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Full text of "Cobbett's parliamentary history of England, from the Norman conquest in 1066 to the year 1803, from which last-mentioned epoch it is continued downwards in the work entitled "Cobbett's parliamentary debates.""

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Parliamentary History 







VOL. xn. 

A.D. 1741—1743. 


nantD sv t. c nkvsiXD, PBTBRaoitouaH.<x>iniT, n.BBr-mtEBa' s 








Py V(^c^ (o 1> 


The present Volume brings the Parliamentary History of Eng- 
hud down to the year 1743 ; at which period^ by ralher a singular 
coincidence, the Debates compiled for the Gentleman's Magazine 
by Doctor Johnson^ the Manuscript Reports of Archbishop Seeker^ 
and the Collections of Oiandler and Timberhnd— all end. 

The following will be found a conect lost of the Debates 
cofflpiled for the Gentleman's Magazine by Dr. Johnson : 

1T40. DdMte in the COMMONS, See VoL IW 

Nor. 25. On the Bill for prohibitii^ the Ezportation rf Com - XI 8£| 
Dec. Si On a Complaint against a printed Pi^r, entitled «Coii- 

sidentions upon the Embargo'* -••.•-« „« 867 
Debate in the LORDS, 
9L On tfaeDoke of Argyle's Motion respecting the State of 
the Army : and on a Resolution against augmenting, 
it by R4;imenU 89ft 

Ddiate m the COMMONS, 
la On the Augmentation of the Army by N^ R^gimants «•• 988 
12. On the Employment of th9 Half-Fay Officers .^ • • ... 991 

te. S6. On a Motion fiv Rear Admiral Haddock's linstroctiona ... 1001 
87. On the Bin for Paving and Cleansing the Streets of 

Westminster ••..•....«^..« «.. 1010 

Fci». S. On the Sailing of the Trendi and Spanish Fleets 10S9 

DdMte in the LORDS, 
11 On Lord Carteret's Motion for the Remofal of Sir Ro« 

bert Walpde - . - . ^ 1{53 

Debate in the COMMONS, 
On Bfr. Sandys's Motion for the Removal of Sir Robert 
Walpde .....,.♦ ... 1S08 

M On the Clauses of the Mutiny Bill rdative to the Quart 

taring of Soldieis 1449 

r It B F A C E. 

1741. See VoL Pn| 

Aprfl 6. On tbe Phoe Bfll - XII &. 

May I^ On considering and tavying the Standing Oiden of the 

House --..-*.••-.-- G 

25. On the BiD for indemnif|ring Penona who shall make Dia- 

coTeriesconeemlngtheBariof Orfivd'aCondocC • • «•• G 

98. On the BiU to ezdode oertam Ofioera fiem bdng Mem- 
ben of the House of Commona • ...••.• .•• 7: 

June 1. On the Bin for protecting IVade and Narigation 7i 


Jan, SI. On the FMitionofthe Charitable Corporation Ill 

Feb. 1. On taking die Hanoverian Troops hito British 1>7 lO! 

82. On the Motion fiir committing the Spirituous Liquors Bin ••• LS5 

S^ On the Spirituous liquors Bin, hi the Committee - - - ••• ISC 

85. On the Third Readmgefthe Spirituous Liquors Bin -. - .«• 14S 

LoKnoK, 5, PanUm Square, 
Jufy 25, 1812. 

OmiHioo in Vol. X 
AtthtfBolorP^14t9,4, ikooM hare b«o Mid, Bii» or Vmrai X. 





I. Proceedings akd Debates in 
BOTH Houses of Parliament. 


III. Kua's Speeches. 
ly. Kuig's Messages. ' 

V. Lists. 

VI. Parliamkntaky Papers. 
^U Protests. 

vui. Reports. 

IX. Persons filling the several 
High Offices in Church 
AND State. 

X. Index of the Names of the 
SEVERAL Speakers in both 
Houses of Parliament. 


GREAT BmTAIS^fConHnuedJhm VoL XL} . 


Feb. %. Debate in the Lords on the Place Bill I 

Protest on rejecting tlie Place Bill S 

27. Debate in the CominoDS on the Bill to prevent the Ipconve- 

nienoea arisingfrom the Insurance of Ships 7 

Debate in the Commons on the Seamen's Bill 26 

%r.l2. Debate m the Lords on altering a Turnpike Bill sent from the 

Commons. From the Seeker Manuscript 143 

Apdl 8. The King's Speech to both Houses for a Vote of Credit in sup- 
port of the Pragmatic Sanction, and for a Subsidy to the 

Queen of Hungary, &c 146 

9* Debate in the Lords on an Address of Thanks for the King's 

Speech 149 

Another Report of the same Debate from the Seeker Manuscript 149 
Debate m the Commons on an Address of Thanks for the King's 

Speech , 154 

1^ Debate in the Commons on a Motion for a Subsidy to the Queen 

of Hungary 167 

25. The King's Speech at the Close of the Session... t........... 185 

•^^^Xn.] [b] 



MeettDg of the New Parliament •. II 

List of the House of Comoioiia •• li 

Mr. Arthur Ondow re-chosen Speaker ••• 2 

4e. The Speaker's Speech on bemg presented to the King and ap- 
proved of • Si 

The King's Speech on Opening the Session Sj 

Debate in the Lords on the Address of Thanks 21 

Another Report of the same Debate, from the Seeker Manu- 
script : Sj 

The Lords' Address of Thanks— The King's Answer 2S 

8. Debate in the CommooB on the Address of Thanks 2j 

Hie Commons' Address of Thanks — ^The King's Answer 3] 

Doctor Le^ chosen Chairman of the Committee of Privileges and 

Elections • ..••••• 3i 

9. Proceedings respecting the Westminster Election Petition Si 

The Commons adjourn— A Message from the King to the Prince 

of Wales— The Prince's Answer 3i 

Jan. 19. Debate in the Lords on a Motion for Rear- Admiral Haddock's 

Orders and lnstructi<Ki8. From the Seeker Manuscript 33 

21. Debate in the Commons on Mr. Pulteney's Motion for referring 
to a Select Committee the several Papers relating to the Con- 
duct of the War 3S 

27* Debate in the Lords on a Resolution concerning thf Absence of 

Officers from the Garrison of Minorca 3| 

Protest on the Rejection of the said Resolution 35 

28. Proceedings relating to the Chippenham Election • 40 

Fob. 3. The Kino adjourns the Parliament -^ Sir Robert 
Walpolb resigns his Places^ and is created Earl 
OF Orford — The Prince of Wales Conciliated — 
Meeting of the Opposition at the Fountain Tavern 
— Great Ferment in the Nation — Ministerial 
Changes 40l 

Representations and Instructions sent to various 
Members from their Constituents upon the Change 
OF Ministry ....• 41{ 

19. Debate in the Commons on granting a Supply previous to a 

Redress of Grievances • 42{ 

26. The Pension Bill brought into the Commons 441 

Mar. 4. Resolutions of the Grand Committee on the Merchants' Petition 44^ 
A Bill ordered to be brought in for the Security of Trade and 

Navigation in time of War 441 

9. Debate in the Commons on Lord Limerick's Motion 


Conduct of Affairs at Home and Abroad during 
THE LAST Twenty Years : From the Loudon Magazine 441 



s^y^/ Page 
Dbbatb ih the Commons on Lord Limerick's Motion 
ror appointing a committee to enquire into the 
Conduct of Affairs at Home and Abroad during 
THE LAST Twenty Years : From the Gentleman's Ma- 
gazine .•• 496 

Mtf.SSi Debate in the Commons on Lojid Limerick's Motion 


Conduct of Robert Earl of Orford during the 
LAST Ten Ysars *..... 532 

Debate in the Commons on Lord Limerick's Motion 
for appointing a committer to enquire into the 
Conduct of Robert Earl of Orford during the 
lAst Ten Years 563 

A Secret Committee of Twenty One appointed to Enquire into 
the Conduct of Robert Earl of Orford 586 

Hie Commons' Address of Confidence and Fidelity to the King. 

»The King's Answer * • • 586 

19. Names of the Secret Committee appointed to Elnquire into the 

Coodttct of Robert Earl of Orford 587 

SI. A Motion for repealing the Septennial Act rejected by the Com- 
mons • « 590 

Hie Pension BOl rejected by the Lords • 590 

ApcO I. Hie King's Message concerning the Queen of Hungary 591 

& DdMte m the Lords on the Place BiU 593 

Another Report of the same Debate, from the Seeker Manuscript 592 
& Debate in the Commons on transferring Seven Irish Regiments 

to the British Establishment 611 

13. D^te in the Commons on Mr. Paxton's refusing to answer be- 
fore the Committee of Secrecy.« 635 

%li First Report from the Committee of Secrecy ap- 
pointed TO Enquire into the Conduct of R.obsrt 
Earl of Orford 628 

A Bill to indemnify Evidence against Robert Earl of Orford 

passes the Commons 637 

Copy of the Bill to indemnify Evidence against Robert Earl of 

Orford 638 

Debate in the Lords on considering and varying the Standing 

Orden. From the Seeker Manuscript 640 

25. D^te in the Lords on the Bill to indemnify Evidence against 

Robert Earl of Orford « 643 

Ajiother Report of the same Debate, from the Seeker Manuscript 643 
PMtest against not committing the Bill to indemnify Evidence 

against the Earl of Orford 711 

96. Debate in the Commons on the Rejection by the Lords of the - 

Bill to indemnify Evidence against Robert Earl of Orford 715 

28. Debate in the Lords. on the BiU to exclude certain Officers from 

being Members of the House of Commons 733 

3L Report of the Committee appointed to consider of 

Printing the Journals of the House of Commons 734 
The Journals of the House of Commons ordered to be printed... 745 

Ddiate m the Commons on the Vote of Credit ^ 74@ 

Copy of a Bill sent up from the Commons, for securing Trade and 

KsTigation in Times of WarM..M..».M..MMt..H.f.t.M.MMf.MMf 748 


June L Debate in the Lords en the BHl for Mcurnig Trade ftAd Naviga- 

ttonin Times of War •,. 7! 

Another Report of the same Debate, from the Seeker Manuscript 71 
Further Report from the Committee of Secrecy ap- 
pointed TO Enquire into the Conduct of Robert 

Earl of Orford 71 

July 15. The King's Speech at the Close of the Session S 


Nov. 16. The King's Speech on Opening the Session • 81 

Debate in the Lords on the Address of Thanks SJ 

TheLords' Address of Thanks— The King's Answer 8i 

Debate in the Commons on the Address of Thanks i Si 

The Commons' Address of Thanks.-^The King's Answer 81 

Dec S. Debate in the Commons on the Place Bill 81 

6. Debate in the Commons on continuing the British Troops in 

Flanders 9C 

10. Debate in the Commons on taking tHB Hakoterian 

Troops into British Pay. From the London Magazine 94 
Debate in the Commons on taking the HAMoraRiAN 
Troops into. British Pay. From the Gentleman's Maga- 
zine • lOl 

List of the Members of the House of Commons who voted for 
and against the Hanoverian Troops being taken into British 

Pay 105 

il. The King's Speech of Thanks for the Supply 105 

Feb. 1. Debate in the Lords on takino the Hanoverian 

Troops into British Pay 105 

Another Report of the same Debate, from the Seeker Manuscript 105 
Protest i^ainst taking the Hanoverian Troops mto British Pay... H^ 

Charitable Corporation Petition • H^ 

S2. Debate in the Lords on the Spirituous Liqabra BilL From the 

London Magazine •••• • il^ 

Debate in the L<Nrds on the l^irituous Liquors Bill. From the 

Gentleman's Magazine «•••••• • '• 1^ 

Another Report of die same Debate, from the Seeker Manuscript 139 
2i. Debate in the Lords on committing the Spirituous Liquors Bill— ISO 
Another Report of the same Debate, from the Seck«r Manuscript 136, 
' S5. Debate in the Lords on the third reading of the Spirituous Liquors 

Bill 142 

Anotlier Report of the same Debate, from the Seeker Manuscript 14S 
Protest against passing the Spirituous Liquors Bill ..••• 143* 


1741. April 9. Of the Lords, on the King's Speech for a Vote of Credit 
in ^uppovt of the Pragmatic Sanction, and for a Sub- 
sidy t» (be Queen of Himgwy ••»••••••••••.•... f 1^ 


[AddmsescontitttieiLl Pagi 
1741. April 9. Of the ConHMRtt M the Ki&g'i SpttA tbr a Vote of 
Credit in support of the PraniaEtic Senctioo, and for 

a Subaidy to the Q«een of HODgary..... 157 

Dec 4. Ofthe Lords, on the King's Speech 288 

Of the Commons, on the King's Speech 319 

mi Msr.23. Ofthe Commons, of Confidence and Ftdelityto the King 586 

Nov. 16. Of the Lords, on the lying's Speedi 851 

OfdieCottiaiOAS, on die King's Speech 87f 


J7II. April 8. For a Vote of Credit in support of the Prannatic Sanc- 
tion, and for a Subsidy to the Queen of Hungary 146 

25. At the Close of the Session ]85 

Dec 4. On Opening the Session. ;.;........ S21 

I71S. July 15. At the Close of the Session 8S8 

Not. 16. On Opening the Session 829 

Dec21. Of Thanks for the Supply 1058 


\M^ April 1. Concerning the Queen of Hungary 591 


1741. Dec. 1. A List of the House of Commons m the Ninth Parlia- 
ment of Great Britain » 19S 

\1& Dec 10. A List of the Memhers of the House of Commons who 
Voted ibr and agabst the Hanoyeriati Troops being 
taken into British Fay 105S 


f the BiD to indemnify Evidenbe again 

ofOrford 6SB 

17fiL May 19. Copy of the BiD to indemnify Evidenbe against Robert 

20. Copy of the Bill for securing Trade and NaWgation in 

Times of War - 74fi 


1741. Feb. 28. Against ri^ecting the Place BiU ...., 8 

1748. Jan. 27. On mectoM^ a Resdution concerning the Absence of 

Officeis nrom the Garrison c^ Minorca 309 

May 25. Against not committing the Bill to indemnify Evidence 

against the Earl ofOrford 711 

1743. Feb. 1. Against taking the Hanoverian Troops into British Pay 1 180 
25. Against passing the Spirituoiis Liquors Bill 1439 


1742. May 13. First Report of the Commiltee of Secre<7 appointed to 

EnqwieiatotbtCoBdnot of Robert £ftl of Orited.,, OBB 


DeUwar, [John West] Lord, 143, 640, 649, 

755, 768, 1365. 
Digby, Edirard, 140, 141, 541. 

Fazftkerley, Nicholas, US. 

FiDlater,£arlof, 143. 

Fox, Henry, [in 1763, created Lard HoHtod} 

97,99*197, 461,509,1630. 
Fox, Stepben, 168, [ia 1741, crealed Lord 

IlchesterandSbrangewayt. In 1756, created 

Eari of Ilcbester,] 586 

Gage, [Thomas Gage] ViacouQt, 43, 61, 93, 
149, 167. 
' Gore, Mr. 36. 
GrenviUe, George, 1051. 
Gybbon, Philip, 37, 79, 999. 

Halifax, Eari of, 996. 

Hardwioke, [Pfaittp Yoriie] Lord, 144, 159, 

930, 977, 334, 389, 651, 691, 1067, 1164. 
HiirringtOD, Lord, 997, 984. 
Hartiogton, Lord, 853. 
Hay, Willian, 107, 139, 149. 
Herbert, Henry Arthur, [afterward* £aH of 

Fowls] 990. 
Herrey, [John Henrey] Lord, 339, 646, 667, 

1063, 1109, 1193, 1956, 1984, 1994, 1995, 

1369, 1374, 1381, 1404, 1493, 1495. 
Hiisborongh, Eaii of, 7 16* 

Hay, [Archibald Campbell] Eari of, 985. 708, 
1939, 1946, 1948, 1991, 1300, 1366, 1369, 
1373, 1377, 1418. 

Ilchester, Lord, [Stephen Fox] 733. 

Limerick, Eari of, 448, 496, 589, ^es. 
Lonsdale, [Henry Lowther] Viscount, 334, 

596, 1067, 1158, 1998, 1943, 1986, 1999, 

1300, 1345, 1366, 1368, 1371, 1391, 1495, 

1431, 1437. 
Lockwood, Richard, 11, 99. 
Lord Chancellor, tee Hardwicko. 
Lovel, Lord, 931. 
Lytteltoo, George (^created Lord LyttdteM in 

1757] 89, 91, lie, 517, 584. 

Malton, Eari of, 983, 

Montfbft, [Henry Bromley] Lord, 839. 

Mordaunt, Colonel, 598. 

Newcastle, [Thomas Holies] Dohe ot; 143, 
150, 998, 961, 381, 333, 595, 653, 698, 
1066, 1145, 1979, 1300, 1360, 1371, 1399. 

Norris, Sir John, 33, 36. 

Nugent, Mr. 1038. 

Onslow, Arthur, [the Speaher] 48, 196, 131, 

138, 918, 919, 990. 
Oxford, [Edward Harley] Bari of, 1186. 
Oxford, Bishop of, (Dr. Thomas Seeker) 1905, 

1896, 1397. 

Pelham, Henry, 44, 64, 73, 118, 191, 195, ISl, 

175, 914, 349, 473, 501. 
Fsroefal, Loi4, [afterwarda Eari of EgmoMt] 

370, 470, 511, 1048. 

Perry, Micajah, 110. 

PhiUipa, Air. 498^ 444, 460, 599, 611, 746, 

918, 1014. 
Fitt, WilKam, reraated ^naooant Pitt and 

of Chatham m 1766] 104, 115, 117, 

595, 553, 567, 1083. 
F^wleMk LMid, 1094. 
Piilteney, William* [crentea Earl of Bitl 

1749147, 64, 78, 134, 159, 178, 304, 

888, 579^ 

doareodon, Lord [aftertrarda Eari of L 
field,] 50r, 977. 1097. 

Raymond, Lord, 594, 85 1. 
Ryder, Dudley, (Attorney General) 40, 
113, 131. 

Salisbury, Bitbop of, (Dr. Benjamin Hoid! 

1935, 1300, 1368. 
Scarborough, Eari of, 1184. 
SandwiehrEari of, 601, 640, 1059, 1071, t 

1379, 1398, 1491. 
Sandys, Samuel, 37, 87,130,131,164,1 

896, 915. 
Selwyn, Major, 863. 
Shaftasbnry, Earl of, 594. 
Shippen, William, 170, 993. 
Somerset, Lord Noel [afberwards Dole 

Southwell, Eilwani, 10, 47, 89. 
Speaker, The, tee Arthur OdsIow. 
Stanhope, Eari, 1058. 
Strange, Lord, 739, 889, 999. 

Talbot, Lord, 948, 646, 669, 1909, 1968, 13 

1371, 1389. 
Tracy, Robert, 40, 94. 
Trevor, Mr. 991. 
Tweedale, Marquis of, 833. 

Finer, Mr. 60, 69, 96, 166, 172. 

Wade, General, 37. 

Wager, Sir Charles, 33, 71, 88, 96, 139, 1 

141, 149, 458. 
Waller, Edmund, 953. 
Walpole, Sir Robert, [oreated in 1749, EvJ 

Orford] 35, 47, 54, 68, 85, 98, 100, 1 

124, 196, 138, 168, 174, 183, 303, 317. 
Walpole, Horatio, [afterwards Lord Walpa 

94, 99, 76, 114, 169, 164, 1036. < 

Walpole, Horatio, [youngest son of Sir '^ 

berti 536, 968. 
Walpole, Edward, 876. I 

Westmoreland, [John Fane] Eari of, 849* { 
Willimot, Mr. 90. I 

Winchelsea, [Daniel Finch] Eari of, 153, 7i 

789, 783. 
Winnington, Thomas, i 

118, 139, 356, 613. 
Wynn, Sir Watkin Williams, 



49, 45, 46, 66, 75, i| 
illiams, 361, 434, 8| 

B, Sir William, 96, 41, 67, 74, 90, J 
, 199, 136, 137, 367,499, 513, 572, « 
i, 941, 1018. 

Parliamentary History. 

A. D. 1741. 

Debate » tke Lords on the Place 
M*] Fdffoary 26, 1741. The order of 
the dijbdog rmfor the second reading of 
iBill eotitlcd, < An Act for the better ae« 
cuifigthefineedom of parliaments by limit- 
iag £ Domber of officers in the House of 
CoouDoiH.' Hie said Bill was read a second 
^, and it being naoved to commit the 
BiB, die ttine was objected to. After de- 
late, the question was pat. Whether the 

* Am tke SECKER Mamucriptr 

F«k IS. Tbe Plaee Bin mda 

Damtin Thii Bill is more cdcnlated to 
Hp iW GwmsDa Iran depcwiaiioe than oor- 
: it wmM bo a 

ApaiisBiiiH ofa SSenai ^aiplee- 
tiafrai the pramt, would be a giesl pohlic 
kn rHcra be spoke in bis own dcfenoe. 

Kit inpalatioo of betog influenced by a 
Tht power of the CommoM bath to- 
9aHi,aD4 taloBg away firom any other 
bMditf tbel^Siara most increase tbdn. 
l^Mi iMBSt Ibis Bill appear upon year 
Mmdk Bsal nth Febraary» 1705. 

lUy. lUdag fimn the crawn a power 
^■ly ht indiiaolly used, is not destroying 
^cMriiMisaal depesdanoe of the House. 
^CooMDoos have often r^eoked this Bill. 
'^Aer pssiit, when tbey are to seek the 
^afthc^eoMlilBeotB. This they would 
at 4 if Aiqr thought it a reflection onthem* 
*& IsstesuntieB wiich sendOimeHi- 
SikitiiehullOaiemployaBent lamihr 
^(U^iiftrigllt BBl mils priasnt stale.: 
■Bib it so. 

H BcadtlieMtflirsecmiiigtkePMei* 


C.44, of wUeb lUiopaer Ohitater, 

said Bill shall be committed? It was re- 
solved in the negatire. Content 44. Not 

ProteH on rejeeUng ike Place BilL2 
The following Protest was thereupon en* 
tered on the Journals : 

** Dissentient' NorthampU^, Shafts-^ 

bury, Stanhope, Clifton. 

1. ** Because we conceive» that our con* 

stitution itself, points out this Bill i» one 

of its principal securities ; a due poixe and 

independency of the three several conati* 

The ReajMio for this Bill is, that oTor grsat 
dependeocy of the Cofflmons on the erown 
mast be fatal, and pUoes during pleasure hate a 
tendency to create tbii. Tbermre they may 
be too many. Therefbre it may be useful to 
restrain them. 

Objection 1. Resentment or deshie of plaosa, 
may mfluenoealso. But may not this influeDce 
be connterbabinced by a restrained number of 

9. It is taking away the people's liberty to ' 
chose, and gentlemen's capacity to be choeen. 
But this is done in many instances already. 
And may be dene in more, if the public good 
reouire. That, therefore, is the only question. 

8. It will be expected thet'Ords should lie 
under the same restiaints. And if these ap« 
pear tbe same reasooi let' them. If not, too 
case b not-parallel. 

4. If the GomniOBS eannot have so msn^ 
places, they will get all the good ones. B^t 
the rank and merit of tbe Loids will entitle them 
to their ahare. At least the liberties of the. 
nation are of more importbnoe than this. 

5. It will bea seciirity to the nation thafr 
persons ia |^aee will have an Jntemt in secfur* 
mg tfae'privfleges of parliament But this *e- 
cufity is from persons in great places, who will 
atin he In parliament ; not from persons In 
small ones, whose influence can do no good^ 
and whose votes, corruptly gireoi may do great . 

^. There are not plaeesenoturii left. Com* 
Btttitthen^andpatinmetek T68ay,sahatfc 



Debate in the Lordi ok the Place BiO. 



taent parts of the supreme legislative 
power, being reauired by the spirit of our 
constitution, ana absolutely necessary to 
its existence. If any one of these be- 
comes dependent on the other, the con- 
stitution is dangerously altered, but if an^ 
two become depi^ndent cm the third, it is 
totally subvcrfitod, and Hie wisest estal^lisk- 
nf^nt that evet was foitaied ef a free gd- 
vernment, shrinks and degenerates Into 
a Monarchical and Aristocratical, or De- 
mocratical fieu^tion. We therefore think 
we cannot be too careftd m providing 
against whatever may, at any time, a&ct 
this just poize, ana necessary indepen- 
d&acy of the three e«tate&» Aad thii 
q^ution seems t^e vf^ate requisite, now, 
when, from the inevitable v^riatio^ of 
things, employments are become exceed- 
iwly Dumerou^ and are jr^t further aft- 
fuUy apht, divided* suibdivided, mi en- 
creased in value, in prder to add both ex- 
tent and weight to their influence. Two 
httadred employments are dislrftmted in 
the present House of Commons 1 a dan- 
gerous circumstance: and which, if it 
could have befen foretold to our ancestors 
even in the latter end ef the last century, 
the predictioti would have been rejected 
by them* ttB chimerical ; or, if believed, 
lamented as fhtal. And, shoved the num- 
ber of employments continue to increase 
in the same proportion, even ive may live 
to see, for want of this BUI, a constant 

li^en said on aootber occasion, that it hath been 
ia effect committed alrea4y, is destroyii^ the 
ahcient and usefal forms of proceeding in this 
Ifouse. . • 

7. It condemns his majesty's admiDisU*ation. 
No. It is only a provision against future 
dangers. And if they are supposable ones, the 
speediest [provision is the wisest. The better 
the administration is^ the likelier this will be to 

.8. It is altering the constitution. No. It is 
only carrying what hath been done somewhat 
fa/!:ther. , T& inorease of places is altering our 
constitution. And a balance must be found to 

. 'When the £?il is become ¥ery great, such a 
Bill will not pass • It hath now for once passed 
the CojnmoQs.. If with a desire that it should 
MM hcrej why should it not ? But doth any 
Dody think now, that the Commons expect 
: great matters to themselves from this BiU, and 
want it to pass? And if they want the contrary, 
how are we treated, and shall we consult our 
own honour by doing nnpopular work for them ? 
There is no instance cf toch complaisance on 
their side. And this amongst Qthei» wontd W 
a very wibqg ona on ours. 

majorTty c£ placemen meeting under die 
name of a parliament, to establish griev- 
ances, instead of redressing them ; to 
approve implicitly the measures of a court, 
without information ; to support and ac^reen 
the ministers they ought to controul cnr 
punish ; and to grtot money wifeiko^ 
accouDt ; or it may be withoi|t b<^uni||. 
In which cane, the remaii^g fottm of ottr 
constitution would, by creatm^ a fatal de- 
lusion, become our greatest grievance. 

** 2. Though we do not absolutely as- 
sert, that employments necessarily must, 
yet we cannot suppose, that they never 
will influence the votes and conduct of the 
gentlemen of the Houee ^ tkuonoi^ns ^ for 
such a supposition would be equaUy con- 
cluuve against all Uie aotSi^of pariiament 
no^ in force, lini^itio^ the nuipher of pA* 
cers of any kind in ttiat House. And» in 
a case of such importance, we think it 
would be the highest imprudence, to trqst 
the very being of our constatution to bare 
possibilities; especially if an experience^ 
which we rather chuse to hint 2f. than en- 
large upon, should give us just reason to 
suspect that fbrmer parliaments have filt 
the effect of this baneful influence; al- 
most all persons in employments baring 
voted invariably on the same side of ilie 
question, often against theloiown and sig«- 
nified aevia of thcar ooiasliroeatB, aiAd 
schneCMes 'perhaps even centsary to their 
qwu private declarations; and 90 aoain^r 
did any preeume to deviate from th0 mj^, 
histerial traek^ than they were dii^estad ^ 
those employments that failed ef t h a w un* 
tended intaence. But, adittittiDg that 
the present House of Commons i& ^^P^ 
itself most unttiintedlty pure from such pdi- 
lution; yet we think it necessary, not to 
expose future parliaments to such a trial, 
nor the. coostitutiim to ^e unc^rt^jioty ^ 
tbe deoiaioa« 

<< 3. BeoaMse, though it ahould be 
gmated^ that thi» Bttt would haiFe re- 
strained in some de^ee the liberty of the. 
efectors, that objection has no weight upon 
this occasion; every law being, in some 
degrees & restraint upon the natural liberty 
of Qian, but yet }\mfy enacted, wherevei: 
,thegood of the w]M>le (which should he 
the object of every \$m\ is pronaoted these- 
by ; and we nf^Khend, that this restraint 
is of such a nature, that those only wUl be 
uneasy under it who intended to abuse 
the liberty. The votes of the electors of 
Great Britain, if unbiassed, would rarely 
concur in the choice* of persoiis ^owed 
creatures of a minister, known diq^ndants 


t>4Mi»*M Ldftbon m rtiue M. 

A. tf. iTih 


08 a eomt, ind titteity <iiA:ii6wb td those 
vlw dect tieft. Baft i^, in aii ti^ >r)ien 
ksnry kknlefe eomiptkMt, «tid corruption 
fee^ lanty, .there fe too much reason 
to fesr, that the people may be prevailed 
np«i, m many places by a pecuniary In- 
iaoee} to gite their votes to tliose whom 
their omfrfheneed liestimehts would reject 
mtli M^nstion or contempt; we think 
knuemry to lay this just and constitu- 
te restrsiiit upon the liberties of some, 
as the ooly means to preserve the liberties 
of ill 1^ former acts of parliament, the 
dedttvtfe ah'eadT debarred from elect- 
iBf pefMBsm certum considen^hle employ- 
matt: sod in the Act fbr preserving our 
CoostitudoD, by settling die crown upon 
theprattnt royal fbmfly, it wds enacted, 
^IhA as person whatsoever in employ- 

* cMt should be capable of beipg chosen 

* a member of the House of Cmnmons.* 
Such was tlttn the spirit of iiberty, t!?at 
CPTO tiiis total exclusion codd not be re- 
used; ner eodd the repeal of it after- 
*irds be obtained, wi^out enacting a H- 
nitadsB of the nuniber of placemen al- 
lovcitontitt die Hotfse of Comtnorfs, 
iodanew election of every person who, 
virikthe was a mcnaber or mat House, 
Aodd aeeept of any employment under 
t&ecmm; aa likewise a totid (we wish 
ve cwU t^ n eflbctual ) exchjsion 0f aH 
psfsoM boHKng employments erected 
•we the pas^A^ of that act. And 
tfaneiiiMi reason to^oobt, hot that the 
Me spirit of pecautton woidd, npon the 
flBecoBstitotioAal prineiples, fiftve been 
ctrnedflocfa fardier at teat time, could 
ttehavebeeii fdreseep or imagined, that 
tbe itdosion ci some civil o|B^rs would 
^e beea rendered useless, by the intro- 
^Bcti«Q of w> many miUtary ones ; and so 
suTMsotts in enqpioyments, iafinitely in* 
i»or bodi in rank and profit to those ex- 
<M1 by liiese aevend acts, could ever 
Wbeeaby any means elected into par- 
'^t And iftideed it seems to us 
^y incoBgnious, liiat inferior clerks 
tBdatteodaits of offices, who have not 
*Bti in die preaence t>f their masters, 
iJ'wMbe adfloilted to have seats in the 
^■istaie, and tfaerelbre becoine die 
^ SDd ooBtroal of their masters them-> 

^ ** Because we do not apprdiend that 
*<^eedom <^ pariiamettt js now in the 
^secared, fay the ab%8tioa lahl upon 
'•tiAeTs of dke House of Commons, 
•» KosBt ttiy employment under the 
i^Hdected ; experience 

having '^evim lis, th^t ttr]^ seeming seen* 
ritjris for the most patt become meffec- 
ttml, diere bein^ very feir instances of per- 
sons ftjling in such re-elections, though 
utter strangers to their electors. And it is 
natural to suppose, that, when the meana 
of porruptit)g are greater, the success of 
the canaidate recommepding hiniself by 
corruption only will not be less. 

5. ^* Because we observe with copcem, 
that a Bin of this nature has been already 
thrice rejected by this very House of Comi-« 
nrons, and not been allowed to be con^* 
mrtted, so as to have ^ it known how far it 
was proposed to extend; ^ich, ip our 

r* ions, implied a fifm resoAution ncft to 
it of any ftirther exclusion of employ* 
ments whatsoever : whereas, in this lasi 
i^ession of this pariiament, this Qill v^s sent 
up to us, after having P^^^d through A 
the forms of the other House wiAout the 
least (position. This, we conceive can 
only proceed, either from their conviction 
at last of the necessity of such a bill, of 
whichthey are sureljr the oroperest judges j 
or, in compliance with tne mmost univjer^ 
sal instructions of their constituei^ts, whose 
voice, we Uihik, ought to hive some weight 
even here ; or lastly, to delude their con- 
stituents themselves, by tadtlv consenting 
to what they were either tola, or hoped; 
this Hovse would refuse. And, in this 
case, we apprehend, that a confidence so 
injurious ana dishonourable, ought to hav0 
been disappointed, fVom a just sense of the 
contempt thereby shewn of the credit^ 
weight, and dignity, of this House. 

6. ** Because we think it particultU'ly 
teasonabte, so ne;ar the end of this paAiaK^ 
ment, to provide for the freedom and inde- 
pendency of the next : and as we considef 
this opportunity as tlie only one we a^ 
likely to have, mr some years at least, to 
do it ; it is with the greater concern that 
we see this Bill thus laid aside, rather by a 
division than a debate, and by pumliers 
rather tfian arguments. But, however un* 
successful our endeavours have been for 
the future security of this constitution t 
however unavailing our desire of enquiring 
into past and present trantoctions ; how- 
ever fruitless our attempts to prevent fn* 
ture mismanagements, by a 6enSure of the 
past, and the removal of the author 6t 
them ; we have at least this comfort of 
trapsmittine our names to posterit}\ ai 
dissenting ttom those measures, of which 
the present age sufficiently testifies its dis« 
like^ and of ^ch'the next qii^ too jMroba-> 
bly feel the fiital consequences, (^ntd) 


' AbingdQnyBridgwater,HaTenhioi> 
Macdesfieldy Grreenwichy Hereford, 
. Ajlesfordy Warrington, Bruce, B« 
l.itch. and Coventry, tlarlide, Tal- 
bot, Gower, Ward, Mansel, Cdb* 
ham, Chesterfield, Masham, Hali« 
fax, Denbigh; ' For all the abore 
* Reasons except the last, Folejri" 
Ordered, that the said Bill be rejected. 

Debate in the Commons on the BiU tp 
prevent the tneowoeniencies aridngfrrmi the 
Insurance of iSA*)w.*] February 27. A 
Bill to explain and amend so much of an 
Act, made in the 6th of king George 1, 
intituled, An Act for bietter securing cer- 
tain powers and privileges, intended to be 
cranted by his majesty, by two charters, 
for' Assurance of Ships, and Merchandizes 
at sea ; and for lendmg money upon Bot^ 
tomry ; and for restraining several extra- 
vagant and unwarrantable practices therein 
mentioned, as relates to the extravagant 
and unwarrantable practices therein men- 
tioned, was read a second time, and gave 
rise to the following Debate : 

Sir John Barnard : 

Sir; there ciginot be brought before 
this House any questions more difficult in 
themselves, more entangled with a multi- 
'plicity of relations, or more perplexed with 
an endless diversity of circumstatices, than 
those which relate to commercial affairs ; 
affairs on which the most experienced often 
disagree, and on which the most sagacious 
may deceive themselves with erroneous 

There are no qu^tions. Sir, which re- 
quire so much personal knowledge of the 
8i4>jcct to which they relate, nor is there 
any subject with which so few gentlemen 
in this House have had opportunities of 
being acquainted. There are no ques- 
tions. Sir, which their variety of relations 
to different persons exposes to be so easily 
misrepresented without detection, nor any 
in which the opposition of particular in- 
tierests, so much incites a false represen- 
tation. In all these cases, deceit is easy, 
and there is a strong temptation to deceive. 

Nor are these questions. Sir, always 
perplexed by intentional fraud, or false as- 
serdons, of wlilch they that utter them 
. are. themselves conscious* 

Those who deceive us, do not always 
snppress sfiy truth of which they are con- 
vinced, or set facts before us in any other' 

* From the Gentleman's Msgaaioe : 
piled by Dr. Johnson. 

Deiai$mikeamnmfmiikiBai {S 

light, dian that in whieb ttansdvaa ber 
hold them; th^ for the most part err witb 
an honest intention', and propimte no mia^ 
takes but thbsjs which th^F nave tkem- 
selves admitted. • 

Of this kind, Sir, are doubtless the mea^ 
sures proposed in the Bill before us, whid( 
those by whom they are promot»l, nugr 
easily think to be' of benefit to the publi^ 
but which, I believei, will appear the veauk 
of imperfect views, and partial coaai- 

The great and fundamental error. Sir* 
«of the patrons of this Bill, seems to be aa 
opinion, that the practice of insuring is not 
known to other nations, nor can be carried 
on in any other place, and from this fHriii* 
ciple they deduce consequences, whicb^ if 
they were inevitably certain, might eenl^ 
influence us to an unmediate approbation 
of the Bill, as necessajry to secure oar como' 
merce, and distress our enemies. 

They conclude. Sir, with sufficient j^^ 
ness, that very few merchants would 
hazud their fortunes m long voyagea or 
distant commerce, or exi>ose themaelvea 
to the dangers of war, without security^' 
which insurances afford them, and having 
persuaded themselves that such securi^ ia 
to be obtained from no other nation^ tliey 
imaffine that we might, by prohibiting itf 
confine all the foreign vesseb in their 
ports, and destroy by one resdution the 
trade of both our rivak and our enemiea. 

That our East-Indian company may 
desire the ratification of this Bill, I ^amnot 
deny, because they might nerhi^ receive 
from it some temporary aavantage by the 
short inconveniencies which those ^hoio 
they consider as the enemies of their cimi- 
merce would feel from it They may de- 
sbe it, because the. experiment, if it fails, 
as it must, cannot injure them : and if ^it 
succeeds, may produce great advantages 
to them ; they may wish it, because they 
will feel the unmediate benefit, and tfa^ 
detriment will fall upon others. 

I shall not enquire whether our mer- 
chants are inclined to look with malevo- 
lence on all those who cultivate the same 
branches of commerce with themselves, 
though they have neither tlie violation of 
natural rights, nor the infringement of 
national treaties to complain of. I 6houI4 
be unwilling^ect a British mer* 
chai^t, ^hpse acquaintance with the con* 
stitution of his own country ought <e 
shew him the value of liberty, who ought 
to be above -narrow schemes, by the ki^ovr* 
ledge whigh his profession enfibles him 4o 


toneenm^ ike JntUtanee qfS^i 
oft desiveto encroach upon' the 


MB, of t kan to encroacD upon »» 
Sto tf odiei% or to engross the general 
Iqtffiia of Mtiiiei and sbill only observe^ 
itfiemal odier nations can plead a claim 
Hthe East-Iadian tiadei a claim of equal 
pUitv w^ our own. That the Danes 
^udrsetlJements there, and that the 
ipiiiiieot disoyvered the way to those 
■MDi of wealthy from which some per- 
toiiR iD^^ to exclude them, 
Bol Dotbiog is more vam than to attempt 
leulocle than by refusing to ensure their 
In becsnie the opinion that they can 

I nniedbjr no other nation is entirely 
j^MMi fdioidation. There are» at this 
'mtt 9toe$ of insurance along the whole 
tutflfthemidland sea, among the Dutch, 
idefwiinoof; the French. Nothing can 
^ 107 nation from the trade cS* in- 
Dmioe \^i the want of money, and that 

B0 not wa^ted by foreigners, for 
ipcse, appears from the great sums 
Udilbsf hare deposited in our funds, 
llsttiiis trade isnow carried on, chiefly 
f tbii oslioD, though not solely, is incon« 
Klftle; but whac can be inferred from 
bt, but that we ought not to obstruct our 
iogn; that we ought not to make a 
w to ii^m ourselves of that advantage, 
f vUi either favourable accidents or 
V ova fl^ty have put us in possession. 
For this r^tton it appears, that it would 
ttMotiimte to the wealth of the public 
^(khirui from insuring the ships, even 
FthoRwith whom we are at war, for it 
iihRjn to be remembered that they will 
|cnie so detriment fironi such prohibi- 
^BorwiUfeel any other conseauence 
Mdm than a necessity of tFansterring 
)9mt9Aat nation the profit whicbwe 

Wist die profit is which arises to the 
Vin ham the trade of insurance, it is 

II powble jezacthr to determine; but 
latlie trade is lealljr advantageous may 
inaionaUy emiceived, bemuse after 
■j yean experience it is diligently fol- 
M,andahwwas neverneoessarvtopro- 
litdie iNuniit of a business, by which no» 
JBgvaitobe gained. But could the gain 
[aeiniver be a doubtful p<Mnt, there is 
CBtain advantage to the nation by the 
PPty paid lor commission, brokerage, 
M and the credit of the premium 

Ini^add, Sir, another considerable 
IBJttdy arisinff from die addiUonal 
IMmoccaiiooedby thia trad^ whidi ia- 
pMe the reveouea of the poet office, with- 
itfeydsdnctMin finr additiocud diargei 

A. D. 1741. 


That the loss of this profit, and the I 
of insuring, will ensue unon the ratil 
don of this Bill, cannot be denied ; nor 
does it appear, that this loss will be ceun- 
terbalanced by any advantages that irill 
be gained over omr rivals or our enemies* 

Whether this Bill, Sir, would produce 
to the merchants of that city by which it 
is promoted, the advantages which they 
expect from it, or remove any of the griev- 
ances of which they complain, I am not 
able positively to detennme ; but know, 
that it is not uncommon for merchants, aa 
w^ll as other men, to confound private 
with public grievances, and to imagine 
their own interest the interest of the na- 

With regard, Sir, to the practice of in- 
suring, * interest or no interest,' as the 
term is, when an imaginary value is put 
upon the ship or cargo, offen much above 
its real wortn, it cannot be denied, that 
some opportunities may be given by it for , 
wicked practices. But there will always 
be circumstances m which there can be no 
security against frauds, but common fidth ; 
nor do I see how we can secure the m- 
surers against the possibility of bemg de^ 

I cannot indeed discover. Sir, bow this 
method of insuring prevented; tot 
how can the value of a cargo be estimated,* 
which is to be collected in a long voyage^ 
at different ports, and where the success 
of the ' adventures ofien depends upon 
lucky accidents, which are indeed alwaya 
hoped for, but seldom happen. An ima* 
ginary value must therefore be fixed upon, 
when the ship leaves the port; because- 
the success otthat voyage. cannot be fore* 
known, and the contracting jparties majr 
be safely trusted to set that value, without 
any law to direct or restrain them. 

If the merchants are oppress^ by ai^ 
peculiar incmiveniences, and can find 
means of redressmgthem without injuring 
the public coimmerce, any proponl for 
that purpose ought to be favourably re» 
ceived ; but as the Bill now before us pro- - 
poses general restraints, and proposes to 
remove grievances, which are not felt, by 
remedies, which those* upon whom they 
are to operate, do not mprove, I think it 
ought not to be referred to a comnuttee*^ 
but rqected. 

' Mr. Souihmdlf 

Sir; when I first proposed thli Bill to 
the House, I lamented Oe absence of that 
lum. gentienatt^ firom .whose dis eu aaiont 



Dekle in Ae Commmt on Oe Bill 

Bat that thit is the coiiMquence of 
esUnuitiog shijps at an inuigiiiary value io 
the offices of iii8ttr«nce» is to the highest 
degree evident. When a ship is estimated 
above its real vidue, how will the com- 
mander suffer by a wrecks or what shall 
restrain him from destroying his vessel, 
when ii may be done with security to him- 
self, except that integrity, which indeed 
pught to be generally diffused, but which 
is not always to be found, and to which 
few men think it safe to trust upon occa- 
simis of lar less importance ? 

To shew, Sir, that 1 do not indulge 
groundless suspicions, ormajptify the bi?e 
|}ossibility of ftaud into reality 3 that I do 
not blacaen human nature, or propose 
laws asainst wickedness that have not yet 
existed, it majjr be proper to mention some 
letters, in which I have been informed by 
m correspondent at Leghorn, c^the state 
of the ships which have arrived there : 
ships so wc»kly manned, and so penurious- 
ly, or negligently stored; somuchdecajred 
in the oottoms, and so iU fitted with rig- 
ging, that he declares his astonishment at 
Sieir arrivaL 

. It may deserve our consideration. Sir, 
whether the success of the Spanish pri- 
vateers may not be in great part attributed 
to this pernicious practice ; whether cnp- 
Uuns, when their vesseb are insured for 
more than their value, do not rashly ven- 
ture into known danger? Whether they 
do not wilfully miss the security of oon- 
, voys ? y^ether they do not direct their 
courses where privateers may most se- 
curely cruise ? Whether they do not sur- 
render with less resistance than interest 
irottld eicdte ? And whether they do not 
laiae damours against the eovemment for 
their ill success, to avoid uie suspicion of 
ses^gence or fraud. 

That other frauds are committed in the 
practioe of insuring, is well known to the 
non. ^deman who qwke against the 
Bill: It is a common practice to take mo- 
ney upon bottoqanr, by way" of pledge for 
the captain's fiddfity, and to destroy this 
security by insuring the real value, so that 
the captain may gain by neglecting the 
car^ or his vessel, or at least secure him- 
aelf from leas, ai^d indulge his ease or his 
aleasttie, Hi^out any interruption from the 
feiwif jiL pgf^iahin g his fortune. 

The wHole practice of insurance, Sir, is 
<A its 'present stafe^ I believe, so perplexed 
^'itl^nvuds, aodof atich manifest tendency 
^ the obitrufltiao of commerce, that it 
absolutely i^uirea aonae kgal regulations^ 

Sir John Barnard : 

Sir; of frauds in the practice 01! 
surance, with regard to which tJie I 
gentleman has appealed to me, I c&n j 
fidentiy affirm, that 1 am totally ignm 
I know not of any fraudulent jpi-aej 
openly carried on, or establisheo by | 
torn, which I suppose are meant z for 1 
r^^rd to single acts of fr^ud, cotnniil 
by particukv men, it is not to be suppi 
but that they have been detecte<I in j 
as in all other branches of traffic ; nor 
I conceive that an^ arwament < 
drawn from them against ue practi< 
if every part of commerce is to i>e j| 
hibited, which has fumiahed viUftixis M 
opportunities of deceit, wp aliaD conti 
traide into a narrow compass. 

With regard. Sir, to Uie instance of 
Royal George, though the proceedin^j 
the officers arenot wholly to be v t iKiirg^il 
yet part of their conauct ia less ii^ 
^cable than it has been represasntl 
Their return* to Antigua wh^n thev vJ 
bound for England, and were intbi^ 
week's sailing <^ their port, ia easily toj 
defendjed, if uie wind was contrary to di 
intended course ; for it is 60a difficalt 
conceive that they might reach a distj 
port with a favourable irind, much sooj 
than one mudi nearer, With the vr| 
against them. - 

1 have always observed, Sir^ that i 
gsntlemen engaged in the toade to i 
East Indies, assume an air of auperior^ 
to which 1 know not what daim tlvy ^ 
produce, and seem to imagioe, Aat tl^ 
charter gives them more extanaiwe knci 
ledge, and mare acute sagadty , than fsi 
to the lot of men not combined in th\ 

But however these gendemen may dj 
sf^NHove jny aigumente, and however tb 
may misrepresent them, I shall he aatisfi^ 
that they will have witli the diainterestt 
and impartial their just wewht, and tJt\ 
this affidr wiH not be ha8U& detcnntnl 
upon an imperfect i»wy;|Ti^tmn 

Sur Bpberi Walpole : 

Sir; whether the^merchottCaare satiafii 
with the present methods of toaunnsri 
what is the Opinion of atfy amante hoi 
of men, I think it abadiittely ^ieGe»S 
to enquire. We are constatuted for tl 
public advantage^ and are engaged bv oi 
parliamentany diaracttr to conaider, n\ 
the pnvate mlersat of i^urftfcidar men. U 
th^ genetal advant^(e of our Muatry. 

ttmemAig tke Jnsuranu qfShips* 


la our Donoity Sir, of national interest, 
ve iboola be obliced frequently to oppose 
tliesdienieswhldn private men, or sepa- 
rate fraternities have formed for their own 
adraiitagey and whiph they maj be ex- 
pected to defend with all their art ; both 
became everv man is unwilling to imagine 
that the public interest and his own are 
opposite, and because it b to be feared that 
nan J may consider the public only in sub- 
oidioadoQ to themselves, and be very little 
jofidtotta about the general prosperity of 
their couatiTy provided none of the cala- 
mitiei vhich afflict it extend their influ- 
ence to diemsdves. 

We are, in the discussion of this ques- 
tioo, Sir, to consider that we are engaged 
inavar against a nation from which in- 
sults, depredations, oppressions, and cru- 
elties, hare been long complained of, and 
against wbich we are therefore to act with 
a reaolntion proportioned to the injuries 
ve hare sufllerea, and to our desire of 
wnwancej We are to practise every me- 
thod of di^essmg them, and to promote 
the SQcceaa of our arms even at the ex- 
pnee of present gain and the interest of 

It b well known. Sir, to all who have 
either heard or read of the Spaniards, that 
t^ fiv« in carelessness and indolence, 
negiect ail the natural advantages of tJieir 
<wn cotmtiy, despise the gain of foreign 
cannerce, and depend wholly on their 
Aaiencaa settlementa, for all the conve- 
ciadet, and perhaps for most of the ne- 

Ilus is the particular circumstance that 
mkesa war with Enghmd so much to be 
<^(>ded by them. A nation superior to 
^hy sea holds them besieged, like a 
pniwa surrounded by an army, pre- 
dodes them from supplies, intercepts their 
[^icceoia, and if it cannot force their walls 
% attack, can at least by a blockade 
Aarrethem to a capitulation. 

^^ Sir, by a naval war with an enemy 
^superior strnigth,theT must at length 
be subdued, and subdued perhaps without 
I battle, and without the possibility of 
"Stance: aguDst such an enemy, their 
WM^ or their discipline is of no use ; 
wty may form annies indeed, but which 
ojn only Btand i^on the shore, to defend 
^ ifcir enenues have no intention of 
and see those ships seized in 
pay is treasured, or their pro- 
"«»• are stored, 

SoA,Sir,js our natural superiority over 
tbe Spaniards, a species of superiority that 


A. D. 1741. 



must inevitably prevail, if it be not de- 
feated by our own folly r and surely a 
more effectual method of defeating it, the 
Spaniards themselves could not have dis- 
covered, than that of insuring their ships 
ampng our merchants. 

When a ship tiius insured is taken, 
which, notwithstanding all precautions 
must sometimes happen, we examine the 
cargo, find it extremely valuable, and tri- 
umph in our success ; we not only count 
the gain to ourselves, but the loss to our 
enemies, and determine that a small num- 
ber of such captures will reduce them to 
offer us peace upon our own terms. 

Such are the conclusions which are 
made, and made with reason, by men un- 
acquainted with the secret practices of 
our merchants, and who do not suspect ua 
to be stupid enough to secure our ene- . 
mies against ourselves, but it is often found, 
upon a more close examination, that our 
ships of war have only plundered our mer- 
chants, and that our privateers maj in- 
deed have enriched themselves, but impo- 
verished their country. . It is discovered, 
that the loss of tlie Spaniards is to be 
repaid, and perhaps sometimes with in- 
terest, Inr the British insurers. 

If it be urged, that we ought not to 
eiuict any laws which may obstruct the 
gain of our fellow subjects, may it not be 
asked, why all trade with Spain is prohi- 
bited, may not the trade be equally gain- 
ful with the insurance, and may not the 
gain be more generally distributed, and 
therefore be more properlv national ? . 

But this trade was pronibited, because 
it was more necessary to our enemies, 
than ourselves ; it was prohibited, becausa 
the laws of war require, that a less evil 
should be suffered to inflict agreater : it is 
upon tibis principle that every battle ia 
fought, and that we fire our own ships to 
consume the navies of the enemy. 

For this reason. Sir, it appears to me 
evident beyond contradiction, that the in- 
surance of Spanish ships ought to be pro- 
hibited ; we shall indeed lose the profit of 
the insurance, but we shall be re-imbursed 
by the captures, which is an argument that 
cannot be produced for the prohibitjon of 

It is urged, Sir, that they may insure 
their ships in other countries, an assertion 
of which, whether it be true or not, 1 am 
not able to decide ; but it is acknowledged, 
that the necessity of establishing a new 
correspondence will be at least a tem- 
porary obstruction of their trade, and an 


14'«ffiOftOA II. 

]MiU Ai^ CbHUimm flis JKB 


obstruction of eren a thort cohtinuziiice 
inay lay them fit our mercy. 

But let UBy Sir, reflect upon the ^eak- 
TX^tfi of this argument ; ^ they mn^ be id- 
'* lowed to insure here, because tkey may 
< insure in other places ;* wiH it not be 
^qi^iAy just to urge, that * they must trade 

* with uSy because tfaey may trade with 

* other nations V And may it not be an- 
liwered, that though we cannot whoHy sus- 
pend theur commerce, it is yet our biisiness 
to obstruct it as far as we are Me i 

May it not, ISir, be fidrther affirmed, that 
1>y insuring in other nations, they may in- 
jure their allies by ftlHng into our hands, 
Dut do not the less benefit us ? That if 
they do not grow wedcer, we atleaM are 
strengthened ; but that by insuring amon|; 
us^ whaterer steps are takep, the equ&i- 
1)rium of the war is preserved always the 

It is asserted, and I suppo^ with truth, 
Hiat we insure at a lower rate than others, 
^nd it will therefore follow, that the Spa- 
iifards, whenever their ships .should escape 
us, will ^ffer more by bavmg insured 
amongst foreigners, than if they nad con- 
tract^ wi& our merchants. 

Thus it appears. Sir, that (here are 
stronger reasons for prdhibfting die in- 
surance of Spanish ships, than for putting 
It stop to our commerce with theAi ; and 
that whether their ships are tdcen by U9, 
or escape us, it is the general kiterest of 
the tiation, that they £aXL be insured by , 
^foreim merchants. 

Vmi respect. Sir, to die East Indm 
company, I have no regard to their inte- 
•^est^ considered as distinct fitHn that of 
the test of the nation ; nor have received 
tey solicitations from them to promote 
th(s Bill, or to espouse their iht^riest ; but 
cannot, without coi^cealing my real senti- 
ments, deny that,, j^ they have the giant 
of an exclusive trad^ to die East Indies, 
to insure the ships that are sent thither, 
without their permission, is to invade their 
rights, and to infringe their charter ; and 
that this practice, if the validity of their 
charter be admitted, is illegal and ought 
to be discountenanced* 

The practice, Sir, of insuring, * interest 

* or no interest^' or of assjgnmg to ships 
'm imaginary value, is nothins more than 
'a particular game, a more solemn spepies 
'or hazard, and ought therefore to be pro- 
hibited, for every reason tluit can be Mtged 
i^inst games of chance. 

With reprd to diis Bill in geperal, it is 
^fa my •pimon U^y necessary^ nor CfBi I 

discorrer any importabt objection 'flia^^ 
be made again«ft it Some law of tA 
kind, and to fhSs pui^os^, I have lonj^ ^ 
tended to offbr to Che consideration oTtll 
assembly, and since it is now before tis, 
diink we oughtto consider it with the fttted 
don,whi^nii|y'be ju^y expiated fr^tttt 

Lord AxAiMors / 

Sir; Iknow not how property the ^^ 
dee of insurii^ vsm be termed a sped 
of hazard: nor do i think any thing mo 
is to be considered, than vi^eUierthe ga» 
be gainful to ihenation, or not ; 'for i ca 
not discover that ther^ is any shsurditv 
enriching ourselves at the expence of oth 
nadpns, whedier enemies or iffies. fFh 
we ought to prefer the cenerd "g^xtd ' 
the advantage ofindividuus, is.undotJd>te< 
but I cannot conceive that, in diis cas 
ther^ can be any opposidon between pi 
vate and public interest. If our insiire 
gaki by securing ^e ships of our enemic 
die nation is benefited, for ail nadonalj^ 
must circulate through the hands of mc 

Ne man will assert Oat we ought to t 
sist our enemies, nor will any mati ipn 
nne that we assist them by impov^i^Aii 
diem ; and if our insurers gam by the 
practice, thelSpaniards mfost undoidited 
be losers. 

Mr. Wilii$Hat : 

Sir; I have conversed on die 'jtie^ 
to whicli thb Bill relates, with men e 
caged in various kinds of traffic, and wl 
have no common interest but that dftj^ 
country. I have dispersed among* tl 
inerdiants, most eminent for dieir s 
quannfeanoe with the whole extent of eol 
meroe, and forth^lcnowled|^e of die tr 
interest of die nation, copies of this^BJ 
and cannot find any of diem so senc^e 
the grievances, of which we luve so los 
complaints, as to desire th^ it rfioul^i 
redressed by the measures now propoac 

ThatfraudsarepractisedoQ every bU 
in diis; as wen as in other grades, the,g 
neval eerrupdon pf our age gives us std 
dent reason to suspect; but what is coi 
mon to •eyeiy sort of traffic, cannot be pr 
duce^ as ah argument for the prohibitii 
of any. 

Hiat the practice of insuring an imac 
nary value, may give opportunity f 
greater frauds man can be practised 
common dealings, is likewise evident, b 
r cannot discover sudi frauds as to requi 
the interpoflitiott of the Jegidatvre* 




11 Qur insuren are lAt^imuueu 
re^Den» tbe nation it then, indeed 
oiiitjf ifeel9As bftf, eiM i«i thai 
KUfieMMMiiib^ied, ttoltbt prii 

iTHiytPa pwNpe4 911)7 by Am «kf 

M 10 te ttwalif Bwwhe4 in the oowr^ 
«{ diiinil j«ft4c% W the ciw^om whi(A^ 
ym Ih iMHrtqnttir ^ praotisiag it, 
oailtt M IP liB reslNrilf fdv «i^ SEKHre th^o 

bat fiaUe to accidental aSupiWi 
If our inauren are defrauded by fo- 
? — A — .-'^^ i^ -1.^ indeed, inore 

nrivate ]»• 
temtoltki iDiaien^ wl^ oMb d# aame- 
dkid^ miDcd> ia a aoSoieni seo wty for 
d^pafalic. For il caMoly 13k> becon- 
oBisdibai w man wiU ohBtioatdy cayry 
OB ibvMNMby whksb he becoaMa evoiy 

Spoffff ; or that, whan he deaiat^ he 
wiacMdadby «notherf who cannot 
bittloMMrtiHit he engflfflit in that traffic ta 

Tkfi ttiia stiMto of thi9 aiair »f that 
^M^ «n^ indeed* often cewwiittedy and 
irefiirthitreaaonaiwaja aiiap^eted» and 
tte Ae iQii«eia» when they ioawre tbe 
ship ind caigo againaC . accidents^ reckcHif 
BBOBg 9(b«r cb^aciQ^ Ihe j^fobabilUy of 
ben cheated^ end pfopertion their de- 
MBii»B9teaiy to the length apd danseE 
«f tlie TajagOf but t<^ the chaiacter liie^ 
fae of ihe Bwa wit|i whoD> they contrfict. 

lUs, Sir, ia alvaya tbe pnietice of UuMe 
^ espeneace ban mAf^ aoqifaiBted 
*i&<U mnun of ini|^UpitcQnfi49n«)e,and 
MHBpcitiag otdulity, oer do «Mfiy but the 
5^ and imkilAil mfikx tb^nna^lv^ l(> 
Wioofwedtofrandci ^a thet Uieiir for- 
ties iImiiiU be i<i\jiived« or tbe general 
TOO of their bwinaif over*b9lEvace4i by 4 

^ it affeaia, th^ i^etpn^hatanding 
tl^ OM ind safety with^ which the nr^fent 
BeckodB ef in^uraoc^ ^dn^t fnMi^ to bo 
P|«^«d, the iosureiB,. by a proportionate 
«gRe <Jf cMi^, ^ecvie theinaelve^ froni 
Mig iajwod, a»4 by ^flMPV^^oe Ht^ 

ThiMeooe of £mi89 »hv« ipnovijo 
««widored, by whipb ffPOAt p^ «mo» 
Illation. We tomre, 9ir, e^ ilbas 
«• oONrTed» et lover iim» than ptfa^r 
•ftii»» Wewae w^ hiiYo par^ bMWW (rf 
*«ni» Md thf eMdteoM 9f our prp4t w 
MMMriibydie^WBtfys Afcbmn 
^ tf QppiaQce% and CMfrmig of 1^ 
Spn la hii«rolieipe» fMp9C9lly opn- 
**<•<# fli*eiber; wk^oMi «*1W 
^b«M«e iDiHo ili»«ii UNi «a4 

wf o«a Mm^tii w ow^ratfitftboceuaaw^ 

((or u ehe. chewo^w «^ Brltl^b ifia«h. 
tms^ thf onl^ ni«tt«i^ to tbe pce&r^(;e 
wmqb & prenervaa ai^o^ig fqreieoanb who 
are iaddced to. cvP^i^ thii^natiod, bj^ t^f. 
reputation whicn o^t melrcb/iAti^ hair^ d^ 
served^ gf(ined, for probity ^nd pupptu- 
alfty, siqperior to that of vxj. otbdr tr^dera^ 
Qur mei!chaats. Sir, bargain withoHt g^^. 
fice, pay witbom aubt^rfugeiB, «i4 we? 
ready on all occauona to preserve th^ 
ch^acter «t the ba^^ari o^ their pro^ 

Fi^om these two consi46ifi|tiQPa we migf. 
draw ^aan8w^able argumei»t» against an^ 
restraints i^on the practice oiTinfiuriAg ; $ 
foreij^ers erO onoe disappointed in theif 
applications to us* our business will in 4, 
greal part ce^se ; an4>Vwe6^aAnot thei^ 
be able to. insure at Wer rates than othep 
nations, we shall sever recover th^ brancbt 
of pur trade. And %» tho character o( lint 
Ei^glisb merchimts exempts t^em frppi ifof 
suspicion of practiQCs pemicious to tha 
public, why should they ()e r^tr^^ne^ ^ 
Why, Sir, should they appear to be' ws^ 
pected by the leeisl^ure of thek: owq 
cpuotry, whom foreign^ tni^t witl^Q[ijj|l| 

It h^ bei^n objected to them vith gi^eikfc 
warmth, and urged with much rhetprici4 
exaggeration, that they assist the enemi^ 
of their country, that tiiiey jroloag thipi 
wajCy and d^fofit those advantages whi^ 
our ^tuation and commerce hay^ given m^ 
Io(iputatioBs fufEciently atrocioqft if ^7 
veipe fomid^ upon truth. 

But let us, Sir, examine th€rargume^^ 
by which this accusation has been sunn 
parted, and entire whether thb triumpl^ 
of elo<|uence ha^ been occasioned by ^ny 
real superiority of evidence or reason. It 
ia urged, th^ we have already prohibitea 
commerce with the Spaniaros, and*tbi^ 
tl^firefpre w^ ouj^ht lil^ewise to prohM'it tb<^ 
. inwrance of their ships. 

(t will not reauire, $1^ an iofiaginatioil 
very fertile, or al^ji^Mwledg^ y^ry exti^i^vi^ 
to f upply UTfft^ment^ st^e^enf to refut^ 
thi9 su|^k9sea demonstration; in oppo^ 
Uon to which it may be urge^ that thiA 
]i(in4 of commerce vitoi ^ pecuUlur J^^atifret 
that it subsist# upon opinion, and if pr^ 
leryed by the reputation of'our insurers ; <| 
repmatleii ^at the insurers o^ other n^ 
tions may obtitfu by the same nieans, anq 
from wboHi we shtatl th^efore never r^ 
cover it. 

It niey be observed. Sir, that other ^w^ 
^«)itifi»fie Ae vmHw m^m of #& 



JDeMe in IK^ Ccmmmi tn M« Bit 

ftrent countrieSy and that there iA no' dan- 
dier of losing our other trade by suapead- 
mg it, because it depends upon the excel- 
lence of our manufactures ; but that insu- 
rance may be the commodity of any coun- 
try where money and common honesty 
are to be found. > 

This argument tnayperh^s be yet more 
effectually invalidated, or perhaps entirely 
subverteoy by denjing the expedience of 
that prohibition which is produced as a 

Srecedenty for another restraint. Nor m- 
eed does it appear why we should pre- 
clude ourselves from a gainful trade, be- 
cause the money is drawn by it out of the 
hands of our enemies ; or why the product 
cf our lands should lie unconsumea, or our 
manufactures stand unemployed, rather 
than we should sell to our enemies what 
they will purchase at another place, or by 
the intervention of a neutral power. 

To sell to an enemy that which may en- 
able Yduf to injure us, that which he must 
necessarily obtain, and which he could buy 
from no other, would indeed be, to the 
last degree, absurd; but that may surely 
be sold them without any breach of mo- 
rality or policy, which they can want with 
less inconvenience than we can keep. If 
we were besieging a town, I should not ad • 
vise our soldiers to sell to the inhabitants 
ammunition or provisions, but cannot dis- 
cover the folly of admitting them to pur- 
chase ornaments for their houses, or bro- 
cades for their ladies. 

But, without examining with the utmost 
accuracy, whether the late prohibition was 
rational or not, I have, I hope, suggested 
objections sufficient to make the question 
doubtful, and to incline us to try the suc- 
cess of one experiment before we venture 
upon another more hazardous. 

I am never willing, Sir, to load trade 
with' restraints; trade is in its own nature 
so fugitive and variable, that no constant 
course can be prescribed to it ; and those 
regulations wluch were proper when they 
were made, may in a few months become 
difficulties and obstructions. We well 
know, that many of the measures which 
our ancestors pursued for the encourage- 
inent of commerce, have been found of 
pernicious consequence ; and even in this 
a^, which perhaps experience more than 
wisdom has enlighteneo, I have known few 
attenipts of that kind which have not de- 
feated the end for which they were made. 

It is paore prudent to leave the mer- 
chants at liberty to pursue those measures 
which experience shall dictate upon every 

occttBion, aiid sitffer them to oiaftdh Ihe 
present opnortunity of honest ffain when- 
ever it shiBil happen ; they wifi never in* 
jure their own mterest by the use «f itam 
liberty, and by preserving them^elvea thejr 
wfll preserve the nation from detriment ; 
nor will they need to be restrained by a 
law proposed without their solieitationy 
and of which they cannot discover any be- 
neficial consequences. 

Mr. Horatio WalpoU : 

Sir : for the Bill now before us I havtt 
no particular fondness, nor. desire that k 
should be promoted by any other naeane 
than rational arguments and the repre*' 
sentation of indumtable facts. * > 

I have no regard. Sir, in this enonuy, 
to any private interest, or any odier aesii^ 
than that of securing the interest of m^ 
country^ which, in my opinion, evidently 
requires that we should give ho amistance 
to our enemies, that our merchants sho^^ 
co'operate with our navies, and that we 
should endeavour to withhold every thm^ 
that may make the war less bufdew 
to them, and consequently ai longer 

It was observed. Sir, in. the _ 

of the debate, by a gentleman eminent^ 
skilled in mercantile affairs, that insurance^ 
was practised by many nations; bat he 
did not inform us of what one of the 
clauses makes it proper to enquire, vrtie- 
ther they allewed the method of insuring 
interest or no interest, and rating riiipa at 
an imaginable value. This is, I know^ 
prohibited by the Dutch; a nation wboae 
authority on commercial questicHis will not 
be disputed ; nor do they allow their East 
^ndia ships to be insured at all. 

The difficulty of estimating Uie value of 
any cargo has been urged in defence 
of this practice, nor is the defence wholly 
without weight, because the cargo in xxaaxf 
voyages cannot be ascertained. I shall^ 
however, take this opportunity of obserr-* 
ing, tliough I may somewhat digi:ess firom 
the present argument, how necessary it ia 
that some of our exported cargoes dbould 
be exactly specified. 

I have been lately informed. Sir, that 
six ships laden with British wool, faa;vse 
entered at one time into a port of fVance; 
nor do I know how this practice, which ia 
justly complained of as pernicious to. our 
trade, and threatening the ruin -of -our 
country, prevented butvby- a con- 
stant and regular particularizatioaf of everf 
cargo carxiS to fVailce. 



pea^KVted oflmot be paitictuarly regu- 
1^; aoeh ii the gold with which we aire 
hiy nnlied bj oar oominerce with the 
loeh m dppofitioii to their laws, and 
lidi inr nerduuitg are therefore under, 
k geceainr of concealing. 

ItiiDotiadeed ea^ to foresee all the 
^eanmooes that maj arise from new 
nhtioQi ci commerce; but the diffi- 
Sty 11 not so great as has been repre- 
■tedfOor can I conceive why all our 
^firi»»iim^ on trade should be without 
fgt Geotlemen mi^ obtain some know« 
jka of commerce firom their own obser- 
IptMB^ vlueh thej maj enhuge by an un- 
ai&ied tad indi&rent conversation with 
adeitof various classes, and by enquiries 
lit ifae diftrent bianches of commerce ; 
Imiriei, Sir, whidi are generally neglect- 
l\f dMse whose employments confine 
heir stttnlion to particular parts of com- 
twe^ or whose application to business 
Um tbem from attending to any opi- 
iaa tat those whicfa their own personal 
iDMiieBce caables them to form. 

Sran thase-infimiiatioiia impartially col« 
kfed,sBddiligenthr compered, a man not 
ippd in the profession of a merchant 
Isf fian general principles, and draw 
iM wy e uccs more certain, and more 
nwiis ID their relatbns, than those 
lieh sre struck out only from the ob- 
kuMidB of one subdivided species of com- 


A. D. r7«. 


A moBber of this House, Sir, thus en- 
l^lned bj enouiry, and whose judgment 
raikdiveited&oin its natural rectitude, 
sihe imiNilse of any private oonsidera- 
SB, WKf judge of any commercial debate 
ddiioi danger of error or partiality than 
baerefa«DtB,of whom nevertheless I have 
bl^ghat esteem, and whose knowledge 
ifMtf I do not intend to depreciate, 
Ml oedare my fears, that thc^ may 
I— lii sii ooDfouad j^enend maxims of 
■is with the qpmion of particular 
dmImi sad sometimes mistake their own 
^ fiv tke tnterent of the public. 
The interest of the mercbants ought m- 
Wshrs]^ to be considered in this House; 
Bl then it ouEght to be regarded only in 
Mhiation to tiiat of the whole com- 
iHly, a sobordmation which the ffentle- 
lairtio spoke last seems to have forgot- 
ii. He nay perhaps not intend long to 
Mm hiB parhsnentary character, and 
Mm delivered his opinidh only as a 

Hi hsidistiiigQiabed between the. con- 

duct of ez|perieiicedandimflkiUid]ilailrers»' 
with how mudh justice I shall not.deter- 
mine. I am afraid diat a vigorous en-<) 
quiiy would discover, that neither age nmr 
youth has been able to resist strong tenip«^ 
tations to some practices, which neither 
law nor justice can support, and that those 
whose ^xnerience has made them cautions, 
have not been idways equidly honest. 

But this is a subject upon which I am- 
not inclined to dwell, and only mention as 
the reason which convinces me of the pro-^ 
priety of the Bill before us. 

Sir William Yorige : 

Sir; there appears no probabUity tliat 
the different opinions which have been- 
formed of this Bill will be reconciled by- 
this ddi)ate ; nor indeed is there any rea-t 
son for wondering at this contraries of 

The several clauses of the Bill have re* 
lations and consequences so different, that 
scarce any one man can approve them all ; 
and in our present deliberation an objec* 
tion to a particular clause is considered aa 
an ar^ment against the whole Bill. . 

It IS therefore neoessary to prevent an 
unprofitd>]e expence of time, to resolvo 
the House into a committee, in which the 
Bill may be considered by single clauses, 
and that part which cannot be defended 
may be rejected, and that only retained 
which deserves our approbation. In the 
committee, when we have considered the 
first dause, and heard the ob^ectiooa 
against it, we may mend it ; or, if it can* 
not be amended, reject or postpime it, and 
so proceed through the whole Bill with 
much greater expedition, and at the same 
time with a more diligent view of every 
clause, than while we are obliged to take 
the whole at once into our consideratian. 

I shall for my part approve soBoa 
clauses, and make cbjections to others; 
but think it proper to reserve my objeo* 
tions, and the reasons of ray approbation^ 
for the committee into whidi we ought td 
go on this occasion. 

The Bill was referred to a Committee 
on the 6th of April,, but not 40 BBembens 
staying in the House, it was dropped. 

Debate in the Ommmts on the Se&mem^ 
Bill.*'} On the 27th of January, a mo- 

* ^* A very hot contest arose from a Bill 
whwb the mmistry brought in anderthesp»» 
cioos title of, < A Bill for the ] 




Dt and 
add ^ tllft bMor iuMl fpeediflr tnaniuDg 
Ml tat^tfi flciely be read « MdMid time, 
ft doeidiMMd die MUrwiiig Ddbaliuf 

Mr. Gffihn .* 

Mr; IlMtebMaaKmsUugkltliattiia 
distineal^hiDg Mieity M tkis iMkm s ce* 
ileral ilber^, liberty not eooAiied to ttie 
%hest datses of moD, but djAiiedthrough 
like wfaol^ body o# the peoptet lor l&e 
preservation of this, oar aftceston have 
strugffled in eveiy a^ ; and for tys only 
are &e present burden of taxes borne 
#ltbout eedition, and ahmit witbout com- 
^la»t. While we preserve, or fiincythat 
we preserve, oar liberty^ mt took without 
eiivT OR the power^ the wealth, and proe- 
penty of 4he slaves of atbiCraty monarchs. 
We account no man prosperoas whose 
happiness does not de|»end upon his own 
eonducti and droirid ihmk it lolly to heAp 

and hiereMie ef teamen, Mid ^ the better simI 
speedt^ fiMiimiar bis m«|Mty'8 fleet' This 
wu a rerival of lie opofcasive scheme which 
bad kepii rejected io tfie forsMr sassioD ; a 
•obeBM by which the justices oif the peace 
were empowered to issue warrants to oooMfr- 
hies and headborouf^bs, to search by day or 
tight for siteb sea -faring men as sbould con- 
ceal ihemsetres within theh" respective joris- 
dictioim. These aeareliers were vested with 
tethoff ty to feree open doers, fa caee of re* 
aiitaece ; and eooeoraged to this riohiiee by a 
BBwari for every seaman thev sbpuld disco? er ) 
while the noiiappy wpetones so discovered 
wave dnwed into the service^ and their name9 

rered iafeo a.register to be kept ai the navy or 
admiralty ^office. Sudi a pTaa of tvraany 
did not pass uaceh»ared. B^ery ezcepuonaUfe 
diaose produced a warm debate, in which sir 
John Bamard, Mr. Palteney, Sir. Saedys, 
lord Gaa^, Mr. Pitt, and Mr. Lwtteltoa, sig- 
asJistd niemadves nobly ia defending the liber- 
lias tff their feUow-sm^ecti. PaftitioDe were 
ppasflHtedfrOtt the efty of Londoo, and oounty 
tif QhM^^ster, against the BUI, as detrimental to 
the trade aad navigation of tbekipgdoro, by dis^ 
couragiog rather than encouta|riDg sailors, and 
destructive to the liberties of the subject : but 
they were both rejected as insults upon the 
Heme of Cosiiaons. After very long debates, 
auriataiaisd on belh sides with extraerdinaiy ar* 
dour aaid easolM, the severe eleiiisce were 
dropped aiid the Bill passed with amendihenis." 

t This day's debate On the l^amens' Bill, 
ii from tho Gentleman's Magazine: com- 

eby M. Johnson $ but emitted in thie Col- 
MK or the Ooeior'a Debates published ia 

omiiik Smmml SOL [ 

whsds Bi^ be M 
away witlMmt oar ci^iiaeiit. ¥oi tarn 
lasHB9 thia fireil ptfivilesc^ «e hs^ < 
daivoAoad, at m ianoeiise otnee, 
peovent the eMrmouB Macreaaaor aay 
rci^ power, by wUofa we aught b H 
be swallowed up, and reduced to tbeai 
state with Uie previaeas te ibe contiM 
To this end we raiae anues aai h 
fl«»ts» aad pour iaba the puUie trsM 
tbe predoce of eur laad»» and the gain 
our . comaerce. But to whai pmpoie j 
our labowap our dangesiy aad our exnfla 
to obviate the deaSgoa of teeiga aabili 
if we snffnr slavery to stedi upoh u| 
thefenn of kw» aad impair ou« Hbsa 
by the BMaasemidoyied to deftadihem 

If the only use of amies aad fleete 
to secure freedom and indepandsncj, i 
tlnng siarely can be moae absard ibas 
raiae tibem by methods of cqppraaidoa i 
vieiltace; aothmg can be wwartiaa 
send inen tof^gbt lor thMt libtfty, of vb 
we hawe deprived tfaeai. 

That the Bill aow before as veda 
multitudes of our ftilow subjiejDti to i 
miasries of davery^ to the audioB off 
vate^ hiikiitg iominera, a^d the l^li 
inaaks of petty authority^ mostqipflSf; 
every mantjiatheanit.. lloondeaogtlbN 
who have df^fAted their lives to.tfaaai 
iMefid eniployni£Bt»- and . wsstei tk 
sliength in the most important aorviai 
their oounicy» to be hunted Ufae beiflli 
prey, or like murderers and felonsy nki 
It is the eonimoB int^est of sMakiod 
search out aad to destroy. 

Let any maa* Sir, eaUed as^ 
man, let any man oaee bacome the o^i 
of public resentaaea^ by having ci 
tributed to tbe weabh and honour ef I 
Gountryy and at laat» from weariness of ^ 
boor, satiety of pro^;, or fear of o^raa 
incline to spend tbe rest of his life in pa^ 
the h^e and cry shall be raiaed sgn 
bim» stcatagems shall be contrived to i 
trap» or violence employed to oensHi 
him; be shall be pursued by the odioeji 
justice, his frienoB shall be obliged to I 
tray him» and the hoase brdte opea 
midaiRfat that shall affard hhn shelter. 

If this be the oobdiUon to nrlmk s 
man is exposed by tlie Ws of Britain^ 
may surely be dispensed ficom ha^aMl 
has life in thenr dalence ; for what shii 
tioa can be. made in tbem, by vAach J 
omidition will become woree ? 

If any paatioular body of men he.naik 
out by the legislature for hardships li 
)p will aat efecy one thai .on fli 

B] Mat hOe Commons mtielliameiu^BilL ' A. D. 1^. 


bb employ iDcnty liBt hnnMif in some ouicr 
[^i Am erecy man who lias been d* 
rodjw uohappjras to liave engaged lum- 
Rb'm tkisjpraftnion, ieek for fetter thaaC* 
a>ent in a foreign land ? 

There are mdeed. Sir, some incoave- 
riences arisaig from tfiis Billy wi^cb will 
ro( be confinM to the seamen ; tile power 
piled to oficeis to search a sospcted, 
But is, aoj house whidi tiiey snaB be 
plused to mark out, may afiect erety man 
rfao hai been lo in^mdeotas to oiend 
the constable of his parish, as he mm re- 
leoge the mjuiy by a declaration of sus- 
pidoD, aod consequently by a nocturnal 
tl)it It the head orhts assistants. 

y«r is this, Sh*, the most offensive part 
of this BiH; one clause of it tends to 
wakm the most sacred ties of socie^, 
to cake not soly friendly offices, but filial 
led coojugalCeMemesa punishable by Iptw. 

The Deoal dause, by which every one 
K Middeo to conceal a seaman without 
ucepdoQ of particular reason or relation,. 
B^ is mj opinion. Sir, the utmost stretdi 
ityranny. Let us dwell a while upon it, 
lad impose a son condemned as a cri- 
ciicaiior Mtering his fitther ; let us sup- 
(OM a wife dragged through the insolence 
(1 1 crowd, andcalled wiSi all the infamy 
of 1 prostitute, to receive sentence of pu- 
GJiuoeot for lefosmg to betray her bus- 
bci To think on such scenes as tbese^ 
adtes indignation ; and for my paxt I 
ii^ oppose any bill of diis lund, lest the 
itfiatioii of it diould fire the nation to 

^: if any severities are proposed by 
is BtB, or any mettiods of terror or vio- 
^prescfibed, it must be confessed that 
it}' can be justified by nothing but ne* 
^' >ty, and I hope those who shall speak 
^.Seir Tiodication, are QoC less affected 
? the sense of thiem, ihough they are 
•c^ CQQfinoed how much the present 
fii^of ooralEdcs requires audi methods 
iu those that oppose thenu 

How much the power of this natitfn 
'"^ io our fleets, and how usdess fleets 
l^yidkovt seamen, lam ^ot to prove. 

^ b it, Sir, vadi less apparent, that sea- 
^ ire bot jtobe nrocurpabjr the common 
vj,od|^ m namoers sufficient for our 
P^^Gi innaments, and that tberefiue 
*ae otbeis must be speedily contrived. 

ItwiS be wain. Sir, to expect, that a 

'*-<ti«e«nioobM3ye Hiein tothi^aervfpe, 
^ that our sbipa will tooA be aumned 

with'vcAunieets; for theteets havetsikea 
ew6y sucii nuBobers, tiialthere remain, pei^ 
Im^s, net more than five thousand In 


Britain ; who, though they should i 
at the cfl^ fiif our commanders, would 
able to supply no formidiriliAe navy. 

And that a navr of uncommon streng1)b 
is neceasiayfor tne honour and support of 
Gveet Britttn on this oceassion, no ina^ 
OttA doubt; when he has been in for med of 
what I have received fi^om undoubted Ia- 
tcffigenee, that a ne»I]lK>unng powers 
equSly to foe dreaded m its ambition and 
its strength, is now equipping 90 Mpfi of 
^e line, for which no iqppiareaft reason can 
be given, nor any more pr<^ble, than that 
they are designed to interrupt ihe prose* 
cution of the war. Such danger; might 
vindicate us in the use of violent and com- 
pulsive methods of raising forces, but none 
are in reality intended or proposed* more 
severe than those which. were prescribed 
by an act passed in the fourth of queen 
Anne, at a time wheb the counsels m the 
•nation were directed by men whom we 
cannot easily suspect of an intention to 
injure liberty. 

That tfie condition of seamen will by 
this act be made less independent tii«n 
that of others, and thetnethoQs of manning 
the fleet have a more oppressive and arbi- 
trary form than those by vAich the land 
service is supplied, is qot to be denied; 
but let it be remembered. Sir, that those 
inconveniences are balanced bythe re war j b 
proposed, by the !Q>eral provisions made 
m Uiose whom the chance of srar dud! 
disatne from suppoitmg Qiemscsves, wu/t 
the ease and plenljy to whicl^ tftey are 
entitled, who shdil grow oM in the aen^ 


Sir; I know not fte import oftheteon 
slavery, if it jneans any state dinereut irpiii 
that with which seamen are thre a t e ne d by 
the Bill before us. If to ioee the fioirer 
of choice, be tp fa)l into sl&^rT, every 
seaman, 'from the instant thb BiH pasa^ 
becomes a slaive; for he*wiir not oi^'Ho 
excluded firom .die dioieeof his Qopne tf 
lifi^, which yet every fireeaifleo must nseea* 
'Saiuy enjoy, but fttrai'thepower of oat^iN 
minmg what maater Jie wfli serve* 

^ serve. 

A .sailor, Sir,tif^ hayfi^gjMfhims wH- 
iiygiy entered hinuifnf, 'Is * einier ninit)^ 
away by jfcfae oppressioo tif his tKpttSi Qf 
aQured ipto the service of m^r<;|itots ^ 
prospect of advantage ; but not«ritMttidinp 
Ms apprehanaioBs on 'the osieaidei'aBid Ini 

H ^BORGX n. .'JMate-M Ok Coimem on the aeamen^ BO, u 


JboDes on the other, he is to be seized by 
violencey and condemned without a crime 
to that condition wh^h he dreads and 

Nor is he only deprived of that tran- 
quillity and content iWiich every man pro- 
poses as the end of his labours, by the 
dread of oppression, or of the penalties 
incurred by endeavouring to escape it, but 
is debarred from the assistance of his re- 
lations, and the kind offices of his friends ; 
he is stripped at once of every thing' that 
makes lite valuable. He is dragged to 
■tyranny and hardships, he is puni^ed for 
endeavouring to avoid them, and involves 
in the same misery with himself, any friend 
whom charity or gratitude shall prompt to 
jprotect him. 

To infer from the scarcity of seamen, 
.that such severities are necessary, is to 
consult nothing but that lust of dominion 
by which men are oilen incited to use vio- 
lent measures, lest they should seem to 
make too great concessions by softness 
and moderation. The scarcity of seamen, 
if such there be, must be imputed to the 
liardships to which they are now exposed, 
jmd it seems not very. likely, when less 
injuries have diminished their numbers^ 
that greater will increase them. 

Sir, men have been long discouraged 
from entering into the ships of war, by 
.every method that could be made use of to 
'disgust and offend them : oppressions and 
exactions have been too frequent among 
the officers ; mock expeditions have raised 
their expectations omy to deceive them, 
and sudden discharges at places remote 
irom opportunities of employment, have 
plunged them into distress, and reduced 
them to beggary. Surely when men have 
been thus treated, it is no crime to decline 
a submission to cruelty, nor ought they to 
be punished for that detestation of the ser- 
vice which is produced only by the conduct 
of others* 

Mr. CluHerbuck : 

Sir; as the question is not at present 
whether the Bill shall pass, or whether it 
shall be read a second time, I think any 
disquisitions upon the methods proposed in 
it unreasonable and superfluous, and shall 
therefore not at present either o&r or 
answer objections. But if there be what 
;iio gentleman has denied, a necessity of 
^dmg out some method of manning the 
fle^ I conceive that every scheme for 
that end defitenres to be considered; for 
>7 g w M d cif tf ^ t and ^vea ngecting bad 

measures. We approach nearer to tlie di 
covery of good ones. 

On such occasions as this. Sir, the bui 
expeditious method of proceeding is u 
doubtedlv the best; andasitislesstedia 
to amend an imperfect Bill than toiU 
up a new one, it will be right to coD«i| 
this in the regular way; we may then trie 
such clauses as cannot be approved, a 
substitute others which shall be suggette 
less liable to objections.^ 

The Bill was ordered to be read thai 
cond time, and to be printed. 

March 2.» The House wenf ink 
grand Committee on the said BiU.^ 
first Clause being read, proposing i 
blanks to be filled dius : lliat every vob 
teer seaman, after five years service be^ 
titled to 61. per year, during life, 

Sir Jo^n Barnard rose and said : 

Sir ; as it is our duty to provide I^i 
by which all frauds and oppressions ii| 
be punished, when they are detected^t 
are no less obliged to obviate such pn 
tices as shall make punishments necesa 
nor are we only to facilitate the detect^ 
but take away, as i^ as it is possible, || 
opportunities of guilt. It is to no puipi 
punishments are threatened, if they i 
be evaded, or that rewards are oftece^ 
they may by any mean artifices be vi 

For this repson, Sir, I think it necessi 
to observe, that the intent of this dsq 
the most favourable and alluring dauM 
the Bill, may lose its efifect by a prad 
not uncommon, by which any man, ii 
ever inclined to serve his country, waj^ 
de&auded of the right of a volunteer. 

Many men have voluntarilv appl" 
tlie officers of ships of war, and afler I 
been rejected by them as unfit for the| 
vice, have been dragged on board will 
a few days, perhaps within a few hours 
terwards, to undergo all the hardshi 
without Uie merit of volunteers. 

When any man. Sir, has been rejeq 
by the sea-officers, he ought to haveac 
tmcate given him, which shall be anj 
emption from an impress, that, if any oi 
commander shall judge more faYourabl; 
his qualifications, he may always have 
privily (\f a volunteer, and be entitk< 
the reward which he deserved, by his i 
diness to enter the service. 

■■'■.' . — = -i 

* From the Gentleman's Msigazine: 4 
piled by Dr. Johnson, 

MiOeiMthtCmmmumtkeSemmfJm.. A. D, 1741. [Sft 

If mdi provifioD8 are not made, Uiia 
btefiil pnctice, a practice. Sir, common 
aod Dotoriausy and very diacouraging to 
»ch II would enter the service of the 
poblic, mtv so far prevafl, that no man 
ibaB be able to denominate himself a vo- 
la&tecr, or daim the reward proposed by 

Sir Cktria Wager : 

Sir; it is not common for men to receiye 
iDjunes without appl J inj^ for redress, when 
it msy ootainlj be obtamed. If any pr6- 
ceedu^ like those which are now com- 
plttDedafybad been mentioned at the board 
Qt abinlty, they had been immediately 
caisiired md redressed ; but as no such 
iccoiitioni were offered, I think it may 
prabiUy be concluded, that no such crimes 
kif e be«o committed. 

For what purpose opj^ressions of this 
kiod dioiild be practised, it is not easy to 
coDoeife; for the officers are not at aU re- 
nrded for impressing sailors. As there- 
^ h is not probable that any man acts 
vickedly or crudly without terhptation ; 
tt I m never heard any such injury 
€«i|ibined of by tboise that sufiered it, I 
ciDootbiit inagme, that it is one of those 
npom, wbich arise ftom mistake, or are 
idrged bj mslice, to injure the officert| and 
oiwnict the service. 


Sir; tint the practice now complamed 
^ is voy frequent, and, whatever may be 
tke loqptation to it, auch as every day 
{rodaces some instances of, I have reasons 
i« KKrttng wiUi great confidence. I 
W, vidiin these few days, as I was acci- 
^^^j upon the river, informed myself of 
^ ntennen ignominiously dn^ed by 
f«rce ioto the service to whidi ^y had 
^uDtaiflj ofoed themselves a few days 
l^ore. The reasons of such oppression, 
K is the buaness of those gentlemen to en- 
!^iwhom his majesty entrusts with the 
<*nof his fleet; but to interrupt the 
OBne of wickeAaei, to hinder it from 
^istming the rewwds oftred by the pub- 
«i ij the province of the representatives 
•^ii|ep«»!e, Antl I hope, Sir, some 
f^^ will be made b this case. 

Sff; if any such practices had been fre- 
W to what can it be imputed, that 
**^^ enmby their lives m maritime 
^BBKa ihoold be strangers to them? 

^ bare no complaints peen made by 

those that have been injured f Or why 
should officers expose themsdvea to the 
hazard of censure, without advantage I I 
cannot discover why these hsLrdshipt 
ahould be. inflicted, nor how they could 
have been concealed, and' therefore think 
the officers of the navy may be cleared 
from the imputation^ without further en* 

Sir JoAn J^omarc? : 

Sir; it is in vain that objections are 
made, if the facts upon which they are 
founded may be denied at pleasure : no'f 
thing is more easy than to deny, because 
proofs are not required of a negative. But 
as negatives require no proof, so they Iniv^ 
no authority, nor can any consequence be 
deduced from them. I might therefore 
suffer the facts to remain in their present 
state, asserted on one side by those that 
have reasons to believe them, and doubted 
on the other without reasons ; for surely 
he cannot be said to reason, who questiqna 
an assertion only because he does not know 
it to be true. 

But as eveiy question by which the li- 
berty of a Briton may be arocted, is of im« 
portanoe sufficient to require that no evi- 
dence should be suppressed bv which it 
may be deared, I cannot but think it proper 
that a committee should be formed to em* 
mine the conduct of the officers in this 
particular; and, in confidenceof the vera- 
cihr of those from whom I received my 
inmrmation, I here promise to product 
such evidence as shall put an end to con- 
troversjr and doubt. 

If this is not granted, Sir, the fact must 
stand recorded and allowed ; for to doubt, 
and refuse evidence, is a degree of preju- 
dice and obstinacy without example. Nor 
is this the only objection to the clause 
before us, which appears very imperfect 
with regard to the qualifications specified 
as a title to the rev^ard. The rewani ought 
not to be confined to those who shall here- 
after be invited by the promise of it to en^ 
gage in the service, while those who ^« 
tered into it without any such pro^>ect» 
are condemned to dangers ana fktigiie 
without a recompence. Where merit iK 
equal, the reward ought to be equal ; and 
surely where there is greater merit^ the 
reward, proposed by the parhament as atf 
encouragement to braver^, ought not to be 
less. To be excluded fbom the advanta^ 
which others have obtained only by avoid- 
ing the service, cannot but aepress ditt 
spirit of those whose zeal and cottrlm 


14 GEORGE 11. Debate in the Cmmons on the Seamen^ BUL \i 

.incited thera, at the beginning <of tbe war, 
to enter into the fleet ; and to deject those 
fTDDi whom we expect defence and honour 
ia neither prudent itior just. 

