the Surrender of Canada they were promised by S r . W m . 
Johnson in behalf of His Majy. to enjoy the same Priviledges they 
did under the french Govern 1 , and perhaps greater, but they were 
now convinced of the Contrary by being forbid to pilot the Traders 



18 Jean Marie De Charme. 



Land and Indian Affairs 1764-1773 623 

Canoes and they must only [be] submit & be satisfied w th . what 
was enjoined them. 

Then they the Arund x . & Scagh — communicated to me their 
Intention of leaving their Village and establishing themselves ab f . 
10 Leagues above Carillon. 1 ' 1 

16 ttn . The chiefs of the Arund x . & Ripis spoke again and said that 
[formerly] with regard to the pilotage of the Long Sault 1 ' before 
the white people were acquainted with it they were very glad to 
crave the Assistance of the Ind ns . & could not have done without 
them & the Ind ns . were then the only ones that piloted the white 
peoples Canoes ; Now the white people Learned to pilot from the 
Ind ns . they were so ungrateful & greedy as to cut them out of their 
antient privilidge that if they were thus oppressed & refused in 
every Request they must only look upon them as undere[ ]ving 
Children continually under their parents Rod & in a manner dis- 
carded & cast of from their parent & left to theirselves & their 
own childish & [wild] uncostraint inclinations. 
1 7. Went to Montreal Col°. Templer showed me a Letter from 
Col°. Jones 1 * Commands, the Northern Distr*. where he says that 
my presence was wanted at Quebec on Acco f . of a Dispute be- 
tween the hurons of New Lorette & their priest ab l . the Lands of 
their Village. 19 

18 th . Left Montreal for Quebec in Compy. of Mess rs . Abbot, 
C:F: Scott Rimmington of R. Art'?. & L*. Shaw 20 of 10 Reg*, 
poor Cap f . Simson & wife went in an other Boat got this Night 
to Contre Coeur with Difficulty ab'. 1 1 p.m. 
19 tK . Got over Lake S*. Pierre to the Post house of Mishis. 
20 th . Breakfasted at Three Rivers waited upon Maj r . L'Arnauld 21 
commands, the 8 Reg*, had a Concert before Dinner after w ch . 



1 8 On the Ottawa River. 

17 The LaChine Rapids. 

18 Lt. Col. Valentine Jones of the 5 2d regiment. 

19 See letter of Claus, Aug. 20, 1773, Johnson Papers, 8:866-67. 

20 Lt. Merrick Shawe of the 1 0th regiment. 

21 Col. Bigoe Armstrong commanded the 8th regiment of foct in 1 773. 



624 Sir William Johnson Papers 

we set for Champlain 5 Leagues down, got among & in a heavy 

Thunder Shower. 

2 1 st . Got to Caroush ab f . 1 p.m. a very dark rainy Night. 

22 d . Arrived at Quebec ab f . 1 1 oClock a.m. waited on CoK 

Jones. Gov r . Cramahe, dined w ,h . Col°. Jones. — 

23. Went to Gov r . Cramahes ab l . Business he told ab*. the 

Hurons Dispute ab ( . their Village Lands, & on Ind ns . building a 

house in the middle of [the] a Road going to the Settlements of 

the Canadians. I told him would go to Lorette next Monday & 

enquire ab*. those Matters. 

24 th . had several of the Hurons with me on a Visit gave them 

some Victuals & ca . — 

25 th . heard M r . Montmoulin preach dined at M r . Knellers 

w ,h . Col°. Jones, Caldwell, Maj r . D°. &c. 

26. July at a Meeting with the Lorette Ind ns . at their Village, 

the Speaker B 22 , proceded as follows 

B r . When our Ancestors lived at , la Grand Isle in Lake 
Huron our father the Priest acqu d . us that he saw it inconvenient 
for him as well as us to remain there any longer and there fore 
proposed our moving to (to where our lines were and That) 
towards Quebec where we should want for neither Land or any 
thing else, Accordingly we agreed to his request & followed him 
& at our Arrival at [Quebec] Three Rivers he settled us there 
where we remained some Years w*. the Arundax the Original 
Ind ns . of that Country then the Priest who we then looked upon 
as our spiritual as well [as] temporal [guide] removed us to 
Sillery formerly called S f . Mishel when the priest saw they had 
improvd the Environs of that place he removd them to Quebec, 
afterwards to the Island of Orleans, after w ch . to S*. Foy, then old 
Lorette and lastly to this place called New Lorette where we now 
have lived 75 Years and have been lookd after by all Ind n . 
Nat s . from Tadousack to Niagara as their Superiors and obeyed 
as such, we have invited the Mohawks to this Country & procured 



22 Blank in manuscript. Beginning with this entry the journal is in 
pencil and quite indistinct. 



Land and Indian Affairs 1 764-/ 773 625 

their Settlements being considered by all the Nations in the above 
Light & original Proprietors of this Country we are at present 
come to that disagreable period of not being Masters of one Foot 
of ground [without] being [told] shuffed back & forward like 
a foot Ball, altho the Preist assured us when he removed us hither 
That we should have what Land we pleased [anJ] for our 
Village and marked out The Spot himself w ch . we now claim 2 
years before he built this church, w ch . we have showed you at 
your Arrival here this day as to writing Brother We See you 
cant imagine we should have secured our Claim by being entire 
Strangers to it [at present] and consequently were more so 40 
years ago, all we have to rely on is our Memory & the Justice 
of our Superiors for we can w th . Truth assure you to be so as we 
tell you and the then living preist had the two Statues you see on. 
each side of him over the Church Door put up in token [of] and 
Confirmation of s d . Limits and some of our old People now living 
were present when the Spot was marked out to them by that 
Priest who 5 years after died. And Now Brother the present 
Priest [/eases] Sells & leases away the Land his [former] 
Predecessor grant d . us for our Village and for ought we know 
may if in his Power entirely dispossess us of said Grant & let us