Nor is it, in my pinion, (proper to offer 
]the same reward indiscriminately, to aU 
.that sdall accept it ; rewards ougnt to be 
proportioned to desert, ana ho man can 
justly be paid for what he cannot peiform; 
there ought, therefore, to be •ome dis- 
tinction made between a seaman by pro- 
fession, one that has learned his art at the 
expence of long experience, labour and 
hazard, and a man who only enters the 
ahip because he is useless on land, and who 
can only incommode the saUors till he has 
been instructed by them. 
, It appears. Sir, to me a considerable 
defect m our navalregulations, that wa^ 
are not proportioned to Ability ; and I thmk 
it may not be now unseasonably proposed, 
that bailors should be paid accorduig to the 
skill which they have acquired ; . aprpvisipn 
by which an emulation would be raised 
among them, and that industry excited, 
whidi now languishes for want of encou- 
ragement ; and those capacities awakened, 
wmch now slumber in ignorance and sloth, 
from the despair of obtaining any advan- 
tage by superiority of knowledge. 

Sir Robert Walpole: 

Sir;, that this charge, Sir, however po- 
sitively urged, is generally unjust, the de- 
clarations of these honourable ^ntlemen 
are sufficient to evince, since it is not pro- 
bable that the injured persons would not 
have found some friend to have represent- 
ed these hardships to the Admiralty, and 
no such representations could have been 
made without their knowledge. 

Yet, Sir, I am &r from doubting that, 
by accident, or perhaps by malice, some 
men have been treated in this manner; 
{or it is not in the power of any adminis- 
tration to make aA those honest or wise 
whom they are obliged to employ ; and 
when great affairs are depending, minute 
circumstances cannot always be attended 
to. If the vigilance of those who are en- 
trusted with the chief direction of grea^ 
numbers of subordinate officers be such, 
ftat corrupt practices are not frequent, 
and their justice such', that they are never 
ijnpunished when legally detected, the 
most strict enquirer can expect no more. 
Power will sometimes be abused, and pu- 
nishment sometimes be escaped. 
^ It is. Sir, easy to be conceived that a 
i^eport may become general, though the 

practice be very rare. The fact is mulJ 
plied as often as it is related, and evd 
.Aian who hears the same story twice, int 
gines that it is told of different perso^ 
and exclaims against the tyranny of tl 
officers of the navy. 

But these, in my opinion. Sir, are que 
tions, if not remote from the present a^ 
yet by no means essential to it. The qu^ 
tion now before us is, not what illegaliti 
have been committed in the execution 
impresses, but how impresses themseh 
may become less necessary ? How t 
nation may be secured without injury 
individuals? And, how the fleet may 1 
manned with less detriment to comroerc 

Sir, the reward now proposed is inten 
ed to e^ccite m^n to enter tne service wit 
out compulsion ; knd if' this expedient 1 
not .approved, another ought to be su 
^^tea; for I hope gentlemen are uniti 
m their endeavburs to find out some la 
thpd of security' to the public, and do n 
obstruct the procee^n^ of the commxtte 
that, when tne fleets' lie inactive and us 
less, they may have an opportunity to i 
proach the mmistry. 

Sir t/oAii Narris .- 

Sir; though it; is not necessary to ent 
into an accurate e^mination of the genti 
man's proposal, yet I cannot but observ 
that by makins it he discovers hinaaelf u 
acquamted wiUi the disposition of seame 
among whom nothing raises so much di 
content as the suspicion of partialit 
Should one man, in the same ranx, recei 
larger wages than another, he who thoug 
himself injured, as he who is paid less w 
alwa3rs think, would be so far from exei 
ing his abilities to attain an eouality wi 
his associate, that he would proD^ly nev 
be prevailed on to lay his hand upon t) 
tackling, but would sit sullen, or woi 
perversely, though the ship were labouri^ 
m a storm, or sinking in a battle. 

Mr. Gore : 

^ Su* ;' the danger of introducing distin 
tions among men in the same rank, whe 
every man that imagipes his merit neglec 
ed may have an opportunity of resentii 
the injury, is doubtless such as no prude 
commander will venture to incur. 

Every man in this case becomes t1 
judge of his own merit i and as he will J 
ways discover Some reason for the pref^ 
ence of another very different from sup 
riority of desert, he wiH, by consequencj 
t>e eiuer enraged or dispirited, wiU eith^ 

S7J DtkU in ^ Gmmons an ihf Seamen»^ Sifk 

rtsdfe to deiert his commander, or betray 
him to the enemies, or hof oppose them. 

1 remember, though impeifectly, a story 
which I heard in my tiaVels, of an army 
ia vhich some troops received a penny a 
<Uy kss thao the rest ; a parsimony which' 
c(»t dear m the day of battle, for. the dis- 
gusted troops laid down their arms before 
the enemy, and suffered their geberal to be 
cut in pieces. 


Sir; I csanot but concur mnth the hon. 
gentloon in his opinion that those who are 
slreadj eoga^ m the service, who have 
borne the fatigues of a long voyage, and 
perhifpi are at this hour exposing their 
hm io boltb to defend the rights of their 
coantiy^oaghttohavethenme daim to 
the reward proposed with those who ^all 
liereifier oOer themsdves. Nor in my 
opimoo ought those wha have hitherto 
heeo pietten into our fleets to be discou- 
raged from their duty by an exclusion from 
^ same adrantage: forif they were com- 
peUed to lerve in the fleet, they were 
<:oapeiled when there was not this encou- 
ragoneot for vdunteers, which, perhf4)s, 
% vodd have accepted if it had been 
^ proposed. Every man at least will 
^^ t&at he would have accepted it, 
^oonpisin he suffiers only by the fault 
^^thegoveminent; a government which 
^ vi not be very zeabus to defend, 
*^ be is considered with less regard 
^ othen from whom ho greater iservices 
sre expected. 

A proqiect of new rewards, Sir, will 
^ new alacrity to all tifie forces, and an 
itpfil distribution of favour will secure an 
unshaken aod inviolable fidelity. Nothing 
^A uoion can produce success, and no- 
ling can secure union but impartiality and 

Mr. Sambu : 

^|r; the efficacy of rewards, and the ne- 
^^ of an imps^ial distribution, are no 
tn&uitful subjects for rhetoric ; but it may 
?^^ be more useful at present to con- 
^-ier with such a degree of attention tw the 
jitsijonmofitbe acknowledged to deserve, 
to whom these rewards are to be paid, and 
jomwhat iiipddiey are expected to arise. 

^ith regard to tliose who are to clairn 
'^ re»ard. Sir, they seem very negli- 
gkialy specified ; for Uiey are distinguished 
^J by the character <if HavineServed five 
jaiv ; a distinction unintelligible, without 

It is, I suppose. Sir, the intent of the. 
Bni, that no' man shall miss the reward 
biit by his own &ult, and therefore it may 
be enquired, what is to be the fate of him' 
who shall be disabled in his first adventure^ 
whom in Uie first year or month of hiflr 
servide, an unlucky shot shall confine for 
the remaining part of his life to inactivity r 
A^ the Bill is now formed, he must be 
miserable without a recompence ; and his 
wounds, which make him unable to support 
himself, will, though received in .defence 
of his country, entitle him to no support 
from the public. 

Nor is this the only difficulty that may 
arise from the specifying of so Ion? a ser- 
vice ; for how can any man that shul enter 
on board the fleet be informed that, the war 
will contmue for five years > May we not 
aU justly hope that alacrity, unanimity, and 
prudence, may in a much shorter time 
reduce our enemies to beg for peace ? And 
shall our sailors lose that reward of their 
hazards and their labours, only because 
they have been successful ? What wiH this 
be less than making their bravery a crime 
or folly, and punishing them for not pro- 
tractinff the war by cowardice or treachery i 

But let us suppose, .Sir, those defects, 
supplied by a more explicit and determi- 
nate specincation, there will yet arise an 
objection which die present state of out 
revenues will not suffer to be answered. 
The consideration of the g^atness of the 
annual payment which this proposal re* 
quires, ought to incite every man to employ 
an his sagacity in search of some otiier 
method equally efficacious and less ex- 

We have already, Sir, 40,000 seamen in 
our pay, to whom 8,000 more are ^eedily 
to be luded; when each of these! shall de- 
mand his stipend, a new burthen of 
288,000(. must bel^dupon the nation; 
upon a nation, whose lands are mortgaged, . . 
whose revenues are anticipated, and wnose 
taxes cannot be borne without murtnnrs, . 
nor increased without ^edition. ' 

The nation, has fo;and by experience, 
that taxes once imposed for just reasonsl 
and continued upon plauisible pretenccfiiy • 
till they are become fiimiliar,. ate afVeii 
wards conlini^d upon mottvesless laudable^ 
are Voo productive .of influence, -and toe 
instrumental toward^ facilitating ,the n^ea^ 
sures of the mmistry^^tb be esrer wfll^gly 
remittecL :' . 

CiAond Bladen i 

Sir; it is obvioua that when the ba- 


14 6BOROBIL Ikbtie m ike Cammmt an ^ Seamaid BOL f^ij 

hnc^ k uneqwd^ it may be redooed to an 
equilibriuiDy as well by taking the weight 
out of (me tcale, as adding it to the other. 
The wages offered by the merdiants over- 
balance, at present, those which are pro- 
posed by the crown ; to raise the allow- 
ance in the ships of war, will be to lay 
9ew loads upon the public, an4 will in- 
9pi|niDode the merchants, whose wages must 
always bear the same proportion to the 
IdnjBp^s. The only method then that re- 
mains, Jkhten the opposite scale, by 
restraining the merchants from giving 
^ages in time of war beyond a certain 
value; for as the service pf the crown is 
then more immediately pecessary to the 
general advantage, than that of die mer- 
chants, it ought to be made ipore gainfuL 
Sailors, Sir, are not generally men of very 
e^Uensive views ; and therefore we cannot 
expect that they should prefer the general 
good of their country before their own 
present interest, a motive of such power, 
that even with men of curious researches, 
xefined sentiments, andgenerous education, 
we see too often that it surmounts every 
other consideration. 

Lord BMmore : 

Sir; to the expedient which the hon. 
gentleman who spoke last has suggested, 
and which he must be confessed to have 
|>laced in the strongest liffht, many objec- 
tions may be raised, which I am au-aid will 
pot easik be removed. 

The n|rst. Sir, which occurs to me on 
this short reflc^ction is not less than the 
im|KissibilitY of putting his scheme in exe- 
cotion. Tac prescription of wages which 
be proposes, mav be eluded by a thousand 
artificos, by pi^vanced money, by gra- 
tnitous acknowledgments, Ae payment of 
money for pretended services, or oy secret 
Gontraets, which it will be the mterest of 
Jboth parties to conceal. 

But if this objection could besuimounted 
by severiQ' and vigilance, would not this 
eypedtent help to defeat the general in- 
tention ^f the Bill? A bill not designed 
as an immediate resource, a mere temr 
fORUry iKSOject tp supply our fleets for the 
-present yea^, but as a method for removing 
ike only pbslruc^Qn pf the British power, 
the diflSculty of mantiini^ our ships of war. 

It is, I hope, Sifp the mteptiM of every 
BiAn who has offered Ipis sentiments ag^ this 
occanQ9, to contrive some general encou- 
rag^ent for seamen, which diall ooC only 
invite thens ^o aMitt their coun^try ^ the 
iiist summons, out shaU allure others to 

qualify themselves for the public serrioi 
by en^a^g in the same profession. ' 
This is only to be aone by makis| 
the condition of sailors less miserable, b] 
entitling them to privileges, and honouriD^ 
thoQi with distinctions. But by Iimitio| 
the merchants wages, if such kmitatioDi 
are indeed possible, though we may pallisti 
the present distress, we shaU dimmish thi 
number of our sailors, and, thereby, nd 
only contract our commerce^ but ennoge 
our country. 

Mr. TVocey .• 

Sir ; I know not for what reasons tb^ 
present method of advancing rewards al 
entrance is practised, of wluch, howerei 
specious it might appear, the success bj 
no means encourages the continuanoei 
The sailors, thoogh not a geaeratioD d 
men much disposed to reflection, or qus* 
Itfied for ratiocination, are not yet so roic 
of thought as not easily to percehre thai 
a small increase of constant wages is ol 
more value than several pounds to be pai<i 
only at once, and which are squanderiMl sf 
soon as they are received. 

Instead therefore of restraining thi 
wages of the merchants, it seeaos pro^abli 
that, by raising those of the kin^, we nut} 
man the fleet with most expedition ; and 
one method of raiaing the wagea will be u 
suppress the advanc^ money. 

Mr. Attorney General R^^der .• 

Sir ; if the sum ci money now paid b} 
way of advance can be supposed to hwn 
any efiect, if it can be imi^^ined that ao} 
number of seamen, however inconsiderable 
are allured by it into the fleet, it is nion 
usefully employed than it can be 8uppo6e< 
to be when sunk into the current wages 
and divided into small paymenta. 

The advance-money la only paid t( 
those that enter : if no volunteers presen 
themselves, no money is paid, and the na 
tion doth not suffer by Uie offer : but i 
the wages are raised, the expence will b 
certain, without the certainty of advantage 
for those that enter voluntarily into tb 
fleet, will receive no more Uian those tbs 
are fprced into it by an impress; m 
therefoie there will be no indtement t 
en^er witbout compulsion. Thus ever 
Other inconvenience will remain, with th 
addition pf a new burthen to the nation 
our foroca iriU be maintained at a greate 
expencei a«d not n(^ed with less dii 


41] J)tkl9mike0mmmumiheS€(mmi*BaL A. D. 1741. 

hxi BJAme: 

Sir; I cnnol bat concur in opbion with 
the h(HU fntleoian who spoke last, from 
m own acmuintance with the sentiments 
null habits Uiat unalterably prevail among 
fhoee irfao hate been accustomed to the 
•ei; a race of men to the last degree neg- 
Cgest of uj future events, and careless 
imi any provision against distant evils ; 
men vIm have do thev^ts at sea but how 
to readi the land, nor at land but how to 
aooaoder vkt thejr have gained at sea. 
To men lib theie it may easily be ima- 
{incd that no encouragement is equal to 
the temptation of present gain, and the 
ofiportimitj of present pleasure. 

Of this aay man. Sir, may convince 
kimsdf, who diall taXk to arcrew but half 
ID hour ; ibrhe ahall find few among them, 
Thovin not for a small sum of present 
gioacj, ttO aoy distant prospect of afflu* 
(Kse or happiness. ' 

Whether 1 am mistaken in my opinion, 
the honourable members who have long 
coooBDded in Ae naval service, can 
cttlj detenshie ; and I doubt not but 
they will agree, that no motive can be 
pnpoaed to a nilor equivalent to imrae- 

Sir; that aone distinction ought to be 
oade to the advantage of volunteers, if 
ve inteod to man our fleet without com* 
F^, is obvious and incontestable ; and 
^ avoid the necessity of compulsion oufiht 
tobe the chief end of this Bill ; for nothmg 
^ be less to the advantage of the nation, 
™ to contraue the use of such ungirate- 
tfl) methodi, and yet increase the public 

Jft ou^ dierefore, in my opinion, to 
^^fnoK upon some peculiar reward, 
^ to be advanced upon their entrance 
"tothe servioB^ or paid at their dismis- 

^Btss I see. Sir, no reason for hoping 

^ the enoooittement which can be 

^*^ wai raise voranteers in a sufficient 

^'"^ to secare our navigation, and as- 

*rt oar sovereignty, it seems not proper 

VS^ Mr conniltations to this part 

^ue BiB; ibr sinoe compulsion is on 

■■f oGcasioiis iq>pafently necessary, 

I I'^BKthodreqiiifes to be considered m 

i '•iJ^i'VbelegaL . 

I V^vtneir.foirer ought to be placed in 

i^BHjiataae, linr what time^ and what 

'^*>wia| I am^ fiur from asstmiing the 


province of determining; but that- some 
measures must be taken for compelling 
those who cannot be persuaded, and dis- 
covering those that will not offer themsdves, 
cannot admit of doubt ; and as the magis- 
trate is at present widiout an v authority fos 
this purpose, it is evident that his power 
must be extended for the same reason as 
it was given in its present degree, the ge» 
neral benefit of the whole community. 

Sir John Barnard: 

Sir; if die intent of this Bill be to 
enable one part of the nation to enslave 
the other; if the plausible and inviting 
professions of encouraging and increasing 
seamen, are to terminate m violence, con- 
straint, and oppression ; it is unnecessary 
to dwell longer upon particular clauses* 
The intention of the Bill is detestable, and 
deserves not the ceremony of debate^ or 
the forms of common regard. 

If a man. Sir, is liable to be forced from 
the care of his own private a&irs, from 
his frkvourite schemes of life, from die en- 
gagements of domestic tendemesd, or the 
prospect of near advantage, and subjected 
without his consent, to the command of 
one whom he hates, or dreads, or perhaps 
despises, it requires no long argument to 
shew, that by whatever auUiority he is 
thus treated, he is reduced to the condition 
of a slave, to that abject, to that hatful 
state, which every Endishman has been 
taught to avoid at the hazard of his life. 

It is therefore evident, that the law 
which tends to confer such a poi^er, sub- 
verts our constitution as fiir as its eftcts 
extend ; a constitution, which wasoriginally 
formed as a barrier against slavery, and 
which one age after another has endea- 
voured to strengthen. 

Such a power} therefore, in whatever 
hands it may be lodged, I shall always op- 
pose. It is dangerous. Sir, to entrust any 
man widi absolute dominion, which is sel- 
dom known to be impartially exercised, 
and which often makes those corrupt and 
insolent, whom it finds benevolent and 

The Bill proposes only encouragement ; 
and encouragement may be given by his 
majesty, without a new law ; let us there- 
fore draw up an Address, and« cease to 
debate where there is no prospect of agree- 

Mr. JVinnington: 

Sir; diepajTment of an annual salary 
willy in my epmipn^ be to the last dq;|ree 

Mr. Henrjf PMam :. . 

Sir; I capoot but think it oecessai 
' that, OQ this occasion at leasl^ gentlem* 
should remit the ardour of diaputatio 
and lay the arts of rhetoric aside, that thi 
should reserve tlieir wit and their gati 
for questions of less importance, uid unil 
for once, their endeavours, that this a^ 
may meet with no obstruction^ but &g 
its natural difficulty. 

We are now^ Sir, engaged in a inx wl| 
a nation, if not of the first rank In pow« 
yet by no means contemptible in it^l 
and, by its alliances, extremely formidabi 
We are exposed, b^ the course of 01 
trade, and the situation of our enemies, 1 
many inevitable losses, and have no me&i 
of preventing our merchants from hek 
seized, without danger or expence to t^ 
Spaniards, but by covering the sea wij 
our squadrons. 

Nor are we. Sir, to satisfy ourselv< 
with barely defeating the designs of tl: 
Spaniards; our honour demands tliat nj 
should force them to peace upon adva^ 
tageous terms; that we should not r^ 
pidse, but attack them ; not only presen' 
our own trade and possessions, out en 
danger theirs. 

It is by no means certain, Sir, that, i 
the prosecution of these designs, we shaj 
not be interrupted by the interest or jea 
lousy of a nation far more powerful, whoa 
forces we ought therefore to be ablet* 

A vigorous exertion of our streogtl 
will probably either intimidate any om 
power that may be ioclined to attack u.< 
or enable us to repel the injuries that shai 
bp offer^ ; discord and delay can onl^ 
confirm our open enemies in their ob^ti 
nacy, and animate those that have hitlierti 
concealed their malignity to dedan 
against us. 

It is, therefore. Sir, in no decree pru 
dent to aggravate the inconveniencies 
the measures proposed, for accompii^hin| 
what every man seems equally to desire 
tp declaim against tho expedients oSer& 
in the Bill as pernicious, unjust, and op 

Sressive, contributes very little to the pro 
uction of better means. That our a^ 
will not admit of long suspence, and tha 
the present methods of raising seapien an 
npt Q&ctual, is universally allowed; i 
therefore evidently follof)rs. Sir, that soou 
[Other must b^ speedily struck out. 

I think it necessary to propose, that tbt 
Hpuse be r^plved mto a <y)nunitt^ to 

iMOftvaiieni'aiid d^ogffwi*: Vi^ymityf 
enpence hps beeaalveady estji»ate^ and; 
aiMM to a sum wy, iomimbl^ in our prop 
aent state. Nor i% the neoaasitor. .of adding 
to the public burllien, abuuthfp whicht is 
already hard to ba hpcne^ th^cAly objeo- 
tion to tfaia pvopoiaL 

Nothing can laore contribute to dispucii 
the nation,* than to protract the canse« 
<}uence8 o£a war, and to make the calamity 
felt, when the pleasures of victory and 
triumph have be^n forgotten'; we shall be 
inclined tather to bear oppression and in- 
sult, than endeavour after redvasa, if we 
Bubiect ourselves and our posterity to 
enoless exactions. 

The expences of the present provision 
for si^rannuated and disabled sailors* is 
no inconsiderable tax upon the puWic, 
which is not less burdened by it for tha 
manner of collecting it, by a deduction 
from the sailors wages; for, whoever pava 
il inuaediately , it is the ultimate gift of tJie 
naliion, and the utmost that can be allowed. 

It must be confessed. Sir, the perBons 
aiBtitiad to the pension are not sufficiently 
Sdstioguished in the Bill; by which, as it 
now stands, any of the wc^thless super- 
fluities of a ship, even the servants of the 
cnptaias, mav, after five years, put in their 
demand, and plunder that nation which 
they never served. 

Nor del tUnk, Sir, the efficacy of thia 
Method will bear any proportion to the 
expence of it; for I am of opinion, that 
&w of the sailors will be much affected by 
the prospect of a future pension* I am 
therefore for dazzling them with 5l* to be 

Even Uiem at their entrance, which will 
i but a single payment, and probably fill 
our fleets with greater expedition, than 
methods which appear more refined, and 
Ihe effects of deepev meditation- 
Lord Gage : 

Sir ; m^ing is more dear than that a 
jrearly pension will burthen the nation 
without any advantage ; and as it will give 
occasion to innumerable frauds, it is a 
method which ought to be rejected. 

As to the new power, Sir, which is pro- 
posed tohe placea in the hands of the ma- 
gistrates^ it undoubtedly reduces every 
sailor to 9 state of slavery, and is inconsis- 
tent with that natural right to liberty, 
which is confirmed and secured by our con- 
sUtution. The Bill therefore is, m my opi- 
nion, defective in all its parts, of a ten- 
fbncy genemlly penkidous^ and omppt be 
SHamed but by rejecting it. 


] BMe in the Commons on the Seamen** BUl» A. D. IT^I. 


irtmr mondhg; and hope all that as- 
jiemhle on this occasion, will bring, with 
Aem DO other passion than zeal for their 


The Speaker then resumed the chairs 
yad the chaitmon of the committee re- 
ined progreny and desired leave to sit 

>fardi 4. The House in a grand com- 
mittee took die said Bill into rarther con- 
ndeittioD, when a Clause was ofiered, by 
vhich 51 was proposed to be advanced to 
la able SeanMn, and S^. to ever;^ other 
maa tbt Aould enter voluntarily into his 
ic^es^'s lerrice, after 20 days and with- 

Mr. Wkamgicn •- 

Sir;tfaiiisaclaii8e in which no oppo- 
fidon cao be apprehended, as those gen- 
tlemen who declared their disapprobation 
of the former, were almost unanimous in 
proposing this expedient, as the least ex- 
jxcsive, and the most likely to succeed. 

The time for the reception of volunteers 
upon this condition, is. Sir, in my opinion, 
juiLcbosly determmed. If it was extended 
tu greater lengthy or left uncertain, the 
vward would lose its efficacy, the sailors 
voold neglect that which they might ac- 
cept at any time, and would only have re- 
o^ose to file ships of war when tney could 
^ DO other employment. 

Yet I cannot conceal my apprehensions, 
^ this bounty will not alone be sufficient 
i3 man our fleets with proper expedition ; 
aid that as'allurements may be nseftd cm 
we hand, force will be found necessary on 
thecdier, that the saOorsmay not onfybe 
'Cited to engage in the service by hopes 
t ** « reward, but by the fear of having their 
'cdigeoce to accept it punished, by being 
t'^pefled into the same service, and for- 
^ti&g their claim by staying to be corn- 
Lord BoUswrr .« 

&; to the reward proposed in this 
^aae, I have declared in the former con- 
gee OD diis Bin, that I have no objec- 
^ and therefore have no amendment to 
y^V^ except witli regard to the time 
nitedfor the paj^ment. 

As oar need of seamen, Sir^ is immediate, 
*^ shodd not a law for their encourage- 
co) immediately operate ? What advan- 
*-4:h can arise mm delays? Or why is not 
^ proper to be advanced now, that will 
^pn^perm twenty days? That all the 

tihie between' the enaction and (Operation 
t>f this law must be losti is evident ; 4br 
who will enter for two poimds, Uiat ntty 
gain five by with-hddinghimself #om 'the 
service twenty davs longer ? 

Nor do I think the time now limited 
sufficient; many sailors who are now in 
the service of the merchants, may not re» 
turn soon enough to lay claim to the boun- 
ty, who would gladly accept of it, and who 
will either not serve the crown without it, 
or wiU serve with disgust and comi^aints; 
as the loss of it cannot be imputed to'their 
backwardness, but to an aecidrat agaiMst 
which they could not provide. 

Mr. Wmnitfgton : 

Sir ; though I think the'time now fixed 
by the 'Bill sdideBt,'fli» I hope that osur 
prresent exigency will be but (^ short' con- 
tinuance, and that we shall soon be dbleto 
raise aaval forces at a cheaper rate, yet, as 
the reasons alleged for an alteration of the 
time may appear to others of more weight 
than to me, I shall not oppose the amend- 

Sir John Barnard : 

^ Sir ; with regard to the duration of the 
time fixed for the advaiicement of this 
bounty, we may have leisure to deliberate; 
but surely it must be readily granted by 
those who have expatiated so copiously 
upon the present exigencies of our affidrs, 
that it oupht immediately to' commence. 
And if this be the general determination 
of the House, nothing can be more proper 
than to address his majesty to ofler, by 
proclamation, an advance of five pounds, 
mstead of two, which have been nitherto 
given ; Uiat, while we are concerting dther 
measures for the advantage of our country, 
those in which we have idready concurred, 
Aiay be put in execution. 

Mr. PuUeney : 

Sir ; I take this opportunity to lay before 
the House a grievance which very much 
retards the equipment of our fleets, and 
which must be redressed before any mea- 
sures for reconciling the sailors to the 
I)ublic service can be pursued irith the 
east probability of success. 

Observation, Sir, has informed me, that 
to remove the detestation of the lane's 
service, it is not necessary to raise Oie 
wages of the seamen, it is necessary only to 
secure them ; it is necessary to destroy 
those hatful insedis that fiaitten in idleness 
and debauchery, upon the gains of thein- 
dustrions and honest. 


U. GEOitGB IL DebaU in the CmmoMon the Seameni^ BitL ^ 

When a sailor, Sir, after the fatigues 
and hazards of a long Toyaee, brings his 
ticket to the pay-office, and demands his 
wages, the de^icable wretch to whom he 
is obliged to ^ply, looks upon his ticket 
widi an air of importance, acknowledges 
his light, and demands a reward for present 
payment; with which demand, however 
exorbitant, the necessities of his family 
oblige him to comply. 

In this manner. Sir, are the wives of the 
aailors also treated when they come to re- 
'Ceive the pay of their husbands ; women, 
distressed, mendless, and unsupported ; 
they are obliged to endure every insult, 
ana to jqeld to every oppression. And to 
such a height do thiese merciless exactors 
raise their extortions, that sometimes a 
third part of the wages is deducted. 

Thus, Sir, do the vilest, the meanest of 
mankind, plunder those who have the 
highest claim to the esteem, the gratitude 
and tlie protection of their country. This 
is the hardship which with-faolds the 
sailors from our navies, and forces them 
to seek for kinder treatment in other 
countries. This hardship. Sir, both jus- 
tice and prudence call upon us to remedy; 
and while we n^lect it, all our delibera- 
tions will be ind&^tual. 

Mr. SotUkwU i 

Sir ; of the hardships mentioned by the 
hon. gentleman, I have myself known an 
instance, too remarkable not to be men- 
tioned. A sailor in Ireland, after his voy- 
age, met with so much difficulty in obtain- 
ing his wages, that he was at length re- 
duced to the necessity of submitting to 
the reduction of near a sixth part Such 
are the grievances with which those are 
oppressed, upon whom the power, security, 
and happiness of the nation are acknow- 
ledged to depend. 

Sir Robert Walpole :' 

Sir ; it is not without surprize that I 
hear the disgust of the sailors ascribed to 
any irregularity in the payment of their 
wages, which were never in any former 
reign so punctually discharged. Theyre- 
ceive, at present, twelve months pay in 
e^teen months, without deduction; so 
that there are never more than six months 
for which any demand r^inams unsatisfied. 

But, Sir, the punctuality of the pay- 
ment has produced of late great inconve- 
niencies ; for there has been frequently a 
necessity of removing men from one ship 
to another ; and it is the stated rule of the 

pay office, to assign every man so remojf 
bis full pay. These, men, when the | 
vemment is no longer mdebted to the 
take the first opportunity of deserting t 
service, and engaging in business to inu 
they are more indm^. 

This is ' not a diimerical compU 
founded upon rare instances, and « 
duced only to counterbalance an otqi 
tion; the &ct and the consequences i 
well known, so well, that near 1,400 sail 
are computed to have been lost by d 

The Speaker: 

Sir ; the nature of the eraplojrmeDt wi 
which I am entrusted, makes it my <fa 
to endeavour that this question may 
clearly understood, and the condition 
the seamen, withxegard to the recepti 
of their pay, justly represented. 

I have not been able to discover A 
any saflor upon producing his tideet,i^ 
ever obliged to submit to the deductioi 
any part of his wages, nor diould any dk 
or officer under my inspection, esd^ 
such oppression, the severest puniAfflU 
and most public censure; I would givel 
up to the law without reserve, and mp 
him as infamous and unworthy of any tfjl 
or employment. J 

But there are extortioners, Sir, by «U 
those unhappy men, afler having senii 
their country with honesty and couim 
are depriyea of the lawfni gains of m 
gence and labour. There are menj 
whom it is usual amongst the saikirs i 
mortgage their pay before it becomes dnj 
who never advance their money but up< 
such terms, as cannot be mentioned w9 
out indication. These men advance 4 
sum which is stipulated, and by virtue d 
letter of attorney are reimbursed at tl 

This corruption is, I fear, not confim 
to particular places, but has spread eveni 
the West Indies, where, as in his on 
country, the poor sailor is seduced, by d 
temptation of present money, to sell h 
labour to extortioners and usurers. 
^ I appeal to the gentleman whether d 
instance which he mentioned was not < 
this kind. I appeal to him without vp^ 
hension of receiving an answer that ci 
tend to invalidate what I have asserta 
[Mr. Southwell owned it was by a letti 
of attorney.] 

Tills, Sir, is indeed a grievance pern 
cious and oppressive, wbicui no endeavcm 
of mine sbau be deficient in attemptiogj 

49] Ddate » tie Commotu on tie Seameiuf BUL A. D. 1741. 


naore; &r by this the sailor is coBdemn<« 
ed, notwiChstsnding his industry and sue* 
cess, to perpetual poverty, and to labour 
ooly for the benefit ij£ his plunderer. 

He Ghoaes were then read, empower- 
^ the Juitices of the Peace, &c. to issue 
wmnts to the constables, &c. to make 
seoenl privy Searches, by day or night, 
for fioding out and securing such Se^en 
and SeafitfiDg men as lie hid or coaceal 
thenMeWci; and making it lawful for the 
officma|ipointed to ms£e such Searches, 
tofoice men^e doors of any house where 
thnrsUi suqpect such seamen to be con« 
ctued, jfentrance be not readily admitted; 
ndftr fixing a penalty on these wjiodudl 
iurbo V or conceal any ■yawii^" 

^Joh Barnard: 

Sir; we have been hitherto deliberating 
upon qootioDs, in which diversity of opi- 
uops might natural];^ be expected, and in 
vbidiefery man might indulge his own 
opmooywnstever it might be, without aoy 
dugerou consequences to the public. 
But tke dsofles now before us are of a dtf- 
iemi kind ; clauses which cannot be read 
vitiKmt Mtonishnient and indignation, nor 
(intended without betraying the liberty of 
^bat,the bravest, and most useful of 
our Mlow tid)jects. 

If theie daiises. Sir, should pass into a 
^f a tailor and a slave will become terms 
of the same aisnificatioD, Every man who 
^devoted hmiself to the most useful pro- 
^MD, and most dangerous service of^ his 
owjtry, will see himaielf deprived of every 
Ai^Taolaffe whidi be has laboured to obtain, 
and made the mere passive propertv of 
^ vbo live in security by his valour, 
^ owe to his iabanr that influence which 
Urdens diem to insensibility, and that 
podetlat awdis them to ingratitude. 

^Itj must the sailors, alone. Sir, be 

^■riEedout from all the other orders of 

lan for ignominy and nuseiy ? Why must 

uey be tanked with the enemies of so* 

fftr, stopped like vagabonds, and pursued 

^^ Uuef and the murderer, by public 

"^? How or when hayetiiey roneited 

ve coounon privil^e of human nature, or 

I ^ geneial motection of the laws of their 

"^i If It is a jdst maxim. Sir, that he 

I *^coiitfibntesmost to the welfare of the 

I l^ deaerves most ta be protected in 

I ''^odoyment of hts orivate right or fbr- 

^ (ft prmc^Ie which siiirely will not be 

^IJ^^'vefted) where is tiie man thatd^res 

'^finthsndasaerty that be hat luster 

cbims than the brave, the honest, the di- 
ligent sailor ? ^ 

I am extremely unwilling, Sir, to engage 
in so invidious an undertaking, as the 
comparison of the harmless, inofFensive, 
resolute sailor, with those who think them- 
selves entitled to treat him with contempt, 
to overlook his merit, invade his liberty, 
and lau^h at his remonstrances. 

Nor IS it. Sir, necessary to dwell upon 
the peculiar merit of this body of men ; it 
is sufficient that they have the same claims, 
founded upon the same reasons with our 
'own ; that they have never forfeited them 
by any crime, and therefore that they can- 
not be taken away, without the most fla^ 
grant violation of the laws of nature, of 
reason, and of our country. 

Let us consider the present condition of 
a sailor, let us reflect a little upon the ca- 
lamities to which custom, though not law, 
has already made him subject, and it will 
surely not be thought that his unhappiness 
needs any aggravation. 

He is already exposed to be forced, 
upon his return from a tedious voyage, 
into new hardships* without the intermis- 
sion of a day, and without the sight of his 
family ; he is liable, afler a contract for a 
pleasing and ^nful voyage, to be hurried 
away from his prospects of interest, and 
condenmed, amidst oppression and inso- 
lence, to labour and to danger, almost 
without the possibility of a recorapence. 
He has neither the privilege of chusmg his 
commander, nor ot leaving him when he 
is defrauded and oppressed* 

These, Sir, I say, are the calamities to 
which he is now subject, but there is now 
a possibility of escaping them. He is noT 
yet deprived of the ri^t of resistance, or 
the power of flight; he may now retire to 
his friend, and be protected by him ; he 
may take shelter in nis own cottage, and 
treat any man as a robber, that shall at* 
tempt to force his doors. 

When any crews are returning home in 
time of war, diey are acquainted with the 
dangers of an impress, out they comfort 
themselves with contriving stratagems to 
elude it, or with the pron>ect of obtaining 
an exemption from it b^ me favour of their 
friends : prospects which are often deceit* 
fill,' and stratagems frequently defeated, 
but which ^et support their spirits, and 
animate their industry. 

But if this Bill, Sir, should become a law, 
the sailor^ instead of amusing himself ob 
his return, widi the prospects of ease, or 
of pleasure wiU consider his t:ottntry as a 


14 GBORGS IL. ZMi* J* tk^ § m m m on m SAmMilf* BOL [^ 

fjace of ^Tery, a readence lett ti» be de- 
sired than any 'Other part of the werid. 
He will probably seek, in the aenrice of 
aome foreign pnncey a kinder trealmeat, 
«nd will not taul, in any country but his 
nwn, to Be< himsc^ at least on a level with 
.ether iHen. 

. Nor will this Bill, Sir, oilv give the sea- 
men new reason of disgust, but it will tend 
likewise to . i^sravate Chose grievances 
which already nave produced a detesta- 
tion of the public service, scarcely to be 

The officers of tlie navy, Sir, will hardly 
be made les^ insolent by an increase or 
jpowet; they whcibe tyranny has idieady 
alienated ^eir fellow subjects from this 
king's service, though thev coidd only d»> 
pend upon the character or jmbity and no- 
deration for the prospect of manning their 
diips in succeeaing expeditions, wm pro* 
bably, when they are animated by a law 
like this, and made abadote both by land 
. and sea, indulge themselves in the enjoy* 
ment of dkeir new authority, contrive new 
hardi^ips and onpressions, and tyrannise 
without fear ana widiout mer^. Thus, 
Sir, will die Bill not only be tyranniod in 
ksdf, but the parent of tyranny; it wiS 
give security to the cruel, and confidence 
to the arrogant. 

That any man, at least any maa bred 
from his infancy to change his residence, 
and accustomed to dilferent dimates and 
to foreign nations, will fix bv choice in 
that country where h^ finds the worst re- 
ception, is hardly to be ima|;ined. Vfe 
a^ mdeed, that men unqualified to sup- 

Ki themselves in other countries, or who 
tf by long custom, contracted a fond- 
ness for particular methods of 1%, will 
bear very uncomfortable circumstances, 
vritfaout endeavouring to improve their 
conditions by a diange of their habita- 
tions. But the temper of a sailor, ac- 
ouainted with all parte, and indifferent to 
aH, is of another kind. Such^ Sir, is his 
love of change, arising either from wan* 
lomieas or curio^^, that he is hard to hie 
letained by the kindest treatment and most 
liberal rewards, and will therefore never 
atrug^e with his habitual dispositiona, oo^ 
to continue in a state of sUvary. 

I think it therefore, Sur, venr evident 
diat this newmethod of encouraging sailors 
vrill be so far from increasing them, Aat it 
may prebriily drive them out of the king- 
dom, and at once ruin our trade and our 
Mvy ; at once beggar and disarm us. 
Let floe new suppose, Shr, for ammieiit. 

the W\ less penucbus in its conleqiiencefl 
and consider only the diiiciiltiea of exti 
kL Every sea-fhriag man is to bl 
seized at pleasure by the magistrate ; bu 
definition is given of a sea-farinj 
? Or by what characteristic is thi 
magistrate to distinguish him ^ I iiavi 
never been able to discover any particuhi 
rities in the fonn of a seaman that nud 
him out from the rest of the apeciee 
Tliere is, indeed, less servility in his ai^ 
and less efeminacy hi his fiioe, than h 
those ^t are commonly to be seen H 
drawing'fooms, in brothds, and at reviews 
but I Iroow not that a seaman can be di^ 
from any other man of equd 
or use, who has never enervate^ 
himself by vice, nor polidied himself intj 
corruption. So that this Bill, ^r, if ij 
shall pass into a law, will put it at once i^ 
the power of the magisttate to dispoae c\ 
seamen at his pleasure, and to term wfeoQ 
he nieases n seaman. i 

Another expedient. Sir, has been oibred 
on this oceasion not equdy tyrannical 
but equally inadequate to the end in yle^ 
It is (Mropesed to restrain tbe merchand 
from givinq[ wages beyond a certain take, 09 
die supposition that Uie sailors hnve no noj 
tive but that of larger wages, topl^r tfa^ 
service of themercmnts tethat of ttiecrowo{ 

This, Sir, is a mistime whidi migfal 
easily arise from a p&rtial and imperfecl 
knowledge of tiie antr, with which ver^ 
few gentlemen havn epportumtsesof beini 
weU acquainted. The wages, EKr, are thS 
smallest indueemente which fix^riie semne^ 
m their dmce. The proapect^f kiaikj 
treatment, the certainty of retnmiQg hom^ 
in a fixed tbne^ and the power of chnsin^ 
what voyages they will undertake^ cannol 
but be adoMwledged very reasoni^i^ 
motives of preference. 

On the contrary. Sir, when they ar^ 
once engaged in a sh^ of war, diey kno^ 
neither whither they are going, whal 
dangers they shdl encounter, whet hardi 
shqps they shall sufer, nor adien they Aai 
be dismissed. 

Besides, Sir, I do not tiunk it possiUJ 
by any bw to limit the wa^ea to be pai^ 
by merdumts, sinoe they vM change th^ 
term of wages into that of a present, oi 
admit tbe safiors to a small dtture in th^ 
freight, and so all the piecavtion we ca^ 
take wdl become ineffiM^tnal. 

In the mean time, Sir, how much shal 
we embarrass iout own ceameite, an^ 
Impair oer viatumi strength, die powdr d 
our tt^mi We akill lerrtfy our bailors oi 

a ohIIm others we shall iioiQia74nv9 
Ifm m bj MPMrdof 9«veritie% but 
like iiraj eveiy motjv« tbat ^np in^uo^ 
linpi |o eipQ99 tbemieivee ta tbe danger 

Jf vo cowider, $ir, wi|b wbat effect 
^0Mfi ooarly aj^pioacbipg ih^m were 
IliQtiifid iA the reiga of thtt late queea 
4bpc^ w9 ahall £od that not laore thau 
1^ leiBieD were raised* fipd thove at 
lhecxpeBC9 of more than ^fiOOl. 90 that 
tkefMilNire QOjproportion to th^poeana; 
m liiivere iniriii^ed, and oar coD9ti- 
taMTiolated to no purpoae. 

* Ait«kat raaaoBy Sir» can be aaaigned 
Ir ffiii^ it muat be more diffici4t t^ 
t^iif^ fleet now with sailors than at 
mi^Aff timef This war, Sir^ vm de* 
Mdei by tta middic Tiuce, in puiBuanoe 
4 the particular remeoatranoey of Uie 
WchlQll, and it is not to be eupposed 
Aft Ike diIor9> or any other body <» meai 
MM ja ft wkh a particular reluctance. 

ismtberefive ioelined to believe that 
^$$fiem of gr^t nupabers hid ip the 
gglptij^st a ^istaao^ from the coaatiB, is 
,«piIfoUm?rical; and that if we shoald 
pi ik BiU» we should do nothing more 
■lajptA aa oppreapive and iincoostitu- 
tjjljWrr of search for what lA reidity 11 

* J^ oppreiBSive this power may become 
i|lb bsm of a corrupt or insetent aiii* 
pMe, my man may discov^ whp re- 
4piu> that the magistrate is n^ade jtidge> 
i|||iqt W^> ^ ^^ ewn right to d^o^ 
mil»my man a saiiory aKid ^ he mtiy 
M qpea mf man's doors at any time^ 
aiWit aUf^guQ^ apy other reason than 
Ml oim suspcum s so tl^it ne man can 
\l/mim hoyse irofu bein^ seur^edt or, 
frt^s, hispeneo firera being seiaed*. 

I| mf indeed b^ alleged) Sir, th^tthia 
vl be odIy a temporary laWy and is- to 
«ilisvitblfie eiqgon«e tluiit made it neces- 
(■yi .9«t long experienee haa in£^rmed 
% M verare laws are enacted more 
mShfOm th^ are repeal^; ajod that 
Mim «ft tAo fiHtd of power te auflE^r 
■lil^ the diniautiea of it, 
illliSb,tfaoM^tbel«v8b(Ki)d not be 
• g | ^ i if ' 'ii ervty pn^ee^nt of f^ io- 
Apmtef eur«oii9tit!itio9, maheii way 
iltti diinliiikBi aad the verv cessatioa 
«ii«Pfr«iiiTe taw* nay be a pleii b«r9« 
%««.»» rfvival of ij. 
^ibiiKIl therefore must be Qonfewedto 

iHoaesfi^leiitwd^n^bctitfd; tob^a 
if .|ll»iltjt «f iu||»c» td^ pwr- 

^tftmern'm^ r Jk,Jh\m. 



titular loaDi witboai any firaapaot of real 
benefit tp the comaiun^i^; ai^ thereibre 
cannot be passed without de?ii|tiQg at Qo^ 
from prudence and our qoastitutiou. 

Captain ConmoM: 

Sir; I have obserred. Sir, that every 
man is apt to think himself ill treated^whp 
is not treated according to his own opinion 
ci his deserts^ and wiO endeavour to dif- 
fuse his own notion of the partiaKty and 
Smy of the naval ofScers; general 
ours therefore are little to be regarded.- 

I have had, from m^ early years, a com- 
mand in the sea service, and can aaser^^ 
'that I never knew moife than one insCaoM 
of injustice, and that was punWied with 
the severity it deserved. 

Sir Robert Walpote ; 

Sir ; it is with uncpmmon satisftotjoa 
that I see ev^ry clause of this BiU r^gu* 
larly debated, withput unbecoming impn* 
tience, or passionate exclamations. I am 
willing to collect from thia conduct, thalt 
the duposition of every gentleman i^, 01^ 
this occasion, the same with my own ; and 
that every expedient here proposed will b« - 
diligentlv examined,and either bea^ xiou^y 
appr^veo, or be calmljr rejected. 

Such codness and impartiality, $ir,^i» 
certain^ required by the importance of 
the present ouestion; a question wbicb^ 
cannot but infloence the prosperity of the 
oation for many yearsi 

It is not necessary to iremiqd any gen- 
tlemen of the importance of oi^r trade, oC 
the power of the eneoiy against whom we 
have declared war in ^eiKce of it, or of 
the necessity of shewing the world thai 
our dedaraUons of war are not empty 
noises, or. farces of resentment. Bat it' 
may be prefer, Sir, to remark, that this. i*. 
not the only enemy, nor the most powerful^ 
whose attempts we have reason to provido 
against, and who may oblige us tQ ex#rt 
our whole power, and practise evai^ ex- 
p^eyit to increafie our fbr^ea. . 

The war has been hitherto proiecutedi 
with the utmost vigour, with aV th^ atten* 
tioB that its importance require^ and witti 
success not disproportioned to our prepa*^ 
rations; nor will it ever be suffered to 
Itt^iah, if the powers neceesary for carry- 
ing it on are not denied. 

Nothing is mpre evident, Sir, than thab 
the natural power of the nation convicts ia 
ita fleets, raich are now, by the caie of 
the government, bq numeroua, that tb9 
united powef of many nati(>ns cann-ot; 
9<iprt t&m-. 8ut what are fleeu n»p* 

14 (tEORGB IL DOaii in OeCmmfum an ^ Seamen^ \BSL [U 

hap[Mne»; bat his mannura will ytm\ 
nothing but his own fdly and ingratitDd^ 
and wm certainly desenre no le^iid fm 
the legislative power. 

There is in the Bill before ns. Sir, eni 
couragement sufficient for Tolunteers, ao^ 
an oflfer of ffreater rewards than some gen* 
tlemen think consistent with the present 
state of the national revenues; and whal 
remains to be done with respect to tiio» 
who are deaf to all invitations, and blind u 
all ofifers of advantage? Are they to sit a{ 
ease only because they are idle, or to b^ 
distinguished with indulgence only foi 
want of deserving it ? 

It seems generally granted. Sir, thai 
such drones are tl^e proper objects for ajj 
impress* Let us then suppose that everj 
man who is willing to serve his countryj 
has bid hold of the reward proposed, and 
entered a volunteer. The fleets are no( 
yet sufficiently manned, more sailors mvnA 
be produced. Warrants are issued out iii 
the common form. The negligent, tb^ 
imj^rudent, the necessitous are tdcen. The 
vigilant, the cunninsi and those that have 
more money find shelter and cfscape. Can 
it be said, that those, whose circumstances, 
or good fortune, enable them to secure 
themselves from the officers of the impress, 
deserve any exemption from the public 
service, or from the hardi^ips to which 
their comnanions are exposed? Have the) 
dischargea their debt or gratitude to the 
public so effisctually by running away from 
Its service^ that no seardi oueht to be 
made after them ? It seems evident, that, 
if it was right to seize the one, it is like- 
wise right to pursue the other, and ifit be 
right to pursue him, it is likewise right to 
hinder him from escaping the pursuers. 
It is then right'to vest some persons with 
the power of apprehending him, and in 
whom is that power to be lodged, but ia 
the civil magistrate I 

Every man. Sir, is dl>liged by compul- 
sive methods to serve his cduntiy, ifh^ 
can be prevailed upon by no other. 1» 
any man shall refuse to pay his rates or his 
taxes, will not his goods oe seized by force> 
and sold before his face ? If any particuhir 
methods are proposed for obU^^ seamen 
to contribute to the public safety, it is only 
because their service is more necessair 
upon more pressing occasions than that of 
others ; upon occasions diat do not adnut 
of delay, without the hazard rf the whole 

I must confess, Sir, there are many 
mstanoes in which ibe haidships of toe 


furnished ^th men ? How wi)l they 

tain the dominion of the sea, by I^uig un« 

active in our harbours ? 

That no methods hitherto used have 
been sufficient to man our naviek, and 
that our preparations have therefore been 
, little more than an expensive shew of war, 
the whole nation is sufficiently informed ; 
it is therefore tiot doubtful that some new 
measures must be taken ; whether any bet- 
ter can be suggested thai^ are offisred in 
this Bill, must be enquired. 
! With regard, Sir, to the clause now 
under our consideration, it is to be re- 
membered, that little more is proposed by 
it than to add the sanction of i^ality to a 
power which bas long been exercised by 
the admiralty, without an^ other authority 
than that of long prescription, the power 
of issuing warrants of impress upon emer- 
gent occasions, by which sailors are forced 
mto the public service. 
' This power, in its present state, must 
be allowed to have no foundation ia any 
law, and by conseouence, to be unlimited, 
arbitrary, and easily abused, and upon the 
whole, to be justifiable only by necessity : 
but that necessity is so frequent, that it is 
of\en exercised, and therefore ought to be 
regulated by the legislature : and by such 
regulations, we may rather be said to re- 
move than introduce a grievance ^ 

The power of searching for sailors, how- 
ever it nas been represented, is far from 
setting them on a level with felons, mur- 
derers, or vagabonds; or indeed f^oai dis- 
tinguishmg them, to their disadvantage, 
from the rest of the community, of which 
every individual u obliged to st^port the 

Those that possess estates, or carry on 
trade, transfer part of their property to 
the public ; and these ought, by parity of 
^ason, to serve the public in person, that 
have no property to transfer. Eveir man 
is secured by the constitution in the en- 
joyment of his life, his 13>erty, or his for- 
tune i and therefore every man ought re- 
ciprocally to defend the constitution to 
which he is himself indebted forsafety and 

I am therefore, Sir, unable to discover 
.In what consists the hardship of a law by 
which no new duties are enjoined, nor any 
thing required, which is not already every 
inairs duty. Every man, indeed, who is 
desirous of evading the performance of 
any of the duties of society, will conisider 
every compulsion as a hardship, by which 
he is obliged to contribute to the general 

57] DdaUtMOeCmmaiiifmikeSemiiem^BUL A. D. 1741. 


leifinD^pflrt of die nation are pebuBar, 
ind truly caiamhoiis. A sailor, after the 
diBgen aod toik of a lone voyage, when 
be is now in the sight of the port» where 
be hopes to esjoy that quiet .whi(^ he has 
(kserred bj so long a series of fatigues, to 
rtuir the iojories which his hedth has 
fi&red, by dttnge of dimatey and the 
diet of the ships, and to recover that 
strength which incessant vigilance has 
Venn any. When he is in exudation 
of beiog reodred by his fisunily with those 
canses, whidh the succours that he brings 
them Datmlly produce, and designs to 
RstaiHiilefroni danger and from care.- In 
the nidtttfthese pleasing views, he is, on 
tiv fuddcD, seized by an impress, and 
forced into t repetition of all his miseries, 
without any interyal of refreshment. 

Let OQ man, who can think without 
cmpaam on such a scene as this, boast 
bis Ksl for freedom, his regard for brave- 
ry, or lusgiatitude to those who contri- 
Inite to the wealth and power of their 
coQotiy ; let every man who declares him- 
ieif toQched with tne pity which the slightest 
rddedioo, imon su^ a disappomtment, 
jDostnatiffally produce, sincerehr endea- 
Toarto obviate the necessity of such op- 
pmc nessores, vhich maj at least, m 
pAtybepierented, by assigmng to magis- 
trata the power of* hunting out of their 
riMtt, those who neglect the business 
^' their calliiigs, and linger at once in la* 
OMK and want. 

^^iie great numbers who retire not 
^ vestincas or idleness, but an unrea- 
i-aable prepoBKasion Mauist the public 
^e^; and surely no&inff is more un* 
r»»»ihfe, than that bad dispositions 
ihofiid be gratified, and that industry 
s^oiid expose any man to penalties. 

I'poQ the whoie. Sir, 1 am not able to 
^^er, that any man should be exempt- 
«) trom sn impress, merely because tie 
bk nesas to esci^ it, or because idle- 
^ieaordisiadination to the public service 
frcopti hna to abscond. 

^aiy men deserve indulgence, in op- 
P«tioQ to the demands of the pbblic, they 
>ir rathe those who have already in some 
*^ discharged their duty to it, by con* 
^'^^^ to bimg in that wealth which is 
^csMequenceof a prosperous and well- 
^^^^tud commerce, and without which 
^ cannot be supported. 

It ia not without grief and le^, that I 
^ ^^^ ^ represent on this occasion, 
^ ^temctiona) which the war has suf- 
kadfrom dMBe at whose request it 

undertaken ; and to declare that the con^* 
duct of the merchants has aSbrd/ed proof 
that some law of this tendency is absolute** 
ly necessary. 

The merchants. Sir, who have so loudly 
complained of the decline of trade, the m^ 
terruption of navigation, and the insdence,' 
rapacity, and cruelty of the- Spaniards r * 
the merchants who filled the nation with 
representations of their hardships, discou- 
ragements, and miseries, and lamented in 
the most public manner, that they were' 
the only body for whom the legislature had 
no regard, who were abandoned to the' 
caprice of other nations, were plundered, 
abroad, and neglected at home; the mer- 
chants, after having at length l^ their im- 
portunities engaged the state in a war, of 
which they have themselves certainly not 
the Jeast pretensions to queMion dther the 
justice or necessity, now, when, by 'the na- 
tural consequences of a naval armament, 
sailorsbecome lessnumerous, andshipsmore 
difficult to be equipped, contract in private* 
with such sailors as the^ are inclined tO' 
employ, and conceal them in garrets hired 
for that purpose, till the freight is ready y*^ 
or the danger of an impress is past, and 
thus secure th^ir own private afiSurs at the 
hazard of the public, and hinder the ope-, 
rations of a war, which they and they only 

The danger of having other enemie* 
than the Spaniards, enemies more active, 
more powerful, and more ambitious, bar 
already been mentioned ; a danger so near 
and so formidable, that he will not be 
thought very solicitous for hia country 
whom the bare mention of it does not 
alarm. This danger we are therefore to 
obviate by vigorous preparations, and una-- 
nimous resolutions, nor do I doubt but 
both our enemies, if they find us united, 
will repent of attacking us. 

Sir, the most efficacious method of man- 
ning our fleets, which law or custom haw 
jret put into our hands, is that of suspend- 
ing our commerce by an embargo, and yet 
the whole nation knows how. much cmd by 
what means it has been eluded ; no sooner 
was it known that. an embargo was laid, 
than the sailors flew away into the country 
or hid themselves in comers of this great 
city, as from the most formidable daneer; 
and no sooner did the embargo cease, than- 
the banks of the rivers were again crowded 
with sailors, and all the trading vessels 
were immediately supplied. 

As I cannot doubt, Sir, that every gen- 
tlemanis equally sealoua tot the succeaa 


14 QffiQR<3^]S'II. Pf^mth$Comumi9mtkaS9mpu'tliB. [I 

if the w«i» mii for the nr^iiperily of fail 
ewntrj; ind ag Iht infuSoenogr of tb« 
jurasent methodi of providing for tbom i« 
^[»parent, I hope that either the rc|(ulatioD§ 
popoeed by thit BiU» to which i see no 
iiB|K>rtaat objtctionat or toioe other of 
etgm use* wiU be established by a geoeral 

liOrd BtMfnOTT : 

Sir ; though no gentleman in this House 
oan more araently wish Ih^ success of the 
British arm*, or shall more .wiUlqgly con- 
cur in any measures that may promote it« 
yet I cannot agree to the clause now under 
our coDsideratioo. I disapprove it both 
from moral and political motives ; I dis* 
approve it as neither just nor prudent* 

The injustice of so flagrant an invasion 
of th^ liberty of particular men has been 
already exposed ; nor is it» in my opinion, 
leas eaay to discover the imprudence of 
eoi^haustmg all our siqpplies at once, and 
aweeping away all our sailors, to su|^ly a 
aingle exigency. 

It has often been remarked, Sir, in £»• 
vour of a standing army, that it is requisite 
to have a number of regulariforces, who, 
Ibough too weak to oppose an invasion, 
might be able to establub discipline in a 
lamr body« An observation which may 
with much greater justness, be applied to 
the seamen, whose artis m^ch more dif* 
ficult to be attained, And who are equally 
necessary in war and peace. 

If our stock of seamen, Sir,be destroyed, 
if tliere is not left in our tradine vessela a 
aufficient number of experienceo artists to 
initiate novices, and propagate the pro- 
fiBSsion, not only our-shipa of war must 
lie uaeleis, but our commerce sink to no- 

Kor have I reason to believe the naval 
power of France so fonnidable» as that we 
oi^t to be terrified, by the apprehensions 
^it, into any extraordinary methoda of 
prooedure. 1 am informed that they have 
BOW very few ships of force left in their 
liarbours; and that they have exerted 
tbeir whole strength in the American 

I am not, therefore. Sir, for providiQg 
i^ainst present dan^ars^ without regard to 
our fiiture security; and think nothin|^ 
aaere worthy of tb eoasideratioa of this 
assembly, than the means of encomMing 
nfiA increasing our seamen, whitifci wilfnot 
be effiKsted by the Bill b^re us. 

Land foreea may be hired upon emer- 
but aailon niie oar own peculiar 

strength, and tba.growtb of our own s<^ 
we are therefore above all other regaii 
to attend, if I may use the term, to tl 
preservation of the species. 

Mr. Viner : 

Sir ; as there can be no stranger obj^ 
tion to anj^ law than ambiguity, or indet^ 
minate latitude of meaning, I think it ii 
cessary to propose, that some word 
known and limited import, be aubstitut^ 
in the place of sea-faring men ; an exprc 
sion which, if I was asked the meaning i 
it, I should find it difficult to explain. 
^ Are sea-fiuing men those only who n 
vigate in the sea ? The term is tben supc 
fluous, for all such are evidently coo 
prized in the word seamen. Are thi 
oargemen or watermen who ply on rivet 
and transport provision or oommodidi 
from one mland town to anotlierV In tb 
sense no body will affirm that it is a prop 
word; and improprieties in theexpres&ic 
of laws produce uncertainty in the ex^ 
cutionoi them. 

Captwn Cornwall: 

Sir ; the term Sea-fiiriog mmx, of whi< 
an expUcatioo is desired, is intended tou 
elude all those who live by oonvmring goo 
or passengers upon the water, whether tl| 
se«t or inluid rivers; nor can we restrftl 
it to a narrow sense, without exeo&tin 
from the public serWce great Dumber 
whose manner of life has qualified the 
for it, and from whom their country ms 
with equal justice expect asaifitaoce, ( 
from those who are engsiged ib forei| 

Mr. Viner : 

Su* ; I am &r (rom Qoncurring with tl 
hon. gentleooaA in his opinion, that the h 
land watermen are, by their furofeasioo, i 
any d^ree Qualified for sea-ieervice, c 
can properly oe called sea-fiuring men* 

AU qualifications for the service mm 
consist either in 9oipe knowledge of tli 
artsof navigation, or insomefiuniliarity vit 
the danf^ers of die sea. With regard i 
any previous knowledge of naval businef 
it IS well known that wev havex^ advai 
tage over Any common labourer ; for tl 
manner of navigating a ship and a baif 
have fi>r the mo8!t part nothing incemmoi 

Nor are these watermen* Sir, moi 
able to stand fino m the tetrera of tli 
stoim, or the noise of a battle, than thai 
who &II0W any other oceupation, many < 
them ney^ pew the mh^ aur hate te 

II] . lkUf$ m the CammoM m tke 

A^ of Hi danger than the other inha- 
|)gl fiii« of the inland CDuniries. They are 
Ihiefeie Mither iea^fiving men, iunt pe- 
oMj cipfible of beitig made aeaneo. 

But the hardship upon particular men 
a Bflt Che itrongest objection to thk daine^ 
yljch, hf abftnictiDg our inland navig»- 
lIlB, tm make our riyere useless and set 
lnvhcie trade of the nation at a stand. 
1^ who will bring up his son a watennan^ 
«ha kaows him en^oeed by that profts- 
|iga to be impressed for a seaman ? 

ItieeBii tlherefore necessaryi Sir, either 
Is wt^ term < sen-faring mep»' or to ex- 
||iiait 01 sttch a manner that inland wa>» 
I may not be included. 

lord Gage ••♦ 

!• Sr; tonuich bam been urged against 
'^ eonpiikive methods proposed in this 

I *The foDowtog report of Lord Gsfj^'p 
jkRk, apparently iVom authority, was given 
h Ik LiHOB Magazine for July 1741. 

Uri Gagt^i Speech agaimt tki Stamens* 

I lid got oppose die commitment of Ikis Bin, 
[ImM aa one can be mora desirooi than my- 
la have a Bill framed accarding to the 
«f iljt which ts, * For the encouragemeDt 
ase of Seamen, and for the better and 
Binnhigof bis Maiesty'a fleet :' and 
mm^ rfwH he ibr 80 mncb or it. as tends to 
; irlbr any other ckaseatliat may be 
'ferthom parpasss; and Ilhinkallen- 
■Miteaght to begifea aoaoaasM a 
if peofla as oar saamsn am, lad abould 
'amelhod could be found oat, for 

' l^aeataiBty to theoificers' widows, like that 
bkadoffioen " 

• i which I hope the geotle- 
ary wffl think of; fant I eanaol be 
e Mst read, as well as some others 

inRWiiv hiiowh^ 

llie daose BOW beibre US it is said, that it 
pi «i^ v^ be lawful, fbr theoffieen ap» 
niiM to aeareh f» osamcn, to enter iate any 
|M^ oot^wasa, er othsr place, whcm anch 
« officera shall suspect aiq[ seamen or 
HMtg OKQ to be concealed ; and if entrance 
hptni% admitted, then to force or cause 

Smad open, the door or doors of any such 
OQt-hoose, or other ptaee, in order to 
Mhaoarob. And for aH Asm artnlrary 


nioM, hut aveifficer's 



fe if It fhoaU pass mko a law, would 
ig aUaaamen unon |he footing of felons 
mdata; and would no a sore way of driving 
jMrnalar OAof iImi nadoo, as wen 
IbinireBicrease of them i for no one wsnld 
Utoit their children to an employment, that 
niiiiifHX them tojpataa and piaaltieaaar* 

SOL A. D. 1741. im 

elaiise,aod io little prodiiead m fimmr ef' 
them^ that it may seem ouperfluous to add 
any thing, or to endeavour, by a multi* 
plicity of argnmenta, to prove what com- 
mon reason must immediately discotaiv 
But there is one consequence of this dansa 
which has net j^ been observed, and 
which is yet too importluiC not to be oh« 
viated by a particular proYisa 

It is well known, Sir, that many of those 
to whom this act will extend, are free* 
holden and Tolers for electing the repra* , 
sentatives of the nation : and it is there* 
tore apparent that electtons may be infln* 
ehced by an ill-timed or partial execution 
of it. How easy will it be when an elec- 
tion approaches to raise a' &lse alarm, to 
propose some secret expedition, or threaten 
us with an invasion from some unknown 
country, and to seise on all tSbit saa«formg 

ing the whole course of their lires. For thej 
would be liable to what . no other of hislla* 
jesty'ssnbiects as yet are, to be dragged oat of 
tbeir beds nom tlieir wires and familiea, and cm^ 
ried to wha^ paK of the world an ofieer plemes. 
tint beadea due, who caa be for a dauaa 
that aalQesls the whole aatioa as wett as Uaa* 
self to the caprice and in so fo oeeef ewy lUtla 
dam effiaer, to have his hoiNaseaiahadl^ ban, 
by day or by night, or his doombioke opea^ 
upon aa officer's sasppctiag, er being inforsMd, * 
am an y seamen or aea*foriag men in i ' 



an end of the liberty ef thesal9eet,aadef whao 
eoery Xaglisbman prideaia, who can nosp say 
his honse to bis sasJa 

denommation wili 

This sIsasB^ I aaaht ebsarvi^ deaanet aalf 

I should be glad la know, what ki 
'^ be comprehended aU ( 
that work en ear large narigdrfe rivers; 
if that he as^ 1 da aol knew hut befoie the 1 
eleeiioalmay lose twenty of my 
therofoie I am Ibe mem ottifsd to L^ 
paaaiag mis a law. Netlhatlam 
sireiiat t we n t y 1 
uiy beiay ehoae again at Tswhashury $ bntaa 
they am part of my eoas i i tu anli, I am hound 
to serve Iheaa, and lake. cam efth«r ffighlsand 
nrery ming 

lata a law, hut that the mmisasr wjU ' 
sf it before thai 

IS, and proveni, as far as ia malie% 
ling that amy tandte Ihsir prmndics. 
Hi ia the Issst doaht, if thM raipaaam 
law. hut that the mmisasr will aarim 

, la tharidesaf iha Oaaa^ 
I aaataot paoparly tain' notisaef any part of 
thiaBiH,bmthadanmhefomns» bnltaahsm 
thaiaapoaaibiiicr of this Billys passiag, thasfh 
thisclaasa waaagreadia, I bag tears ta Oaba 
notice of the two neat Who would conaent to 
the first, wh«L it is said, Xhaltf any seaman 

eSj 14 GEORGE IL Debm^ in Ob Commons onihe Seamen^ BUL \\ 

▼ofeMB whose aiedioiis are-saqpeeCed, and 
confine them at Spithead ttU tlie contest 
is over. 

- I tumnot therefore^. Sir, bat think it ne- 
cessary, that if this danse be softred to 
pass, some part of its hateful conseqnences 
flhodd be prevented by an exception in 
finrour of meholders and voters, whidi^ 
surely is no less than what every man 
9weB to hiB own security* to the welfiiie of 
his country, and to those by whom he has 
been honoured with the care of their li- 

or sea-fariDg luan, thus ibrced out of his bouse, 
and torn from bift wife and family, shall desert 
or run away from bis conductor, that such 
desertion or running away shall be jndged 
ftlODy, and by consequence the poor man be 

Who oan likewise a||rreeto this other, where, 
tf a poor old man and his wife should endeavour 
to harbour or conceal their son, whose labour, 
very likely, might be their only support, they 
should be punished and sufler a 6ne or impri- 
sonment P And God knows how many inno- 
cent people might suffer through this clause, 
on pretence of Uieir harbouring seainen. Any 
of us might perhaps be prosecuted for having 
some of our voters, that are seamen, lyiag a 
night or two ia our hc^bses. 

If thu clause passes, I should adftse geatle* 
aaen at the next eleeiions^ not to put in practice, 
. what many of as have often done with our 
donbtfal voters ; for the bousing of them, (as it 
is calleid) if seamen are among^ them, may be 
•f dangerous consequence. 

Last year f was sgMosta BUI for the fUffis- I 
taring of Seamen, because it tended to en£ve 
them;* but now I oppose this, bsoause it 
ws«l<l not only enshtve tbem, but all the people 
ef Sngjand, % taking lh»m them one or their 
most valuable and inherent rightt^ the saaetotry 
of tb^r bouses. 

I think,. Sir, it would be useless to take up 

auch more of your time, in speaking a^dnst a 

elaiHe whieh no ctae can defend ; nor can those 

who brought it in, gtve any other reason for 

having dose it, but Aat there was such a faiw 

flnde during queen Amie's war, which is the 

aapoagest aiguorant against it. For. as that 

law was only made for one year, by way of 

trial, and was never afterwards renewed during. 

the war, it is a certain proof thait it was found 

at least ineflfectnal, if not detrimental. For all 

reasons, 1 am heartily against this 

; tmd though it should be agreed, as I 

pMpssed the last debate, that all freehoiderB 

should be excepted out of this Bill, yet should it 

pass into ahiw, I solemnly dedars, I will not 

obsjF it, and if as justioe of the pepoa I should. 

raesive ever so many orders of council to put it 

ia ezecution, I will not do it, but will evade 

putljag it ia force, by leaving the county. 

• 8ee?^ai, p. 4^1. 

Mn Henr^ Pelham •• 

Sir; I do not rise in opposition to tl 
proposal made by that right hon. memb^ 
nor do I think this the proper time eith 
ibr opposing or approving it.- Method 
of the highest importance in enquiries li 
these: and if the order of the debate 
interrupted by foreign questions or in{ 
dental objections, no man will be able 
conuder the clauses before us with the i 
tention necessary to his own satisfactio 
or to the conviction of others ; the mil 
will be dissipated by a multipHcitj 
views, and nothing can follow but p^ 
plexity and confusion. 

The great end. Sir, for which we ai 
now assembled, ia to strike out methw 
of manning the fleet with expedition at 
certainty. It is therefore proper in tl 
first place to aa;ree upon some gener 
measures, to each of which there may ui 
doubtedly be particular objections raisa 
that maybe afterwards removed byexce[ 
tions or provisions; but these provisior 
should, for the sake of order, be inserte 
in particular clauses, to be separately coi 

Of this kind is thfe exception now offereJ 
to which I have no objection but its pM 
sent impropriety, and the interruption c 
the debate which it may now occasion : fc 
I see at present no reason against admittb 
it in a par-ticular clause. 

When it is considered how much thl 
succeas of the war may depend upon th 
success of our present undertakings, I hop^ 
my solicitude for regularity and expeditioi 
will be easily excused, 

Sur Jokn Hind GOion : 

Sir ; I am not able to discover anj im 
mbent danger to the nation in suspending 
our attention to the dause before us for i 
few moments ; nor indeed do we cease ij 
attend to it, while we are endeavouring tJ 
monify it, and adapt it to our constitution! 

^ The exception proposed is, in the opi| 
nion of the hon. gentleman, so feasouable 
that he declares himself ready to approve 
it in another place ; and to me, no place 
seems ^ more proper of its making part oi 
this Bill than this. As a connection ben 
tween the clause and expeption appcard 
necessary and immediate, I cannot see 
why it should be postponed, unless it k 
hoped that it may be forgotten* 

Mr. Pyktney : 

Sir; that this exoeptian should be for- 


66] IkkUm the Qi««ow> m ihe SeameM^ BUL 

gotteo there is no danger ; fot haw loog 
loerer it be delayed, I will nerer i^gree to 
t^acttaileeeitiBserted. Kwe suffer 
tltt libotjT of Ibe freobokleis ta be in- 
fringed, wiiat can we expect but to be 
dnraedwithbetniyinff our trust, and miw 
up to •erntode ai^ oppression! thosi who 
^uted OS to this assembly, as the guar* 
doDS of tbeir privileges, aqd the assertors 
of their birtbrlght; a diarge too just to 
be drajed, and too atrocious to be borne ! 
Sir, the ri^t of a fiaeeholder is inde-» 
peodatoa every other circumstance,' and 
IS oeitUt Blade more or less by wealth or 
povertr: die estate, however snudl, which 
giroanjght of* voting, ought to exempt 
tbe oner. from every restraint that may 
imder (he exerUon of his right ; a right 
on which our constitution is founded, and 
wfaidi csonot be taken away without sub- 
Totii^ our whole establishment* 

To ov^oek the dbtinctions which the 
fiindaiDental laws of our country have 
Ddde in nsgeci to different orders of men, 
lad to regard only the accidents- of vailu- 
eDce and neoenity , is surely unjust in itself, 
and iffl voitfay of this assembly ; an assem- 
bij. Sir, ioititated principally to protect the 
veik^siast the strong, and deputed to 
Kpresent those in a couective state, who 
ve Bot oooaderable enough to appear 
BB^jr and daim a voice in tiie le^;islature. 
Toenose an honest, a laborious, and 
aa useful man, to be seized by the hands 
<if aainaolentofficery and dragged from 
t^QQojnieotof his right, omy because 
^viu not violate his conscience, and add 
^ voice to those of syconhants, depend- 
^ md prdstitutest the slaves of power, 
thednid^ofacourt, and the hirelings 
of a &cdOD, is the highest degree of in- 
jetice and cruelty. Let. us rather. Sir, 
'^awsjwith an impress, the drones 
^^ivgefortones, the tyrants of villages, 
^ the oppressors of. the poor ; let us 
^ige Uioee to serve their country by 
^^v^MMe fortunes have h%d no other 
eaectthan to make them insolent and 
•artWas; but let such who by contri- 
*^ to commerce* make every day 
»«£ addition to the public wealth, be 
^ in the full enjoyment of tl^e righto 
vkich they deserve : let those by whose 
^'^ the expences of the .war are fur- 
^^be excused ham contributing to it 
'? peisoasl service. 

if it is neceanry. Sir, to have our laws 
^^^ by the repi^esentativea of the 
V**^ it is necessary that those repre- 
^y^ ahonld be freely dect^; and 

. A. D. 1741. [(» 

dierefore every Uhr that obstructs the 
liberty of voters,. is contrary tx> the funda- 
mental ' laws of our constitution ; and 
what multitudes may by this law be etdier 
hindered from givinff their votes, or be 
terrified into such a oioice as by no means 
corresponds with their judgments or in^ 
dinations, it is easy to foresee* : . « 

I am indeed of opinion. Sir, that this 
clause cannot beaospted to our constitu- 
tion, nor modified by any expedient into 
a law, which will not lay insupportable 
hardships upon the nation, and make way 
fi)r absolute power. But, as it is neces- 
sary that a constant supply of seamen 
should be provided, I think it not impro- 
per to observe, that there is one expedient 
yet remaining^ by which, though it will nol 
much assist us in our present exigenoei 
the fleets of this nation may hereafter be 
constantly supported. 

We have at present great nmnbers'of 
charity-schools establish^ in this nationy 
where the children of the poor receive an 
education disproportioned to their birthv 
This has often no other consequences thanr 
to make them unfit for their stations hj » 
placing them, in their own opinion, above 
the drudgery of daily labour, a notion 
which is too much indulged ; as idlenite 
C0H>perating with vanity, can hardly fiul 
to gain the ascendant, and which some- 
times prompts.them to support themselves 
b^ practices not only useless but pernio 
cious to society. Tnis evil. Sir, cannot 
be better obviated than hy allotting a 
reasonable proportion out of every school 
to the service of the sea, in whicn by en- 
teriiig early they cannot fail to become 
proficients, and where their attaiximefit% 
which at present too frequently produce 
laziness and dishonesty, might enable them 
to excel, and entitle them to promotion* 

Mr. Winnington : 

Sir; notwithstandtngthe confidence with 
which some gentlemen have proposed thir 
amendment, and the easiness with which 
others have consented to'it, I declare with* 
out hesitaUon, that I oppose it now, and- 
intend to oppose it whenever it shall be 
offered, because it wili defeat aU the other 
provisions which shall be made in the Bill. 

I will venture to say. Sir, that if every 
man who has, by #iiatever tenure, tte 
right of voting, shall be exemfited from the 
necessity of contributing to the puMtC 
safety by his personal service, every man 
qualified for tne sea will by spme 
acquire a yote. 

■MB oak of dbemdi of • jiuft aai 


• Suv« verjr flmaU part of Aoae wkm p^ 
iitmv0bmwL ijiis natko, eaycnr that i^ 
is llie appendage •f a SteAoli; to Mfe ia 
aoBse tairna, and'to beboni aoij^ athtft, 
ghres the tinaUeoable pmilcge of vatiog. 
Any genliemaii to secure his ami imerert, 
or ototruet the pubhc aernce, attj^ hy 
dividing a siaaU piaoe of harrea groand 
araang ahuadred saAarSy exak diain all to 
freriifiUanyand exempt them fimn the in- 
flvcnce of this lav. 

UoweveTy Sir, I aot not less a friead ta 
the freeholdeia, tfaaa tiuBe who pvopise 
die exception in their favour, hat m my 
apsBton taa great interest of the fi«eliolders 
is the pTSSenration of their finecfaoUb, wfaidi 
aan omty he secured by a vigoraas exertion 
af the power of the natiaBt ia the war 
wUehis DowdeeiareAagainsttheSpaniaiidB. 

Lord Barrington : 

Sv; hj the observations whidi I have 
opportaaities of msldiig at theplaee wWdt 
I aaae the hoaaur toteprcseat, I am ooo- 
¥9ioed of the inteeaoe llait this law wifl 
haire upoa: all ihe bovoagfas aloag the 
eaaalsu Tkeie most of die fiokers are, ut 
one sense or other, 8sa-4irinff men, hcng 
dmosft dl of them owners m vesseiB, ana 
msomedcerea acquainted with navigatiaa ; 
ihey vsmf tiierefore be hafried awi^ at die 
ahoice of an officioas or oppreisive ma> 
gistrate, who may, by partiality and in- 
justice, obtain a mcgority, coatmry to the 
general inclinatba of the people, and de- 
tsr;Biine the election by his own authority. 

Sir WUUam Yonge : 

Sir ; if every fteeholder and voter is to 
be pa e m pt ed from the influence of the 
law, the Bill timt we are, with aa moch 
and of which the necessity is so genersillf 
acknowledged, will be no other than an 
empty sound, and a determination without 
on object; for while we ave eiUpowering 
the g o v e r nm ent to call seaaaen into the 
aenrioe, we are exempting almost afl diat 
aee able to serve firom the denomination of 
seamen: What istfaisbiit to dispute without 
asuMeet? to raise with one band and de- 
molish with the other ? 
. In die western parts of the naticm, Sir, 
where I reside, many who vote at elections 
daim thdr privilege by no other tide than 
diat of boiluig a pot ; a tide which he who 
has it not, may easily obtain, when it w^ 
«dKr gradfy his lazmess or his cowwdioe, 
sad which> though not ocoasionallf ob- 
tained, seems not sufficient to hM aay 


It is therefore^ Sir^ andoubtedly rsydali 
that the tennsof the exception shsold h 
explicit and dh i nit ive, and dutonlrtea 
shmdd be eBeansted who have sodn psi 
seasiona or ^pialmcatioas as l^ narmhi] 
dmtt thinlc a jait tide to exempdoa. Hb 
on the western coast, from whanos grai 
simplies may ha expected, almoet ev^ 
saflor hasa vote, to whidi nothing is theii 
required hat to hire a kidgiog and boil i 
pot; after whieii^ if this exoeptiaa be d 
■dttedinallitslatitada, he may sit at esi 
smidst die distiames of his coontiy, ridi 
cale the law whkh he has eluded, anda 
tfaenaigiitfate at open defiaaoe. 

Sir Robert Wa^le: 

Sir; as Ithiah some exoeptiott mtyb 
just and proper, ae I suppose every geaih 
man win caaaar with me in tejectiag m 
of such extent aashaU leave a«» object A 
the operatson of the law* 
Itis-in aqropiaioaproMrtoiastniatl 
to thoBs freehoUen who si 
of audi an estate, as giveiavol 
the npresentadvo of the eountf , ^ 
which dmse adioae privi^ge arins tm 
their property, will he seeuiad, sail 
seeam reasonme that draae who hssa |iil 
vilegei widMNit property^ should puitkai 
them by liioir ssrviaes* 

Mr. Brown : 

Sir; the exeoption proposed wift m 
oaiy defeat die end of the Bill bylsavis 
it mw ohjectSy but will obstruct th^ ea 
^mtion of it on proper occasions, and ii 
voLve the magistrate m diAciidties wU 
win either intimidate him in the exevtioi j 
his authority, or if he persistB ia 41 
charging his dati^ with firmness and^ 
will perhaps oblige him somettases ta rj 
pentof hisidcdity. 

It is die necessary consequence, SHr, i 
a seaman's pvofesnon, that he is oAea it 
great distance from tbe^ptace of his hfi 
settlement, or patrimonial possessions ;«i 
he may t^rerore assert of his own drcoB 
stances what is most convenient witha 
danger of detection. Distance isa securi 
diat prompto many men to fatsheod t 
which only vanity is gratified, and fr 
men wii tall trath ra opposition to dis 
interest, when they may lie without s| 
pvehenaioa of bdng convicted. 

When therdbre a magistrate reoein 
diroctioas to impress $A theseamen wiM 
hiadistrica^howfawwill hefiiidwbowi 


of MM ob- 
it is to •• y u fpo a g, 8if , 
dbiMiiCvw iihafc we 
if rnkmiemUn^mem 
ke shottU hf ninaktoy and, 
k^micqiMQoa of b|» erv^p £mo a 
inio iho^aenm^ whal lafMratiitt 

llkaefiive propose klotho 
iii of the cooimiUee, whether enjr i 
mifa te cUm earmptitw ftoM we law 
bgr t tUe, tfaatMoj sofMiiljr be pvoowed^ 

Mr. Attorney Genend Jfy&r; 

Sr; the practice of Inpressu^^ which 
Ipibien declaimed against with such ve- 
kmat eiag^eratioDs, is not only founded 
ei aDBemoria] custam, which makes it 
f«t of the common law, foot is likewise 
mrtMifd hf our statutes ; forlremem- 
hr to bare fbued it in the statutes of 
mm Msnr^ and therefore cannot allow 
Miteo^t to be treated as iSieffif and 

Tbatit is not inconsistent with pur con- 
ftribjon^nm be proved from the practice 
if sndu^ the rojal standard^ upon yreat 
QtmnrifOi to which every man was 
iH^ immediately to repair ; thisprac- 
(um ss old as oar constitutioB^ an4» as it 

3rbs levived at pleasure, may be pro- 
[j meatiflDed as e^uivdent to an im- 

&; diis word, which the Teamed mem • 
W lits by his wonderful diKgence, dis- 
esvoel in the statutes, may perhaps be 
Iher^ hot in a signification far different 
fan dist which it bears at present. The 
loid % without doubt, origmally French, 
■i^ tind iaiplied what is now expressed 
(j the term * ready ;* and to impress any 

fionpiibioD, pursuit, and violence, but by 
AsaDurements Of a pecuniary reward, or 
17 dke obligation of some ancient tenure. 
Hb debate ended in a J^epoit^ That the 
'^tee had made sooie progress, and 
leave to sit again. 

5. Ifecenicdamitiorfofdnrers 
of Aeir«tlteaMi 

SHL A. & mi. 


m the ^Mt opA rae^iiig tr«i«, m, he- 
half ef themttilvei aitd ethers^ ^ cook 
pkuaiac ef ^ uarmsoBifcliT wagiM de-, 
meodecU aftd paid to aaaiaaers in the meiK 
ehonts' servioe of kile» whkh is mere than 
double of what is paid by aay foreign b»- 
tion in Europe, (hcaidea cvimpage» and h 
month's pay advanced to each mariner) to 
the discouragement of the trade of these 
kingdoms: and representing to the House^ 
that this growing evil, if m>t prevented by 
a law, win faincter the mariners from evef 
entering themselves on board the dups of 
W8r,wme the disproportion of wages paid 
to mariners in the king's service, and that 
of the merdumt is so ^eat; tSie WBf;ei 
paid to narinerB in the buff's service bemg 
about SS^.and with oAer advantages about 
28<. ner month, when the mariners m the 
menmant's service are paid, and demand 
55f • and S^ per montii : and further re<^ 
presenting, tnat aa the Petitioners ap{m« 
hend the present practice carried on m im« 
pressing mariners from on board the home^ 
ward-boimd meadiant-diips, and-ff om the 
idiore, does not answer the 'end proposed ; 
and that a great many persons nuAre H 
their business to seduce and encourage 
mariners to act contrary to die inient of 
an act 1st of king Geor^ % far the better 
r^uiation of mariners in tlv6 mercnants*. 
service i and farther, con^daining of vexa^ 
tious suits carried on against the toasters 
and owneiB of rfdps, by die advice of 
paictitionerB in the hioh court of. admij- 
rahy : and fiirther settmg forth, that the 
act of navigation obliges eveiy cAiip to 
cany three fourths English anarinen^ 
which will be again in force when the pre- 
aent war is over; but that as they often tft 
foreign' ports enter, or are entered on 
board his majestjr's ships^ it is in^ossflble 
to comply with the said ieict, and l!ne mer« 
4;haat'sniM are liable to beccane a seiaofe 
even to the very man of war who has taken 
their men from them: And thereftirepray'- 
ing the House to permit them to be hwd 
by themselves or* counsel upon ttie said . 
petition ; and to mnt that such provision 
may be made in niture, by regulating the 
price of mariners' wages in the metchantt* 
service, and to prevent such growiif 
fldbuses practised by those under the saoc- 
tion or the high court of admiralty, ia 
ordet- efectudlly t6 man his niajesty's ships 
of war without impressing, and'to encoa* 
rage 4her trade and navigation of tiiese 
Ipngdoms, as te the Ho»e shall aeete 
meet." Ordered lo lie en OietaUek 

T4]. 14«E0R6£IL tMaiem^Commmi^Oe SMmiufBOL [li 

dMisaid BBl, $L Clfttite was read* by whidi 
every ;6oB8tabley headbonMiffby • tjthiiig- 
many or oilier pertoo, nafe liaUe to be exa- 
mined upon oath by the jostieas of the: 
j^ce, wno Here empowerad to lay a ffaie 
upon tkem §or any neglect, eibnce, or 
connivanee; after which 

Sir John Barnard rose and said : 

Sir; it i8 the peculiar happiness of the 
British nation, tnat no law can be made 
without the consent of their representa- 
tives; and I hope no such infatuatioii can 
ever fall upon them, as may influence them 
to chuse a representative capable of con- 
curring in absurdities like this. 

The folly, the iniquity^ the stupidity o^ 
this clause, can only be conceived by hear- 
ing it repeated; it is too flagrant 
extenuated^ and too gross to admit exag- 
gerations ; to oblige a man to make oath 
against himself, to subject himself by his 
pwn voice to penalties and hardships, is at 
pnce cruel and ridiculous; a wild compli- 
pation of tyranny and folly. 
, . To call upon any man to accuse himself^ 
is only io call upon h^a to commit perjury, 
and has therefore been always accounted 
irrational and wicked; in those countries 
where it is practised, the confession is ex- 
torted by the rack, which indeed is so ne- 
cessary on such occasions, that I should 
not wonder to hear the promoters of this 
/clause openly declaring for the ejjcpedi- 
^ncy of ^ortiires. 

; Nothing is more evident than that this 
^Bill, however the importance of the occa- 
sion may be magnified, was drawn up with- 
out reflection, and that the clauses were 
never understood by those that offered 
jthem; errors like these must arise only 
.from precipitation and neglect, for they 
^re too gross to be committed either by 
Jgnorar\ce or design. 

. 7*0 expose such absurdities is indeed 

.easy, but not pleaaing; for what end is 

answered by pomting at folly, or how is 

the puol^c service advanced by shewing 

that the methods proposed are totally to 

, be rejected ? Whejre a proposition Is of a 

t mixed kind, and pnly erroneous in part, it 

. IS an usefjul and no disAgree]l)Ie task to 

.separate t,ruth frqm error, and disentangle 

from ill ponseguepc^, sudi .measures 98 

may be pui;sued ^itb ^ advantage to the 

. public ; but inere stupidity can only prp- 

, doce compassion, ^nd a^rd no oppprt^ji- 

, jnities For enquiry o^ dispute. 

Si^ Chi^rUs Wager / 

Sir; tbiaclauacy however contiemptiioua- 

ly treated, hat been aheady passed into M 
law by a partiaooeDt whieh brought no m 
honour upon the British nation, by a tM»J 
.liflHient wiich waa courted and dieaded bjj 
the greatest part of the onivene, and ini 
drawn up by a ntmstiy that have give^ 
their posterity no ' reason to treat thed 
with derision and contumely. 

In the reign of queen Anne, this method 
of prooeedting was approved and establish- 
ed, and we may judge of the propriety oi 
the measaies followed in that war, by titf 
suooass which they procured. 

Those therefore by whom thu Bill wtt 
drawn up have conmutted no new absurdi* 
ties, nor have proposed any thing wbicfa 
was not enacted by the wisest of our pre- 
decessors, in one of the most illustrious 
periods of our history. 

Mr. Gybbon : 

Sir; I am fiir from thinking a proposi- 
tion sufBciently defended by an assertira 
that it was admitted by our predecessor^ 
for though I have no mclination to viliQ 
their memory, I may, without scruplej 
affirm that they had no pretensions to ia 
fallibility, and that there are in many of oui 
statutes instances of such ignorance, ere 
dulity, weakness, and error, as cannot tx 
considered without astonishment ! 

In questions of an abstruse and cmnpli 
cated nature, it is certain. Sir, that cxpe 
rience has taught us what could never bari 
been discovered, previously, bv the wis 
dom of our ancestors; and we have foum 
by their consequences the impropriety c 
many practices which they approved, an 
which we should have equally applaude 
in the same circumstances. 

But to what purpose is observation, 
we naiist shut our eyes asainst it, and aj 
peal for ever to the wisdom of our ance 
tors ? If we must fall into error, mere) 
because they were mistaken, and riu 
upon rocks out of veneration to those wl 
were wrecked against them? 

In questions easily to be examined, ac 
determinations which comprized no pe 
plexmg contrarieties of interest, or rouli 
plicity pf circumstances, Uiey were equal 
liable with ourselves to be supine andne 
liffent, to smk intd security, or be surpri 
ed by haste. That the clause now befo 
.us was ehacted by them, must be ascrib 
merely to the hurry of the session in whi 
it was bron^t belbse them. A time 
which so many enooiries of the high< 
, imnoftanoe wen to be made, and so gn 
a 4iveiiity of Tiewsto be tegar^i d 

IS] MaUmike Cawwim m At Semiimu^ BSL A. D. 1741. [74 

il j$ BO voider tbM tome abtiirdittM iliJMild 

ocape without detectHMi. 

In the 4(h of the reign dp • the queen, 
Ail BiU wai bron^t in|. as noir» at the 
litter end of a fleaaion, when the attention 
of the HouK was fiitigaed and distracted, 
lod it wai hortied throogfa hoth Hoines, 
and ratified by her nu^esty with very little 

But thea, as this circumstance may be 
jBstlj termed an extenuation of their error, 
it oaght lobe a lesson of caution to us, 
thaweniynot be« in tiie like manner, 
betrtyed ioko the same weakness* 

^; the conduct of our predecesson 
fmm not tostand in need of any ex- 
cuse; for it might be easjy to vindicate it 
br arguments, but that it is more proper 
to ippnnre it bv imitation. 

Wheoerer the BUI was passed, or how 
haitflj soever the law was enacted, it was, 
I bdieve, rather the efiisct of necessity 
thn of insdvertency ; of the same*neees- 
iitj which BOW presses, and which is very 
li) cmihed by tedious debates. 

They were then involved in a war, and 
vere not so: distracted by private interests 
n Dot to onite in the most vigorous oppo- 
otioo of their enemies. They knew that 
tbepoblic good is often promoted bv the 
toiporafymconveniencies of individuals; 
nd, whoi afiurs of the highest impor- 
tttcedemnded their^attention, when the 
Kcwity of the whole natioor and the hap* 
pees of their posterity were the subject 
^thdr eaqniries, they wisely sufiered less 
(QBaderations to pass without superfluous 
and ansessooable solicitude. 

How jintly they reasoned. Sir, and 
wbt Ti^Kur their resolutions gave to the 
Bi^^ operations, our victories are a 
to^om proof; and if experience be the 
n^t guide, it cannot be improper -to 
niiate those who, in the same arcimi- 
"iDoei with ourselves, found means to 
^ the honoor, and improve the com- 
nece of their country. 

That our circumstances are the same 
*^ thoie of the parliament by which thb 
^ wu made, is obidous beyond dispute; 
«»heie thev waiy, the difierence isper- 
h" tooor disadvantage. We have, Sir, 
^taaie enemies, or, at least, 'ha^ reason 
l^tppfchend die same; but have little 
^ of the saaK^ allies. The present war 
ittobecaniM on al« greater distance, 
places at this same instant; 
tteefane aopply our ships oo- 



casionaUy, but muat raise great numbers 
in a short time. 

If therefore it was Ihen concluded, that 
the method tmder our examination was 
useful; if measures, not eligible in them* 
selves, may be authorized by necessity, 
why may not we, in compliance with the 
same exigence, have recourse* to the same 
expedients ? 

Sir William Yonge : 

Sir ; how much weight is added to the 
determination of the House, by the digni^ 
of their procedure, and the decency of 
their dinputations, a slight knowledge of 
mankind is sufficient to evince. It is well 
known that government is supported by 
opinion ; and that he who destroys the 
reputation, destroys the authority of tho 
legislative power. Nor is. it less apparent, 
that he who degrades debate into sciur« 
rility, and destroys the solemnitv of con* 
suitation, endeavours to sink the House 
into contempt. 

It was therefore. Sir, with indignation 
and surprize that I heard the clause before 
us censured with such indecency of lan- 
guage, and the authors of it treated with 
contumelies and reproaches that mere 
error does not deserve, however apparent, 
but . which were now vented before any 
error was detected. 

I know not. Sir, why the eentlemen who 
were thus indecently attacked, have suf- 
fered such reproaches without censure and 
without reply. I know not why they have 
omitted to put the hon. sentleman in mind 
of the respect due to this assembly, or to 
the characters of those whom he opposes ; 
gentlemen equally skilled with himself in 
the subject of our enquiries ; and whom 
his own attainments, however large, or his 
abilities, however comprehensive, cannot 
give him a right to charge with ignorance 
or folly. 

To reproach men with incajpacity is a 
cheap method of answering tneir argu- 
ments, but a method which the rules ol* 
this House ought to exclude from our de- 
bates, as the ^neral civility of the world 
has banished it from every other place of 
concourse or conversation. 

I, for my part. Sir, shall always endea- 
vour to confine my attention to the ques- 
tion before us, without sufienng my rea- 
son to be biassed, or my enquiries diverted 
by low altercations, or personal imimosi- 
ties; nor when any other man deviates 
into reproachful and contemptuous lah- 
guagOr shall I. be induced to •think more 

75] U OEORGE U. JMolv m ii» 

iN^y of diher hm mgmmim m m|m- 


Sir John Barnard: 

Sir; I have always beard k lepieMiiied 
as an tnslanoe of iotegrtly wbtn toe toog«a 
and heart neve in eoocert, when the wwds 
aierepresentatioQSof thesentiMents; aftd 
have therefore hitherto endeaveured to 
expUun my arguments with perspicuity, 
and to impress ray sentiments with force ; 
I have thought it hypocrisy lo treat atu- 
pidUty with reverence^ or to hosoiir non- 
lense with the ceremony of a confutatbn. 
As knaveiyy so fotty that is Bot reriniwa 
Ue, is to b^ speedily dispalohed, bHamasa 
la to be iieed mm obatnictiogiy and seeiaty 
fioro nuisance. 

Nar, 6ir» wUen I am ocnanred bv those 
whom I aoay offend by the nae ot laraM 
correspondent with my ideas, wiU I, by 
a tame and silent sohinissien, give reaaon 
tesuspect that 1 am caDsdoua of a fiuilt, 
but will treat the accusatidn with open 
contempt, and diew no gceatcr regard to 
tke sbettoes, iiian to the authors of ab- 

That deeeney is of great use in public 
debatea, 1 shall readily allow ; it may some- 
times shelter fUly from ridicule, and pre- 
aerve villainy Iran puUic detiection ; nor 
IS it ever more carefully suppoiied, than 
wjhyen meniiirm are promoted that nothing 
can pres e rve from contempt, but the so- 
Jenmiiy with which they are mtablished. 

Decency is a proper circumstance ; but 
liberty is the essence of parliamentary dis- 
quisitions : liberty is the parent of tmth ; 
bat truth and decencnr ace jometimes at 
variance: allmenandallproposidona are 
to be treated here as they oeserve ; and 
there are many who have no claim either 
to respect or decency. 



which aae *a aobfsci of the debate, 
some other to thia purpose; That no pa 
son shall he liable to be fined by virtue < 
tUi aot» unlem a witoem ~ 
shall BMke oalb of the 

Thus the necessity of enaraining roi 
upmi oath in their own cause will be ei 
tirely taken away, and as the claiiae m 
then stand, Iheie will n 
of imuslioe or oppfOMion, because nool 
can be practised without the cOBOurread 
of amny pernnna of di&reaft iDlevaetB. 

Vlx. Horatio Walpole : 

Sir; it does not yet appear diat tl^ 

whe haae eng^ed k& this de 

have suficiBnlly attended lo the ed 

genee of oiir affiurs* and die importance <^ 

the ^mtion. Th«f have lavished thci 

oratory in dedaiaung unen the abaurdit] 

of the methodapiDposed»«nd diacoverei 

ty, by shewing how frua^ 

nuiy be supplied frem charity 

bat have suhetilulfld no exp« 

dieata in the phwe of thoee which Aey n 

warmly condmnn, nor hove oondeacende 

to inform OS, hew we may now^uoid oil 

or man ouriaeta for 

Mr. Winnington: 

Sir; that it is impfoper an its own na- 
ture, and inconsistent with our constitutiony 
io lay any man under an obligation to ac- 
cuse himself* cannot he denied ; it is there- 
fore evident, that some amendment is ne- 
cessary to the clause befooe us. 

I have for this reason drawn on an 
amendment, Sir, which, if apprevea by 
tfa« committee^ will in ay opimea remove 
nil the ob|ections to this part of the Bill, 
and by reconciling it with our natural and 
Jc(gsl rights, I hope, induce those to ap- 
prove it who have hitherto opposed it. 

1 therefore propose that these words 
ahould he subatitoted instead of those 

There are some drcuamtancea^ Sir, 4 
the present arar, which nmke our necessit 
of raising aea fbrcea gr e ater than in tfa 
times of king William and qneen Ann 
The chief advanta^ that we gained am 
the Frendi in their wars, were the conn 
quenoes of mff victories by land. 

At sea. Sir, the balance vros ahno 
equal, though the Dutch fleet and ou 
were united; nar did they quit the seah 
cause their fleela wem destro3red, but b 
cause they were oblmed to lecruit the 
hmd fines with thmr aaikta. Shou 
they now dedore war againat na, thi 
wouUL be under no each neoeesity of d 
fraoding the aea service, for tiiey ha^ 
now en leot an amy of 160,000 me 
which are maintaioed at no gaeater e 
pence than 40,000 br the Bdttah gover 
osent; as they ase t h er e far e. Sir, so fc 
nndahle by land, we have no way oS c 
peeing them hut by our sealbrceeu 

Nor is thek nanry so contemptible 
some havn either by oonjaotune or misi 
ibrmatfonrepesentedit. Tl^ fleet whi 
they hane dispatched to America consi 
not of fewer than twnnty ahipa, of whi 
the least carry shcty guns, and they i 
fitting out now an equal nunsbnr ni th 
own porta; tn idm » their Eoat JaJin c« 

77] DebdgmOe 

m iie Seamenf BiU. A. IX 1741. 


w ■ obl^cd to fbraBh teo tUps.of 
tktioe»attlieileniaBdof tbe go wmnnn t. 

Tin k ippeart w« have ncighboun 
Hfdendy poveifid to alarm wwidi the 
mm ff'wmmdmlbt danger; teigerwhidi 
B made iMMe iniuMeAt bv the eKpe^tkwB 
■edMdi bf wiadi the much man their 
ileeli, and which we must ioBlate if we 
hope ti apf«e them wiUi saocen. 

Ineedaotaaf how little wecan iepmd 
opoo annrpraftMMa rfae H tra lily, which 
vil] be best obseryed when they caaiiot 
be Komdtf viofatted ; or upon the pacific 
hi&aliiiaf their minister; which inte- 
na^feniaaoa or eaprice, may altery'and 
Is rk& it it not very honoiinil>le to trust 
ftrdetv. How can that natioa nnk 
Jwer, wiiidi is ool v free, heoaiBe it is set 
andedbyilineiijhboure; and retaioi Hm 
p— iom , only became no other has 
leisiire orindioation to taike Aien away! 

If it ba adsed what can prompt the 
Faadi la munapl «i in the proaecutioii 
«f oardJeagaa, and m the poniAment of 
teevbalare^phiideredand inaiilted us? 
kbaataaiy aaay to arge Hie rtiictal- 
laKektaeea theewo orewna, the ties«f 
bM, tfaa conformity <ii intereata^ and 
tiMir equal hatred of tile EagKaby but ano- 
ti» more iramediaee reason may be 
>UbL It k awpecstod that mider pre- 
tnee flf viaiicating omr own righta^ we are 
Alcmn^ togam the poaaeaaion of the 
^pnubdnmnioBa^ and engroas the wealth 
atbiDev world, and tiiat therefore it la 
^ iMeveit of erery power, whose sri^ 
JRts tnie ta those ceimtries, to ofmese us. 

IVqi, whether we aocoeed or fail in our 
tttca^m America, we have the French 
P**er to apprehemk If we midie con^ 
?nts tlwjr sHir probaMy thhik It neces- 
■J Is olmate die torrent of oar victories, 
wtokMertheineveaaeof our dominions, 
i^theyni^ aecope ther own trade, and 
■t^taii mstt own innnence* 

If vedioald be defeated, of which no 
^8ir, ma deny the poasMlity, the in- 
^'^otioa of aM to maidt the depressed, and 
^ poaii doan the ftiliBg is well known ; 
^onitbe eipected Itet onr hereditary 
*f<oKi vsoU neglect so Mr an oWortn- 

Hotkey amht ravage onr coasta, ttid 
I "<^o«traae, how they might tri- 
bal the ehaoael, and block us up in 
; y<^ porta, boflriiard our towns, and 
2||]i^ as wMi iavasioBS, I hope I need 
^Myaaention^tohidtethis aaserably 
^*i^«ipaMi inmamdng our fleets, 
^ sscfue osat enee ftom iasults, and 
i ^terror. 

U is oadoidbtedly. Sir, in onr power ta 
ise a naval force saffictent to awe the 
ocean, and lestrain the most daring of our 
enemies from any attempts against us, but 
this cannot be efibcted by harangues^ 
obwctioM, and disputations* 

There is nediing. Sir, more; fre^jiaently 
the subject of n^ery or declamation, 
than the useftdness or danser of a standi 
inff army; to which I dedare myself na 
o therwis e inclined than b^ my eoncen fiv 
the coBwion sa&ty ; I wdlmgly allow thai 
not one soldier ought to be supported by 
the public, whose service is not neceasary ; 
but aurely none of thoae who dedare so 
warmly for the hoaoar and prnrilegas of 
tfieir country, would ezpoae it to meai» 
suits of IbreiBB powers without defences 
If dierefore they thmk the danger of hmd- 
fercea BMMe than ecpiivalent to die benefit, 
they ought uaanimoody to concur in tiie 
increase of our naval strength,, by which 
they may be protected, hut cannot he op- 
prmsed; they onght wiiingly to give 
their asaistance to any pro|io8itions^for 
making the fleet fimnidahle, that thchr 
declarations against die ar^y mqr not 
be thought to proceed firom aresofaation to 
obstruct the measures of the government, 
mdter dwn from zeal for the constitution. 
For he that equally opposes the cstabhab 
ment of the army, and dM improvcmesit 
gC die nary, dedares m effect against die 
security of the nation ; and dMxigh, pav- 
haps, withoutdesign, exposes his esintrf* 
men to die mercy of thenr enemies. 

Mr. Pvkeney : 

Sir; I cannot dSscovmr for wimt asason 
the Bill before us is so vigorously sup 
ported, but nsust observe that I have sei« 
dom known auch vehement and centioa- 
ed effiarts produced by naere public tfpavil, 
and umnmgled rmrd for the happineas of. 
the nation. Nothing, Sir, that can he 
urged in favotu* of the measures nowpro- 
poBed,.has been omitted. When argu^ 
meats are confuted,. precedents are cited; 
when precedents fail, the advocates for the 
Btil have recourse to terror and neoea- 
si^, and endeavour to frighten those whom 
they cannot convince. 

&it perhaps, Sir, these formidable phan- 
toms may soon be put to fli|ht, and, like 
the other ittusions <n cowardice, disappear 
before the liriit. Perhaps this necessify 
wSl be found only chimerical; and these 
dangers appear only the visions of credu- 
lity, or the bugbears of imposture. 

To arrive at a dear view of our present 


14 GEORGE IL DOaUmAeCamlMotutmihe Semum^ BOL fS 

comUdaa, it will be neoett&ry. Sir, net to 
•muse ounehes with general assertioiis, 
or orerwhelm our reason by terrOying 
exaggerations: let us consider distinctly 
the power and the conduct of our enemies, 
and enquire whether they do not affright 
us more than they are able to hurt us. 

Thattheforoeof Spain, alone. Sir, is much 
to be dreaded, no man will assert ; for that 
empire, it is well known, has long been 
seized with all the symptoms ofdedining 
power, and has been supported, not by its 
own strength, biit by the interests of its 
neighbours. The vast dominions of the 
Spaniards are only an empty shew ; they 
are lands without mhabitants, and by con- 
aequence without defence ; they are rather 
excrescences than members of the mo> 
narchy, and receive support rather than 
eommunicate. In the distant branches of 
their empire the government languishes, 
as the vital motion in an expiring body ; 
and the struggles, which they now make, 
may be termed rather agonies than efforts. 

rrom Spain therefore unassisted, we 
have nothing to apprehend, and yet from 
thencSe we have been threatened with in- 
sults and invaakms. 

That the condition of the French is Bar 
different, cannot be deni^ ; their com- 
merce flourishes, their dominions are ccm- 
aected, their weahh increases, and their 
government operates with full vigour: 
dieir influence is great, and theirnames for- 
midable. But I cannot allow. Sir, that they 
have yet attained such a height of power 
as should alarm us with constant appre- 
hensions ; or that we ought to secure our- 
selves against them by the violation of our 
liberties. Not to urge that the loss of 
freedom, and the destruction of our con- 
sdtution, are the worst consequences that 
can be apprehended from a conquest; and 
that to a slave the change of his master is 
of no great importance, it is evident, that 
the power of tne French is of such kind 
as can only affect us remotely, and con- 
sequentially. They may fill ttie continent 
wim alarms, and ravage the territories of 
Germany by their numerous armies, but 
can only injure us by means of their fleets. 
We may wait, Sit, without a panic terror, 
though not without some degree of 
anxiety, the event of their attempts upon 
the neighbouring princes, and cannot be re- 
duced to fight for our altars and our houses, 
but by a second armada, which, even 
then, tne winds must &vour, and a thou- 
sand circumstances concur to expedite- 
Silt that no such fleet can be fittifd 

out by the united endeavours of the whoik 
work! ; that our navy, in its preaent state 
is superior to any that can be brougfa 
against us, our minialerB ou^t Dot to b 
if^norant : and therefore to dispirit the na 
tion with apprehensions of armiea hoverlnj 
in the air, and of conquerors to be waf\ei 
over by super-natural means, is to deatro 
that happiness which .govemmeot waa or 
dained to preserve; to sink us to tanoeoe^ 
and cowardice« and to betray us to insult 
and to robberies. 

If our danger. Sir, be such as has beei 
represented, to whom must we impute it 
Upon whom are our weakness, our pover 
ty, and our miseries to be charged i Upo 
whom, but those who have ueurpcd th( 
direction of afiairs which they did not un 
derstand, or which their solicitude for th< 
preservation of their own power hindered 
them from attending ? 

That the Spaniards, Sir, are now enab]e< 
to make resistance, and perh^M to insul 
and depopulate our colonies; that th< 
French have diq^atched a fleet into th< 
American seas, to obstruct, as may hi 
conjectured, the progress of our arms, an< 
that we are in danger of meeting an oppo 
sition wh^ch we £d not expecty is to< 
evident to be concealed. 

But, Sir, is not the spirit of our eoemie 
the consequenee rather of our cOwardic< 
than of their own strength ? Does not tin 
ojpposition to our designs, by whatever na 
tion it shall be nuide, arise from the con 
tempt which has been brought upcm us bi 
our irresolution, forbearance, and delays { 
Had we resented the first insult, and re 
paired our earliest losses by vigorous re 
prieals, our merchants haa long ago car 
ried oa their traffic with security, our ene 
mies would have courted us with respect 
andouralUes supported us with eon£dence 
Our negociations, treaties, proposalsi 
and concessions, not only affi>raed thex^ 
leisure to collect their forces, equip thei 
fleets, and. fortify their coasts, but gavi 
them likewise spirit to resist those wh< 
could not be conquered but by their owi 
cowardice and n>lly. By our iU-timec 
patiedce, and lingering preparations, w< 
encouraged those to unite against us, ^wIh 
would otherwise haye only hated us it 
secret; and deterred those fr<Hn declaring 
in our favour, whom interest or 'gratitude 
might have inclined to assist us. For whc 
will support those from whom no mutua 
supp<M't can be expected { And who will 
expect that those will defend their alliesj 
who desert th^mselyes ? 

81] tkiiOe M Ae Cmlmni on ihe^Seamenf BiU. A. D. IT4L 


BM| Sir, bowever late our resentment 
ns mrakebedy had the war been prose- 
cuted tigoroudy after it was deciared, we 
fflffiht hire been now tecore from danger, 
CDd freed from sospense, nor would any 
tiibg bave remained but to give la^i^s to 
oar eoeBiies. 

IVqoi tbe success of Vernon, with so 
mcoDsidertdile forces, we may conjecture 
wfait voold have been performed wiUi an 
ansaneiit proportionea to his undertak- 
ing ; and way tie was not better supplied, 
DO TmoQ has yet been given ; nor can it 
be 0»)j discovered why we either did not 
begin the war before our enenues had 
coflcerteddieir measures, or delay it till 
vebadferaied our own. 

ken negjlected, and all tibe advantages of 
aaiddeii attack hare been irrecoverably 
kat; ootiridistaQding our friends, Sir, 
lore leinied to despise and neglect us, and 
oar eaemies are animated to confidence 
ind obstinacy, yet our real and intrinsic 
itreogth coDtmues the same ; nor are there 
yet aoy preparations made against us by 
tbe eneinj, with riews beyond their own 
Kcotitj ttid defence. It does not yet ap- 
peiTi &, tbat our enemies, however inso- 
W, look opon us aa die proper objects of 
> eoB^ofist, or that diey imagine it possible 
to benmuB in oar own ports, or to confine 
QB to Ae defence of our own country. 
We ne not therefore to have recourse to 
Betsares, which, if they are ever to be 
sotted, can be justified by the utmost 
^tres; and can only become proper, as 
tile hit and desperaie expedient. The 
H^ODJ, Sir, ought to appear not only in 
oanen, but in oar ports, before it can be 
Beoewry that oi&e part of the natioQ 
Md be ealaved for the preservation of 

To destroy any part of the community, 
*Ue it is in our power to preserve the 
«|^ is certainly absurd, and inconsistent 
*ith the equi^ and tenderness of a good 
Kmrnnent : and what is slavery less than 
wtsction? What greater calamity has 
^ man to expect, too has been already 
^qpnvedofhB liberty, and reduced to the 
«»id with thieves and murderers ? With 
^^ i[Hnt, Sir, will he draw his sword 
^ bts mvaders, who has nothing to de- 
fed? Or why should he repel the injuries 
^^idiwiO make no addition to his misery, 
lad vill do only on those to whom he is 
csikred? . 

It IS wen known that gratitude is the 
■"«>dstkm of our duty to our country, 

and to our superiors, whom we are obliged, 
to protect on some occasions, because 
upon othet^ we receive protection from 
them, and are maintained m the quiet pos- 
session of our fortunes, and the security of 
dur lives. But what gratitude is due to 
his country from a man distinguished, 
without a crime by the legislature^ from* 
Ae rest of the people, and marked out for; 
hardships and oppressions? From a man ^ 
who is condemnea to labour and to daa- 

5er, only that others may fatten with ^n- 
olence, and slumber without anxiety? 
From a man who is dragged to misery 
^thout reward, and hunted from bis re-^ 
treat, as the property of his master ? 

Where gratitude, Sir, is not the motive 
of action, which may easily happen in 
minds not accustomed to observe Uie enda 
of government and relations of society, in« 
terest nevdr fails to preside, which may be 
distinguished from gratitude, as it regjarids 
the immediate consequences of actions, 
and confines the view of present advan-« 
tages. But what interest can be gratified 
b^ a nian who is not master of his own ac- , 
tionsy nor secure in the enjoyment of his' 
ac^ubitions ? Why should he be solicitous 
to increase his property, who may be torn 
from the possession in a moment? 
Or upon what motive can he act, who will 
not Decome more happy by doing hia 

Many of those, to whom this Bill is' 
proposed to extendi have raised fbrtunes 
at the expence of tneir ease, and at the 
hazard of^ their lives ; and now sit at rest, 
enjoymg the memory of their past hard- 
ships, and inciting others to the prosecu- 
tion of the same adventures : how will it 
be more reasonable to drag these men froooi 
their houses, than to seize any other gen- - 
tleman upon his own estate? And how, 
negligently will our navigation and our, 
commerce be pronfU>ted, when it is dis-. 
covered that either wealth cannot be, 
gained by them ; or, if so gained, cannot 
be enjoyed? 

But It is still urged. Sir, that there is a 
necessity of manning the fleet ; a neces^ty . 
which indeed cannot totally be denieo, 
though a short delay would produce no 
frightful consequences, would expose ua 
to no invasions, nor disable us froAi {irose* 
cuting the war. Yet as the necessity at 
least deserves the regard of the legtslatucca 
let us consider what motives have Iiitherto 
gained men over to the public service;, 
let us examine how our land-forces are. 
raised, and how our metcbaiita ejUip their 
V [01 


14 QEORGB. II. IMate in the CmmwuM the Seamiuf BA [8f 

Bhips. . Hpw is, all this tS^t^d without 
muimurs, mutiniesy or disconteat, but by 
the natural and easy metliod of offering re- 
wards f , 

It may be objected, Sir^ that rewards 
- have been ^ready proposed without effect; 
but, not to mention the corrupt arts which 
have been made use of to elude that pro- 
mise, by rejecting those thatcan^e to claim 
them, we can infer fi*om their idelBcaey 
only, that the^^ were toO' small ; that they 
were not suiBuent to dazzle the attention, 
aod withdraw it from the prospect ot the 
dwtant advantages which niay ariAie from 
the service of the merchants. Let the re- 
ward therefore be doubled, and if it be not 
then sufficiept, doubled anew. Ttiere is 
nothmg but may be bought, if an adequate 
price is offered ; and we are therefore to 
raiso the reward till it shall be adjudged by 
the sailors equivalent to the inconveni^ncies 
of tlie service. 

Let no man urge that this is profusion ; 
that it is a breach of^rust, and a prodi- 
gality of the public money. Sir, the money 
tnus paid is the price of liberty ; it is dis- 
Jiursedto hindersJavery from encroaching; 
to preserve our natural rights from infrac- 
tion, and the constitution of our country 
from violence. If we vote away'the pri- 
vilege of one class among us, those of ano- 
ther may quickly be demanded ; and slavery 
will advance by degrees, till the last re- 
mains of freedom jshall. be lost. 

But^ perhaps, Sir,' it will appear, upon 
reflection, that even this method needs 
not to be practised. It is well known, 
thattt is not necessary for the whole crew 
of a ship to be expert sailors ; tliere must 
be some novices, and many whose em- 
ployment has more pf labour than of art. 
We have now a numerous army which 
burthens our country, without defending 
it, and from whom we may therefore draw 
supplies for the fleet, and distribute them 
amongst the ships in just proportions; 
the^ may immediately assist the seamen, 
and will become able in a short time to 
traih up othei:8. . , 

It vml doubtless. Sir, be objected to 
this proposal, that the continent is in con-^ 
fusion, and that we ought t6 continue such 
a force as may enable us to assist our al- 
lies, maintain «ur influence, and tutn ^e 
scale of af&irs in the nieighbouring coun- 
tries. I know not how we are indebted to 
our allies, or by what ties we are obliged 
to assist those who never assisted us; nor 
can I, upon mature consideration, think it 
accessaiy to be always gazing on the con- 

tinent» tt-atching the motioM of aveiy po- 
tentate, and anxiously attentive to every . 
revolution. There is na end. Sir, of ol^ 
viating contingenciea, of attempting to .se- 
cure ourselves from every possibilitj of 
danger. I am indeed desirous that our 
friends, if any there be that deserve that 
n^e, should sucaeed in their designs^ and 
be protected in their claims ; but think it 
ougnt always to be remembered, that our 
own aflairs afl^t us immediately, theirs- 
only by consequence ; and that the nearest, 
danger iJB to be first regarded. 

With respect to the amendment offered 
to this clause, I cannot see that it will pro^ 
duce any advant^, nor think any evi* . 
dence sufficient to justify the breach of. 
our ooostitution, or subject any man to 
the hardship of having his dwelUng entered 
by force. 

A^d, Sir, I am not entirely] satisfied of 
the impartiality and equity with which it 
is promised tliat this law .will be put ia 
execution, or what new influence is to oo* 
operate with this law, by which corruption 
and oppression will be prevented. 

It is well known. Sir, that many other . 
laws are. made inefiectuid by partiality 
or negligence, which remarkably appears 
by the immense quantities of corn that'are 
daily carried into foreign countries, by il- 
legal exportations» by which traffic I am 
informed that we obtain most of our fo* 
reign gold, which m reality is paid us for 
com by the Dutch ; though it is studiously 
represented to the nation as gained by our 
traffic with Portugal, who can assure us 
that this law will not be perverted afler 
the example of others ? And that there 
win not be wretches found that may eoi- 
ploy it to the extortion of money^ or the 
gratification of revenue ? « 

Thus, Sir, I have meswn by what means . 
our fleet may now be equipped, and how a 
supply of sailors may be perpetuated ; for . 
I cannot think how the boys which are 
educated at charity-schools can be more 
properly employed; a proportion may be 
easily selected for the service, who will 
benefit the public much more than by 
serving sharpers and attomies, ^and pilfer- 
ing eiUier at low gaming houses, or m the 
inns of court. 

Since therefore is it not pretended. Sir, 
that tliis Bill can be justified otherwise 
than by necessity, and it app^rs that sup- 
plies may be raised by other means; since 
instead of increasmg and encouraging 
seamen, nothing is.proposed thtt does not 
manifestly tend by dqpressiqg and har- 

85] DOide m ik$ Cmmmm m Ifa 8eamen$* BfL A. IX lYM. 

r tfitmy to dfamBith their niimben; 
1 think it lenonaMe m decltre that I ihall 
coBtiBoeta opfNMeit, and hope that every 
ineod &[Vbekyf or commeroe, will concur 

Sk Robert Walpok .' 

Sir; I have cooiidered the bill before 
m widi the atiaoat impartialitjr, ancl 1 <ian 
ice no reman to apprehend that it will 
fradnoe aoch nBrvmal discontent, and 
fife occHipn to ao many abuses as the 
bon. gqntlenien by whom it is opposed 
sppetrtonspect. It is not uncommony 
Sir, is jodgutf of future events, and 
tnaog eftcts nan causes^ for the most 
I to be mistaken. 

t flslest method of conjecturinff upon' 
the istwe, b to consider tlie past, for it k 
alwijt probaUe, tliat from like causes like 
fOMfqiMiices wfll aese. Let us therefore, 
Sir, exsmine what injustice or oppression 
his hfenJiitherto pmiucedby laws of the 

He power of searchinff, howevw it is 
Mr bccomethe subieci cf loud exdama- 
tkm, snd pathetic harangues, is no new 
invswrn of the rigfataof the people, bytJus 
been sbesdy granted in its utmost esctent, 
for in end of no greater irnqportanoe than 
thepPHervationofthe.<game4 thisfonhid* 
able SQtherity has been dready trusted lo 
ibe msgistrate, and the nation has been 
alntdy subjected to this insupportable 

ny, only lest the hares and partridges 
be destnnred, and gentlemen be 
obligsd to disband their hounds, and dia- 
Bw their settmg-doga. 

Yet, Sir, even with regard to thispow«% 
^m exocfoitoit, and thus lighll v granted, 
I bare heard ao general complaints, nor 
beiiere that i^ looked upon as a grievance 
by lay^but those whom it reslrauis f rom 
living upiDO the game, aod^ condemns to 
nniBtam themselves by a more honest and 
usefiil industry. 

I hope, %, tMase dttt Ihihk diis lewfor 
tbe mscrvation. of their amusement ra- 
tiena snd just, will have at least the same 
ngird to the de^Mice of their couatij, 
t^ wifl net dunk their ▼emson deserves 
ratter soUdtode, than their fortunes and 
ibeir liberties. 

Nor is it di&uk. Sir, to produce la- 
daaces of the exercise of this power for 
^ end which is now proposed, without 
yF^ co Bs o qucaces that should discourage 


powered to leiar aR the sailon within the 
pounds of 4heir jinrisdictlon, which order 
was execute^ without any outcries of op<- 
preasion, onq^tprehensions-of the approach 
of slavery; ' - 

That this law, Sir, will be idways ex»* 
cuted with the strictest impiyrtiality, and 
without the lesat resard to any private 
pkurnoses, cannot indeed bo demonstra^ 
tively proved; every law ma](r possibly bo 
abused by a 'Combination' of profligates, 
but it must, I think, be granted, that it is 
drawn up with all the caution that reason^ 
or justice, or the corruption of the present 
age requires, I know not what can bo 
contrived better than an association d 
men unlikely to concur in their views and 
interests, ■ A justice of the peace, a lieute- 
nant of a ship, and a commissioner of the 
navT, three mel» probably unknown to 
each other, and of which no one will be at 
aU solicitous to desire the rest to unite, to 
commit a crime, to which no ueafUddoa 
can be readily in;agined. 

This cautk>n; Sir, which cannot but be 
approved, and .which surely is some proof 
of judgment, and consideration, ought, in 
my 'Opinion,' to have exempted the Bill, 
and those by whose assistance it^ was 
drawn up, from the reproachful and inde- 
cent charge of absurdity, ignorance, and 
incapacity; terms which me dignity of 
this assembly does aot admit, even whea 
they are inconteslibly just, and which 
surely oupht not to be made use of when 
the question is of a doubtful nature. 

S'he gentlemen^ Sir, who are now en- 
trusted with public employments, have 
neves yet discovered that they are inferior 
to their predecessors in knowledge or in- 
tegrity, nor do their characters suffer any 
diminution by a comparison with those 
who vilify and traduce them. 

Those, Sir« that treat others with such 
Uoentmus contempt, «ught surely to |[ive 
some illustrious proof of <heir own dbiliues; 
and yet, if we examine what has been 
produced on this question, we^shall find no 
reason to admine iheir owgacily, or their 

We have been told. Sir, that the fleet 
mij^ properly be manned by a detach- 
ment from the army, but it. has not beea 
proved that we have any superfluous 
forces in the kingdom, nor, indeed, will 
our army be found sufficientir numerous^ 
i£t by neglecting toequip our fleet, we give 
our enemies an opportunity .of entering 
our country. 

'If it be enigaired what necessity there is 


UGEORGBtL JkUOt m Ot Commam milk 


fiHrourpvetentfoPcctf what dkpediliMMi 
«re designed ? or what dangeisace fieHred? 
I shall not think it mv du^ to return any 
anmrer. It fe, Sir, the great unhappinesa 
of cnr constitution, that our determina* 
tiona cannot be kept secret, and that our 
enemies may always form conjectures of 
ear designs^Dy knowing oar preparations ; 
but surely more is not to be published 
than necessi^ extorts, and the government 
. has a ri^ht to coticeal what it would injure 
the nation to discover. 

Nor can I, Sir, approre the method of 
levying sailors by the incitement of an ex- 
orbitant reward, a rewaird to be augment- 
ed at the pleasure of those who are to re« 
ceive it For what can be the conseqoeiiott 
of such prodigality, but that those, to 
whom the largest sum is offered, will yet 
refuse their service in expectation of a 
greater? The reward already proposed 
M, in my opinion, the utmost stretch of 
liberality ; and all beyond may be censured 
as profusion* ^ 

It is not to be imagined. Sir, that all 
these objections were not made, and an* 
awered, in the reign of the late queen, 
when a Bill of the same nature was pro- 
posed ; th^ are answered at least by the 
necessi^ of those times, which necessity 
lias now returned upon us. 

We do not find that it produced any con- 
sequences so formidable and destructive, 
that they should fbr ever discourage us 
from attempting to raise. forces by the 
same means ; it was then readily enacted, 
and executed without opposition, and 
widiout complaints ; nor do I believe that 
anj measures can be proposed of equal 
efticacy, and less severity; 

Mr. Sandifs s 

Sir; whether ihe precedents produced 
in defence of this Bfll, will have more 
weight than the arj^uments, must be Bhe#n 
by a caieiiil exannnatioH, which will per- 
haps discover that the order sent to the 
magistrates of Bristol conyeyed no new 
power, nor such as is, in any respect, pa- 
raDel to that which this Bill is intended to 

They were only enjoined to enquire 
with more than usu^ strictness, after 
strollers and Tagabondsi snch as the law 
has always subjected to punishment, and 
aend them to the fleet, instead of any other 
place of correction; a method which may 
BOW be pursued without danger, opposi- 
tion, or compbunt. 

But for my part, I am not aUei upon the 

f lgst j it j jttent i fn 'tft tl^e pse aent aosneoC 
affiursyto find out the nueaasity of extraor* 
dinarymethodaofaoykind.' ThefinisoC 
an invasion firom Fiaoee, are, in my opi« 
nion. Sir, merely chimerical; from their 
fleet in America the coaats of Englsnd 
have nothing to fear, and after the numer- 
ous levies of seamen bv which it was fitted 
hia% it is not yet probable that they can 
HMedilysenfl out another. We know, Sir, 
tnat the number of seamen depends upon 
the extei^ of oeeoBaeroe, andsusely there 
is as yet no such disproportiQii between 
their trade and oitts, as that thrjr should be 
able tp fiimish out a naval armament with 
much greater expedition than ounefares. 

In America, dor forces are at least eousi 
to theirs, so that it is not very nrobable, 
that, after the total deatrudioB or our fleet 
by them, they should be so little injured, 
as to be able unmedialely to set sail for 
the channd, and insult us in our own 
ports; to efiect this. Sir, they must not 
only conquer us, but conquer us without 
resistance* . 

If they do not interrupt us in our at- 
tempts, nor expose themselTea to an en- 
gagement, they may indeed return without 
si&ring great damages, but I know not 
how they can leave the ahorea^if America 
unobserved, or pour an unexpected inva- 
sion upon us. If they continue diere, Sir, 
they cannot hurt us; and when they re- 
turn, we may prepare for their neceptiaii. 

There fate men I know. Sir, who have 
reason to think hi^iiy of the French po- 
licy, and whose ideas may be exalted to a 
belief that they can perform impossibilities ; 
but I have not yet prevailed upon myself 
to conceive that they can not invisibly, or 
that they can equq^ a fleet by soreeiy, 
collect an aimy in a moment, and de^ 
us on our own coast, without any percep- 
tible preparations. 

Sfar Charles Wageti : 

Sir; the oahmities produced hw disciird 
and contention neednottobepomtedout, 
but it may be Moper to reflect upon the 
consequences ^ a House divided agrisst 
itself, that we may endeaipoulr to avoid 

Unanimity is produced by nolliingiiKyre 
powerful than by impeiiding danger, sod | 
therefore it may be us^ to shew those 
who seem at present in|>rofirand secoritjt 
that the power of Franqe as more fimnidB^ 
ble than they are wiUhig toallow. 

My age, Su*, enables me to remember 
many liaBaactaooaof tbewar iathebto 

tB\ MmimlhCmmmiutaeSiamtiu^Ba. A. D. 1741. 


luaogm, or of which umy hanrt only bn* 
pcffect xbn iTOiii hstow &nd tfBoitioti* 

In tbe ftid voir of tho m^ of king 
^HUn, the French gaiaed « ^ctory over 
tbe iiDJtad fleeti of the maritime oowers, 
which gifetheodyfer the lummer ralowing, 
tbe dominion of the dumnel, enabled them 
to sbat im our merchants in their ports, 
ud prodbood a total siispension^ oif our 

Tboie, Sir, to whom the importance 
of tnde hio weD known, wiU ^easily ap* 
prdMod liie weight of this cakasity, and 
wi]l,Ihope,rBJectno measures that have 
s mate tendency to prevent it. 

On Mfif Sir, ^o not lie useless he- 
case then ii any want of seamen in the 
BatisD, but because any service is pfeGsrred 

Thweamaow to my knowledge in one 
1090 00 tbd west coast, no fewer tfaanr 
IfiODnkn^ of which surelva third part 
Bu J be joMiy claimed by the piibKc in** 
terest; mr do I know wWy diey who ob- 
fitiuteij refitte to serve their country, 
ikwid be trmied with so much tender- 
ses. It is more reasenaUe that they 
dflsid isfcby thMr refusal, than thai the 
goml btppinem should be endangered. 

k with honesty an^ <Bligence; hot will 
Mrerbe saade the iaetrament of oppres- 
Mf ow execoSe amy commission or ty- 

As iberabre the power of sesidiing is 
to be phoed in the hands of justices of the 
faoe,Idiinkitnecessarv to declare that 
I vil never perform bo hateful a part of 
^oice, sad that, if this KU becomes a 
Bv, I win retire fiwm Ae place to which 
■ytotherity is limited, rattier than cbn- 
(^ to the uisetiea of my feUow- 


Sr; sD theai^gaments mhiA have been 
*Cn«d b siqpport of this Bill, are reduced 
« ha to one constant assenion of the 
*»adhr of passing it. 

We have been told. Sir, with great 
^^^caesB, tfuit a war cannot be carried on 
vjdieiit men, and that diips are useless 
*'^wt saflors; end from thenoe it is in- 
md tiiatthe Bill is neceosary. 

^ bioes an, by some moaas, neces- 

sary to be raised, the wannest oi^ponenta 
of the Bill will not deny ; but they cannot 
dierefore allow the mfereace, that Ihei 
methods now proposed are necessary. 

They are ot opmton. Sir, that cruel and 
oppressive measures can never be justified^ 
tiU all others have been tried without ef-* 
feet ; they think that the law, when it was 
formerly past, was uniost, and are con- 
vinced, by observing that it never was re^ 
vived, that it wtfs by experience discovered 
to be useless. 

Necessity, absolute necesnt^, is a fiir- 
midable sound, and may terrify the weak^ 
and timorous into silence and compliance ; 
but it will be found, upon reflection, to bo 
often noUiing but an idle fefint, to aflsuso 
and to delude us; and that what is repre* 
sented as necessaiy to the*public, is only 
something convenient to men in power. 

Necessity, Sir, has heretofore been pro- 
duced as a plea for that which could be 
no otherwise defended. In the days of 
Charies 1, Ship-money was declared to be 
legal, because it was necessary. Such was 
the reasoning of the lawyers, and the de- 
termination of the jucws ; but the par- 
liament, a parliament of patriots ! without 
fear, and without corruption, and in-, 
flneneed only bv a sincere regard for the 
public, were ot a different opinion, and 
neither admitted the lawfulness nor ncr 
cessity. * ' . - 

It will becmne us on this occaaon to act 
with equal vigour, and convmoe our coun* 
tinmen, that we procieed upon the same 
principles, and that the liberties of the 
people are our chief care. 

I hope we shall unite in defeating any 
attempts that may impair the rights which 
esvery Briton boasts as his birUi-ridit, and 
reject a law which will be e<]uaUy dr^ded* 
and detested with the Inquisition of Spam. 

Sir William Yonge : 

Sir; though many particular dauses of 
this Bin liave been doapproved and op- 
posed, some with more, and some with less 
reason, yet tiie committee has hitherto 
agreed that a bill for this purpose is ne* 
cessary in the present state of our .affiurs ; 
upon this principle we have proceeded thus 
far, several gentlemen have proposed their 
opinions, contributed their observations, 
and laboured as in an affiiir universally ad-, 
raitted to be of highimportance to the ge- 
neral prosperity. 

ButBow, Sir, when some of the difficulties' 
are surmounted, some expedients tudd^ 
struck out, some objections reawffd^ aacL 

14 GEORGE IL Deiai^ ^ the i!&mmdm m ike Sdarnen^ jlic i| 

it isy indeed, not: iippoiidfe, fib, tbf 
might eSBjprms mjrself obtcumlr, ^^ 

may be therefore neeeaKury lo dedaie m 

I iatendledi ho diereqpectful teh^^ 4 

the conduct ofliis majesty, but I taoA^ 

serve at the saa^ time, that obscoreor k 

accuiUe expresMODB ou^t alwa^ to I 

interpreted in the moBt inoAaaive tQe« 

ing, and that to be too laffaciausindiioi 

redxig conoealed infiinuatioosy-is wa^ 

proorof superior integrity. , 

Wisdom; Sir; is aeldom-captitMu, sad h 
nesty seldom suqHcious: a msh tiafdU 
of comprehending the whole extent rfi 
quesUoD, disdains to divert his attentioal 
trifling observations ; and he tluit m idiei 
the practice of little arts, or themotia»i| 
petty malice, does not easily imagine the 
mddent to another. 4 

That in the question of 


^be gf^at design brought nearer to execu* 
^on, we are on a stiddenlnfornied, that aU 
our hbeur-is superfluous, that we are 
amusing ourselves with useless coosulta* 
tions, providing against calamities that can 
never happen, and Fai8in| bulwarks with, 
out ah enemy,' that thererore the -question 
before us is of no importaode, and the bill 
ought, without fkrther examination, to be 
to^ly rejectedi 

I suppose, Sir, J shall be readily be* 
lieved, when I^eclare that I shall willmgly 
admit any arguments that may evince our 
safety; but in proportion as' real freedom 
from danger is to be desired, a supine and 
indolent neglect of it ts to be dreaded and« 
avoided ; and I cannot but fear that our 
enemies are more formidable, and more 
roalicfdus, than the gentlemen that oppose 
this Bill have represented them. 

This Bill can only be opposed upon the 
supposition that it gives a sanction to se- 
venties mote rigorous than our present 
eircumstances require ; for nothing can be 
more fallacious or invidious than a con^ 
parison of this law with the demand of 
8hip*money, a demand contrary to all law, 
ana enforced by the manifest exertion of 
arbitrary power. 

How has the conduct of his present ma- 
jesty any resemblance with that of Charles 
l.f Is.atiy money levied hj order of the 
council ? Are the determmations of the 
judges set in opposition to acts of parlia- 
meat'? Is Any roan injured in his property 
b^ an unlimited extension of the preroga- 
tive ? Or any tribunal established superior 
to the laws of the nation i 

To draw parallels, Sir, where there is 
no resemblance, and to accuse by insinua- 
tions where thfere is no shadow of a crime; 
to raise outcries when no injury is at* 
tempted, and to deny a real necessity, be- 
cause it was once pretended for a bad pur- 
pose, is surely not to advance the public 
service, whicn can only be promoted by 
just reasonings, and calm reflections, not 
by sophistry and satire, by insinuations 
without ground, and by instances beside 
the purpose. * 

Mr. L^ielion; 

' Sir ; true zeal for the service of the 
public is never discovered by collunve 
subterfuges and malicious representations; 
a mind attentive to the common good^ 
wotdd hardly, on an occasion like this, have, 
been at leisure to pervert an hfurmless il- 
lustration, and extract diaaffiection from a 
easual remark. 

m ttie question 
necesfidty was pretended, cannot be |i 
nied; and therefore all that lasKtjtri 
which was only that t^ie natioti had lM| 
once terrified withoi:^ reason, by the €^ 
midable sound of necessity, is evident aa 
uncontested. >^ 

When a firaud has once been practiiaj 
it is of use to remember it, that we n^ 
not twice be deceived by the samesrtifiel 
and therefore I me&ti<med Uie pka tH a( 
cessity, that it may be enquired whether! 
is now more true than betore. 

That the pariiament. Sir, and not 4 
judges, is now applied to, is no proofs 
the. validity of toe aiguments which liai 
been produced; for hi the day8ofSli|| 
money, the consent of the parhaneDth^ 
been asked had there been any prospai 
of obtaining it; but the court mul b«| 
oonviacad, by frequent experimeots,,^ 
the inflexibility of the parliament, and l| 
flfuured of influencing them by proapss 
of advantage, or intimidating them 1 
frowns or menaces. f 

May this and every future pailianNi 
imitate their conduct, and, like them, di 
tinguisb between real' and pretended ly 
cessity ; and let not us be terrified by if 
clamours into the establishment of a Is 
at once useless and oppressive ! 

Sir William Yonge: 

Sir; that I did not intend to misxcpn 
sent the meaning of the hon« centlem«A| 
hope it is not necessery to declare; m 
that I have in reality been gutlQr of 8| 
misrepresentation, I am not yet conyhie^ 
If he did not intend a pursJlel betva 
Ship*money and the present Bill, to vdi 
purpose was his observation ^apd if bed 

MtkMttkCmrnmumtheBnmaufBa. ' A. P. I?41. 


jtyimi it Mt proper to Aem there I 

10 jcicmhlnnfrj and that all which 

be infefied firom it wa» therefore 

_ and iaooodittive ? 

do loolf diifer, Sir^ m OfaoioD with 

a flentfeman with relation to his 

of mea8uree» which have no- 

with each other; but I 

todeclaroy that he is not more 

hb citati«ms from history* 

^ d not apply to the ludgea, be- 

lAe priisnieiit would^Mt have oant- 

' itkaMmey that he deoMmdedy but 

i )m chief ambition was to govern 

kthe i^erogative abne, and to 

Eiad hjs defendants firom par* 


m account. Sir, is just, I am con- 
tthe histories of those times wiU dis- 
; asd therefore any invidious com* 
s.hct»een that paxliament and any 
^hYJlhoot foundation in reason or 

( that this law will easily admit, in 
' o of ity such abuses as will 
the benefits, may readily be 

1; and it will pot be consistent with 
{wd to the ptibUc^ expected from 
MIS whom we represent, to enact' 
kidi may probably beoome an in* 

^Mnaat, by whom I am joow attend* 
[be iemed, according to the de* 
' lof the vindicators rfthis Bill, 
J man, having been once in the- 

lUm; and he may therefore be 

Ifevn my service, and dragged itiU> 

pkf the aathority oi a justice of the 
I of some abandoned prosti- 
___ wkh a commission only to 
sdectioiis, iind awe those wnom 

I and riot acts cannot *subdue« 

I Sii^ not improper to declare, 
nhU by force oppose the execu* 
[a kv like this; that 1 would bar 
' land defend them; that I would 
[aeigMMKirs to my assistance; and 
ion who should attempt to opter, 
; my consent, as thievesi rumansy 


k 18 wen known that by the laws 

Htian poverty is in some degree 

1 ss a crime, and that the i^tor 

': this .advantage over< the felon, 

ISMtJia pumoM antq his dwell- 

^>s forced fiomd^ shelter of his 

• Itfaiilk it Is univetsaOv agreed, that the 
condition of a man in dwt, is already suffi- 
ciently miserable, and that it womd be 
more worthy of the lepslative powe> to^ 
contrive idlevialions of his hardships, than 
additions to them ; and it seems ther^fop^ 
no inconsiderable objection to this BiU, 
that by conferring the power of entering* 
houses by force, it may give the harj^es oF 
the law an opi>ortunity of entering, m the 
tumult of an impress^ and of dragging ar 
debtor to a noisome prison, under pretence* 
of forcing sailors into the service of the 

Mr. Tracy : 

Sir; that some law for the ends pro* 
posed by the Bill before us is necessary, I 
do not see how we can doubt, after Ihe 
dechirations c^tbe admirals, who are fully^ 
acquainted with the service for which pro*' 
vision is to be made^ and of the ministry,' 
whoee knowledge of the present state <i 
our own stren^h, and the designs of our 
enemies, is doubtless more exact than thcnr . 
can acquiie who are not engaged in public 

If, therefore, the measures now proposed 
are neceasaiy, though they may not be 
agreeable to the present dispositions' of 
the people, for wnose preservation they 
are intended, I shall think it my duty, to 
concur in them, that the pnbhc service- 
may not be retarded, nor the ssifety of ». 
whole nation hazarded, by a scrupulous, 
attention to minute objections. - 

Mr. Campbell: 

Sir ; I have often amidst my eulogies on' 
British liberty, and iiuy declarations of the* 
excellence of our constitution, the impar-' 
tiality of our government, and the efficacy 
of our laws, been foreiniers 
with the nractiee qf impresses, as an ^aid* 
ship whien would raise a rebellion in abso- 
lute monarchies, and.kimUe those nations 
intomadness, thathave for manvages Imown' 
no other law than the will of. their printes* 
A hardship which includes imnrisoiiment 
and slavery, and to which thermre no ag* 
gravations. ought to be added* 

But if justice and reason, Sir, are to be 
overborne by necessitv;. if necessity is to 
stop -our ears agamst the cpmplaints of the 
oppressed, and harden our. hearts at tha. 
sight of their misery, lei it at. least not 
d»itroy our memoriest nor deprive, us of 
the advantages of experience; 

• liCt us enquire». Sir, what were the ef« 
fecu of this hateful attthority when it was 



fbnneiff consigned to die magistrates. 
Were our fleeto manned in an instant? 
Were our harbours immediately crowded 
with sailors? Did we surprize our ene» 
mieB by our expeditioD, iod make con- 
quests before an invasion could be sus- 
pected? I have he^y Sir, of no such 
consequences,nor pf any advantages which 
deserved to be purchased by tyranny and 
oppression. We have found that very few 
were procured by the magistrates, and the 
char^ of seizing and conveying was very 
oposiderabley ahd therefore cannot but 
conclude, that illegal measures^ which have 
•been once tried without success, should, 
for a double reason, never be revived. 

Sir John Barnard : 

Sir; it is not without regret that I rise 
so often on this occanon ; for to dispute 
with lliose whose determinations are not 
influenced by reason, is a ridiculous task, a 
ttvesome labour without prospect of reward. 

Btii as an hon. ffentleman has lately 
remarked, that by denying the necessity 
of the^ ]^l, inslsad of nuking objections 
to particular clauses, the whMe design of 
finaing expedients to supply the sea-service 
is at once defeated: I think it necessary 
to remind him» that I have made many 
objections to this Bill, and supported th^n 
by reasons, which have not yet been an- 
awered. But I shall now no longer confine 
my.remaiks to single errors, but observe 
that there is one g^eral defect, by whic^ 
the whole Bill is mad6 absurd and useless. 

For the foundation of a law like this, 
Sir, the description of a seaman ought to 
be thus accurately laid down, itought to be 
dedared what acts shall subject him to 
that denomination, and by what means, 
after having once enlisted himself in this 
unhappy cbss of men, he may withdraw 
inAo « more secure and hapfj state of life. 

Is a man, who has once only lost sight of 
tlie.shore, to be hunted as a seaman? Isa 
man who by traffic has enriched afamfly, 
to. be forced ft«m his possesaifHw by the 
authority of an impress? Ib a man, who 
jbaii purchased an estate, and built a seat, 
to solicit the admiralty for a protection 
firom the netghboarin^ constable ? Such 
questions as these, Sir, mav be asked, 
which the Bill before us wiii enable no 
man to answer. 

If a Bill for tins piirnose be truly neces- 
sary, let it a;t least be need from such of* 
fensive absurdities ; let it be drawn up in 
a torm as different as is posuble from thaT 
of tha Bill bf^ore us^ and at last I am ftr 

DebaUmiktC<mMonidn0ieSiKmen^ BSL \ 

ftom imiijgiiiing llwl alaw wilbe contsH 
ikdit injurious to individuals, ndrdetrbwii 
to the pabHc; not contrary to ^ il 
principles of our eetab^hment, snd i 
loadea with f(%and absurdities. 

Mr. Tiner: 

Sir; a definition of a seaman is so 
cessary in a Bill for this purpose, dnt 
omission of it will defeat lA the nedi 
that can be suggested^ How dia& «! 
be executed, or a penally inflicted, ivi 
the magistrate has no certam matks nM 
he mav distinguish a criminal? Andirl 
even the man< that is xnrosecuted msjr' 
be conscious of ^ilt, or know tint 
law extended to him, nii^h he is dmj 
wMi having offended. 

If, in denning a seaman on tie prei 
occasion, it be thoueht proper to bavet 
regard to the example of our predeceH 
whose wisdom has in iJiis debate beei 
much magnified ; it may be observed \ 
aseaman&B been formeiiy defined, <s^ 
who haunts the seas ;' a defimtion vl 
seems to imply habit and contiousa 
and not to comprehend a man whs"! 
periiaps never gone more than a M 
▼oy^. i 

But Hhoiq^h this definition. Sir, im 
be added to the amendments already f 
posed, and the Bill thereby be braq 
somewhat nearer to the conttitntii 
principles of our eovemment ; I ctt 
vet think it so inudi reedfied, as tkf 
hardships will not out-weigh tiie bsMJ 
and therefore shall'Continiie to offend 
Bill, though to some particular daqi 
have no objection. 

The term < Sea-&ring man,' was { 
left out, and the several AmeodsK 
were admitted m the committee. 

Mareh 10. The House ttain res^ 
into a committee on the said Bfll, whci 
Chailes Wager offered a clause h^i^ 
it was to be enacted, << Thatnomerdia 
or bodies corporate, or politic, shsOl 
sailors at higher wvges than 35^. for 
month* on pain of forfeiting the tn 
vafaie of the simi so agreed for ; whidi' 
was fD commence after 15 days, vAi 
tinue for a time to be agreed on fcj« 
House.*' And thenspoke to the foDoii 
purpose: * 

^ Sit ChfirU$ Wager: 

« S»; fiio* necessity of this claitfe V 
be so. nipavent^tp every geat]8iaair| 
fqaiatea-with nmijd ai^«ommer<aald 

W]' -B^MA^mAeCkmfim^^m the S^a^t^mit* Btll. ' A. D. 1741. 


that i» D# bp |ioti t i e n eao be affprehendedy 
mfeir aigumoiU will be requisite to in- 

Rom much the public calamities of war 
are improfed by the failors to jtheir own 
private adTSDta^ how generally they shun 
the poblic seryioe, in hopes of ^eoeiying 
exorbitant wages from the merchants^ and 
hov much they extort from.the merchants, 
hjf threatening to leave their service for 
that of the crown, is universally known by 
efeiy officer of the navy, and eveiy com- 
mauder tf a trading-veaseL 
. A law therefore. Sir, to restrain them in 
time of war from such exorbitant de- 
maixis, to deprive them of those prospects 
wJikh hare often no other effect but to lull 
them in itUeness, while they skulk i^out 
in expectation of higher wages, and to 
bbder then from driving themselves, 
embanasaiog the merchants, and neglect- 
ing the geoml interest of their country, is 
muiouhtedly just. It is just, Sir, because, 
io regard to the public, it is necessary to 
preveot the greatest calamity that can fall 
opn a peo{rfe; to preserve us from re- 
cmiag lavs from the most implacable of 
oar eneoues; and it is just because, with 
respect to particular men, it has no ten- 
mcj but to suppress idleness, fraud, and 

^f r. Henr^ Fox : 

Sir; I have no objection to any part of 
^ clauae, except the dav proposed for 
the comipenoement ; to make a law against 
toy peniicious practice, to which there are 
ftroQg temptationsy and to give those whose 
interest may incite them to it, time to 
e&ct their schemes, before the law shall 
begin to op^e, seems not very consistent 
with their wisdom or vigilance. 

his not denied. Sir, that the merchants 
«e betrayed, by that re^rd to private in- 
terest vhich prevails too frequently over 
nobler viewB, to bribe away from the ser- 
•wof the crown, by large rewards, those 
aflon whose assistanoe isnow sp necessary 
to the public; and therefore it is not to be 
nagioed that they wiU not emjalpy iheir 
ntinost diligence to improve«the interval 
vbich the B31 allof s in,«aaking fontraels 
Arlheensiimg'year, and that t|}e saifors 
** wt e8gerl^.enga||e»^thfianselves't before 
ttoJawshsn preclude thei^ ptaipecttf<)f 

As thenfot^ to di^e no'iaw, mi f» 
■tte a Jaw that win not Iji^ft^^^.is^ 
BcanaAii||icse ^e tUfi^j^BJs the -6% 
^th^ datte ad 4t aoV atAp.4% 

nifi^ make the whole provision ineffectual, 
it IS my opinion that either it ought to 
begin to operate to-morrow, or tbtt we 
ought to leave. the whole affiur in its pre- 
sent state. 

Sir Robert Walpole : 

Sir; nothing has a greater appearance 
of injustice, than to punish men by virtue 
of laws with wliich they were not acquaint* 
ed ; the law ther^ore is always supposed 
to be known bjr those who have onended 
it; because it is, the duty of every man to 
knpw it, and certainly it ought to be the 
care of the legblature, tbat tliose whom 
the law will affect, may have a possibility 
of knowine it, and that those may not b^ 
punished tor fiuling in their duQr, whom 
nothing but inevitable ignorance has be* 
trayed into ofence. 

fiut if the operatioa of this law should 
commence to-morrow, what numbers may 
break it, and suffer by the breach of it in* 
volontaril)r, and without design ; and how 
shall we vindicate ourselves from having 
been accessary to the crime which we cen- 
sure and punish i 

Mr. Henry Fox : . 

Sir ; I shall not lurge in defence of my 
motion what is generally known, and 
has been frequently inculcated in all de* 
bates upon this bill, that private con- 
siderations ought always to give way to 
the necessities of the public ; for I think 
it sufficient to observe, that tliere is a dis- 
tinction to be made between punishment 
and restraints, and that we never can be 
too early in the prevention of pernicious 
practices, though we may sometunes delay 
t;o punish them. 

The law will be known to-morrow to far 
the greatest number of those who may be 
tempted to defeat it, and if there be 
others that break it ignorantly, how will 
they find themselves injured by being 
only obliged to pay less than toey pro- 
mised, which is a& that I should propose 
without looser warning, TKe debate upon 
this particular will be at length reduced 
to a <juestion, Wliether a law for this pur- 
pose IS just and expedient ? If a law be 
necessary, it is necessary that it should be 
execiitedy'^Bd itx:an be executed only by 
coftuuencihg to-morrgw. 

►. 'Lorfl Baltimore : 

. Sir; it ^appears to me of no great im- 
p<^rtance hew soon the operation of the 
l^w fiomMnces, or how long it is delayed. 

99] 14 6EOROE IL 

because I Beenoreasenfor 
it win at any time produce the eSects pro- 
posed by it. 

It has been the amusemmt, Sir, of the. 
greatest part of my life, to ocmvene with 
'men whose incUnations or emplqymentg 
have made them well acauamtea with ma^ 
ritime. affiurs,^ and amidst innmnerable 
other schemes for the promotion of trade, 
have heard some for the regidation c^ 
wages in trading ships, schemes at the 
first appearance plausible and likely to 
succeed, but upon a nearer enquiry evi- 
dently entanglcKi with insupportable diffi- 
culties, and never to be executed without 
danger of injuring the commerce of the 

The clause, Sir, now before us contains 
m my opinion one of those visionary pro- 
visions, which however infallible they may 
appear, will be easily defeated, andwiU 
' have no other effect tiian to promote cun- 
ning and fraud, and to teach mop those acts 
of collusion with whid^ they would other- 
wise never have been aoquamled. 

Mr. Lochoood : 

Sir; I aeree with the hon. eentleman 
by whom &is clause has been o&red, that 
the end for which it is proposed, is worthy 
the closest attention of the legislative 
power, and that the evils, of which the 
prevention is now endeavoured, may in 
some measure not only ob8tru<5t our traffic, 
but endanger our country ; and shall 
therefore very readily concur in any mea- 
sure for this purpose, that shall not appear 
either unjust cnrmeflfectual. 

Whether this clause will be sufficient to 
restrain all elusive contracts, and whether 
all the little artifices of interest are suffi- 
ciently obviated, I am yet unable to de- 
termine; but by a reflection upon the 
multiplicity of relations to be considered, 
and the variety of circumstances to be ad- 
justed, in a provision of this kind, I am in- 
clined to think that it is not the business 
of a transient enquiry, or of a single clause, 
but that it will demand a separate law, and 
cng^c the deliberation and regard of this 
whole assembly. 

Sir John Barnard : 

Sir; notwithstanding^* the mipotii^ce 
and resentment with which seme men*see' 
tfieir mistakes and ignoranft^ detoct^l^ 

IMaUmiheC<nmmm^ihe8mmeiu^BilL [100 

notwithstanding the reverence which aeg- IkgAift paiticufar clauses, not against 
ligence and haste ar^said to be 'entitled ^iagcir'oiiQittaBGes, but against die ^1 
to from this assembly, I shall declare .once 9ill ; a ^ill an^^and apffreiilive, 
more, without the apprd^nsioiitof.beingj aiid^diculOus ; affiU to**harrflS9 the in* 

• ■ • • • 

confuted, diat diis Bill #as drawn up with- 
out ODnsideratioo,and is defended wiikout 
being understood ; that after all the 
amendments which have been adiaitted, 
and an the additions proposed, it will be 
oppremre and ineiectual, a chaos of ab- 
sttrditieSy and a monument of ignorance. 

Sir Robert WtdpaU: 

Sir; the present busuness of this asseoh 
bly is to examine the clause before us; 
but 'to deviate firom so necessary an eo* 
quiiT into loud exdamatiima against the 
whole Bill, is to <ril)Struct the course of the 
debate, to perplex our attention, and in- 
terrupt the panianient in its delflMration 
upon questions, in the determinetioD of 
wnich the security of Uie public is nearly 

The war. Sir, in iHiich we are now en- 
gaged, and, I may add, engaged by the 
general request of the whole natioa, c8d 
be prosecuted only by the 'assistance of 
the seamen, from whom it is not expected 
that they will sacrifice their immediate ad- 
vantage to the security of their country. 
Public spirit, where it is to be found, is 
the result of reflection, refined by study 
and exalted by education, and is not to 
be hoped for amoil|r those whom low for- 
tunehas condemned to perpetual drodgeij. 
It must be therefore necessary to sunply 
the defect of education, and to produce 
by salutary coercions i^ose eflects which 
it is in vain to expect from other causes, i 

That the service of the sailors will be 
set up to sale by auction, and that the 
merchants will bid i^iainst the government, 
is incontestable ; nor is there any doubt 
that they will be able to ofler the highest 
price, because they will take care to repay 
themselves by raising the value of their 
goods. Thus, without some restraint upon 
the merchants, our enemies, who are not 
debarred by their form of government 
from any method wUldi policy can bvent, 
or absolute power put in execution, will 
preclude all our designs, and set at defi- 
ance a nation superior to themselves. 

Sit Jdkn Barnard : j 

Sir; Ithink^myseif obliged, by my 
duty t9 my country, a^d by toy g^ritude 
to iboie by whhse industryjre are enridiett 
an^ by wbosto courage 'we ar6 defendedr 
to mfli^ oi^cb niore a declaration, 



flxe wb* 

101] DOaieimthe Cpmmans m the Sfamewf Bill A. Hi 1741. 


dottrioiis and distreis the honest, to puz- 
zle the wiM aad add power to the cruel ; 
a Billy which caaiiot be read without asto- 
Dishnent, oor passed without the yiolation 
of our ctostitutioti, and an equal disregard 
of {wliqr sod humanity. 

All these assertions . will need to be 
profed only bv a bare perusal <^ this hate- 
ful Billy bj which the meanest, the most 
vofthieas reptile, eaudted to a jietty office 
by serring a wretch only superior to him 
in fortune, is enabled to flush his authority 
by tjimuzing over thoae who every hour 
deserve the pid>lic acknowledgments of 
the oofflouni^; to Intrude upon the re- 
tieiti of bnwe asen, firtigued aad exhaust- 
ed by honest industry, to drag them out 
with all die wantonaess of groveling autho- 
rity, and cham them ^ the oar without a 
momeot's reqate, or perhaps oblige them 
to jNiidttte, with the gains of a dangerous 
^<7V» or the plunder of an enemy lately 
coaqomd, a abort interval to seltfe their 
aibin, or bid their children &rewelL 

Let say cendaDBan in thb House, let 
tbofie, Sir, who nov sit at ease, projectiog 
hvi of oppression and conferring upon 
their ova danrea such licentious aatno- 
ntyi pause a few moments, and imaaine 
t^^eoKlvcs e apoaed to the same hardships 
^y s power aiq»erior to their own; let 
then oonocive thonselves torn from the 
teaderMM and caresses of their fiumlies 
by midni^ irruptions, dragged in 
|noio|li thioi^h the streets by a despica- 
ble officer, and plaoed under the command 
ofthoieby whom they have perhaps been 
t^f insulted^ Why should we ima- 
giae that the race of men for whom these 
JT^vUes are preparing, have lesssensibi- 
htj thsn ooraalves? Why should we be- 
iieve that tW will suffer without com- 
WtfSad be injured without resentment? 
Why ahoidd we conceive that they will 
^IIBtat eaoe ddiTer themselves, and punish 
"w oppresBoif, by deserting that couh- 
by where they are considered as felons, 
^^^^qrioff hola on those rewards and pri- 
^1^^ imich no other goaemment will 

^ is indeed the only tendency, what- 
onerBiay have been the intention, of the 
^ bebie as ; for I know not whether 
Oe nunt rpfinipd saiacity >can dbeover any 
wr mstboi of webutaging naviflEOion 
«tt diese which ara dmwn |<lgiHher i^ 
^Bi]lbe6i«t«a» ' We first^ve our con- 
f^^ saMAoriiy io huft tHe failoft 
vette^ftaad dn^a th^pi by incessant 
P>^oiit of Ifaa Mtidn; but, kst'any 

man should, by friend^p, good fortune, 
or the power otmoney, find means of stay- 
ing behind, we have, with equal jviadom, 
condemned him to poverty ^nd misery ; 
and, lest the natural courage of his 
profession should incite him to assist 
his country in the war, have contrived 
a method of predudina him from any 
advantage that he inight oaye the weakness 
to hope from his fortitude and diligence. 
What more can be. done, unless we at 
once prohibit to seamen the use of the 
common elements, or doom them to a ge* 
neral j^roscription. 

It IS jus^ Sir, that adyantase should 
be proportioned to the hazard ny which 
it is to be obtained, and therefore a sai- 
lor has an honest claim to an advance 
of wages in time of war ; it is necessary 
to excite expectation* and to fire ambi- 
tion by the prospect of ^eat acquisitiona; 
and by this nrosnect it is that such num^ 
bera are dauy ailured to naval business, 
and that our privateers are filled with 
adventurers. The large wages which war 
poakes necessary, are more powerful incen- 
tives to those whom impatience of poverty 
determmes to change their state of life, 
than the secure gams of peaceful com- 
merce ; for the danger is over- looked by ii 
mind intent upon the profit. 

War is the .harvest of a sailor, in which 
he is to store proviaions for the winter of 
old age; and if w6 blast this hope, he will 

Many of the sailors are bred up to 
trades, or capable of any laborioua em- 
ployment upon land; nor is there atiy 
reason for which they expose themselves 
to the dangers of a seaftrmg life, but the 
hope of sudden wealth, and some lucky 
season in which they may improve the&r 
fortunes by a single effort* Is it reason- 
able to believe that aU these will not rather 
have recourse to their former callings, 
and live in security^ though not in plenty, 
than encounter oapger and poverty at 
once, and face an enemy without any 
prospect of recompence ? 

Let any man recollect the ideas that 
arose in his mind upon hearing of a Bill 
for encouraging and increasing sailors, 
and examine whether he had any expect- 
ation. of expedients like these? I suppose,' 
it was never known before, that men were 
to be encouraged by subjecting them^ to 
pecu]jar penalties, or that to take away 
the gain* of a profesion, was a method of 
recommendiE^ it more generally to the 


H GEORGE IL DOtie in the Cmmm o« Me Seammuf JKR. [I0| 

But it 18 hot of v«y great importance 
to dwell longer upon the impropriety of 
this clause^ which there is no possibility of 
putting in execution* That the merchants 
will tiy every method of eluding a law so 
prejudicial to their interest, may be easily 
imagined ; and a mind not very fruitful oif 
evasions will discover that this law may be 
eluded by a thousakid artifices. K the 
merchants are restrained from allowing 
men their wages beyond a certain sum, they 
^ will make contracts for the voyage, of 
which the time may very easily be com- 
puted ; they may ofer a reward for 
expedition and fidelity; they maypav a 
large sum by way of advance; dbey 
may allow the sailors part of the profits, 
or may offer mone^ oy a third hand. 
To fix the price or any commodity, of 
which the quantity and uie use stay vary 
their proportions, is the most excessive 
degree of ignorance* No man can deter- 
mine the price of com, unless he can re- 
gulate the harvest, and keep *the number 
,of the people for ever at a stand. 

But^ let us suppose these methods as 
efitcacious as their most sanguine vindica- 
tors are desirous of representing, it does 
not yet appear that they are necessary ; 
and to inflict hardships without necessity is 
by lio means the practice of either wisdom 
or benevolence. To tyrannize and compel, 
is the low pleasure of petty capacities, of 
narrow minds, swelled with the pride of 
uncontroulable authority, the wantonness 
of wretches who are insensible of the conse- 
quences of their own actions, and of whom 
candour may perhaps determine, that thev 
are only cruel because they are stupifi. 
Let us not exalt into a precedent the 
most unjust and rigorous law of our prede- 
cessors, of which they themselves declared 
their repentance, or confessed the ineffi- 
cacy, by never reviving it ; let us rather 
endeavour to gain the sailors hv lenity and 
moderation, and reconcile them to the 
service. of the crown by real encourage- 
ment : for it is rational to imaffine, that in 
proportion as men are disgusted by injuries, 
they will be won by kindness. 

Theie is one expedient, Sh*, which de- 
serves to be tried, and from which at least 
more success may be hoped than from 
cro^y, hunger, and persecution. The 
ahips Uiat are now to be fitted out for 
service, are those of the fiist magnitude, 
which it is usual to bring back into the 
ports in winter. Let us Uierefore promise 
-to idl seamen that shall voluntarHy engage 
iu'thenii besides the reward alreidy pro- 

posed, a discharge from the service at the 
end of six or seven months. By this they 
will be released from dieir present dread 
of slavery, and be certain, as they are 
when in the service of the merehantB, of a 
respite from their fatigues. Thetrsdeof 
the nation will be only interrupted for a 
time, and may be earned on in the winter 
months, and large sums will be saved by 
dismissing the seamen when they cannot 
be employed. 

By adding this to the other methods of 
encouragement, and throwing ande all ri* 
gorous and oppressive schemes, the nary 
may easfly be manned, our eountiy pro- 
tected, our commerce re-establishea, and 
our enemies subdued ; but to pass the Bill 
as it now stapds, is to determine that trade 
shall cease, and that no ship shall sail out 
of the river. 

Sir ; it is coraraon for those to' h8?e the 
greatest regard to their own interest who 
discover the least for that of others. I do 
not, therefore, demur of recdling the ad- 
vocates of this BiD from the prosecutiott 
of their favourite meeaines by arguments 
of ip^eater efficaigr than those which are 
founded on reason and justice. 

Nothing, Sir, is more evident, than that 
some degree of r^utatioa is absolotely' 
necessarvto men who have any concern 
in the administration of a government like 
ours ; they must eilber secure the fidelity 
of their adherents by the assistSDce of 
wisdom, or of virtue ; their enemies mast 
either be awed by their honesty, or terri- 
fied by their cunning. Mere artless bri- 
bery will never gain a sufficient majonty 
to setthem entirdy freefrom apprebensioofi 
of censure. To difierent tempers difierent 
motives must be applied : some, who place 
their felicity in being accounted wise, are 
in very little care to preserve the character 
of honesty; others maybe perauadedto 
join in measures which ttiey easily discover 
to be weak and ill concerted, because they 
are oonvinctd that the authors of them 
are not corrupt but mistaken, and are un- 
willing that any man should be punished 
for natural defects or casual ignorance. 

I cannot say. Sir, which of these motive* 
influence the advocates for the Bill before 
us ; a Bill in which such cruelties are pro- 
posed as are yet unknown amoag the niost 
savage nations, such as slaverv has not 
yet borne, or tyranny inventeQi such as 
cannot be heard without Tesentpent; nor 
thought of without hoRor. 

Hf] DekdemtheCmmmiitmiheiSeanient^ BUI. 

Uk, Sh^i peitepsy iHitaiifortiiiiat09 thst 
mmofe expedient baa been added rather 
Plealoas tnui abockuigy and that these 
I «f Ae administration, who amuse 
res with oppressing their fallow* 
^ who add without relactaBce one 
^to anochery ioTade the liberty of 
Lk wboD thej have aheady overborne 
Stite^ first pkmder and then imprison, 
if tib sll opportunities of hei^tening 
pepdblic distresses, and make th^ miseries 
fasr dieiaBtnimentB of new oppressions, 
btesigoorant to be formidable, and owe 
liir Mstr not to their abilities, but to 
l—sfptwperity, or to the iniuenee i^ 

^ lie other cbusea of this Bill, compli- 

Itf once with cruelty and folly^ have 

J trested with becoming indignation ; 

(tfaif iDsyb^ considered with less ar- 

Bid resentment, and fewer emo- 

of sesl, because, though perhaps 

fiaiqiuitoas, it will do no harm ; for 

dist ean never be executed can 


That it' will consume the manufacture 
r,SDd swell the books of statutes, 
'the good or hurt that can be hoi>ed 
Ksd from a law like this; alaw which 
I wfast is in its own nature mutable, 
iprncribes ruiea io the seasons and 
tio the wind. 
iisB^too well acquainted, Sir, with the 
iott of its two chief supporters, to 
I the contempt with which this law 
(treated by posterity; for they have 
diewn wundantiy their disregard 
IMseeeediog generations ; but I will re* 
Utbni, that they are now renturing 
brshele interest at once, and hope they 
■iseiliect, before it is too hrte, that those 
phdiere them to intend the happiness 
thk eoQBtnr will never be confinned in 
pk ofiaisn by open cruelty and noto* 
himrettion ; and that those who have 
wiheir own interest in view, will be 
fiiti adhering to those leaders^ how-* 
pwoldsod practised in expedients, how- 
rrtrengthenedby corruption, or elated 
lpoirer,who have no reason to hope 
raicoasfrom either their virtue or abi* 

A. D. 1741. 


ifir; die daose under our considera- 
M IS iDoansiderately drawn up, that 
(kBsposable to read it in the most 
My msnner^ without discovering the 
iMtty of.ntanetous amendments; no 
^Avtts lobtaties or artfiil dedoclaons 

are required in raisiDg objectioiis to this 
part of the BiH ; they crowd upon us with« 
out being sought, and mstead of exer* 
dsing our sagacity, weary our attention. 

The first error, or ralher one part of a 
general ^nd complicated error, is the com- 
putation of tune not by days but by 
calendar months, which, as they are not 
equal one to another, may embarrass the 
accountbetween the sailora and those that 
emj^y them* In all contracts of a short 
duration, the time is to be reckoned by 
weeks and days, by certain and regukir 
periods, which has been so constantly the 
practice of the sea-faring men, that perhaps 
many of them do not know the meaning of 
a calendar month : this indeed is a negfect 
of no great importance, because no man 
can be deprived by it of more than the 
wages due for thd labour of a few days ; 
but the other part of Uiis clause is more se« 
riously to be considered, as it threatens 
the sailors with gree(t injuries. For it is to 
be enacted, that all contracts made for 
more wages than are here allowed shidl be 
totally void. 

It cannot be denied to be possible, and 
in my opinion it is very likely, that many 
contracts will be made without the know- 
ledge of. this law, and conse(]uently with* 
out any design of violating it; but igno* 
ranee, inevitable ignorance, though it is a 
valid excuse for every other man, is no 
plea for the unhappy sailor ; hemustsulfer, 
though innocent, the penalty of a crime ; 
must undergo danger, hardships, and la^ 
hour, without a recompence, and at the ^ 
end of a successful voyage, afler having 
enriched his country by his industry, re- 
turn home to a necessitous flEunily without . 
bein^ able to relieve them. 

It is scarcely n^essary. Sir, to raise any 
naore objections to a dmue in which no- 
thing is right ; but to shew how its imper- 
fections multiply upon the slightest con- 
sideration, I take this opportunity to ch» 
serve that there is no provision made tor 
regulating the voyages performed in less 
time than a month, so that the greatest 
part of the abuses, which have been re- 
presented as the occasion of this clause, 
are yet without remedy, and only those 
sailors who venture far, and are exposed 
to the greatest dangers, are restrained 
from receiving an adequate reward* 

Thus much, Sir, I have said upon the 
supposition, that a regulation of the sailors* 
wwes is either necessary or lust ; asup- 
positiou of which I am very tar from dis- 
covering the truth. .That it is just to- 

107] ' 14; GEOBGE 11. Debate in the Commons on ihf Seamn^ fiifL r|g 

sorhetorical.aceiiiure^ ftbeiiiooo?eiiiaia 

opprau the tniMt useful of our feUaw sub* 
jectfy to load those men with peculiar 
hardflhips to whom we owe the plenty that 
we enjoy* the power that yet renuuns Ia 
the aatimiy ana which neither the folly |ior 
the cowardiceof ministen have jyet been 
able to deBtroy, and the eecurity m which 
we now sit and hold our consultations ; 
that it is just to lessen our payments at a 
timeidien we increase the labour of those 
who are hired, and to expose men to 
danger without recompence, will not easily 
be proved even by those who are most ac- 
customed to paradoxes, and are ready to 
undertake the proof of any position which 
it is their interest to find true. 

Nor is it much more easy to shew the 
necessity of this expedient m our present 
state, in which it appears from the title of 
theBiU, that our cnief endeavour should 
bet)ie increase and encouragement of 
sailors, and, I suppose, it has not often 
been discovered, that by taking away the 
profits of a profession, greater numbers 
nave been allured to it. 

The high wages, Sir, paid by merchants 
are the chief incitements that prevail upon 
the ambitious, the necessitous, or the 
avaricious, to forsake the ease and security 
of the land, to leave easy trades and 
healthful emplojrments, and expose them- 
selves to an element where they are not 
certain of an hour's safety. Theservice of 
the merchants is the nursery in which sei^ 
men are trained up for his majesty's navies, 
and from thence we must, in time of 
danger, expect those forces by which alone 
we can be protected. 

If therolbre, it is necessary to encou- 
rage sailors, it is neofmury to reject all 
measures that may. terrify or disgust them ; 
and, as their numbers must depend upon 
our trade, let us not embarrass the mer- 
chants with any other difficulties than those 
which are inseparable from war, and which 
very HttJe care has been hitherto taken to 

Mr. /fay ; 

Sir; the objeotions which have been 
urged with so much ardour, and dis« 
played with ^uch power of eloquence, 
are not, in my opinioD, formidableenough 
to discourage us firom prosecuting our 
measures; some of them may be perhaps 
readily answered, and the rest easily 

The computation of time, as it now 
stands, is allowed not to produce any for- 
midable evD» and'therefoie did not re^piire 

of calendar months mi^ eanly be i^2 
ed bya little candour in the coatnolji 
parties, or that the objection may not) 
repeated to. the interruption of the deb 
weeks or davs may be substituted, , 
the usual reckoning of the sailon be i 

That some contracts may be i 
and inconTenieodes or delays of ] 
arise, is too evident to be questioi 
in that case the sailor may have Ui j 
medy provided, and be enabled to < 
by an easy process, what he shall be j 
to have deserved ; for it must be a] 
reasonable, that eveiy man who ] __ 
honest and useAil employment^ shouUi 
ceive the reward oihis diUgence aadl 

Thus, Sir, may the clause^ 
loudly censured and violendy i ^ 
made useful and equitdi>le^ and 1 
service advanced without injury toi 

Sir Robert Walpole : ' 

Sir; every law which exfteods ito^ 
fluence to great numbers, in variooi i 
tions and circumstances, must piej 
some consequences that were neveri 
seen or intended, and is to be ceniun 
appUuded as the general advantages i 
conveniencies are found to prepon' 
Of this kind is the law before us, a L^ 
forced oy the necessity of our aifiDnm 
drawn up with no other intenticm t' 
secure the public happiness, and | 
that success which every man's 
must prompt him to desire. 

If, in the execution of this kw, 8 
some inconveniendes should arini H 
are to be remedied as fiist as they are^ 
covered, or if not capaUe of a reoaedvi 
be patiently borne in eonfliderstioD or I 
general advantage. 

Thikt some temporary distuibances bi 
be produced is not improbable; thed 
content of the sailors may for a shoit ti 
rise high, and our trade he suqiendedl 
their obstinaqr; but obstinai^, hov« 
determined, must yidd to hunger, I 
wh^i no higher wages can be obtain 
they will cheerfolly accept of those iriij 
are here allowed them. Short voyagei 
deed are not com(Srehended hi Uie dai^ 
and therefore the saihirs will eoffft 
them upon their own terms; botthiK 
jection can be of no weight with those ^ 
oppose the dause, beosase, if it isud 
to liaut the wagea of the saUoiSi it is ] 

DeUi$mAe Camnum on ike Seamen^ BUL A. 'D.^ 1741. 



ildMMe thtt thmk theexpedlentliere jwo- 

jed etfAMe and rational, may ^eraaps 

\ wiDiiig to make some concessions to 

iwlioaieof a diflferent opinion. 

bat tbetffl will not remote every ob- 

j to luooesBy nor add weight to one 

i it the teiaace without making the 

s IWiter ; that it wfll not sapi^y the 

^wittoat incommoding the merchants 

ed^pree ; that it may be sometimes 

I by cunning, and sometimes abusdd 

" e; and that at hst it will be less 

_jitban is de8ured,maT perhaps be 

...i; bat it has not yet neen proved 

laijodier measures are more eligible, 

~ t we are not to promote the public 

• as far as we are able, though our 

I may not produce effects equal 


tJiJin Barnard: 

t; I know not by what fiitality it is 

; nothing can be ur^ed in defence of 

edaiue before us which does not tend 

I dJRover its weakness and in&fficacy. 

' I varmest patrons of this expedient are 

' I by the mere force of conviction 

t concessions as invalidate all their 

f toA leave their opponents no 

/of replying. 

rdiort voyages are not comprehended 

'n provision, what are we now contro- 

{? what but the expedience of a law 

laever be executed? the sailors, 

r they are contemned by those who 

^thon only worthy to be treated like 

lof burthen, are not yet so stupid but 

r can easily find out, that to serve 

^ht for i^reater wages is more eli- 

s than to toil a month for less ; and as 

laumerous equipments that have been 

^ 'f nadehave not left many more sailors 

(lervice of the merchants than may 

nplojed in the coasting trade, those 

Itiafic to remoter parts must shut up 

kboob, and wait till the expiration of 

I act for an opportunity of renewing 

) regidale the wages for one voyage, 

ttol^ve another without limitation^ in 

I af saarcity of seamen, is absolutely to 

MMbat trade which is so restrained, 

Ibdoohilesa a more efiectual embargo 

\lm been yet invented. 

It say man but suppose that the East- 

leompany were obliged to give only 

^ t wi^ that other traders afiow, and 

!r how that part of our commerce 

Ibe carried on; would not their goods 

rot in their warehouses, and their ships lie 
for ever in the harbour ? Would not the 
aaflors refuse to contract with them ? or 
desert them after a contract, upon the first 
prospect of more advantageous employ- 

But it is not requisite to multiply argu- 
ments in a question which may not only 
be decided without long examination, but 
in which we may determine our condu- 
sions bv the experience of our ancestors. 
Scarcely any right or wrong measures are 
without a precedent, and often discover 
what the most enlightened reason &iled to 

Let us therefore improve the errors of 
our ancestors to our own advantage, and 
whUst we neglect to imitate their virtues^ 
let us at least forbear to repeat their follies. 

Alderman Pcrr^ : 

Sir ; there is one objection more which 
my acquaintaince with foreign trade im- 
presses to6 strongly upon my mind to 
suffer me to conceal it. 

It is well known that the condition of a 
seaman subjects him to the necessity of 
spending a ereat part of his life at a dis- 
tance firom his native country, in places 
where he can neither hear of our designs^ 
nor be instructed in our laws, and there- 
fore it is evident that no law ought to affect 
him before a certain period of time,, in 
which he may reasonably be supposed to 
have been inrormed of it. For every man. 
ought to have it in his power to avoid pu- 
nishment, and to suffer only for negligence 
and obstinacy. 

It is quite unnecessary. Sir, to observe 
to this assembly, that there are now, as at 
all times, great numbers of sailors in every 
part of the world, and that they at least 
equally deserve our regard with those who 
are under the more immediate influence of 

.These seamen have already contracted 
for the price of their labour, and the re- 
compence of their hazards, nor can we, in ' 
my opinion, without manifest iiljustice^ 
dissolve a contract founded upon equity, 
and confirmed by law. 

It is, Sir, an undisputed principle of go- 
vernment, that no person should be pu* 
nished without a crime; but is it no pu- 
nishment to deprive a num of what is due 
to him by a leeal stipulation, the condition 
of which is onliis part honestly fulfilled I 

Nothing, Sir, can be ima^ned mofre 
calamitous than the disappointment to 
which this law subjecU the unhappy men 


u geos6e n. 

who ore ti<iw' pvomottng the interest of 
their country in distant places^ aioidst 
dangers and hardriiips, in unhealthy clip 
mates and barbarous nations, where they 
comfort themselves under the ^eitigueB of 
labour and the miseries of sickness, with 
the prospect of the sum which they shall 
fain for the relief of their families, and 
3ie respite which their wages will enable 
them to enjoy ; but upon their return they 
find their hopes blasted, and their con- 
tracts dissolved by a law made in their ab- 

No human being, I think, can coolly and 
deliberately inflict a hardship like this, 
-and therefore I doubt not but those who 
have by inadvertency given room for this, 
objection, will either remove it by an 
amendment, or, what is, in my opinion, 
more eligible, reject the clause as inexpe- 
dient, useless, and unjust. 

Sir William Yonge: 

Sir; this debate has been protracted, 
not by any difficulties arising from the na^ 
ture of the questions which have been the 
-subject of ity but by a neglect with which 
almost all the opponents of the Bill may 
be justly charged, the neglect of distin- 
ffuishing between measures eligible in 
Siemselves, and measures preferable to 
consequences which are apprehended from 
particular conjunctures; between laws 
made only to advance tlie public happiness, 
and expedients of whicn the benefit is 
merely occasional, and of which the sole 
intention is to avert some nationid cala« 
mity, and which are to Cease with the ne- 
cessity that produced them. 

Such are the measures. Sir, which are 
DOW intended; measures, which in days of 
ease, security, and prosperity, it would be 
the highest di^pree of weakness to propose, 
'but of which I cannot see the absurdity in 
times of danger and distress. Such laws 
are the medicines of a state, useless and 
nauseous in health, but preferable to a 
linMring disease, or to a miserable death. 

Even those measures. Sir, which have 
been mentioned as most grossly absurd, 
and r^resented as parallel to the provision 
made m this clause, only to expose it to 
contempt and ridicule, may in particular 
circumstances be rational and just. To 
settle the price of com in the. time of a 
&mine, may become the wisest state, and 
multitudes might, in time of public misery, 
by the benefit of tei^porary laws, be pre- 
served from destruction. Even those 
mastS; to which, with a prosperous gale. 

Debaie in^he Conmimti mi the Seam^lH^ BiU, ^ 

the slnp owes its usefuhiess and its n 
are omn cut down by the sailois uj 
fiinrof astomu 

With regard to the ships which aiesi 
in distant places, vduther no ksowled^ 
this law can oossibly be conveyed, it ^ 
not be ^nied that their crews ought t^ 
secured from injury by some panid 
exception; for though it isevidlntinf| 
petitions between puUic and private i 
rest, which ought to be preferred, 
ought to remember that no unnei _ 
iniury is to be done to individuals, ^ 
while we are providing for the safety c 

Mr. Fazakerle^ : 

Sir; though I cannot be supposed 
have much acquaintance with na?al afil 
and therefore may not perhi^ discsi 
the full force of 'tne arguments thatU 
been urged in favour of the dause tt 
under consideration, yet. I cannot f 
think myself under an mdispensable s| 
gation to examine it as far as I am 4^ 
and to make use of the knowledge wUd 
have acquired, however in&rior to that 

The arj^ument. Sir, the only real vk 
ment, which has been produced in M 
of the restraint of wages now proM 
appears ^ me by no means coDcrai^ 
nor can I believe that the meanest ands|| 
ignorant seaman would, if it was propli 
to him, hesitate a moment for an aoif 
to it. Let -me suppose. Sir, a merdp 
urging it as a charge against a seaaifl 
that he raises his demand of wa^, 
time of war, would not the sailor redj 
reply, that harder labour required hu| 
pay ? Would he not ask, why the gead 
pn^ctice of mankind is chaiged as a c4 
upon him only i Enquire, says he, of i 
workmen in the docks, have they n 
double wages for double labour ? Anli 
not their lot safe and easy in compaiii 
with mine, who at once encounter daq 
and support fatigue; carry on warn 
commerce at the s&me time, to condi 
the ship and oppose the enemy, aodi 
equally exposed to captivity and snipwree 

That tnb is in reality the state o£ 
'sailor in time of war, I think, Sir, too e 
dent to require proof; nor do I see vi 
reply can be made to the sailor's arili 

I know not why the sailors alone shoi 
serve their country to their disadvaot^ 
and be expected to encounter dan( 
without the incitement of a reward. 

Ill] iHakhOfi^CommmmiitSmmm^SilL jL J), mi. 


Nor iriD m part of the hardahjoi of 
thisdaiue be ailemted bv the exp^ieiit 
Attested bj an honourable member, who 
^p^ sane time ago oi*graiitiDg,or allov- 
iD|, to a aailer, whose contoact shall be 
TQid, mbat oar courts of law should ad* 
judge him to deaerre* a Qxiinkim iHeruU. 
m,accan]iE(( to the geAend iaterpneta- 
tioB of our ABtutQi, it win be determioed 
tlat be bos forfeited his whole claim bjr 
iegal omtract To inrtancej Sir, the 
itatQte of oiuiy: he that atijiulates £ar 
hi^mterest than is allowed, is jaotidde 
to recover his legal demand, but irreop- 
Tenb^ fiifeits the whole. 

n^, Sr, an unhappy sailor, who shall' 
uMceDCl/ tram^cesa this law, must lose 
aS Ae fcafits o£ his voyage, and have 
judung to neiieve him after Us &tiguas ; 
butiEfaen be has ly his courage npelled 
tbe eDOBj, and by his ikifl escaped storms 

sod Eocb, must au&c jn^t severer faard- 
^fs» in being subject to k forfeiture 

«bm be ea^ected applause, CQwfort, ap4 


Mr. Altoraey Geneni Jl^ r 

&; the clause before us caanot, in my 
flfiaioD, produce any such drea^Hd con- 
aqoeaca as the learned gentleman ap- 
{ttstoimanne: however, to rcpnove all 
iScuUe^ fom djnwn up an Amend- 
Bttt, vlucb I shall be^ leave to propose, 
dat the ooDtracts, winch msj^ be aii^cted 
a the 6mBB now stands, * ^hall be void 
* only SB to so much oif the wages as shall 
^ exceed the sum to which the House shall 
'agne to reduce the seaman's pay;' and 
istothefmfeituregy they are not to^ levied 
upon the vulors, but upon the merchants, 
Of toding oompaBies, who eny>lojr thiem, 
sod who are ab&e to pay greater sums with- 
ttt being involved in poverty and distress. 

^ith i€|gard. Sir, to the reasons for in- 
trododog this clause^ they ate, in my 
l&dgnient, valid and equitatue. We have 
^ itnecessaiT to. u the rate of money 
a iotetesti and uie rate of labour in seve- 
Q|^caies; and if we do not in this case, 
wut wiD be tl^e conj^equence I A second 
^aiwgp op i^omoierce;, aad perk^ a 
ffltilitflplaallmilitaiy pRparations. Is 
twmooshietlBitaaynmnBfaould gate his 
ynr tnnspiiug to the Imaiediate neees- 
*faflflh(«etliaft employ hUa? Orthat 
te iboQ]d raise Us own fortime by the 
PUc cdamitiea f If thi^ has hi&erto 
JKSft piactiQe,iU ja a practice oontraxy to 
'^Ipiesdhaodineaa nEaocietv.and *Miaht. 

If the aaSor^ Sir, is ax^aaod to greeler 
dangers in time of war, is not the mer« 
chant's trade carried on likewise at creal^r 
hazard? Is not the freight, equally with 
the sailors, threitt^ed at oqce by the 
oceanand the enemy? Aod is ^ot tl^e 
owner's fortune eooafiy impai|red,.whe|her 
the al^p \b dashed upon a rocb;, or aeiaal 

The m^chants, theicefiMe^have %8 wueh 
reason for paying len wa^ in time of 
war, as the saupr fordemaading more»aiai 
nothixig remains but tliat the kgidativia 
power determine a medium between their 
diffident interest^, w^th ji|stice,if poasiblo, 
atJeast witbampurtialily. 

Mr. Horatio Waipok: 

Sir; I was nawilliiw to intmvpt the 
course of thjs debate while it was carried 
on with calmness and deqeoc^, ]9y men 
who do not suffer the ardour of opposition 
to doud their reason, or transport them to 
Sttpb eacpcessions as the dignity of this as*- 
seo^blydoes not admit. I have hithertp 
deferred to answer the gentleaaan who 
deplaimed against the Bill with fiudtx flu* 
ency and rhetoric, and such ifcheqience ot 
gesture, who charged the advocates for 
^e expedients now proposed^ with havinf 
^o xe^d to any interest but ti^r ^n» 
and with makmg laws only to consua^ 
.Mper, and threatened them with the de- 
feotioB of their adherents, and the loss «f 
their inAueooe, up<»n this new discoveiy qf 
their £^, and their ignorance. 

Nor, Sir, do I now answer him for tmf 
other purpose than to remind him how 
little toe damoar of ragei and petulancy 
of jnnectives, contribute tp the pui»ofla 
for which this assembly is called to^etoer.; 
how little the discovery of tr\KA is pro* 
moted» and the aequrity of the nation esta* 
blisbed by pai9{ioDs diction, and theatrioai 

Formidable soundly aqd furious deda^ 
mations, confident nssertianfi, and^ldlf 
periods, may affect the young and ,unex* 
perlenced, and perhaps the gentleiaaa 
may ha^e 4y)atractedKis habits of oratory 
by xsosurefsing more with those of his'^ymi 
age, than with such as have had more ep* 
portkmities of acquiring knowledge, and 
more successful methods of communicating 
their sentiments. 

If the heal of his temper. Sir, would 
suffer him to attend to tnose whose ^a 
and io^g aoquainlanqe with buaioess give 
them aa inflh^ntable right to defiureaca 
and aajffiiiBrity, hawc^ iegniiin itaM^ 


115] 14 G£0R6E n. Debate in the Commons on the Seamen^ BUL [11 

to reason rather than declaim, and to pre- 
fer justfiefls of argument, and an accurate 
knowledge of fact», to sounding epithets 
mn4 splendid superlatives, whidi may dis- 
turb the imagination for a moment, but 
leave bo lasting impression on the mind. 

He will learn. Sir, that to accuse and 
prove are very different, and that re- 
proaches, unsupported by evidence, affect 
only the character of him, that utters 
tfa^m.' Excursions of fiincy, and flights of 
oratoryVare indeed pardonable in young 
men, but in ho other; audit would surely 
contribute more, even to the purpose for 
which some gentlemen appear to speak, 
that of depreciating the conduct of the 
administration, to prove the inconvenien- 
cies and injustice of this Bill, than barely 
to assert tiiem, with whatever magnificence 
of language, or appearance of zeal, honesty , 
or compassion. 

Mr. Pitt : 

Sir ; the atrocious crime of being a young 
man, which the hon. gentleman lias wiUi 
auch spirit and decency charged upon me, 
I jshaA beither attempt to palliate, nor 
deny, but content myself with • wishing 
<hat I may be one of those whose follies 
may cease with their youth, and not of 
that number who are ignorant in spite of 

Whether youth can be imputed to any 
man as a reproach, I will not, Sir, assume 
the province of determining; but surely 
aee may become justly contemptible, if 
the opportunities whidi it brings have 
past away without improvement, and vice 
appears to prevail when the passions have 
subsided. The wretch that^ after having ^ 
seen the consequences of a thousand er- 
rors, continues still to blunder, and whose 
age has only added obstinacy to stupidity, 
is surely the object of either abhorrence or 
contempt, and deserves not that his grey 
head should secure him from insiUts.* 

* ^« This celebrated retort of Mr. Pitt existed 
only in Johnson's -imagination, who penned 
these debates ; and is one of the instances 
which tealise bis assertion that * be to<^ care 
the whig dogs should not hate the better of it.' 
Ao anecdote, communicated bv.the late lord 
Sydney, from the authority of bis father, who 
was present, will exhibit the slender foandation 
on which Mr. Pitt's sapposed philippic was 
formed. I give it in his lordship's own words: 
« In a debate, in which Mr. Pitt, Mr. Lvttleton, 
and, perhaps, seme of the Grenvinas, who were 
then ail ^oung manyhad violently attacked Mr. 
Horace Walpole, he,.ia reply, « UuMOted that, 

Much more, Sir, is he to be abhc 
who, as he has advanced in age, bas 
ceded from virtue, and becomes i 
wicked with less temptation ; who pr 
tutes himself for money which he ca 
enjoy, and spends the remains of hh 1 
in the ruin of his country. 

But youth, Sir, is not my only eric 
I have been accused of actmg a theatri 
part. A theatrical part may either im| 
some peculiaritiei^oi ^estuve, or adis'"*"^ 
lation of my real sentiments, and an i 
tion of the opinions and language of t 
other man. 

In the first sense. Sir, the charge ia 
trifling to be conftited, and deserves c 
to be mentioned, that it may be despii 
I am at liberty, Kke every other man^ 
use my own language ; and though I e 
perhaps have some ambition to please i 
gentleman, I shall not lay m^fvelT i 
any restraint, nor very solicitoualy 
his diction^ or his mien, however mat 
by age, or modelled by experience. 

If any man shall, by chargmg me 
theatrical beliaviiour, imply, that I 
any-sentiments but my own, I shall 
him as a calutnniator and a villain ; 
shall any protection shelter him- 
the treatment which he deserves. 1 1 
on such an occasion, without 
trample upon all those forms with 
weidth and dimity intrench themaeMl 
nor shall any thing but ase restrain mj^ 
sentment ; age, which always brings oi 
privilege, that of being insolent and aup^ 
cilious without punishment ' 

But, with regard. Sir, to those whoift 
have offended, I am of opinion, that if I li 
acted a borrowed part, i should have ayoi 
ed their censure ; the' heat that oflfendH 
them is the ardour of conviction, and tlij 
zeal for the service of mv country, wtSi 
neither hope nor fear shall influence me^ 
suppress. I will not sit unconcerned will 

baring been so long in business, be found tfa 
snch yonng men were so much better iofbraai 
in political matters than himself; he had, hoi 
ever, one consolation, which was, that he fai 
a son not twenty yean old, and he had the m 
tisfaetion to hope tnat be was as macfar wiaer tiil 
them, as they were thaabia father.' lAr* P 
ffot up with gxeat wacintb, begioninf^ wi 
uieM words: *■ With the greatest reverenoa 
the grey haira of the hon. gendeman !' Itf 
Walpole pulled off bis'-w^, and shewred-l 
head covered with gfrey hair ; which oocs»ibM 
a general laiifi^bter, in' which Mr. Pitt jcHoe 
and all warmm immediately subsided." CtaM 
Memoirs of Horatio lord Walpole, vol. itf p. ifl 

117] DdaUim Oe Ccmnms on Oe Semena? BOL A. D. I74r. 


nsf Iteity v imraded, nor look in silence 
upon public robbery «--I will exert my en- 
desvoon, at wbaleYer basudy to repel the 
Mgreanr, and drag the thidf to justice, 
i^aerer nm protect tbem in their vil- 
lainy, and irooeyer may partake of their 
phioder. And if the honourable gen* 

Mr. Winmngton called to order» and 
5Ir. Pitt sitting down, he proceeded thus : 

Sir; it ia necessary, that ^e order o^' 
tins asKmUy be d[)served, and the debate 
reBmned without personal altercations. 
Sodi expsesnons as hare been vented on 
dias occasion, become not an House ea- 
tnsted with the liberty and welfare of their 
ooontry. To interrupt the debate on a 
Bidiject MO important as that before us, is, 
in some nseaanre, to obattuct the pid>lic 
happiuem, and violate our trust; But much 
mflfe heinous b the crime of exposing our 
detenmnationB to contempt, and inciting 
the people to suspicion or mutiny, by in- 
decent reflections, or unjust insinuations. 

I do not. Sir, undertake to. decide the. 
oontroverffy between the two gentlemen, 
but must be allowed to observe, that no 
diversity of opinion can justify the viola- 
tion of decency^ and the use of rude and 
virulent expreasioas ; expressions dictated 
only by resentment, and uttered without 
Teganl to 

Mr. Piii called to order, and said : 

Sir; if this be to preserve order, there 
is no danger of indecency from the most 
lioentions tongue; for what calumny can 
be more atrocious, or what reproach more 
severe, than that of speaking with regard 
to any thing but truth. Order ma^ some- 
times be broken by passion, or madver- 
teacy,but will hardly oe re-established by 
monitocs like this, who cannot gotem his 
own pasnon, whilst he is restraining the 
impetuosity of others. 

Happy, Sir, would it be for mankind, if 
every one knew bis own province; we 
shoiiid not then see the same man at once 
a criminal and a judge; nor would this 
geatkoaan assume die right of dictating to 
others wliat he has not learned himself. 

Tittt 1 may return in some degree the 
feoor wUdi he intends me, I will advise 
him never hereafter to exert himsdf on 
the aofeject of order j but whei^ever he 
fiads Unaelf inclined to speak cm such 
to remember how he has now 
^ and condemn in silenoe what 

Mr. Winnington: 

Sir; as I was hindered by the gentle* 
man's ardour and impetuosity from con- 
cluding my sentence, none but myself can. 
know the equity or partiality of my inten- 
tions, and therefore, as I cannot justly be 
condemned, I ought to bq supposed in« 
noceht ; ^nor ought he to censure a fault 
of which he cannot be certain that it 
would ever have been committed. 
, He has, indeed, exalted himaelf to a 
d^ree of authority never yet assumed by 
a»y member of this House, ,that of con- 
demning others to silence., I am hence- 
forward, by his inviolable decree, to sit 
and hear his harangues without daring to 
oppose him. How wide he may extend 
his authority, or whom he will proceed to 
include in the same sentence, I shall not 
determine ; having not yet arrived at the 
same degree of sagacity with himself, not 
being able to foreknow what another ia 
going to pronounce. 

If I had given offence by any improper 
sallies of ptoion, I- ought to have been 
censured by the concurrent voice of the 
House, or have received a reprimand, Sir, 
from you, to whom I shouUl have sub* 
mitted without opposition ; but I will not 
be doomed to silence by one who has no 
pretensions to authority, ind whose aibi-. 
trary decisions can only tend to introduce 
uproar, discord and confusion. 

Mr. Henry Pelham .• 

Sic; when in the ardour of controversy • 
upon mteresting questions, the zeal of the^ 
disputants hinders them from a nice ob- 
servation of decency and regularity, there 
is some indulgence due to the common 
weakness of our nature; nor ought any 
gentleman to affix to a Qealigent expression 
a more offensive sense than ia necessarily 
implied by iu ^ 

To search deep, Sir, for calunmies and 
reproaches is no laudable nor, beneficial , 
curiosity ; it must always be troublesome 
to ourselves, by alarminsuswith imaginary 
injuries ; and may oflen be unjust to others, 
by charging them with invectives which 
they never intended. Qi^neral candour . 
and mutual tenderness will best preserve 
our own quiet, and support that jd^nity 
which hAs always been accounted essential 
to tiational debatesi and seldom infringed 
without dangerous consequences. 

Mr. Lyttditm : 

Sir; no man pan be mora aealous for 


MOBOBGEIL Oamktti^ebmmmmmOi 

decency than myselfy or more oonniiGed 
of Uie necessity of a methodical prosecu- 
tioii of the queMion beibre us* I am well 
coBTineed how near indecency and fiustion 
at« to one another, and how inevitably 
Gonftttion produces ohacurity; but I hope 
ie will alwa^j^a be remembered, that he #no 
ftrst infringes decency, of deviates frem 
method, is to answer for ell the eoine- 
quenees that may mse fh»m the neglect of 
parliamentary citotouTB. For it is not to be 
ekpected that any man wiU bear reproaches 
winiout reply, or that he who wanders 
from the question will not be fbllowed in 
his digressions, and hunted throiigh his 

It cannot. Sir, be denied, that some b- 
tinuations were uttered, injarious to thoM 
whose zeal may sometimes happen to 
pompt them to warm dedarations, or to 
incite them to passionate emotioas. Whe- 
ther I am of hnportanee enoogh to be in* 
eluded in the censure, I despise it too 
much to enquire or consider, but euanot 
forbear to observe, that zeal for the right 
can never become reproadifiil, and that 
no man can &R into contempt baft Ihoae 
who deserve it. 

The Clause was amended and agreed to. 

March 13. Sir John Barnard prescBted 
ft Petitbn from the merdianta at London, 
against the Bill, and spoke aa fidlowa: 

Sir ; this Petition I am directed to lay 
before this House hy many of the piioci* 

CI merchants of tliat great city whidi I 
ve'the honour to represent; men too 
Wise to be terrified with unaf^naiy dangers, 
imd too honest to endeavour ^e obstmo* 
lions of any measures that may prdliaUy 
advance the public good, merdy because 
they do not concur with their private inte- 
rest; men, whose knowledge and capacity 
enable thcxn to judge rigMy, and whose 
acknowledged integrity and spirit set tliem 
a&ove the suspicion of conoealmg their 

I therefore present Ab Petition m the 
name of the merchants of London, in fbll 
confidence that it will be found to deserve 
the regard of this House, though I am 
dqutdly with the other members a Strang 
to what it contains; for it i^ my OfMbion 
tbat a representative is €6 lay before the 
House the sentiments of his constitH^;nts, 
whether they agree ^th bis own or not, 
and that therefore it would hsfre been su* 
perfluous to examine the Petition, which, 
though I might not wholly have approved 
ft, I had no right to alter. 

xii^ Petitiotr waa vBD.nM, sinig 
fertfi, ^ Itek thepatitianaaa are iafciiuiii, 
that fcBiM is depmidiagift this Hwss, far 
the Mcoaragemenl ani ineroase «f ns- 
men, and for the better and qpaedier bhu- 
ning his mjeiQr'a fleet, m whidi tn 
danoes, thai slMuld the Bili pass inta s 
law, will, as the petitioners anptahtad, be 
highly detrimental to the trade aad navi- 
gation of this kingdom ; and that the petU 
tinners are persuaded, that die only dfec- 
tual and epcodif medtod df procnnng, finr 
thesemce of liiaaDHda8lrf*s net, a fropovw 
tionable number of toe saftora in tha kmg- 
dom, is, to di^tingunh that M^ ef nra 
by bounties and enooaragemeails, bttk 
pvasentand flitme^ aodbyabolUuDgift 
methods of aeveriqr; aad that the atti- 
tionm beliaiPe, H will not be dificott ts 
have such metheda pointed oot ss vill 
tend to supply the praaant nawB i f l iii| Ssd 
at the same time eAietxmUy Mttotethe 
mcreaseofwnawns 8iidMnn9,disttii0 
petitioners may be haard,Vy theff csonidr 
againaf the said daaan hi the said m'* 
--Ordered, that the said Fstitioa da lie 
upon the table. 

Mr. Bathurst then presented a Peti- 
tion,and spoke as follows : 

Sir; the alacaa which tha Bill n^rde- 
pendaig has raised, is not confiaed totiw 
city of London, or to any particulsr pro- 
vince of his majesty's dominions ; the 
whole nation is Arown into commotions, 
and the eflEeots of the law now propoKd 
are' dr^tded far and wide as a general cft* 
hunity. E^ery tawn» which owfs its tnds 
and ita provisions lo navigation, apprehends 
die approach of novcaty mid scaicitV) vA 
these which are less immediataly affected, 
consider the infinaction of our liberties as a 
prehide to dieir destruction. Happy 
would it bey if we^ who are entrusted with 
their interest, could find any argumenU 
to convince them that their terror was 
merely panic 

That these feara have ahredly extended 
their influence to the county which I re- 
present, the Petition whidi I now beg 
leave te lay before the House, will suffici- 
ently evince, and I hope their renoa- 
straaces will prevail with this asBenUy to 
remove the causeof their diifiiat, by rtf' 
jectmg the Bill. 

This was entitled a Fl^tirioa ^tmwA 
gentiemeB, fredbeldeia, and odMr iobsM- 
tanf^ of the eonty of Glaaeaater, « 
bd^alf ef diemselfearani all oAer the ^ 
holders -of *a «di imM]^ 


akuMM pM inia ft few, wiD t9«^ 
■r te Weed of ■rtM«f| by whom 
^im wtAan aa» be dtfaoded, aaA iti 
l^wAii— nirii earned en; enAUMl^ 
^hi tfB^ tinejlbeft it wiil not anewer 
boMMHeof ilale^ it will bo ofoAiO' 
(iirMAjDeeomiMioe ndUooddmli 
Hi tecfiwe ezprOBHOg their hope, tbik 
^tik Mwill oot pais into mhairJ* 

)b Batty Pdham.' 

^fc I k«v» oMo ftJ ed to fk» Fletitioa 
^^Atttneit importioyty, and iMWer e^ 
' to affix to ererf period dio 

itoiB^epinioB tbokltiote 
I frM die itile 4f sidmnauoD aad 
I; iartead of jirwuMiiiiftj they at^ 
to iatiiaidate w^ and menaee no 
ta0]ewdHai btooddMjdaodtebeiiiatw 
the jodgae of our 
from oor detor** 

IfAef will ob^ ao kngor than they 


I; n Ur J^MWRiro 1 


r, Sir^ are ad^ 

oil sobinit to 


witfa wliich the gofernmeot 

oiiat if Ibia Ho«e but a Gour 

tf eaipgr phaatoms, wboee d&ter* 

mjMng mote thap a 


aaah npoD this Hooao la m tio- 
idoor ceMtitntioft; and the eenati* 
At c?ery other iibfie, by bemg 
kttered, must fall at last It is in- 
Ibcidy deitraved, if there be in the 
i aiy body oe.nwn tHio dnH with 
a^ icfcae to eomplj with die laws^ 
die gieat dwirter or liberty agamst 
potca that made it, and fix the 
IquMtySir) pan over in silence the 
HbasfUiinyestyt whose title to the 
Nae^SBdte reesoos for which he waa 
dM tt it, are set Ibrtfa widi uncoounoo 
Mas isint of dictien^ bot spirit, nHneh, 
WSMisn, appeem not fuseA by teal, 
jt iy iiiiti oii, and wh ich thentfeto ft ia 

MiaisfMber^, wif bofOMmj oon* 

Aft A«IX17«1. [JOf 

Loiuo Ihesefbsef in regasd tw the dig* 
MlyofdMaHoaae^tOthoeadney of oiw 
detenfunatione^ and the seontity Of otw 
constitutk>n, discourage al those who sbaH 
addhresaus lot the f mwro on thioorony 
other o eci sisii y ftoa ^peaking in the arid 
of goverdon and diototoasy by refnsb^ that 
thia Petition ahonld be kid on the ( 


not lie eai the 

Mr. Pelham rose ag^, and saii!: 

8nr; I eannot but 
House dpeo the onaniinnty with whioh 
tUi iVtiuon, n petition of whidt i sneak 
in the aoAmt holgnagB^ when I call it 
Torentand diarei^eotful, has Imv 
the rsgiud osasiMnily paid to tho 
stranesa of o«r constitueots^ whoi 
I am fitf from desiring to infringe, when I 
ondeflvt>ur to regnlato«h«ir eondtoot^ and 
reeal thAn to their duty.. 

This k an ocoasion, oo wMeb it is^ in a^ 
opinicm, necessary to exert our outhosi^ 
with confidence and vigour, as the spfant 
of enposition must a i wo y a bo p ep orti en td 
to that of the nttnok. Let us theiOibBW 
not only refuse to thiapetitiett thoonnd 
phwe on oor table, bvt re^ it aa wtmo^ 
diy^ofdiis House. 

The 9iestienwaapiit,aisddBBetiiis» 

The Honse then entered npen the eo»* 
sideration of the Bil, and when the JMm 
port waa made from the < 

Sir William Yonge rose and safd ; 

Sir ; the Bill has been bnm^ by steady 
perserecanco and dilkent attcntian to tmm 
perfeotian, that much nwre imporauH oii 
lects may be expected from k than fmaa 
any firmer kw frw the same purpose, if It 
be executed with the same cabnnem and 
resohition, the same contempt of popokv 
damour, and the aame invannble and an« 
trepid adherence to tbepnbitcmKl,l 
has beoi shewn in* fomnng and d^ 

fiulwhatcan wehepe ir o ni thkorany 
other ksr, if pnrticuiar men, whio^ cannet 
be cmiriaoed of its expedience, shall net 
odf mfhae to obey k, but dadase tbok 
dostan of ohatructmg the execution of k i 
shau detesmina to retins from the spkmu 
,mihev<han ^aomaB^ia 

tSSj UCffiORGEU. JkkaeiitAeCemmimiMtie 

llie eoontvy in to their aariittnce^ and to 
pour the rabble by tliouHOidB upon thote 
who tkaiXL dare to do their duty, and obey 
their governors^ 

Sooh- dedaratioM as these. Sir, -are 
little less than sallies of vebdlion, and if 
diey pass without censure, will perhaps 
pmnoe sudi commotions as nuy reqaiie 
to be suppressed by other means than 
forms of law and parliamentary censures. 

Nor do I think that by rejecting the Pe- 
tition, we have sufficiently established our 
authority ; for,' in my t>pinion, we yielded 
too much in receiving it^ The Bill before 
US, idiatever may be its title, is in reality 
a Baoney«-bill, a bill by which aids are 
Slanted to the crown, ttid we have there- 
fore no necessity of rejecting Petitions oo 
this occeifon, because the standing orders 
of the House forbid us to admit thiem* 

.. The House then proceeded to the 
Amendments, and when the Clause for 
liniting the Wages of Seamen was read. 

Sir John Barnard said : 

. Sir ; we are now to consider the dense 
to which the Petition rdates which I have 
now presented, a Petition on a subject of 
ao goieral importance, and ofoed by men 
80 well acquainted with every argument 
that jcan be ofiered, and every objection 
that can be raised, that their request of 
being heard by their counsel, cannot be 
denied, without exposing us to the cen- 
aurte of adhering obstinately to our own 
opinions, of shutting our ears against in- 
formation, of preferring expedients to se> 
curity, and disr^arding the welfiue of our 

' It inll not be necessary to defer our 
determinations on this danse formore than 
three days, thw^ we should grati^ this 
just and common request. Ami will not 
this loss be amply compensated by the sa- 
tisfoction of the peoole, for whose aafe^ 
we are debating, and oy the consciousness 
Ami we have neglected nothing whidi 
jnig^t contribute to the efficacy of our 

The merchants. Sir, do not come before 
«s wiUi loud remonatraneesandhanassing 
oonqplaints, they do not apply to our pas- 
jions but our understanoings, and oflEer 
audi iflfomiations as will very much iad- 
litate Uie public service. It has been fire- 
queat, in the course of (his debate, to hear 
loud dipmands for better expedients, and 
niNre etBeacious than .those which have 
jMapoopoaedtaDd IB it to b^xoficemd 

font those who called thus ei^eily fbrnew 
proposals ioteaded aut to infomt tliem- 
sdv«s but to silence their opponenta ? 

From whom. Sir, are the best methods 
for the nrasecotioa of naval affiura to be 
expedked, but from those whoae lives are 
spent in the study of commerce ? vHiose 
fortunes depend upon the knowledge of the 
sea, and who wdl most probabfy exert 
their abilities in contriving expedients 
to promote the success of the vrar» than 
they whom the miscai^Jage of oar fleets 
must irrepardily ruin ? 

Thfe merdnuits, &, are enabled by their 
profession to inform us, are deterred by 
their interest from deceivii^ us ; they 
have, like all other 8ub|ects, a right to be 
heardon any question, and a better right 
than any other when their interest ia more 
immediatdy affected ; and therefore to re- 
fuse to httff them, will be at once impolitic 
and crud ; 'it wUI discover at the same 
time a contempt of the -most valuable part 
of our fellow-subjects, and an iaflexibie 
adherence to our own opinions. 

The exnedient of asMrting this to be a 
money bul, by whidi the just remon- 
strances of the merchants are indeed to be 
duded,is too trivial and gross to be adopt- 
ed by this parliament; if thb Bill can be 
termed a money Bill, and no petitions are 
therefore to be admitted against it, 1 know 
not any Bill relating to the general affiurs 
of the nation whidi may not plead the 
same. title to an exemption from petitions. 

1 therefore desire that the considera- 
tion of this clause inay be deferred for two 
days, that the arguments of the merchants 
may be examined, and that thia affiur may 
not be determined without the cleared 
knowledge and exactest informatiim. 

SiriloAert fTfl/joofc.- 
Sir; the Petitioo, whether justifiable or 
not, with regard to the occanon on which 
it is presented, or the languiee in which 
it is expressed, is certamlv offered at an 
improper time, and therefore can lay no 
daun to the r^ard of this House. 

The time prescribed by the rides of this 
House for the reception of petitions is 
that, at which the Bill is first mtrodaced, 
not at which it ia to be finally .determined. 
The Petition before us is said not to re- 
gard the Bill in g^ieral, but a particular 
clause ; and it is thetefote asserted, that it 

may now propedy be heard; but thia plea 
will immediatdy vanish, when it ahallbe 
made appear that the daiiae is not men- 
tioned in it, and that there ia no p*r^mV 

Debate in the Commom' <m the Seamem* &iU. 
and the Petition, 


relation between Aat 
whidi I afaaO attempt^ 

Sir John Barnard: ' 

Sir; I rise thus abraptly, to preserve 
Ae order of this House, and to prevent 
anj. gentleman from having in this debate 
my other advantage above the rest, than 
that of superior abilities, or more extensive 

The. Petition was not ordered by the 
House to be placed in the right hon. gen- 
tleman's hano, but on the table; nor has 
he a right to make use of any other means 
for his information, than are in the power 
of any other member: if he is in doubt 
upon any particulars contained in it, he 
may move. That the derk should read it to 
the House. 

[Sir Robert Walpole laid down, the 

Mr, Henrtf Pctham : 

Sir; I am so far from thinking the roles 
of the House asserted, that, in my opinion, 
the right of the member is infringed by 
this pereooptory deramd. Is it not in the 
highest degree requisite, that he who is 
^ut to reason iqpon the Petition, should 
acquaint himsdf with the subject on* which 
he is to speak ? 

What inconveniences can ensue from 
SDch liberties as this, I am not able to dis- 
corer, and as all the orders of the House 
ire, doubtless, made for more easy and 
expeditious dispatch ; if an order be con* 
trvy to this end, it ought to be abrogated 
for the reasons for wmch others are ob- 

The confidence with which this Peti- 
tion wn presented, will not suffer us to 
imagitte tiiat the person who offered it 
foin that it can scmer by a close examina- 
tioD, and, I suppose, though he has spoken 
so wannlyinfayour of it without perusing, 
he does not expect that others should with 
e<{aal confidence admit 

Sir John Barnard observing that sir 
Robert Walpole leaned forwara towards 
the taUe, to read the Petition as it lay, 
nxe, and said: 

Sir; I rise once more to demand the 
tfaemtion of the orders of the House, 
and to hinder the right hon. gentleman 
from doing by stratagem, what he did 
more ogeniy and hmiestly befiyre. 

It wastolittle puqyose that he laid down 
Ik Pey&io, if he pbend it witbtn the 

A. ». 1?«. 


reach* of his inspection r for I wte only de- 
sirous, Sir, to hinder him f^om' reading, 
and was far from suspecting that ho would 
take it away. I Insist, thfit henceforward 
he obey the rules of this House with hk 
eyes as well as with his hands, and take no 
advantage of bis seat, which may enable 
him to perplex the question in dmte. 

The Speaker .• .; 

Sn* ; 'it is undoubtedly reqmVed by the 
orders 'of- the /House, that the Petitiorfs 
should lie upon the table, and tbslt any 
member, who* is desirous of any farther 
satisfaction, should move, that they be read 
by the clerk, that every member may have 
the same opportunity of understanding and 
considering them, and that no' one may be 
excluded from mformationbvthecorioftitjr 
or delays of another* Butthe importance 
of thia affidr seems not to be so very grettt 
as to require a rigorous observance of the 
rules; and it were to be wished, for tbe 
ease and expedition of our deiiberiilions, 

fentlemen would rather yield points of ifi- 
ifference to one another, than insist so 
warmly on circumstances of a tririal na- 
ture. » 

Sir Robert Walpole then deft'red that' 
the cMrk mi^ht read the Petition, which 
bein^ immediately done, he proceeded in 
the tollowing manner : 

Sir Robert Walpole : ' 

Sir; having sat above forty years in this 
a6send)ly, and never been called to older 
before, I was somewhat disconcerted by a 
censure so new and unexpected, and, iti 
my opinion^ undeserved. So that I am 
somewhat at a loss, with regard to tlKa 
train of arguments which I will now en- 
deavour to recover. Ydt I cannot but ra^ 
mark, that those gentlemen who are so 
solicitors for order in others, ought them- 
selves invariably to observe it; andtha», 
if I have once given an unhappy precedent 
of violating the rules of this House, I have, 
m some measure, atoned for my inadver- 
tence, by a patient attention to reprooff 
and a rea^ submission to authority. 

Ihope, Sir, I may claim some indulgence 
from the motive of my ofienee, which 
was only a desire of accuracy, and an a|^ 
prehension that I might, by mistljdng^ or 
forgetting some passages in the Petmon, 
lose my own time, and itftermpt the pto^ 
ceedings of the House to no purpose. 

But having now, aocerditag to oid^, 
hetoA the FMion, f)^ f0undiiOMiiieii^«a 

Wri H^^OHG^IL JkhUmiieCmmmmiieSemMrBaL ^^ 

tiogp At lIPMi^f that it ought not to be 

Tbe Potion, $ir» J0 lo fiur fimi lMtrii« 
:My. fMrticukr rqlatioo to the cbmap jumt 
jbMne «s, thflt it 4oei pot io yi^ pvt meo- 
<j|i00 th9«*p9diei)t propote4 in it^ butcoo^ 
laii)# •^f^ncrvl declaration of 4i4ooiiteDl» 
ioapidon, apprehensions of dangerous pro- 
ceedings, ana dislike of our pro c ee d ings : 
inpioiiatieaSf Sky bf no neans oonsktent 
'ivjith the reverence due to this asaenbiy, 
Md flirhich the iiafture of civil govenuaent 
. ffW|u ires always to bepaidtothe kgisfai- 

Totfuapaet any mant Sir, in camnMm 
jUJEp, js in some degree to detract frooi his 
jvepulatioOf which must suftr in jpxopor- 
IJente the supposed wisdom and m^sgrity 
Oif him vhp declares his sun»icion. To 
fuspeot the condnotof this Howe, is to 
iprdadate Jibeir decisioos, and fubject 
Ihevifooonteannt a n d o pp es iti on* 

SiMBjh aad sudi onljr appsen to be the 
Jtmlency of die Petition vluch has now 
lieee Mad ; a Petitioo* SiTj very unskflfully 
.dmiriiyif it was intended s^gainsttfie dauae 
underour consideration, for it has |Uit n 
single period or expression that does not 

If sm particular objection is made, or 
«ny sioi^grievance Mocedistinctly pointed 
at, it is the practice of i«sprasaa9; m hard- 
ahip I own peculiar to the sailors ; but it 
must be observed, that it is a praetice es- 
triilMied by iaonmiarial custom, and a 
imin of pceoedents not to be numbered; 
ju^ k m wdl toova that the whole oom- 
:«ion lew of thia nation is nothioig more 
.Ihen oweom* of arhicb Ibe beginning can- 

. J a ipa o i n e g ,8ir, have in all lyses been is- 
.ened out b]f virtue of the royal pnpr^^gative, 
.nndikBve m.all age^ been obeyed ; and if 
4110 ewvtMm of tMt wtbority h^ been 
nonaUared as n metiiod of aefforlty not 
.<neaQpeRsaledl>y the benefits wUd) it pro- 
.dnoe^ wo «annot iaiagine botfonner par- 
Jiaiients,oniidatdl their ardour for liberty, 
Jill their lendemeas for the people, and m 
their nhhanrenee of tjbe power of tlie 
«roim, wiould have obviated it by ppme 
3m f at thoie tims when nothiing could 
teve lieen refiwd them* 

The pr ap fr iiiae for nor sfihemea and 
for amandipg our con- 
iiiniowg jORraftonaiegdev- 
Ihe deiv 4if frofi^eaty m^ 
,frfair, whenM mnedialeidffifier pneses 

to tit r o to p ua ; but wben vfr ia deidnred^ 
when we are engaged in open h^rtilitifs 
against one natKm, and expect to be 
speedily attacked by anediar, we are not 
to try experimental hut wyly tode n gierooa 
evils those remedies, which, thoogh dis- 
agreeahle, we know to be efficacMMia, 

And though. Sir, the petitioacn had 
been more particulv, J cannot diacover 
the reasonableness of hearing tbem hj 
theur oounael; for to what purpose are the 
lawyers to be introdiioed i not to instruct 
us by their learning, for their employment 
is to understand the laws that hare been 
already made; and sunport the practioes 
which they find estabUned* Bnt tH p onea* 
tion befisre us idates not to the paet but to 
the futuae; nor are we now to exawfiinp 
what has be^i done in former Mea, bul 
whatit will become us to establisE on the 

present occasion t neubject of eaamry < 

which this House can euectvervIiCt^ in- 
formation from theprolessonorthelaw! 
Pexhaps the Pelitioaers espeet from 
their ceiinaelt that they ahoutd di^laj «he 
fecundity of their imaginarion, and the 
degaoce of their language; that they 
should anmse us with tEe illusionw oif 

oratonr, dazzle us with bright idani^ aSsct 
m with strony rquiesentations, and luUas 
with harmonious periods; butif itbeonly 
intended that just facts and validamimentB 
shoald be laid be&re ui^ tbqr wiU he re- 
ceived without the decorations of the liar* 
For thisend, Sir, it wouU have been auf- 
ficient had the merchants infotmed their 
r^resentatives nf the methods wUiA tb^ 
have to propose ; for the abiiitiea of the 
gentlemen whom the city has dgmted to 
this House, are well known to be auch as 
stand in nc^ef no assistance firom occa- 
sional omtors. Nor can it be expected 
that any men will be found more cuwhle 
of undentandii^ the argumenta or the 
mflrchftnls^ or better qualified lo lay them 
befi>re the House. 

That every petitioner has {except on 
Money-bills) a right to be ha«^ is un- 
doubtedly true; but it is no less evident 
Ijiat this right is litkitted to a.oertttn time> 
end thaton this jx^canon the proper thase 
ts elaosed. Justice is due both to indi- 
viduals and to the nation; if petitionamay 
at any Iwe be oftred» and §re whenever 
oSsasdtobe heard* aaaiell bod^ofms» 
m^fht, 1^ uoaeasonable and impoHiinnte 
fiati^ona, aatacd any ooEa wifai al tanr* Ull >t 
should becoaie un n eeo a my * 

IMtionap S«r» eee to be offered when a 
MwUttiabiOHihtifaitolbe JiouaCf Aat «ll 

IkbM§0m tke Conmam tm the Seamen^ BUL • A, D. 174L 


mebl iofeRaatkm may be obtained ; but 
when it hag passed through the examina- 
tkn of the committeea, has been approve 
by the coUectiye wisdom of the parliament, 
nd reaoires onlj a formal ratification to 
^itttieftrceoflaw^ it isneidier usual 
nor decent to offer petitions, or declare 
injdidike of what the parliament has ad- 

We aie not, when we have proceeded 
thus fiur, to suffer pleaders to examine our 
coodoetyor vary our determinations^ ac- 
cmding to the opinicms of those whom we 
ou^t tebeEofo less acquainted with the 
<|iMitif»dian onrselYes: should we once 
be redoced to ask advice, and submit to 
didston, what would be the reputation of 
Chv HoQse in foreign- courts, or in our 
owDGOontry? What could be expected 
but dnt our enemies of every kind would 
eDdesroor to regulate our determinations 
by bribmg onr instructors. 

Nor can I think it necessary that law* 
jm tboold be employed in laying before 
V any scheme wht€:h the merchimts nuqr 
propose, for supplying the ddects and re- 
TOm^tiie inconveniencies of the laws, 
by vhich sailors are at present levied for 
tw royal navy : for how should lawyers be 
Dore qoalifiea tham other men, to explain 
tk particubr advantages of such expe-> 
dientoy or to answer any objections which 
o» happen to ariae I 

It 18 weQ known that it is not easy for 
tbeiBoithK>py speaker to impress his no- 
tioDi with toe strength with which he con- 
cditt them; and yet harder is the task of 
tnaanittiiig imparted knowledge, of con« 
veying to oSien those sentiments which we 
WDot stmdL out by our own reflection, 
oorooBected from our own experience, 
botiiecafed merely from the dictates of 

Yetiodi must be the information that 
livycn GUI give us, who can only relate 
what they have implicitly received, and 
weaken ttie afguments which thqr have 
beaid, bj an imperfeet recital. 

Nor do I only oppose the admission of 
l**yaa to our Var, but think the right of 
the nerdianti themselves in the present 
c*tt very questionable; for though in ge- 
Ml it must be allowed, that every peti- 
pooer baa a ckum to our attention, yet it 
B to l)e enquired whether it is likely that 
f «..Ki:^ L — ?___^ jg Y^ chief concern. 

^ whedier his private interest is not 
too mudi affected to suffer him to ^ve 
^>[tial evidence, or honest mformation. 
wcdy any lair can be made by which 
[VOL, XII.] 

some man is not either in^verished, or 
hindered from growine rich ; and we are 
not to listen to compmints, of which the 
foundation is so easily discovered, or ima- 
gine a law less useful, because those who 
suffer some immediate inconvenience from 
it, do not approve it. 

The question before us is required by 
the present exigence of our affiurs to be 
speedily decided; and though the mer- 
cnants have, with great tenckmess, com- 
passicm, and modesty^ condescended to 
ofier us their advice, I think expedition 
preferable to any information that can rea- 
sonably be expected from them, and that, 
as they will suffer in the first place by any 
misconduct of our naval a&irs, we shall 
shew more regard to their interest by man- 
ning our fleet immediately, than by wait- 
ing three or four days for fisurther instruc- 

Mr. Sandys : 

Sir ; the merchants of London, whether 
we consider their numbers, their property, 
their integrity, or their wisdom, are a body 
of too much importance to be thus con- 
temptuously rejected; rejected when they 
ask nothing that can be iui^ denied to 
the meanest subject of the kin^om; when 
they propose tp speak on nothmg but what 
their profession enables them to under- 

To no purpose is it urged, that the Bill 
is &r advanced ; for if we have not pro* 
ceeded in the right way, we ought to be 
in more haste to return, in proportion as 
we have gone farther ; nor can I discover 
why we should expedite, with so muoh 
assiduity, measures which are judged in- 
effectual, by those who know their conse- 
ouences best, and for whose advantage 
tn^ are particularly designed. 

That we have abeady spent so much 
time in considering methodls for manning 
the fleet, is surdy one reason why we 
should endeavour at last to establish such 
as may be effisctual ; nor can we hope to 
succeed without a patient attention to their 
opinion, who must necessarily be well ex* 
perienced in naval affiurs. 

It ia surely therefore neither prudonl 
nor just to shut out intelligence from our 
assemblies, and .ridicule the good intention 
of those that o&r it; to consult upon Uie 
best expedients for encouraging and in- 
creasing sailors, and when ^ the mer* 
^ants ofier their scheme, to treat them 
as sauqr, impertinent, idle meddlers,, that 


14 GEORGE IL DdmUintkeanmHomomtheS^amm^MU. 1138 

Mr. AttoraejXS^ieral Jtydb- .* 
Sir ; it is not very consistent to pr^sss 
the dispatch of business, and to retard it 
at the same time by invidious insinuations, 
or unjust representations of arguments or 
expressions ; whenever any expression is 
censured, it oi^ht to be repeated in the 
same words ; for otherwise does not the 
animadverter raise the phantom that he 
encounters ? Does he not make the stain, 
lirhich he endeavours with so much offi- 
cious zeal to wipe away i 

Tliat no epithets of contempt or ridicule 
have in this debate been applied to tfie 
merchants, nor any violation of decency 
attempted, it is unnecessary to prove ; ana 
therefore it Is neither regular nor candid 
to represent any man as aj^avating the 
refusal of their petition with reproaches 
and insults. But not to dwell longer on 
this incident, I will take the liberty of re- 
minding the gentleman, that pecsonal an- 
yectivesare always at least superfluous, and 
that the business of the day requires rather 
aiguments than satire. 

Mr. Sawfyt : 

Sir; 1 am by no means convinced ^hat 
(he learned ^tleman who charges me 
with irre^ulanty, is better acquainted than 
xnyself with the redes and customs of this 
House, whidi I have studied with great 
application, assisted by long experience. 
I nope, therefore, it wiu be no inexcusable 
{nresumption, if, instead of a tacit submis- 
sion to his cen3ure, I assert, in my own 
vindication, that I have not deviatea fh>m 
Hie established rules of nariiament; that I 
have spoken only in defence of merit in- 
tuited; and that I have condemned only 
such injurious insinuations; I did not, 
Sir, attempt to repeat expressions, as dught 
not to be neard without reply. 

The Speaker: 

Sir; 1 believe the geDtleman either 
hand imperftctly, or misandentood those 
expressions, which he so warmly con- 
damns, for nolliing has been uttered Chat 
eonld jusdy excite his indignation. My 
office obliges me on this occasion to re- 
nark, diat -the regard doe to the dignity of 
the House ought to restrain every member 
Siam digressions into private satire ; for in 
fvoportton as we proceed with less de- 
cency, our deteiminations wHl have lem 

Mr. Henri/ Pdham : 

Sir; the reputation which the Jion. gen- 

tleman has acquired by his uooommoa 
knowledge of the usiiges of parliament^ ia 
too well founded to be shaken ; nor was 
any attack upon his character intended, 
when he was interrupted in the proeeoutioQ 
of his design. To censure any indecent 
expression, bj whomsoever uttered, » 
doubtless consistent with the strictesa re- 
gularity ; nor is it less improper to obviate 
any nusrepresentation whioa inattenrion 
or mistake may produce* , 

I am far, Sir, from lhuEikin|^ tkat tiie 
gentleman's indignation was excited ratlier 
hy malice than mistake ;- bvt mistakes of 
this kind may produce ooasequencea vbich 
cannot be too cautioudy. avoided* How 
unwillii^ly woiildthat gentleman prcM- 
gate tiirough the nation an opinion ttiaa 
tiie merchants were insidted in this Houaot 
tii^ interest neglectcnd, and their int^li- 
g^ce despised, at a time when no mp|er- 
sion was thrown 4)^^ then, nor aqy tfiiw 
inte n ded but tenderness and regard i And 
yet such had been the r^res^tation of 
this di^'s debate, which this numeioua 
audieaoe would have conveyed to the po- 
oulace,kad net the mist^e been ioaiiie- 
oiately rectified, and the nimpur crashed 
in the birth. 

Nothiog, Sir, can be more iiyuriouB to 
the chavacter of this Hease, by which the 
people are represented, than to aocuae 
them of treating any class of men wifli m-' 
solencc and contempt; and too modti di- 
ligence cannot be used in obviatii^ a re- 
port which cannot be spread in the aation, 
without ghiqg rise to discontent, damouts, 
and sedition. 

Those who shall be inclined to reject 
the Petition, may perhaps act with no l^a 
regard to the merohants^and may ptomele 
their interest and their security, with no 
less ardour than those who most solicitously 
labour for its receptkm. Foi^ if. they are 
not allowed to be heaid« it is only becauae 
the public interest requires expeditioli, 
aadbecause erery delay oi our pie|p(ftr»- 
tions is an iz^ury to tra&. 

That this is not a proper tbne for pe- 
titions ^aflainst the Bill to be heard, k 
universally known, and I can discover no- 
thing in the Petition that vestraina it to 
this particular clause, which is ao far frem 
being specified, that it smears to be the 
enhr part of the Bill of Which ihey Imve 
had no intelligence. 

Let the warmest advocates for <he Pe- 
tition point out any part of it that xekitea 
to this single clause, and I will eetract my 
assertion; bJUt as it appean that diece^oe 

133] Debate in the Conmom on the Seamens^ BilL A. D. 1741. 


only generd declarations of the inexpe- 
dieacy.of Ae measuies proposed, and the 
pemicfDaB tendency of the methods now 
m use, what is the Petition bat a complaint 
against the BiO, and a request that it should 
be laid aside i 

Hie practiee of impresses, Sir, is ^ar-* 
tienlarijcensured, as severe and oppressive ; 
a chaige which, however true, has no 
rehitioii to thb danse, which is intended 
to pronkofte the voluntarv engagement of 
saims i& (he sierrice of the crown; yet it 
may not he improper io observe tliat as 
the praetioe of impressing is in itself very 
efficadoasy and wdl a£pted to sudden 
e ui g g e u cfea, aa h has been established by 
a long aucceaai'on of ages^ and is therefore 
become ahnost; a part of our constitution ; 
and aa St is at this time necessary to 
suppljf the navy with the utmost expedi- 
tion. It is neither decent ndr prudent to 
compkiif too louAv against, or to he^hten 
the Sacdiitent of the people at a necessary 

We bare. Sir, examined every pert of 
this BiD wrai the attention which the de- 
fence of the nation requires ; we"" have 
softened the rigour of the methods first 
pnmosei^ and admitted no violence or 
naiddiki that is not absolutely necessary to 
make me hiw effectual, which, like eveiy 
other trar, must he executed bv force, if 
it be oha^ucted or opposed. We have m- 
serted a great nuaober of amendments, 
proposed by those who are represented as 
the moft anxious guardi^s of the privi- 
legea of the people, and it is not surehr to 
BO puiMpe aiat the great council or the 
naUOQikaa so long, and so studiously la- 
boured*' " 

Those whs are chosen br the people to 
rep resent them, have miaoubtedly, Sir, 
some didm as Individuals to their confi- 
dence add req>ect ; for to imagine that 
' httfe committ^ the great diarge of 
iameDlaiy employments, that they nave 
trusted dkefr liberties and dieir happiness 
to those whose integrity they suspect, or 
whose understamiUngs they demise, is to 
ims^ne them niUch more stupid than they 
have teen represented by those who are 
censured as their enemies. 

Bat' ihf different is the regard due to 
the determinations formed by the collec- 
tive wisdqtti of die parliament ; a regard 
vUch oojg^t to border upon reverence, 
and which Is scartxly consistent with the 
least mormur of dissatkfaction. 

If we areto hear the present petitioners, 
a It not probable that l^fore we have dis- 

patched them, we shaR be solicited by 
others, who will then plead the same rights 
supported by a new precedent? And is it 
not possible that by one interruption upon 
another, our measures may be delay ed^^. 
till they shall be meSectual > 
It seems to me to be of much more im- 

gortance to defend the merchants than to 
ear them, and I shall therefore think no 
concessions at this time expedient, which 
may obstruct the great end of our endea- 
vours, the equipment of the fleet. 

Mr. Pukeuej^ : 

Sir ; notwithstanding the art and elo- 
quence with which the grant of the mer- 
chants' petition has l^een opposed, lam 
i^ot yet imie to discover that any thing is 
asked unreasonable, unprecedented, or in- 
convenient ; and I am confident, that no 
real objection can have been overlooked by 
the gentlemen who have spoken against it. 

I have spent, Sir, 35 years of my'life in 
paiiiament^ and know that information has 
aheays upon important questions been 
wiBuigly received; and it cannot surely be 
doubted that the petitioners are best abl^ 
to bform us of naval business, and to judge 
what wiB. be the right method of recon- 
dhng the sailors to the public service, and 
of suppljring our fleets without injuring our 

^ Their abilities and importance have been 
hitherto so generally acknowledged, that 
no parliament has yet refused to attend to 
their opinion, and surely we ought not^ to 
be ambitious of being the first House of 
the representatives of the people, that has 
refused an audience to the merchants. 

Witli regard to the expediency of delay- 
ing the Bui at the present conjuncture ; 
he must think very contemptuously of the 
petitioners, who imagines that they have 
nothing to offer that wiQ counterbalance a 
delay of two days, and must entertain an 
elevated idea of the vigilance and activity 
of our enemies, enemies never before emi- 
nent fbr expedition, if he believes that 
they can gain great advantages in so short 
a time. 

The chief reason of the opposition ap- 
pears, indeed, not to be either the irregu- 
larity or inexpediency of hearing them, 
but the ofibnce which some have received 
from an irreverent mention of the power 
of impressing; a power which never can 
be mention^ without complaint or detes- 

It is not, indeed, impossible that they 
may ihtend to represent to the House^ how 


14 GEORGE IL DebtOe inJki Comm«u on the Seamem^ BUL [ISS 

much the «ailon are oppressed, how much 
our commerce is impeded^ )and how much 
the pdwer of the nation is exhausted by 
this cruel method. They may propose to 
^ew that sailors, not having the choice of 
their voyages, are often hurried through a 
sudden change of climates from one ex- 
|l«me to another, and that nothing can be 
expected from such vicissitudes, but ack- 
ness, lameness, and death. They may 
propose, that to have just arrived from the 
south may be pleaded as an exemption 
from an immediate voyage to the North, 
and that the seaman may have some time 
to prepare himself for so great an alterap 
tion, by a residence of a few months in a 
temperate climate. 

It this should be their intention, it can- 
not, in my opinion. Sir, be called either 
unreasonable, or, disrespectful, nor will 
Iheir alle^tions be easily disproved. 

But it IS insinuated that their grievances 
are properly such as affect them only as 
distmct from the rest of the community, 
and that they have nothing to complain of 
but a temporary interruption of their pri- 
vate advantaffe. 

I have, indeed, no idea of the private 
advantage of a legal trader. For unless, 
Sir, we neglect our duty of providing that 
no commerce shall be carriea on to ^e de- 
triment of the public, the merchants' profit 
must be the profit of the nation, and their 
interests inseparably combined. 

It may, however, be possible, that the 
merchants may, like other men, prefer 
their immediate to their mater advantage, 
and may be impatient of a painful remedy, 
though necessary to prevent amore grievous 
evil. But let us not censure them by sus- 
picion, and punish them for a crime whidi 
It is only possible they may commit ; let 
US, Sir, at least, have all the certainty that 
can be obtained, and allow them an au- 
dience; let us neither be so positive as 
not to receive information, nor so rigorous 
as not to listen to entreaties. 

If the merchants have nothing to offer, 
nothing but complaints ; and can propose 
no better measures than those which they 
lament; if their arguments should be 
found to regard only their present interest, 
and to be formed upon narrow views and 
private purposes, it will be eaey to detect 
the imposture, and reject it with the in- 
dignation it shall deserve; nor will our 
l>roceedin£s be then censured by the na- 
tion, whi<£ requires nbt that the merchants 
should be imphcitly believed, though it ex- 
pects they snould be heard. Let us at 

least have a. convention, thou^we durald 
not be able to conclude a treaty. 

I know not. Sir, why we have not takea 
care to obviate all these difficulties, andtoi 
remove the necessity of petitions, ddNOes,! 
searches and impresses, by the plm and 
easy method of a voluntary register ; by 
retaining such a number of seamen ssmay; 
properly be requisite upon sudden emer* 
gencies. Would not the nation with more 
cheerfulness contribute half-pay totliose 
who are daily labouring for. the pvMc 
good, than to the caterpillars of the laad^ 
service, that grow old in laziness, and otq 
disabled only by vice ? . 

Let ten thousand men receive daily a 
small salary, upon condition that they 
shall be ready, whenever called apon, toi 
engfi^ in the service of the crown, aod< 
the mfficulty of our naval preparations wil 
beat an end. 

That it is necessary to exert ounelTes 
on this occasion, and to strike out soms 
measures for securing the dominion of the 
ocean, cannot be denied by any one who | 
considers that we have now no other pre- ' 
tensions to maintain ; that all our influence 
on the continent, at whatever expence 
ffained and sujmorted, i| now in a manner 
lost, and only tne reputation of our navil 
strength remains to preserve us from be* 
ing trampled and insulted by every power, 
and from finding Spaniards in every cumste. 

Sir JVilliam Yonge .- 

Sir; the violence and severity of im- 
presses, so often and so pathetically com- 
plained of, appears to lie now nothing 
more than a punishment inflicted upon 
those who neglect or refuse to receive the 
encouragement offisred with the utmost 
liberality by the ^vemment, and decline 
the service of their country from a spirit of 
avarice, obstinacy, or resentment 

That such men deserve some severities, 
cannot be doubted, and therefore a law by 
which no penalty should be enacted, would 
be impenect and inefiectual. The ob- 
servation. Sir, of all laws is to be enforced 
by rewards on one side, and punishments 
on the other, that every passion may be 
influenced, and even our weakness inade 
instrumental to j^e performance of oar 

In the BiD before us no punishment is 
indeed .expressly decreed, because the 
sailors who shall disregard it, are only left 
to their former hardships, firom which those 
who engage voluntarily in Ute service of 
the navy are exempted* 

UT) DebaUmtkeComnumsimtheSianien^ BiO. A. D. 1741. 


Wbj 10 many remurdi and to much vuv 
ieoce mould be necessarr to allure or force 
^ nilon into the public service, I am 
miahle to oomprehend. For, excepting 
the sudden change of climates, whidimay 
doubtless sometimes bring on distempers, 
the semoe of the king has no disad- 
nntages which are not common to that of 

The w^iges in the navy are indeed less, 
but then it is to be remembered, that they 
sre certainly paid, and that the sailor is in 
lea daneer ot loaing by a tempest, or a 
wreck, Uie whole profits of his voyase, be- 
cause, if he can rareserve his li&, be re- 
ceives hk pay. But in trading voyages, 
the seamen mortgage their wa^, as a 
pecurity for their care, which, if the ship 
» lost, they are condemned to forfeit. 

Thus, Sir, thehaidships of the navy ap- 
pear not so great when compared with 
tboM of the merchants service, as they 
bsTe been hitherto r e pr e s en ted ; and I 
dmdit not, that i£ counsellors were to be 
besrd on both sides, the measures taken 
fcr supplying the fleet would be found to 
be reasouibfe and just. 

Sir John Barnard rose to speak, when 

Mr. Fox caUed to order, and proceeded 

Sir ; it ia weQ known to be one of the 
Uhdiiig and onvariable orders of this 
House, that no member shall speak twice 
ID a iMate on the same question, except 
wbcD, fiir greater freedom, we resolve our- 
lehes mto a committee. Upon this ques- 
tion, the lion, gentleman has already 
ipoken, and cannot therefore be heard 
sgam, widioot such a transgresskm of our 
orden as mnat inevitably produce confu- 


Sir John Barnard: 

Sir ; 1 know not for what reason the hon* 
geotkfnan apurehends any violation of the 
order of thellouse ; for as I have net yet 
spoken upon the present question, I have 
SD ondoubted ri^t to be heard; a right 
which that gentleman cannot take away. 

Sir WXam Ycnge: 

Sir ; I know not by what secret distinc- 
te die gentleman supports in his own 
^3ad this dedaxadon, which to the whole 
Hook mat appear very difficult to be 
tended; for we must, before we can 
itm it, aDow our memories to have for- 
nktu OS, and our eyes and ears to have 
^a deceived* 

Did he not, as soon as the Clausebefore 
us was read, rise and assert the characters 
of the petitioners, and their right to the 
attention of the House ? Did he not dwell 

rti their importance, their abilities, and 
r integrity ; and enforce, with his usual 
eloauence, every motive to the reception 
of toe pedtion? How then can he assert 
that he has not spoken in the. present de- 
bate, and how can he expect to be heard 
a second time, smce, however his eloquence 
may please, and his ar^ments convince, 
that pleasure and conviction cannot now 
be obtained, without infiringing die stand- 
ing orders of the House. 

Mr. Speaker : 

Sir ; it is not without uneasiness that I 
see the dme of the House and of the pub- 
lic, wasted in fruitless cavils and unneces- 
sary controversies. Every gentleman ouffht 
now to consider that we are consultm|^ 
upon no trivial question, and that expedi- 
tion is not less necessaiy than accuracy- 
It cannot be denied. Sir, [to sir John 
Barnard] that you have already spoken 
on this question, and that the rules of the 
House do not allow you to speak a second 

Sit Robert fValpokf 

Sir; I am far from thinking the order 
of the House so sacred, as that it may not 
be neglected on some important occasions; 
and if the gentleman has any thing to urge 
so momentous, that, in his own opinion, 
it outweighs the regard due to our rules, 
I shall willingly consent thathe shall be 

Sir John Barnard: ^ 

Sir ; I am far from being inclined to re- 
ceive as a &vour, what in my own opinion, 
I may daim as a right; and desire not to 
owe the liberty of speaking to the conde- 
scension of the right hon. gentleman. 

What I have to urge is no less asainst 
the Bill in general ttian the particular 
Clause now immediately under our conai- 
deration, and thoudi tbe petition diould 
relate likewise to the whole Bill, I cannot 
discover why we should refuse to hear it* 

Petitions from men of much inferior 
rank, and whose interest is much less 
dosely connected with that of. the public, 
have Seen thought necessary to be neard, 
nor is the meanest individual to be ii^ured 
or restrained without bemg admitted to 
ofSer his arguments in his own fiivoor. 
Even the journeymen-shoemakers, one of 

tS9] 1'4 GEORGE U. 

A#toiire8t; classes ^Ae cxmatrMty, have 
lieeft periaitted ta brmg their' coaosel to 
m» baF| md remonstrale agimist the in« 
«miir«nic»ees to whtdi tbey were afraid of 
Mttg- subjected. 

8^ ; I am tStmsy% willing to liear petiw 

tioDS,, wiiea reffipectftdlj tewn up, ana re- 
ffulnrly subseibed, but ean by no means 
Soscorer that tibos is a real petition^ for I 
. konre heard of no nwsies affixed to it, it n 
Aereftfe aterpiest from nobody, anud by 
rejecting it no man is refhsed. It may> 
80 &r as can be discovered, be drawn up 
by the gentleman who offered it, and per- 
haps no other person may be acquainted 
with ft. 

. Mr. Hay i 

Sr ; it is in my opinion necessary that 
a petition in tibe name of the merdiants 
of London should be subscribed by the 
whole number, for if only a fbw ounild 
put their names to it, how does it appei^ 
Ouit it is any ihing more than an appre- 
hension of danger to their own particular 
mteresty vMdi perhaps the other .part, 
their riyals in traae, may consider as an ad- 
vantage, or at least ti^uA wkh indiftr- 
ence. This suspicion is much more rea^ 
sonable, when a petition is subscribed by 
a smaller number, who may easily be ima- 
gbed tohav^ partial views, ana designs 
not whoBy consistent with the interest of 
the pubhc. 

3ir Cimle$ Wageri 

Sir ; if I am r^htly informed, another 
petition is preparing by sevtod eminent 
merchants, that this Clause may stand as 
part of the BiH$ and certainly they ought 
to be heard as well astiie present petition- 
erSf which will occasion great and uneces- 
nsTf delays, and therefore I am against 
the motion. 

Mr. CkmifMl : 

Sfarr I a^^e with that hon. gentleman 
that if the t&ierchants are divided m opinion 
upon this pomt, one side ought to be heard 
as well as the other, and hope the House 
wiH come to a r^lution for that purpoiBe. 
Fot I AaQ invariidbly promote every pro- 
posal which tends to procure the fullest 
informatioii^ in all a&ixs dat shall come 
before us. 

Then tijie question was put. That the 
fiurtber consideration of the report be ad- 

DtbaH in ike Commons on the Seamenf BUL Mi 

journed to the 16th; it passed in tfae (ij 
gative. 1 

It was Hlkewise moved* that chose 
which Ihnits Seamens Wages in then 
chants service at S5s, per month, be l 
jected: after d^te, it passed in thei 

fative: on a division, Ayes 127, " 
8d. Resolved, that clause A do c 
part of the said Bill. 

On the Eeport the eleven cla 
severity were grren up without any dmi 
and a clause was added, vi^. ** ¥n§ 
that nothing in the BOi shdl exted 
contracts for hire of seamen in voi 
fVom parts beyond the seas, or to 6 

Ordered, That the BOl witfatfci As^i 
ments be engrossed. ^ 

March 9S. The said fiiR engroorf 
read accordmg to order, ^Hien 

Mr. D%i|y ixiaa aod said : 

Sir; I have a dause to be offered tt? 
House as nqcessair to be insert^ m] 
Bill before uSy iwiiich was |Hit into 
hands by a member, whom a sudden i 
fortune has made unable to att^^ 
duty, and which, in his opinion andii 
is of great importanGe, and I shall tl 
fore take the liberty of readinffit:.< 
it enacted that eveiy seiMnao aftoog 
sdf to serve his mfges^y^, ^all, upon I 
re&sed, reoeive from such capuin, 
tenant, or justice of the peace, s o 
ficate, setting forth the reasons fori 
he is lefused, which certificate mn 
produced bv him, as as exemptios ■ 
oeiog seiaea by a warrant of iottresa^S 

iScne the reasonableness ana equiM 
this pause is so inoontestaUy apM 
that it will find no opposition ; for m 
can be more cruel, unjust, or oppreM 
than to punish men for neglect of a ■ 
whidi they have endeavoured to m 
To what porjiose are rewards oiartu 
thej are denied to those.who comM 
daim them ? What is it less than m 
and finuid, to force a man into the senl 
who woidd "svjllingly have entered,! 
subject him to hanfahips without tbej 
compepc^ whic^ he may justly denj 
from the solemn promises of the legidsta 

Sif Charh$ Wager : I 

Sir ; to this clause, whidi the gentM 
has represented as so reasonable and m 
objections may, in mv opinion, be etl 
made, of whidi he hunself will adcn^ 
ledge the force. The great obstruction 

DMewihe Cmmm on the SeamcMs' BUt. A, D* 1741. [148 

The Ktievttices for itliiphtbe remedy is 
pr^oied cmmot frequendy omht; fi)r ft 
18 not |)robable that in a timi^ of xutval 
preparations any man qualified for Uie 
s^ndceshould befejecla(!^ smoe-tbe^eera 
gaia aoliiiQg by tbeir i^06m1. 

Mr, Hfly .• 

Sir ; it is very ppssible that^ thosie in- 
stances which maybe produced of men, 
who have been impressed by one officer, 
lAer Ittey faite been r^ected by -anodien 
may be only the consequences of Cbe high 
value which every man is read^ to set 
upon his own abilities. For he that offiscs 
himself^ no doubt, demands the highest 
premium, though be be not an ablesulor ; 
andif tejeded, and sifterwavds impnesacd 
as a noviee, tlwilEs fraHs^ i^ Uberiy ta 
complain wifii the most imporianate vrfie* 
mence, of frauds paituuilyy and^ bppressiou* 

Ilie question being put,^aa resolvad'in 
tlie negscive. 

Then Mr. SoutibweU ofiired a dARse» 
importmg, '« That all aailars who OnmM 
taice Advanoe^moB^ af liie a^rofaabls, 
should be oUiged to perfinrm 'their^ agvee-' . 

hSda^ bctey, or any otber inotive; 
MitMrtiB% alaoe the dause which is 
LjifH is k?elied, and indeed it is so 
EpMoi SB eiril, that it cannot be ob- 
pd vitb too BKich caution. 
b this cbuue, instead of preventing 
Ce oone^ondeace, and UJegal com- 
moBSt i» 'A evident tendency to pro- 
LthtDy by mdtiDg men to apply widi 
Med oilen of aervioe to trose who 
fcf»* » sobomed to f^se them, tiidn 
Cineiit of i9ieir readiness, and de- 

Kjabksrtifices multitudes may exempt 
Bu«i from the impress whp may D9 
Cs 10 be able sailors, even by taose 
B«MJoct it, and nnj, under the pio* 
loQ of a oerttfeate Macioudy tib* 
Uhn^atdl endeavours to engage 
Ek tbe public service. 

K^ if tbis authority, lodged in the 
ptftbosewho are proposed in the 
EllsbeeDtnisted witn itybeindanget 
mm oecated without due ragard to 
bad for which it is granted, let it be 
pd abere there is neifiier ten^ptation 
HBNRtQmty to lAiuBe it. Let the ad- 
done have thepower of grantme 
istificates, the omcers of which will 
»to judge whether the sailor is really 
% the service, and deliver those 
; ige or aocidents liaive disabled £rom 
Rvr of ia a proB B Cs » for eorely, he that 
to seive, when taken by Violence, is 
s oualifi^ when he enters volun- 
M he who could not be admitted 
(eadered himseli^ ought not to be 
siiay, ^vhen perhaps he has con- 
anitber voyage. 

timks Wi^er : 

it is, doubtless, more proper to 

tadi authority in the officers of the 

* r, dian in any olher ; but it does 

ar that the benefit which th^ 

^ Day receive from it, to whatever 

jiL is entrusted, will not be over* 

the injury which the puUic 


are fiequently levied in remote 

if Ae kmgdom ; in ports where tiie 

cannot speedily oe informed of 

IS for which those that may pe« 

eertificates have been refused, 

im cannot grant them without 

<£ bebg daooivnd hy .fraudulent 

nients, or be nable to beti&en tipby any 
magistrate or jjosdce of .the peace, and 
deemed deserters, except they were in 
his majesty's ships of war/' He was €e- 
conded by 

Lord Gage, as foHows : 

Sir ;as this olawae has no^otfaeraattia pfey 
than to promote Idle interest of 'the tter- 
chants, without obstructmg thrpubfic pre- 
parations ; as it tends only to cbnfitin legal 
contracts, and facilitate that commerca 
firom whence the wealth and power of \tbia 
nation arisesb I hope it will saadily \m-wk 
mitted ; as wemay,faTaddmg^thia/89ttetaa« 
to the contracts maae between dhe vsev* 
chants and saOors, in some'd^p^e, bHanetf 
(he. obstructions wherewitii we have em* 
barrassed trade bythe other clauses. 

Sir Charles Wager : 

Sir; this clause is unqueatioiiably ^ mu 
sonable, but not necessary, for it iato 4Be 
found akeady in an act made for the an* 
couragement of the merehaats, w4iiiSh»iS 
still In Ikxce, and ought whenever tb^ 
such frauds are committed^ to foe dgoroi^fq^ 
observed. , ' ' 

Sir Robert WaH>ole then ^eured that 
the cleric might read the aat, m ^which ^n 
clause bdngaocsordingly foiind,'Mr<4 SoiliH 
waU sidthdif w his motKHU • - . - . '. 

Then the 
Billdopa«; iti 
tiTe, 15S against 79. 

US] 14 GEORGE 11. DOateinihe Lords on tJtmng a TMrtipke Bitt, [ 

at, Tbat the 12. The ordeir of the day being md 
fintheaffiittia- receiving the Reports from tiie le 
Committees to whom the BilisieUtio 
Turnpikes were committed : 

The earl of Flndhiter accordingly 
ported from the Committee to whom 

attempt to do. I shooM be ^iad to tee I 
stored to 08. Formerlv we inserted Qi 
snd Coofereiiess were beM whether we li 
right to bq^n sach Bills. We receded tndi 
protestations to no parpose. Then we m 
ed Bills; again Cfunlerence, Receseioo^ 
testations of fundamental^ inherent, unds 
rig[bt : but still the Commons carried 
potnt In 1707 we reoeded; in 1711m 
but these wers single bills and had not «j 
a nnmbermighthafe carried it. Ifpeoflli 
know yonr intentions from yonr dediS 
they may know it from them ak^y. ; 
citations have often preraibd af^ainit ti^ 
able amendments, for fear of a bill's bcia 
jeded. Yon have nerer receded iroma 
suasion of yonr having no right Thei 
moot ftom the benefit of commerce will i 
as much elsewbere as here. In ameodi^ 
will do only what you have a right to ds^ 

rqjeothig t&e Bill because it ' mU, 

Coounons will do what they hare mj 
to do. ^ 

AyUsford. You declare you bafs a | 
which the Commons deny, and which m 
not exercise. In a coronation the dm 
Aquitain and Normandy is a great part 4 
shew : but it is only a shew. Aboot 14 d 
years ago there was a Bill to amend the I 
m Warwickshire : they chose neir ood 
■oners: the late Speaker Bmnley deM 
to act. I was elected and do act Aodfl 
commissioners may elect a peer, yonr krii 
may pnt in one. 

BardwUke^ C. Here are 10 or It bil 
^reat consequence depending. You li^ 
right to amend plain Money Klls in the m 
nwt And I hope you will never give I 
But this is not a Money bill. In a parliil 
tary sense they only are such which | 
money to the crown. Money bills are fl 
in their nature. This is the most OMiDtm 
point that can be. But be yonr right nets 
strong, never make any Amendment bat wl 
it can be supported by reason : not do it beo 
yon will. This is a Bill for the conluQaDC 
a turnpike: the Commissioners have a pn 
by it to elect new ones, and you are patfem 
one. There is no instance in which sae 
thing hath been done, and it is unwortb] 
you to substitute youiaelves, instead of 
Commissioners to whom you have riven 
power. Suppose the Commons sbouid dM 
a Conference, what reason will yoo givetlx 
The Amendment m the Bribery ffiliim 
made to assert the right of the Boise. 1 
saw the other House amend a Bill meniy 
the sake of anMDdhiff it I would notign 
the Amendment, Audir theConunomdA 

Debate in the Lords on ttUering a Turn' 
jike Bill sent JromiheCrnnmoTis.*'} March 

* From ike Seeker Manuscript, 

March 1$. Several Turnpike Bills com- 
mitted for this day. 

Abingdon. Moved to pnt the dnke of Somer- 
set's name as a commissioner in one of them. 

Carteret, The Commons will not throw out 
all these Bills for bcine thus altered. This iip- 
pears upon the face of it to be a Private Bill, if 
It were not for the clause tbat makes it a pnbUc 
one. As a farther proof, it pays fees. And 
this sort of BOb were fbst ordered to be printed 
in the.statnte book about 1715. Now no Pri- 
vate Bill can be a M.oney Bill. The Commons 
questioned once whether we could alter penal- 
ties, hut that we carried from the reason of the 
ifaing. Febny is a pecuniary penalty : tfaere- 
fi»re the Lorfi could not appoint that, if they 
could not appoint pecuniary penalties. Never 
make a dedaration of yonr right to alter these 
Bills if yon do not alter them. It would he a 
declaration of our weakness * quibos malis im- 
* pares sumns.' Amend all or none. . 

NesMistle. Do not make an umendment you 
would not have thought of, merely to assert 
yonr right. In 1707 an Amendment was made 
u a Bedfordshire Bill and a conference had, 
and the Lords receded. In 17 U, the same 
thing happened again in a Bill of like nature. 
One of these BiUs hath cost the parties IS or 
l,aOO<. It is pity they should lose thin. They 
did not know onr way of thinking : now it will 
be known. Whenever you have made Amend- 
ments yon have afkrwards receded. The no- 
tion that we cannot alter these Bilb is of all 
things the most absurd. A declaration against 
it wul he a general notice. 

Abingdon. Better a hardship should fiill upon 
the parties than upon this House. If we have 
needed, we should do it no longer. Only one 
dsdaretiftn would he of service, and that wonld 
net be parliamentary one, that we will not re- 
ceive any of these Bflls from the Commons. 
There hath not been, and probably wilf not be, 
of many years, such an opportunity as this. , 
The parties concerned who desire here that we 
should not amend, will desire when these Bills 
go hack to the Commons, that our amendments 
ahonld be admitted. There are two peers now 
injthe House that have been Commissioners of 
Turnpikes since they were peers. 

Finlater. The House hath a right to alter 
all BiUs : but the question is about the exercise 
of that right. Resolve on all proper occasions to 
alter hut never fur alteration's nke. 

lielawar, I am sorry fbr the debate : bnt it 
Is of great consequence. Since the Restoration 
the Lords haire amended several Bills for Aids Thatlamafiaid yon will net 

n# ja«^ »p0mhjbr a Vdf ffCnML A. J}. 1741. (MS 

^murii befag tkfectad to ; 9Aw dibate : 

in the negative. 

; iaiittl0^ " An Ad ft^ eriargkig dM 
I a»}wim gMbted h;^ an act piu^ 

^^ year of the re%n of hk late 
f Vag Otom tile fint, intHuied, 
jgi for lepalnoff and widening the 
I iwHerMly Upri^ Gote, leaduig 
f Beirlen Hffl, in the county of 
_j^t» the top of Kingfldoirn hill^ in 
r |m ef Box, in the said eounty/ 
nitte^;: ' That tiiejr had coneideml 
iHn, and ezannned tlie allegatione 
^^ffh^ they found to be true: attd 
lAiCeannittee had gene throagh die 
'^ lai dh^eted Mod to report the 
iHAt Hooee, tridieut any amend- 

ijiwai moved, to insert^in the eaid 
tihg the words [** trueteee appeCnted, 
pit ippeinted, to {Hit the Mud former 
sent aet into eMoeufion,''] 
vUMioet^ £^ and Hie meet 
I duke ef Somerset^] 

mair te the 

dii erment 
f eeraiy vRfl 


rh parti 
ribiwhila. IftheerpwnaheuW 
rlbrd»iafceof exwtai^, that would 
Ncnr any aingle mne or body of 
thiDg hy exerting power to. 
Hie ouke of Iwmerset may be 
r CammieaiQneri, and therefore 
eaUflantthem. WheDererthelmg^e 
Im il leaied, earely the Chaoodilw 
I te esert it for that wamn . 
iiiidahafw explained thifl fee be a 
l^toaljiremedpy. For deolanUme bare 
^ yi iaaftptuai. The Ceanons had 
I to leod yon Money bilfe with clauses 
naftare. The Lords in 1729 de- 
Mmg aueh (Sauam tende lo the 
I «r thb foraraamt. And yetthere 
i NBt every eeation aad yeo paaa them. 
M^ of the end of this parliament* 
iBloe Bin in the House of Com- 
Wbr may It not pass this? Either 
t it « aot your pnfii^, or that yon 
Ifanoe ity er de if te pOrpeee. 

C.«l. Of whom bbhojNiof Glocaster, 


f * fftMimitiir pfo negante.' 


r ef the Hooaa of Cen—ena 

ifat iSior ttM 4» BUa. came 

»ibii4itds: M thai the Commeaa 

ireaaat cteim er er since 

, and could not possibly 

\ it op, though some thingii bad passed 

the Bestoratioa inadvertently that 

vcreoontrary teit. 

. The Kinft Speech lo hath Houseijhr a 
Vote of Credit in mppoH of the Pragmatic 
Sanctuntf* ondjw a Swhiefy io the Queen 

Merer wew two prioees wome paired 
by aatarelbrtbetraD%uitlily of £urQBe|than 
his Prussiaa miyesty and tne queen m Hun- 
gary. Joined to the most obstinate tenadoos- 
ness of what he conceived to be his right, and 
fhe most determined resdotioo in pursoing i^ 
his fiithf r had left him tiie richest prinee, in 
leadjr naoncy, ia Borope, by wfaieh he was en- 
abled ai thia lime to he^ on feet lOO^OOO maw. 
Her finagariaa aunssty^ with squat lfnAcieaa4 
aessandeoual ebstiaaoy, was more hanghkyf 
aad littie disposed to reason upon aay pout 
that ruiBed the pride of'that bouse to which she 
was the heiress, which pride she inherited tO 
the utmost. She was then fall both of spirits 
and reeenlment, acdre in her person, aad ea- 
gaging Hi her manners towards her own inh<> 
je<^; and Indeed such had been the misma- 
nagementa of the court of Tienna towards the 
htter end of her ftrther's reign, (hat she had 
now Htrte or nothing else hot the afibetlans fi^ 
her suhfeets to depend npon for oppeskig the 
nnmerotts claimants to her territories that were 
dtiiy starthig op around her. It was with gmaf 
dimotty that OMue ef the eeolert heads in her 
court prerailed with her and her hnshand to 
give a ciril answer to the king of Pmasfai^ pro- 
posals. In the answer she gave, she blamed 
nim as being the beginaer of her Miamitiee^ 
and reproached him as breaking bis guarantee 
of the pragmatic saiietion. She observed, diat 
the eeosent to the diminution of her heredliavy 
cooniries, was a very uaNkely method of een^i 
etliating the IViendsbip of Rnashi and the mart* 
time powers. 8he civilly deelined the saretoea 
ef his Ptuadan majesty In fhvour ef her hne^ 
band at the approaching decdon of emperor, 
which she said omrht to be fne^ and aeeofdktf 
to the rules preseifted by the goMen hull; and 
she shrewdly observed, dnt it was not usual 
for one priaee to ihree another to aeeept ef 

Eiey, by carrying war into their dondutuail 
ihr which reason she dedhied all the peounhay 
amistanoe tendered her. Lasdy, after seme 
Ibrced aeknowledgments of the Ingh ralue iba 
sec^pon bis Prussian mmesty's friendahip, she 
iairly told him, she would net eonseat to ^uil 
with one ieeh of Alcsia, aod exhorted him m 
withdraw his troops from thence, as the only 
means of presewmg or realoring the tranquflhqr 
of the empire.-^It was whh great eeaeemthu 
court of Engfond understood tfall ebsdnaey eC 
her UnOgarian majesty, aodttwy would^adly 



e^HiMMfy,t:4^] AprB & The King 
went to Sieiieuie of Lorai* and, the Com* 
nons beinfr sent for, made the foUowing 
Speech to both Houses : 

«< My brds, and oentlemeii ; 

** At toe opening of this session* I took 
notice to you of the death of the late Em* 
peror» and of my resoluti<m to adhere to 
the en^ementB I am under, in order to 
the maintaining of the babnce of power, 
and the libertws of Eun^, on that im- 
pwtant ooeasion. The assnianoes I re» 
ceived fh>m you,' in return to thb commu« 
nication, were perfectly agreeable to that 
leal and vigour whidi this parliament has 
always exerted, in die support of the ho- 
nour and interest of my crown and king- 
doms, and of the common cause. 

** Tlie war which has smce broke out, 
and been carried on, in part of the Aus- 
trian dominions, and the Tarions.and ex- 
tensile claims which are publidy made 
on the late Emperor^ succession, are new 
^ents, that require the utmost care and 

iiava amde up the breach between her and 
Prussia npon the footing which the latter 
had proposed* ^ay, his ProMiao majesty even 
had otdeted intimations to be madeattbe ceurt 
of Qfitaiu, that be was ready to adtanoe open 
the terms be had ofoed. His Bntannic ma- 
jesty now eaw the disagreeable ^lemma into 
whioh be was broiight, of either aban^JoDing 
tfM interest of tha qocen of Hangary, (and 
thereby incorring the imputation of aaoificing 
the pngmatio sanetioa) or of di?iding himself 
' — a powerfnl ally and a near rdation. He 
» the Mft which prudence and honour dic- 

f *' The only parliamentaiy measure in this 
session which dMerrce further notice, waaihe 
grant of a Subeidy to the queen of Hungary, 
which finally in? olTed England in a war with 
Fianea. It was undoubtedly neither consonant 
to the wtahes or sentiments of the minister, who 
had earnestly exerted himself to bring about an 
accommodatien between Pmssia and Austria, 
to- promote a measore calculated to encourage 
the obstinacy of Maria Theresa, at a moment 
when she eeemed waTcringand iiresolate. But 
the TCice of the nation loudly echoed the un- 
ceasing cry of opposition in fiiTour of Maria 
Theresa. The king was alarmed for his Ger- 
man dominions, the minority of the cabinet in- 
clined to vigorous measures, and it was ima- 
gined that a decided resClntion of parliament to 
support the houee of Austria, would intimidate 
the king of Prussia, and induce him. to lower 
iiis terms. oCsccommodation.-^fn consequence 
of tbeee prevailing sentiments, the king opened 
the snlnect in a Speech from the thrcne."— 
<^e'sMemoin of Sir Robert Walpele. 

IM&h in ike LarA on am Mimt jf ZHaab [148 

attention, as they may inTcke sU Ea« 
rope in a bloody war; and,incootequeiioe, 
expoee the dominions of such princei a$ 
shall take part in support of the Pragmatlo 
Sanction, to immment and immediate 
danger. The queen of Hungary has al- 
reac^ made a requisition of the 12,000 
men expressly stipulated by treaty. And 
thereupon I nave demanded of the king of 
Denmark, and of the king of Sweden ai 
landgrave of Hesse Cassel, their reapecv 
tiye bodies of troops, consisting of 6/)00 
men each, to be m readiness to mardi 
forthwith, to the assistance of her Hunga- 
rian majesty. I am also concerting aock | 
measures as may obyiate and diai^point 
all dangerous designs and attempts that | 
may be forming, or carried on m &vour 
of any unjust pretensbns, to the jirejudioe I 
of the House of Austria. In this coopii- 
cated and uncertain state of things °^7 1 
inddents may arise, duiinff the time who, 

by reason of the approadiing condum 
of this parliament, it may he impoaiiUe 
for me tohoTe your advice and ssaiitancet 
which may make it necessary for me to 
enter into still Imrger expenoes for main- 
taining the Pragmatic Sanction. In scon- 
juncture so critical, I have thoogjht it pro- 
per to lay these important conSderatioDS 
before you ; and to desire the concurrence 
of my parliament, in enahling ms to con* 
tribute m the most effectual manner to the 
support of the queen of HungSfy; the 
preventing, by all reasonable meam, the 
subversion of the House of Austria; and 
to the maintaining the liberties and balance 
of power in Europe. 

" Gentlemen of the House of Commons; 

*« I must recommend it to you, to grut 
me such a Supply as may be requisite ior 
these ends : and the just concern snd rea- 
diness, which I have constantly found m 
you, to make all necessary provisioDa tor 
the public good and our common security, 
leave me no room to doubt of the ssme 
good disposition and affection in this in- 

** My lords, and mitlemen ; 
*< I am persuaded, I need say no more, 
to recommend these considerations toyoo, 
which so necessarily arise from the present 
situation of afiirs: I shall therefore only 
add, that whatever expenoes may be ia* 
curredonthis occasioo, shall be made n 
as frugal a manner as possible; andsnac- 
want thereof shall be laid before the next 


fir,iih€Kk^t Speech. 

Deiefe im Ae Lbrde on an Address ef 
TktmksJ^ ike Kk^s Speetk^.-] Apnl 
9l TIw Lofds having taken the king's 
Speech into conttdeimqn, tsreed, after 
debate^ upon the following Address : 
** Most gracious Sovereign ; 

** ^^e^ yonr nunesty's most dutiiiu and 
l u ye l >ub |e ct », tiie Loids spiritual and tem- 
poral IB perHiunent assembled, beg leave to 

* Wrem the Seeker MonuaeripU 

9. C^aaderstiOB of the King's 

€labsadrfe|f. It may be said we are oi 
emm m mw m of BMUiyt aad sheoid go hand 
haBd with Ifaeni. Bat in the two late irr 

id in 

war^lfcefintstepwasaiadebyBDglaDd. And 
tiD we mke the kad, other powers will not 
fir. Id the ble War there wert Votes of 
Oefil aed Confidenoe for 6 years. And in 
ir06b asoeey was votsd tonay what was dne 
■asw f^ealMB flisdeortobe made. And we 
the Wte Mag asierauee of seenring his 
oasaiQns if attacked on aoooont of 
of these nations. Motion 




that we will oontribute to 
of the PragmatioSaoctioo in 

DominionSy ^cc'' . 

Ar^yle. Ijet the Tote of Credit, March 88, 
1735-4, bo read. I shall ose hot frw words, 
K ail wiD have no other effset than sbew- 
\ I oeom to saertfioe the interest of my 
r to make my eooit. The teal power. 
of the owwn is saiBaent Nor can lioerty gub- 
mk wilb addfaig one giain more. Now this 
■otioo adds to the crown a parliamentary 
power dteinjp tbe recem. It is oes^;ned to be 
pot fls^roclieo every year. And givmg money 
n grasg aB. Yon bad ss good play tbe part 
of the Senate of I>eomark. Eztmordinary 
powem given have always ended m slavery. 
IWrc never was a Voce of Credit before qoeen 
and not above a or 3 then. The 


boplunlr spoke ont. 
it eoM be sopportsd. 

the bte king's 
hath beai carried on with great seal 
ttion. Lords io minis- 
tender in speaking on 
. I believe that is a 
for 50 other purposes that cannot 
Every honest man wishes 
Ton are bound'to do it 
and if that be not sufficient 
Bnt this was sgreed 
with others, and you are not to do 
Sand sJone. The qneen of Hungary 
have been much better satisfied with 
enoogh to drive tbe 
into the sea, bnt Ibr want of 
get 10,000 of them together, 
toon tcrfd. Yon shall have men 
ley into the bargain. If every 
bad been m befbre ns, we should have 
bowthsiwaai Hsncaadohsraogood. 

a: D. 1741. [IM 

retiim your mijes^ obr nost huttbia 
thanks, for your most gradons S peech 
from the throne ; and for your 'm ajc e ty*a 
l^reat attention and care for the preservai^ 
tionofthe balance ofpower, and Uie peace 
and liberties of Europe, b which the traa* 
qnillity and aecuiity of these lrin([dnBiS 
are so nearly interested. 
<* We cannot but express our great oMi* 

■ ' ■■! - I I ■ I I III !■ 

It was an easy matter to have oeeored the 
House of Austria in 17SS-4. Then there waa 
a Tote of Credit fbr it, and we raised a fbw 
more men at home and have kept them ever 
since, and this was all. Will you trust monej 
for supporting this House into the heads of 
those who have pulled it downP Indeed, now 
we cannot support the House of Austria. In 
the ti^o late wars we did not declare oweelvcs! 
till we made AUisnoss with all with whom wa 
acted afterwards. Now all other powers either 
act agvnst us, or declare they will do nothing. 
OMe squadron have shewn they had not 
oiders to fall upon the Frendi, but treated 
them very civilly sfler some mdenem on their 
side.' irwe have driven the ministry into a 
Spanish war, shall we drive the people into a 
Cfermaa warP Thb motion is only Ibr the 
same end with the Hanover TTea^ and Bahio 
Squadron. Convince the king that yon am 
resolved to sssist him against every power that 
shall disturb him and Britain. 

CkolmondeUy. This is tbe only way to re- 
trieve the Dutch. What keeps ttiem Irom re- 
solving is the fear of a Stadtholder. 

Nemcastle, Something of tbe natnreof Votes 
ofCredit is necessary in a war, &c. • - -, were 
made before, thougp there was no provision 
made for them, and this was not thought so 
right a way. Neither such care in the man* 
ner of giving, nor such assurance of account as 
now, yet then lew occssioo than now. la the 
beginning of the late war a great pribce was 
brought over. So it may be now. Our tveaty 
with tbe court of Vienna was without aoy con- 
tingency of what others would do, nor did wo' 
engage to defend only all that tbe Hooae of 
Austna was rightfully in possession of, but all 
ii was actually possessed of. The Dutch were 
admitted as orighially contracting parties, and 
they obuined that the assistance ahonld bo 
speciBed, which it was not before: but if that 
was not sufficient, then iotU otri6as. The 
Pragmatic Sanction is disturbed by the power 
we could least have wished, llie Austrian 
mbister asked not for money but ibr Danes 
and Hessians : but 1 believe a great number 
of other troopa will be Stet abroad. It is not 
easy to bring the states of Holland to act a 
r^t part Sn themaelvea. 1¥ben they aug- 
ment» we shall be obligetl by treaty to shid our 
oontingent. The Russians liave miniified their 
resohitions even to France, of sUnding by the 
Piragmatic Sanction. And a great number of 
Russiana are now marching near the soene of 
war. Though the Mag may wish the ditpote 

ttl] UGBOBefin. DaaUmilml4mbmmMdf9ssof Thanh flSC 

cra^ tbai • WW Im8 tokt #tt^ Md i» cai^ I w4 te wiii^ 
ried o«» io put of tbe Autliwi domiiiioiia s 
ni w«nr« ftughly MiMible of JPW vm^ 
tf '• royol vrisdoiQt n Iho lomirtioD yoa 

» iMieii ploMed lo 4tdir«» fir thf 

itoiooco of the PM«nMitie Soxriwn, 

DOW snbmsting acoo<i M a4 »t ti l , jfll b« 
ftciM «li« ^ueeB of Uttogwjr* But if this vat- 
ter were made up, the case is not deary and wa 
^iist do tbe saaie thingp we do now. If wa §p 
»o fariber tban oar guola tba House of Auitna 
will bava iiule U» bope. Great bodief of troops 
are assembliDg io placaa wbara tbay can ba of 
tto other use, tbao to pat a stop to oar engage- 
lAeota bj paiting tbe kiag *s dominiooa m dan* 
ger. t^t AOt the kiug or bis fiunily et or bf 
tempted, or suspected of being tempted^ to do 
OQthiag io cases that ooocern this nation lest 
dieir own domiaioDS should suffer. 

Ch€sUrfield. This is a question of the grast- 
eal importance that efer came before this 
Bouse. I say so not of coarse, but seriously. 
Aod perhaps of greater than may ever coom 
before it again, if this motion ptos. lamagainsi 
1^ 1« as it contains a Vote of Credit* S. on 
account of the time. Votes of Credit are a 
modem mioidterial invention, not known SO 
years ago. And in queen Anne's time, thcara 
were no Votes of Credit before the war was 
antered mto, nor <tf fire years after, and the 
admiDistrafiod then bad ac(}uired tbeconfidanca 
of the natwn. What frait have we had fram 
any Vote of Credit yet ? That in 1733 ^4* was 
lo do nothing that was done, but it was in the 
last s sB iion of a parliament. It was said to be 
given for the House of' Austria, but they were 
Qot^ the belter for it. We have above 70,000 
national ti-oopa in our pay, which is more than 
in the late war, and i 3,000 hired troops. These 
were not raised for the war with Spain. Let 
Ihe queen of Hungary have what she hath de- 
manded. . But if yon support the Pragmatic 
Sanction alone, yon will rum yourselves and do 
nobody good. The Botcb m^ that your mea- 
anres ibr pulUnir down the Hoose af Austria, 
liava been so eSeolaal that there is no cure. 
Yon have already strength} oftore than enough 
lo do what is wanted in comuDctTon with allies, 
and yoM cannot do it without It is said the 
qpieen of Hungary hath demanded meo. If 
M, she knows how they can come at her. 
But then what is this money for ? Are yon to 
buy alliances t If they are ri^ht ones they 
will be approved by the next parliament. Votes 
of Credit have been made and an aoconnt pro- 
mised, and then secrcsy hath been ui^ed and 
no actount given. Votes of Credit are safer 
for ministers, and therefore were introduced, 
but not safis for tbe public. The Treaty of 
Hanover produced these freqaent Votes of 
Credit for troops and services of oa use to Bri- . 
lain. That part of the motion which relates , 
la the king's dominions, answers to np demand 
in his Speech. Hiere is no more need of men- 
^mg ^anorer thau aoy othec aQy* Tbe 

We aantfo your mi|e8ty, tinty ■» < 
ilahaB hooo— atcesaary loootoriiito still 
further wi pt w c aa ia ao jait a cmiao, yoor 
majesty oaay depend oo oor nealoiio oad 
cheerful concurreBOB^ in eaabling your 

Oanviao domiaisaa ai^ not a I 
popular* Tbe nation is prepossessed, |ierhaps 
ton much, that they have been the occaainn of 
expensive measures. Bjoing any thing to 
strengthen this suspicion will make our menaures 
difligsaeebli. In aManesa yen dLtoil yonr 
allies or divert the enemy Irom ttmn, an well 
aa you can. Now ibe Heaofanaw mm not 
onrselvas, bu| ear alliaa. 

Weave new g«pg 40 anew alfntiMi. Thai 
spirit of the natien eadi only be brasvhl la 
ohttse a parliament agieeaUe to Ibeedniasstfa- 
lion by a delugeef gehL A«d this la one af 
tbe exhalations thai are to form Iboeeehoweii. 
Tbe queen of Hungary will base the aan att as t 
pari of Ibis aMmay , and il ireaay le poamie ae* 
eeente, ao that out of ^ or 600^000^. eoaMthiog 
may be saved for the piirpoa# of ei»clie na. 
Though I am agaliisl Ibis raoiieni yeti am for 
a dutiful Address to bis majesty. 

Hardmiekej 0. If I did not IhioAf tbia would 
be executed as a Britiah measure, nediing 
should indoee me lo be fiN' it. li b mH true 
that one Mdn eannel be safUy aihM to tbe 
crown. 1 eonld name paavosa Ibil hmna been 
Uken away and had batlsr be thoM. This is 
not a Vote of Credit or Cenfidance. There 
could be no Votes of Cradil lili Ibeciaoiea of 
Appropriation came into aoU of jffAu 
which was after the Berolutaao* The i 
ters were forbidden to apply meney to any 
other purposes than the s|Mcifiad purposes 
there mentioned ; which they isera not fovhid* 
den before. Votes of Credit atriolly are to en- 
able tbe crown to contract a de)rt to ee aaiwered 
by parliament hereafler, Bol this is a duaaand 
of a Supply for porpoaes specified jnst as nanch 
as at tbe beginning of a aasaion.«*^f yo« aay 
notbieg to tbe kiag on this oecasion» all nauat 
drop. Let there be ever so much help, you 
must go fiurtber than your 12,000 aseo, and the 
queen of Hungary may want both IrMpa and 
money. It would have he«^ impro^ for the 
kufi" to demand secfirity for his Jommions, bul 
he nath hinted it sufficiently; andhygivinip 
it, you enable him to. act witbapint. Tbe par* 
liamentbath restiained ibehiofffipomyBakift^ 
an alliance with the elector of flanovert aa In 
can with any other prince. Therefiire 1^ per* 
liament sbouU enable him t0 put bia deminaons 
upon a level with others. For wi^ shonld thew j 
he iu a worse conditieo because he ia ear kii^? 
1 have no suspicion that the money will t^ie ap- 
plied to any other purpose tban tlial fiwrnch 
It is ^iven* It meat beaeeoenied fi»r: and no 
bromises of accoynie made firocn Ihe Ihrane 

Carina. If tbisbenel doDe» ihefiieeft of 
Bungaiy will throw hepelf iate Ihe m»g of 


sr» to the lumrt of Ae^^i^^^^ 
f s aai to ine prvmitipg, by 

^ a/ iMiri*, the «BciMit a»i naliml 
^if thtSriliib ciown* 
^ K Wt d»k WMtveioUiStd, i^[>M this 

iMiiiii, loicneir tke pnofetiiono of our 
pjitfgl «J mwoUfclcfifclity ; ondio 

JtitagrMit misfortiiiie that this was 

eh at the bcfj^ioniiur of the seadon : 

1^ of PniMla woatf DOC bare began. 

llBMrbe impaled to me that I bury tbe 

Imi «r igrtiia-ivilliool boi7iii|f «iy own 

riiAftiaaMtlno. llMkteofPAmia 

I mW, Will im kM tbo fioDMup cf 

irfloreferf Tlbe loto HiiDiiler of Rawia 


\ bo waa alow. Tbo {wo* 

r will act. Saxony will be -•** at 

B oin iecore a m^jont^ of ?ote«. Not 

Itf tbe booae of Aoatha was named in 

1 nea|i with no other riewa than 

tbl 1 lUTO afKikcn in and out of nlaee 

fOHi. A motioB woa aiade IMh of Ko- 

riniftoaae tti]rliiilnMtioM:f« laaid 

"** (, if tbe bn^ tbouriit it pnptr. it 

ii8f» were done for tbe Haoorer 

IciplaiBed tbe Act of £fettkfneat 

I €0 the woolsack bath now done* 

f OMbwbo proteoted on that ocoaaion, of 

' fl^ are now alife. allowed there 

,6re. [See their Protest.] The 

afterwardo seen and approved. 


tiw Aotesci^libiai 00* 

t4e Uof'a doMnieaa open that waa 

JNlhiais aoaso ef nobody's soebitiir: 

M|hia tbe emporor's deatb« Tliekii^ 

Mnrd all apoD it, and we sbonld stand 

\ If it were another prioee wbal would 

l» tbe same now. I do not look for 

p hot am now on the popobir side of 

QB. France is unwiffinr to draw tbe 

lii^dcai^ all oodsrinnd. K tbo Ans- 

niniaM opo pniesiM, Pr— a e gets 

MMtinfattaoreof bnid» Wo 

I If yo« willhoapyourtosoty yoo 

I ct ua : Jf yo<i will not, wo aio 

I ipen doings. Wo are in war with 

k itiio harm: we are likdy to hafo 

mat : bat better with comoany 

and In ilin case wo rfian have 

of Analria sink, we 

1 lo]»ep «p aodblraapa in lim of 

IwenHNrfUrbyAedi. Tbofuoon 

If Oms yo« ^rstbor than Ffl«nflo» 

I baro beeift languid «o io^. 

les. I «gq)oot|;oed success ftom this 

-/Ria changes in Bossia are a proof of 


Of wtan WsbopadF dloaeeBter, 

O^lRtly dec. 



ghtyonriwilmy He ittriwigfsiM—i iinm, 
tbftt» if any part of your dwiiiiioMa, al- 
tbaoj^ Ml MongHg to Ao cnnra of 
Groot Bri^, akonld bo attoekad or » 
•uitod by oay priaeo or fwwer whataoooor, 
in MBOHtoont of the jqst mA nee 
meoiiuet wkioh your majoity faotli 1 
otf abnU iidie» fcr wkiMiini^ tlM iVogBM. 
tic Sandioiii «o amdolocmiBod tocsort 
oorsohroa to Iho utmost, in defiKiiiing and 
protecting ooch ddmiiuono from mxw anch 

-The Kif^s Anmer.l To this Address 
the King gave the foIIowiDg Answer ; 

** My lords ; I thank you yery kindl v for 
this most seaQon^ble and dutiful Ad(u-ess« 
The true concern you shewj for tbe assi^- 
ance of the queen pf Hungfiry» and tho 
support of the house <^ Austria^ is very 
agreeable to nie. 

** The assurance you sive me^in relation 
to my territories abroaa, is a strong proof 
of your affection to me : and you may 
depend on my making no other use of the 
confidence you repose In moy them to obt 
able me to act with vigour in muntainiD^ 
the Pragmatic Sanction, and in the pre- 
servation of the balance and liberties of 
Europe, and of our common interest ai^ 

IMoto fit Ai Ctmtmofu m on AOnm 
4fThmAsJmth€Kin^9 8f€ed^.^ The 
Consmooo Doittg retumod to dicir iioiiso, 

Mr, duHerbuck rose and said : 
Sir; tho present oonfuauHi m £arqpe, 
the known aesigns of tbo Francliy tbo an* 
merous claims to tbe Austiiao dominiooi^ 
tbe armies ^rtucb are levied to fuppert 
them, and the presoot inability of Ae 
^pioenofHuitfary to maintain tboneii^Hi 
which descend to her from ber tmcrnkm^ 
and have been coofinned bv idl dio «o» 
lemnity of treados, evidently re|«iio 4« 
uncommon dc^^iee of atteotionsn our ^oo^ 
s ultat ioaa, ano of v%our in our 

* 9famllie< 

piled by Dr. , 

«« U iawaailiabK'' aaya Jfr.Ce«a»m Ui 
Memoirs of Sir Robert Walpola, " that Cbw- 
dJer baa omittod to asentiofi this JDebaie on a 
Subsidy to tbe Ooeen of Bmigary." lllr. Coio 
has here fallen into a very excusable error. 
The Debate is not omitted by Chandler, bnt is 
unacooantaUy made to form part of another 
Debate on 4he BiH <*> For the Enoonr^gement 
and Increase efSeaaMn, and for the better and 

15B] 14 GB0B6B IL DeMe tn ike Cmmom on m Addreu of Thanh [lU 

Wluil0fer vmf be the pcofiMrions of the 
Fkeadi* their red dMg&s are eatQy dit- 
ooeered; desigiii which* they have carried 
eDi'^ther OD«il;f, or in private ibr near a 
oentorjr, ana which it cannot be expected 
that tiiejr will lay aside, when diey are so 
near to sucoev. Their view, 9k, |ai all 
their wars and treaties, allianoes and in- 
trigues, has been the attainment of uni- 
versal dominion, the destruction of the 
rights of nature, and the subjection of all 
the rest of mankind; nor have we any rea- 
son to imagme that they are not equally 
lealous for the promo^on of thb pernicious 
scheme, while thej^ pour troops into Ger- 
many, for the assistance of tneir aHy, as 
when they wasted kingdoms, laid cities in 
ashes, and plunged millions into misery 
and want, without any other motive than 
the glory of their king. 

But tne French are not the only nation 
at this time labouring for the subversion 
of our common liberties. Our liberties, 
Sir, are endangered by those equally in- 
terested with ourselves in their preserva- 
tion ; for in what degree soever any of the 
princes who are now endeavouring^ to di- 
vide among themselves the dominions of 
Austria, may be pleased with the ac^uisi- 
Uon of new territories, and an imaginary 
increase of influence and power, it must 
be evident to all who are not dusled by 
immediate interest, that they are only 
fighting for France, and that, by the de- 
struction of the Austrian famfly, they 
must, in a short time, fall themselves. 

It is well known, Sir, though it is not 
always* remembered, that pohtical as wdl 
as natural greatness is merely comparative, 
and that he only is a powerml prince, who 
is more poweiiul than those with whom he 
am have any cause of contention. That 
pffince, thermre, who imagines his power 
enlarged by a partition of territories, whidi 
gives nm some additional provinces, may 
be s(t last disqppmnted in his expectations. 
For if diis partition gives to another prince 
already greater than hunself, an opnortu- 
aitjr or hicreasmghis strength, in a degree 
pra^orttonate to his present superiority, 
the former will soon find, that he has been 
iaboiuing fisr nothing, and that his danger 
is stii tlw same. 

Bach, Sir, is the case of the king of 
Thissia, who, when he has over-run that 
pait^of Germany, to which he now lays 
daim, will only nave weakened the house 
of Anuria, without strengthenmg himself. 

He is at present secure in the posses- 
sion of hil MBuaioDs^ because neither the 

Anstrians woidd suAr die French, nortb^ 
French permit the Austrians to Inaeasi 
their power by subdifinff hun. Thusi 
while die present eqoipotte of power i^ 
maintained, jealousy and caotwn wooU 
always orocure him an faDy whenever U 
shoiadoe attacked; hot when, by his asl 
sistanoe, the Austrian hautj diall hi 
rumed, we shall defend hhn agaimtthJ 
ambition ofFhmce. 

While the libeities of mankind are thi]| 
equally endangered by folly andambitioi^ 
aUacked on one side, and neglected onth^ 
other, it is necessary for those who foretd 
the calamity that threatens them, to exerl 
themselves in endeavours to avert it, d 
toretard the fttal Mow, till thoie whoarl 
now lulled by the contemplation of privati 
adviOitage, can be awakenedinto a just c(n| 
cem for the ^eral happiness of Europe 
and be convinced that they themselve^ 
can only be secure by unitbg in the c«is^ 
of liberty and justice. I 

For this reason. Sir, his majes^r haj 
asserted the pragmatic sanctioo, and pr(^ 
mised to assist the queen of Hungary vit| 
the forces which former treaties have en 
titled her to demand from him ; for tbi{ 
reason he has endeavoured to rouse th| 
Dutch from their supineness, and excit 
them to arm once more for the comma 
safety, to intimidate by new augmentatioo 
those powers whose ardour, periiaps, ool 
aubsists upon the confidence that the 
shall not ne resisted, and to animate b 
open declarations in fkvour of the house c 
Austria, those who probably are only hii 
dered from o&ring their assistance, b 
the fear of standing alone agauut the ai 
mies of France. 

That by this conduct he may expoi 
his domimons on the continent, to in^ 
sions, ravages, and die other miseries i 
war, ever^ one who knows their atoatioi 
must readily dlow ; nor can it be doubu 
by any man, who has heard of the pov< 
of the Prussians and French, that th( 
may commit great devastations with vei 
little opposition, the forces of the electo 
ale not being sdBcient to give thembsttl 
For though the fortified towns mi^ht bo 
out against them, that consideratioD wi 
very utde alleviate die concern of thoi 
who consider the miseries of a n&tioj 
whose enemies are in possession of all tt 
open country, and who from their rampv 
see their harvests laid waste> and the 
villages m flames. The fortifications coj 
tain the strengdi, but the field and Jt 
trading towns con^riae die riches of 


S0r Qm Km^% l^peech. 

people, and ihe coimliy nuqr b« rtuaed 
vfa^h ia DQi subdued. 

As therefore, Sir» the electoral domi* 
oiottB of his mi^jestj are now endangered, 
not by SDj private dispate.with the ne^h- 
bouriog prinoeSt bat by his firmness in a»- 
aertiog the general riffhts of Eur<qpe ; as 
the consequences of hb conduct oia this 
occasioDy wiD be chiefly beneficial to Great 
Britain« ve ought surdy to support him in 
the praiecntion of this design :, 
vhich we cannot but approve, sboe our 
iDcestonhaTe always carried it on with- 
out regvd either to the danger or the ex- 
pence. * 

lo coofonnity to this maxim (^politics, 
so dearly founded in equity, and so oftoi 
iudfied by the votes of me parliament, 
hiBiDsjeity baa been pleased 
as.htt nsolutioo to adhere to his engage- 
meotiy sod^ oppose all attempts that may 
befoniiiDg in nvour of any unjust preten- 
Bns to the prejudice of the house ot 
Auitria.. It ia for this end h^ desires the 
coDcuRCDoe of his parliament. I hq)e 
ereiy gentleman in tois House will agree 
vith me, that we ought to declare our 
ipprabstion of these measures, in such 
terna, m nay shew the world, that those 
vho ihdl due to obstruct them, must re- 
M^ to incur the resentment of this na- 
<Km, and expose themselves to all the op- 

K which the parliament of Great 
can send fortn against them. We 
oBght to pronounce that the territories of 
Hffiorer will be considered on this occa- 
Mo as the dominions of Great Britain, and 
diat any sttack on one or the other will be 
equally resented. I therefore move, << That 
>D hunUe Address be presented to his ma- 
P^i to return bia majesty the thanls^ of 
^ House, for his most gracious, sjpeech 
&«n the throne; to express our outiful 
<<Dse of his mi^stv's just and due regard 
for the ri^to and mterest of the queen of 
HoDgaiy ; and for maintaining the prag* 
BBiic aanction; to declare our concur- 
'soce with his majesty in the prudent 
BKsaiiea which his migesty is pursuing, 
ur the support of the common cause^ and 
fa[ th e preservation of the liberties and 
woe of power m Europe; to acknow- 
ledge his majesty's wisdom and resolution, 
ft not sufering himself to be diverted from 
l^^siiihr penevering in his just .ourposes 
« fiimlliag the engagements wnicn his 
"^y m entered into with the house of 
A^f^; and to assure his inajesty that, 
^JittUoe and vindication of the honour 
m £ffutf of the British crown, this 

A. D. 1741. IIB» 

House trill eliMBtual)y stand by and aop* 
port his maiesty against all. iasulls^ 
tacks which any prince or power, in i^ 
sentment of the ^ust meaanxes which his 
majesty has so wmiy taken, shall maka 
upon any of his majesty's territories or 
dominions, though not belonffiii^. to the 
crown of Great Britain ; and further t* 
assure his majesty, that, ip any fUtura 
events which may arise from this upcer- 
tafai state of thinss, and which. may make 
it necessary for his majesty to enter into 
still .larger e^pences, this House will ena- 
ble his majesty to contribute, in the modt 
effectual manner, to the support of the 
queen of Hungary, to the preventing,^ by 
ful reasonable means, the subversion' 4if 
the house of Austria, and to the maintwn- 
ing the Phigmatic Sanction, and the li- 
berties and balance of Europe.'* 

Mr. Stephen Fox •- 

Sb: the expediency, if not the neces- 
mty of the Address now moved for, wOlf 
I believe, be readily allowed by those who 
consider the just measures wfaiich are pur- 
sued by his majesty, the.eud which. is in- 
tended by them, and the powers by which 
they are oi^oaed* 

How much it is our duty to support the 
house of Austria it is not necessary to ex- 
plain to any man who has heard the de- 
cMiteb of this assembly* or read the history 
of the last war. How much it is our. du^ 
to support it,. is evideit as soon as it is 
known by whom it is attacked ; by the 
ancient enemy of these nakrions, by the 
ffeneral disturber of the universe^ by the 
formidable d[|pMressors of liberty, exulting 
in new acquisitions, enfiamed w^th the 
madness of universal monardnr, and ela- 
ted with an opportunity of*^ subjecting 
Germany, by exalting to the supreme 
power a prince who uall hold his autho- 
rityonly by their permission. 

The house of Austria, which has. io 
often stood forth in defence of our com* 
mon rights, which has poured armies into 
the field in confederacy with Great Brip 
tain, to suppress the insolence of that fa- 
mily, which nothing could satisfy but 
boundless power, now demands the assist* 
ance which it has so often afforded; thataa- 
sistance is demandedfi*omus by every claim 
which the laws of society can enact, or 
the dictates of nature can suggfist, by 
treaties maturely considered, and solemnly 
confirmed, by the ties of ancient friend- 
ship, and the obligations of common into* 

168] 14 GEORGE IL Debale in the CmmoMw tm ddStess of Thank [Ift 

vepel 4ny taemj by whon Ihatf n^ifci 
fhould be idvaded* 

But beoMsd in affimrs of nich impori- 
ance nothing is to be left to hazard^ be- 
catise the equipoise of power, ott wbich 
the liberties or almost all mankind, who 
can call themsdves free, must be acknow- 
Ifiig^ed to depend, ought to be radier 
certain, than barelj probable; it is stipu- 
lated ftrther, both by the Dutch and our* 
selves, that if the supplies specified in the 
first article shall appear insufficient, we 
shaU unite our whole force in the drfence 
of our ally, and strugde once more for 
indep^deace, with ardour proportioned 
to the importance of our cause* 

By these stipulations, Sir, no engage- 
ments have been finrmed that can be ima- 
gined to have been prohibited by the act 
of settlement, by which it is provided, that 
the house of Hanover shall not plunge 
this nation into a war, tothe st^e of their 
foreign dommions, without the consent of 
the parliament; for this war is b^ no 
means entered upon for the particular 
security of Hanover, but for the general 
advantage of Europe, to repress l£e am- 
bition of the French, and to preserve our- 
^ selves and our posterity from the most 
abject dependence upon a nation escas- 
perated against us by long opposition, and 
hereditary hatred. 

Nor is the act of settlement only pre- 
served unviokted, by reason of the present 
alliance hurt by the regular concurfetioe 
of the pariiament,.whidi his xnagesty hfe 
desired, notwithstanding his indid^itsble 
right of making peace and war by his own 
audiority. I cannot therefore imagine 
upon what pretence it can be urged that 
the law, which inquires that no war shall 
be made on account of the Hanover do- 
minions without the consent of this pariia- 
meat, is violated, when it is evideiit that 
the war is OEUide iq)on tether motives, anid 
the concurrence of the paidiameBt is so- 
lemnly desired. 

But such is the malevdence with which 
the conduct of the administialion is ex- 
amined, that no degree of integrity or 
vigilancecan secure itfrom censure. When 
in the present question truth and reason 
are evidently on tbeur side, past trans- 
actions are recalled to memoiy, and those 
measures are treated with the utmost 
degree of contempt and ridicule, of wfaidi 
^e greatest part of .the House have npo- 
bably forgotten the reasons^ and of which 
the authors of theair do not always {stand 
up m the defenee, because they are weary 

of repeating argvsoents to those apholiite 
with arcsolution never to be convfncecL 
Howwdl,Sir, Ihoae by whom the ti 
Bsstry isop{MMed,haiveaiicc«eded inhardei 
iag their minds aoaihst the force of rsMi 
is evident from their ooDattmt castMi \ 

psMidung in pamphlets those s^ 
ments which they havts found tfaeudvi 
m this assenably unable to soppsrtt 
practice which discovers raAer an sl 
stinate resolution to obstruct the gevsH 
ment, than seai for the |>rosperity of the 
country, ssid which, to speak it in ,4 
softest terms, seems to be suggested saa 
by the desire of popiiiariCy than the loi 
of truth. 

Mr. Sandys : 

Shr; notwithstanding the confideic 
with which this motion has been <An 
and defended, n ot wi Ui s Ca ndiag^ ifae ^ 
cious appearance of respect to ms nutjeiq 
by wfaidi it is reeommendwd, I mtt m 
ashamed to declare, ttet it append lo ■ 
inconsistent with the trost reposed te s 
by our constituents, who owe their s]ta|l 
ance to the kine of Great Britaia and al 
to the elector of Hanover. 

It will be ui^ed. Sir, by the pe<mh 
whom we sit here to represent, that tm; 
are idready embarrassed with debts cos 
tracted in a late war, £rom which, after 4i 
e«pence of many miQions, and the deBtna 
tion of prodigious multit«rdos, fh^ M 
ceh^ no edvUntage ; and tiiut thsjr ■ 
now loaded with taxes for the siipodtt i 
another, of which they perceive no pMi 
pect of any happy or hobourafele c<moh 
sion, of either secanty or prdfit, etik 
conquests Or reprkals, and laat thg^ m 
therefore bv no means willing to see theri 
selves involved m any new coakAemj 
by which tiwy may entail on their pMIe 
rit^ Uie same calamities, and oMige tfaen 
selves to haaard their fortunes abdM 
happiaoss in defence of distant coimtriei 
of wlBch many of them have scarce^ 
heard, and from which no nstaili of asiirt 
ance is expected. 

Mr. Horatio Walpole rose again m 
said : 

Sir ; though it is not necessary torefiiti 
every calumny that maHoe may invao^ 
or credulity admit, or to answer those ill 
whom it n»iy tv>asonably be cmoeWeddOi 
thiex do not credit their ^WAaccusadsBitl 
Will yet rise once morfe in vindicadoi •< 
the treaty oC HHukoter^ to shew i^ ^ 


Ji/r the lSng^9 Speech. 

If waaieohEged' onty to support the 
qoeen of Hoogaiy with 12,000 mcfn, we 
kfe dreidj perfonned our epgageaients ; 
if ire hife promised any pecuaiary* as- 
Mtance, the sum which we have stipu- 
lated to iurin^ ot^t to be declared : for 
I soppoie at least our engagements have; 
iome tiimti, and that we are not to exert aU 
the fiiroe of the nation, to fight as if fire 
au] iward were at our gates, or an* in- 
vader were landing armies upon oar 

I hive, Sir, firom my earliest years, been 
lealoQB kt die defence and exaltation' of 
thekoue of Austria, and shall be very 
&rfimo proposing that any danger or dis- 
lim sfaoold mfluence us to desert it ; but 
I do not essOy discover by what means we 
diail be able to affi>rd any efficadotis as- 
istiDoe; for the power of Britain consists 
dudyin natal armaments, which can be 
of veiy little use to the queen of Hungary, 
nd I know not any state that will easily 
content to onite witn-us on this occasion. 

If there be. Sir, any states remaining in 
Eorape which die French can neither in* 
thnidste nor bribe, we ou^t studiously 
to solidt, sad diligently to cultivate their 
^iendship, but whether any, except the 
Roidans, are now independent, or suf- 
ficieotly confident of their own strength 
to engage in kich a hasardous alliance, 
n^bejQidy doubted. 

Ak Iste grand alliance. Sir, was sup- 
P<Med St the expenoe of this nation alone, 
Mvvai it requured from the odwr cqn- 
fc^ierates to exhaust the treasure of their 
comtn 10 the coomion cause; I hope 
the debt which that war has entailed tmon 
OS, wiQ aistract us to be more finigat in 
oor future engi^ements, and to stipulate 
"^yvhstwe nay perform without- in- 
Toiving the nation in misery, which vic- 
tiriei and triumphs cannot compensatew 

'^ necessity, Sir, of public ceconomy 

Set me to insist, that before an^ money 
be gnnled, an account be laid before 
^ Hoaaeitt particdar terms of the uses 
tovluch it is to be applied. To ask for 
^PF^ in general terms,4s to demand 
^ power oi squandering th^ public 
|>"iC7 St pleasure, and to oaim, in softer 
"Bgiage, nothing less than deqpotic au- 

h flsa not been uncommon for money 
Pitted hf the House to be spent without 
prodndng say of those effiBots which were 
^^^cted firom it, without assisting our 
*^ or hoBibiing our enemies ; and there- 
^ theie is reasoil ftr smpecting. diat 

[VOL XII,] -TT-T-* 

A. D. 1741. im 

money has somedmes. been asked for one 
use, and applied to another. 

If our concurrence, Sir, is necessary to 
increase his majesty's influence on the 
continent, to annnate the friends t>f the 
House of Austria, or to repress the dis- 
turbers of the pid)Hc tranquillity, I shall 
willingly unite with the most zealous ad- 
vocates for the administration in any vottt 
of approbation or assistance, not contrary 
to tne act of settlement, that important 
and well-concerted act> by which tne pre* 
mnt 6uni]y were advanced to the tbreney 
and by which it is provided, that Britain 
shall never be involved in war for the en- 
largement or protectibn of the domioiona 
of Hanover, dominions from which we 
never expected nor received any benefit, 
and for wnich therefore nothing ought to 
be either sulfered or hazarded. 

If it should be again necessfury to form 
a confederacy, and to unite the povplsrs of 
Europe, against the^House of Bouiboo, 
that ambitious, that resdess fiimily, by 
which the repose of the worid is almost 
every day interrupted, which is incessandy 
labouring against the happiness of human 
natmre^ and seeking eveiy hour an oppor- 
tunity of new encroachments, 1 declare. 
Sir, that 1 shall not only, with the greatest 
cheerfidness, bear my share of the public 
expence, but endeavour to reconcile others 
to their part of die calamides of war. 
This, Sir, 1 have advanced, in confidence 
that sufficient care sliall be taken, that in 
any new alliance. We shall be perdes, not 
pnndpals ; that the expence of war, as 
the aavantage of victory, shall be common ; 
and that those who shall unite with ua, will 
be our allies, not our mercenaries. 

Mr. Horatio Walpole ;* 

Sir ; it is not without reason, that the 
hon. ^tleman desires to be iniPormed of 
the stipnladons contained in the treaty by 
which we have engaged to support the 
praffmadc sancdon, for I find tliat ne either 
never - Imew them, or has forgotten them ; 
and therefore those reasonings which he 
has formed upon them fall iothe ground. 

We are obliged. Sir, by this treaty, to 
simply the house of Austria with 1£,000 
men, and the Dutdi who were engaged in 
it by our example, have promised a supply 
of5,00a This foroe joined tothosearmies 
which die large dominions of that fiunHy 
enable them to. raise, were sufficient to 

II r I II ■ — ■ .^-^PW^I ■■ I^ H - ■! !■! !■■■ 

^ Mr. €ox« has erroaeoosly attribotsdl tbia 
aM«>b to Sir Robsrt Walpole. 


14 GEORGE IL DeBaieinihetfmimmmimMSteu of Thank [M 

fopel $Xky tnemj by whon thatf n^ifci 
fhould be iDvaded. 

But beoMsd in affimrs of nich impori- 
ance nothing k to be left to hazard, be- 
eatise the equipoise of power, on which 
the liberties or almost all mankind, who 
can Gall themselTes free, must be acknow- 
ledged to depend, ousfat to be radier 
certain, than barelj prwable; it is styn* 
lated fiuther, both b j the Dutch and our^ 
selres, that if the supplies specified mthe 
first article shell appeir insulicaent, we 
sfaaU unite our whole force in die drfenoe 
€i our ally, and strafe once more fer 
independ«Qoe, with udour proportioned 
to ue importance of our cause* 

By these stipulations, Sir, no engage- 
ments hare been finrmed that can be ima- 
gined to haTe been prohibited by the act 
of settlement, by which it is provided, that 
the house of Hanover shall not plun^ 
this nation into a war, totiie wakeci^tmr 
foreign dominions, without the consent of 
the [Mrliament; for this war is b^ no 
means entered upon for the partKular 
secunty of Hanoyer, but for the general 
advantage of Europe, to repress we am- 
bition of the Eren«^ and to preserve oor- 
^ selves and our posterity from the most 
abject dependence imon a nation exas- 
perated against us by long opposition, and 
. nereditary hatred. 

Nor is the act of settlement only pre- 
served unviokted, by reason of the present 
alliancfs hurt by the regular ooncurrenoe 
of the padiamient,.whidi his nunes^ his 
desircM), notwithstanding his indubitable 
right of making peace and war by his own 
authority. I cannot therefore imagine 

rn what pretence it can be urged tiiat 
law, which requires that no war shall 
be made aa account of the Hanover do- 
minions wishont the consent of this pariia- 
meat, is violated, when it is evident that 
^ke war is mhde npon Mier mothres, ansd 
the- concurrence of the paidiament is so- 
lemnly desired. 

But such is the malevdence widi nHiich 
the conduct of the administfation is ex- 
amined, that no d^ree of integrity ^ 
vigilflnoecan secure ttfrom censure. When 
'in the present question truth and reason 
are evidently on their side, pest trans- 
actions are recalled to memory, and those 
measures are treated with the utmost 
d^ree of contempt and ridicule, of which 
|he greatest part of the House have nvo- 
bably fd^otton the reasons, md^ wmoh 
tile airthom of them do not ahvl^sfBtsnd 
up in the defenee^ because they are weary 

of TepeatBug arganenta to those wholiiteir 
with aresolution never to be convinced. 

How wdl. Sir, diooe by whom the ni- 
UBtTT isopposed,haivesi»ooeeded inhardeD* 
lag theirminds against the force of reaton, 
is evident from tbeir oonatant casism of 

pobhsfaing in pamphlets Aose nrpx- 
inento which they have fooad tbemselres 
m this assenably unable to support; ft 
pnctioe which discovers rather an ob* 
stinate resdution to obstruct the gsvcn* 
ment, than zeal for the x>rospeiky of their 
country, and which, to speak it in the 
sofh»t terms, seems to be suegesled more 
by the desire of popailarity ihan the love 
or truth. 

Mr. Sandys : 

Sir; notwidistandhig the confidence 
with which this motion has been ofered 
and defended, notwitfastendiag^ the spe- 
cious appearance of respect to his laajestv, 
by whicm it is recommended, I am not 
ashamed to dedare, that it appesn ta mt 
inconsistent with the trast reposed in oi 
by our constituents, who owe dKit allegi- 
ance to the kinir of Oreat Britain and not 
to the elector of Hanover. 

It will be ui^. Sir, by the people, 
whom we sit here to represent, that tbey 
are already embanrasaed with ddits con- 
tracted in a late war, IVosn which, after the 
expenceof many mittions, and the destnic- 
tion of prodigious multitndss, they te- 
cehned no ad^tage ; and that they are 
now loaded with taxes tbr the support oi 
another, of which they perceive no pros- 
pect of any happy or honouralble conclu- 
sion, of either security or profit, eitber 
conquests Or reprisals, and tnat they an 
therefore by no means wiUing to see them^ 
selves invmved in any new confisderacyi 
by whioh iktj may entail on their poster 
nty Uie same oakmities, and cMige them^ 
Si^s to hazard their ^rtuaes 9tod then^ 
happiness in defence of distant coimtriesj 
of which many of them have scarce!)^ 
heard, and from which no retwH of assist^ 
aaoe » expected. 

Mr. HoraHo JValpok rose again and 
said : 

Sir ; though it is not necessary toreflite 
every calunmy that malioe may invei^ 
or credulity admit, or to answer tho« <« 
whom it may reasonably be conceived tht^ 
their do not treik thoir own accuaations, 1 
will yet rise once more In vindicsoon ot 
the trttHy oC HHukoYeis to shew with hoi^ 


Mt reiMn it is oensuredy to repms die 
lefity of insult, and the pride of unreasbn- 

The ttesir of i&morery Sir, how long 
Mf er It fans beea ridicufedl, ond with what- 
€fff contWBpt thoee by wImib it was vt»- 
^odsted have boon trtat«d, was wise and 
jttsL It was jqst, because no injiiry was 
ioteaded t* anj power, no invasion was 
■hnagil, na poititioii of .doiMziions stipU'^ 
Jited, DOthing but our own secttti^ do- 
med, it was wise^ because it produced 
die eni peoposed by it, and established 
dMt marity wliich tiM Austrians and 
Spuiiidi were endeavooring to 

Tbt cBpearor of Germany, Sir, had 
catered into a aecvet treaty of alliance 
witb Spaia, br which nothing less was de- 
sgaed than the total destmction of oiu* 
ybertMs, die diminution of our commerce^ 
dKsiienalion of our domimons, and the 

tofavrs bean eneUMI fhKD Gibraltar, and 
toisBjr esdudod l^oei the Mediterranean 
mm^ d» Piotsnder was to hare been ex- 
aM to the tfarooe^ and a new religion, 
viditha itereiy tlMt always aieoempames 
ikyts haaa baoi apirodtteed amongst us, 
md On^id waato hate been made a port, 
ssd ts base shaved die poor remains of 
ow commerce to' foteig» natioBS. 

TbisaBjoBt, this nsfieioos confederacy 
aiitei oppooed with the utmost Tehe- 
■OBos by pvicce Eugene, whose cou* 
nge sad mitltavyospacity are cele{>rated 
thnwighsvt the worlds end w4iese political 
M^ sad knowledge of the afiairs of 
Eopo^ were equal to his knowledge of 
w. He urged with great force, that 
nc^ s codbderacy woM ^Ksonfte' the em- 
peror far ever from the maritime powen, 
Vf wfaich it had been supported, and whldk 
**>*fleg^Sed by onecommon interest in 
tbeproBolion of its pr esp eri ty : but Us 
RmoiatrBnoes availod nothing, and the d- 

When our ancient aySes, who had been 
*> often snocoured with our treasure, and 
diAaded by our armieB, had entered into 
"m:^ mgagsments ; when it was stipulated 
BetMlytoimporerishbutenslaTeus; not 
eelyto weaken as abroad, but to deprire 
« ef every domesftie comfort; when a 
sd^eas wss feimed diat would faavespread 
■■eiy over the whole nation, and hare 
*Msd ili conaeqaences to the lowest 
*te of the coannnnity, it was surely ne- 
^>^>y toftaslrate it brsomeaOiance, and 
^«hei»coaiawat&en«iite, butwidi 


A.D. mi. [166 

This is not tlU only ftct on which gen- 
tlemen hare ventured to speak with greet 
freedom without sdBeient nformation ; 
dM conduct of our idlies in the late war 
has been no less misrepresented than that 
of -our ministers in their negaciations. 
They hare been dmrged with imposing 
open us the whole ekpence of the confe- 
dera«7, when it may be prored, beyond 
controrersy, that the annual charge of the 
Dutch was fire millions. 
' Nor did* they. Sir, oidy contribute an- 
nually thus largely to the common- cause, 
but when we forsook the allianoe, and 
shamefully abandoned the adrantages we 
had gained, they receired our mercenaries 
into their own- pay, and expended nine 
flsiliions in a single year. 

Of thetmthof thesoasseMionsit is easy 
to produce incontestable* eridenoe, which, 
howoror, cannot be necessary to any man 
wIh^ reflects, thai furore one of the most 
weaMkT nations in the world, die Dutdi, 
with an tiieir co mm e r ce^ and dl their par- 
sioMny, are reduced to penury and dis^ 
ttesf ; fbr who can teH l^y mat meant 
they hare sunk into thehr present low cott* 
dddott, if they suffered nothmg by the 

How diis gentleman, £^, has been de-: 
ceired, and to whose insfaiuations his er- 
rors are to be imputed, I an^ at no loss to 
discorer ; i hope he i^l by this' confuta- 
tion be warned against implicit credulity, 
and remember with what caution that man 
is to be trusted, whose pernicious councib 
hare endangered his country. 

Mr. Viner: 

Sir ; it is, in my opinion, an ineontesta^ 
Ue maxim, that no measures are eligible 
which are unjust ; acid that therefore, be- 
fore any resolutions are formed, we ought 
to esamine not what motires may be sug- 
gested by expedience, but what aigumenta 
may be adranoed by equity on one part or 
the other. 

If I do not mistake the true intent of the 
address now proposed, we are imated te 
declare that we will oppose the king of 
Phissift in his attempts tipon Silesia, a de^ 
daradon in which 1 know not how any 
man can concur, who knows not the natur^ 
of his daim, and the kws of the empire. 
It ou^t therefore. Sir, to hare been the' 
first endearour of those by whom this ad- 
dress has been so zealouslr promoted, ta 
shew dmt his claim, so publicly explained, 
so fimriy earaed, and so strongly supported, 
is wid^out foundadon in justice or m rea- 


14 6EQB6E IL 

ip remember that troe g^Ktitude oonrists 
la real ben^fits^ ia promoting the \rue in- 
terest of him to whom ^ 9te indebted ; 
and sureljy by hRgarJiag ihe wel&ie of 
Great Britain in defence of Hanover, we 
sbali very little confult the lidvantage or 
promote the greatness of our king. 

It is well known how inoposideraUe in 
the sight of those, l^y whom the succession 
was established, lianover appeared, in 
comparison with Great Britain. Those 
men, to whom'evee their enemies have 
seldom denied praise for kaowledee mid 
capacity, and wno have been so loudly ce- 
lebrated by many, who have joined in the 
last address, fiur their honest aeal, and the 
love of dieir country, enacted, that the 
Idng of Great Britain should never visit 
those important territories, which we have 
ao solemnly promised to defimd, aft the ha- 
zard of our nt^piness. It was evidently 
their design that our sovereigp, engrossed 
bv the care of Ifis new subjects, a care, 
which, as they reasonably imeginedi would 
arise from gratitude for dignity and power 
80 liberally conferred, should in time for- 
get that comer of the earth, on which bis 
ancestors had resided, and act, not as 
elector of Hanover, but as kii^ of Great 
Britain, as the governor of a mighty na- 
tion, and the lord of large dominions. 

It was ^xpresdy determined, that this 
nation should never be involved in war for 
llie defence of the dominions on the ccmti- 
nent ; and doubtless the same policy that 
has restrained us from exteodii^our con- 
quests in countries, from which some ad- 
vantages might be received, ought to for- 
bid all expensive and hazardous measures, 
for the sake of tisrritories from whence no 
benefit can be re^>ed. 

Nor are the purposes, Sir, for which this 
supply is dananded, the onlv objections 
diat may be urged against it, ror the man- 
ner in which it is asked, makes it neces* 
sary at least to delay it. The ministers 
have been so little accustomed to refusals 
that they have forgot when to ask with 
decency, and expect the treasure of the 
nation to be poux«d upon them, whenever 
they shall think it prc^r to hint, that th^ 
have discovered some new opporthaity of 

It is necessary lihat when f simply is 
desired* the House should be iamrmed, 
aome time before, of the sum that is re* 
quired, and of the ends to which it is to be 
apnlied, that every member may conttder, 
at leiauiVt the expediency of tw measures 
preposedi and the propocties^of the sum , 

XMt^ m ike Cmiiiom on • McAm [17^ 

to the occasion on which k is dfemanded^ 
that he may examine what are the moM 
pcoper meuods of raisu^ it, and perfasp^ 
enquire with what wiUingnem his oqbsu^ 
tu^ts will advance it. i 

Whether any mm is enabled by 
acwtencss and experience^ to determine 
these questions upon mOBnentaneo 
flection, I cannot decide. For mv put, 
confess myself one of tbose^ on whom 
ture has bestowed no such fecritirs, 
therefore move that the conoideratioD 
thk supply aoav be deferred for a 
days. For if it be now pressed upon as, 
shall vole agaiaet it, because I do not yi 
fuUy dtsoaver all the reasons for it, nor all 
the CQBsei|iimieeB which it may producej 
and I think myadf obliged to know h^ 
what purpose 1 give «M»y die mooey 
wUdi IS not my own. I 

Mr.^ Viner : 

Sir; whatever may be the neoeasi^ m 
mainraining the Pnjgmatic Sancti^a, o^ 
whatmrer uie obligations of national pacts,! 
of which I hope no man is desiroua of 
countenaadiig the neglect, yet th^ can- 
not oblige us toarm widmut an enemy, to 
embarrass oatrselves with watching eveiy 
poaaihility of danger, to garrison domiiuott 
which are not invaded. 

The expediency of maintaining the 
house (^Austria on the imperial thimie, it 
is not at present necessary to asaert, be- 
cause it does not iqypear that any otherj 
femily is asfuring to it. There may io-j 
deed lie whispera of secret designs andl 
artild madunations, whispesa, perhaps,! 
spread only to affiright the court into treaH 
ties, or the parliament into grants ; or de- 
signs, vrhich, like a thousand others that 
every day produces, innumendile sod- 
dents may defeat; whidi miy be diaco* 
vered, not only befote diey execoted,' 
h«t before they are fi% formed; andi 
which therefore are net word^ toengroaal 
much of pur attention, or to exhaust thei 
wealth of the people. 

The Pragmatic Sanction ia nothing more 
dmn a settJement of the imperial Sgnity 
upon the eldest daughter of the hite em*' 
peror and her soai ; and if die has no aoo* 
upon the son of the second daughtsr; nor 
has thecrown of Great Britain, l^engsging 
to support that sanction, pMrnasd any 
thing more than to preserve ^s order oi 
succession, which no power at pvestst 
is endeavouring to intemq»t, jsmd wbkli 
therefore at present requwea no defeace. 

ThedJapitte^ Sv, beCvMn ilieJdpgor 

ITS] fiit « UMiiy to tkk Qufien ^ Hungary A. D. 1741. 


ProMt tod the qaeen of Hungary is of a 
difereni kM, nor k it our duty to engage 
m k, citber m parties or judges. He lavs 
diim to certain terr ito r i e s osorped, as ne 
ailegei, fivai his anoestors by the Austrian 

S, and asserts, by force, this claim ; 
it equally validy whether the mieen 
beempieis or not* We have no right to 
limit fail doovnions, or oMigation to exa- 
Buae the justice of his demmids* If he is 
ooly endetvourine to gain what has been 
forcibly with-hdd from him, Vhat right 
lM?e we to obstruct his undertaldng? And 
if the wieeo can shewn better title, she is, 
like ifl odnr aoTereigns, at liberty to 
maintiiD it ; nor are we necessarily to erect 
oanrivei into judces between sovereigns, 
ordistiilnitorB of dominion. 

The contest seems to have very little 
feiatioB to the Pragmatic Sanction ; if the 
king of Pnttsia succeeds, he will contribute 
tosupport it; and if the queen is able to 
frestrate hiB designs, she will be too pow- 
er^ to need onr assistance. 

But though. Sir, the Pragmatic Sanction 
««re in du^^ of violation, are we to stand 
op aloae m defence of it, while oUier na* 
tioas, eqaaUy engaged with ourselves by 
itterst sod 1^ treaties, sit still to look 
opoQ the contest, and gather those adven- 
ts of peace which we indiscreetly throw 
>»ST? Are we aUe to maintain it without 
ttHtaice, or are we to exhaust our coun- 
br^aadnrin our posterity in prosecution 
of a hopeless nroject, to apend what can 
Kverberepaia,and to fism witfi certainty 

ihe Dutdi, whose engi^^ements and 
^iHKe 'ntecests are the same as our <iwn, 
hare not yet made any addition to their 
<^pnces,nor augmentation of their troops ; 
DOT does a single potentate of Europe, 
^ever uniteff by long alliances to the 
Howe of Austria, or however endangered 
by revohlioos in the empire, appear to 
'«»e at the approach of alarm, or think 
'^^tteif obliged to provoke enemies by 
'^oahe ia not yet injured. 

1 cannot theraore persuade myself that 
*We to itand up single in the defence of 
^ l^iig«stic Sanction, to €ght the qaar- 
^ <^ others, or live in perpetucd war, that 
vvrneiffhboors may be at peace. 
Jthifi idways think it my duty to dis- 
"sae the piAwc money with the utmost 
1*»nooy, nor ever intend, but on the 
"^ presnng necessity, to load, with new 
^oBs, a natiob already -overwhehned 
^ d^isa, himaised with taxes^ and 
P't^wiVy a Standing Army. 

For what purpose these numerous forcea ' 
are maintained, yrho are now preying on 
die pnlilic ; why we increase our armies 
by land when we only fight by sea ; why 
we aggravate the burthen of the war, and 
add domestic oppressions to foreign itiju- 
ries, I am at loss to determine, ^nraly 
some regard should be had to the satis£tc- 
tion of Sie people, who ought not, during 
the present scarcity of provisions, to be 
starved by the increase or an army, which 
seems supported only to consume them. 

As therefore part of our present expenc* 
is in my opinion unnecessary, I diall not 
contribute to anravate it by a new grant, 
for purposes o« which I cannot discover 
that they wiU promote the advantage of 
the public. 

Sir Robert Walpole.* 

Sir; the Pragmatic Sanction, which we 
are engaged to support, is not confined toi 
the preservation of the order of succes- 
sion, but extends to all the rights of this 
House of Austria, which is now attacked, 
and by a very formidable eneniy, at H 
time of wealmess and distraction, and 
therefore requires pur assistance. 

That others equally obli^ by treaty 
atad by interest to lend their help on thn 
occasion, sit unactive, either through cow- 
ardice or negligence, or some prospect of 
temporary advantage, may, perhaps, be 
true ; but is it any excuse of a crime, that 
he who commits it is not the only crimi- 
nal? Will the breach of futh in others ex- 
cuse it in us ? Ought we not rather to ani- 
mate them by our activity, instruct them 
by our example, jmd fm^aKen them by our 
representations i 

Perhaps the other powers say to them- 
selves, and to one another, why should we 
keep that treaty which Great Britain is 
violating? Why should we expose ouf- 
setves to danger, of which that mighty na- 
tion, 60 celebrated for courage, is afraid > 
Why should we rush into war, in which 
our most powerful ally seems unwillhig to 
support us f 

Thus the same argument, an argumetit 
evidently^ fidse, and made specious only by 
interest, may be used by 2ul,li]l some one* 
more bold and honest than the rest, diaa 
dare to rise in vindicatidn of those rights 
which all have promised to maintam. And 
why.should not the greatest nation be the^ 
first that shall avow her solemn engage- 
ments ? Why should not they be most d!? 
ligent in the prosecution of an af&ir who 
haw most to lose by its miscarriage f 



Dehate m ike Con^mns on a Moikfi^ 

I am alvrays willing. to believe, that, no ^ 
member of tliis House makes use in any 
solemn debate of arguments which do not 
appear rational to himself; and yet it is 
difficult to conceive that any msm can 
imagine himself released from a promise, 
because the qame promise is broken by 
another ; or that he is at liberty to desert 
his friend in distress, because others de- 
sert him, whose good offices he has equal 
xea^on to expect, and that the more his as- 
siatance is heeded, the more right he has 
to deny it. 

Surely such arguments as these deserve 
not^ need not a confutation. Before we 
regulate our conduct by that of others, we 
must either prove that they have done 
right, which proof will be a sufficient de- 
fence without the precedent, or own that 
they are more capable of judging than we, 
ana that therefore we pay an implicit sub- 
.mission to their dictates and example ; a 
sacrifice which we shall not willingly make 
to the vanity of our neighbours. 

In the present case, it is evident, that if 
other nations neglect the performance of 
their contracU, they are guilty of the 
breach of public faith ; of a crime, that if 
'it should generally be imitated, would dis- 
solve society, and throw* human nature 
into confusion, that would change the 
most happy region into desarts, in whidi 
one savage would be preying on another. 

Nor are they only propagating an ex- 
iunple, which in some distant times may 
he pleaded ariiinst themiselves, but they 
are exposing themselves to more immediate 
dangers; they are forwardin^^ designs that 
have no tendency but to their ruin ; they 
are adding strength to their inveterate 
enemies, and beckoning invasion to their 
own frontiers. 

Let us therefore, instead of hardening 
ourselves in perfidy, or lulling ourselvea in 
seci^ri^ by their example, exert all our 
influence to unite them, and all our power 
to {usist them. Let us shew them what 
thev ought to determineby our resolutions, 
ana teadb them to act by our vigour ; that 
if the boose of Austria be preservedy our al* 
liance maybe strengthened by new motives 
of gratitude ; and that, if it mi&t be that 
the liberties of this part of the world be 
lost, we may not reproach ourselves witb 
having neglected to defend them. 

vMr. Henry^ Pelkam : 

Sit; it isnottobe supposed that sudi mem- 
bers of this House as are not engaged in 
public affidrsi should reoeive very axactin- . 


telUgeiice of the dispositions of Ioim 
powers, and therefore 1 do not wonderi 
the conduct of the Dutch has beeo sup 
presented and that they are soipectei 
neglecting their engagements at a ti| 
when they are end^vouriog to peiSs 

The Dutch have now wider coa 
deration the most proper niethodgo(| 
sisting the queen or Hungary, aad ig^ 
taining the rragmatic Sanction ; it niM| 
indeed justly suspected from the naluip 
their constitution, that their iftotioofla 
be slow, but it cannot be asserted, thtttb 
break their engagements, or desert tki 

Nor is there any reason for ima^ 
that the other princes who have mom 
the same obligations, will not endeiVB 
to perform their promises ; it may I 
easily conceived that some of tliemarftt 
able, at a sudden summons, toaffnd^ 
assistance, and that otliers may wait| 
result of our deliberations, and tt^ 
their conduct by our example. 

Not ihat we ought to neglect oor < 
gagements, or en<knger our couDtiVfl 
cause other powers are either peifidii 
or insensible ; for I am not afraid to i 
dare, that if that should happen, vU 
there is no reason to suspect, if all | 
other powers should desart the defena 
the Austrian line, should consent to n 
the Pragmatic Sanction, sind leave theqiR 
of Hungary to the mercy of hear eneoil 
I would aavise Uiat Great Britain ak 
should pour her armies into thecontine 
that she should defend her ally against i 
most formidable ' c<mfederacy, and il 
mankind an example of constancy not 
be shaken, and of faith not to be noln 

li it be therefore our duty to lopp 
the Pniffmatic Sanction, it is now the ti 
for declaring our resolutions, wheal 
imperial crown is claimed by a multiti 
of competitors, among whom the elec 
of Bavari{^ a verj powerfiil prince, i 
by his minister, notined his pretensiooi 
the court of Great Britain. 

The afident alliance between thispiii 
and the French is well known; norcan 
doubt that he will not now implore d 
assistance for the attainment of the tbn 
to which he aspires ; and I need not i 
wliat may be expected firom an 
whose elevation was procured by the f 
of France. 

Nor is this the only prince tiiat da 
the iaq[»erial crown upon plausible ( 
tenoei, or whose daima other poiraaa 

tflf j f^ a Snkufyto the Qjueen qf Hungary. A. D« 1741. 


to n^^porl-; it n well known that 
the Spanish monarch belierea himself 
' ' lo ity nor can we, who hare no 
lication with him^ know whether 
ile faai not dedared, to all the other 
of Europe^ hia rcaohition to assert 


k It is far from being impossible that the 
anlCDBODS of the house of Bourbon may 
t remedy and that though no- single 
^aee of that fiunily should attempt to 
Most the imperial throne, th^y majr all 
IPM^iie to dismember the empire into 
;f«ltj kisfldoms, and free thenasenres from 
Hie dnsdof a fbraudaUe neighbour, by 
cnctu^ a xnmAet of diminutive sove- 
fi^ who majr be always courting the 
^iMtnce of their pratecton, for the sake 
^knanngesch other. 
Hum win the House, by which Europe 
hitherto protected, sink into an 
one, and we. shall be left to stand 
i^aijut all the powers that profess a 
religion, and whose interest is 
to that of Great- Britain. 
h ooght, indeed, to act with the utmost 
when wei see one of the most 
of the reformed princes, so far 
.^ of the interest of our religion, as 
^co-operate with the desi^ €^ France, 
i-io intent upon improvmg the oppor- 
i^ of distressing the house of Austria, 
Its Delect the common cause, and ex« 
IS hioMelf or his posterity to the danger 
!tscnminga dependent on the house of 

for this reason I cannot asree that our 

j^ thoiigh numerous and burdensome, 

^ister than the necessity of a&irs re- 

~~' :.if we cast our eyes on the continent, 

is to be seen but generaf confusion, 

il armies in motion, the dominions 

e prince invaded, of another threat- 

tl^ tumults of dmbition in one place, 

a panic sttUness in another. 

will be the event of these com- 
wfao can discover ? And how can 
IK know what may determine the course 
.d that flood of ^wer, which is now in a 
|Me of fluctuation, or seems driven to 
Iffacntpomts by difierent impulses? How 
fJNia may the Dutch see their barrier at- 
ddted, and csU i^on us for the 10,000 

E which we are obliged to send them ? 
toon may the house of Austria be so 
ned as to require all our power for 
[ilimiervation I 

^ Ilist we are to leave nothing unat- 
I ^wyed for the security of our own reli- 
i f^ and. liberty^ will easily be granted, 
[VOL. XII.] 

aod» thetefore^ unless it can be proved 
that we may be equally secure, though the 
house of Austria be ruined, it will necessa- 
rily foUow, that we are, widi all our power, 
to enforce the observation of the Pragma- 
tic Sanction. 

This is not an kct of roraantip genero- ' 
sity, but such as the closest attention to 
our own interest shews to be necessary; in 
defending the queen of Hungary we de- 
fend ourselves, and only extinguish that 
flame, by which, if it be suffered to spread, 
we shall ourselves be cbnsumed. The em- 
pire may be considered as the bulwark of 
Great Britain, which, if it be throwri 
down, leaves us naked and defenceless. 

Let us therefore consider our own 
danger, and remember, that wtiile we are 
considering this supj^y, we are delibe- 
rating. up<m nothing less tlum the £ate of 
our country. . 

Mr. PuUeney : 

Sir ; I am on this occasion of an opi-^ 
nion different from that of the hon. mem- 
ber who spoke the second in this debate, 
though on most questions onr judgment has 
been the same. I am so far from second- 
ing his proposal for delaying the consi- 
deration of this supply, that I think it may 
justly be enquired. Why it was not sooner 
proposed ? 

For the support of the house of Austria 
and the assertion of the ' priupnatic sanc- 
tion, no man can be more zealous than my- 
self; I am convinced how closely the in- 
terest of this nation and that of the Aus- 
trian family are united, and how nouch 
either must be endangered by the ruin of 
the other, and therefore, I shall not delay, 
for a single moment, my consent to any 
measures that may re-establish our interest 
on the continent, and rescue Germany 
once more from the jaws of France. 

I am afraid that we have lost part of our 
influence in the neighbouring countries, 
and that the name of Great Britain is lest 
formidable than heretofore; but if reputa- 
tion is lost, it is time to. recover it, and I 
doubt not but it may be recovered by the 
same means as it was at first obtamed. 
Our aftnie? may be yet equally destruc- 
tive and our money equally persuasive. 

We have not yet Siuffered, amidst aD 
pur misconduct, our naval force to be di- 
minbhed ; our sailors yet retain their an- 
cient courage, and opr fleets are sufficient 
to keep their dominion of th^ ocean, and 
prescrine limits to the commerce of every 
nation. Wliile this power remains uninif 



IMate h fhi CoMmnt on a Mttim 


paired, while Great Britaih rettdns her 
natur^ Buperiority, atidaiBderts thie honour 
of her flftg in every climate, we cannot bc- 
conie despicable, nor can toy nation ridi- 
cule our inenaces or scorn our alliance. 
We may still extend our influence to the 
inland countries, and aWe those nations 
wfafich we cannot invade. 

T6 preserve this power, let us watch 
oveir the disposal of our money ; money 
is the source of dominion ; those nations 
may be formidable for their affluence which 
are not considerable for theirnumber^; 
and by a negligent profusion of then: 
wealth, the most powerftil people may 
languish into imbecOity, and smk into 

If the grant which is ndw demanded will 
be sufficient to produce the ends to whidh it 
fenroposed to be applied, if we are aissnred 
01 the proper application of it, I shall 
agree to it without hesitation. But tliooffh 
It cannot be affirmed that'the sum now de- 
tnainded is top high a price for the liberties 
of Europe, it is at least more than ought 
to be squandered without effect^ and we 
ought at least to know before we crant it 
what advantages may be expected from it. 

May not the sum demanded for the sup- 
'^KMTt of the queen of Hungary be employ- 
ed to promote very difierent interests I 
May it not be lavished to support that 
power to which our grants have too long 
contributed^ that power by which our- 
selves have been awed, and the adminis- 
"tration has tj^annized without controul ^ 

If this sum is really intended to support 
"the queen of Hungary, may we not en- 
ouire how it is to be employed for her ser- 
vice ? Is it to be sent her for the payment 
of her armies, dnd the support of her 
court ? Should we npt more enectuallv se- 
cure her dominions by purchasing with it 
the friendship and assistance of the kitig 
of Prussia, a prince, whose extent of do- 
*minions and numerous forces make him 
-not more fbrmidable dian his personal 

What may be hoped, Sir, from a prince 
of wisdom and courage, at the head of 
110,000 regular troops, with eight mil- 
lions in his treasury ; how much he must 
necessarily add to the strength of any 
party in which he shall engage, is unne-« 
"cessary to mention ; it is Evident, without 
proof, that nothing could so mucli contri- 
Dute to the re-estabHshment of the house 
of Austria, as a reconciliation with 'this 
teighty prince, and that to bring it to pass 
would be the most effectual method of 

servinfg the tknfortunale ulueM €tttk i 
quires our assiitanee. 

Why #e ihouid despair, Sir^ ofmicft 
reconciliataDii I cannot peMifriv^; a i 
conciUation e^uallv condudte to i 
reid intefeflt of bbtfi parties. It may ^ 
proved^ with very little difficulty, to I 
sing of Pmiisia, that he is now assisti 
th^se with whom interests mcompttiM 
and reUgiohs irreconcilMe, Yme 1 
him at variance, whom he can net«ri( 
prosperous birt by a diminution of \ 
own greatne^, and who will always pi 
ject his ruin while they are enjoying II 
advantages of his victories. Vve M 
easily convince him, that (jteir power w 
soon become, by his assistance, such as 1 
cannot hope to withstand; and abew*frd 
the examples of other princes, bow dd 
gerouis it is to add to the strength of i 
ambitious neighbour. We may ^ew U 
how much the fate of the empire h sd 
in his hands, and how much more ^diM 
and more advantageous it will be to pii 
serve it from ruin, than^o contribute to I 

If, by such argumenfts. Sir, this pom 
monarch can be induced to act st^Syl 
defence of the common cause, we titf 
once more stand at the helid <$f a Pjrol^ 
tant confederacy, that may contitKft il 
views and -repress th6 ambitipn of tt 
house of Bodrbon, and idter their scbeii 
of universal monarchy into expedients ft 
the defence of their dominioris. 

But in transacting these aflairs, li^ tl 
not englige m any intricate treaties, Vwi 
amtise ourselves with -displaying our tifll 
ties for negooiation ; ncgociation, that fiM 
art which we have learned as yet veiyirt 
perfectly, and which we Inive never M 
temiptea to practise but to our own M 
While we have beep entangle in fedM 
disquisitions, and retarded by artful dd 
lays, while our commissaries have bea 
debating about what was only deniec 
to promice controversies, and enqimiiii 
after that which has been hid from diet 
only to divert their attention from otltfi 
questions, how many opportunities loM 
been lost, and how ofben might we \aett 
secured by war, what was, at a mudi 
greater expence, lost by treaties ? 

Treaties, Sir, are the artillery of m 
enemies, to whidi we have nothing to op* 
pose; they are weapons ofwhich we too* 
not the use, and which we can only ese^ 
by not coming within their reach. Ibow 
not by what fatality it- is, that to treat «ntl 
to be cheated, are, with -regard to Britaiu, 

ITt] /or a Suisufy to the Queen qf Hungary. A. D. 174L 


anbiDe tofvpporlr; it is well known diat 
eren the Spuuni monarGh believes himself 
entitled toil, nor can we, who ha^e no 
commuDioation^ with him, know whether 
be has not declared, to all the other 
priiicee of Europe, his resolution to assert 
his clsim. 

It 16 far from being impossible that the 
prateBSODS of the house of Boorbon may 
be remedy and that though na single 
priaoe of that fiimily should attempt to 
mooiit the imperial throne, they ma^ all 
conepite to dusmerober the empire into 
petty kincdoms, and free themsmes from 
the dieidof a formidaUe neighbour, by 
eredog a manber of diminutive sove- 
ic^ who majr be always courting the 
awstsDce of thnr protectors, for the sake 
of hanasNBgeach other. 

Thoi win the House, by which Europe 
hs been hitherto protected, sink into an 
empty name, and we shall be left to stand 
alooe agsipfit all the powers that profess a 
<ii&reiit reli^on, and whose interest is 
opposite to tmit of Great' Britain. 

We ought, indeed, to act with the utmost 
ngoar, when we see one of the most 
^erfiil of the reformed princes, so &r 
iorgetfiil of the interest of our religion, as 
toco-operate with the desi^ of France, 
aad 10 intent upon improvmg the oppor- 
tunity of distroKBing the house of Austria, 
tt to neglect the common cause, and ex- 
pose hioaaelf or liis posterity to Uie danger 
of becoming a dependent on the house of 

For this reason I cannot agree that our 
anoy, though numerous and burdensome, 
a prater thui the necessity^ of a&irs re- 
qunei: if we cast our eyes on the continent, 
Botbins is to be seen but generaT confusion, 
povertul srmiea in motion, the dominions 
of one prince invaded, of another threat- 
^9 the tumults of dmbition in one place, 
udt panic stillness in another. 

Wbst wfll be the event of these com- 
oMtions who can discover i And how can 
ve know what may determine the course 
of tbat flood of 'power, which is now in a 
(^ of fluctuation, or seems driven to 
^Arentpobtsbydifferent impulses? How 
looQ may the Dutch see their barrier at- 
tacked, and call upon us for the 10,000 
on which we are obliged to send them ? 
How soon may the house of Austria be so 
^fcsied as to require all our power for 
»ts preiervation ? 

^ we are to leave nothing unat- 
^^>Bpted for the security of our own reli- 
P^ <ad^ UbertVy will easily be granted, 

[VOL. XII.] 

and» therefore, unless it can be proved 
•that we may be equally secure, though the 
house of Austria be ruined, it will necessa- 
rily foUow, that we are, widi all our power, 
to enforce the observation of the Pragma- 
tic Sanction. 

Tliis is not an kct of roraantip genero- ' 
sity, but such as the closest attention to 
our own interest shews to be necessary; in 
defending the queen of Hungry we de- 
fend ourselves, and only extinguish that 
flame, by which, if it be suffered to spread, 
we shall ourselves be cbnsumed. The em- 
pire may be considered as the bulwark of 
Great Britain, which, if it be throwd 
down, leaves us naked and defenceless. 

Let us therefore consider our own 
danger, and remember, that while we are 
considering this suwly, we are delibe- 
rating, upon nothing less than the fate of 
our country. 

Mr. Pukeney : 

Sir ; I am on this occasion of an opi<- 
nion different from that of the hon. mem- 
ber who spoke the second in this debate, 
though on most questions onr judgment has 
been the same. I am so far from second- 
bg his proposal for delaying the consi- 
deration of this supply, that I think it may 
justly be enquired, vVny it was not sooner 

For the support of the house of Austria 
and the assertion of the pragmatic sanc- 
tion, no man can be more zealous than my- 
self; I am convinced how closely the in« 
terest of this nation and that of the Aus- 
trian &mily are united, and how much 
either must be endangered by the ruin of 
the other, and therefore, I shall not delay, 
for a single moment, my consent to any 
measures that may re-establish our interest 
on the continent, and rescue Germany 
once more from the jaws of France. 

I am afraid that we have lost part of our 
influence in the neighbouring countries^ 
and that the name of Great Briu^n is lest 
formidable than heretofore; but if reputa- 
tion is lost, it is time to .recover it, and I 
doubt not but it may be recovered by the 
same mepms as it was at first obtame<L 
Our ohnieB may be yet equally destruc- 
tive and our money equally persuasive. 

We have not yet miffered, amidst aD 
our misconduct, our naval force to be di- 
minbhed ; our saUors yet retain their an- 
cient courage, and our fleets are sufficient 
to keep their dominion of th^ ocean, an^ 
prescrioe limits to the commerce of every 
nation. While this power remains unim^ 

CN] - 

183] U GEORGE IL DeAaie on a Subiidg to th& Qfitem qf Hungary. [ia| 

Let us not add to the miseriesof famine 
the mortifications of insult and neglect ; 
let our countrymen, at least, divide our 
care with our allies ; and, while we form 
schemes for succouring the aueen of Hun- 
gary, let us endeavour- to alleviate^ nearer 
distresses, and prevent or pacify domestic 

If there be any man whom the sight of 
misery cannot move to compassion, who 
can hear the complaints of want without 
sympathy, and see the general calamity of 
his country without employing one hour 
on schemes for its relief: Let not that 
man dare to boast of integrity, fidelity or 
honour; let him not presume to recom- 
mend the preservation of our faith, or ad- 
herence to our confederates ; that wretch 
can have no real regard to any moral ob- 
ligation, who has forgotten those first du- 
ties which nature impresses ; nor can he 
that neglects the happiness of hb country, 
recommend any good action for a good 

' It should be considered. Sir, ibkt we 
can only be useful to our allies, and for- 
midable to our enemies, by being unanimous 
and mutually confident of the good inten- 
tions of each other, and that nothing but 
a steady attrition to the public wel&e, a 
constant readiness to remove grievances, 
and an apparent unwiUingness to impose 
new burthens, can produce that unanimity* 

As the cause is therefore necessarily to 
precede the effect ; as foreign influence is 
the consequence of happiness at home, let 
us endeavour to estabhsn that alacrity and 
security that may animate the people to 
assert ^thetr ancient superiority to other 
nations, and restore that plenty which may 
raise them above any temptation to repine 
at assbtance ^iven to our allies. 

No man, Sn*, can very solicitously watch 
over the welfieire o£ his neighbour, whose 
mind is depressed by poverty, or distracted 
by terrOT, and when the nation shall see 
its anxious for the preservation of the 
^een of Hungary, and unconcerned about 
the wants of our fellow-subjects; what 
can be imagined, but that we have some 
method of exempting ourselves fi'om the 
common dbtress, and that we regard not 
the public misery when we do not fed it > 

Sir Robert Walpole : 

Sir ; it is always proper for every man 
to lay down some principles upon which 
he proposes to act/ whether in public or 
Iprivate ; that he may not be always waver- 
ing, uncertain, and irresolute i that his 

adherents may know wbat they are to c» 
pect, and his adversaries be able to t«| 
why they are opposed. 

It is necessary, Sir, even for- his owi 
sake, that he mav not be always atrog^ 
with himself; that be may Imow his o«i 
determinations, and enforce them by Ai 
reasons which have prevailed upon mm ti 
form tiiem ; that he may not argue in dii 
same speech to contrary purposes, aai 
weary the attention of nis hearers will 
contrasts and antitheses. 

When a man admits the necessity o 
granting a supply, expatiates upon th 
danger that ma;|^ be produced by ietardiB| 
it, (Glares against the least dday» bov 
ever speciouuy proposed, and inforcestlii 
^guments which have been already oAra 
to shew how much it is our duty and is 
terest to allow it ; mny it not reasonsUj 
be imagined that he intends to promo^ it 
and is endeavouring to convince Uiem t 
that necessity of wnich he seems himNi 
convinced ? 

But when the same man proceeds ti 
display, with equal eloquence, the prenni 
calamities of the nation, and tells, to faoi 
much better purposes the sum, thus ds 
manded, may be applied ; when he dwdi 
upon the possibility that an impolitic m 
may be made of the national tressure 
ana hints, that it may be asked ibr oh 
purpose and employed to another, whs 
can be collected firom his harangue, hm 
ever elegant, entertaining, and pathetien 
How can his true opinion be disooversdj 
Or how shall we fix such fugitive ressoa 
ings, such variable rhetoric ? 

I am not aUe, Sir, to discern, why trati 
should' be obscured ; or why any msi 
should take pleasure in heaping togethe 
all the arguments that his knowledge msj 
supply, or his imagination suggest, agaioi 
a proposition which he cannot denv. Ns 
can I assign any gopd purpose that on 
be promoted by perpetual renewals of de 
bate, and hy a repetition ^ objections 
whidi have m former conferences, on th 
same occasion, been found of little force. 

When the system of afiairs is not fiiBj 
laid open, and the schemes are in part in 
known, it is easy to raise objections for 
mideble in appearance, which perhaps cas 
not be answered till the neoessity of se 
erecy is taken away. When any geoeni 
calamity has fallen upon a nation, it isi 
very fruitful topic of rhetoric, and msy h 
yety pathetically exaggerated, upon i 
thousand occasions to which it hss bob9 
cessary relation^ 

mi M f M«M^.<<; tihfi Qii«cii ^Uv^ru. A. D. 1741. ' 


?«jg of ||i» yin» sjgnificftion \ i^irdol 
?>t^ i^ 1^ obfiervatipD, tq fup^rse the 
characters <» particular j^eraon^ \ for trea- 
titf, b| vliQiB^oey^ oinied Q^, ha^e en4ed 
alwaya with the aame aucceas. 

It is tine, therefore, to know, at lengt)^ 
our veakfiefa and our at^eneth, and \q re- 
solre BP lofiger to put oura^ea yq)i^tarily 
imo (be power of our ei^iqiea : piir trpppii 
kave (Afaya been oiir abjeat n^pciatprs, 
«nd to ttan it ly^ t^, for the moat part, 
necesaiy at last to refer our cause. 

Let OS tji^ aivmra pr^a^irye our mardal 
char^fileib and n^^t the j^rai^ of poli- 
tical coqiHog; % qualj^ which, I believe, 
ve jiull n^ver attain, and whi<4^, if we 
could obtain, would add nothioff to our ho- 
lOBr. IM it b^ the practice of Qnliona to 
daciar« their r^polutiopB without r^a^erve, 
aod adbcre |o them \^ oppoaition to dai^- 
pen; let thfip be ambitiOMS of no other 
elogiff thsn tl^a«^ which o^ay be gaped by 
\a$^ ^ -coMH^^ f^or will uey thep 
erer find tli^ir alliea diffident, or their en^- 
m% cAatttppjtttous. 

By ieG9rering and afaettiqg thii chfl* 
ader, we may pecon^e once ippre the ar- 
bita? of £iii«f>e, and be courted by all thiB 
Prot^ftaatpiTWisiifi their protectora; we 
n^ once mqre aubdue the ainbition of the 
l^pnig F^oh, and once more deliver 
tkemiBe oS. Auatria from tf)e incs^pafuit 
praiit of IJMe realleap eneoiiea* 

TlieMNMB9 of ihctt. illuatrioua family. 
Sir, hii aly^ra /mp^tfed to. me, since I 
iftMMthert»te pf £uropp,the uAvariable 
iitMWt of ikie Britiab nation, and pur ob* 
ligatioiia to support it, on thia |iarticular 
ocoM^have afipeiMiy beenauffici^tly ex- 

W])eace it jurpceeds. Sir, that t^oae who 
•ovioa^irioil^ly ^^povvie the Auatrian in- 
tovt, baiebeen so pli^Aly foigetful of it 
OQ other pQcaaioqs, t ^upoot determine. 
Aat treaties have been niade y^ little 
to theaivaDtage ipf that &oaily, and that 
itepwiai hftve be^ aufiered to insult it 
fiAoot eppesitiiPB, is w$A Igoow^i, nor was 
n kog agp om it was debated in thi^ 
<loQ«, wholiier .any pooey shpuld be lent 

NopuUic or private cbaracti^r can be 
*W<vtsd, 90 appqay, fiir, can be intimi- 
w^aor any iam^ confirmed in his ad- 
^■^^ttoe, bat 1^ % steady and consistent 
<*(Klact, by proposing in all pur actions: 
2>diCDds as may b^ pp^y avowed, and 
t^pcnuii^^^ without r^grd to tem- 

ftwy mv^mim^^ 9t petty obstad^es. 

Swfa oDndact, Sir, I woidd gMly ce- 

commend on the preaei^t ocfs^n, on 
which I should ))e far frop advisipga faint, 
an irresolute, or momentary asBiat^ce, 
such supplies as declare diffidence in our 
own etre^gtli, or a- mean inclination to 
please contrary partiea at the aame time, 
to perform our engagementa with the 
queen, and continue our friendship with 
rraf^ce. It i^ ip my opinion, proper to 
espouse our ally yeith the spirit of a natipi| 
that expecta hpr deciaiona to tie ratified^ 
that holda the balance of the world in her 
hapd, and cap bestow conqpeat and eju-* 
pire at her pleasure. 

Vet, Sir, it cannot be flepied that many 
powerful reaaons jpa^ be birought ag||insi 
any new occasion of^ expence ; nor la it 
without horror and aatonishment that any 
man, converaant in political calculationa, 
cfui copaider the enormous profuaion of the 
national treaaure. In the late dreadful 
confusion pf the world, w)ien the ambition 
of France had aet half the nations of the 
earth on flame, when we sent our armies 
to the contment, and fought. the general 
qi^irnel of j^tiiapkind, we p§jd 4unng th^* 
reigns of king William, apd his great sue* 
ceaaor, reigna of which every summer waa 
distinguished by some ipiiportaut actiop 
but four millions yearly. 

But our preparations fpr the presept w^» 
in which scarcely a single ship of war h^ 
bepn tajken, or a sin^e fortress l^d ip 
ruins, have broug^ upon the nation an ex- 
pence of fiye unions. So much more arp 
w^ now obliged to pay to ampse thp 
weakest, than formerly to subdue Uie moft 
powerful of our enemies. 

Frugi^ity, which is always prudent, is, 
at this tip;ie. Sir, vikdiapensible, when war, 
dreadful as it ii^ may be termed the lightest 
of our calamities, when the seasons have 
diaap|>9iB^ted us of bread, and an pniveraal 
scarcity afflicts the nation. Every day 
brings M« accounts from different p^u;!^ ^ 
thj^ pppntxy, and eve^ account is a nevf 
pvidpncp of the gener^ calamity, pf the 
WWit of efppjpyja^ent for the ppor, and ita 
Apppssary qpnsequence, the want pf food* 

lie tli^ is scarce able to preserve him* 
fpU*, cannot be expected to assiat others ; 
noF is that money to be granted to foreign 
powprs, which is wipitpd for the suppoit df. 
our fellow-subjects, who are now languish- 
ing with diseases, which unaccustomed 
hardships, and unwholesome provisions 
have brought upon them, while .we pre 
providing against distant dangers, and he- 
wailing the distresses of the house of Aua* 


14 (SEORGE IL DOaie on a Suitkfy io ike Q^m tfHmigarg. [184 

Let us not add to the miseries'of famine 
the mortifications of insult and neglect ; 
let our countrymen, at least, divide our 
care with our allies ; and, while we fonn 
schemes for succouring the aueen of Hun- 
gary^ let us endeavour- to alleviate- nearer 
distresses, and prevent or pacify domestic 

If there be any man whom the sight of 
misery cannot move to compassion, who 
can hear the complaints of want without 
sympathy, and see the general calamity of 
his country without employing one hour 
on schemes for its relief: I^t not that 
man dare to boast of integrity, fidelity or 
honour; let him not presume to recom* 
mend the preservation of our iaith, or ad- 
herence to our confederates ; that wretch 
can have no real regard to any moral ob« 
ligation, who has forgotten those first du- 
ties which nature impresses ; nor can he 
that neglects the happiness of his country, 
recommend any good action for a good 

It should be considered. Sir, £bkt we 
can only be useful to our allies, and for- 
midable to our enemies, by being unanimous 
and mutually confident of the good inten- 
tions of each other, and that notiiing but 
a steady attention to the public welwe, a 
constant readiness to remove grievances, 
and an apparent unwillingness to impose 
new burthens, can produce that unanimity* 

As the cause is therefore necessarily to 
precede the eflfect ; as foreign influence is 
the consequence of happiness at home, let 
us endeavour to establisn that alacrity and 
security that may animate the people to 
assert ^their ancient superiority to other 
nations, and restore that plentjr which may 
raise them above any temptation to repine 
at assistance ^iven to our allies. 

No man, Snr, can very solicitously watch 
over the wel&re of his neighbour, whose 
mind is depressed by poverty, or distracted 
by terror, and when the nation shaU see 
iis anxious for l&e preservation of the 

Sueen of Hunffary, and unconcerned about 
ie wants of our fellow-subjects; what 
can be imagined, but that we have some 
method of exempting oursdves firom the 
coDootton^tress, and that we regard not 
the public misery when we do not feel it ? 

Sir Robeti Walpole : 

Sir ; it is always proper for every man 
to lay down some principles upon which 
he proposes to act/whetiier in public or 
private ; that he may not be always waver- 
mg, uncertain, and irresolute; thai his 

adherents may know wliat they are to ex- 
pect, and his adversaria be aUe to teO 
why they are opposed. 

It is necessary. Sir, even for hig ovn 
sake, thathemav not be always straying 
with himself; that he may Imow hu own 
determinations, and enforce them b^ the 
reasons which have prevailed upon him to 
ibrm diem ; that he may not argue in the 
same speedi to contrary purposes, and 
weary the attention of ms hearers with 
contrasts and antitheses. 

When a man admits the necessitj of 
mnting a supply, expatiates upon the 
danger that may be proauced by retarding 
it, (feclares asainst the least delay, bow- 
ever speciousljr proposed, and inforces the 
arguments which have been already ofiered 
to shew how much it is our dut j snd in- 
terest to allow it; tasty it not reosonably 
be imagmed that he intends to promote it» 
and is endeavouring to convince them of 
that necessity of ^ch he seems himieif 
convinced ? 

But when the same man proceeds to 
display, with equal doquence, the preseat 
calapaities of the nation, and teOs, to how 
much better purposes the sun, thus de- 
manded, may be applied ; when ke dwells 
upon the possibility that an impolitic nse 
may be made of the national treasure; 
and hints, that it may be asked for one 
purpose and employed to another, what 
can be cbUected firom his harangue, how- 
ever elegant, entertaining, and pathetic? 
How can his true opinion be discorered? 
Or how shall we fix such fiigitive reason- 
ines, such variable rhetoric ? 

I am not aUe, Sir, to discern, why truth 
should be obscured ; or why any man 
should take pleasure in heaping together 
all the arguments that his knowledge inay 
supply, or his imagination suggest, aga^t 
a proposition which he cannot deny. ^^ 
can I assign any gopd purpose tbst can 
be promoted by perpetual renewals of de- 
bate, and bjr a repetition of objection^ 
whidi have m former conferences, on toe 
same occasion, been found of little force* 

When the system of affidrs is not fully 
laid open, and the schemes are in part un- 
known, it is easy to raise ©bjectians for- 
midable in appearance, which perhaps cao- 
not be answered till the necessity of se- 
crecy is taken away. When any general 
calamity has fallen upon a nation, it is * 
very fruitfiil topic of rhetoric, and may w 
very pathetically exaggerated, upon « 
thousand occasions to whidi it haa none* 
oessary relation^ 


HfeDCot met tl Weitmiitttetr. The KiMg 
^ leated on tin; throne, adorned wHh 
k crovn and x«gal oimflMuents, and at- 
^■ded vitb li& officers of state, com- 
iBided ttie genUeman usiier of the black 
U, to let fbe Commond imoWi It is hk 

Meeimg of the N\m PariiammU * A. D.' 1741. flQd 

tnajesbr's jpkaiure, Uiat they attend hini 
kntnediatefy, m this House. 

Who being conte; the Lord Chancdlot 

<< My lords and gentlemen, 

<^ I have it in commaDd from his ma* 

ih tort cAect io Scotland, that he 
Ibecibrts of Ims biolher» the earl off lhiy> 
»M long maoaged the interest of the crown 
Ihtt^Qsrter ; and the majority of Scottish 
Ukts, who had formed a rttong phafaax in 
larflffMeniiDent, ware now ranged on the 
Itnry tab. These aoqaisHioDS were oonsi- 
ad W Sffosition as a sareooien of success ; 
^IMsgloa, ia a letter to the duke of Ar- 
I dittw a ooBii|iarative statement of the 
\ irfHh ia iha fotore jiarliameat, highfy 
Ida tathemioisianal party. He justly 
that a migorii^ of' sixteen, whioa 
t that the most sanguine friends 
coald entertain h<^p«s of forming 
|( esaDOMiiuaoient of the session, would 
ne a minority. He laid down a plan 
andattaok which was wiiely formed^ 
executed, the homogeneous parts were 
Med, and the whole pfaahmx, howerer 
JKi sad disooidant in other respects, nsoved 
to one great ol^eot, the reomval 

c$»icorred, in the present 
j^tsMUder the efforts of Walpole for se- 
a nffictent majority in the new narlia-p 
He had continued so long in 
Vthat many, like the sul^iedls of the 
a \oa^ raiga, pined for a new ad- 
fraaa m, mere desire of ohaage. 
dreams of future splendour and 
which'were to beaos oa the nation, ' 
aihemiaisterwasreaBoved; that minister, 
fVissQrled the father of corruption, who 
iioeaKd of sqaaodering the public money, 
sf Awriag from the plunder of his devoted 
rtry, neh immense riches as no indiridual 
crer before amassed; who alone prevented 
ippreswm of numerous taxes, the aboU- 
I the national debt, and obstructed those 
of reform, whidi were to restore credit 
to the king and parliament. Bis 
la pteihioe a new aera, the revrval of 
age; ajtmetianofall parties wasto 
isee, and the sovereign, instead of being 
lief of a sect, was to become at once the 
of bis people, and to reign in the hearts 
aDbjec^. These notions were indus- 
cirealated, and greedily swallowed by 
' popukce, until his removal became 
of nathmal concern, 
po^ar clamour for a war with Spain 
m violent, that the resiitance of the 
-was deemed a shameAil puSitfanimity 
of natibual honour, and becatne 
theme of satire aod contumely, 
Ifitoe and rhyme. *« Sir Riibert Wal - 
"is Burke justly obserres, ^'^ was forced 
war ia 1T89, by the people, who were 

r»- ■»- 

hiAamed to this measure, by the most leading 
peKticsaBS, by the ilrst'oraters, and the greatest 
aeelB ef the tines. For that war Pope sung 
nis dying neles. Per that war Johnson, in 
more energetic strains, employed the Voice <^ 
his earlv genius. For that war Glover distin- 
guished himself in the way in which his merit 
was the most natural and happy. The crowd 
veaifily fbllowed the politieians, in the cry for 
a war which Shreatened littie Uoed^ed, v^ 
whidi promised vlcteries, that were stttended 
with sortKlhiag more sotid than glory. A war 
Willi Spam was a war of plander." 

'< Bat even those who acted mWk hhn la- 
bowed to nndermine h» power. Wilmington 
Wished his downAn, tmstiag ^lat if that event 
should take place, he should succeed as flnft 
lord of the ti^easury. He caballed with the 
principal leaders of opposition, and in a letter to 
Dodington, congratulated him on his suceess 
hi the elections of Melcomb and Weynrontb, 
against tbe<»ndid8tes supported fay the rotnisv ' 
ter. INewcastle, who mtd hitherto acted an 
nnder-part^ aspired to be leader of the Whfgs, 
and flattered himself that on the remond Of 
Walpole, a considerable addition of power 
would be placed in his hands; He had even 
made clandestine overtures to the duke of Ar- 
gyle, which had been^dtsclosed to the minister. 

*^ The minister was also greatly embarrassed 
with theoonduct of foreign affiiirs, on which he 
was not always eoofidenUally consulted. The 
negociation which settled the neutrality of Ha^ 
norer, was begun and nearly concluded, not 
only without his approbation, but almost with^^ 
out his knowledge. The first positive informa- 
tion he received of ft, was a private letter from 
the king, which was deKveied to him in the 
presence of the duke of Neweaslle, to whom ' 
ne never disclosed the contents. He was ap- 
prehensive lest the nation should impute to him 
a measure so extremdy unpopular. He com - 
plained that lord Hamngtou, the secretary of 
state who attended the kin^ to Hanorer. had 
not given earlier notice to the cabinet of Eng- 
land, and he told a foreign agent, that theneu- 
tiality of Hanover was compulsory, and could 
not aiTect England. On mature reflection^ 
however, he appreciated the necessity of the 
measure, and though dissatisied with the com • 
menoement of the negociation, approved and 
sanctioned its conclusion. 

« Every means was now employed to tra- 
duce his character. The most calumnious re* 
ports were invented ^nd diffasted. It was ru- 
moured 'that admiral Haddock had Orders to 
avoid meeting and intercepting the %anish 
transports carrying troops to Italy, fbr the ]jur- 
pose of taUtig possession of Toseabyv P^uma, 



iMt ^Ae Hottte afOmmaiu. 


jesty, to acquaint you, that he is pleased 
to defer declaring the causes of calling 
this parliament, tiu there shall be a Speaker 
of the House of Commons. It is, there- 
fore, his majesty's pleasure, that you^ gen- 
tlemen of the House of Commons, do im- 

and Placentia, for Doo Philip, under the gua^ 
rantee of fingUad. E^eD such wild and ab- 
surd fictions, that he bad betrayed to Fleury 
and Patinho, the projected operations against 
Spain, and that he^receiFed from those minis- 
ters large remittances to bribe the parliament, 
were aadacioosly adranced, and confidently 

*< The minister had been no sooner forced into 
the war, than the mode of conducting it became 
an object of obloquy and censure. Violent mur- 
murs were diffused throughout the nation, 
grounded on the ill success of the war, the loss 
of the commerce witli Spain, of which those who 
forced the minister to commence hostilities most 
loudly complained; the neutrality of Ha- 
noTer was represented as inconsistent with the 
dignity and interests of England, and falsely 
imputed to him. To these immediate causes 
of complaint were added apprehensions of fu- 
ture oFils ; the conclusion of a dishonourable 
peace with Spain was said to be in agitation, of 
which the basis was to be the ' restitution of 
Gibraltar and Minorca; the aggrandisement of 
France, the abasement of the house of Austria, 
the establishment of the elector of Bavaria on 
the throne of the empire, who would always 
remain attached to the bouse of Bourbon, and 
the guarantee of Parma to Don Philip, which 
would be a shameful breach of the guarantee 
of the pragmatic sanction. 

^' The minority by which the motion to re- 
move him was rejected, the death of sir Wil- 
liam Wyndham, and the retreat of Bolingbroke 
into France, rendenrd him indolent, and in- 
spired him with too much confidence in the 
support of the king, and in the strength of his 
friends. * flis success on this occasion,' as a 
contemporary pamphleteer jusUy expresses 
hiuiself, * threw him into a lethargy of power. 
He imagined that the breach between the 
Whigs and the Tories was too great to be re- 
nair^ during the time of electing a new par- 
liament ; he thought that it would daily become 
wider ; he seems to have mistaken the motives 
which induced the Tories to act as they did, and 
Ibrmed too favourable a iudgment of t^e tem- 
per and spirit manifested by the people^ on that 
unjust motion. He gave them time to recon* 
cile this temporary ebb, and suffered the popu- 
lar opinion against him to flow back again with 
increasing violence.' 

** While the minister laboured under this 
pressure of great unpopularity; whil^ he was 
arraigned for the peasures of others, of which 
he was accused of bein|f the sole director; 
while the cabinet was divided, and the support 
from the crown so feeble ; the exertions on the 
aide of go? emment were inadef uate to the vi- 

mediatdy repair to the place where i 
Commons usually sit, and there choose 
fit person to be your Speaker; and tl 
you present the person who ahali be 
chosen, to his m^csty, here, for his ro 

amrohation, on Friday next, at two of i 

Then his majesty was pleased to retii 
and the Commons withdrew. 

List fjf the House of Commons.*] 1 
following is a List of the Membeit of i 
House of Commons : 

gorouft efl^Mls made by oppoiitioo. TbelVi 
and Jaoobitss were' reconciled with the ij 
fected Whigs, and all united to deonliAi 
common enemy. Letters from the ?mi 
were circulated among the Jscobttfes sail 
Tories, exhorting them to use all tfieir li 
for the purpose of effWsting the disgnee «| 
Robert Walpole; and soch was the tempa 
the people, that fais fall became the opeser 
eret wish of all parties." Cote's W9ij4K 

• << It was thought about this time, fkA\ 
numbers and weight of property in tbeHs 
of Peers, were too disproportioned t» tM 
the Commons; andconsequentiythsttbel 
portanoe of a peerage was too gfeat, tnl^ 
of the House of Peers too small. His mai 
ever sinoe his aoeession to the throae, hadl 

be remedied for the future, and tint ibee 
stitution in that respect should be k9^ 
nearer to its first principles. Three ooimasl 
therefore bad been made peers this waM 
Mr. Bromley was made lord MeBtM»'i 
Stephen Fox lord Ilcbester, and Mr. Hi 
lord Ched worth ; all of them men of propa 
and their persons so unexceptionable, that, e 
in that period of discontent, their crealiooii 
with general applause." Tindal. 

*' By the best judgment I can form xS 
list of this present paiHiament, and 1 barec 
mined it very carefully, we appear to be 
strong, that 1 think we can but just be ci 
the minority ; and I am very sure that sue 
minority, well united and well conducted, mi 
soon be a majority. But ' Hoc opos hicb 
* est.' It will neither be united nor well c 
ducted. Those who should lead it will mak 
their business to break and divide it ; aod tl 
vrill succeed. I mean Carteret and Piiltai 
Their behaviour for these few years has, in 
mind, plainly ahewn their views and toeir 
gociations with the court : bat, surely, tl 
conduct at the end of last session puts 1 
matter out of all dispute. They feared e 
the success of that minority, and took can 
render it as inrignificant as posaible. 1 
they then not be much more apprehennn 

lis] LiH rfihe House hfC<mmo^s. 


IN THE Ninth Parliam£nt of 
Grbat Britain, which met at 
Westminstbr, Dbcembbr ly 1741. 

BEDroftzMOiEE. Sir John Chester.— Sir Roger 
Mfard. Samnel Ongley ; died, no new 
wiit ordered.-^tr Boteler Chemocke. 

fimiemi. Peoyston Powney.— -^Winch. 
flowird Packer; died, a new writer- 
dend, Nov. 18, 174a.^Henry Pye. 
IFiiiiof . — Henry Pox ; made a lord of 

Ai o. mi. 


tbc MKCH of this ; and will not both their 
■Mritaad their reward be much the mater for 
deMagitr If you willtell ma that they ought 
DtbcrtD ifiti theoMBlves of these nambers, and, 
It the bcsd of them, force their way where 
tbej ire ao impatient to go, I will agree with 
joa, that in prudenoe they ought ; but the fkct 
u, tbnr reason qaite differeiitly, desire to ffet 
ia, witn a few by negodation, and not by tTc- 
tory with numliers, who they fear might pre- 
sQiDenpoD thttr strength, and grow trouble- 
noe to their generals. 

■^ On the other hand, sir Robert must* be 
ibincd St our nombers, and must resolve to 
ndueetbcm before they are brought into the 
Ui He kaowa by experience, where and 
bow to tpply for that purpose; with this dif- 
fcnscsioly, that the nambers wiU have raised 
tbeDnoe,whichbemuslcomeapto. And this is 
<11 toe friiit 1 expect from this alroog minority. 
Yos will poanUy ask me, whether all this is in 
tW power of Carteret and Palteney ? I answer, 
ys; in the power of PoUeaey alone. He has 
I peiMwai loiu^oce over numy, and an in- 
tn«ed iaIlQsnee over more. The silly, half- 
*itte^ seslous wlugs eonnder htm as the only 
uppoit of whiggism ; and look upon us as 
nniisg headlong into Bolingbroke and the 
tonei The interested whigs, as Sandys, 
fiaibogt, and Gibbon, with many others, are 
IS ifflpatieot to oome into court as he can be ; 
ud, penoided that he has opened that door a 
i^e, will hold fiist by him to squeeze in with 
ho, sod think they can justify their conduct 
tB the public, by following their old leader, 
coder the colours' (though fatse ones) of 

** What then, is nothing to be done ? Are we 
^ fft it op tamely, when the prospect seems 
nnir? No ; I am for actinia, let our numbers 
k whit they will. I am for discriminatiug, 
and making people speak out ; though our 
nimben should, as 1 am convinced they will, 
bsm cowiderably by it. Let what will hap- 
pn, we cannot be in a worse situation than 
6it we have been in for these last three or four 
y«tn. Nsy, I am for acting at the very be- 
f imiDg of the seiisioos, and bringing our num- 
Wn the first week *, and points for that pur- 
pose, 1 sm sure, sre not wanting. Some occur 
to ne now, many more w ill, 1 dare say, occnr 


the treasury, and a new writ being 
ordered, Dec. SI, 1743,he was re-elect- 
ed. Then made secretary at war ; and 
aheir writ being ordered, May 27, 1746, 
be was re-elected. — Lord Sidney Beau- 
clerk ; died, a new writ ordered, Nov. 
S8, 1744.— Lord George Beauclerk. 
Reading. William Strode.->Jobn Bla- 

WailmgfortL Jolm Banoe. — John Rush' 
Abingdon. John Wright. 



Rich. Greoville. — Ricbw 

George Denton.— George 

to others ; and many will, by that tinfte, pre* 
sent themselves. 

** Por example, the court generallr proposee 
some servile and shameless tool of theirs to be 
Chairman of the Committee of Privileges and 
Elections. Why shouM not we, therefore,, 
pick out some whig of a fair character, and^ 
with personal connections, to set up in opposi* 
tion ? I think we shoold'be pretty stronspupon 
^is point. But as fbr opposition to their 
Speaker, if it be Onslow, we sballbelrai weak; 
he having, by a certain decency of MWaviour^ 
made himself many personal fnends in the mi- 
nority. The affair of Carthagena will of course 
be mentioned^ and there, in nw opinion, a 
qnsation, ttid a trying one too, or oensiire, lie» 
very fair, that the delaying of that expedition 
so lale last year was the principal eause of our 
disappointnnent. An address to the king, de- 
siring him to make no peace with Spain, un- 
less our undoubted right 'of navigation in the 
West Indies, without molestation or searicb, b# 
clearly and in express words stipulated, and 
till we have acquired sodde valuable p oese s si on 
there, as a pledge of the performance of such 
stipulation : such a oueation wouM surely be • 
popular one, and distressful enough to tb* 

^ I entirely agree with yon, that we ought 
to have meetiugs to concert measures some 
time before the meeting of the parliament ; but 
that I likewise know will not hafipen. I havja 
been these seven years endeavouring to bring it 
about, and have not been able. Fox-huntinar» 
gardening, planting, or indifference, having al- 
ways kept our people in the country, till the 
very day before the meeting of the parliament. 
Besides, would it be easy to settle who shoukl 
be at those meetings ? If Pulteney and hia 
people were to be chose, it would be only in- 
formiDg them beforehand, what they should 
either oppose or defend ; and if they Were not 
there, their own exclusion would in some de- 
gree justify, or at least colour their conduct 
As to our most flagitious House, I belijeve you 
agree there is nothiog to be done in it ; and for 
aiich a minority to strug^^le with such a ma- 
jority, would be much like the late king of 
Sweden's atucking the Ottoman army at S«li«^ 
der, at the head of his cook and butler, 



15 GEOBfiE II. 


GreoTiUe ; made a lord of the adaftinhy ; 

aiid a new writ being ordered, Dec. 39, 

1744, he waa re-elected. 
Vhijtping Wicomb. Edrnwid Waller; 

made oofferei* to bis mneaty; and a 

new writ being ordered, Deo. SS, 1744, 

lie waa re-el^;ted.-*-Harry Waller. 
Aylahury, WHliam Tiac. PctcrsiMUi.— 

Chas. Pilsworth. 

Agmondetham. TlKiaias Gore; aiade 
commissary -general of the muatet;^ ; a 
new writ ordered, Feb. fll, 1746. He 
was re-chosen for Portmnoath.T-Sir 
Henry Marshall ; lord jnayor of Lon- 
don 1745.->-William Drake. 

Wcndaair. John Hampden .-^Ralphfiso. 
Fermanagh; created earl Vemey in 
the kingdom of Ireland. 

Great' Marlaw, Sir Thomas Hoby ; died, 
• new writ ordered, Nov. S7, 1744.— 
Samuel TuffneU.— Will. Ookenden. 

CAMBRiDGEiBiRE. Soomo Jonyns.— Samuol 

Univ. af Cmnhridge, Edward Finch; 
made one of the grooms of hiam^esty's 
bglchamber, and a new writ bemg 
4Mered, July 13, 174S, he was re- 
elected.— Thomas Townshend. 

Tnm of*Camkridge. Thomas vise. Dup- 
plin*; made one of the oommtssionerB 
of trade* and plantations; and a new 
writ being ordered, Nov. 18, 1746, be 
was re-elected.— Jamee Martin ; died, 
a new writ ordered, Dee. S8, 1744. — 
Christopher JeafTreson. 

CuKSHiRE. Charles Cholmondeley. — • John 
Crew, Jan. 
Chetter, Sir Robert Grosvenor. — Sir 
Charies Bnnbnry; died, a new writ 
ordered, April 16, 174«. — ^Phil. Henry 

Cornwall. Sir John St Aubin ; died, a new 
writ ordered, Nov. 27, 1744.— Sir Wil- 
liam Carew ; died, a new writ ordered. 

^ '* These are difficnities, the insurmountable 
difficulties, that 1 foresee ; and which make me 
absolutely despair of seeing any good done. 
However, I am entirely at Uie service of you 
and the rest of m;^ friends who mean the pub • 
lie good. I will either fight or run away as you 
shful determine. If the duke of Argyle sounds 
to battle, I will follow my leader ; if he stays in 
Oxfordshire, I will stay in Grosvenor square. 
I think it is all one which we do as to our 
House ; your's mnst be the scene of action, if 
action there be ; and action 1 think there 
should be, at least for a time, let your numbers 
be what you will." Lord Chesterfield to Mr. 
Dodingtbn, dated Spa, September 8, 1741. 
See Coxe's Memoirs of sir R. Walpole, vol. 
«,p,579. ^ ' ' 

qfOe Hmue tfCmm^Vi^. [196 

I Marck 15, 1744.— Sir John Molo- 
worth.— Sir Coventry Carew. 

Launcnton. SirWilliamlrby.— Sir Will 

Leskard. Charies Tiekwiity. 

LestwiHiel. Sir R. Salusbuiy CottoD. 
— Sir John Cross. 

Truro. Charies Hamilton ; Clerk of the 
houshold to the prince : made receirer- 
jj^nera) and collector of the rcTenuei 
m the island of Minorca, and a new 
writ bemg ordered, Dec. »9, 1743, be 
was re-elected. — James Hammond ; 
equerry to the prince ; died, a ntw 
writ ordered, June 10, 1749.— Edwtrd 

Bodmyn. John Laroche.—- Thdmas Blad- 
worth ; groom of tke bedehamber to 
the prince of Wales. 

• Hebton. Francis Godolnhio, nephew (o 

the late earl of Godoiphin.— Thomas 

Saltath. John Cleveland ; clerk of the 
checque io the navy- office, Plymouth, 
made a commissioner of the navy ; tod 
a new writ ordered, April 13, 1745.- 
Stamp Broeksbank.— Thomas Corbet. 

Camelford, Will, earl of. locbiqeio.- 
Charles Montague ; aaditor-geofrtl to 
the prince of Wales for the couoty of 

Wmilow. Sir Charles Wager; fint lord 
of the admiralty, made treasurer of the 
■avy ; and a new writ' betog ordered, 
Dec. 16, 1749, he was* re- elected, aod 
died ; a new writ ordered, Dec. S, 
1748. — ^Benjamin Keeae; a eommif- 
sioiMir of trade and plaotatioDs, made 
pajmaster of divers aonnal bonnties 
and pensions ; and a new writ beio^ 

• ordered, Dec. 29, 1744, he was re- 
elected .-—John Frederick. 

Orampound, Daniel Bootie; made com- 
missary geDftral of the musters ; aod 
a new writ being ordered, July 13, 
1742, he was re-elected. — W^illiaoi 

Eaftlow. Jas. Buller.— Francis Gashry ; 
joint secretar^r to the treasury, and 
secretary to sir -Robert Walpole, a« 
chancellor of the excheqaeri 

Fenryn. Edward Vernon; made bis 
election for Ipswich ; a new writ or- 
dered, Feb. 14, 1743.— John ETelyo. 
George Boscawen. 

Tregony. Thomas Watts ; prothoootary 
of the court of common pleas. — ^Henr}' 
Penton ; under secretary to the duke of 
Newcastle, oo^ of the principal s^- 
taries of state. — George Cooke ; made 
auditor of his ro^'esty^s duchy of Corn- 
wall ; sod a new writ being ordered, 
June.lB, 1751, he was re-elected. 


Iju^^A^ House ^Cammom* 

A. D. 1741. 


Olio. FMler.^HiiAiftrd Liddel ; 
not daly rttarned, but bad leare to 
MtflM.— John Sdbine. — Christopher 
Tower ; jDOt dnhr deeted.-— Thomas 
Fotior^m ■Richard Liddel ; died, a new 
writ ordered, Jane 36, 1746.— William 

Su i9€U John Bristowe; depnty-go- 
Tonor of the South Sea Company .— 
Gregory Beake; lieateDaot'Oolonel of 
his majesty's royal regiment of Horse 

F«ney. Jonathau Rashleigh.— William 
mrdonr ; died, a new writ ordered, 
July %4p 1746.— Geonge Edgocumbe. 

St. Germans. John Hyiid Cotton.— 
Jasaes Newsam. 

St. Miekael. John Ord; died, a new 
writ ordered, Oct. 29, 1745.— Edward 
Clive ; made a baron of the exchequer, 
a new writ ordered, May 2, 1745.— -Sir 
Edward Pickering.— ^ir Rd. Lloyd; 
one of his majesty's counsel at law. 

Kevpott. Nicholas Herbert.— Thomas 

Si.Mmi. Robert Nugent— JamesDong- 
las ; eomptcoUer of the household lo the 

CsUimgUm. Cha. Hor. Walpole; usher 
of the ezeheoner -, third son of the earl 
of Orford.— Thomas Coplestoue. 

Cmmhrhmd. 8v James Lowther.— Sir 

. JoBCBh Pennington; died, anew writ 
■ ' Dee. 10, 1744.— Sir John 

Corlitfe. Charles Howard; groom of 
Ike beddlainher lo his majesty .--John 
fitanwix; not duly dected.— John Hyl- 
tsn ; died, a new writ ordered, Nov. 18, 
ir46. — John Sianwix; lieutenant -co- 
lonel of a regiment of foot. 

Cockermouth. Wm. Finch,— Johd Mor- 
daont f colonel in the Foot Gatfnis, 
and e^nrry to jjgp majesty. 

DommB.l£f Wm. marq. of Hartmgton.— 
Sir Nmaniel Curzon. 
IMy Xbwft. Lonl James Cavendish ; 
made^ auditor of foreign aocorapts or 
inpoats in Ireland: a new writ ordered, 
Maivb 1, 174S.— John Stanhope.*^ 
Will. vise. Duncannon ; son in-law to 
the doke of Devonshire, made a Ior4 of 
the AdmiraUy ; and a new writ being 
altered, Jnue 23, 1746, he was re- 

fkmmaam. 9k Wilt. Courtenay. — Theo- 
phiius Forteacue; died, a new writ 
•ijcnd, March «1, 1746.-«ir Thomaa 
Jbttr. Sr Henry Northcotn; died, a 
■ew wril ordered, Dec. 1, 1743.- 
Bninibiy. SydenhaA.--4Kr R. W. 

Ibfiseif. 81r Charles Willes; died, a 
new writ ordered, Jan. 16, 1742. — 
Joseph Danver8.--Sir John Strange; 
aolteitor- general and recorder of I^- 
don, both which he resigned. 

Plymouth. Arthur Stert.— Lord Vere 
Beauclerk ; made a lord of the Ad mi- s 
ralty ; and a new writ being ortlered, 
Dec. 22, 1744, he was re-elected. 

Oakhmnpton* George Lyttelton ; made 
a lord of the treasury ; and a new writ 
being ordered, Deo. 22, 1744, he waa - 
re-elected.— Thomas Pitt ; assay- mas- . 
ter for the coinage of tin to the prince 

Barnstaple. Henry RoUe, — John Harris. 

Flwnpton Earle. Tho. Clutterbuck; a 
lord (^ the Admiralty, made treasurer 
of the navy ; and a new writ being or- 
dered. May 7, 1742, he was re-elected 
and died; and a new writ ordered, 
Nov. 26, 1742. — Richard Edgecumbe ; 
created lord Edgecumbe; a new writ 
ordered, Anril 26, 1742.— Rich. Edge- 
cumbe ; eldest son of lord Edgecumbe. 
—William k>rd Sundon. 

JJont/on. Sir W. Yonge; made joint 
vioe-4reasorer,and reeeiver-^neral, and 
paymaster of all his majesty's revenues 
ra the kingdom of Ireland; and a new 
writ being ordered. May 10, 1746, he 
was re-elected.— H. Reginald Courte- 

Tavittock. Charles viscount Fane.T-Lord 
Sherard Manners ; died, a new writ 
ordered, Jan. 20, 1742.— James vis- 
count Limerick. 

Ask^rion. John Harris ; master of his 
majesty's houshold. — John Aracot; 
commistery-general of the marines. 

Dartmouth. George Treby; died, a new 
writ ordered, March 16, 1742.— Walter 
Cary. — Lord* Archib. Hamilton; a 
lord of the admiralty. 

Btre-Alston. Samuel Heathcote.— 4Sir 
W. Mord. HariMrd. 

Tiverton. Arthur Ancot— Sir Dudley 
DoBSEnniRB. Edm. Mort. Pleydell.— George 

PqoU. JoMoh Gulston ; South Sea di- 
rector.^— Tnomas Missing.. 

DorekesUr. John Brown.— Nathaniel 
Gundry ; made one of his majesty's 
oounsei at Uw ; and a new writ being 
ordered, July 14» 1742, he was re- 

iMm Re^. Henry Holt Henley.^ 

ITeymotiM and Mdcombe R^g«.— Josh. 
Damer.— John Tucker.— John Ray- 
monds—James Stuart. 

BrU^t. William Bowles; made bis 


paired, whQe Great Brita&ti 

Debate in fhk Cofimofu on a Moiwn 


retdns her 
natural superiority, andasterts die honour 
of her flag in every climate, we cannot be- 
cOtAt despicable, nor can toy nation ridi- 
cule our menaces or scorn our alliance. 
We may still extend our influence to the 
inland countries, and awe those nations 
which we cannot invade. 

To preserve this powier, let us watch 
oveV the disposal of our money ; money 
is the source of dominion; those nations 
may be formidable for their affluence which 
are not considerable for their numbers ; 
and by a negligent profusion of therr 
wealth, the most powerful people may 
languish info imbeciHty, and sink Into- 

If die grant which is now demanded will 
be suflficlent to produce the ends to whidi it 
is proposed to be applied, if we are assured 
of the proper application of it, I shall 
agree to it without hesitation. Bot tliOQffh 
it cannot be affirmed that' the sum now oe- 
inanded is tqphtgh a price for the liberties 
of Europe, it is at least more than ought 
to be squandered without effect^ and we 
ought at least to know before we mnt it 
what advantages may be expected £om it. 

May not the sum demanded for the sup- 
port of the queen of Hungary be employ- 
''ed to promote very different interests ? 
May it not be lavished to support that 
power to which our grants have too long 
contributed, that power by which our- 
selves have been awed, and the adminis- 
tration has tyrannized without controul > 

If this sum is really intended to support 
'the queen of Hungary, may we not en- 
dulre how it is to be employed for her ser- 
vice ? Is it to be sent her for the payment 
of her afmies, and the support of her 
court ? Should we not more enectually se- 
cure her dominions by purchasing with it 
the friendship and isfisistance of the king 
of Prussia, a prince, whose extent of do- 
•minions and numerous forces make him 
'not more fbrmidable than his personal 

What may bchop^d, Sir, from a prince 
of wisdom and courage, at the head of 
110,000 regular troops, with eieht mil- 
lions in his treasury ; now touch he must 
necessarily add to' the strength of any 
party in which he shall engage, is unnc'* 
cessary to mention ; it is evident, without 
prodf, that nothing could so much contri- 
Dute to the re-est^lishment of the house 
of Austria, as a reconciliation with 'this 
taighty prince, and that to bring it to pass 
would be the most effectual method of 

serving the unfortunate ^^fxem ^ re. 
quires our assiscanee. 

Why We should despair, Sir^ oTsoch a 
nsconcOilrtioii I cannot p6tdnvc; s n- 
conciliattott e^uallv conducive to the 
real interest of both parties, tt may be 
proved, with very little difficulty, to thei 
nn^ of Prussia, that he b now assistingl 
those with whom interests fncompa^ie, 
and religions irreconcilable, Yme set 
him at variance, whom he csn never se^ 
prosperous bat by a diminution of Ms 
own greatness, and who will always pro- 
ject his ruin while they are enjoying the 
advantages of his victories. We mav 
easily convince him, that th^r power litl 
soon become, by his assistance, sach oshe 
cannot hope to withstand ; and shew M 
the examples of other princes, how dan^ 
gerous it is to add to the strength of uij 
ambitious neighbour. We may shew bin 
how much the fate of the empire is noi^ 
in his hands, and how much more giorioo^ 
and more advantageous it will be to prei 
serve it iVom ruin, than to contribute to H^ 

If, by such ai^gtrments. Sir, this potcnl 
monitrch can be induced to act steadSy ij 
defence of the common cause, we ntai 
once more stand at the head df a Protes 
tant confederacy, that may contract m 
views and repress the ambition of thi 
house of Bourbon, and alter their schemj 
of universal monarchy into expedients w 
the defence of their dominions. 

But in transacting these a&irs, let t^ 
not engiige in' any intricate treaties, no 
amuse ourselves with displaying our abOi 
ties for negooiktion ; negociation, that fetj 
art which we have learned as yet ve^iw 
perfectly, and which we have never al 
tempteato practise but to our own losj 
While we have beep entangled in tedioil 
disquisitions, and retarded by artful d^ 
lays, while our commissaries have bed 
debating about what was only denic 
to proouce controversies, and enquirin 
after that which has been hid from the 
only to divert their attrition from otw 
queistions, how many opportunities ha^ 
been lost, and how often might we haj 
secured by war, what was, at a mw 
greater expence, lost by treaties ? 

Treaties, Sir, are the artillery of oi 
enemies, to which we have nothing to o| 
pose; they are weapons of which we knd 
not the use, and which we can only esca) 
by not comteg within their Teach. I ^^ 
not by what fatality it is, that to treat ai 
to be oheat^ are, with regard to Britai 

m] M 4 (¥iH4».*o, tke Qfi4m tffJmgi^rs* A. D. 17^1. 


foidioft|i9ffui|ii significftioo; i^rdol 
^tiQ4i bj (h^ observ^tipD, tp fisp^rse th^ 
dutfacters of particular j^rson^ j for trea- 
tMfi» by whgfgaa&fpt carried oo, ha;^ e en4ed 
abnijr« with the same success. 

It is time, therefore, to know» at lengtbt 
our v^abiaiB and our strength, and \a re- 
lolTe BO lopger to put oursehes vqti^tarily 
into the power of our en^iqies : qui: trppp^ 
bireahrays been om: |l>}e8t negpciat^rs* 
«Qd totbm it Ims b^ea, for the most part, 
necesoiy at last to refer our cause. 

l^ w Hfpxk fdways pr?s^rve oup martial 
chai|6tef» and nei^ect the ^rai$e of poli- 
tical anviog; 9 quality wb&ch, I believe, 
we Aall never fttaia, and which, if wp 
C0uld obtain, v^uld add nothing to our ho- 
imir. I^et it b^ the practice (A Brians to 
(kchie th^ rwolfiUops without reserve, 
aod adhere ta them ji) opposition to dm' 
gieni let ikma^ be ambttipi^ of no other 
cjpgj^ th^n 11^11^ which lo^jr be gajned by 
^oif^ 9pd ^qofxrtigf^ ^or will they dien 
erer find their allies diffident, or their en^ 

By reogveiing and WeitiQg this cbn- 
adar, we npay kisam^ once ipore the ar- 
biters of Ei|i«pe, »nd be courted by all the 
Pioti9tai|tpiMeiB|^ their protectors; we 
vtBf once swre ^ibdue the a^nbition of the 
tq»iig ffmd^ and once more deliver 
tibhom of Ajuistria from l^e inowfvnt 
pmnit gf thoie restlesp enemies. 

IbedeftiMe of th«it illustrious family> 
Siff bu alipvgrs 9ppeai]ed to. me, since I 
ftfai the /state of £ur^,tbe unvoriable 
iftttCit of .Itie British n^tioa, and qut ob- 
iigatioQs to support it, on this |>articuhir 
ManQii,b«ve aoeedy beenauffici^ently i&x- 

Whence it furoce^ds. Sir, that those who 
inr ao s^alowify fisppivie the Austrian in- 
tffttt, havebeen 90 fis^y fofgetful of it 
on odier oocaaioiis, I paonot determine. 
Hat treaties have been iqad^ very little 
^ the advantage of tl»et fiwiily, and that 
Jti comes huve boon auflB^red to insult it 
fitboQt oppotitioBf 19 wfii koow^jiior w(|s 
'^ ^ IgO thdU it was debated in thi^ 
ttxM^ywhcliier jviy money should be lent 

Nopiihlic or private charao(;^r can h^ 
^Vported, ^o mWY* ^9 can be intimi- 
««i, nor any friend ooc^med in his ad- 
knooe, but t^ ^ steady and consistent 
cvdoct, by proposing in all our actiomi 
MJicndi apuMky be opetdy avowed, and 
bypqsaii^'tllem wi|h(Hit r^ard to tem- 
¥nty mmwi^im^^^ pr petty obstacles. 

wi conduct. Sir, I woidd gladly i^e- 

commend on the present ocpitsion, 6n 
which I should ^^ fwr from advi3ipg a taint, 
an irresolute, or momentary asstst^ce, 
such supplies as declare diffiaence in our 
own strepgtli, or a mean inclination to 
please contrary parties at the same time, 
to perform our engagements with the 
queen, and continue our friendship with 
Frafice. It is, ip my opinion, proper to 
espouse our ally Y^ith the spiri); of a nadon 
that expects her decisions to be ratified, 
that holds the balance of the world in her 
hand, and can bestow conquest and epi- 
pire at her pleasure. 

YeL Sir, it cannot be defied that many 
powerful rea^ns ma^ be brought against 
apy new occasion of ex^nce ; nor is it 
without horror and astonishment that any 
man, conversant in political calculations, 
can consider the enormous profusion of th^ 
national treasure. In the late dreadful 
confusion pf the world, when the ambition 
of Fraiice had set half the nations of the 
earth on flame, when we sent our armief 
to the continent, and fought. the general 
quwrrel of upnkind, we paid dunng tha' 
reigns of king William, apd his great suc- 
cessor, reigns of which every summer was 
distinguished by some important actjop 
but four millions yearly. 

But our preparations for the present if ar, 
in which ^carc^y a single ship of war haa 
been taken, 0^ a sin^e fortress laid in 
ruins, have brought upon the nation an ex- 
pence of fiye n^iBions. So much more ara 
wa now obliged to pay to amuse tha 
weakest, than formerly to subdue the moat 
powerful of our enemies. 

Frugi^ity, which is always prudent, is, 
at this tigie. Sir, i^9dispensibie> when wa^t 
dreadful as it 11^ may be termed the lightest 
of our calamities, when the seasons have 
di8app9ii4ed us of bread, and an universal 
scarcity afflicts the nation. Every day 
brings us accounts from different pad3 fSf 
the oaw^y» and evexy account is a pa^ 
evidanca of the general calamity, of the 
wwpit of iaicuplpymont for the ppor, and its 
ftpiflaMary consequence, the want of £ood. 

HjC that is scarce able to preserve him- 
aalfy cannot be expected to assist others; 
nof is that money to be granted to foreign 
powers, which is wanted for the support of 
our fellow-subjects, who are now languish- 
ing with diseases, which unaccustomed 
hardships, and unwholesome provisions 
have brought upon them, while we are 
providing against distant dangers, and be- 
wailing the distresses of the house of Aua- 


14 GEORGE IL DAaie on a SiMtfy to ike Q^m ef HiMgoiy. [lU { 

Let us not add to die miseries'of famine 
the mortifications of insult and neglect ; 
let our countrymen, at least, divide our 
care with our alHes ; and, while we fonn 
schemes for succouring the aueen of Hun- 

§ary, let us endeavour- to alleviate nearer 
istresses, and prevent or pacify domestic 

If there be any man whom the sight of 
misery cannot move to compassion, who 
can hear the complaints of want without 
sympathy, and see the general calamity of 
his country without employing one hour 
on schemes for. its relief: Let not that 
man dare to boast of integrity, fidelity or 
honour ; let him not presume to recom- 
mend the preservation of our fiuth, or ad- 
herence to our amfederates ; that wretch 
can have no real regard to any moral ob- 
ligation, who has forgotten those first du- 
ties which nature impresses ; nor can he 
that neglects the happiness of his country, 
recommend any good action for a good 

It should be considered. Sir, th&t we 
can only be useful to our allies, and for- 
midabletoour enemies, by being unanimous 
and mutually confident of the good inten- 
tions of each other, and that nothing but 
a steady attention to the public welfiu*e, a 
constant readiness to remove grievances, 
and an apparent unwillingness to impose 
new burthens, can produce that unanimity* 
As the cause is therefore necessarily to 
precede the effisct; as fore^n influence is 
the consequence of happmess at home, let 
us endeavour to establisn that alacrity and 
security that may animate the people to 
assert .^their ancient superiority to other 
nations, and restore that plenty which may 
raise them above any temptation to repine 
at assistance ^iven to our allies. 

No man, Snr, can very solicitously wat<^ 
oyer the wel&re of his neighbour, whose 
mind is depressed by poverty, or distracted 
by terror, and when the nation shall see 
us anxious for ihe preservation of the 

3ueen of Hunsary, and unconcerned about 
^e wants of our fellow-subjects; what 
can be imagined, but that we have some 
method o£ exempting oursehres firom the 
common dbtress, and that we regard not 
the public misery when we do not feel it? 

Sir Robert Walpole : 

' Sir ; it is always proper for every man 
to lay down some principles upon which 
he proposes to act/ whether in public or 
private ; that he may not be always waver- 
ing, uncertain, andi irresoltttef thai his 

adherents may know what they are to a- 
pect, and his adverearitis be able to teD 
why they are opposed. 

It is necessary. Sir, even fi>r his own 
sake, that he may not be always strolling 
with himself; that he may imovr his own 
determinations, and enforce them bj the 
reasons which have prevailed upon him to 
form diem ; that he may not argue in the 
same speedi to contrary purposes, and 
weary die attention of his hearers with 
contrasts and antitheses* 

When a man admits the necessity of 
ffranting a supply, expatiates upon the 
danger that tdbj be produced by retarding 
it, (feclares aeainst the least delay, how- 
ever speciously proposed, and inforces the 
arguments which have been already oflered 
to shew how much it is our duty and in- 
terest to allow it; may it not ressonably 
be imagined that he intends to promote it, 
and is endeavouring to convince them of 
that necessity of wnich he seems himself 
convinced > 

But when the same man proceeds to 
display, widi equal eloquence, the present 
calamities of the nation, and tells, to hov 
much better purposes the sum, thus d^ 
manded, may be applied ; when he dwells 
upon the possibility that an impolitic ose 
may be made of the nadonal treasure; 
and hints, that it may be asked for one 
purpose and employed to another, whst 
can be cbllected firom his harangue, how- 
ever elegant, entertaining, and pathetic? 
How can his true opinion be discorered? 
Or how shall we fix such fugitive reason- 
ines, such variable rhetoric ? 

I am not able. Sir, to discern, why truth 
should' be obscured ; or why any maa 
should take pleasure in heaping tc^ether 
all die arguments that his knowledge ins^ 
supply, or his imagmadon suggest, agains^ 
a proposition which he cannot deny, ^o^ 
can r assign any gopd purpose tbat can 
be promoted by perpetual renewals of dej 
bate, and b^ a repetition of objections^ 
whidi have m former conferences, on th< 
same occasion, been found of little force. 

When die system of affiurs is not fu^ 
laid open, and the schemes are in part usj 
known, it is easy to raise objectioos for^ 
midable m appearance, which perh^ cai^ 
not be answered till the necessity of sej 
crecy is taken away. When any genera 
calamity has fallen upon a nation, it » I 
very fruitful tonic of rhetoric, and may bj 
very pathetiouly exaggerated, tipon i 
thousand occasions to whidi it has dooq 
oessary relation* 


Lid ffthe HtnM qfCom^»oks. 

1743.— Tboaiaf Vernon.— Sir Henry 

Droitmck, Tliomas Foley. — Thomas 
Winnington ; made bis election for 
Wofcester.— Loitl George Bentinek. 

Et€skmm. Edward Rndge. — Sir* John 
Roshoirt ; vade a lord of the treasury, 
and a new trrit bdnff ordered, Feb. I89 
174S, he was re-elected; dlerwards 

of Us majesty's navy ; 
9md anew writ being omrad, Dec. 91, 
1743, he was re-elected. 
Bsv^. WUliaai Bowles. 

■uaoBi. Charles tisc. Morpeth ; died, a 
new writ ordered, Dec. 43, 1741. — Sir 
Hyles Stapyjton.— Cbolmond. Tamer. 
York, Godfrey Wentworth. — Edward 
ThoRi|MMMt; died, a new writ ordered, 
Jnly 13, 1749.— Cfeorge Fox. 
Kkupimhupan-HvlL George Crowle.— 
WiMani Carter; died, a new writ or- 
dcrsd, Ipfi 9, 1744.— Hony Pokeney. 
nk. Sir Henry ttiuUiy.- 
aadel; mdamloid of the 
r ; and a new writ being order- 
«i, Dot. 99, 1744^ he was reelected, 
and made trsasnnr of the flfaasber ; and 
UMT writ hsiDgefdeiad, Jma 93, 1746, 

SccrlorcwgA. Wmiam Thompson ; died, 
anew writ ordered, Nor. 97, 1744.— 
WiDiain Osbaideston. — Edwin Las- 

W^pcm. WiUianiAidabie.— Henry Yane; 
Mda nos-lrea«arer, reoeirer-genera), 
and pnymailBr-general of all fak nujes- 
ty*a JifMWua in the kingdaBa of Ireland ; 
and anew writ being ordered, July 14, 
1748, he waaie-elecldf. 

XidbaoMf. John York.— Sir Conyers 

fltdMk Fc«ndsGhirte.^LaAM Robinson; 
balk not dv^y elscted.^Al^enion £. 
Hu— li iih ; died, a near writ ordered, 
hm. $%, 1744. — OaDwa Berkeley; 
died, a ww writ ocdesed, Nov. 18, 1746. 
— C e wga Ansen; nowkNrd Anpon.— 
Suand Gumley; not doly dected. 
Resolted, Feb. 5, 1747> That the right 
of election is in the bnryesses of this, 
bonmgti.'-Lake Robinson. 

Bttimgk'Bri4ge. JamesTyrmet'; colonel 
of a rcgiOMUt ef foot, brigadier-genera],. 
Md governor of Hlbory- Fort; died, a 
new writ ordered. Nor. 99, 1749.— 
Oesigc Gregory ; died, a new writ or- 
dond^ A|Nil II, 1746.— William Mur- 
ray; solicitor-generalto his majesty.— 
ffaoo eaif ofDalkelth. 

Ibton. Ld. Ja. Cavendish jmi. ; died, 
a nnw writ ordered, Deo. 93, 1741.-^ 
Bavy Finch; mad^ sorreyor-general 
of hiswa|i!iiy%wof|y, aad 11 MW writ 

A. D. 1741. [SIO 

being ordered, Dec. 91, 1743, be was 
re-eiected.-^obn Moftyn; colonel in 
the flruards, and aid -de-camp, made one 
of. the grooms of the beaehamber to 
his majesty ; and a new writ b^ing or* 
dered, Jan. 99, 1746, be was re-elected. 

Tkirtk. SirTbo.Frankhmd; died, a new 
writ ordered, May 1, 1747.— Frederick 
Frankland.— Tfio. Frfuaklaad^ captain 
of a man of war. 

AUbataugh, John Jewkes; died, a new 
writ ordevad, Doe. 1, 1743.--^drew 
Wilkinsons aoade storakosper of the 
ordnance ; and a now writ being order- 
ad, Anril 14» 1746, ho wasM«elocted.— 
Na« Nawnham. 

Beoer^. Cbaries Pelbaift. — William 

Northallerton. Henry Pdrse.— Williaiik 
Smelt; made reoeirer-general of hbi 
Biaie8t|r*s casual rerenne in the island 
of fiarnadoes ; and a new writ ordered, 
April 30, 1745. — Henry Laseelles. 

Jhmtefrad. Geo. Moreton Fltt^*-JohA 
rise. Oalway ; eonNMsaionerof the re- 
Tonno in Irdand, whiob harasigned in 


HMtingt. James Pelham ; secretary to 
the ford ckamberlain.'-Andrew 8lono<; 
aaot«taiT under tbe duke of Newcastle, 
principal seoretaiyof state; aaade se- 
cretary of the kiand of Bmbodoes, and 
a new writ being ordered, April tp 1749, 
he was re-elected. 

Dover. LordGeotgeSackfflle.-s-Thomtt 
Rofell; contractorfor Gibraltar. 

Sondwich. John Pratt. ^— Sir Geoigo 

Hythe. Bercnleo Bkiker; died, a new 

. writ ordeied. Nor. 97, 1744.— William 
Glanville.— Thomas Hales. 

New JRommy. . Sir Fiaods Dashwood.— 
Henry Fumese. 

Eye. Sir John Norritr. — PhiOips Gyb- 
bott; »ado4 lord^of the treasnry ; andja 
new wril being ordered, Feb« 18, 1749, 
he was re-eiejed. , 

IFmcMwa, Arth^. rise Donen^le.— 
TbobOrby Hunter; gentkiMn of tha 
privy chamber to his nuyeoly. 
• S^rford. Siff W. Gage ; dkid, a new writ 
ordered. May 3, 1744.— WiHiam Haye. 
— WiUiamUaUGage, 


AimcKtBr. JiAsOwOT. 

BsnasMiru. James viie. Birifceley. 
Brbcon. Jdu JeAffiet. 

Brecon. iobttTdbol* 



Lid iff the Hau$e ofCanmois. 


CuunoAM. Wtherlioyil; not duly decled.-* 
ThoiDfti Powel. 
Cardigan, Thomas Pryw; Richard 
Uoyde, esq. petitioner, renewed seas. 
8, 3, 4, 5, and heard at' the bar of the 
house, Jan. 23, 1746, when the peti- 
tioner's oonnsel represented that he was 
not prepared to proceed, and desired the 
hearing; of the matter of the petition 
might be deferred for three weeks, 
wluch being objected to by the cioansel 
lor the borgesws, who TOled lor the tote 
; member, Thomas Piryse, esq. de- 
1, praying, that in respect of 
the time which was elapsed since the 
petitioner's first appUcatioa to the house, 
and of the opportunity thereby ffiv«^ 
him to be prepared to prove the ailei^- 
tions of his |M!tition, that the oetition 
wi^i be dismissed. Ordered, that the 
^petition be dismissed, and thatn new 
writ be issued in the room of Thomas 
Piyse, esq. deceased. — John Symmons. 

CAUUBraiN. Sir Niob. WilGams; died, a 
new writ oidered, Oct la, 1?45.— John 
Carmarthen. Sir John Philips. 

Cabnabvon. William Bodselle. 
^ Camarwm, Thomas Wynne. 

DnnroB. John Myddelton; Toted not duly 
retained, but had liberty to petition if 
he thought fit ; which he did not.— Sur 
Wat. W. Wynn. 
Denbigk. John Wynne. 

FuMT. Sir John Glynn. 

Flmi. Sir George Wynne; Toted not 
duly elected.— Bichard Williams. 

Glamorgan. Bnssy Mansell; succeeded his 

Bussy n 
as fold 

brother as lord Hansdl ; a new writ 
ordered, Dec. e, 1744.— Thomas Mat- 
Cardiff: Heibert Mackwortb. 

Mbuonbtb. William Vaugfaan. 

MoirraoifBRT. Sir WatW. Wynne; made 

his election for the county of Denbigh. 

—Robert Williams. 

Manigomerjf, Ja. Cholmondeley; iient* 

' €ol.ofthe hone guards, and gorenor of 


p£MBROu. John Campbeh ; made a lord of 
the treasury; and anew writ being or- 
dered, June 33, 1746, he was re-elected. 

Pembroke. William Owen. 

Maverfard Wett. Sir Eraam. Philipps; 

died, a new wrilordemd, Dec 1, 1743. 

—George Barlow. 

Radnor. Sir Hum. Howarth. 
JUdiior. Thoma Lewis. 


Sbirb of 

Aberdeen. Sir Arthur Foibei. 

Ayr. PMrick Crawfinrd. 

Atgyle. Capt Charies Campbdl ; died, 
a new writ ordered. Jan. 18, 174S«- 
Ja. Stu. Mackenzie ; brother to tbe 
earl of Bute. 

Banff. Ja. Abercrombie ; lieiit col of 
the regiment of foot called RoTtiScod. 

Berwick, Sir John St Clair.^A. H. 
Campbell ; double return ; the latter 
duly elected. 

Bute. Alexander Brodie; lord Lyoo, 
king at arms. 

Ciackmannan, Sir John Brace Hope. 

Cromarty. Sir William Gordoo ; died, i 
new writ ordered, Dec. S, 174i--Sir 
John Gordon. 

Dumfries. Sir John Douglas. 

Dunbarton. John CampbeU. 

Edinbw^gk. Sir Charies GUoiOQr;iBidi 
paymaster of his miqesty's boanl of 
works ; and a new writ bong ndered, 
July 14, 1748, he was re-eleoled. Af- 
terwards made one of tbe ooomtts- 

^ aiooen for trade and planlatioDi; tod 
• new writ being ordered, Dec SS, 
1743, he was re-«dected. Sevenleleo> 
tors petitioned against this last elccdoD, 
but he was TOted duly elected. 

Elgin. Lndovick Grant 

JSfe. Dand Scott. 

Forfar. William Maule ; oeiied eiri of 
nnmare. In Ireland; sod (tf Hany 
SEaule, ford Brechin, eldest son of 
James, earl of Panmure, in Scotland, 
who being concerned in the rebeOiol} 
1715, was attainted of high-treiND. 

Haddington. Lord Charles flaj. 

Juvemesi. Nmman M*Leed. 

ITtncerilintf . Sir James Csmegie ; noadi 
a captttn of foot in his nwjo^< 
army ; and a new writ being ordend 
Dec. S, 1744, he was re-electsd. 

Kirkcudbrifht. Basil Bamilton ; died, i 
new ifnt ordered, Dec. 3, 1T48«- 
Captain John Maxwell. 

Lanark. Sir James Hamilton. 

LinUthgom. George Dundas; vdmA 
master of his majesty's works in Scot 
land ; a new writ ordered, April 3( 
1743.— Charles Hope Weir; brothe 
of the eari of HopeUmn ; made (m 
missary general or the musters in Scol 
land ; and a new writ being orderei 
Not. so, 1744, he was re-elected. 

Orhiw. Col. Rob. Douglas; killed at tl 
battle of Fontenoy; anewwritordeie 
Jan. 13, 1747.— Jamea HaDyborton. 

FeOUe. Akwider Murray. 

113] Mr. Arthur OnJom r^hosen 

Perth, Lord John Mnrraj. 
Rmfrtm, A). Cnbaioglitaie ; died, ft new 
wntoitkred,NoY. 39, 174S.-«Will»m 

Bm, Cherles Roa ; died, a new wiAt 
«dend» Nor. 18, 1746.— Sir Harry 

HflOTQ. , 

Rukurgh. John Rotherfind, jnn. ; made 
a ciptain of .an indqiendent company 
iaUiaii^y'aarmy ; andanewwnt 
ordeftd, Jan. 18, 1743. — William 

SeikirL John Murray. 

5Krfif . Lord Geoive Grahamb ; died, 

a w«r writ ordered, Jan. 28, 1747. — 

Ikmis Erakine; eon of the late 

eari of Mar. 
S^herkad. Brigr. Gen. Ja.'8t. Clair; 

colood of a regiment of foot, and of 

two beltaJions. 

Wigln, James Stuart; aon to James, 
oii of GaUoway, and colonel in the 
tinrd regfiment of fDol guards. 

Idkhirgh Ct(y. Archibald Stewart. 

locGBi or 

Kitk9§Ut 4rc. Charles Areskine; sir 
Roktrt Monro, hart, petitioner ; the 
dedioo declared foid; a new writ 
vdetcd, March 3, 174S.— Robert Crai- 
gie ; king's advocate. 

Xmrsoiy^c. Kenneth Mackensie; son 
6f the esrl of Seaforth, attainted for 
in the rebdiion in 1715, called 


£^ jrc Sir James Grant ; died, a 

new writ ordered, Jan. 19, 1747.<^ 

WOEaffl Grant. 
JMem, 4re. John Maule. 
Jtrfar, Sfc, John Drommond; died, a 

Bew writ ordered, Deo. 81, 1748.— 

Cipttin Thomas Leslie. 
Cml, ^c. Hon. John Stuart. 
I>)wrf, ^c James Oswald; made a 

ooanDiimiar of the nary, and a new 

vri( being ordered, Jan. 10, 1745, ho 

was re-elected. 
yMrktUking^ ife, Jsmes Erskine ; bro- 
ther to the hue earl of Marr, and so- 

creHry to the prince lor Scotch affairs. 
Olat^^ifc. NeQ Buchanan; died, a 

BOW writ ordered, Feb. 85, 1744.-^ 

licet Col. John CampbelL 
&2tir^ 4rc. James Carmichaeh— John 

M*Ka^; double return; the former 

mvea his return. 
H«tiiiiffaa,^c. James Fall.— Sir Hew 

Mrymide; double return; Ihe former 

wired has return. 
^^^^f^ it. Lord John Johnston; 

M, a new writ ordered, Dec 81, 

Htt,«-% Jtmes Johnston. 

Speiiker. A. D. 1741. [914 

Wigtfm, tfc. William Stuart 
Jjrr, ^c, Geoige eari of Granard. 

SoTUN Pbbbs of ScoTUMn., 

Dukes of Athol. 

Marq. of Lothian. 
Earls of CrawfordL 











Mr. Arthur Omh/a re-^oien SpeaherJ^ 
The Conmions being returned to their 

Mr. Henry PMam addressing himself 
to the derk (who standing up, pointed to 
him» and then sat down,) said ^o thii 

* From the Commons' Jeumal. The fol-<, 
lowing, from the Gentleman's Magazine, is 
Dr. Johnson's report of the Speeches on the 
Choice of a Speaker : 

Mr. Pelham : 

Mr. Ha 

!; OS we are here assembled, in 

pursuance of his majesty's summons, it is ne* 
cessary, in obedience to his m^esty's com- 
mands, and the established custom of this 
House, that we proceed immediate]^ to the 
choice of a person qualified for the chair. Gen- 
tlemen, it is with no common degree of satis- 
ftction, that I obserre this assembly so nomer^ 
0U8 on the first day ; because whaterer is trans- 
acted by us, must necessarily be considered by 
the nation with more rmrd, as it is approved 
by a greater number of their representatives'; 
and boMuse the present afiair, which relates 
particularly to thb HoUse, most be more satis« 
factorily conducted, as our nuihber is greater ; 
since every man must wiUingly abide by his 
own choice, and cheerfully mbmit to that au- ' 
thority of which he has himself eenourred io 

The qualificatioDS required in the pcraon 
who shall fill the chair, to his own reputation, 
and the advantage of the House, it is not ne- 
cessary minutldy to recount; it being obvious 
to every gentleman who hears me, that he 
must possess such an. equally of temper, as 
may enable him always to pte o e rv c a steady 
ano impartial attention, neither discomposed 
by the irregulsrities into whidi some ffsntiemea 
unacquainted with the forms of tBs House 
nay easUly fidi, aordisooncsrlsd by the beet 

»lft] 15' GEORGE IL 


We are met, by his majesty's gra- 
cious ohtelTy in V new parfaament, and 
agreeably to the custom of fonoer times. 

Mr* dftimt^ (hdmt ti^koim Spmkr. [21^ 

we are diractai^ in tfaa int ^laoe, to 
cheese a proper pefscm to ill the Chair (tf 
thisHouse. Thisis an aSur of the greatest 
impcMtance to the being of par&nents. 
And it beo6mts ua seriously to consider 

and turbulence to which, in former parliaments, 
some of those whose experience might ha?e 
taught them the neceasity of decency, have 
been too often hurried by tne eagerness of con- 
troversy. That he must add to his perpetual 
serenity, such a firmness of mind, as may en- 
able him to repren petolaace and subdue con- 
tumacy, and support the orders of the House, 
in whatever contrariety of counsels, or commo- 
tion of debate, sffainst all attempts of infraction 
or deviation. That to give efficacy to his in- 
terpositions, and jirocure veneration to bis de- 
cisions, be must from his general character and 
persona] qualities derive such dignity and au- 
thority, as may naturally dispose the minds of 
others to obedience, as may suppress the mur- 
murs of ^nry, and psc? ant tba stniggba of 

These Qualifications Wf re eminently oonspi- 
'Ottous in tne gentleman vrho filled the chair in 
the earlier part of my life, and who is now one 
of the ornaments or the other Hoase. Such 
were hla abilities, and such bis conduct, that it 
wbuld be presumptuous in any man, however 
endowed by nature, or aeoompiished by study, 
to aspire to sur|Mas him; nor ean a hi^ar en- 
aomium be assiiy oonosived, than thisHaosa 
bssto w eA upon that porsan» who waa thought 
worthy to succeed him. 

The ofiice which we have npw to confer, is 
not only arduous with regard to the abilities ne- 
cessary to the exectttioB of it, but extremely 
burthensome and laborious, such as requhvs 
contioual attendance, and incessant application ; 
aor can it be eapectad that any maa woold en- 
gage in it, who is not rsady to devote his tiaaa 
and his health to the service of the public, and 
to struggle with fatigue and restraint for the 
lidvaalage of his country. 

Such is the gentleman whom I shaH propose 
to your choice ; one whooe zeal for the present 
royal family, sad the prosperity of the nation, 
has been always acknowledged, aad of whom it 
cannot be suspected that be will be deterred by 
any diffionlties from a province which will 
afi^ him ao frequent opportonities of pro* 
rooting the oomipoa interest of the king and 

What siioeess may be expected from his en- 
deavours, we can only judge from bis present 
influence; influence produced only by his 
private virtuca, bat so extensive in that part of 
the conatry, which lies within the reaofa of his 
heaeficence aad the observation of bis merit, 
that it seto him not onljr above the dsnger, but 
above the fear^of opposkioa, and secures him a 
seat in this Hoase without csontest 

Thus deputed by his oountry to many snc- 
ceaaive parliaments, be has acquired an unri- 
valled degree of knowledge in the methods of 
o«ir. praoeeding% and aa amiaent deytarity u 

digesting them with that order and perspicaiiy 
by wfakb only the transactioa of mat afikin 
can be made expeditbns, and the diicQisioaof 
diiBcnIt qnestmns be disentangled from per- 
plexity ; qoalitics which are now mad0 perti- 
colarly necessary by the importsacs of tlie 
subjects to be considersdia this psilisiReBt: » 
that I doubt not but you will naaniis* 
ly concur with me in «esiriog that the cbairl 
may be fiUed by a person emineatly disiiD' 
guisbed by nis knowledge, his mtsgritv, In 
diligence, and his r^utatioa ; and therefore I| 
move without scruple, That the right hoo. 
Arthur Onslow, esq. he called to die Chair. 

Mr. Clutterbuck seconded the motioo io tbt 
msnner: That I am not able ta add sDjr thi 
to the encomiom of the right boa. geotien 
nominated to the Chair, givss me no eoocerD, 
becacise I sm confident, that ia the opinido ' 
this assembly his name alone iaolodcs allp 
nagyric, and that he who recommeodft Ar 
thnr Onslow, esq; will never be required togtvi 
the rsason of his choice. I thermre rise i 
only to continue the common methods of 
House, and to second a motion whieb I ' 
expect that any wiH oppose. [Herethswl 
House cried out, Omdow ! Oattow !] 

Mr. Orulaw then rose op and said: Thi 
I might ahege many reasons sgtiost il 
choice, of Vbich the fstrongest is myioabiiil 
to diseharge the trust conferred upon meio 
manner suitabte to its importance, }«t I hav^ 
too high an idea of the wisdom of this HooseJ 
to imagine that they form any resshition witbi 
out just motives ; and therefore shall think i| 
my duty to comply with their determinatiooj 
however opposite to my .own opinioD. i 

Mr. Pelham and Mr. C1utteri>uck then M 
him to the Chair, where, before he went M 
it, he desired ; That the Rouse would maim 
bow little he was qualified fbr the office wbic^ 
they were about to confer upon him, and li^ 
their choice upon some other peison, wbj 
might bo capable of dischargiag sainimtaQ 
a trust. 

The members 
Chair, he ascended the^tepi 
himself thus to the House: Geattemea ; sio( 
it is your resolution, thai I should oace moii 
receive the honour of being exalted to this iol 
porlaut office, for which it is not oecesary t^ 
mention how little I am qualified, stnce 1 naaj 
hope that those defecu which have hitherti 
been excused, will still find the same inilu 
gence ; my gratitude for a distinction 9o\m 
deserved, will always incite me to cooiolt m 
honour of the House, and enable me ts mppij 
by duty and diUgenee what is wanting in ^\ 
knowledge and capacity. 

I calling cot, the Chair, Chai 
led the step, and thea addresa 

117] Mr.AffktKrOtubimft^dumm^idBtr. 

ibom «t ckd info an oSoe/tkst refuirai 
ttm di^jfftadat ability^ the |;reatoit 
istegntjr, nd tbs greatest epplicatigiu It 
ii with plMiure 1 see mei^perscms, under 
cbeie Tinous descriptions, who deserve to 
be called to this honoor* But when I eee 
ODC psrticiiisr person, who has already dis« 
rmgtd tius eamLoyment so much to his 
oiro honour, and so much to the interest 
o( thii House; when I see one of thu dis- 
ungoiahed capacity, it will not be deroga* 
toiy to their merit thus publidy to express 
my thoii^ of his« 

It vsi io the early days of his life, when, 
by the HDioimouB consent of this House, 
he vac plsced in that high station, in 
vhtch he succeeded a person of areat ho- 
bour, whose authority gave wei^t to the 
proccedingB of this House : and it was an 
erideiit ouirk of public esteem, and a con- 
vboBg proof of merit, to be thus appointed 

Ibslieie all mankind sees the situation 
tfa&insbroodandathome; so thatitis 
probible, that matters of the greatest im- 
poftaioe umj comeunder the consideration 
of tbii Hoose ; which ought to induce us 
the more willingly to place in that Chair 
«»,whoie principles, experience in the 
h«s of hiseoontry, and particular applica- 
tini to the proceedings of {Mirliament, do 
to well qualify him to preside in this as- 

Wheu I consider (what recommends 
i^ to me, and is, in my opinion, not the 
IcMt of his virtues) his constant and firm 
sell for his present majesty, his fiither, 
ud the raccenion in his illustrious House 
— vhen I consider (what also weighs with 
0K> aad I doubt not with every one who 
^xse) his steady adherence to the rules 
flf pirhanent — wKen I consider his can- 
^lad impartiality, hb temper and reso- 
^tioo— cenper to indulge the youn^ and 
uexperienced members, and reM>lution to 
correct the oldest — when I consider these 
coaiiiicatioos, by which he has gained a 
l^M^nl esteem, I must conclude, that it 
*iflbealwm incumbent upon us, as long 
^ iie it sbfey to desire his acceptance <? 
^ important office. When I have said 
^ 1 am persuaded every gentleman has 
^^^^ in his Uioughts the nerson whom I 
''''Q to propose— Mr. Onslow. 

And I make no doubt, but thaiaH gen- 
^^« those especially with whom I have 
*t in foTBMr parnaraents, will unanimoosly 
^^'wurwithiae in the choice of the person 
«^ I mm oier. If I should not offend 
°*«n) I cottld say,thal hia behariour in 

A. D. 1741. [Hi 

private aa well as in public life is an aniia- 
Ue oart of his character ; of which his 
hei^hboncs and countrymen hare shewn 
their opinion, by unanimously sead^ him 
to parliament. Let us shew our sense of 
him, by calling (I shocdd rather saiy d^ 
siring) him to undertake thn Id^oriouni 
task, that our choice may soon be spread 
through,and approved by, the whole united 
kinffdom. I am sorry I amnot able toset 
foiijtn his qualities in a better manner than 
I have done ; but gentlemen, by their pri- 
vate thoughts, will do him morejustice. 
Therefore I shall move you, ^ That the 
right hon. Arthur Onslow, esq. do take the 
Chair as Speaker.'* 

Then Mr. Thoma$ C/tff^eri«cit, address* 
ing himself likewise to the derk (who, 
standing up, pointed to him, and then sat 
down), said to this effect ;, 

What I rise up for, is to second the 
hon. gentlenum's motion, and not, by any 
thing I can say, to add weight to it. 1% is 
not necessary for me to enlarge upon the 
merits of the person proposed, or to com« 
mend his temper and prudence, his know- 
ledge of the laws and constitution of this 
kingdom, and of the forms and rules of 
this House, upon which the honour there* 
of so much aepends. These his endow- 
ments we have seen in two successive par* 
liaments ; and, added to these, die strictest 
regard to the interest of the public, his 
zeal for the liberties of this House, his 
zeal for his majesty, and his family ; it Is 
no won4^, that any person who has these 
qualifications, dhould be called upon to so 
ni§^ an office. 1 congratulate this House, 
that ther^ is a great number of gentlemen 
of rank and Mlhj in it; yet 1 shall still 
be excused in the preference whidi I have 
given. And I cannot but look upon It as 
a fortunate circumstance, in the present 
situation of afbirs, that we are able to ^ 
our choice upon a person^ whom, by ex- 
perience, we know to be equal to any dif- 
ficulty. I could say much more ; but 1 
fear it may give uneasiness to one person 
who hears me ; and therefore I second the 
hon. eentleman. That Mr. Onslow do take 
the chair. 

And the House calling Mr. Onstcw to 
the chair, he stood up in his place, and 

^ Mr. Hardinge ; 

<( I cannot make ad m o w led g me n ta 
enough of what I owe to the honourable 
persons who have made this motion to the 
House: I am very sensible. Sir, of my 
own defects; and although I have, flom 


15 GEORGE IL The Speaker^s Speech on being presenML [<g 

tke great candour and indul|;eiice of gen« 
tlemen in the two last parbamentSy twice 
g(Kie through this difficuk trust, yet am I 
sensible too, that will not make the repe- 
tition o( it in me now either less hazardous 
to myself, or of less danger to the public 
affiurs : but, however. Sir, I will not trou- 
ble gentlemen with the arguments of dis- 
ability in myself, which I might, perhaps 
ought to use at this time ; but shall sub- 
mit myself intirely to the judgment of the 
House, to dispose of me in whatever man- 
ner they shad think proper, on this and 
every other occasion/'^ 

And the House again calling Mr. On- 
slow to tha chair, he was taken out of his 
place by Mr. PdUiam and Mr. Clutterbuck, 
who led him from thence to the chair, 
where, upon the first step, he said, 

*< It is my duty to inform gentlemen, 
that they have yet an opportunity to re- 
consider what tney have done, by sufl&rw- 
inir me to go back to the place I have just 

But the members cried <f No ! No I" ^ 

Whereupon Mr. Ondow ascended the 
upper step ; and, standing there, said, 

** Since gentlemen have commanded 
'me to this eminence, I have now only to 
return them my humblest thanks for this 
particular instance of their favour to me ; 
the sense of which I hope I shall always 
retain with that respect and gratitude to 
the House, this mark of their esteem will 
ever claim from me." 

And thereupon he sat down in the chair ; 
and then the mace, which b^ore lay 
under the table, was laid upQn the table. 

The Speaker* s Speech on being presented 
io the King and appr&oed of,"] Dec. 4. 
The King bein^ seated on the throne, 
adorned with his crown and regal orna- 
ments, and attended with his. officers of 
state, the Lords being in their robes; 
commanded the sentleman usher of the 
black rod to let the Commons know, ** It 
is his majesty's pleasure, that they attend 
him immediately, in this House.'' Who 
being come; 

• Mr. Onshto^BAd: 

*^ May it please your most excellent 
majesty ; 

*VThe Commons of Great Britain, in 
parliament assembled, have, in pursuance 
of your majesty's commands, and ac- 
cordiQg to their ancient right to make 
choice of one of their members to be 
th^r Speaker, once more^elected me to 

this high and painful office; but how pi 
perly tor me, for themselves, and bfi 
public, is now with your majesty to jad| 
and to your royal judgment. Sir, do 
with all humbleness and resignation, is 
mit myself; bcdng well assured. Us 
should your majesty think fit to dki 
prove of this their present choice, jq 
Commons will have no difficulty to i| 
some other person among them, to J 
presented to your majestv on this oo( 
sion,' to whom none of those objectSs 
can be made, which, 1 fear, may i 
justly, from my imperfections, ante 
your royal breast, upon my being agp 
the subject of your majesty's conada 
tion for this important charge." 

^ The Lord Chancellor^ receiviDg din 
tions from his majesty, said, 

** Mr. Onslow ; the king has had i 
many eminent {iroofs of your abili^ai 
zeal for the service of himself and of ra 
country (which is always the same) ! 
the high station to which you are oov 
third time called, that his majestv \^ 
commanded me to let you know, tostl 
entirely approves the choice which k 
faithful Commons have made ; and then 
fore allows and confirms you to be the 
Speaker." - 

Then Mr. Speaker said : 

^* Since your majesty has been pleue 
to ratify the choice your Commons h«f 
made of me to be their Speaker; it is q 
duty. Sir, to submit myself to your wf^ 
determination, and to return your nv 
jesty my humblest thanks for this mark ( 
your royal grace and favour to me ; as 
to assure you. Sir, of my best endeaveoi] 
to discharge as I ought this great tnu 
which the Cpmmons nave committed U 
and your majesty has now confirmed upa 
me. And for my encouragement thereii 
suffer me, great Sir, to hope for ^ou 
majesty's pardon of my failings and mfir 
mities ; at least, that your majesty w2 
not impute them in any wise to joa 
faithful Commons. And, that theynur 
be the better enabled to perfonn thei 
duty to your majesty and their country, i 
do, in their name, and on their behalf, \ 
humble petition to your majestji^, hrj 
claim to all their ancient rights and prin 
leges; particularly. That they, their sef 
vants, and estates, may be free iroa 
arrests, and all molestations: Thattht^ 
may enjoy freedom of speech in aD'theu 
ddiates ; and have liberty of ac(M ^ 


The ISngU Speech on Opening the Semon. ' A. D« 1741. 


por royal peraon when occasion shall re- 
Ceit And that all* their proceedings 
Ifrieoetve from your majesty the most 
Lxiisble coDs^uction/' 

Shea the Lord Chawettor^ by his ma- 
M Airtber coDQmandSy said : 

i« Mr. Speaker ; the king has an entire 

in the prudence and temper of 

House of Commons, as well as in 

doty and affection to his person and 

It ; and hia majesty does most 

it to them all their privileges^ 

tumi nd ample manner as they have 

^ loytune heretofore been granted or 

llPHlbyhis majesty, or any of his royal 

Irieeesors. As to the suit which you, 

|ir, lM9t made on your own behalf; your 

hner conduct is the clearest evidence 

Er^e you stand in need of it: but, 

your greater encouraoement and sup- 

lin the execution of sa important a 

1^ kis majesty, agreeably to his wonted 

liaeN, has commanded me to assure 

^ ^ he wtQ always put the most 

panUe construction both upon your 

diand actions." 

Pfb Ki^i Speech on Opening the Sef- 
pQ Then nis Majesty spake as fol- 

« My lords, and gentlemen ; 
*( his alwaysa great satisfaction to me, 
I meet you aasraibled in parliament : 
lisspeciaUy at this time, when Ihe pos- 
bar afidts makes your counsel and as- 
iBee sonecessary, and when, by means 
rAe new elections, ' I may have an op- 
*"' nity of knowing the more immediate 

^and disposition of my peo]^ in ge- 
from their representatives, chosen 

j a season which has been attended 
Wk great variety of incidents of the 
ikit conaequence and expedtation, and 
Bhg^e course of the war in which we 
lleDji^ against the crown of Spain ; 
[ivm itself just and necessary, entered 
iajby the repeated advice of both houses 
I larliament, and particularly recom- 
Itoded to me to be carried on in Ame- 
H^vhich has been my principal care: I 
[ft therefore make no doubt but that you 
Minet together fully sensible of our 
ptNBt situation, and prepared to give 
pfe audi advice as shall be most conducive 
\^ honour and true interest of my 

L^JTon cannot but Jhave observed, with 

' ^ suitable, to the ocoasiouj the 
[dangers that threaten Europe;, 

and more immediately such parts of the 
continent as shall withstand or resist the 
formidable powers which are confederated 
for the subversion or reduction of the 
House of Austria. The apptehension of 
these things was communicated to the last 
parliament : when both Houses expressed 
their ereat concern for the troubles which 
were oroke out in the Austrian domi- 
nions, and came to the strongest resolu« 
tions in fitvour of the queen of Hungary, 
for the maintenance of the Pragmatic 
Sanction, and for the preservation of the 
balance ofpower, and the peace and li- 
berties of Europe. And had other powers, 
that were under the like engagements 
with me, answered the just expectations 
they had so solenmly eiven, the support of 
the common cause had been attended widx 
less difficulty. 

** I have, pursuant to the advice of my 
parliament, ever since the death of the 
late emperor, exerted my setf in the sup- 
port of the House of Austria. I have en-v 
deavoured, by the most proper and early 
i^yplications, to induce other powers that 
were equally engaged with me, and united 
by common interest, to concert isuch mea- 
sures as so important and critical a con* 
juncture required. And where an accom- 
modation seemed to me to be necessary^. 
I Uiboured to reconcile those princes 
whose union would have been the most 
effisctual means to prevent the mischiefr 
that have happened, and the best security 
for the interest and safe^ of the whole. 

** Although my endeavours have not 
hitherto had the desired effect; I cannot 
but still hope that a just sense of the 
common and approaching danger will pro- 
duce a more &vourable turn m.the coun« 
sels of other nations. In this situation, it 
is incumbent upon us to put ourselves in 
a condition 'to improve all opportunities 
that shall oftr, for maintaining the liber- 
ties of Europe ; and to assist and support 
our friends and allies, at such times, and 
in such manner, as the exigency -and cir- 
cumstaniSes of affiurs shall require ; and 
to defeat any attempts that shall be made 
against me and my dominioi|S, or against 
those whom we are most nearly concerned- 
for, and in honour and interest engaged to 
support and defend. 

** Gentlemei^ of the House of Com- 

<< I have ordered Estiniates to be laid 
before you, for the service of the ensuing 
year ; and I must desire you to grant me 
such supplies as the ctrcumstances of 



affiurg require; whidi you may depend 
Hpou ^ BluJl be duly applied to the pur* 
poses for which they shall be given. 
** My kurdfly and gentlemen ; 
<< t have, during the course of my reign, 
ha4 so much experience of the duty and 
affection of ^y parliaments to my person 
and government, and of their zeal for the 
good of their country, and the support of 
the common cause ; that I do, with the 
greatest reason, rely upon the continuance 
of. them in the present conjuncture. 
There never was a time in which your un- 
animity, vigour, and diqiatch, were ne- 
caasary to so many great ends as those 
which are now before you. I wiU do my 
part ; let it appear, by your procaedin^^ 
and resolutiens, tluit you have dwl lust 
and hearty concern for them, which their 
importance requires/'* 

Debate iti'th^ Lard^ <m tie Addrtu ^ 
Th»ak^\ } His Mi^esly having retired. 

The Earl ^Makon rose and said x^ 

Mylorda; though the present perpleuty 
of our a£urs, the contrade^ of opinions 

* " The remarkable caution with which his 
majesty had always mentioned any thio^ re- 
latiDg to auy of bis allies, made this Speeco the 
more taken notice of. It was plain that it 
wae Mt dietite^ by the aiiaistar, beeeiiae the 
tnwsntinas aKuded t» ia it, hsppeaed when 
Uaaittesky WW abroad; asd indeed arBobcrt 
Walff»U had aflste done aU ha oooUl to ea- 
coursffa tlia aoanimaus aedor that aapeaeed ia 
the pfSUic in favo«ir af the queen of Huagary . 
But he was aa yet extremely doubtful as to 
the complexion of the Bouse. His enemies 
had gready outdone him in their assiduities to 
A>rn ii ; nor M he eare to faazaid a diTiston 
apaa liie adApess, wbieb iMwoaoeemd in very 
gancflaiyifnatvagaey tanaa.'* Tiadal. 

t Fsaaa the Gantlamns^s Mafwae: osaai^ 
piledby Hr. Jebnsoa. ' ^\ ; 

I From the Seeker Manusci^t, , 
Dae. 4. Kiaf'aSpeash. * 
MaUm. Moved' aa Address, &c. ^ 

JUagdaa. Iicaaaii^a^iostnapasticalaa 
lAthamaliea: but raftam to the oM method: 
vote aa. Addi«sa of Thaaks kir his majesty's 
Speech, and if you will, thoag^ thaf is goiaa 
^rther than the oM way« congratulation en his 
safe return: then name a* Comaittee and 
nropose, if you think fit, that such andsnch 
mtruetions be gfren te the Comnrittee, and t 
Shan agiee to an that bsnre been mentioned^ 

Chuitrfiekk I wishi oould go aa far as 
tka naU^tedwfaaspaloBlsat russhlcssM 


Dehia4 in the Lord* 

produced by it, and the warmth with whi 
each opinion will probably be sappo^ti 
might justly discourage me from prbpoi 
any of my sentiments t6 this great HoiS 
yet I cannot repress my indinationtod 
a motion, in my opmmn reeukirandii 
sonable, and whien, If it diould ana 
otherwise to your lordships, will, I U 
though it should not be received, at ij 
be forgiven, because I have, never bei 
wearied your patience, or intemiptet 
retarded your consultations. [ 

But I am' very far from iaiagioiag thij 
this motion I can^give 9^j occaiioQ tai 
bate or op^ition, becaiM i ahsttpm 
no ianovatmn in the principles, or ijn 
ti<m of the practice oi this Home, i^ 
tend any thing more than to k^ bdj 
your lordshipa my opkiion of the mail 
m whidi ii may be; paoper ta addfiui] 

^- To return Urn t|ie Thaah of | 
House, for bis moat gvacioiisspeeQkj 
the throne; and to coo^^ttdate bii 
jesty 001 his safe and happy return 
this kingdom. 

'< To declare our thanbitihiefiSy f<vj| 

make oompliments. His maiesty sbooldjj 
my tribute unasked and unaskinfif. fi 
go no ftrther than thanks for his S]h 
seal for his person. Compliments have^il 
fiital lenjfth. I wish the atfvisere of tbe 1 
Speech hadadnsei him td teK us i 
saa maay matires lar ceosaae, nsbe ftrd 
prohatiaB, att for distraat £uv«peisw^ 
the situatian which twe wars wen wm 
preveat, and this almost without aaarTI 
House of Austria ia no more, and cas «i 
be reunited, and this is the effect of bum 
pursued with abilities and tending to W 
from 17S1. If onr ftdnrinistrBtion badUJ 
French eae, they would have beatt6e<ii 
in.tbe world. Prem the death sf tfic 1 
pcror every body sawtlieie wcw pawendA 
mg and apfrovnig daims. The atRsiAl 
each ^MBs kaowvn ; and besides, theoaemd 
power ofJPruBsia appeared: a ieooBCtflp| 
'sh.ouk) have been brought about at anrM 
by 'shewing each their danger. And m 
jcan he no dispute between England addPHi 
te hinder it. The plan forn^ed was iM^I 
rtrofcdbyme. But evten thM wss IK tiMrt 
We bsodffat t^ektngof Pnism at (Mtll 
IrsBodlj cOBTersation with Fvaiioe; Wesa 
»eaC preperatieas, sod tthen^ webad aadfif 
but was- net that known.? No aation (a 1 
rope bal& cuQfidence in you. You bsrshj 
endeavouring to destroy the 06ase of i«^ 
The putch could not act with you sTone. !J 
alliance w&s treating with Russia by a midi 
of abUity. It is ikB, and'if I mistake lil 
be Ml rights Chat ibis^ treaty iS^mSeimMi 
As to ethec paarbrs, eould we i 


mk the AdArtts of Thanks. 

A. D. 1741- 


bAfttt c4>&eern hts majesty }m ^xpr^ssed, 
%r ctfijing OQ the ju8t and n^ce^ary war 
jgiiBst Spun ; and how fiilly sensible we 
^ of the inkpending dangeHB to which 
Jbrope is exposed in the present cobjuhc- 
ftve; and particidarij of the e?il conse- 

Lbno «f Hanaery would offer them what 
Kinee would oner theaiy out of what was not 
[W own. Wf took foreign troops into onr pay, 
W dwn aR (hided by a nentrality which mi^ht 
lie KOOBsry, bat the neoetsity was eaiiiy 
■Mci, aiNl We pot oarseiyet in opposition 
hriftMttilnhg nieasoretlo adake it eifectaal. 
I 1 vflh f oOoW dinw a yr4fA aver the manage- 
iMstoftbewar with 8p«in. How have our 
jNtfopcdiliona heea crmddetadf We have 
^*-*^ Id new mi^ soldiers, a sickly nngor 
and one who was a brigadier too 
to have experieaca. Pomtis took 
with b,W» in all. We had 8 or 
To the rest af Serope the conduct of 
iqvidfOD, if anottifhinent were left, 
be the greatest in tha world. With a 
iQpcriar be hath served as an escc^rt to 
the aietny had a miod to do. He hath 
tbem embark aad go for Italy about tbe 
of the neotrality. Their embarkation 
carried oa in the open road of Barcelona 
tiro moflths with only three men of war, 
1 we had no disquiet about this. Last vear 
) Spaaiards embarked, and we sailed mm 
[la protect Minorca. Why no concern 
r Hinopca now ? This only piece of service 
' 'i we oOttld do the queen of Hungary was 
Hie. Not a lord doubts what my conjec- 
II befiae I mention it. This must nave 
10 consequence of discourse with some 
I of 6pain. They most have been mad to 
\ 14«000 of their best troops had they not 
I tare n6t to be attacked. I apprehend 
I was m consequence of the neutrality and 
* ralent given for it. These are the con- 
I of all Britain, of all Enrope. On the 
of October the French embassador de- 
in H(4land, that a neutrality was con- 
1 60 tlie term.** of not assisting the queen 
'Boagary, and accepting a peace with 
^1 OB the mediation of France. The king's 
there denied it, when it was con- 
I or concluding. This is the reason why 
allies will not confide in yon, year right 
I hatb deceived your lefl. 
The dispositions of the king of Sardinia 
He hath denied a passage to the 
troops, and hath armed, and we have 
\ ibem come, and now he must make the 
. Itemisbecan. 

;11witate of onr Domestic • Aflfkirs is very 
Yon have in pay more national land 
\ than at any time of the late war, and 
Hdiqis in commisaion. Tbe common cause 
aot been supported by your army ; it 
i Boi acted out of Westminster. Yon*bave 
national troops and 11^,000 others. 
Itoe demanded for the queen af Hungavy 
[VOL XII. ] 

quences arising from the designs and en- 
iterprizes formed and carrying on for the 
subversion or reduction of the House of 
Austria, which threaten such apparent 
mischiefs to the common cause. 
" To acknowledge his majesty's great 

she never had. Yet they cannot have been 
concluded by the noutratity, for they.are in 
English pay. But money, which it was said 
she did not ask for, hath been given her. You ' 
have 50,000 men belonging to your ships. Yet ' 
you have neither annoyed the enemy nor pro- ' 
tected trade: 300 merchant ships have been 
taken since the war began, and the king of 
Spain lays an indolto of 1.5 per cent, upon our 
ships as be doth on the galleons. I hope Had- 
dock, if he is dead, will not be loaded. Had he ' 
not ships enough P Why was he not reinforced 
by sir. J. Norris's squadron? Till it appeara' 
that he had orders to act, it must be thought 
he h^ orders not to act. 

CholmondtUy. Not the Speech, much less the 
motion, hath called for what the noble lord 
hath said. Never was a speech of niore con- 
descension and paternal car<e. It is below vou 
to build on newspapers and such like autho- 
rity. We. gave assistance to the queen of 
Hungary, m eiEpectation that other' powers * 
would join. We exhorted the Dutch to it 
without delay. We sent to Dresden and held • 
the same language at the court of Russia. If 
their affairs would not let them hearken, ia 
that the fault of your niinistry ? There was 
300,000/. given the queen of Hungary, and 
our 13,000 men were joined with the trooj^ . 
of Hanover, and obliged tbe king of Prnssia 
to form an army of 35,000 men to observe ] 
them at a distance from tbe scene of warl ' 
Dates will strengthen facts in fiivour of tbe 
administration both at sea and land. The fleet 
of France was as much and more to be ' 
guarded agamst than that of Spain ; but these 
are thinsfs for a future enquiry. 

Halifax, An Address cooked up by the 
minister in answer to himself eannot carry 
weight and dignity in it. We have no thanks 
to give, no confidence to repose. I speak the 
language of a free man. God knows how 
long we may be able. We might have ex- 
pected to have been told from the throne 
whence our misfortunes rose. An Address of 
condolance would be the proper thing on this 
occasion : to grieve with the king for, &c. &c. ' 
One of our admirals hath been dancing about ' 
the sea like the master of a packet boat, and ' 
another keeping his station to let loose Spain 
upon Hungary. 


Carteret. There never was a time since the 
nation existed that required more care in what^ 
we say to tbie crot|(fi. Persons witliout doOrs . 
and fbreign poweA tndiy mistake as and wa ; 
may delude the crown. A thing is said in the 
Speech, which I am sure the king believes, and 
ha knows more than a^ body about him, and 


4S7} 15 6B0R6B U. 

goodness, in expressing so earnest a desire 
to receive the advice of his parliament ; 
and to assure his majnty, that this House 
will not fail to take the important pobts 
which he has recommended to us into our 
most serious consideration; and, in the 




et I would not confirm him in it He says, 
le hath done all he could for the House of 
Austria. We shall be able to make him 
change bis opimoD. I hope to open the eyes 
of the world on this occasion. The liherty 
and repose of Europe is almost lost ; after 
which we shall not keep ours long. But still 
there are three good symptoms and glimmer- 
ings ol'hope. 1. Sereral appearances that 
can be accounted for by nothiiig hot the king 
of Prussia seeing his own interest. S. The 
king of Sardinia seems to judge right,, and is 
armed to the lop of his strai^. 3. The. 
Dutch are not come into a neutiality, and I do 
not believe they will. But at the same time 
the Spaniards are gone unoM>le8ted to Italy, 
who might have been stopt with a word, or 
Haddock might have been with them in 4 days. 
He had 16 ships of the line, besides 5 or 6 
othefs. If the 13 French had joined the 
Spaniards we should probably have beat them 
both. But we were afraid of meeting them 
lest we should beat them. It is possible this 
may have happened by chance, but we shall 
never convince any body of that Whenever 
the House of Austria is destroyed, some other 
gre^ house will be desu^yed. Have we 
meant to gain the aueen of Spain by sacri- 
ficing the queen of Hungary ? There n never 
lesa than 500,000/. belongiojT to £ngl|sh nier> 
chants in Leghorn, who wUl now seM their 
ffoods at any price, and gi? e credit to any body. 
In our circumstances we should say nothing 
that looks like a compliment If thve is 
connivance in the war, what are we about ? 
France m ihat case will let you talk as high 
as you please. But it is fact we must see. 
I^et us not load the nation for nothing. 

We have lost to the Spaniards )ierbaps 
SyOOO sailprs : they iprow weary of their don- 
eietins, and after a time act against us. In the 
late war a scheme was found for poltuigan 
end to capmres, by a squadron of ships in the 
chops of the channel, which is much better' 
than convoys: hath this method been taken P 
If it hath, no faplt is to be found. This 
method was discontinued in 1706, and then 
captures returned, till the earl of Berkeley 
cruised thera. 

I said concerning that West Indies, that 
whenever theSponuirds were attacked there 
in an Europtsan manner, they would make no 
bed restataoce. Did the troepa that were set 
ashore at Carthagc^a do that ? 

^rrington. fwas on the spot when the 
nputmlity was treated of and made, and am 
fully (tersnaded that no one titde of it affected 
the king aa king of tbe^e nations. And from 
thebegioniugto the collision of i^ I had 

most dutiful manner^ to oler his majesty 
such advice as shall appear to us to be most 
conducive to the honour and true mtereit 
of his crown and kingdoms. 

** To give his nu^esty the strongest as* 
surances of our inviolable duty, fidelity, 

the king's order to declare this toaUbisnu< 
nisters in all the courts of Europe. 

Bathurst. From the event m. the Mediter- 
ranean all power of protecting our allies ii 
over. There wiU be or are 60,000 SfttDianis 
in Italy. It was imsgined you hadffireoup 
Italy for some good peace: but yoQbsTeaot 
done that The oocasbn of making imme- 
diate answers to the Speech from tbe tbraot 
was, when aU Europe waa aUending to you. 
They now expecty ou should consider nrst The 
words of the Motion are usually enlarged io 
the AddroH. The oqeeo of Hnngsry bid oU 
the money till very lately, if she hath it all 
yet. Tbe kin^ vaoommeads uasfumity. Why, 
the nation is unanimous ns Io the conduct of 
the war and the cause of all oar et ils. 

JStwcMtic, The design of th^ latter part of 
the motion is to support tbe glimmerio|fs ef 
hope which a noble lord . mentioned, and let 
foreign powers see our dispositions*. Nobody 
hath a better opinion of Haddo^ck than 1, and 
hope he is still alive. I am for losdiog nobody 
livmg or dead. YoO will see in tinoe whether 
there were net the strongest orders that could 
be given Ao prevent this emliarkatioo. But 
there have been three fleets hovering orer as 
this summer, the Bi^st, Cadiz and Touloo, tod 
unless we had fleets to watch each, acddeoti 
nuy happen. Fbur ships were scot to Had- 
dock two months ago, five more hare bees 
watting tiU go three weeks, and there sreiwt 
seven manned remaining to protect the king- 
dom. The le ships at Brest oaight have coidc 
and anchored in our channd and insulted of. 
There was an appearence of an embarkaiioa 
at Barcelona about Christmas last ; then ord^ 
were sent, and Haddock did go thither. TIm 
last took ttu but a little time, yet 1 sm !|J^ 
loss bow he came not to know of it Jm 
king of Sardinia hath not wanted and dotb 
not want proper eBcooragement The valoe 
of the prizes we have taken in thitf var is 
aa great as of the 300 ships, if they hare takes 
so many. We indeed have not an Indolto oo 
tbe Spanish ships. Enquire into the coodort , 
of the administretion about ooMters sod cm- 
era. The Emperor lost a great deal for pl^ 
ing the Saxon on the throne of Poland, ^ 
now the Saxon troops have taken Prague, tie 
aufiered in the Turkish war forBu«aa, aufl 
not a man hath been sent from tiiesoe la i^ 
turn. The treaty with Russia is sigQ^ ^ 
ratified, and on the road : which ia a fo^ 
glimmering, and in that treaty ff^^J^^^ 
hath been shewn to the Bouse of h^ 
Erery thing hadi been done by the k«? » »J 
case of Pmua that could be, YetfoaJ* 
not moved to fbank bim for it v^^ 

oil Ofi AMrM^fthimki. 

ad iftf ii Bi to Ikii fmmHb mA gt^^mt^ 
Mot, nd of oar Mai for the jfufeMnraUon 
af the Pmmmm saoc6BBio& id hit sojral 
holM; «ad tfatt #0 wiU tigoronriy and 
beartil J concur m aU yga/t snd laeoesMry 

'A. D. 1741. 


■ ■ ^a»MIIH Hit 

sifrcy «f Eorope depends npon flie queen of 
HiMgwy reuibhijr ber dooinioQs iiitire: aad 
ikisitinHibe difficall to bring htm to, 

llMrehath beeo as grent attention to the 
v« ia tha West Indies as possible. The 
fleets of France and Spain were sent infflori- 
ousiy from thence. Oar troops behayed well 
a Carth^ena. tf there was wrong conduct 
is any coouDander, let il be examined into. If 
tbecbf eoannaoder bad not the advantage of 
ei|tfrime, this was owhig in part to the act 
ti V imU mm, which took off two offiean, ooo 
ffikmwmy coiivcfBaDt m the aiEwrs of the 

;ir0jei A apeeoh of a different natare 
mtghtlisTebeeD enected after so many tbingps 
had happsoed« and no one in our favour. It 
ibould bare been less general. It is very long 
asd says nothing. We bate made a nentfaKty 
B HsiDver : we have kept the 19,000 men 
n tint coantry since the eentrali^f : we have 
■miek off the assistance of 20,000 Hanove- 
ram. The Freneh bad oO rtasoii to grant a 
BMkiii^ and thei^fore omisi bava gianted it 
w MOM tarns. Bui 1 will believe^ on the 
dttbl of the noble lord, that there was no- 
tdioif ifl it which respected the Medherra- 
mriu, Wt have allowed the Spaniards to go 
t§(o It^y. And we have indeed given part of 
^ viamej to the qneen of Hungary, but no 
pvtofit was given two months ago. 

1 ftrstnU lest winter that they woold mio- 
carry ia dM West Indies. Lord Catbcart had 
ievcrwnred but as a major in Flandorsand a 
bnttcaaat colooel in the Rebellioo. And they 
'^ ofer 46 general officers to oome st him. 
V^>vMd served under my eye, was a cap* 
a^D aod under qnarter master general. But 
vvn oommanded more than a platoon. I 
iqnt the admtnistiMion of mistake and blon- 
dff: aad tske shame to m3raelf for having' 
^^m^ tbam ; dl hafth been designed, aad to 
nis«apavar illagaj in this coontry. It is not 
"■hniaevtoiB^irehow, buttoebarge: let 
<^ prodnee Uietr deleuce if they can. 1 am 
* *«l iafermed as the mtoistrf of what 
FKedstGorthagena, and they did not do' a 
*"#e ibiag fight lbere» yet they oontimie 
^ *c«y p< wsn 4hat both done wrong : who ia 
i^hidfltbterwiie a wofthy and ^reneioos man. 
<^chafa 100 rfiipa of tlie line m oammissien, 
^^"di sretwioe as atany as France and Spain 
^^ptWr; and of oUms* ships four times aa 
*|">y. Bel we caooet have a ship sail, hot in 
^wtvedaysitoasses back fm aoasethiog 
*<^. None oftheaeamen say, that Had- 
^ «» ost strong enoagh. Indeed ft>nT or 
^«bipi bad beeo sufficient to destroy the 
BsroaloBa. The governor and 

iBMlniree, for the defence aad support of 
his BaBJestT, the naintenance of tne ba* 
lanoe and liberties of Europe, and the as- 
aii^tanoe of our allies. 

^ That as duty, and affisction to his ma- 

tt <*» mt^t to.i 

oftdars of Port llfahon aie in England. And 
the chief man there now, is one who got m 
regioient this summer, and was but an ensiga 
in the war. Sir J. Norris was sent out with a 
fleet able to beat both jPranoe and Spain, but 
all bis ships so foul that they could have sailed 
throuffh him. NoNidy thought Haddock 
wouldever have lived so long. IVbo is there 
to command his fleet in case of bis dearb f 
Yon have but three flag offiters: one bath 
done every thing, the other two nothing ; hot 
VemoB hath net made bis court by what be 
baa done. - WiU yon, in the ciroemsianees yma 
are in, aay any thing to such a Speech but ax- 
proMions of duty ? As to the affairs of die em- 
pire, it is impossible to revive tbem. 

Hardwicke. C, The lord who spoke first 
after the motion was ma^e admitted tliere was 
no objection against any* particular thing m it. 
The Address is not to the m'mistry, though it 
be by the ministers' advice that the king makes 
bis Speech. If you put a negative on ttie 
support of the bahmee of £orope and of «your 
alUes, tlie cause yon are engaged in is at aa 
end. 1 verily beiieve lights will be given as 
to the Spanish war, and wheu things coqie to 
be considered, all Suspicions « ill vanish. 

Carteret. I am willing to support our allies, 
but do not put that now. There were strong^ 
words in the last addrets aboat the <jtlean of 
Hungary, bat they did her no good, and she 
will not mind these now. lam for, makings 
an unequal address becaose it is such, if the 
king inquires into the reason, he will find it 
is, that we are not disposed to compliment the. 

Argyte. The king of Pnissia will never have 
any .transaction- with this administration. He 
is certainly under engagements with the. 
FVedch aad Saxons, and if be is to break 
tbem, how can you tniat hiiA ? Sardinia hath 
kept himself in a condition to nreat where bo 
pleases; hot now ypu have disappointed hia 
expectation about the Spaniards coming into 
Italy be will have notbinc^ to do with us. The 
queen of Hungary bad drawn her troops out 
of Italy, thinkiDg herself safv there. If yon 
address in the manner proposed, it wiM be* 
intemreted a confldenoe in the adoitaiairaltom 
AHngdon. The soener innovations are re- 
moved the better : and the other motbed heiog: 
the old C4istom will prevent all supposed in- 
conveniences. Where a question is compli-^ 
cated like this, it ought to be divided. Story 
of sir Toby Butler. *■ Have you t^ken the 
oaths ?' ' Yes.' • Have you considered them ?* 
« No, by my ahonl, if I bad considered tbem I 
should never have taaken tbem t' 

C. as^ of whkh I wwrone. 




jesty are, in us, fi;xed and imalterfdile prii^ 
Giples^ 80 we feel the in^cessions of toem^ 
at this time, so strong and lively inour 
breasts/ that we cannot omit to Uny hold 
on this' opportunity of approaching his 
royal presence, to renew the most sincere 
professions of our constant and inviolable 
fidelity : and to promise his majesty, that 
we will, at the hazard of all that is dear to 
us, exert ourselves for the defence and 
]preservation of his sacred person and go- 
vernment, the maintenance of the Protes- 
tant succession in his royal house, on 
which the continuance of the Protestant 
religion, and the liberties of Britain, do, 
under God, depend." 

My lords, as this Adc ress will not ob- 
itruct any fiiture enquiries, by any ajppro- 
bation of past measures, either positive or 
fmplied, 1 doubt not but your lordships 
* wiU readily concur in it, and am persuaded, 
that . it will confirm his majesty's regard 
for our counsels, and confidence in ou;f 

. Lord Lovd. : 

My lords; the dangers whi^ have been 
■ justly represented by his majesty, ought 
to remind us of the importance of unuc^ 
circumspection in our conduct, and deter 
us from any innovations, of which we may 
not foresee the consequences, at a tinie 
when there may be no opportunity of re- 
pairing any miscarriage, or correcting any 

' There appears^ my lords, not to be at 
this time amr particular reason for changing 
the form or our addresses, no privileges of 
our House have been invaded, norany de- 
signs formed against the public. His paa- 
jesty has evidently not deviated from the 
practice of the wisest and most beloved of 
our British monarchs; he has, upon this 
emergence of unexpected difficulties, sum- 
moned the parliament to counsel and as- 
sist him; and surely it will not be con- 
sistent with the wisdom of this House to 
encrease the present perplexity of our af- 
fairs, bv new embarrassments, which may 
be easily imagined likely to arise from an 
address different from those which cus- 
tom has established. 

The prospect which now lies before us, 
a prospect which presents us only with 
dangers, distractions, invasions, and revo- 
lutions, ought to Engage our attentions, 
without leaving us at leisure for disputa- 
tions upon ceremonies or forms. It ought 
to be the care of every lord in this House, 
not how to address, but how to advise his 


pniDlic, and contribute io such deteraooM 
tions, as may avert tlie calamities tbat v^ 
peikd over mankind, and stop the wilder 
cursions of power and ainbition* 

We oug^t to reflect, my Lords, thattlii 
expectations of all Europe are railed h 
the meeting of this parliament: and th 
from our resolutions, whole nations m 
waiting for their sentence. And hoiml 
mankind be disappointed when they tU 
hear, that instead t>f declaring w8rQ|M( 
i^urpers, or imposing 'peace on the dh 
turbers of mankind, mstead of equippig 
navies to direct tlie course of commerce 
or raising armies to regulate the state i 
the continent, we met here in. a full « 
sembly, and disagreed upon the fonni 
an Address. 

Let us therefore, my lords, layariji 
at least for this time, all petty dctetesn 
minute enquiries, and engaee all hi A 
great attempt of re-estabTishing qajetl 
Uie world, and settling the limits of di 
kingdoms of Europe. 

The Earl of Chesterfield .•♦ 

My lords; there is I find at least (M 
point upon which it is probable thst didi 
will now agree whose sentiments have II 
therto been, on almost every occasill 
widely different. The danger of our pii 
sent situation is generally allowed; hi 
the consequences deduced from it are i 
contrary to eachother^ as ^ve little hop 
of that unanimity which times of daagf 
particularly reouire. 

It is allegea by the noble lord ill 
spoke last, that since we are now mvoht 
in difficulties, we ought only to enq<4 
how to extricate ourselves, andtherefa 
ought not to leave ourselves the rights 

* In the Collection of Dr. Jobosoo's Di 
bates, this Speech is eiroaeously attiihuled i 
lord Carteret. 

<* Lord Chesterfield, who, in his inn 
through other countries, oeyer lost sight ot'k 
own ; and, while, in pursuit of hMllh si 
amusement, did not neglect colleetiD^ m 
terials, and preparing himself for boaooi 
thought it proper to shew, that his oooiph 
sance and partiality to the French did a 
extend to their polities. Rccorered to k 
former state of heakb, and animated bj[il 
strong motives of national interest, and oilioi 
honor, he tliundered out what may be caU 
his first philijppic against the mioistry. Tli 
speech was justly appiaoded by the sptike 
on the other side, as wdl as on hii owa 
Dr. Malv's Life of Lord Chsateifiahl. 


oH'ih AddttU ^TlSanh. 

A. D. 1741. 


Honioflioir we were entailed in th^m,. 
B tiie perplenly of diflkrent coottdera- 
m sbcNikL diKipate our attention, and 
l^ble w from focming any uteful deter- 
patMxu^ or exerting any vigorous efforts 

,BqI» in my opinion, nay lords, the most' 
0ik way or removing difficulties, is to 
IpBUDe bofr they were produced, and by 
j^rqiimrr to whom they are. to be im- 
jUri ; for certainly, my lords, it is not 
llie hoped that we diall regain what we 
IM toit bat by measures diffisrent froo^ 
^vbach have reduced us to our pre- 
pMtMe, and by the aadstance of other 
auatfOorB than those who have sunk us 
gotbeeontempt, and exposed us to the ra- 
||nof every nation throughout the world. 
!lhtt UitB enquiry, my lords, may be free 

SOBobstructed, it is address 
llin^e, after the manner of our an* 
llrtora, in ^nend tenns, without descend- 
bto particular facts, which, as we have* 
|l jet examined them, we can neither 
fevare nor approve. 

Itbssbeen objected by the noble lord, 
^ foreign nations will be disappointed 
1/ hearing, that instead ■ of menaces of 
iMeance, and declarations of unalterable 
permee to the liberties of Gurope, we 
toe wMted our time at this important 
tocture in settling theform of an address. 
[That little time may be- wasted on this 
Igcawn, I hope your lordships will very 
ta^ agree to an Address suitable to 
to dignity of those who make it, and to 
be oocasion upon which it was made ; for 
Unmot bat allowy that the present state 
11 Am calls upon us for dispatch : but 
Isogh business ought at this time un- 
Isrirtedlj 10 be exf^dited, I hope it will 
M be precipitated ; and if it be demanded 
that the most important questions be first 
letennined, I -know not any thing of 
pester moment than that .before us. 

How we shall gratify the expectations of 
Eaekn powers, ought not, my lords, to be 
^r first or chief consideration ; we ought 
[ieitaii^first to enquire how the people may 
to set free from those suspicions, which .a 

& train of measures evioently tending to 
ir their privileges, has raised; and 
hiw they may be confirmed in their fideli- 
|r to the government, of which they have 
■r mafiy years found no other effiscts th^n 
ItoB and exactions^ for which they have 
pceived neither protection abroad, nor 
toCQUBigement ajt home.. 
. But, BPf lerdsy. if it be necessary to con- 
alt the inclinations, and cultivate the 

estetoa of foreign powers, I believe no- 
thing wiU raise more confidence in ouf 
allies, if there be any who are not now 
ashamed of that name, or more intimidate 
those whose designs it is our interest to 
defeat, than an open testimony of our re- 
solution po longer to approve that conduct 
by which the liberty of half Europe has 
been endangered ; and not to lavish praiscjl 
on those men who have in twenty years 
never transacted any thing to the real be- 
nefit of their country, and of whom it is 
highly probable that they have in the pre- 
sent war stipulated for the defeat of all our 
attempts, and agreed by some execrable 
compact to facihtate the exaltation of the 
house of Bourbon. 

Upon what facts I ground accusationa 
90 Atrocious may justly be enquired bv 
your lordships ; nor shall I find any dim*: 
c^lty in answering your demand. For, if 
we extend our view over the whole world, 
and enquire into the state of all our affiura, 
we shall find nothing but defbats, miscar- 
riages, and impotence, with their usual con- 
sequences, contempt and distrust. Weshall 
discover neither any tokens of that fear 
among our enemies, which the power of 
the«natioD, and the reputation of our for- 
ma; victories might naturally produce, noc 
any proofs of that confidence among those 
whom we' still continue to term our allies^ 
which the vigour with which we have for* 
marly supported our confederacies, give us 
a rignt to expect. Those whom we once 
trampled insult us, and those whom we 
once protected, give us no credit. 

How reasonably, iny lords, all nations 
have withdrawn from, us their reverence 
and esteem, will appear by a transient 
exammation of our late conduct, whether, 
it regarded Europe in.eeneral, or infiu- 
enced only the particular a&irs of the 
British nation ; for it will appear beyond 
possibility, of doubt, that whoever has 
trusted the administration, whether their 
own country, or any foreign powers, has 
trusted only to be betrayed. 

There is. among our allies none whom 
we are more obliged to support than the 
queen of Hungary, whose rights we are 
engaged by all the solemnities of. treaties 
to d^end, and in whose cause every mo- 
tive operates that can warm the bosom ol 
a man ,a£ virtue. Justice and compassion: 
plead equally on her side, and. we are 
called upon to assist her by our ewn inte- 
rest, as well as the general duty df society, 
by which every man is requircid to prevent 

fSl] 15 QE0R6E IL 

jestyare, iniis» ii;xed«Dd unalteHiMe pri»- 
oipies, so we fed the impressioiMi of tbem^ 
at this time, so strong and lively in our 
breasts, that we cannot omit to lay hold 
on this opportanity of appraadung his 
royal presence, to renew the most sincere 
professions of our constant and inviolable 
fidelity : and to promise his majesty, that 
we will, at the hazard of all that is dear to 
us, exert ourselves for the defence and 
preservation of his sacred person and go- 
vernment, the maintenance of the Protes- 
tant succession in his royal house, on 
which the continuance of the Protestant 
religion, and the liberties of Britam, do, 
under God, depend." 

My lords, as this Adc ress will not ob- 
itruct any fbture enquiries, by any appro- 
bation of post measures, either positive or 
unplied, 1 doubt not but your lordships 
will readily concur in it, and am persuaded, 
that it will confirm his majesty^s regard 
for our counsels, and conndence in ou;r 

Lord Lovd : 

My lords ; the dangers whi^ have been 
• justly represented by his majes^r, ought 
to remind us of the importance of unu^ial 
circumspection in our conduct, and deter 
us from any innovations, of which we may 
not foresee die consequences, at a tinie 
when there may be no opportunity of re- 
pairing any miscarriage, or coi:recting any 

There appears, my lords, not to be at 
this time amr particular reason for changing 
the form of our addresses, no privileges of 
our House have been invaded, norany de- 
signs formed against the public. His paa- 
jesty has evidently not deviated from the 
practice of the wisest and most beloved of 
our British monarchs; he has, upon this 
emergence of ui^expected difficulties, sum- 
moned the parliament to counsel and as- 
sist him; and surely it will not be con- 
sistent with the wisdom of this House to 
encrease the present perplexity of our af- 
fairs, bv new embarrassments, which may 
be easily imagined likely to arise from an 
address di^rent from those which cus- 
tom has established. 

The prospect which now lies before us, 
a prospect which presents us only with 
dangers, distractions, invasions, and revo- 
lutions, ought to ^gage our attentions, 
without leaving us at leisure for disputa-, 
tions upon ceremonies or forms. It ought 
to be the care of every lord in this House, 
not how to address, but how to advise his 



nuMasCy; how toaiwt AeoooosdsoTth^ 
pjublic, and contribute to such detenmoa-l 
tions, as may avert llie calamities tibstimJ 
peikd over mankind, and stoj^ the wild ei-j 
cunions of power and anibition. 

We oug^t to reflect, my Lords, thattl 
expectations of all Europe are raiwd I 
the meeting of this pariiament: andt 
from our resolutions, whole nations i 
waiting for their sentence. And howwfll 
mankind be di6^>pointed when they 6 
hear, that instead of dedaring war u 
i^urpers, or imposing 'peace on the disj 
turbers of mankind, mstead of equipping 
navies to direct the course of coaunercej 
or raising armies to regulate the state o| 
the continent, we met here in a full tsj 
sembly, and disagreed upon the form d 
an Address. 

Let us therefore, my lords, lajr 
at least for this time, all petty debates s 
minute enquiries, and engaee sll m t 
ereat attempt of re-establishing quiet iij 
we world, and settling the limits of t' 
kingdoms of Europe. 

The Earl of Chesterfield .•♦ I 

My lords; there is I find at least oo^ 
pomt upon which it is probable thst thoM 
will now agree whose sentiments have hi 
therto been, on almost every occasion 
widely different. The danger of our m 
sent situation is generally allowed; baj 
the consequences deduced from it are M 
contrary to each other, as ^ve little hopd 
of that unanimity which Umes of dangd 
particularly reouire. J 

It is alleeea by the noble lord m 
spoke last, wat since we are now invoH 
in difficulties, we ought only to enquin 
how to extricate ourselves, and therefod 
ought not to leave ourselves the right (^ 

* In the Colleetwn of Dr. JobtisoD s Del 
bates, this Speech is emmeouBly atuibuicd t^ 
lord Carteret. 


'< Lord Chesterfield, who, io bis inni 
through other countries, never lost sight oi b^ 
own ; and, while in pursuit of health soj 
amusement, did not ne^ect oolleotin^ id>| 
(erials, and preparing himself for boaocffj 
tlionght it proper to shew, that bis oompUi 
ssnee and partiality to the French did d(^ 
extend to their polities, fteoovered to m 
former state uf heahfa, and aoionstcd hyw 
strong motives of national interest, sod ostiopj 
honor, he tliundered out what may be c&l|^ 
his first philippic against the mioistry. "p" 
speech was justly spplaoded by the sp<w<^ 
on the other side, as wdl ss oo his owa«1 
Or. Mate's lils of Lord ChsatsHisld 

cviteWiny )«idi» tiito 
of HuDgaiy has been ^ 

of the advantages vhich the ex« 
froB her firwiMfaBm with this na- 

\sj a degree of cowardice too 

It be mentioxied without such 
pi^as the importance of this debate, 
|be dignity of this aaiembly, do not 
h DOT Is It less certam from the con- 
if her coemiesy that they knew what 
lbs <Mir meaanrcB, and confided for 
ijtj is that cowavdice which has never 

eMial» Bsy lords, be asserted, that 
^^kvever distressed, has jet re- 
lilkkast assistance from our arms ; 
{r ths justice of our cause has yet 
lUe te awaken our virtue, nor the 

imion of her interest with our 
Is excite our vigilance. '^. 

itperhsps, my lords, we have had no 
rtoBitir of exerting our force ; per- 
^ ntsatkm both <^ our enemies and 
miiich, that neither the one could 
itected, nor the other opposed, hj a 
power; and therefore oi^r inactivity 
hsdfcet not of want of courage, but 

mgb our niniaters, my lords, have 
rlo^eioo eminent prooA of geo- 
U imeiriedge, or or very accumie 
lihilsiice with tlie state of foreign 
BdOf jet there is reason to believe 
p^nost at seme time have heard or 
ilhtt the house of Austria had terri* 
isltsljr; they must hare been in- 
limdMs their disbunements fir se#> 

A. D. 1741. 


Ivioesre bestowed with very little 
M, that against these domimons an 
^hesn raised by the Spaniards; 
kjrmiat have discoveced, partly by 

of thw correspondents, 

hjr die inspeetion of a map, and 

^.hj the sigacily which distingtuBhes 

ifem sU pset and present ministers, 

jllhb army was to be transported by 

gM the coast of Spain to that of Italy. 

'^' bowkdge, my lord^ however at- 

sught have fiuBidied minds, which 

|e been found so fruitful of ex* 

wilhamethod of hindering t^ 

flf the Sjpanish troops, for which 

a»iewss necessary than that they 

bft oadered admiral Haddock, in- 

of leliiing before the Spanosh fleet 

> sad watching them only that they 

escape, to lie still before Barcdeoa, 

^*e txsQsports were stationed, wbh 

||Mejrsf only three men of war, and 

PMrtUi departure. 

I hQp^it wiil be observed bjr your lord- 
ships, that though the road of Barcelona 
is open and indefensible, though the fleet 
was onpratected by ships of force, and 
though they lay, as I am mformed, beyond 
the reach cf the guns on the fortifications 
upon the shore, I do not reauire that Had* 
dock should have destroyea the army and 
the ships; 

I am too well acquamted, my locds, 
with the lenity of our ministers to the ene- 
mies of their oountrr, and am too well 
convinced of the prudence and tendemesa 
of the restrictions by which the power of 
our admirals is limited, to expect that oxtr 
guns should be ever used but m'salutatioai 
of reepect, or exultations on the condU'^ 
sion Ota peace. I am convinced that oojt 
ministers would dhudder at ^e name of 
bloodshed and destruction, and that they 
had rather hear thata thousand merdtanta 
were made bankrupts by privateers, or idl 
our allies deprived of their dominions, than 
that one Spanish riiq^ was sunk or burnt 
by the navies of Britam. 

But, my lords, though they are williog 
to spare the blood of their enemies, yet 
surely they might have obstructed tfaekr 
enterprises; they might have wtthhdd 
those whom they were unwiUinv to strike^ 
and have endeavoured tb fright mose %hooi 
th^ determined never to Imrt. ' 

To speak in terms more adapted to the 
subfect before us : that the fleet of Spain^ 
a fleet dP transports widi such a convoy, 
should He three weeks in an open road, 
professedly fitted out against an dly united 
to us by every tie of nature and of po- 
licy, by the solemnity of treaties, and con- 
formitv of interest ; that it should lie un- 
disturoed almost within sight of a British 
navy; tliat it should lie there not only' 
without danger, but without apprehension 
of danger, has raised the astomshm«Eit of 
every naiion in Eorope, has blasted the 
reputation of our arms, impaired the in- 
fluence of our counsels, and weakened the 
credit of our public foith. 

There may be some, my lords, that wiQ 
impute this absurdity of our conduct, this 
disregard of our interest, this deseitton of 
our idliai>ces, and this neglect of the mds| 
apparent opportunities of success, not io 
cowardice but treadiery, a cause mere de-; 
testable as more atrociously criminal. 

This opinieis, my lords, I think it not 
necessary to oppose, both because* k can- 
not be charged with imprebabiliVyx and* 
because I think, it ma^ be easily reconciled' 
witib my own assertionsr for cowardice^ 

S30} 15 GEORGE IL 

abroftd produces treabhery at home; afid 
they become traitors to their country who 
are hfpdered by cowardice from the pro- 
secution of her mterest, and the opposition 
of her enemies. 

It may however be proper to dedare, 
tny lords, that I do not impute this fiital 
cowardice to those who are entrusted with 
the command of our navies, but to those 
£rom whom they are obliged to receive 
their iostroctions, and upon whom they 
vdiappily depend for the advancement of 
their rortunes. 

It is at least reasonable to impute mis- 
carriages rather to those, who are known 
to have given formerly such orders as a 
bvave admiral (Hosier) perished under the 
Ignominious necessity of observing, than 
to those of whom it cannot be said that 
any former part of their lives has been 
stained with the reproach of cowardice ; 
at least it is necessary to suspend our 
judgment, till the truth shall be made ap- 
parent by a rigid enquiry ; and it is thete- 
fore proper to offer an address in general 
terms, by which neither the actions or 
counsels of any man shall be condenmed 
nor approved* 

It would be more unreasonable to charge 
our soldiers or our sailors with cowardice, 
because they have shown even in those 
actions which have failed of success, that 
they miscarried rather through temerity 
than fear; and that whenever they are 
suffered to attack their enemies, they are 
ready to march forward even where there 
is no possibility of returning, and that they 
are ohly to be withheld from conquest by 
obstacles . which human prowess cannot 

. Such, my lords, was the state of those 
heroes who died under the walls of Car- 
thagena ; that died in an enterprise so ill 
concerted, that I ventured, with no great 
skill in war, and without the least pretence 
to prescience, to foretel in this House that 
it would miscarrv. 

That it would, that it must miscarry; 
that it was even intended only to amuse 
the nation with the appearance of an ex- 
pedition, without any oesign of weakening 
our enemies, was easily discovered ; for 
why else, my lords, was the army com- 
posed of men newly drawn from the shop 
and from the plough, unacquainted with 
the use of arms, and ignorant of the very 
terms of military discq>line, when we had 
among us large bodies of troops long kept 
milder the appearance of a regular esta- 
Uisiunent, troops of whom we have long 

Delaie in tke Lards i 

Mi the oxpence, bttt of wUeh die tii 
not, it seems, yet come, that we 9i 
know the use. 

These men, my lords, who have so 
practised the motions of battle, and 
nave given in the Park so man v pro<| 
their dexterity and activity, who in 
least learned to distinguish the difl 
sounds of the drum, and know the 
and voices of the subaltern office 
least, might have been imagined \ 
qualified for an attempt upon a fo 
kingdom, than those wno were necea 
strangers to every part of themifitai] 
rations, and might have been sent 
our first declaration of war, while th^ 
raised forces acquired' at home tbei 
arts under the same inspection. 

But, my lords, Aether it was iioa 
that new forces would be long before 
learned the implicit obedience nea 
to a soldier ; whether it was imagino 
it would not be easy on a sodden to o 
*troops of men so tall and wdl-propoTtij 
or so well skilled in the martial al 
curling and powdering their hair; 01* 
ther it would have been dangerous tol 
deprived the other House of the cd 
and votes of many worthy membeni 
had at the sam^ time a seat in theji 
ment and a commission in the army,! 
thought necessary to send out rawi 
to attack our enemies, and to kee| 
disciplined troops at home to awe tli 
tion. » 

Nor did the minister, my lords, di 
sufficient to obstruct the expeditid 
America by employing new raised ti 
unless they were likewise placed 
the command of a man, who, thoc 
undoubted courage, was, with resp 
the conduct of an army, as igacni 
themselves. It was ther^ore aetem 
my lords, that all those officers wild 
gained experience in former wars^ 
purchased military knowled^ by pe 
danger, should be disappointed an 
jected for the sake of aavaocrog a 
who, as he had less skill, was less iik 
be successfol, and was therefore) 
proper to direct an expedition pro 
only to intimidate the British nation. 

That the event was such as might 
expected from the means, yoor loinUi 
need not to be informed, nor can it 
questioned with what intentk)ns tb 
means were contrived. 

I am very far, my lords, from chsrgi 
our ministers with iffnorance, or upbn 
ing them with mistdces on- this ocean 


en the Address qfl%afda* 

A. D. 1741. 


for their whxAe condoct has been uniform^ 
ud an their scheBies consistent with each 
other: nor do I doubt their knowledge of 
(be coDseqaence of their measures^ so far 
13 it was to be foreseen by human pru- 

\l1ietfaer they have carried on negocia- 
tioDS, or made war ; whether they have 
conducted our own af&urs, or those of our 
aliy the queen of Hun^y, they have still 
diuOTeTdl the same intention, and pro- 
moted it by the same means. They have 
ni&red the Spanish fleets to sail first for 
fopp^ from one port to another, and 
thenfitiiii the coasts of Spain to those of 
Amaica. They have permitted the Spa- 
fliaids, without opposition, to land in Itiuv, 
when it was not necessary even to with- 
holJ them from it by any actual violence ; 
for had the fleet, nay lords, been under my 
comniand, I would have only sent thie 
punish admiral a prohibition to sail, and 
an lore it would have been observed. 

They have neglected to purchase the 
friendship of the king of Prussia, which 
night perhaps hove been obtained upon 
easy toms, bat which they ought to have 
gaioed at whatever rate.; and' to conclude, 
we have been lately informed that the 
Beatrality is signed. 

Such, my lords, is the cpnduct of the 
ainistry, l^ which it cannot be denied 
tbat ve sre invdved in many difficulties, 
tod expoied to great contempt ; but from 
^ coDtempt we nay recover, and disen- 
tanj^ ourselves from these difficulties by 
a vigorous prosecution of measures oppo- 
ste U) those by which we have been re- 
placed to our present state. 

If ve consider without that confiision 
v^ch fear naturally produces, the circum- 
Kaoces of our affiiirs, it will anpear that we 
^^ opoortunities in our hanos of recover- 
Bgourloaes,and re-establishiDg- our re- 
pQtatioii; those lasses which have been 
^ofered while we had two hundred ships 
of war at tea, which have permitted three 
hundred merchant ships to be taken ; and 
tint leoutation which has been destroyed 
*vn there was no temptation either to a 
compliance with our enemies, or to a de- 
Kition of oar friends. 

It it wdi known, my lords, that we make 
^ tt present rather with the queen than 
^peonle of Spain;' and it is^ reasonable 
to conclude, that a war carried on con- 
^ to the ^neral good, and against the 
Itoeral opinion, cannot be lasting. 

It is oertam that the Spaniards, when- 
^ they have been attacked by men ac- 

qtiatnted with the science of war, imd fur- 
nished with necessary stores for hostile at* 
tempts, have, discovered either ignorance 
or cowardice, and have either fled meanly 
or resisted .unskilfully. 

It is therefore probable, my lords, that 
either our enemies will desist from the 
prosecution of a war which few of them ap- 
prove ; or that- we shall by vigorous de* 
scents upon their coasts and their colonies, 
the interruption of their trade, and the 
diminution of their forces, soon compel 
them to receive peace upon our own 

But these advantages, my lords, are 
only to be expected from a change of con- 
duct, which change can never be produced 
by a seeming approbation of the past 
measures. I am' therefore of opinion, that 
we ought to address the throne in general ' 
tei;ms, according to the ancient practice of 
this House. 

In considering the Address pressed, I 
cannot but conclude that it is too much 
diffitsed, and that it would be more forcible 
if it was more concise : to shorten it will 
be no difficult task, by the omission of all 
the clauses that correspond with particular 
parts of his majesty's speech, which I can- * 
not discover the necessity of repeating. 

In the congratulation to his ma|esty 
upon his return to his once glorious domi- 
nions, no lord shall concur more readily 
or^ore zealously than myself; nor shall I 
even deny to extend my complimi^nts to 
the ministry, when it shall appear that 
they deserve them ; but I am never willing 
to be lavish of praise, because it becomes 
less valusble b^ being prodigally bestowed ; 
and on occasions so important as this, I 
can never consent to praise before I have 
examined, because enquiry comes too late, 
after approbation. 

The Earl of Cholmonddey : 

My lords; if the dangers that threaten 
our happiness and our safety be such as 
they have been represented ; if ambition 
has extended her power almost beyond a 
possibility of resistance, and oppression^ 
elated with success, begins to design no 
less than the universal slavery of mankind ; 
if the powers of Europe stand aghast at 
the caIaQ:iities which hang over them, and 
listen with helpless confusion to that storm 
which they can neither avoid nor resist, 
how ought our conduct to be influenced 
by this uncommon state of affiiirs? Ought 
we not to catch the alarm while it is pos* 
sible to make preparation^ against the 



15 GSOIKSS n. 



ifae tttt&mt difigcttoe, tiM lyutia at ' 
vul f C0 unite our cooimIb tor tfa* p 
tmt of Ibtttjr, And «x«rt di aor 
against the commoii eniiaM ^ lodedr^ 
th% unweaiied diitotan of tha tran^l- 

To what parpens* toj lordf, are ilia ni'- 
aariea that Ihe pnaMat ^distiactiaas of £«- 
itipa mar Mng upaa us* aa patiigriCTiHy 
daicnl^^aoA so aocuietaiT anataamtaid^ 
If tfaey ara to Mtidbce tto cobctvpaaoat 
aovosafeif And wiorttAwtaaaba i^iAad 
from them, but unanimity, with that w 
gour a«Mi dNpatek whiok aia iia oaaaral 
caaMqueuaaa, aaitiKytaaQBaa withwliicii 
acaadiDaaft aad aocpaditim «a gaaaiaUy 
tvmidad? « 

It ofiglit ba liap«iy \dy lords, diit tkaia 

Wka hava sa daar n www of wur 

xagaaitT aaia 
acuteness expose them to a saaaMHtf af 

mabanatanMBits, aad wh aaa 

: war pMBflat 
mf^tj mi 

lutttve aaisarias, pailiapi mora paiaifolaum 
would Resetted by «ay praeat aad raal 
aataflHttias, skooai not te thas aaranwd ta 
Ao parpata. E? ery pMion, my lords, tiai 
Its propar ab§act by whick it aaaiy be laiwl* 
a% j^Mad, and wvary dhpaaMaa af 
ittiiidtWfbediiwtadtoiaMMaada. tbm 
true usa af Chat fbiangiit af ftituraa«eass» 
Willi which same chnt cspadtias ava so 
cmiaaatly laadowed, is that of pradaetag 
aMttiaa aadauMaatiag tmedioats. Wliat 
advaibtsM^ m V kvds» woald it ba aa Mvi'^ 
gatans that tfeoir pilot ooald by mty pra* 
tema^oialfoawr discover saodi amoks, 
If ha was taa wsgligeat or too stolibori ta 
torn the vassal out of thedangar? 

Or how> fay lords, to pursae tha campa* 
ffisoo, ii^auld that pilot ho tswated kfy iha 
eraw,who,aftarkanfig infotaoed tham of 
Iteur sppraaA t» a siiaal or wMrlpool* aftd 
set before them, with all his fhoi^rici tha 
horrors of a.8hipwreck» shoald^ iastead of 
directing them to avoid destruction, and 
ttstttite their endesEiKMirs for Uiohr com- 
aK>A safety, annise them with the laisasr'^ 
ftages of past vfmges, and the Moidors 
, SRid stupidity ^their fbrmar pilot ? 

Wfaelh^ an^pmilelcan be fonned he* 
tweeen such iiUimed sirtm, and wild 
taisconduct, and the namer in wtiioh 
your lordships have been treated oa this 
oooasioo, it 16 not my province to deter- 
mine. Nor have I any ol^ker design than 
to show that the only proper coi^uct in 
time of real danger is preparation i^ainst 
k, and that wit and ekxiuence themselves, 
if employed to any ooier purpose, lose 
ilieir excoHenoe, because *^ loso their 

it dote Mt appear, mf tordsi ihst i 
Addrasa itfNr prapoaed^ iftdudss anya 
prabatiOaaf past maasukes, andthvvfiti 
it is naedkas to ea4uif« oo this oootai 
wbather the coadn^ af aar SimiskeBii 
admirals deserves praise or censure. 

It does not .appear, aiy iords, tint I 
ceasunof anr fMfft of our late osqAh 
howavar detrmiaBital to the pablie ttm 
at jpraseat ha imaginad^ luiy af aur lott 
wdi ba repaired, or any partof aarrcpat 
tnsi retrieved; aad ttierefore, sadi pa 
tiaadiags wottU oaky tetvd oar coensil 
hod dimt ourthooghtaiiwm maraioM 
beat oonsidarations; aiassi ds tai ioBsife 
Us tnijafiay hsK raoammaBdad to in,sl 
wImIi oaaaot be meae auooghr piaai 
upea OS ahaa by tihe bdMb tod who d| 
pesed she siAian; fcr iia asost peaeifij 
■ttitei Oo aiadintaQBty asd aateaitioh, ah 
asDst strongly repraaeata the danger sfts 

tUtis, I anad nst riSMn'Ki," mf hr^h 
^bif warn fnm the font ODdaaNMril 

end; ffoai'ilie ra«Ofiingi sad df 
RMS of nany individnds of diftM 
seadiaa, indinatMBis, (add aHpa-iMoe,« 
directed to the illusttatian of thesaai 
eoastaoa, whkdi is therefore sa accuiald| 
dJacessed, sa vanoasly illustrated, aal^ 

laaply displayed, that, a 
sm view is obtaioed of ita rahaiaBB ad 
tfamoasi be hoped Imdl 

wisdioia er kftowtedge of aory siagle SHW^ 
Rist this adaaaaage, any lords^ cai as^ 
be expected from utiMii and oaoounena^ 
for when the diftieat laemben «f saa 
tiottal oeanctf eaoar with diifaieotdeaip^ 
aadeaDsit tbeir abilities not aoaaidiia 

proaaele asiy geaexal purpoass, ai is aki 
■mea, and coafosa 

viaia the aaewiMa, and coafosa the smu 
Mains of each other, the piMc k m 
pRvad of alltba beeedi that might baaai 
pected from die oofleotivawiMtoasfsi* 
samblies) wbMaverasay be thecspscitjtf 
those who oomposethem. llMiparbtmeili 
dius dividdl and disturbed, will periufi 
ooadodo with laes pnideaoe disn mfi 
sia^k Miamber, as any man ms^ sMi 
easily discover truth without saa^sseai 
than when otfaers of equal abiiitiss aseam-v 
ployed in perplexing his enoairiesi asi 
mterraptiag the operations of flb mmd. 

Thos, my loids, it mi^t he asfer fort 
nation, even in time of teiror aaddfaoeto^ 
to be deprived of the ooeesela sf tUt 
House, than to confide ia tba detertsiiift- 
tioosof a paiiiaBMAtsM waifomiB^ 



A. JK nw. 


nrijanenl ten vhMi MMk c«i be iMfsA 
bjT dww ifb« obMVft tkal il cttUMi vitk* 
out a udMi d[ibBi% prohnred vitb ail the 
kflilaf cfpaaMBB^diapiill^ tko flral«ad 
■flit cunvj pait «{ piibUc b»ffiiiftiiyaff 

It has been for a Jeng line a pactice 
laofiifientv to confiiiUKl paatwitb pre- 
anH fieiliaBi^ Itt perplex evenr debele 
hf an ftMJhaa amldphGaliQn of olijoeta» 
aA taabrtrwrlmr delerainatuma by iuIh 
rtitQiiBg QM CBquirj in the place of an- 

Tlre mkf qnantiim, my knrdiy mnr he- 
faeai ii» iriiHber Ihe Addreaa wbidi the 
aahblard propoaed, iaaplies any comment 
Mob of fiaat naeafiires, sot whetbar 
thott aMiurea deaerre te be oaaameacltd ; 
aiack b an enquiry w»t at paeaent to be 
ponaad, baoaiae we faa^e not now before 
u thtmtam of attaaawr aatiafiictioii in it, 
ad wUefa aogbl alierefere to be debyed 
ifl it AaB be joom lordahipa' pleaaure to 
ippoat a day rev czanuBoig tbe atate of 
m aatiao, and to deoaand tboae letten^ 
Madianay mod iiicaieriala» vbidi arene« 
nmry to an aeeurale and parlianeiitaiy 

Ia tbe mean time, aince it ia at kaat aa 
fapeftaal fv naio to vindioUe, aa for 
eben to ataua tboae af whose conduct 
they aor I have yet any regular 
aoe, aaid I aeay juallv expect from 
te eaHlaiir of Tmr tordMipe, that yoo 
■i be aa leat willing to heer an apolegiat 
thaaenaenr, 1 will Tontere to auapoid 
^ nt anaaiinn m few monenta, to jui tify 
tlaicaBdaetwkMi baa been ao wantonly 
^ to e oa lB Mtu Daaly derided. 

Tkt tka prewmtMB of Ao Houae of 
Aoeria, ay kada, ougbl to eagaga tbe 
mm anaatmi of the Briliah valioB, ia 
MyraafaaiBA It ia eaadeet that by bo 
^ oMns our oaaaaaarcOy oar libeftv, 
V oar rdigion, earn be aecttredi or the 
Hott« of £>nrbon restrained firooi over- 
*Uaito^ the universe. It is allowed diat 
ik<piaea of Hungary baa a efadaa to our 
•MMBS by odw tiaa dum tboae of i»- 
teat; due itwaa promiaedupan the fekb 
j[baatMa, and k is deaaaaded by tlie 
Mat calla of boaoor, jastice, end ceair 
PMioa. And did it not appeer too ii»- 
|«ii aad lemaritie, I aoight add, that 
ke pawmal espedkaciea are aueh aa 
^ caH aanaa to her aaiHanee from 
«e remoteat ooman of tlM eavtb; that 
^ eaaaaaw im th^ Mi««iaa of bar fighu 

oiplatfinieMea; aad her iotrepid^y in tbe 
oiidBt of danger end diotraaag when every 
day btinga aceeuRla of new eacfeaMChment^^ 
and every new epcroaohn«nt diacouaegea 
those firaaa wheat aho nev oUm aaaialance 
from declaring in her iaraw» aai^ht in- 
aaire with ar&itr for her pteaerraJJon att 
thoae ia whom irirtoe can excite reverence^ 
Of wham csdaenties unjufltly indicted oam 
touch with indignatioo. 

Nor am I airaid to affirm, my lords, that 
the oeadition of this iUustrioaa princcaa 
raised all Ibeae eaaotieaa in Ae court of 
Britain, and tk^t the vigour of our pro* 
eeedinga will appear propertioaed to our 
ardour for her auccoaa. Nosooner was the 
true state of ai&irs incontestably known^ 
thiie 1S,QOO auxiliary troops were hired, 
and eevmanded to march to her assiat^ 
ance; but her aftkaiaahing it more eli|^** 
Ue for her to employ her own aut^jeota in 
her defence, and the want of money being 
the only obataclo that hindered h^r fraaa 
raiain^ armiea proportioned lo duwe of her 
eneoaies, Ae required, thet instead of 
treopa a •upphr of money miaht be acal 
her, With whica hiamajealy wtUin^y com^ 

The Britiah ariaiatera in tfie mean time 
endeavoured, by the atvoo^M arguments 
and moat importunate adicitattoBa. to ani- 
mate her alliea to equal vigour, or to pro^ 
cure her aaaiatance from other poupeis 
wfaoae iatereat was more remotely aJTedad 
by her distress ; if the effects of their en» 
deavours are not y^ manifest, it cannot 
be imputed to the want either of sincerity 
or diligeooe; and if any ether powera 
ahould be perauaded to arm ia the eom^ 
moa cauae, it ousht to be aaoribed tq the 
influence of the Britiah eounacls. 

In the prosecutioo of the war with 
Spain, h doea not i4ipear, my lorda, that 
any meaaurea have been aegkMfed, which 

grudeaee, or brarery, or exnerteace aoaU 
e expected to dicUte. Ir we heee auf- 
fored greater lesaea thad we expected, if 
eur enemies have been sometimes favoerad 
by the winds, or sometimes have been so 
hapw as to ceneeal tiieir designs, aad 
elude the diligence of our eommaadara, 
who k to he oeaaured ? or what is to be 
eeaduded, but that wlddk never was de- 
nied, that the chence of mar is aeeertaia» 
dbaft men are iaeliaed to mafce foUeeHwa 
oakalations of ^ probabiUlies of fteace 
events, and that our eaemies soi^ seme- 
times be as artfol, as diligeal^aBd as a^pr 
aa% as oias^ea? 
It vas tbe geaeari epbioa ef Ibe Bcili* 


15GFE0R6E U. 

Debaie in tie Lbrds 


people, my lords, if the general opinion 
iQay be collected from the clamours and 
expectationa which every man has had op- 
portunities of observing, that in declaring 
war upon Spain, we only engaged to chas- 
tise the insolence of a nation of helpless 
aavaffes, who might indeed rob and murder 
a defenceless tr^er, but who could cmly 
hold up their hands and cry out for mercy, 
or skulk in secret creeks and unfrequented 
coasts, when ships d war should be fitted 
out against them. They imagined that 
the fortifications of the Spani& citadels 
would be abandoned at the first sound of 
cannon, and that their armies would tui^ 
their backs at the sight of the standard of 

It was not remembered, my lords, that 
tile greatest part of our trade was carried 
on in sight of the Spanish coasts, and that 
our merchants must be consequently ex- 
posed to incessant molestation firom light 
vessels, which our ships of war could not 
pursue over rocks and shallows. It was 
not sufficiently considered, that a trading 
nation must always make war with a na- 
tion that has fewer merchants, under the 
disadvantage of being more exposed to the 
rapacity of private adventurers. How 
much we had to fear on this account was 
' shown us by the late war with France, in 
which the privateers of a few petty ports 
injured the commerce of this nation more 
tfwn their mighty navies and celebrated 

• My lords, it would very Kttle become 
this august assembly, this assembly so re- 
nowned for wisdom and for justice, to con<^ 
"Ibund want of prudence with want (^ suc- 
cess, since on many occasions the 'wisest 
measures may be defeated by accidents 
which ooidd not be foreseen ; since they 
may sometimes be discovered by deserters, 
or spies, and sometimes eluded by an 
enemy equally skilful with ourselves in the 
science of war. 

That any of these a[X>logies are neces- 
sary to the administration, I am ftr from 
Intending to insinuate, for I know not that 
we have failed of success in any of our 
designs, except the attack of Carthagena, 
of which the tm'scarriage cannot at least 
-be imputed to the ministry; nor is it evi- 
.dent that any other causes of it are to be 
assigned than the difficulty of the enter- 
pri£ : and when, ray lords, did any nation 
ilknake war, without experiencing some dis- 
appointments ? 

These considerations, my lords, I have 
^thought myself obliged, by my tegBixd to 

truth and justice, to lay before you, to dis- 
sipate those suspicions and that anxiety 
which might have arisen firom a different 
representation of our late measures ; for I 
cannot but once more observe, that a vin- 
dication of the conduct of the ministry is 
by no means a necessary preparative to 
the address proposed. 

Tlie addms which was so modestly 
offered to your lordships, cannot be said 
to contain any more than a general answer 
to his majesty's speech, and such dedan* 
tions of our duty and affiscdon, as are al- 
ways due to our sovereign, and alwaji 
expected by him on such occasfons. 

if our allies have been neelected or b^' 
trayed, my lords, we riiall be still at li- 
berty to discover and to punish negligencel 
so detrimental, and treachery soreproach- 
fiil, to the British nation. If in the var 
against Spain we have fiuled of success, 
we shall still reserve in our own hands the 
right of enquiring whether we were un- 
successfiil by the superiority of our ene* 
mies, or by our own fault ; vriiether oar 
commanders wanted orders, or neglected 
to obey them ; for what clause can be pn>> 
duced in the tuidress by which any of 
these enquiries can be supposed to be pre- 
determined ? 

Let us therefore remember, my lordsj 
the danger of our present state, and tb« 
necessity of steadiness, vigour, and wis^ 
dom, for our own preservation and that ol 
Europe ; let us consider that public wl«^ 
dom IS the result of united couasels, and 
steadiness and vigour, of united influence 
let us remember that our example may b< 
or equal use with our assistance, and thai 
both the allies and the subjects of Greai 
Britain will be conjoinecl by our union, anc 
distracted by our divisions ; and let u 
therefore endeavour to promote the gene 
ral interest of the world, by an unanimou 
address to his majesty in the terms pro 
posed by the noble lord. . 

Lord Talbot : 

My lords ; aflier the display of the pre 
sent state of Europe, and the account o 
the measures of the British mioisten 
which the noble lord who spoke agaio! 
the motion has laid before you, there i 
Httle necessity for another attempt to coo 
vince you that our liberty and tne libert 
of Europe are in danger, or of disturbs 
your reflections by another aiumeration c 
follies and misfoirtunes. . 

To mention the folly <^onr measures i 
superfluous likewise .for. another reasoi 


on the Aidreu of Thanks. 

A. D. 1741. 


Ibey who do not alieady ackcofwledge it 
nay be justly suspected of suppressing 
tkeir coDTiction ; for how can it be |K)sai- 
bk, that they who cannot produce a single 
instance of wisdom or. fortitude, who can- 
not point out one enterprise wisely con- 
certed and successfully executed, can yet 
lincerely declare, that nothing has been 
nniued which our interest required ? 

The measures, my lords, which are now 
punued, are the same which for twenty 
Teurs bare kept the whole nation in con- 
tinual diBtorbaDce, and have raised the 
indignation of every man, whose private 
interestwas not promoted by them. These 
measttrn cannot be said to be rashly cen- 
sored, or condemned before they are seen 
ID their full extent, or expanded into all 
tbeir consequences ; fbr tney have been 
prosecuted, my lords, with all the confi- 
dence of auUiority, and all the perseve- 
rance of obstinacy, without any other op- 
[Nution than fruitless clamours, or peti- 
doDi iinr^arded. And what copsequences 
kve they produced ? What but poverty 
ttd distractiODs at home, and the contempt 
and insults of foreign powers ? What but 
the neceastty of retrieving by war the 
Inies sustamed by timorous and dilatory 
negociatioDs; and the miscarriages of a 
nr, in which only foUy and cowardice 
have invdved us ? 

NoChii^, my lords, is more astonishing, 
than that it snould be asserted in this 
H»Bse that we have no ill success to com- 
fit of. Might vre not hope for success, 
tf ve hare calculated the events of war, 
s&d made a suitable preparation? And 
hov is this to be done, but by comparing 
oar forces with that of our enemy, who 
UBRt ondoubtedly be more or less formi- 
^le according to the proportion which 
ha tiessures uid his. troops bear to our 

Upon the assurance of the certainty of 
^ practioe^ u^n the evidence, my 
vrds, of arithmetical demonstration, we 
were indined to believe, that the power 
of Great Britain was not to be resisted by 
^P*in, id4 therefore demanded that our 
^MrriuBts should be no longer plundered, 
^^»i^ ioqirisoned, and tortured, by so 
^t^CBbk an enemy. 

That we did not foresee all the conse- 
?>QUMof this demand, we are now ready 
to fxa&m ; we did not conjecture that 
^ troops would be raised for the inva- 
^ of the Spai|ish dominions, only that 

*^ night be reduced, to the level with 

ffaeoemies. We did not imagine that 

the superiority of our naval force would 
produce no other consequence than an 
me^ualitjr of expence, and that the royal 
navies ot Britain woidd be equipped only 
for show, only to harass the sailors with 
the hateful molestation of an ibipress, and 
to weaken the crews of our mercantile 
vessels, that they might be more easily 
taken by the privateers of Spam. 

We did not expect, mv lords, that our 
navies would sail out under the command 
of admirals renowned for bravery, know^ 
ledge, and vigilance, and float upon the 
ocean without design, or enter ports and 
leave them, equally inoffensive as a packet- 
boat, or petty trader. 

But not to speak any longer, my lords, 
in terms so little suited to the importance 
of the question which I am endeavouring 
to clear, or to the enormity of the con- 
duct which I attempt to expose ; the suc- 
cess of war is only to be estimated by the 
advantages which are gained, in propor- 
tion to the loss which is suffered ; of which 
loss the expences occasioned by the war 
are always the chief part, and of which it 
is therefore usual, at the conclusion of a 
peace, for the conquered power to pro- 
mise Uie payment. 

Let us examine, ray lords, in conse* 
quence of this position, the success of 
our present war against Spain; let us 
consider what each nation has suffered, 
and it will easily appear how justly we 
boast of our wisdom and vigour. 

It is not on this occasion necessary to 
form minute calculations, or to compute 
the expence of every company of soldiers 
and squadron of ships; it ia only neces- 
sary to assert, what will I hope not be 
verv readily denied, even by those whom 
.daily practice of absurd apolojries has 
rendered impregnable by tne force of 
truth, that such expences as have neither 
contributed to our own defence, nor to 
the disadvantage of the Spaniards, have 
been thrown away. 

If this be granted, my lords, it will ap- 
pear, that no nation ever beheld its trea- 
sures so profusely squandered, overpaid 
taxes so willingly, and so patiently saw 
them perverted ; for it cannot, my lords, 
be proved, that any part of our prepata- 
tions has produced a proportionate effect ; 
but it may be readily shown how many 
fleets -have been equipped only that the 
merchants might want sailors, and that 
the public stores might be consumed. 

As to our ill success in America, which 
hasb^h impixted only to the chance. of 


iw^ nmeh of it 

ib«» it viB Im 

Mciteto otiMr 

wgkt hove bees ptevented bf 

^aedy ranfaretQMBt ef Yctbod^ or maj 

k« lupptHed te have arisen from tlw inex- 

yMfienee of oar trocfM, and tke eicape of 

Iba Spaniards from FanoL 

If our fleets had been sent moraearhr 
into that part of the worlds the Spaaiardb 
vould have had no time to strengthen 
' Iheir garrisoaa; had ear trm^s been ae^ 
4|iiaintQd with discipKney the attack ireukL 
have been made wi(h greater jodgaiCBt ; 
and had not the Spaniards escaped from 
f errol, we should have had no enemy ia 
America to encounter. Had ali our mi- 
nisters and att our admirak done their 
duty, it is evident that net only Cartha- 
gena had been taken, but that half the 
dominiona of , Spam miriit now have 
<Mraed the sovereignty of the cvewn of 
Great Britain. 

Tlu% my lonb, may be observed ef the 
mdy enterprise^ which it is reasonable to 
believe was ia reality intended agmnst the 
Speaiards, if even of this our miaisters 
had ael belbre' contrived the defeat. Bnt 
af all Ahe rest of our armaments it does not 
appear that any e£Pect has been felt bat by 
imrselvesy it eanaot be diBcevered that 
th^ even raised any idarms er anxiety 
aither in our eftiemias or their allitSy by 
tvkom perhaps it was known that they 
vperettOy (ies%aed ae pwMs hm e n ts Ibr thie 
merchanta ef Britain. 

That ear nepdumils have already been 
s av e ra iy cha st i sed fee their iasoleaea in 
eeaspkiimig of their lossesy and their 
teaarity in raising in Ae nation a regard 
Ibr its eammereoi its honooTy and its 
rights, is evident ftom a dreadful list of 
tlMa biuidved shi^M taken by the Spa- 
BiHrds, some of wbieh were abandoned by 
their cenve;3«, and eAera seised within 
s%bt af the eaasU of Britain. 

it may be orged, my loidb, Aat the 
Spaniards have Hkewise hist a great nii»- 
har of vessels; bat what else caiild they 
aspeet when tibey eaaaged in a war 

diey eagaged 
the greetatt ntw power of the 
a f ,And it is to be reraembeiad, 
that tlie Spaniards have this eonsoJIation ui 
tfa^ isjsfavtUBes, thttt ef tiieir shipaaone 
hapea been desetted by thab eenvoya, or 
wiUallv exposed to capture by being 
fobbed of Uieir crawa, to lappiy ships of 
war with idle hands. 

The SMBierdi wiS hkewise eeiiiider, 
€tM thty We not harasead their aubjects 
fer tha prateolioo of dm tradej ' 

Aegr hava aot filalad oat fleets m^ 
amuse tbepopuboes. Thi^ eonslbittiii 
sahrca with the hep^, that the Brilmsi 
soon be redooed to a stale ef weska 
bdaw themarives^ and wait psftiQndjri 
tha time in whidi the nsanters of ^ y 
shall receive ftam them die regahtiQB 
dieir oommeroe^ and the limits of d( 

Nor eanit be doubted^ mykrdi^l 
that by adheriiig to these measmsi^ i 
mittistera will in a short tisBe gfitify || 
hopes; for whatsoever be the Mmk 
between die power of two contsndiagi 
tiona, if the rieber spends its traasi 
without effect, and exposes its troops 
unhealthy ehtaates and impracdesUei 
peditions, whib the weaker is psidii 
nious and prudent, they must sooaH 
brought to an aquali^ ; and by eti 
nuittg the same conouoty the «ei| 
power must at length pravaiL 

That diis has bean hitherto the ststa 
tha war ^tween Britain and Spsaif iri 
not necessanp to provw to yoqr kaddiif 
it is appaf«nt» that the exoenoss sf i 
Spaniards have been far lem tfasa ttal 
or Britain ; and therelbre if ws disuld a^ 
pase the actual hissee of war eqosi, t 
are only wearing ant our foree m ladt 
efforts, and our enemiee growevwyif 
comparatively stronger. i 

But, my kMds, let ua net flsttsral 
sckres that our aetual Iooks hsvt W 
equal ; let us, before we datanmM di 
^pestitm, accurately oaoipare the maM^ 
and the vahie of aor ships aad cai|p| 
with thoee ef the Spaniards, aad see i 
which side the loss will ML 

And let ua not forget, what in til th 
caleulatiens which I have yst sses il 
either part ha< been totally oveiiosbj 
the number of aran killed, orcsptifni 
the British and Spanish dominiozu. MM 
my lords, are at onee strangdi ead ridM 
and therafore it ia to be coasidarsd, dM 
the most irreaarsfcla kisa whkhsDfsi 
tien can suitam is tha dummilioa sf I 
people. Money aaay be repaid, SD^eoa 
asaroe may be reeovetcd, evca liiiH 
maybe regaiaad, but the loss of petfi 
can never be retrieved. Evwi detme 
tieth generation may hire reasMi Is ttf 
ehuas, How mueh mum numsrsm ia^ 
meee pewaiM wonkl diis natisa Imm 
been, had aasr aneeetors not be^a bitnTt' 
in the expedition te Carthagenaf 

What loss, my lords, hive As 8fi^ 
niards austained adiieh can ks pt ii 
bahuK^ with dnt ef #ur«xnyiftiMMit 

onUe AUrm ^Tif»h. 


^mmf jprm w^ ^ ilm vukiiBtft ^ an 
vkeahliy climate, «mI1 of wimk thorn 
ibpcriiMhr ^ BiNir4» wtre iBraoUty 
BBctitd fnm a*pe lingering lonMBtB ? 

Whii«fttMaBt am lie nebtieiMd fo 
kHbeityefBiiltitsdM «f Britotti^ bow 
bguisUng ill ike yriswu of Spuin^ or 
iU^bjbanUUp* and doaperatkxi io 
insttbteoeaiietof AeirceuiitTyf Whul 
be tlie Sptoiarda lufi^Ml thai can be 
ifpasedtotte^txiMH^ whk^^e oeea- 
iKctoftUiaatieo fi»>lg frcm tha dataa* 

Thw^nj brda» Hre l a t i ei not to be 
MtfieU Igr liie de8trui.tieo of Porto 
Mk^emtiiouobtibOl espedttioD ahonkl 
be ascribed to the minisUj* Thoae are 
loM vliidi oMf' extODd thek cobse- 
poicei to ttaay ages, which may hmg 
iape^Mireiaimeroe» end dimieinh our 

tiatttobe in i^ gM ied,Myiowb» that 
ii tUg tima of pec^iar dai^;er, paretna 
ril dttdae their tahildroB to BMritime em-* 
ihjweiite, or thKoByaoae wiB engage 
a naval buainett who oao oaoeiviaa abir 
>iffI»«finidQ( Midlliora£bro tfaedaath 
ecapiivityefa eailor iaatea a Taouity la 
te ommuo^ mnet oo other will be 
itidj to oi|ip)y his place. Thui by de- 
P«a tb coatmoaaoe of the war wjU 
Mtnctwrlraili, ODdtheea porta of It 
^idtncanot oocupv^ wtH be aaotched 
^^ FfOKsh or I>«tc^ from whom it « 
MpnMk lint tber will ever beieoo* 

Ti>iT»ylordb| ii aoothflrcirettnMtaiioe 
•fMhntogt to whaoh the Sponhirdt 
«« mt expand; lor Ihair tnifio beng 
^ from one part of their deosieiona to 
Mkr, cMnet be destroyed, birt will, 
^ifatiboit intcrruptiao of a war, be 
5^ tqo% Gortaifi and oqoally pro- 

it^peaa^ HiereftMre, my loida, that we 
veiudrnteiiifisfed aoore than the Spa- 
2^ laoia than the eatien which we 
■**«» naeh leonm to despite; it ap- 
^^ that cor tetts hspre been eieioas, 
*^tbt oar troa|M have been only aent 
«t«bedettiQyod; ood it wiU theeefora 
^^ attoved me to oasert, that the 
*«|^BotbaaihithcBto sucoesifiiL 

' «i tkefefeio of opinioiH my lofda, 
[J^^tbe Addiemaewprepoaed oaaaot 
^ ^ Md s iia oa A both by his laaJMty 
^ the natioD, to imply in some degree a 
^**^Msa ef that coodoot which 
I °|^ Ik caBaModsdy whidi oiM|fat neser 

"*"^oiBsa Mt evn sMsaMtion awl 

A* a vm. 


om/temf^ ii irfU b6 wwaiAf ef tiia 
Hottse^ offMsiira to the whole oilionb Md 
«B|ust«o his mnj^jr* 

bis m^iestv, mjr lords, has 
us 4o advise him m this ia^pettwl j 
toiOi and the aAtioo oi4>eoia Iran .^ 

determinations its toKof or ftiB doilrwctkma 
Aor will either have nraeh to hope fiwaa 
eiir irowmeW if ia oor ftnst pobKo aol wia 
endeavour to deceive them* 

It seoma theNfom preper to ehmme 
theOeaMnoofohnofourodire8sas«4 Jho 
th a aoe, to do onoe at kast whnt his mt^ 
jeily dmnands and the Mopk eapooty mk 
to lomamber that no cberaotera ereinaso 
iboonsirteBt, than these of o ceotweWof 
af the king and aflatteaar of Uie nvmistiyw 

tlie Earl titAta^dpn : 

My Idrds^ I have aiw|(yi oUseread that 
dsbatea ore p ro lo o g ed, and oo^'riea peiw 
ploBed, by the n^^kot df asetbed; imd 
therefore thiok it neoesB o ryto aseee. That 
theqoostiOB mairbemad; that the aoUo 
hMds who shall be itteUned to oxdaia *de 
sentiments upon it, may have ai ways the 
ehief poiat in view, a«d mat deviate Into 
ftosippi coMultratsBOo. {It woaaaadec* 

Lord Cartera : 

My lords; Ion 
piiety of the hat 
tiige which it has 

oettviaeed efthe 
motion hj the 
offMdedme ofviowmc 
mere deliberately and ditliQedy the Oiioo* 
tion beibre os ; the oonsideiotioa of whkh 
has oonfimsed me hi asy opWon, that the 
Addvem Dowpropeaed k only a flalteriaif 
rapetition of the Speeeh, oad that that 
Speooh was drawn up only to betray «a 
into an encomium on the ministrj; wha^ 
as they oertainly have not deserved «qr 
GommendatieBs, will, I hope, not raeehro 
them ftom your lordshiiis* For what boa 
been the remit ef all their measursa, buto 
geaeral confusioB, the deproBsieo of our 
own nation and our alliea, nnd the esalta- 
taon of the Hoaae of BooboB ? 

It is BBivenatty allowed^ my lends, and. 
thereiere it woidd be supedhmus toproee^ 
that the liberties of Barope or^ now i« 
the BtaMst danger; that the House of 
Bourbon has arrived .ahnost el that ex-» 
aked {rinBade ef authority, frem whonoo 
it will look down with contetnpt upon oil 
powen, to whhsh it wiU fa en e ti b r 
praacribe law^ et pleasuie, whoso 
doBiiBmBs will be ttmitadby ita disectioBr 
ami wfaoae anawwiHomrdiatitS' 

tSS] 15 tJEORGB n. 

That Greal Britain will be long ex- 
empted from the general Bervitude^ that 
we shall be able to stand alone against the 
whole power of Europe, which the French 
may then bring down upon us, and pre- 
senre ourselves independent, while every 
other nation acknowledges the authority 
of an arbitrary conqueror, is by no means 
likely, and mi^ht be perhaps dmnonstrated 
to be not possible. 

How long we might be able to retain 
our liberty, it is beyond the reach of 
policy to determine ; but as it is evident, 
Uiat when the empire is subdued, the 
Dutch will quickly M under the same 
dominion, and that all their ports and 
all their commerce will then be in the 
hands of the French, it cannot be denied 
that our cominerce will quickly be at an 
end. We shall then lose the dominion of 
the sea^ and all our distant colonies and 
settlements, and be shut up in our own 
island, where the contmuance of our li- 
berties can^ be determined only by the 
resolution with which we shall defend 
them* ' 

That this, my lords, must probably in 
a few years be our state, if the schemes 
of the House of Bourbon should suc- 
ceed, is certain beyond, all controversy ; 
and therefore it is evident that no man to 
whom such a condition does not appear 
eligible, can look unconcerned at the 
confusion of the continent, or consider 
the destruction of the House of Austria, 
without endeavouring to prevent it. 

But, my lords, thouffh such endeavours 
are the duty of all wtio are engased in 
the transaction of public affairs, though 
the importance of tne cause of the queen 
of Hungary be acknowledged in the 
Speech to which we are to return an 
Address, it does not appear that the mi- 
nisters of Britain have once attempted to 
assist her, or have even forborne any 
thing which mieht aggravate her distress. 

The only OTOCtuiu methods by which 
any efficacious relief could have been pro- 
cured, were that of reconciling her with 
the king of Prussia, or that of prevailing 
upon the Russians to succour her. 

A reconciliation with the king of Prus- 
sia would have been my first care, if the 
honour of advising on this occasion had 
fallen to my lot. To have mediated suc- 
cessfully between them could surely have 
been no difficult task, because each party 
could not but know how much it was their 
common interest to exclude the French 
from the empire, and how certainly this 

Debate in the Lards - [2j 

untimely discord most expose them M 
to tbeir ancient enemy. 

As in private life, my lords, when it\ 
friends carry any dilute between themt 
improper degrees of anger or regeDtmenl 
it 18 the 'province of a third to moderaf 
the passion of each, and to restore tbatb< 
nevolence which a difference of interei 
or opinion had impaired ; so in alliance 
or tne friendships of nations, whenever | 
unhappily falls out that two of themforg^ 
the general good, and lay themselves op« 
to l^ose evUs from which a strict unia 
only can preserve them, it is necessai 
that some other power should interpoS 
and prevent the dangers of a perpeti^ 

Whether this was attempted, my lor^ 
I know not ; but if any sucn design was I 
appearance prosecuted, it may be reasoj 
aoly imagined from the event, that the d| 
ffociaton were defective either in ikill or i 
diligence ; for how can it be conceive 
that any man should act contrary to 1^ 
own interest, to whom the state of his ij 
fiiirs is truly represented i 

But not to suppress what I cannot doab 
I am convinced, my lords, that there is | 
reality no design of aansting the queen \ 
Hungary ; either our ministers have o| 
yet recovered from their apprehensions I 
the exorbitant power of the House:of Au 
tria, by which they were frighted sort 
years ago into the bosom of France f| 
shelter, and which left them no expediel 
but the treaty of Hanover; or they aj 
now equally afraid of France, and expei 
the Pretender tcf be forced upon them t 
the power whom they so lately solicited I 
secure them from him. 

Whatever is the motive of their condu^ 
jt is evident, my lords, that they ^^ I 
present to the unfortunate queen of Hi^ 
gary, either professed enemies or tr^ 
cherous allies; for they have pertnittj 
the invasion of her Italian dominions, whj 
they miff ht have prevented it without 
blow, omy by commanding the Spaniari 
not to transport their troops. 

To argue that our fleet in the Medit^ 
ranean was not of strength sufficient to a 
pose their passage, is a subterfuge to wbij 
they can only be driven by the necesj 
of making some apology, and an ahsolu 
inability to produce any which will n 
immediately be discovered to b« grouo 

It is known, my lords, to all Eurof 
that Haddock had then under his col 
mand 13 ships of the line, and nine fiig^^^ 


•» ike Addrttt tf Thanks^ 

A. D. mi. 


lod that the ^Muoish cqqyoj consisted 
volj of three ships ; and yet they sailed 
before hk eyes with a degree of security 
which nothing could have produced but a 
passport from the court of Britain, and an 
assured exemption from the danger of an. 

It may be urged, that they were pro- 
tected bv die Frendi squadron, and that 
Haddock durst not attack them, because 
he was unable to contend with the united 
fleets : but, my lords, even this is known 
to be fake ; it is known that they bore no 
proportion to the strength of the British 
aquadroi^, that they coiud not have made 
even the appearance of a battle, and that 
oar commanders could have been only 
employed in pursuit and captures. 

ThiSy my lords, was well known to our 
ministers, who were afraid only of destroy- 
ing the French squadron, and were very 
&r from apprehending any danger from it ; 
bat being determined to nurchase, on any 
terms, the continuance or the friendship of 
their old protectors, consented to the In- 
Tvion of Italy, and procured a squadron 
to sail out, under pretence of defending 
the Spanish transports, that then: comph- 
aace m^t not be discovered. 

All this, my lords, may reasonably be 
suspected at the first view of their pro- 
ceedings : for how could an inferior force 
Tenture into the way of an enemy, unless 
upon security that they should not be at- 
tacked ? But the late treaty of neutra- 
Etj has changed suspicion into certainty, 
his discovered the source of all their mea- 
ttires, and shewn that the invasion of Italy 
k permitted to preserve Hanover from the 
like calamity. 

There b great danger, my lords, lest this 
hat treaty m Hanover should give the de- 
cisive blow to the liberties of Europe. 
How much it embarrasses the queen of 
Hungary, by making it necessary for her 
to divide her forces, is obvious at the first 
▼iew; but this is not, m my opinion, its 
raoA fate! consequence. The other powers 
▼31 be incited, by the example of our mi- 
nistry, to conduae treaties of neutrality in 
die same manner. They will distrust 
ereiT appearance of our zeal for the House 
of Austria, and imagine that we intend 
ooly an hypocritical assbtance, and that 
^fa generau, our ambassadors, and our 
admirals, have, in reality, the same orders. 

Nothing, my lords, is more daneerous 
than to weaken the public fiiith. Wnen a 
ution can be no longer trusted, it loses all 
in inflttence, because none can fear its 


menaqet, or depend on its alliance. . A 
nation no longer trusted, must stand alono 
and unsupported ; and it is , certain that 
the nation which Is justly suspected of 
hplding with its open enemies a secret in* 
tercourse to the preiudice of its allies, can 
be .no longer trusted. 

This suspicion, my lords, this hateful, 
this reproachful character, is now fixed 
upon tne court of Britain ; nor does it take 
its rise only from the forl}earance of our 
admiral, but has received new confirma- 
tion from the behaviour of our ambassador, 
(Mr. Trevor) who denied the treaty of 
neutrality, when the French minister de« 
clared it to the Dutch. Such now, my 
lords, is the reputation of the British court, 
a reputation produced by the most fla«. 
grant and notorious instances of cowardice 
and falshood, which cannot but make all 
our eo<leavour8 ineffectual, and discourage 
all those powers whose conjunction wa 
might have promoted, from entering into 
any other engagements than such as we 
may purchase for stated subsidies. For 
who, upon any other motive than immedi- 
ate interest, would form an alliance with 
a power, which, upon the first appearance 
of danger, gives up a confederate, to pur- 
chase, not a large extent of territory, not 
a new field of commerce, not a port or ci-^ 
tadel, but an abject neutrality 1 

But however mean may be a supplica- 
tion for peace, or however infamous tho 
desertion of an ally, I wish, my lords, that 
the liberty of invading the queen of Hun- 
gary's dominions without opposition, had 
been the most culpable concession of our 
illustrious ministers, of whom it is reasona- 
ble to believe, that they have stipulated 
with the Spaniards, that they shall be re- 

Said the expence of the war by the plun- 
er of our merchants. 

That our commerce has been unneces- 
sarily exposed to the ravages of privateers, 
from which a very small degree of caution 
might have preserved it ; tnat three hun- 
drea trading ships have been taken, and 
that 3,000. british sailors are now in cap- 
tivity, is a consideration too melancholy 
to be lone dwelt upon, and a truth too 
certain to be suppressed or denied. 

How such havock could have been made, 
had not our ships of war concluded a treaty 
of neutrality with the Spaniards, and left 
the war to be carried on only by the mer- 
chants, it is not easy to conceive ; for 
surely it will not be pretended, that all 
these losses were the necessary conse- 
quence of our situation with regard to 



15 GfiOftGi U. 



^abi^irlifeli, If itetpoted tlit Flortagtf 
ttftdert to hazard, did not bidder uafrom 
Hvarding ouf own coat t s* 

And yet on our own eoasts^ mjr lordi» 
hare multitudes of our ships beai taken Iqr 
the Spaniards ; they hava been seized by 
petty Tessels as tliey wttre entering our 
ports, and congratulating tfaemselTes upon 
their escape from danger* 

In the late war with IVanoe^ an enemy 
much more formidable both for power and 
situation, methods were disccwered by 
which our trade was more efBoaciously 
protected : by>tationing a squadron at the 
mouth of the channel, of which two or 
Area sfa^ at a time cruised at a poper 
distance m die nei^ibouriog seas, the pri- 
titeen were kept m awe, and confined to 
llieu' own harbours, or seiaed if they Ten- 
tnred to leave them* 

But of such usefol rmlatlons in the 
|iresont war there is little hope ; for if the 
public papers are of any credit, the king 
of Spam considers the captures of our 
mfercnants as a standing revenue, and has 
hid an indulto upon them, as upoa other 
parts of the Spanish trade. 

It is thervdbre to little punase that 
Measures are pr<^osed in dus House, or 
adiemes preKuted by the mer^iants, for 
Ihe preservation of our commerce; for the 
merchants are considered as the deter- 
aoined enemies of our minister, who there- 
Ibre resolved that they should repent of 
Ae war into ^hidi he was forc^ by them, 
contrary to those ,&vourite schemes and 
estaWshed maxims, which he has pursued 
till the liberties of mankind are almost 

There are indeed some hopes, my lords, 
that new measures resolutely pursued 
might yet repair the mischiefs of this ab- 
aura and cowardly conduct, and that by 
resolution and dexterity the ambition of 
Fhmce might once more be dttiqppointed. 
The kins dT Prussia q>pears at length con- 
vinced that he has not altogether pursued 
his real interest, and that nis own &mi]y 
must M b theruin of theHouse of Austria, 
The king of Sardinia appears firm in his 
determination to adhere to the oueen of 
Hungary, and has therefore roiised a 
ABssage through his dominions to the 
Spanish troops. The states 6f Holland 
aeem to have taken the alarm, and nothing 
but their distrust of our sbcerity can hin- 
der them from unitiiig against the House of 

This distrust, my lords, we may prdba- 
My i^moft^ bj ravlvisig on this owttiott 

our andantftrms of addMSiinddeckufn^ 
at once to his majesty, and to all tlia 
powers of Europe, that we ace fiur from 
mmving the late measures. 

There is another reason why the ahort 
addresses of our ancestors may be pre- | 
ferred to the modem forms, in which a 
great number of particular fiicts are often 
comprdiended. It is evident, that the i 
addresses are presented before there can I 
be time to examine whether the (acts con* j 
tained in them are jusU^ stated; and they 
must therefore lose their efficacy with the 
peoplOtWho are sufllcientiy sagacious to 
distmguish servile compliance firocn real 
apprcSation, and who wiU not easily mia- 
take the incense of flattery for the tributa 

With regard tO the proprie^ of the ad- j 
dress propo^d to your lordshijps, which is, | 
like others, only a repetition of the ^>eech, j 
thcnre ii at least one objection to it» too | 
important to be suppreased. 

Itbaffirmedin tLe speech, in what par- | 
ticidarwordsl cannot exactiv lememDerp \ 
that since the death of the late Gemum j 
emperor, the interest ofthe queen of Hun- j 
gaiy has been diligendy and mvariablj i 
promoted ; an assertion which hb majesty j 
IS too wise, too equitable, and too gene- | 
rous, to have uttered, but at the persuaaion | 
of hu ministers. 

Hif majesty well knows, that no im- I 
portant assistance has been hitherto given i 
to that unhappy princess; he knows that i 
the 12,000 men, who are said to have be&k \ 
raised for the defence of the empire, those i 
mighty troops bjr whose assistance the | 
enemies of Austria were to be scattered, 
never marched bevond the territory of 
Hanover, nor left that blissful country for ; 
a single day. And is it probable that Uie 
queen would have pre&rred money for 
troops, had she not been informed that it 
would be more easily obtamed ? 

Nor was even this pecuniary as«gtance» 
though compatible with the security of 
Hanover, aranted her without reluctanoe 
and difficulty, of which no other proof la 
necesjMffy than the distance between the 
promise and the performance of it. • 

The mon^, my lords, is not yet all 
paid, thoiwh the last payment was verr 
lately fixedl Sudi is the assistance which 
the united influence of justice and com* 
pession has yet procured from the court of 

Our oiinisters. have been therefore hi* 
therto, my lords, so fiur from acting with 
vigour in &vour of the Houso of AustdSy 

«• lie jM^^VM ^HomIiu 

^ iIm QBly court aow indfr- 
MadffitM FiWMMk toeagige iah^de- 

ilwiiii fni thai her rau ioterQfl» and be«r ar- 
^nti^ dhe pwiuef it» the whole world wm 
cniiiiimimI w her elliiuioe with the lute em* 
MTor; qpr it it naUMj, that 8he laigbt 
bte hees eeeOy persufided to havepro- 
teetedUidiuMteer with equal 9081^ But 
aakeS her alUaoee leir we ahould 
\ it» and yet we boett of our good 

Our gofemen thought it more nf^uly 
eneewrd Aem to huipble our merchaols 
thaale meeoorour elliesy aod thorefiNre 
eduHtted the Spaaiardf into Italy; by 
which prodeut oaaduct they dexteroualy 
^enoe gratified the Houieof Bourbon, 
i the queeo of Hompuy, and 
i die elects of the Bntish mer- 
'lyiag at Leghom; effects which 
were lately valued at eOO,000^ but which, 
by the OBOBOoaUe arrival of the Spaoiaida, 
ate happilf redueed to half their pricew 
I hope therefim Z »e»d not urge to 
* ~ iqia the neoesaily of conSniDg 
I to Aaaks and coogratttlatioDi, 
^ it ia not neoenary to say how in- 
k wist be thought with the 
of dui Hquae to echo fiOahood, 
I lo crwitffUQnee perfidy. 

The Duke vSNewcasik: 

leidas the vaauer in which the 

lard wio Ipoke last expresses his 

sorter ftils to give j^easure, 

his vgunenls produce no 

; aad his ele^uenee always re- 

— -— thavfih It may somedmes 

of Its more important 


In the preaent debate, «▼ lords, I have 

' no aiguaseht, by wbich I am in^ 

to change the usual forms of ad* 

to select the motion whidh has 


The ilddaem irtiicfa has been proposed, 
■ not, in mt opinion, jusUy <»aigeable 
ddier with fiattery to the ministers, or 
mh disiagenoi^ with respect to the peo- 
fie; nor can I diacorer in it any of those 
wlDQh have been represented so 
dnncerotts. It contains 
dedaration of our grati- 
ittion of our aeal ; a de- 
rtion to which I hope no 
hid hi tfak nssonbly wiUbeunwillmgto 

A. ©. mi- fm 

miy or not, many observations on the pr^ 
sent state of Europe^ and many anijifmj^ 
versions upon the fate conduct, it cannat 
be improper for me to ofiur to your lord- 
ships my opmioo of the measures which 
have been pursued by us, as well io the 
with Sbain, as with regard to 

into dm pcopdety of this I 

war witb Snain, as with regard to the 
queen of Hun^^, and to propose my 
conjectures concerning die events which 
may probably bejproducedby the distinc- 
tions on the i^mtment. 

This devution from the qu^on before 
us, will at least be as easifv pardoned in 
me as in the noble lords, who hanre eship 
bited so gloomy a lepvesentatipn of our ap- 
proaching condition, -who have lamented 
the slavery with which tbev imagine all the 
stptes of Europe about to be harassed, aad 
described the insolence and ravages of 
those oppressors to whom their nppr^ei^ 
aions have already given the enmire of the 
world. For purely, mv lords, it jsan en- 
deavour no less laudable to diipd temU^ 
than to excite it ; aad he who brii^ ui 
such accennto as we desoe to reoeive, is 
generally listened to with indulgence, how* 
ever und^ant mav be bis espressioost m 
however irregular his narration* 

That the power of the House of BoodNm 
is arrived at a very dangerous and forvd- 
daUe extent; that it never waslntherte 
employed bnt to disturb the hsppineas «C 
the unmrse; that the same scheiMS 
which our ancestors hriboured so ardendy 
and so successfolly to destroy, are ne# 
fiurmed afresh^ and intended to be put m 
immediate execution; that the empire ia 
designed to be held henceforward m do^ 
pendence on France, and tluit the House 
of Austria, by whidi the common rights of 
mankind have been so lo^g supported, ia 
now mariced out for destruction, M too e«i» 
dent to be contested^ 

It is allowed, mylords, that the powar 
of the House of Austria, which there waa 
once reason to dread, leat it might have 
been employed .iigainst us, is now afanoat 
extinguished ; and that name which has 
for so many ages filled the histories of En- 
rope, is in danger of being forgotten, it 
is allowed, that the House of Austria 
cannot ftU without exposmg all those who 
have hitherto been supported by its alli- 
ance^ to the utmost danger; and I need 
not add, that they ought thefufiMris to 
essiat it with the utaiost ezpedidon^ and * 
the moat vigorous measures. 

It may be suggested, mv kndB,lhat diil 
has boon alnnay C ' 





is become luelesB, that the utmost expe- 
dition will be too slowy and the most Tigo- 
rous measures too weak, to stoo the torrent 
of the conquests of France ; tnat the fatal 
blow will be struck, before we shall have 
an opportunity to ward it off, and that our 
regara for the House of Austria will be 
omy compassion for the dead. 

iBut these, my lords, I bdpe, are only 
the apprehensions of a mind overborne 
with sudden terrors, and perplexed by a 
confused survey of complicated danger; 
for if we consider mere distinctly the 
]>ower8 which may be broueht in opposi- 
tion to France, we shall find no reason for 
despairing that we may once more stand 
up with success in defence of our religion 
and the liberty of mankind, and once 
more reduce those troublers of the world 
to the necessity of abandoning their de» 
structive desiens. 

The noble lord has already mentioned 
the present disposition of three powerful 
states, as a motive for vigorous resolutions, 
and a consideration that may at least pre- 
serve us from -despair ; and it is no small 
aatisfaction to me to observe, that his pe- 
netration and experience incline him to 
hope upon the prospect of affiurs as they 
now appear ; because I doubt not but that 
hope wdl be improved into confidence, by 
the account which I can now give your 
lordships of the intention of another power, 
yet more formidable, to engage witn us in 
the great design of repressing the inso- 
lence of France. 

A treati^ of alliance, my lords, has been 
lor some time concerted with the empress 
of Russia, and has been negociated with 
such diligence, that it is now completed, 
and I doubt not but the last ratifications 
will arrive at this court in a-few days ; by 
which it will appear to your lordships, that 
the interest of this nation has been viei- 
lantly regarded, and to our allies, that the 
laith of Britain has never yet been shaken. 
It will appear to the French, that they 
bave precipitated their triumphs, that they 
have imagined themselves masters of na* 
> tions bv whom they will be in a short time 
driven back to their own confines, and that 
perhaps they have parcelled out kingdoms 
which they are never likely to possess. 

It was affirmed, and with just disoem- 
inent,' that applications ought to be made 
to this powerful court, as the professed ad- 
•'versary of France ; and if it was not hi- 
therto known that their assistance had 
been assiduously solicited, our endeavours 
•arere Jnpt secret only that their succew 

might be more certain, and tlmt they might 
surprise more powerfully by thcSr effects. 

Nor have tlie two other princes, which 
were mentioned by the noble lord,- been 
forgotten, whose ooncurrenoe is at diii 
time so necessary to us : and I doubt d<A 
but that the representations which hare 
been made with all the force of truth, and 
all the seal that is awakened by mterest 
and by danger,' will in time produce the 
effects for mich they were intended ; hj 
convincing those princes that they ecdan* 
ger themsielves by flattering the Frend 
an^ition, Uiat they are divestins them- 
selves of that defence of whidi may wiQ 
quickly regret the loss, and that thejare 
only not attacked at pretent, that they may 
be destrojfred more easily hereafter. 

But it IS always to be remembered, my 
lords, that in public transactions, as in 
private life, interest acts with less force as 
It is at greater dirtanoe, and that the im- 
mediate motive will senerally prevail. 
Futurity impairs the innuenee of the most 
important objects of consideration, even 
when it does not lessen their certsmty; 
and with regard to events only proUible; 
events which a thousand accidents may ob- 
viate, they are almost annihilated, with re* 
gard to the human mind, by being fdaoed 
at a distance from us. Wherever imagi- 
nation can exert its power, we easily dwell 
upon the most nleanng views, and flatter 
ourselves with tnose consequences, which, 
though perhaps least to be expected, are 
most desired. Wherever diiferent events 
may suise, which is the state of all btiman 
transactions, we naturally promote oar 
b<^es, and repress our fears ; and in time 
so far deceive oursdves, as to quiet all our 
suspicions, lay all our terrors asleep, and 
believe what at first we only wished. 

This, my lords, must be the ddiiaioD by 
which some states are induced to fiivour, 
and others to neglect, the encroadioaents 
of France. Men are impolitic, as they 
are wicked; because they prefer the grati- 
fication of the present hour to tiie assur- 
ance df solid and permanent, but distant 
happiness. The French take advantage 
of this general weakness of the human 
mind, and by magnificent promiiBeB to one 
prince, and petty grants to another, re- 
concile them to their designs. Bach finds 
that he ahaH* gain more by contracting an 
alliance mth them, than with another 
state which has no view, besides that ot 
preserving to every -aovereign his lo** 
righto, and which therefore, as it {doBden 
none, w^ hfve nothing to bettor. 

m . 9nfk$Addreuqf7%ttnh. 

' JlM, my krist it the dissidvantage under 
Heh our Degodatorslalxmr against ^oae 
fitace; we bcw no kingdoms to parcel 
H aaong those whose confederacy we 
IbII; ve can promise them no siipe- 
Sliiy sbore the neighbouring princes' 
Kch tbey do not now possess :• we aa- 
S» not the oroTOice of adjusting the 
Isdnies of oominion, or of deciding 
IStorted tidesr: we promise only the pre- 
iPSAioD of quiet, «ad the establishment 

ist tiK Frenoby my lords, oppose us 
kh olfaer srgumeats, arguments which 
tiei tecofe their force from lolly and 
iWty; but what more poweriul assist- 
iprcm be desired > They promise not 
Iff negative advantagei, not an exerop- 
^irooi remote oppression, or an escape 
Iff difeiy, which, ag it was yet never felt, 
iisqr little dreaded ; they mer an imme- 
Ms aagmeotation of dominion, and an 

Eion of power ; they propose new 
of commerce, and opoi new sources 
iltb ; they invite confederacies, not 
lUtnotf hvk for conquests ; for con- 

Eto be divided among the powers by 
vaion they shall be nmde. 
it not therefore be objected, tAf 
ii^ to our ministers, or our ne^ocjators, 
Btiie F^ch obtain more influence 
pidiey; that they are more easily lis- 
W U^ or more readily believed : for 
|ls Aidk is the condition of mankind, 
i^Mt is desired is eanly credited, 
lb profit is more powerful than reason, 
imsa eloquence will frequently prevail. 
Vhedier, my lords, our seemmg want 
'•ncesi in the war with Spain admits of 
\mf a solution, my degree of knowledge 
raiffitBry aQurs does not enable me to 
IvmiDp. An account of this part of our 
atei IS tobe expected from the Commis- 
mn of the Admiralty, by whom, I doubt 
k^bat sach reasons will be assigned for 
Mbe onerations of our naval forces, and 
JdiiviDdicattons offered of all those mea- 
RSiwhichhave beenhitherto imputed too 
n ci mtftt ely to negligence, cowardice, or 
nmeij, as will satufy ihose who luive 
m B06t vdiemeni in their censures, 
lot because it does not seem to ine* 
^diffieok to apdogtze for those nls^ 
images which have occasioned the loud- 
i ooonbunfts, I will lay before your lord- 
^|B what I have been id>le to collect 
pBcnqinry, or to conjecture from ob- 
imyoB ; imd doubt not but it will easily 
iffeir, that nothing has been omitted 
hn tty sppatani dei^ of betraying our 

A. D. mi. 


country, and that our ministers and com- 
manders will deserve, at least, to be heard 
before they are condemned. 

That great numbers of our trading ves* 
sels have been seized by Ihe Spaniards, 
and that our commerce lias therefore been 
very much embarrassed, and interrupted, 
is sufficiently manifest ; but to me, my 
lords, this appears one of the certain and 
necessary consequences of war, which are 
always to be expected and to be set in 
our consultations against the advantages 
which we propose to obtain. It is as ra* 
tional toexpect, that of an army sent against 
our enemies, everjr man should return un« 
hurt to his acquaintances, as that every 
merchant should see his ship and cargo 
sail safely into port. 

If we examine, my lords, the late war, 
of which the conduct has been so lavishly 
applauded, in which the victories which 
we obtained have been so loudly cele- 
brated, and which has been proposed to 
the imitation of all friture ministers, it will 
appear that our losses of the same kind 
were then very fVequent, and perhaps not 
less complained of, thoush the murmurs 
are now forgotten, and die acclamations 
transmitted to posterity, because we natu* 
rally relate what has given us satis&ction, 
and suitress what we cannot recollect 
without uneasiness. 

If we look farther backward, my lords, 
and enquire into the event oi any other 
war m whidi we engaged since 'commerce 
has ccmstituted so hurge a part of the in- 
terest of this nation, I doubt not but in 
projportion to our trade will be found our 
losses ; and in ail future wars, as in the 
present, I shall expect the same calamities 
and the same complaints. For the escape 
of any number of ships raises no transport, 
nor produces any gratitude ; but the loss 
of a few will always give occasion to cla-^ 
mours and discontent. For vigilance, 
however diligent, can never produce more 
safety than will be naturally expected from 
our incontestable superiority at sea, by 
which a great part ot the nation is so m 
deceived as to imasine, that because we 
cannot be conquered, we cannot be mo- 

',*' Nor do I see how it is possible to em- 
{doy our power more efi^tually for the 
protection of our trade than by the me* 
thod now pursued of covering the ocean 
with our fleets, and stationing our ships 
of war in every place where danger can 
be apprehended. If it be urged, that the 
ineffioacy of our measures is a sufficient 

MTJ 15 OEORGS 11^ 

piWof tkeir ampiroprtect, it ^11 befmper 
to sttbedtate aaotb^r pum of operation, 
of which the sucoeas may be more probe* 
ble.. To Bie» my lords, the loee of aome of 
our aercantile v o mcI s shows only the dls> 
proportioo between the number of eur 
^h^ of war, and the ei^tent of the aee» 
which isa region too vast to be completely 
garriaooedt and of which the ftiequenters 
■uist inefitaUy be subject to the aodden 
inconions of subtle rovers. 

The disposition of our squadrons has 
been sadi, as was doubtless dietated by 
the most acute sagacityi and the most 
enlightened experience. The squadron 
which was appoioted Ito guard our coasts 
has been ridiculed as an useless eaqpenoa ; 
and its frequent excursions and retttms» 
without anj memorable attempt, have 
given occasion to endless raillery^ and ia- 

tenspL Bat it is to be oonsideved, my 
lords, that the enemies of this nation, 
either secret or declared, had powerfiil 
squadrons in many ports of the Mediterra* 
which, had they known that our 
were without defence, might have 
i out on a sudden, and have appeared 
iiBBS|)ectedlvm our channel, from whence 
Ibey might have laid our towns in ruin, 
entered our docks, burnt up aH imr pre* 
paeons for future expeditions, carried 
mto alaverr the inhabitants of our villages, 
and left tlie maritime provmces of this 
kiimdom in estate of general desolation. 
• Out of this squadron, however neocssa 
rr, diere was yet a reinforcement of five 
s^ps ordered to assist Haddock, that he 
■sight be enabled to oppose the designs of 
the Spaniards, thougn as8iste4 by their 
Frendi oenfiBderafees, whom it is known 
that he was so &r from favouring, that he 
was stetioned before Barcelona to block 
them up. Why he departed from that 
port, and upon what motives of policy, or 
esBxkns of war, he suffered tiie Spaniards 
to prosecute their scheme, he only is able 

That the Spaniards have net at least 
been spared by design, is evident from 
their suflbrings in tms war, which have 
been much greater than ours. Many of 
enr ships have indeed been snatched up 
by the rapacity of private adventurem, 
whom the ardour of interest had made vi- 
gihmt, and whose celerity of pmsoit as 
sveUasiight, enables them to tske the ad* 
vantage of the situation of their own 
porta, and tfaoseof their friends. But as 
none ef our ships iiave been denied con* . 

Z)sMtfMil&^£eh& ^ 

voya, I know not bow OiB IM erdmad 
be imputed to the mioistiT; aadif im] 
those who sailed under the proiscM 
ships of war have been lost, the eoi 
ders may be required to rindicste 
selves from the charge of asgH|aio 
But this enquiry, my lords, miHthl 

mv opmion, reservM for 
when It may beicome the 
iect ef our consultations, with vUi 
has at present no coherence^ orioa 
atleastitisvery ramottiyrdsted. ; 
am not able, upon the most imparfel 
the most attentive coasideratioaoflh 
dress now proposed to your h»rddr| 
perceive any necessity of a * '"^ 
quiry into die conduct of 
transaction of our ncjgociatioas, 
state of the kingdom, in onkr tt 
ooinpliance' with tma asotien,by viiid 
shall be far horn sheltering «qr ( 

from puniriunent, or any doubtful eoa 
fivm enquiry; shall be 6r frtmi sImM 
ing the course of naliond jostiee, m 
proving what we do not undentaai 

Tim chief tendanqr of his ns^ 
Speech ask our advice on tim « 
erdiiUMj conjuncture of afiutt, a 
undoufaiedly worthy of a BritUimooa 
and which we ought net to reqnilt 
disrespect; but wiiat Iom ota bs ioii. 
from an alteration of our estdiUiBdjiii 
of address, by an oasissian of sdv 
the Speedi; For wimt will beia 
by his majesty, by the nation, sad ijf 
whole wond, but that we did net 
what we did not answer} 

The Duke of Argyb : 

Mj kwds; it is wtdi grstt 
the preaent time has htSa 
us from the throne as a time oiP uaoo 
danger and disturbance, a timt in 
thenarriersof kbgdorassoiebrsktadc 
in contempt of every law efhesfoisa 
earth, and in which aasbition, nptoe, 
oppression, seem tobe letlooiea^ sM 
kind; a time in whidi some nstionin 
out annies and invade the territoiiei 
their neigiibeurs, in opposition totiien 
solemn treaties, of iriudi othsn, i 
equal peifid]|r, silently suffer, or 
fevour, the violation. 

At a time like this, when trestiM I 
considered only as momentary eipadisi 
and alliances confer noeeco^y'ita* 
dent that the preservation of our fif 
our interest, and our cemaisvoe) i 
depend only on our natandstmnidi' 

on tie Adirctt f^Thankt. 

A. D. IHl. 


ifliteador cakrating the fHendih^ 

Fftielgn poven, which we most pur- 

n i»on dindvantigeoos c«nditioiui| 

vUch will be wittidrawn ftom us 

we sbaH need it; we ought 

to coDect our own force, and 

rthe world how little we stand m need 

_ and how little we ha?e to 

\1tm the most powerful of our ene- 

cooDtajf my lords, seems de« 

I bj natore to subsist without any 

teoe on other nations, and by a 

r ad resolute improvement of these 

with which Providence has 

, may bid defiance to mankind ; 

(become, by die extension of our 

, the general centre at which 

I of the whole earth might be 

together, and from whence it 

be inued upon proper occasions, 

I diiRBion of liberty, the repression 

and the preservation of 

tthis glory, and this tnflueooe, my 

J most arise from domestic felicity ; 

Ldomertic felicity can only be pro- 

by a mutual confidence between 

Dt and the people. Where 

[gofemors distrust tne affections of 

> lubjects, they will not be very soli- 

S to sdvance their happiness; for 

wiB endeavour to encrease that 

I which win, as he believes, be em« 

1 against him i Nor will the subjects 

' 11/ concur even with the necessary 

n of their governors, whose ge- 

1 designs they conceive to be contrary 

be piu)lic interest ; because any tem- 

or accidental reputation, 

ooly dazzle the eyes of the multitude 

t taeir liberties are stolen away. 

confidence, my lords, must be 

where it exists, and regained 

,. ^ it is lost, by the open administra- 

Uf justice, by unpartial enquiries into 

transactions, by the exaltation of 

I whose wisdom and bravery has ad- 

1 the public reputation, or encreased 

piness of the nation* and the cen- 

|e of those, however elate with digni- 

f or surrounded with dependants^ who, 

"^lir UDskilfulness or dishonesty, have 

embarrassed their country or be- 


flns reason, my lords, i^ is in my 

o necessary to gratify th^ nation, at 

jjipesent juncture, with the prospect of 

pRnsMures, without which no peoj^le 

atWOBablybe satisfied, and to pacify 

their resentment of^ past injuries, and 
^uiet their apprehensions of niture rnise* 
nes, by a possibility at least, that they 
may see the authors of all our miscar* 
riages called to a trial in open day, and 
the merit of those men acknowledged and 
rewarded, by whose resolution and inte- 
grity they imimne that the final ruin of 
Uiemsehres and posterity has been hitherto 

That the present discontent df the Bri« 
tish nation is afanost universal, that suspi- 
cion has infused itself into every rank 
and denomhiation of men, that complaints 
of the neglect of our commerce, the mis- 
application of our treasure, and the un- 
successiulness of our arms, are to be 
heard from every mouth, and in every 
place, where men dare utter their sen- 
timents, I suppose, my lords, no man wQl 
deny; for whoever should stand up in op« 
position to the truth of a fact so eenenJiy 
Known, would distinguish himself even in 
this age of effrontery and corruption, by si 
contempt of reputation, not yet knowii 
amon^ mankind. 

And indeed, niy lords, it must be con- 
fessed that these discontents and damouri 
are produced by such an appearance of 
folly, or of treachery, as few ages or na<» 
tions have ever known ; by such an ob^ 
stinate perseverance in bad measures, aa 
shame nas hitherto prevented in thostf 
upon whom nobler motives, fidelity to 
their trust, and love of their country, had 
lost their influence. 

Other ministers, when they have formed 
designs of sacrificing the public interest 
to uieir own, have been compelled to 
better measures by timely discoveries, and 
just representations ; they have been cri*^ 
minal only because they hoped for ne^tecf^ 
and have vindicated their conduct no 
longer than while they had hopes thai 
their apologies might deceive. 

But our heroic ministers, my lords^ 
have set themselves free from the shacklea 
of circumspection, they have disburthened 
themselves of the embarrassments of cau- 
tion, and clum an exemption from thil 
necessity of supporting their measures b^ 
laborious deductions and artfiil reason- 
ings ; they defy the public when tl^e^ can 
no longer delude it, and prosecute, m thet 
face of the sun, those measures whkk 
they have not been able to support^ and of 
which the fatal consequences are foreseen 
by the whole nation. 

When they have been detected hi one 
absurdity, they take shelter m another; 



when ezperieQce hts shown that one of 
their attempts was designed only to injure 
their country, they propose a second of 
the same kkid with equal oonfidence, 
boast again of their integrity, and again 
ireduire the concurrence of the legislature, 
ana the support of the people. 

When they had for a long time suffered 
our trading vessels to be seized in sieht 
of our own ports, when they had dis- 
patched 4eet8 into the Me<iiterranean, 
only to lie exposed to the injuries of the 
weather, and to sail from one coast to 
another, only to show that they had no 
hostile intentions, and that th^y were 
fitted out by the friends of the Spaniards, 
only to amuse and exhaust the nation, 
they at length thought it necessary to lull 
the impatience of Uie people, who began 
to discover that they liaa hitherto been 
harassed with taxes and impresses to no 
purpose, by the appearance of a new 
effort for tne subjection of the enemy, 
and to divert, by the expectations which 
an army and a fleet naturally raise, any 
clamours at their past conduct. 

For this end, having entered into their 
usual consultations, they projected an 
expedition to America, for which they 
raised forces and procured transports, 
WiUi all Uie pomp of preparation for 
the conquest of half the continent, not 
ao much to alarm the Spaniards, which I 
conceive but a secondary view, as to fill 
the people of Britain with amusing pros- 
pects 01 great achievements, of the addi- 
tion of new dominions to this empire, and 
' an ample reparation for all their damages. 

Thus provided with forces sufficient in 
appearance for this mighty enterprise, 
tney embarked them after many delaprs, 
and dismissed them to their fate, havmg 
first disposed their regulations in such a 
manner, that it was impossible that they 
should meet with success. 

I can call your lordships to witness, 
that this impossibility was not discovered 
by roe after the event, for I foretold in 
this House, that their designs, so con- 
ducted, must evidently miscarry.* 

Nor was this pr^iction, my lords, the 
effect of any uncommon sagacity, or any 
accidental coniecture on future conse- 
quences which happened to be right ; for 
to any man who has had opportunities of 
observing that knowledge in war is neces- 
sary to success, and experience is the 

.. * Se* the Duke of Argyle*s Speech pa the 
State dr the Army, ? ol. 11, p. 894. 

DehOeiniheLarJi [fj 

foundation of knowledge, it wss sufi 
dentlv phun that our forces must t)en 

The forces sent to America, my lord 
were newly raised, placed under tl 
direction m officers not less ienorar 
than themselves, and commanded by 
man who never had' commanded an 
troops before; and who, however laudi 
bly he might have discharged the duty i 
a captain, was wholly unacquainted wii 
the province of a general. 

Yet was this man, my lords, preferrei 
not only to a multitude of other officer 
to whom experience must have been i 
small advantage, if it did not fumii 
them with knowledge &r superior to hi 
but to five and forty generals, of whom 
hope the nation has no reason to suspe 
that any of them would not gladly hav 
served it on an occasion of so ereat in 
portance, and willingly have conducted a 
expedition intended to retrieve the bi 
nour of the British name, the terror i 
our arms, and the security of our cod 

When raw troops, my lords, wit 
young officers, are to act under the cod 
mand of an unskilful general, what is 
reasonable to expect, but what has ha] 
pened, overthrow, slaughter, and igm 
miny? What but that cheap victorii 
should heighten the insolence, and harde 
the obstinacy of our enemies; and th 
we should not only be weakened by oi 
loss, but dispirited by our disgrace; b 
the disgrace of bein^ overthrown by tha 
whom we have despised, and with wboi 
nothing but our own foUy could have n 
duced us to a level ? 

The other conjecture which I venUm 
to propose to vour lordships, with regu 
to the queen of Hungary, was not founds 
on &cts equally evident with th6 fonoe 
though experience has discovered that 
was equally true. It was then assert© 
both by other lords and myself, th 
money would be chosen by that prince 
as an assistance more useful than force 
an opinion, which the lords who are ei 
gaged in the administration vigorously o] 
posed. In consequence of their detcm 
nation, forces were hired,-^or what pa 
pose let them now declare, since none bi 
themselves have yet known. 

That at least they were not taken a^ 
our pay for the service for whidi the 
were required, the succoar of the Houi 
of Austria, is most evident, unl^ tt 
name of armies .is imagined suScieot t 


tm the AdSress of Thanh* 

h. \>. 1741* 


iotimidfUe the French, as the Spaniards 
are to be subdued by the sight of fleeta. 
Xbey never mardiea tovraraa her fron- 
tiers» naver opposed her enemies^ or af- 
forded ker the least assistance, but stood 
idle and uncoucemed in the territories of 
Haoorer; nor was it known that tliey 
exked hj any other prooC than that re* 
zmtunces vere made for their pay. 

Such, my lords^ was the assistance, 
eked with do much solicitude, and levied 
vith BO much expedition, for the queen 
of Hungary ; such were the effects of the 
zeal ^oor illustrious ministers for the 
preserradon of that august House, to 
wboie alliance we are perhaps indebted 
fbr the preservation c^ our religion and 
our liberties^ and to which all Europe 
must have recoane for shelter from the 
ororession of France. 

When this formidable body of men was 
asttmhled, my lords, and reviewed, they 
lefe pexhapfi found too gracefnl and too 
vcQ sorted to be exposed to the dangers 
of a battle ; and the same tenderness that 
bfls so looff preserved our own forces from 
aaj otber field than the Park, m^ht rescue 
than &am the fiuij^es of accompanying 
the active hussars in their incursions, or 
the ateadj Austrians in their conflicts. 

Whatever was the reason, my lords, it 
^certain that they have been reserved for 
^^ opportuoities of signalizing their 
coirage, and they slept in quiet, and fat^ 
tened upon the wealth of Great Britain, 
vLik tlie enenaies of our illustrious, mag- 
M nim ous, and unfortunate ally, enter^ 
lier territoi les without opposition, marched 
through them uninterrupted, and rather 
took possession than maoe conquests. 

Tbat in thia condition of her affiurs, 
the queen would refuse an ofEer of 12,000 
■ifcQ; that when she was driven from- one 
countiT to another, attended b^ an. army 
>UDccfy sufficient to form a flying camp, 
^ would not [^adly have accepted a.rein-» 
irooneat so powerful, let those believe, 
BT lords, who have jcet never been de- 
ceived by ministerial faith. 

Tlie zeal desijj^ of the ministry, my 
Wdi, aice sufficiently obvious; nor i» 
^ any thing more certain, than that 
they had in requiring this mock assistance 
tor the queen of l£ingary, no other de- 
>gDf than that of raising her expectations 
oolj to deceive Uiem ; and to divert heri. 
bjcflnfideoee in their preparation^ from 
lariog rtcoune to mose efficacious expe- 
^■Ati, that.she-migbt become, without rer 
Mact, the slave of Fxance« 


For this purpose they determined to 
succour her with forces rather than wiA 
n^eney; because many reasons might be 
pretended, bv which the march of the 
forces might be retarded; but the money^ 
my lords, when granted, must have been 
more speedily remitted. 

At last the queen, weary with dekysi 
and undoubtedly sufficiently informed of 
those designs, which are now, however 
generally discovered, confidently denied, 
desired a supply of money,, which might 
be granted without leaving Hanover ex* 
posed to an invasion. With this demand, 
which they had no pretence to deny, they 
have yet found expedients to delay their 
con^pliance* For it does not appear that 
the whole sum granted has yet been paid ; 
and it would well become those noble 
lords^ whose offipea ffive them ^n oppor<* 
tunitj of observing the distribution of the 
pubhc money, to justify themsdves fron^ 
the suspicions of the nation, by declaring 
openly what has been remitted, and what 
yet remains* to. be disbursed fox some 
other purpose. 

Ib it not therefore evident, my lords, 
that by promisine assistance to uiia un« 
happy princess, the ministry intended to 
deceive her ? That when they flattered her 
with the approach of auxiliary forceSf 
they designea only to station them where' 
they might garrison the frontiers of Han- 
over ? And that when they forced her ta 
solicit for pecuniary aid, they delated the 
payment of the suDsidy, that it might not 
be received till it could'produce no effect } 
This, my lords, is not only evident 
from the manifest absurdity of their con- 
duct upon any other supposition, but from 
thq general scheme which has always 
been pursued by the man whose dicta- 
torial instructions regulate the opinions of 
all those that constitute the ministry, and 
of whom it is well known, that it haa 
been the great purpose of his life to ag« 
grandize France, by applying to her for 
assistance in imaginary aistresses from fic- 
titious confederacies, and by sacrificing to 
her in return the House of Austria, and 
the commerce of Britam. 

How then, my lords, can it be asserted 
by us, that the House of Austria has been 
vigilantly supported? How can we ap* 
prove measures of which we discover no 
effect but the expence of the nation ? A 
double expence, produced first by raising 
troops, which, though granted for the as^ 
sistance ofthe Austrians, have been made 
use of only for the pvotectioD of Han^Ter^ 

275] 15 GEORGE 11. 

and by the grant of money in the place of 
these troops which were thus&llaciously ob- 
tainedy and thus unprofitably employed ! 

For what purpose these forces were in 
reality raisea, I suppose no man can be 
ignorant, and no man to whom it is known 
can possibly approve it. How then, my 
lords, can w,e concur in an addresa by 
which the people must be persuaded, that 
we either are deceived ourselves, or en- 
deavour to impose upon them; that we 
either dare not condemn any measures 
however destructive, or that at least we 
are in haste to approve them, lest enquiry 
should discover tneir tendency too plainly 
to leave us the power of applauding them, 
without an open declaration of our own 
impotence, or disregard for the welfare of 
the public. 

Tiie complamts of the people are al- 
ready damorous, and their discontent 
open and universal; and surely the voice 
of the people ought at least to awake us 
to an examination of their condition. 
And though we should not immediately 
condemn those whom they censure and\ 
detest, as the authors of their miseries, we 
ought at least to pav so much regard to 
the accusation of the whole community, 
as not to reject it without enquiry, as a 
suspicion merely chimerical. 
^ Whether these complaints and suspi- 
cions, my lords, proceed from real inju- 
ries and unminent dangers, or from false 
accAisations and groundless terrors, they 
equally deserve the attention of this 
House, whose great care is the happiness 
of the people : people equally worthy of 
your tenderness ana regard, whether they 
are betrayed by one paHy or another ; 
whether Uiey are plunaered by the advo- 
cates of the adnunistration, under pre- 
tence of supporting the government, or 
affrighted with . unreasonable clamours by 
the opponents of the court, under the 
necious appearance of protecting liberty. 
The people, mv lords, are in either case 
equally miserable, and deserve equally to 
be rescued from distress. 

By what method, my lords, can this 
be effected, but by some public assurance 
from this House, that the transactions of 
the nation shall no longer be concealed in 
impenetrable secrecy ; that measures shall 
be no longer approved without examina- 
tion ; that public evils shall be traced to 
their causes; and that disgrace, which 
they have hitherto brought upon the 
public, shall fall for the future only upon 
the authors of them? 

Debate in the L%rds [27^ 

Of ^ving this assurance, and of quiets 
ing by it the damours of the people, cla^ 
mours which, whether just or not, are too 
formidable to be slighted, and too loud 
not to be heard, we have now the mostj 

S roper opportunity before us. The Ad^ 
ress which the practice Hif our ancestor^ 
requires us to make to his majesty, maj 
give us occasion of expressing at onc« 
our loyalty to the crown, and our fidelity 
to our countty, our zeal for ttie honour oi 
our sovereign, and our regard for the 
happiness of the people. 

For this purpose it is necessary that, aJ 
we preserve the practice of our ancestor] 
in one respect, we revive it in another 
that we imitate those in just freedom o| 
language whom we follow in the decenj 
forms of ceremcmy ; and show, that as w^ 
preserve, like them, a due sense of th^ 
regal dignity, so like them we know likej 
wise how to preserve our own, m 
despise flattery on one nde, as we dedio^ 
rudeness on the other. 

A practice, my lords, has prevailed o 
late, which caunot but be allowed pemi 
cious to the public, and derogatory fron 
the honour (k this House ; a practice (n 
retaining {n our Address tike^words of tfa^ 
Speech, and of foUowing it servilely frod 
period to period, as if it were expected 
that we should always adopt the sent! 
ments of the court, as if we were not suni| 
moned to advise but to approve, and apj 
prove without examination. 

By such addresses, my lords, aQ enquij 
ries may be easily preduded ; for the mi^ 
nister by whom the Speech is compiledj 
may easily introduce the most crimina 
transactions in sudi a manner, as thaj 
they may obtain the approbation of thij 
House ; whlbh he mayplead afterwards a| 
our bar, when he shall be called before itj 
and either involve us in the diBgrace of in| 
consistency, and expose us to general codi 
tempt, or be acquitted by our former m 
frages, which it would be reproachful t| 
retract, and yet criminal to confinn. 

It is not necessary, my lords, on thil 
occasion to observe, what all parties havj 
long since acknowledged, when it did no{ 
promote their interest to deny it, thd 
every Speech from the throne is to W 
consideied as the work of the minlsteij 
because it is generally written by him^ 
or if composed by the king himself, xxm 
be drawn up in pursuance of the inform* 
tion and counsel of the ministry, txi who j 
it is therefore ultimately to be referredl 
and may consequently be examined with 


on the Address of Thanks. 

A. D. 1741. 


oat 9BJ hibae of respect to the person of 

Injs oogfat however to be observed, 
loj lords, mt it may appear more plainly 
hem oertaiidy this practice may be imputed 
to the artifices of ministers, since it does 
AOt promote the honour of Uie prince, Imd 
roaiufestly obstructs the interest of the 
people; since it is a practice irrational in 
itKlf, becaose it is inconsistent with the 
great purpose of this ^House, and can 
thefefore serve no other than, that of 
procartjig indemnity to the ministers, by 
ins Uiem out of the reach of future 

Let not, my lords, the uninterrupted 
coDtinQance of this practice for some 
re^ be pleaded in its . defence, for no- 
tbiag is more worthy of Uie ^Ugnity of this 
House, than to prevent the multiplication 
<^ dangerous precedents. That a custom 
iDfflifestly injurious to the public has con- 
tinoed lopg, is the strongest xeason for 
breaking it, because it acquires every year 
nev authority and greater veneration : if 
when a nation is alarmed and distracted, a 
custom of twenty years is not to be in- 
iringed, it may in twenty years more be 
so fiimly established, that many i may 
think it necessary to be supported, even 
vben those calamities are incontestably 
felt, which perhaps how are only feared. 

I ihaU therefore, my lords, propose that 
of the Address moved for, all^e left out 
bot the first paragraph ; it will then be 
more coosistent with the honour of your 
iordships, witii our regard for the people, 
ttd with oar duty to the crown, and hope 
Aolord will refuse his concurrence. 

Lord Chancellor Hardmcke: 

My lords ; upon an attentive considera- 
tioo of the Address now proposed, I am 
&ot able to discover any obj^tions which 
can justly hinder the unanimous concur- 
f^ce of this House, since there is not 
^y proposition contained in it either dan- 
gerous or uncertain. 

The noble lords who have opposed this 
ouKioQ with the most ardent vehemence, 
ttevervfar from denying what is asserted 
in it; they readily grant that designs are 
^^''Qcettea by many fi>rmidable powers 
■gainst the House of Austria^ and that the 
««»eqaeoces of the ruin of that family 
>uttt extend to the utmost parts of Europe, 
>Dd endanger the liberties of Great Bri- 
^ itself; that the power of France will 
^ be without a rival, and that she may 
^mrds gratify her aoibition without 
"U lod wimont dangec 

Nor is it, my lords, less obvious in itself, 
or less generally allowed, that this is a 
time which demands the most active vi- 
gour, the most invariable unanimity, and 
die most diligent dispatch ; that nothing* 
can interrupt the course of our common 
enemies but the wisest counsels, and the 
most resolute opposition ; and that upon 
our conduct at this great conjuncture may 
probably depend the happiness and liberty 
of oursdlves, our allies, and our posterity. 

All this, mv lords, is allowed to bo 
apparently and indisputably true ; I am 
therefore at a loss to conceive what can 
be the occasion of the ddbate in whick 
some of your lordships havb en^^aged. As 
the causes of the calamities which are said 
to threaten us are not assigned in the 
address, we shall leave ourselves at full li« 
bertv to charge them upon those who 
shall appear from future enquiries to de- 
serve so heavy an accusation. 

If the ministers have by any inconstancy * 
in their measures, or folly in their nego- 
ciations, given an opporttinity to the ene- 
mies of Europe to extend their influence, 
or endangerea either our Own interest, or 
that of our allies ; if they have by oppres* 
sion or negligence alienated from his ma- 
jesty the fSfections of his people, or the 
confidence of his confederates, nothing 
thatis contabed in the Address now before 
us can be producM by them in justifica- 
tion of their conduct, or secure them from 
accusation, censure, and punishment. 

If the war, my lords, ha& been hitherto 
carried on with clandestine stipulations, or 
treacherous compacts ; if our admirals 
have received orders to retire from the 
coast of Spain, only to give our enemies 
an opportunity of invading the dominions 
of the queen of Hungary, or have without 
directions deserted their stations, and 
abandoned the protection of our com- 
merce and our colonies; we shiill, not- 
withstanding this Address, retain in our 
hands die privilege t>f enquiring into 
their conduct, and the power, if it be 
found criminal, of inflicting such penalties 
as justice shall require. 

I know not therefore, my lords, upon 
what motives the debate is continued, nor 
what objections they are which hinder 
our unanimity, at a time when all petnr 
controversies ought to be forgot, and^ aU 
nominal distinctions laid aside ; at a time 
when general danger may justly claim 
general attention, and we ou^ht to sus- 
pend the assertionof our particular opi- 
nions, and the prosecution of our jepa- 



late interartSy Aod vdgavd onfy the oppod- 
tiom of prince, Che support t£ our auiei, 
md the pre«ervatiofi or our oeuntrj; 

The noble lords who have ofiered dieir 
ieadments on this occasion^ have very 
diffusely expatiated on the miseries that 
ioipena over us, imd have diewn ttncem- 
non dexterity and acuteness in tracing 
them all to one soarce, the wetdoMss or 
difihwiesty of the British ministry. 

For my part, my lords, though ^iliaps 
I believe ttiat many circumstances of the 
present distress are to be imfnited to acci- 
dents which could not be foreseen, and that 
Ifie oondnct of the ministry, however some* 
times disappointed of the efiects inAended 
by it, was yet pradent and sincere, I shail at 
present forbear to engage in tlieir defiance, 
because the discussion of a question so 
complicated must necessarily require much 
tiaie, and because I think it not so useful 
i^o enquire bow we were involved in our 
present 4HBcoHiee, as by what means we 
minr be«xtricated from tiieni* 

The method by whidi weak states are 
laade strong, and by which those that am 
Idready powerful, are enabled to esert 
their strength with efficacy, k the promo- 
tion of union, and the abolition of all sus- 
pjcioRs by which the pecmle may be in- 
cited to a distrust of their sovereign, or 
the sovereign provoked to a disregard of 
)iis people. With diis view, my lords, aH 
addresses ought to be drawn up, and tins 
consideration will be sufficient to restrain 
us from any innovations at a time like this. 

If it should be granted, my lords, that 
Ae ancient method were better ada[rted to 
the general intention of addfesses, more 
ponrespendent to thedignky of this House, 
and liable to fewer inconvenienoes than 
'that which later times have introduced, 
yet it wiU not follow that we can now 
Si^y change it. 

Nothing m the whole^octrine of poKticB 
b better known, than that inhere are times 
when the redress of grievances inveterate 
and customary is not to be attempted; 
fames when the utmost care is barely suffi- 
cient to avert extreme calamities, and pre^ 
vent a totd dnsolution ; and in whidi the 
.consideration of lighter ^Is must viot be 
suiered to interrupt moretmportaDft coun- 
sels, or divert that aittention which the 
preservation of the state necessarily de- 

8uch, my lords, is die present timet 
even by %he confession ef liiose who have 
opposed 1^ motion, tmd of wiiom there- 
fere it may tienSismMsr demanded, friiy 



tiieyiswte these important %eQi« n de- 
bates upon forms and words ? 

Fw that enlv fiHins and words have 
prodnced the debate, must be appsreot, 
even to themsdves, when 4tit fervour of 
coBtroveny shall hsve skdEened; when 
that vehemenoe with winch the most mo- 
derate are s w n eiim c s transported, and tbt 
acrimony, which eandonr Mself eannot tU 

as levbear, ehidl give way to reflecdoa 
to reason. That the danger ii press* 
ing, and that pressing dangers re^pnre 
expeditien and unannnity, theywiflingly 
grant ; and what more is asseited in tHt 
Address ? 

That any lord -should be unwUlin; to 
concur in the customary expressions d 
thanldnkiess and duty to lus majesty, or 
m acknowledgments of that regard fbr this 
House with wkicb he asks oar asaistSBCfe 
and advice, I am unwilKng to suspect; 
nor can I ima^ne that any part of the op* 
position to this preposd can be prodnoed 
by unwillingness to comfrfy widi bis nt- 
jesty's demands, and to promise that sd* 
vice and assistance, w^ich it is ow doty, 
both to our sovereign, our coimtiy, and 
ourselves, to <tfbr. 

That those, my lords, who have eK> 
pressed in terns so fidl of indsgnstioB 
their resentment of the ina^inaiy neglect 
of the queen 'of Hungary's mterest, have 
declared the House of Anstna the ooIt 
bulwark of Euifope, and esprened their 
dread of tlie encroedmients of Fnnce 
wMi emotions which nothing bat red 
passion can produce, shonM be omrifKof 
to assert their resolution ef adhering to 
the Pragmatic Sanction, aod of defmiof 
the liberties of the empire, cannot be aip- 

And yet, my lords, what odier reasons 
of their conduct can be assigned either by 
his majesty, or the people, or the allies of 
Great Bntain ; those aflies whose claim 
they so warmly assert, and whose merits 
d^ so loudly extol I Will It not be ima- 
gined in foreign courts, that the measora 
now recommended by ^e king, are 
thought not consistent with the iatere^ of 
the nation ? WUl it not be readily he- 
lieved, that we propose to abandiio tinst 
desigBB of whicfi we cannot be petaaadefl 
to declare our approbation f 

What will be the coasequeaoe of saw 
an opinion nrtiiilly pi^opaget^ by Fraooe, 
and confirmed by appearances so l^^^^T^ 
deceive, may «ctttik be foreseen, and 
safely predicted. The Frendi will prose- 
cute mm fidhaneB witii fte* «i^^> 


0m tke Atansti vfHwnkt* 

A. B. n«ii 


irlea Aiy <teld MO kM^r Miy interrujp- 
doQ ft«B liie <ii]ly nation Mm lo venst 
dkfli; and it k m^ ikuoim, my lofdft, 
liov «tai oofiMtnce, l)y «Kcit»g oou- 
nf e, produces success. 

Kor, indeed, can the success •£ tkeir 
fodesToun, thus animated and quickened, 
keeiaiy 4odteed, shice the sane appear- 
noeslliBt eBOsatige tbem will htthnkiate 
theireteniei. Oor etties will tiien tlni^ 
M \mtget of mmi against the general 
csesiy; they nrast (imaeiae their united 
force ismffioient, and the only emulation 
HMm^them will quiddy be, which shall 
fint offer his liberty to sale, who sMl 
fim piy his court to the nnsters of the 
wdd, and nerit iMSMy by a epeedy sub- 

Thus, ny lords, wiH the House of Aws- 
^thstilaasesw ialthfiii to ()t«fl(t iBri- 
tra, nd sovteady m its opposkion to the 
doigH «C Rrench andntioo, he ibally 
Bnkm irrecoverable rain, byllMise who 
to please themsehres with deda- 
s in lU praise, and resolotioaa fm 
ia Mace; and who sever apeak of the 
FRAch iritfioat rage aad deieatatioR. 

If on dm occasion, asylopis, we sboald 
five ny saspicion of vmisual diseofateot, 
vhicoaldbecoacludedbalt that we are 
amwHi^ aay longer to easbarrass our- 
•dves with remote cooidderations, to load 
Ihs nation with taxes lor the presemwtion 
«fthengfat8«C otlier sovereigns, and to 
^aardtnaieB in the do feace of the oonti- 
%<»t \ What can <nir allies thmk, hut that 
^a« at present weary of the burthen- 
^ttoe and expensive honour of holding the 
Unoeof power in our hmds, are eon- 
^ to reaign the unquiet provmce 0f the 
trintm of Europe, and propose to con- 
^onr«afe heaoeforward to omr iraiae- 
^ interest, and shat «ip oafselves ki 
tat own idand ? 

That this is the real design of any of 
^ noble lords who htfve opposed the 
^ioB, 1 do ttdt intend to inaonate : for 
f dmbi aot bat they behewe tffie general 
^°t»»t both of this nation and its allies, 
^ likely to be promoted by the method 
^f^i^drcanHMi they recommeiid, since 
°^ dedare that they do aot think omr 
^^dnpecata, and confess Ihe import* 
^^ the afim on whidi we are rer 
^""^dbjhismsjesty todetibeiate, tohe 
m^) wt aolhiag oocht to repress ow 
*'^^*^on bat impoasiraity of success. 

^ is the knowledge mid experience 
« ««e nsMe lords, that the hopes which 
^ ^ kmai of feeing the deatradive 


attdnMi df the ftMch ^oa teaaa do* 
fisate^ and power restorad agamtothalt 
e«iaipoise whidi is neceasaiy 'to die Km^ 
tinuanoe <if tranfaSBity aad hflppjama^ 
have received, new strength fram their 
concurrence, and I shall now hear with 
less solicitade the tbreafis of Fraaee. 

That the French, my loids> are not li^ 
vincible, itie nehl^ duke who spoke lait 
has often ejEperien<^; nor is there any 
reason for imagining that they are aoar 
more fbrmidaMe thim when we eacoon- 
tered them ia the fields of Bleaheim 4nid 
Ramillies. Nothing is requisite bat a 
firm miion among those prinoes who are 
immediately in danger from their en- 
croachments, to re&ce tiiem to with- 
drarw their forces from the comitries of 
their neighbours, and ^[uit, for the de- 
fence of their own leititories, their adhemes 
of bestowing empires, and dividing dond- 

That such an tmimi is naw eaitivatad, 
we have been, infbrmed by his uagca^ 
whose endeavours wiM probably he aao* . 
cessBd, however they may a(t first ha 
thwarted and obatraoted; haoause ifaa 
near a^^proach of dan(^ wfll rouse thaaa 
Whom avarice has ^upified, er n e g lig ence 
intoxicated; tbos troth and rewon wiU 
become every day more powerM, and 
sophistivandartiacebein thne certainly 

When therefore, fny lords, we are en* 
gaged ia ooasalwtiims vrhioh may afieet 
the liberties of « great ^part <of manloind, 
and hy which our jNntenly to aiaay ag«s 
may be made happy or ndserable; when 
the daily progress of the enemies of jastioe 
and of medom ought to awaken us to v«- 
gilaaoe and expedition, mid there are yet 
just hopes that dSigence and firmness may 
preserve us from ruin, let us aot waste 
our time in unnecessary debates, and heeji 
the nirtiona of Europe in sospenoe hytae 
discussion of a ouesttoa, the decision of 
which may be dcaayed for years, without 
any maidfest inconvenience. Let ns not 
emharrass his majesty by an unusual fenrm 
of address, at a time when he is nega* 
dating alliances, and forming plans tor 
the rescue of the empire. 

Nothing, my lords, is more remote fram 
the real ^id of addresaes, than a repre- 
seatatien of them as made only to the tm* 
nister; for if there be any ommneroe be- 
tween a prince and his subjects, in whidi 
he is the inifflediate i^nt, if his persamd 
dignity be interested in any act of govera- 
tneat, I thiokit is tiot tele denied, that 



Debate in the Lords 

in receiving the addresses of the two 
Houses, he assumes a peculiar and dis- 
tinct character} which cannot be con- 
founded with his council or ministry. 

The Duke of Argylt : 

My lords; if there was now any con- 
4est amongst us for superiority of regard 
to his majesty^ of zeal for his honour, or 
reverence or his person, I should not 
doubt of proving that no lord in this 
House can boast of more ardour, fidelity, 
or respect than myself; and if the chief 
question how amongst us related to the 
terms in which he deserves to be addressed 
hy us, 1 ^ouldbe unwilling that any man 
should propose, langu^e more submissive 
and reverent, or more forcible and com- 
prehensive, than myself. 

But addresses, nowever they may for 
present purposes be represented as re« 
garding the personal character of the 
£ing, are in reality nothine more- than 
.replies to a Speech composed by the mi- 
nister, whose measures u we should ap- 
pear to commend, our panegyric may, m 
some future proceeding, be cited against 
us. Every address therefore ought to be 
considered as a public record, and to be 
drawn up, to inform the nation, not to 
mislead our sovereign. 

.The Address now proposed, is indeed 
equally indefensible to whomsoever it may 
be suppoised to relate. If it respects the 
people, it can only drive them to despair ; 
if it be confined to the sovereign, our 
advice, not our panegyric, is now re- 
quired, and Europe is to be preserved 
from ruin, not by our eloquence, but our 
sincerity. Respect to his majesty, my 
lords, will be best shown by preserving 
his influence in other nations, and his au- 
thority in his own kingdom. This can 
only be done by showing him how the one 
has been impaired, and how the other may 
be in time endan^red. 
~ By addresses like this which is now pro- 
posed, 'my. lords, has his majesty been 
betrayed mto an inadvertent approbation 
i>f measures pernicious to the nation, and 
dishonourable to himself, and will now be 
kept ignorant of the despicable conduct of 
the war, the treacherous connivance at 
the descent of the Spaniards upon the do- 
minions of the queen of Hungary, and 
the contempt with which every nation of 
|he continent has heard of the neutrality 
lately concluded. By addresses like this, 
my lords, have the. rights of the nation 
bef n silently given up, and the invaders 


of liberty, and violators of ^(mr laws m 
served fiom prosecution; by such n 
dresses have our monarchs been miaaii 
one time, and. our country enslaved i 

Lord Harrington: 

My lords; it is necessary to expla 
that treaty of neutrality* wmch hasbei 
mentioned by some lords as an act toll 
last d^ree snamelul, an act by wbidt i 
nation has been dishonoured, aodthei 
nend liberties of Europe have beeo { 
trayed; a representation so distant fa 
the truth, that it can only be imputeji 
want of information. 

This treaty of neutndity, myloidiy 
so far from being reproach&l to thbi 
tif^n, that it has no relation to it, bei 
made by his majesty not in the chanui 
of king of Great Britain, but ^tor^ 
Hanover ; nor is any thing stipulated U 
but security of the dominions of Haosi 
from the invasion of the French, fii^ 
single year. | 

What part of this transaction, my Id 
can be supposed to fall under the cog^ 
zance of this House I Or with what i/i 
priefy can it be mentioned in our debatj 
or produce an argument on either b4| 
That the dominions of Great BrttaiA|| 
Hanover are distinct and independenM 
each other, has often been asserted, || 
asserted with truth; and I hope thosei^ 
so studiously separate their interest oaf 
other occasions, will not now unite tbi 
only to reflect maliciously on the coodl 
of his majesty. 

I do not, indeed, charge any lord^ 
a design so malignant and unjust ; bsrii 
already asserted it as my opioioo, th 
these reproaches were produced ^ri 
ignorance of the true state of the M 
but cannot with equal readiness allow th 
ignorance to be wholly blameless. 

It is necessary, my lords, in comoH 
life, to every man who would avoid ca 
tempt and ridicule, to refrain from spepi 
ing, at least fi'om speaking with cosl 
dence, on subjects with which he has » 
made himself sufiiciently acquabted. 11 
caution, my lords, is more necessary wkl 
his discourse tends to the accusation < 
reproach of another, because he can the 
only escape contempt himself by brioga 
it, perhaps unjustly, on him whom hecfli 
demns. It is more necessary sdll to U 

♦ Lord Harrington was abroad with tl 
king when this Treaty was concliided. 


on the Address of Thanh. 

vfao speab id the public council of the 
nation, and who may by false reflections 
bjare the poUic interest, and is yet more 
iDdispensamy required in him who assumes 
the province of examining the conduct of 
his soverjigiL 

The Earl of Aiy.- 

Mj lords ; it appears that all those who 
htre spdce on either side of the present 
floeslion, however they may generally dif- 
fer in their opinions, agree at least in one 
asertioQ, that the time which is spent in 
this ddMtte might be far more usefiuly em- 
ployed, and that we in some degree aesert 
the great cause of liberty, by giving way 
to tr^in^ altercations. 

This, indeed, is an argument of equal 
fifce for a concession on either side ; but 
a, in affiurs of such importance, no man 
ought to act in a manner contrary to the 
eosrictioDs of his own reason, it cannot be 
opected that we should be unanimous in 
ur opinion, or that the dispute should be 
determioed otherwise than by the vote. 

I have, indeed, heard no arguments 
against the motion, which require long 
cooiideration ; for little of what has been 
uged, has in my opinion been very nearly 
coDQected with the question before us, 
thich b not whether the ministers have 
porsued or neglected the interest of the 
ution, whether the laws have been vio- 
bKd or observed, the war timorously or 
BigDUumoualy conducted, or our nego- 
ottiooa managed with dexterity or weak- 
ness, bat whemer we shall offisr to his ma- 
jotj the Address proposed. 

u this Address, my lords, it has never 
fA been proved that any assertions are 
(Attined either ftlse, or uncertain in 
^^fnudves, or contraiy to the dignity of 
tb House; that any act of cowardice or 
^^Qcbery, any crime, or any error, will be 
*>cved by it from detection and from 

Thatthb, my lords, may appear more 
P^i I move that the motion may be 
^; nor do I doubt but that the question 
*^bj a closer examination, be speedily 
^^cided. The motion being again read,' 

W Batkurst rose and said : 

My lords; I know not why the noble 
M dioold expect, that by reading the 
^&9 a more speedy determmation of 
Jr5(lttestion would be produced: for if 
"* repeated consideration of it operates 
^poD me nunds of the lords that have op- 
I^it m die same manner as upon mine, 

A. D. 1741. 1986 

it will only confirm their opinion, and 
strengthen their resolution.' 

We are required, my lords, to join in aa 
address of thanks to his majesty for his' 
endeavours to maintain the balance of 

Cer ; in an address, that inaplies a fidse- 
1 opien and indisputable, and which will' 
therefore only make us contemptible to our 
fellow subjects, pur allies, and our enemies. ' 

What is meant, my lords, by the balance 
'of power, but suc^ a distribution of domi- 
nion, as may keep the sovereign powers ii^ 
mutual dread of each other, ana by con- 
sequence preserve peace, such an equality 
of strengtn between one prince, or one 
confederacY| and another, that the hazard 
of war shall DO nearly eoual on each side? 
But which of your loroships will affirm, 
that this is now the state of Europe ? 

It is evident, my lords, that the French 
are far from imaginmg diat there is now 
any power which can be put in the balance 
against their own, and therefore distribute 
kmgdoms by caprice, and exalt emper6rt 
upon their own terms. 

It is evident, that the continuance of the 
balance of power is not now to be per- 
ceived by its natural consequences, tran- 
quillity and liberty ; the whole continent' 
is now in confusion, laid waste by the ra- 
vages of armies, subject to one sovereign 
to*day, and to-morrow to another ; there 
is scarcely any place where the calamities 
of war are not felt or expected, and where, 
property by consequence is not uncertain, 
and life itself in continual danger. 

One happy comer of the world indeed 
is to be round, my lords, secured from 
rapine and massacre, for one year at least, 
by a well-timed neutridity, of which, on 
what terms it was obtained, I would gUdly 
hear, and whether it was purchased at the 
expence of the honour of Great Britain, 
though the advantages of it are confined to 

But as I am not of opinion, my lords, 
that the balance of power is preserved by 
the security of Hanover; or that thos^ 
territories, however important, will be able 
to furnish forces equivalent to the power 
of France, I cannot agree to promise 
in an address of this House to assist his 
majesty in maintaining the balance of 
power, though I shall ^eerfuUy give my 
concurrence in every just and vigorous 
effort to restore it. 

But as it may be urged, that any direct 
expressions of discontent mfty be too wide 
a oeviation from the common forms, which 
for a long time have admitted nothing but 



The Lori^ Addrett ofTianit. 


tftbmiwriqn and iddfltioo^ I ahaEanly "ven- 

tore to propose, tbat we may at least coo^ 

fjACt our Address, tbat if we da not in 

^ain language declars all qht santimenta,. 

wa loay however affian ni)thiag tbatweda 

not think; and I am confrfent, that all the li is better acquainted than any lord in tk 

praises which can be justlj bestowed on ^ House with the present state of^Euron 

ue late measure^ may be coaapdaed la a> ! so that he is more able, to^ judge by i£ 

very few words. * "'" '^' " —-"-"- ^ 

wonder that I heap any suspicion iuitQ 
ated of ii\j^tjce or imi)ropriety in hia « 
jeaty's measUres, of whose wialom ai 
goodness I have so much knovkd^^asi 
affirai with the utmost confidence, that | 

It has been inauuiated,, that this change 
of our stile roa;^ perliapa aurpriae his ma* 
JMl^y and raise m him some suanjciona of 
oiscantentanddisapprohaUoDi; tCatitmajiP 
iacKoe him ta- believe iu&meaawes^ either 
notuadecstoodlw, us,, or not iqpplauded, 
«nd divert him nom his present schemes 
by^ the necessity of an enqpiny into tha. 
reasons of our wHke* 

And for what otbes purpose* m$ loadsi 
aftoiild such a ^Aaasfs c« ouc alite be pro- 
Iiosed} Wbg 8be«ild we deny on thia oc» 
casion the encomiastic laogui^ whieh has. 
Imea! of kte aapro&iaaly beato«e4 but ta 
4m»w that we tbrnkthis-tHne too^dangasouat 
for flattery, and the meaaurea now pursued 
aucfa aa m»e. but the mos^ abject mittevers 
Oia commend f 

I should hope, thai if it he asked ikj his^ 
9uyesty to what oaqse it i& to be imputed,. 
Ibat.tke Address of tfiia House is. so much. 
Cttxtnu^tad^ theire should ha found seoaa 
amoD^ US' honest enoug^ to answer, tbat 
all wmch cam. ba said with truth ia con- 
tained in itj, and that flattery and fidse«- 
hood were ant csonaistant with the dig^ty 
of the lords of Britain. 

I hope,, mj lo^ds, same one amongjst us 
W4»jld e^plam to hia majesty the decency 
as well aa.tha iAtagcity of our. conduct, and 
i|ifi)rm«him that we have hinted our dis«> 
Qpntent in the most resoectful manaar; 
and wbara thara was sufficient' room &w 
tlie loadeat censura,. hasre. aatiafied our- 
airi^iaa witk modest ailanca^ with a mere- 
negation of applause. 

Should we» my lovdsi. in opposition to 
the complaints of our countrymen, to the 
Ti^resentatioo^ of. our allies, and all the 
OonvsiGtien which our reason, can admits. or 
our sansea ppoduce> continue to act this. 
£urce of approbation, what can hiamajfstv 
ooaoaiv^ but that thoae meaaurea i^ch. 
UFO applaud, oiigiht to he prosecuted aa the 
moat efioctual and safe ^ Ayidwhat consa- 
qjaenoa but total raiin can arise from the. 
prosecution of measures hy which we are 
shaadjr seducad la pcttiwy and ocmtempt? 

The Earl of Ckolmondeler/ : 

Mj lordai it ia aawes witl^a^t g|ri#f .ai^i 

methods tranquillity may be re-ettabiisba 
j and that he pursues the best m^tkodsvl 
the utmost purity of intentioD, and t] 
most incessant diligence and applicatioB 
That the. justest intentions m^ 
sometimes defeated^ and the wisest ui$ 
KOurs< fail of success, I shall leadily gon 
j hut it will not follow tiiat we ougk noli 
acknowledge that wisdom and intsdj 
which is oanerted in the prosecition tfti 
intsrest, or that we ou^t not to,be goi 
ful £dr the benefits which wece aoceii 
' intended, though not actually receivai^ 
Xhe wisdom of hia majoaty's coomI 
my lorda, ia not sufficiently aAftir^j 
cause, the difficukiea which he has to| 
counter are not known^ or not obsecvi 
Upon his maji^sty, n^ lords, lieathaty 
of teaching the powera of the coatinenU 
^ prefer theu? real to ifaeir seeming intssi^ 
and to di&regard, ibr the sake of diiti 
happiness,, immediate acquisitions aodei 
tain advantages^ Hia mayssty is ends 
vouring to. unite, in the support of | 
Pragmatic Sanction those poweis wba 
dominiona wiU be enlarged bytfiaviiil 
tion of it, and whom France bribei tali 
interest with the spoila of Anstna; || 
who can wonder that success, ia aotei 
m attempts like this ? 

In such measures we ought doubdeai 

I endeavour to animate, his maje^t^^bf i 

address, at least not less expressive ofdii 

' and respect than those which he hsshe 

{accustomed to receive; and therebrQ 

'shall concur with. the. noble loidaa 

\ made and supported the.qpotion. 

i Then the Question being put for agn 

iag to the Aadresa as- proposed bathes 

of Malton, it passed in. the amrmstii 

Content, 88* S^ Content,, 49. 

The Lords^ Address of Thflnb.J % 
Address was as follows : 

** Most gracious severeign; 
<< We yemr majesty's most dutiful I 
loyal subjects, the Lords spiritualanitij 
poral in parliament aasemblad, beg. Ill 
to aeturn your majesty our humUa tbri 
for your moat gracioua Speech &aBM 
throne, and, at the same time, to prai 
untayaac miy^§t^QiicaN»a^t^Bd*Jg| 

M8] D^mtk^Cmmiom(m^AMrei$.qf Thanks, A. D. 1741. 


engntdMim on your safii.and iuippy 
ntvn into this kngdmn. * 

** The juM anil necenaiy war ih whieli 
your mBJeity k eogaged against the crowii 
0f Spain, is of such high importance to 
dte titde and natigation of jour subjects, 
«d to the weMwe of your kingdom, that it 
if viib the atoioel thankAibeas we observe 
the greit concern ^ioh your nutjest^ has 
beeopkased to express for cmrying it on ; 
which we hope, by the divine blessing upon 
yoor oajesty'a arma, will be attend^ with 
nocmsqual to the justice of your cause^ 
sad die ardent wishes of your people.. 

** Yoor BM^est^ has so truly represented 
tk impeoding dangers to which Europe 
s exposed^ in the present critical conjunc- 
ture, 81 must awaken, in every one, an 
atteotion suitaUe to ihe occasion : and 
we csDootbat be fidly sensible of the evil 
cao0sqiisaoes arianag from the designs and 
aterfKues, ftrmed and carrring on for 
Ik mbveisioii or reduction of the House 
«f AoMria, wUch threaten such appar^t 
■adae6 to the common cause. 

** Id this situation it becomes us widi 
hearts full of gratitude to your majesty, to 
•dawaledge your royal goodness in ex- 
pmbg so eamest a desire to receive, 
tnd to hjg^ a regard for, the advice of 
yair parhament : your majesty, secure of 
t^ ^ralty and affections of your people, 
nqr rd^ upon that, with the best ground* 
edcosadeace; and we beg leave to asr 
autjfoor maj^ty, that we will not fail to 
tike tite important points, which you have 
kea pleased to mention to us, into our 
BMt serious consideration i mid, m ute 
BMtdatifid aMfiner^ to oftr to your ma* 
inty aich advice as shall appear to as 
to bt lasst conducive to the nonour and 
^ nUerest of your crown and kingdomlk 

" We have a due sense how much the 
Present posture of af&irs calls upon us, for 
that (oanimity, visour, and dispatch, 
vliichyoar majesty has so wisely recom- 
tBended to us ; and we do most unfeiga* 
^7 give your maiesty the strongest assur* 
*u»» diat we will vicorously and heartily 
cncorin a& just and necessary measures 
^ the defence and* support of your ma* 

EI the maintenance of the balance and 
ties of J^urope^ and. the assistance of 

^ Asdatjagad affiectioAto your mi^esty 
^ in OS, fixedjmd. unaUorable principles^ 
*^ ^ leel the iaapreasioBs of them» at this 
l^sa sIroBf and hvaivin our breaata, 
"ttwa oBsmol omit to my hotd on this 
^PIM^rtoni^ of ^pproachbg your royal 

presencoi to renew the most sinoere pro^ 
Sessions of our constant and tnvtol^lo 
fidelity : and we do with a zeal and finh- 
ness, never to be shidcen, promise youit 
majesty, that we wiU, at the hazard of aH 
that is dear to us, exert ourselves for the 
defence and preservation of your sacred 
person and government, and the mainte^ 
nance of the Protestant succession in your 
roydl house, on which the continuance (f 
the Protestant religion, and the liberties of 
Great Britain, doth, under God, depend.*^ 

Tke King^s Answer*'] His mq'esty gavo 
this Answer : 

"My lords; 
<< I heartily thank you for this veif 
loval and dutiful Address^ The zecd 
whidi you have declared for my defSenoa 
and support, and for the maintenanda of 
the liberties of Europe, and the assistance 
of our allies, gives me great satisfaction. 
You may deoend upon my constant i^ . 
gard to the aavice ot my parliament, and 
Diy steady adherence to the true interest 
or my crown ahd kingdoms.'' ' 

Debate in the CoMmons on the Addreti 
of Thanks.*^ i Decembers. The Speaker 
having reportied the King's Speech, 

Mr. Hemy Arthur Herbert\ rose and 

Sir; to address the throne Off « the pfet- 
sent occasicm, h a custom, whidi^ as it ft 
founded on reason and decency, has td^ 
ways been observed by the Commons ctf 
Great Britain ; nor do I suspect this House 
of any intention to omit those forms of 
respect to his majesty, which our ances- 
tors always paid even under princies whose 
conduct gnu designs gave them no daim 
to reverence or gratitude. 

To continue therefore, Sir, a practice 
which the nature of ^vemment itsetf 
makes necessary, and which cannot but bb 
acknowledged to be hi a peculiar degree 
proper under a prince, whose personsl 
virtues are so generally known, I nopefotr 
tbe indulgence of this House in the'^Imerty 
which I Man take of proposing an AddresB 
to this efect : 

** To return h» majesty the Hianks of 
this House for his moist gracious Speech 
from the dirone, and to- congratulate his 
majesty upon his safe and happy return 

* From the Gentleman's Magazine': coin* 
piled irv Dr. Johnson. • ^ • 

t AAerwardtBati of Powit, 


15. GE0R6B IL 

into this kSngdom ; to ezpiew our daUful 
acknowledgmcintB to his majesty for his 
royal care in the orosecution ot the war 
against SpaiDy.ana his paternal concern 
for the public welfare, in the present pe- 
rilous and perplexed situation, and posture 
of af&iLrs m feurope ; and to assure his 
majesty, that as great variety of incidents, 
of the greatest importance and conse- 
quence, have happened during the course 
of the last year, this House, with hearts 
foil of duty,' and gratitude to his nujesty, 
and touched with a iust sense of the im- 
pending dangers, will, as ofben as these 
momentous i&irs shall come under their 
consideration, give his majesty such ad- 
vice as becomes dutiful and faithful sub- 
jects, and such support and assistance as 
■hall be most conducive to the honour and 
true interest of his majesty's crown and 
kingdoms, and to the maintaining of the 
balance and liberties of Europe ; and that, 
in order to answer these great and neces- 
sary purposes, this House will grant to 
his majesty such effectual supplies, as shall 
enable his majesty to be in a readiness to 
support and assist his friends, and allies, at 
sucn times, and in such maimer, as the 
exigency, and circumstances of affiiirs 
shall reauire ; and to defeat any attempts 
that shall be made against his majesty, or 
«|^nst those who, being equally engaged 
with his majesty, by the faith of treaties, 
or united by common interest, shall, irom 
a just sense of the common and approach- 
ing danger, be willing to concert such 
measures as, in this critical conjuncture, 
shall be found necessary and expedient." 

Mr. Treowi 

Sir ; as the necessity of an Address to 
Jus majesty cannot be disputed, the only 
ouestion on this occasion must be, whether 
toe Address now proposed be such as it 
may become this House to ofer in the 
present conjuncture of afiaiis. 

In an a&ress. Sir, it is necessary to 
preserve at once the respect due to our 
eovereign, and the dignity which may 
•jMStlv'foe assumed by the represenutives 
of the peoole of Great Britmn, a people 
whose Dirtnri^ht gives them a daim to 
approach their sovereign, not indeed 
vnthout the utmost req>ect, but with lan- 
guage, whidi absolute monarchs never 
near from the slaves by whom they are 

This respect «id digni^ appear to me 
to be very happily united m the Address 
now proposed, m whicb we join with our 


professiona of dutyr, oqr . offers of sdvioe^ 
and assert our claim to the direction of 
the national expences by our promise to 
gnmt the necessary Supplies. 

As tliere cannot therefore in my opi* 
nion. Sir, be any thing added to the Ad- 
dress now offered, and there iqppears to 
me no necessity of any alteration or omis- 
sion, I 8^cond the motion* 

Lord Nod Somerggt :* 

Sir ; though I am far horn intending to 
lessen, by trifling objections, the zeal 
which the hon. gentleman who proposed 
the Address has shewn for promoting the 
public business, yet, as it is very incon- 
sistent with the duty of a member of this 
House to prefer civility to truth, and the 
sacrifice to ceremony or complaisance to 
interest of his country, I think it neces- 
sary to declare my opinion, that though 
tjie Address propoi^ may admit of many 
amendments, which I lieave to other gen- 
tlemen to make, I thiqk. the addition of 
one Clause absolutely necessary; That his 
majfest^ may be desired not to engage this 
n^ition in a war for the pireservation of his 
foreign dominions; dominions which, as 
they are in themselves independent on the 
crown of Great Britain, and governed by 
different laws and a different right, have 
been separated by an express^ ckuse from 
these kingdoms, in the actf to which his 
majesty owes his title to the throae. 

This request. Sir, is at this time particu- 
larly expedient when the continent is io 
confusion, and the territories of Hanover 

* ^< Lord Nx)el Somerset, sfterwarii doke 
of Beaufort, since the death of sir WilKam 
IVyDdbaro, whiob bad happened about twdn 
OKMiths before, was considered as the risiog 
head of the Tory interest. He was a maD of 
sense, spirit, and activity, unblameable in bit 
moralsi but questionable in his political capa- 
city. Had Ife confined himself to a plaasibie 
and a constitutional opposition, be would hare 
been a very dangeroos opponent to the mi- 
nister. But it was thought, not without some 
appearance of reason, that bis views went ftr- 
tber, and this disabled him from htiiaf of scr* 
vice to any party who durst avow their prioa- 
plea.'! tbdal. 

t By the act 18 Will. 3, c. «. ' For the 

< farther limitation of the crown, and the 

< better securing the rigfaii and Uberliea of the 
* subject,' it is enacted, " That in caie tb« 
crown should oame to any peraoa, not boa^ 
a native of Eurlaad, this nation shall not m 
ofali^ to war mdeffnce of domioiooSBOt ^' 
longing to the crown of Bog^pd,"* 


M ih Adireu of Thanh. 

A. D. 1741. 


ve endngenri bv the approach of the 
French ibreet. Besidefl, as nothing is 
more firtaT than groandless* expectations 
of aniftaiioe, it may eontribate to tiie 
afe^ of that people, to shew them diat 
they are to depend upon their own 
stmgth, to cdl their forces together, to 
fortify their towns, and guard Uieir ave- 
Doet; and that, if they sit indolent and 
ordeis, in oonfidenoe that the power of 
Great Britain will be emplov^ in their 
defence, they wiD ocdy give Uieir enemies 
an e«f conquest, and endave themselyes 
i&d their posterity to a foreign power : I 
more therobre that his miqesty be desired 
m oor Address, ** not to engage these 
imgdoms in a war for the preservation of 
\k foreiga domimans>** 

Mr. Shippen : 

Sir; I know not with what success I 
na^ snert, in tins House, positions, for 
viudi I have formerly been censured,*. 
ind whidi few other members have hi- 
therto mamtained ; but I rise with confi- 
AeDoe that 1 shall be at least acknow- 
ledged to act consistently with myself in 
ficoading the noble person who spoke 
hat; and I am convinced, that many of 
those who diffisr from me in opinion, 
would ghdl^ be able to boast of resemb- 
fing me in congruity of principles, and 
tteadiQeai of conduct. 

, But iteadinesa. Sir, is the effect only of 
Bitegi^, and conffruity the consequence 
ofooimction : he Siat speaks always what 
he thinks, and endeavoun by diligent en* 
^oiry to think aright before he ventures 
fo deckle hb sentiments ; he that follows, 
n hia aearches, no leader but reason, nor 
Qpecta any reward from them but the 
advantage of discovering truths and the 
pleasure of communicating it, will not 
eisly change his opinion, because it will 
ttidom be ea^ to show that he who has 
^'^'Qtttly enquired after truth, has failed 

2^ my part, I am not ashamed nor 
^ to affirm, that thirty years have 
«e no diange in ai^ m my political 
optnioaa; I am now grown ora in this 
noose, bpt that experience which is the 
^^itK^Msnce of age» has only confirmed 
^ principles with wliah I entered it 
^7 yesra a^; time has verified the 
Pvdict^ which I formerly uttered, upd 

i^veieeD my conjectures ripened into 

* Sea¥aLr,p.511. 

I diouM be therefore without excuse if 
either terror could affiright, or the hope 
of advantage allure me from the dedara- 
tion of my opinions ; opinions which I was ' 
not deterreo firom asserting, when the 
prospect of a longer life than I can now 
expect might have added to the tempta- 
tions of ambition, or aggravated the ter« 
rors ofpoverty and disi^noe; opinions fi»r 
which 1 would willingly have suffered the 
severest coisures, even when I had es- 
poused them only in compliance with 
reason, without the infiallible certain^ of 

Of truth it has been alwajs observed. 
Sir, that every da^ adds to its establish- 
inent, and that ralshoods, bowever spe- 
cious, however supported by power, or 
established by confederacies, are unable 
to stand before the stroke of time. Against 
the inconveniencies and vexations of long 
life, mav be set the pleasure of discover- 
ing truth, perhaps the onl^ pleasure that 
age affords. Nor is it a slight satisfiicUon- 
to a man not utterly infiituated or de- 

E raved, to find opportunities of rectifying 
is notions, and regulating his conduct by 
new lights. 

But much greater is the happiness of 
that man to whom every day brines a 
new proof of the reasonableness of his 
former determinations, and who finds, by 
the most unerring test, that his life has 
been spent in promotion of doctrines be- 
neficial to mankind. This, Sir, is the 
ha{ypiness which I now enjov, and for . 
which those who never shall attain it, 
must look for an equivalent in lucrative 
employments, honorary titles, pompous 
equipages, and s|dendia palaces. 

These, Sir, are the advantages which 
are to be gained by a seasonable variation 
of principles, and by a ready compliance 
witn the prevailing fiBhion of opmions; 
advantages which I indeed cannot envy 
when they are purchased at so high a price, 
but of which age and observation has too 
frequently shown me the unbounded in- 
fluence ; and to which I cannot deny that 
I have always ascribed the instability of 
conduct, and inconsistency of assertions, 
which I have discovered in many men, 
whose abilities I have no reason to de- 
preciate, and of whom I cannot but be- 
lieve they would easily distinguish truth, 
were not fiJshood recommended to them* 
by the ornaments of wealth. 

If theris are in this new House of Com- 
mons any men devoted to their private in- 
terest, any who prefer the gratification of 



Aek fumoM tp the'saAtj and happinMi 
of t|xcir eountrjf wba can riol wltbout re- 
mote in the pfuQder of their ooMlitiieBts, 
who CUD forget the anguish of guilt in the 
noise of a feast, the pomp of a dia#ing- 
i«OQi» or the arms of ^ strumpet, and 
think expensive widcedness and the gaie- 
ties of folly equivalent to the &ir fiune of 
fidelitv and the peace of virtue, to them 
Ishalf speak to no purpose ; for 1 am fiir 
from imagining any power in my laQ- 
l^ge to gain wqse to truth who have re- 
signed their hearts to avarice or ambition, 
or to prevail upon meii to<Jiange opinions, 
^fAdch they haVe indeed never beUeived, 
though they are hired to assert them. 
There is a degree of wickedness which 
reprfK)f or argument cannot redaim, as 
there is a degree of stupidity which in- 
struction cannot enlighten. 

If my country, Sir, has been so unfor- 
tunate as once more to commit her inter- 
est to those whd propose to themselves, no 
ndvanta^e from their trust, but that of 
selling It, I mav perhaps fsll once more^ 
under censure for declaring m]r opinion, 
and be once more treated as a criinmal for 
assertinff what thej who punish me cannot 
deny; for roaintaming tne inccmsistency 
of Hanoverian maxims with the happiness 
of this nation, and fat preserving the cau- 
tion which was so strongly inci^cated by 
the patriots that drew up the Act of Set- 
tlement, and gave^ the present royal fa- 
aaily their title to the throne* 

These men. Sir, whose wisdom cannot 
1^ disputed, and whose zeal for his ma* 
ksty's &milv was equal to their know- 
ledge^ thought it requisite to provide some 
security against the pr^udices of birth 
afitd education. They, w^e fiur from ima- 
«ning, . that they were calling to the 
fiirone a race of beings exalted above the 
£:ailties of humanity, or exempted by any 
peculiar privileges from error or from ig- 

They knew that every man was habi- 
tually, if not naturally, fond of his own 
nation, and that he was inclined to enrich 
it and defend it at the expence of another, 
even, nerhaps, of that to which he is in- 
debtea for much higher degrees of great- 
ness, wealth and power; for every thing 
which makes one state of life preferable to 
^mother; and which therefore, if reason 
could prevail over prejudice, and eveiy 
action were r^ulated by strict justice, 
Biu;ht daim more regard than that comer 
^the earth in ^hich he oidy happened to 
lie bom* 

They faew, Si^ that fafidmrr ms 
not always relumed, that we moit wiU 
liogly trust those wham we havehngat 
known, and caroai these with mostliaDd. 
ness, whose iadihasions we fiad by 6xpe> 
riei^ to conaspond with our own, with- 
out regard to particukur ciromniUnoci 
whioh may entitle othora to graater r«- 
oard, or %her degrees of oiedit, or d 

Against these prejudiooa, wfaich Ihdr 
sagadty enabled them to foicaee, their 
integrity indted them to aeciiio us, bf 
provisioos whidi every mao theD-thongkt 
equitable and wise, became eo man wat 
then hired to emouse a contteiy entnioiu 

To obviate the disposition wtdA aib- 
reign race of princes might have to trail 
their original subjects, it was enacted, 
That none of them should be eapsbie dt 
any place of trust or profit ia these kii^- 
doms*. And to hinder our monarchsfroa 
transferring the revenues of Gnat Britais 
to Hanover, and eniidiiDg it wi^ the 
commerce of our tradees^ smd the Isboon 
of our husbandmen; fromiaismg tszeito 
augment the spleadear of a pettf court, 
and encreasing the gam ac ns of tfadr 
mouataina by misappmn|^ that nuHiej 
which this nation shoiua nuse far its owa 
defence, it was provkied, Hiat the hog 
of Great Britain shouU netev return to 
his native dominions^ but lesida dvsysis 
this kingdom, without any other care tfam 
that of fining the a&diona of his Bri- 
tish sublets, preserving dieir njght^ snd 
increasinff their power J*^ • . 
. ItwasunaginedbythaSparfiamsBttbit 

the electorate of Hanofirr a sobordiBate 
dignity hdd by castom of hoM^ to » 
greater power, ov^ht^ be thooghtbdoir 
the regard <^the king of Great Sntain, 
and that the sovereign of a nation lil^o 
thb ought to remember a lower etsteoolf 
to heighten his gratitaide to the people by 
whom he was exalted. Thef ^i« ^ 
from imaginine that Grest mtaiii and 
Hanover would in time be cansidered tf 
of equal unportaace, and that their sore- 
reign would divide his years between one 
country and the other, and plesie lam- 
self with exhtbitkig in Hanover the snspal 
show of the pomp and dignity of a kiogf 
of Great Britain. 

♦ By the before cited Statute it w cnacterf, 

" That no penum who shall hereafter come w 

: the possession of tbie crown, shall go oot^^ 

;doflMMOBs ef Bajriami, Ses^iaBd, sr Wm 

without coasant Of pariii 


Of! ike Aidrm^ThMAs. 

.|khcb»^ 8ir» ]iew«rer« • later ftr- 
L^at riid^j repeabd;* upon whfti 
' V I m not aUe le dedare, having 
kiid the atgiupents wbieb pre* 
I tlieir predeM«M>iB to mittcrt it, 
oriDTaliaated; norhaine I Ibund 
cvwt 1mm pfnodueed any jtistifi- 
^j of their 6ondi»ct, or tbat Uie nation 
i^tmmA mj renaarkable adTantage 
! it anotMT dmwa in that in^ 
[ Act whicb.pariiaioenfc has not yet 
lto.rapeal» by.trbidi it ispco- 
rllit. thia nation AaH not be «i* 
Unr far the defisnce of tbe Hanoi* 
miaioaa; domiaiona of which we 
\ ne infteieat in the protection or 
It doBuaicna perfauia of no 
into whatever hanoa chance 
aee auqr throw ihsm^ which 
I faaa made entirely nteless to 
pover ; bnt whioh^ tlioii{|;h they 
mefit».may iiajan m^ by diyetting 
cS oar tovereigny or witib* 

diii danee, Sir^ haa not econe* 

btcB afaided, wlKther the 6^000 

I vhich we aimorted were of use 

flf the Brilidi oomtnioms and whe- 

idooUe nambcr of the laaie nation, 

~ with our money for the delence 

een of Hungary, haveaotbeen 

odIt where my niu;ht deAnd 

fj irittoat the least ammtage to 

I, whether the nation haa 

condemned to. double ezpeneea 

»R^[M>rt of lliia afiianoey by raising 

! queea'a service troops which were 

S^ed m the protection of Han«- 
thea in anccoaring her with pe* 
I aq){d]cs» it is aerluips at present 
^ I hope not yet too 

'i atjMfsent uaneeessary, because the 
dcfa ia proposed cannot be denied 
leqasi^ proper, whether Uie Act of 
burnt has been hitherto observed .or 
&r the vioiathKi of it oojg^t to 
J OS in some measnres that may se- 
lla for the fatore fromthe like injury; 
I the obstnration of it is a manifest 
Fbow touch it is approved by all par-* 
^lince in so many deviations fVom this 
t and an inconstaney of contact' 
an example ia aearcely to be 
.^j^thisJaw has been esteeaied sacrad^ 
p Waark of our rights, and the boon- 
"p^^hidi the sovereign power has not 
Itaoverleapr - 

••JfceyoLt, 2,380. . 

A. D. 174L [fK 

As his inajea^ Sir, haa in a trery «^ 
lemn manaercaB^ upon us for our advioa 
and assistaaee^ what can be more pvdpec 
than to lay before him our opinion oo thia 
important question i War is next ta 
slaveiy ene .of the greatest calamities^ hnd 
an umiecMary war therefore the ^reotasl 
error of government, an error whicdi dstt*' 
not be too cauttbasly obviated, or tea 
speedily reformed* 

If we cpndder^ Sir, the present stale ef 
the contment, there is notning more pra<* 
bable than that the subjects of the elector 
ef Hanover may solicit the asabtanoeiof the 
king of Great Britain, and therefore it ja . 
necessary to infotei them,^th8t their boIh 
citations will be vain. If we enquire, inia 
the suspicions of our fdlow-subjecfs, wd 
shidl fold them generally disturbed with 
foam that they shall be sacrificed ta tiii 
seemrtt;|r of foreign dominions, mid tfaeea* ~ 
fore it ia necessary to recal their affi»ctieil 
to his msjttty where it is inqMored, and 
confirm their confidence where it htm besit 
hitherto preserved, by showing ia the moll 
public manner, how vainly diey haTe bcwi 
disquieted, and how gross^ they have been 
mistaken. . . .•- 

It is certainly our duty. Sir, to givesodi 
advice as may most truly inform his md^ 
jes^ of the sentiments ef his peo(de,. and 
asoet effcetually establish in the people an 
adhcEenoe to his majesty; aa it la oertaJd 
' that no advice will tie seconded by greater 
aambers than that which is proposed, nor 
can his midesty b^ any act dP goodness sd 
much endear hia yu i r e rum ent, as by d 
readf promise to this nation of an eaempi^ 
tion from any vrar iardefonoe of Hanot«ri 

I hope. Sir, it will not be objected, timr 
by sue& request a suapidon vnH be insi« 
aoated of desicns detrimental to ibe 6ii« 
tish nation, aod repugnant to the eondi* 
tiona on which his majesty ascended' tfaa 
throne, because an objecU<m. of equal 
force may rise against any advice whatever 
that shad be offi^ed by parIil^ne^t• 

It maybe always ur^, Sir, that to re- 
commend any meaaurea, is to suppose thai 
they would not have been suggested to hia 
mqeaty by his own wisdom, and by con-» 
sequence that he ia defective eitner itf 
knowledge or in goodness, that he eithei^ 
miatahes or neglects the interest of huf 

Thus, Sir, may (he most laudable cdiW 
duct be dbsLVgci mitk sedition, fod thcf 
most awfol reg^ be accused of disr^qpect,' 
by forced consequence^ and esttgrnrated ^ 
language; thus may parliamentsDCcome^ 

15 GEORGE 11. 

uMlesSy lest they diould i^mar to be wiser 
than their sovereign, and tne sovereign be 
condeqaned to act only by the information 
of servile ministers^ because no public ad- 
vice can safely be given him. 

That kings must iact upon the informa- 
tion of others, that ihey can see little with 
their own eyes through the mists which 
flattery is continuaUy employed in raising 
before them, and that they are therefore 
most happy who have, by the constitution 
of the country which they govern, an op- 
portunitjf of knowing the opinions of their 
people without disguise, has yet never been 
demed by any who do not separate the in^ 
terest of the king from that of the people, 
and leave mankind no political distmction 
but.that of tyrants and slaves. 
. This, Sir, is the happiness of the king of 
Great Britain beyond other monarchs, an 
advantage by which he may be always en- 
abled to contemplate the happy and flou- 
rishing state of his subjects, and to receive 
the blessings and acclamations of millions 
that oive to his care their wealth and their 

Of this advantage he cannot be de- 
prived, but by the cowardice or the trea« 
chery of those men who are delegated by 
the people, as the guardians of their liber- 
ties ; and surely it requires no uncommon 
penetration to discover, that no act of 
treason can be equd in mali^ity to that 
perfidy which deprives the kmg of the af- 
fections of his subjects, by couching from 
him their sentiments and petitions. He 
that, makes his monarch hated, must un- 
doubtedly make him unhappy; and he 
that deistrdys his happiness/ might more 
innocently take away his life. 
., To exempt myself therefore from such 
guilt, to discharge the trust conferred on 
me by my country, and to perform the 
duty which I owe to my king, I stand up 
|o second this motion. 

Mr. Gyhhon : 

Sir; as it is not easy to remember all 
the parts of an Address by only once hear- 
ing It, and heanng it in a form diflerent 
from that in which it is to be presented, I 
think it necessary to a more accurate con- 
sideration of it, that it should be read dis- 
tinctly to the House. We may otherwise 
waste our time in debates, to which' only 
our own fbrgetfulness gives occasion ; we 
may raise objections without reason, and 
propose Amendmehts where there is no 
defect. [The Address was accordingly 
read^ and Mr. Gybbon proceeded*] 

Debate in the Commons 


Having now heard the AddrsBi, I Sg 
by experience die propriety of my 
posal, having retnarkea aClaiKe, 
m my opinion, is necessary to be aoi _ 
and which I had not observed when it 
repeated before. 

It is well known, that the speeches 
.the throne, though pronounced by 
king, are always considered as thecoi 
sitions of the ministry, upon whom 
Mae assertions would be diarged, ai 
informers and counsellors of the crowsT 

It is well known, likewise, that whens 
this House returns thanks to the kbf i 
any measures that have been pann 
those measures are supposed to b^^ 
proved by them; and that approbn 
may be pleaded by the minister in hk\ 
fence, whenever ne shall be reqoirel 
answer for the event of his coonseli 

It is therefore, in my opinion, extreol 
unreasonable to propose, that ** tha 
should be returned to his majesty fir 
rojral caie in prosecuting the war agij 
Spain ;'* for what has been the cot 
quence of that care, for i^hidi our tlm 
are to be with so much solemnity retonl 
but defeats, disgrace and losses, the il 
of our merchants, the imprisonment of I 
sailors, idle shows of armaments, andil 
less expences ? ^ 

What are the events which ore to bel 
corded in an impartial account of tfaiftn 
a war provoked by so long a trwn of inn 
and injuries, and carried on with so appsn 
an inequality of forces? Havewedertrq 
the fleets or our enemies, fired their tra 
and laid their fortresses in ruins ? Hi 
we conquered their colonies, and pluoda 
tlieir cities, and reduced them to a neofl 
sity of receding from their unjust dain 
and repaying the plunder or our du 
chants? Are their ambassadors now. ai 
citing peace at the court of Great Brital 
or applying to the neighbouring priooer] 
moderate the resentment of meir vicfl 
rious enemies ? 

I am afraid that the efiects of our pii 
parations, however formidable, are ni 
different; they have only raised discontti 
among our countrymen, and contei| 
among our enemies. We have shown dt 
we are strong indeed, but that our foroB 
made ineflfectual by our cowardice; .4 
when we threaten most loudly, we pei 
nothing ; that we draw our swords bol. 
brandish them, and only wait an 
nity to sheath them in such a manner, 
not plainly to confess that we dare^r 


^ At Aditemi^ Thanks. 

A* a mi. 


If we ooaader, therefore, what efcct 
oar thanb for conduct like this must na- 
tortUy prodocOt it will appear that they 
m only encoonge our enemies, and di&* 
ipt oar fellow-subjects. It will be ima- 
ped that the Spaniards are a powerful 
pitioD, which it was the highest aegree of 
(ooefity to attack ; a nation by whom it is 
bocour sufficient not to be overcome, and 
ho whom we cannot be defended without 
the most vigilani caution, and the most 
ntensife knowledge both of politics and 


it win readily be perceived by the 
prood Spaniards, tliat it is only necessary 
to pmcate their wiews a little longer, 
to ifltmiidste us with new demands, and 
am jse us with new preparations ; and that 
ve, who are always satisfied with our suc- 
cess, shdl soon he weary of a war, from 
«hicb it is plain that we never expeeted 
ttj adraDtaj^ and therefore shall in a 
iliort time willingly receive such terms as 
oar conquerors wiU grai)t us. 

It is always to be remembered how much 
iB bomaa affitirs depend upon opinion, 
hor often repotation supplies the want of 
ml power, by making those afraid who 
cannot be hurt, and by producing confi- 
^ce where there is no superiority. The 
opimon of which the parliament ought to 
odeavoar the promotion, is confidence in 
tlielr steadiness, honesty, and wisdom; 
ccnfideoce which will not be much ad- 
vanced by an address of thanks for the 
unduct of the war against Spain. 

How justly may it be asked, when this 
A<]<iress is spread over the world, what 
vcre the views with which the parliament 
«f Great Britain petitioned tlieir sovereign 
^ declare war against Spain ! 

If their design was, as they then as- 
s^ied, to procure security for the com- 
^^ of America, and reparation for the 
iBJimes which their merchants had re- 
Ci:ived, by what fluctuation of counsels, 
^ vhat prevalence of new opinions, have 
^y now abandoned it ? For that they 
^^e no longer the same intentions, that 
ti^ now no more either propose security, 
^ aemand recompence, is evident ; since, 
u*OQgh they have obtained neither, yet 
^ they thankful for the conduct of the 

To what can this apparent instability be 
■^ted, hut to the want either of wisdom 
'f^alance their own power with that of 
^ enemies, and discern the true in- 
i«et of their country, or to a mean com- 
puaoce with the clamours of the peopl^^ to 

whom they durst not refuse the appear* 
ance (^ a war, though they had no expee-i 
tation of honour or success ? 

But in far other terms. Sir, will the 
Spaniards speak' of the Address which ia 
now pr<qpo8ed. «^ Behdd," say our boasts 
ing enemies, ^' the spirit and wisdom of 
that assembly) whose counsels hol4 the 
continent in.suspense, and whose determi* 
nations change the fate of kingdoms ; 
whose vote transfers sovereignty, covers 
the ocean with fleets, prescribes the opera- 
tion of distant wars, and fixes the bahmce 
of the world : behold them amused with 
idle preparations, levying money for 
mockeries of war, and returning thanks 
for the pleasure of the show : behold them 
looking with wonderful tranquillity on tho 
loss of a great number of their ships, 
which haye been seized upon their own 
coasts by our privateers, and congratulate 
ing themselves and their monarch, that 
any have been preserved. How great 
would have been the exultation, and how^ 
loud the applauses, had thev succeeded in 
any of their designs ; had they obstructed 
the departure of our fleets, or hindered 
our descent upon the dominions of the 
queen of Hungary ; had they confined .our 
privateers in our harbours, defeated any 
of our troops, or over-run any of our colo- 
nies \ In what terms would they have ex- 
pressed their eratitude for victory, who 
are thus thankiul for disappointments and 
disgrace ?" 

Such, Sir, must be the remarks of our 
enemies upon an Address like that which 
is now proposed ; remarks which we and 
our allies must be condemned to hear» 
withoi^t attempting a reply. For what 
can be urged to extenuate the ridicule of 
returning thanks wher^ we Oiyght either to 
express resentment, offer consolations and 
propose the means of better success, or 
cover our grief and shame with perpetual 
silence ? 

When it shall be told in foreign natipiM, 
that the parliament of Great Britain had 
returned thanks for the escape of the 
Spaniards from ^errol, their uninterrupted 
expedition to Italy, the embarrassment of 
their own trade, the captivity of their 
sailors, and the destruction of their troops, 
what can they conclude, but that the par** 
liament of Great Britain is a collection of 
madmen, whom madmen have deputed to 
transact the public a&irs I And wnat must 
be the influence of such a people, and audi 
a parliament, will be easily conceived* 

If I have given .way» Sifi ia thes^ Qbser* 


15 GEORG^n. 

Diffafe in til* CsMiwNk 


vatloii0» to any wanton hypeibolei or eic* 
aggeratedflMortioiiiy they will, I hope, ba 
pardoned by dioie who riiall reflect upon 
the real absurdity of the propoed whidi I 
am endeavouring to show in ita true state, 
and by M who uiall consideri timt to re- 
turn thanks for the management of the 
war, is to return thanks %t the eamage of 
Cartliaffena, for the ruin of our merchants, 
for theloss of our reputation, and for the 
ezaltatien of the House of Boiubon. 

I hope no man will be so unjust, or can 
be so Ignorant, as to insinuate or believe, 
that I impute any oart of our miscar* 
riages to the personal eonduct of his ma- 
jesty, or that I think his msjesty's concern 
lor the prosperity of his people unwor- 
thy of the warmest and smcerest grati- 
lode* If the Address were confined to the 
inspection of onr sovereign alone, I should 
be very far from censuring or ridiculing 
it ; for his majesty has not the event of 
war in his power, nor can confer upon his 
ministers or generals that knowledge whidi 
they have aeelected to acquire, or that 
'capacity whicti nature has denied them. 
He may perform more than we have a 
right to expect, and yet be unsuccessfol ; 
he may deserve the utmost sratitude, even 
when, by the misconduct, of his servants, 
the nation b distressed. 
' But, Sir, in drawing up an Address, we 
should remember that we are declaring 
our sentiments not only to his majesty, but 
to all Europe ; to put allies, our enemies, 
and oiir posterity ; that this Address will 
be understood lii» all others; that thanks 
offered in this manner by custom, sigmfy 
^yprobation ; and that therefore we must 
at present repress our gratitude, because 
k can only \mng into contempt our sove* 
tvign and ouisehres. 

Sir Robert fValpoU : 

Sir; I am very far from thinking that 
the war against Spain has been so unsuc- 
cessfol as some gentlemen have represented 
it ; that the losses which we have suffered 
have been more frequent than we had 
reason to expect from the situation of our 
enemies, ana the course of our trade; or 
our defeats, such as the common chance 
df war does not often produce, even when 
the inequality of the contending powera is 
incbntesti^lei and the idtimate evMit as 
near to certainty, as the nature of human 
aHili'u-ever can admit 

19or «m I conivinced, Sir, even diough it 
shouM be Slewed Aai no exaggeration 
hadbteeft madaol our tame$tmgtB, that 

Hie impropriety of an address of tliankEt 
hia majesty, for hia regal caie in ti^e n^ 
nagement of the war, » gross or flagrai^ 
For if k be aUowed that Ms mi^tj nia 
be innocent of alt Um miscoadnct that hi 
nroduced oup defeats, that he may ha^ 
tbmed schemes wlseh^, ii4iieh were uii 
skilfully prosecuted; tfiat even valoar a^ 
knowledge conemrring, will not alwap oC 
tain success; and that therefore som 
losses may be suffered, and some defesi 
reeehred, though not evdy his majesty ga^ 
the wisest direction, but his officers ex^ 
cuted them with the utmost diligence an 
fidelity ; how will it appear fkan em> i 
success, that our sovereq^does notdes&> 
our gratitude ? And if it shall appeu- i 
us that our thanks are merited, who shd 
restrain us from oflbring them in tfie mo! 
public and sdemn manner f 

For my pari, I think no consideratio 
wofthy of regard in competition with tni^ 
and justiee ; and therefore shall never foi 
bear any expression of duty to my sot< 
reign, for fear of the ridicule of our secre 
or the reproaches of our puUic enenHes. 

With regard to the Address nnder oii 
consideration, if it be aBowed either tbi 
we have not been unsuccessfol in any o; 
probrious degree, or that 01 success doe 
not neeessarfly imply any defect in th 
conduct of his majesty, or debar us froti 
the rij^t of acknowledging hia goodnes 
and his wisdom, I think. Sir, no ^jectio 
can be made to the form of expresaio 
now proposed, in which all soundmg an 
pomfMMis langui^, all declamatory esac 
geration and studied figures of speech, a 
appearance of exultation, and all the fort 
of rhetoric, are carefolly avoided, and nc 
thing in8erte4 that may disgust the m<n 
delicate, or rane scruples in the moj 

Yet, Sir, that we may not waste ov 
lame upon trivial disputes^ when the natio 
expects r^ef fi-om our counsds, that k 
may not suspend the prosecution of tli 
war by complaints of past defeats, or n 
tard that assistance axnl adrice which o\: 
aower&m demands, by enquiring whetin 
it may be more proper to thank or to coui 
sel him, I am willing, for the sake of uni 
mmity, that tliiaClause should be omitted 
and hope that no other part o^f the Ac 
draas can give any opportunity for mt 
^ — ^^ or for objectmns* 


Sir ; it is no wonder that the r^t hoi 
geodaouA wiBingly oonseiilB to the oeas 


omikAAddnu^ Thanks. 

A. Dk n^u 


^ of thit^MMv wUcboouid be ioseited 
lor Dootb^r porpoie than tbat be migbt 
Mcrifice it to tiie reaenlnient wbkfa it 
most mUuiiUy produce ; and by an ap* 
pearaace of modesty and compliMice, pass 
eauiy throtigh tbe first day, and obviate 
^j cereie enqoiriea tbat migbt be de- 

He is too well acquainted witb the opi- 
nioQ of many wbpm the nation .has chosen 
torepretent tbem^ and with tbe universal 
cJaoioun of the people, too accurately m- 
formed of tbe state of our enemies, and 
too omcious bow much bis secret macbi- 
Datioos have hindered, our success, to ex- 
pect or hope tbat we should meet here to 
rctum thanks for tbe roanasement of the 
var ; of a war in which npUiing has been 
attonptedby bis direction that was likely 
to succeed, and in which no advantage has 
bees gamed, but by acting without orders, 
aod against bis hopes. 

Hat I do not cnarge him. Sir, without 
leasQDy or invent accusations onJy to ob- 
itnict his measMrea, or to gratify my own 
resentmeot ; that I do not eagerly catch 
fljiog calumniea, probng tbe cuUe of ca- 
»tl reproaches, encoiirage the malignity 
of the envious, or adopt tbe suspicions of 
tbe mdaocboly; that I do not impose 
opoamyseifby a warm imagination, and 
ttMiearour to communicate to others im- 
pnaions which I have only received my- 
telf from prejudice and malignity, will be 
proved from the review or his conduct 
<i&ce the be^nning. of our dispute with 
^puQ, m which it will be found that he 
has been guilty not of single errors, but 
^ deliberate treachery; that be has al- 
^yi co-operated witb our enemies, and 
■^crificed to bis private interest the bap- 
pa^ and tbe honour of the British 

How long^ our merchants were plun- 
dered, oar nilo>rs enslaved, and our colo- 
oietindmidated, without resentment; how 
^the Spaniards usurped the dominion 
ofthe eeas, searched our ships at plea- 
Are, confiscated the caigoes without con- 
^ and tortured our fellow-subjecte 
J^imounity, cannot but be remem- 
J^ Not only every gentleman in this 
Houie, but every man in the nation, how- 
J»er indolent, ignorant, or obscure, can 
«* vbat barbarities were exercised, what 
'^'^ were committed, what complainU 
fere oaje, and bow they were received. 
^ tt unhrersally known that this gentle- 
"%»nd those whom be has seduced by 
Y^«^ and employments, treated the la- 

l^OUXIl.] ' 

mentatiooa of ruined families, and tbe 
outeries of tortured Britons, as the cla- 
mours of sedition, and tbe murmurs of 
malignity suborned to inflame tbe people, 
and embarrass the government. 

It is known. Sir, that our losses were at 
one time ridiculed as below the consi- 
deration of the legislature, and the dis- 
tress of the most useful and honest pair^ 
of mankind was made the subject of mer- 
riment and laiighter ; the awkward wit of 
all the Jiirelii^gs of the town was exerted 
to divert the attention of the public, and 
all their art was employed to introduce 
other subjects into conversation, or to 
still the complaints which they bemrd witb 
a timely jest. 

But their wit was not more successful 
on this, than on other occasions; their 
imaginations w^re. aoon exhausted, and 
diey found, as at other times, that they 
must have recourse to new expedients. 
The first artifice of shallow courtiers is to 
elude witb promises thcise complaints 
which they cannot confute, a practice 
that requires no understanding or know- 
ledge, and therefore has been generally 
followed by tbe administration. This arti- 
fice thev quickly made use of, when they 
found that neither tbe merchants nor the 
nation were to be silenced by an affipcta^ 
tion of negligence, or the salhes of mirth ; 
that it was no longer safe to jest upon the 
miseries of their countrymen, the destruc- 
tion (^our trade, and Uie violation of our 
rights: they condescended therefore to 
some appearances of compassion, and pro- 
mised to exert all their mfluence to pro- 
cure redress and security. « 

That they migbt not appear. Sir, to 
have made tnis promise only to free them- 
selves from present importunity, they set 
negociatiens on foot, oispatched memo- 
riaL, remonstrances, propositions, and 
computations ; and with an air of gravity 
and importance, assembled at proper 
times to peruse tbe mtelUgence which they 
received, and to concert new instructions 
for their agents- 
While tnis farce waa acted. She, innu- 
merable artifices were made use of to re- 
concile tbe nation to suspense and delay. 
Sometimes the distance ofthe Spanish-do- 
minions in America retarded the decisioa 
of our claims. Sometimes the diktory 
disposition of the Spaniards, and tbe es- 
tablished methods of their courts,, made it 
impossible to procure a more speedy do* 
termination. Sometimes orders were dis- 
patohed to America in favour of oar tni3e» 



flihih ft Hi fbOiiwrt 


Ai^ ^l!W{iiBtMft6B icMMlo otderi WCHi AW* 
l^ted by the oiptaiiit of the fl|iitaiili 
Aii{S9, nwl the goven^en of their pro- 
tlnces) and When it was enquired wfaj 
those captains and governors were not 
punished or recalled, we were treated with 
contempt for not btowt&g what had been 
so lately told us of the dil^ory proceedings 
6f the Spatnish courts. 
In the mean time our tnerchants were 

S hindered, and our sailors thrown into 
ungeons ; bur flag was insulted, and our 
AavigatioD restrained, by men acting under 
the commission of the king of Spam ; we 
berceiyed no eflfect of our n^goeiations 
out the expence, and our enen^es not 
only insisted on their former didms, but 
prosecuted them with the utmoM rigour, 
insolence, ^nd cruelty. 

It must indeed. Sir, be urged in fiiyour 
of our minister, that he did not refiiie 
any act of submission, or omit ainy method 
6f supplication, by which he mieht hope to 
loften the Spaniards ; he solRnted ibeir 
ftyour at their own court, he sent coni- 
missaries into their country ; he assisted 
them in taking possessicm of dominions, to 
which neither we nor ihey have proved a 
right; and he employed tfie na^es of Great 
Britain to transport into Itriy the prince 
on whom the new erected Kingdom was 
to be conferred. 

Wen might he expect that the Sp&^ 
niards would be softened by so much 
kindness and forbearance, and that grati- 
tude would at length induce them to spare 
those whom no injuries or contempt had 
been able to alienate from them, and to 
allow those a free course through the Ame- 
rican seas, to whom they had been indebted 
for an uninterrupted passage to the pos- 
session of a kingciom. 

He miglit likewise urge. Sir, that when 
he was obliged to make war upon them, 
he was so tender of their interest, that the 
British admiral was sent out with orders 
rather to destroy his own fleet than liie 
galleons, which in appearance he was sent 
to take, and to perish by the inclemency 
of the climate, rather than enter the Spa- 
tuah ports, terrify their colonies, or plun- 
der t^eir towns. 

But to little purpose. Sir, did our minis- 
ter implore the compassion of the Spanish 
court, and represent the benefits by which 
we might claim it ; for his compliance was 
by the subtle Spaniards attributed not to 
kindness, but to fear; and it was therefore 
determined to reduce him to absolute 
aki^erv, by the same practices which had 
already sunk him to so abject a state. 


MMnosa wflh ikJSileAipti ooiittuiln tMsr . 
inseieMe liad flMSA" opiMBsioiis, ttd whie 
ottr aritat was erh^piig at their eoint wift 
flesh iMrodtioaam his hand, while he was i 
hurry ing wfdi boay looks from one grandee 
to another, and pefh^ps dismisied whhout 
an audience one day, and sent back in the I 
mABi of hii h fcfan gue on anotiher, the \ 
guard-ahipe of tbe Spaniaids cootinttedi 
then* havoc, our neraianta were miiied, 
and our sailors ioilQfild. 

At lengUi^ Sir, the natkm was top modi 
inflamed to be afty kitter amoaed with 
Mt negodittiofli, dr trrnqs expedients; 
the streets echoed wiA the <Iunoiirs of the 
pdpulace, and this House waa crowded : 
with petitions fr6m the merdihnts. Tht 
honourable perion. With all his art^ ftemd 
hlmselTifttfble Wy longer to dude a de* 
termuMillon df Um aflsSr. l^oie whoa 
he had hitheito pemaded that be had | 
Med mei^ely ftr Want of diSitieB, began i 
ikMf to auipect tnit he bed no ooftife of 
beCter success; imdtheaewhohadlnlhMo! 
ehffet^y merited their tentSUUm by an 
unshaken adherence tO au hfa meaiores, 
wtio had extolled hisWisdoita ittihis in-l 
titgiiij with iffl th^ confidenee oraccuiityi | 
b^iin now to be^hiAfetk by the KtenretsaD^ j 
of the cenautea which the open an^ppoft et j 
perndy brought ttj^on Ihem* iney weft i 
flfiraidany longer to insert Whsfttiia^ no- 
fher behered themselves, tier could per* 
suade dthers to adn^ Tbe moat mdo- 
lent Were sHantaM, tne'tnost ebstij^nte cen* ; 
tinced, and the fndst profligate aAamed. 

What eouM Aoir ihe done. Sir, to gahi s 
few mootfaa, to secure li short mterral of 
quiet hi which his agents mq;ht be eiB- 
ploved to disteminate some ^ew flddiood, 
oribe to Ifls paiT^ some new rindieators, or 
lull the people with the opiate of anodier 
expedient, with an account of concessions 
utotB Uie cotnt of S^iain, or a congress to 
compute dke losses, and adjust the dntoitt 

Something iha necessarily to be at- 
tempted, and orders were ^erefbre db- 
patdied by our minister, to hissla?e at tbe 
court of qpain, to procure some stipda- 
tions that might have, at least, die appear- 
ance of a stq> towards the condusion of 
the debate* His asent obeyed him wiQi 
liis usual alaerity and address, and in time 
sent him, for the satbfaction of the BH£hli 
people, the celebrated Convention. 

The Convention, Sir, has been so btehr 
discussed, is so jndrticularfy remeodierea, 
and BO nniTeitaDy cikndeiamed, that 4 


4. D. IMI. 


Mt if OlM Soiaiii, (btj twk fi«p 
firlNdi flw fomr of wnjog Omp 

irfctwIwiiiiMif iWb tli«7 WW* 


aiUk»« mj m t i f i i i bh fnta^Uty tf 

el te wjgi l te «feii it. Thefe w<i»» 

llplf « ii«M IB tjup^ «li0 4iA aoi f0ft W 
MiHMMflf wfliEiiiff liirfl Ht r il ii Mii ^J^*-** 

l|0 Soulh-SeA Coinpan7, «idA the. eaa<- 
ipiptiwfii in0tlaDQ« «f ^nmiinff us with 
fctt»»wrrf> t t y a>tio%vhichwolo 

gtfMiiM «f it, fty 9»j|iig frkilW9f|M 

tl^GiPWilioii |lMrar<if9» Sir, ww cp 

il Mliii, m4 tflflk ft«i <rar fvini^tar 
AlKWtf of actb^ any iMff 9pp»ly ill 

|l pp fc u cJi ml lliar vipdom wm ofiw- 
mmnA bf diair prid^* ii&d ttat» for tbe 

S^4««tee» m whiA they heU 

1h^ tenMb «i4 »o| Mfiwnay dif- 
«aUi beiMMi Oie BitioA ond the w- 
My tf GrM BriftUD» nor tiKiMcted that 
^imme^bh ii i rlh wiioa^ «nd epiniotia, 
Ml diiiPt^ moiiits o»d tkil Ihope 
SiMrr MMMf Aand^ wd rercitooid 
|Fl>*y wifty> WM'hy ihrptKipte hMd, 

^>wh w»g ^mr aiHMilry, thwr we>My 
iwprithiir they had wwyted^^ 
4to» MV yoihwu Sir^ wiNdA tii^ m^ 
J«i daomoed Aair niatake, Mi thay 
mA Ihnr vietevy wilk greater modera^ 
4m ^nadapoagrted *a gmrem thak aaar 
pvinoe with kaa ngoar» and leat «b lava 
IKl^fthaif fern ibao that of «ha€<m« 

> liittiiafleceri^wlodb aveoaai exofteB, 
Mhicad ia them A^ aaoie «(fe^ aa it 
in «ftea dene in ethecB, eod deHreyed in 
mm^d^gm Ae edsnefegQi of the jCOb* 
fMbf which ilweaioifired. The lait 
Mf at their nfiwteaiprof eur aovera%n 
Wiaar nalioey waatfio fla^Mt to be |iel- 
iMad, and too pablic not t^ be rateniad. 
1h eriM flf the eatioa weiw radeabled, 
i»MKdtatioa»of the nerahMita leoemd, 
•idwoidityof oar pail eondaet ei|^eaad» 
m ■>tnDf of ear laihaiMace reareaeb-' 
%$uktm aaiyiafp eC laera ngonwi 
<Nhbi» eijdently fiored'* 

nD£eieads af %iun diaeoreied, Sir, at 
w^ jht wat w^p nare«ai^tlo heigp^ 

€jb|i«ia4f and that it would l^ longer 
their interest to act in ope^ opnoMtion tf 
jii$ti<ie x«id vaiiien, to the nd^cv of aV 
ef^ and retfionalninoeii of the whole n^ 

The ninistny therefore, a|Ur long ^ 
\m^ afti^ havHig run iround the cir^O ^ 
all hie artificM^ and endeavovr^ to inti- 
midate the aation by &he repres^ntatioae 
of the pow^ ef our enemiep, and the dai^ 
gar ef tti ioraatmi from them, at length 
au&red war to be piodanned, though n# 
till ^e had taken all precantimis that might 
disttipoint ua of anccesg. 

Helmewtlh^ttlieatate of the SpeoM^ 
doijunSona ezpeaad them in a particuleir 
appmner to auode^ pci^^iona by aqafdl pav- 
tic(|^ aiid tl^ in former wars againet tlmi, 
our chi^ advantage had been gained by 
the InMnem end tubtility of private adfw* 
toreia, ifr'bo by hovefing over their q^ml^ 
m mall ▼emels, without raising the alaraei 
whidi ithe sight of a rtyal nary npcenariJ^ 
prpdu/M, lu^ diicoyered opporiquitief of 
Ifpdtog unexpectedly» and entering tbeir 
\ftwm by surprise, 0/ plonderiiig th^ 
wealthy ahina* pr coricbiog themsdvef by 
(9080B9S and oompo|itioQS ; he Ipoew wwL 
i^coDsid^^e bodies of men, ineited by 
private advauMe, selected with ««re fiK 
pertipular e9cpe$tion#, instructed by secret 
HitelM|ence, and Qostoaaled by the iweB* 
wm ce their lumbers, hpd foimd meeof 10 
mmh up ii^to the cowtnr Arougfo ways 
which would never have been aMmptfld 
by regulsr foroaa» a|id have teroiight tipoo 
the Spaniards more terror aad distiiee 
(ban could have been produced by a powsf- 
Ad army, however ciffefol} v disoipuoed, or 
bowcfver sUlAiUy comnianded. 

It was thei^fi^re, Sir, bie first cere |o 
aecure hjs darliog Siwniards from the per- 
nicieus designs of private advaotursrvf he 
knew Mt bel; some of quee» £liMi>eAf i 
heroes might unfortunatelv revive, apd 
teirify wiMi an unexpecMd invesim the 
iwmt04t copiers <^ the 9pa}u9h eo)Qiii«^, 
or eppo^b^^ tili^JH»rt| wi^h h^ nim- 
ble aloopai and bid demmce to t}Mubr fism* 
aa4 their garnpei^ WheP9 therefiire a 
Bin was introduced into thif • Hpuee,* by 
whicji encouragement was given to ibe 
jaal4s0to of thif kingdpa^ to St oat pm»- 
teen, fmd bv which those w^ show0en- 
40ec eay or the colonies of Spaie, w^rte * 

• ABill ' For the room efleetiud 
aad etMoarsgiiigthe trade of his MieeSty^s 
jaota4a Aassrios,* braaght in by Mr. Faksnsy. 
8aavsiL10,p.B|^* . 


15 6E0RGB n. 


^oonfirniiBd in the poisettion of them for 
«ver» it eaimdt be forgotten with what 
tM he opposed, and with what Meadi- 
nets he rejected it, though it is not pos- 
sible to assign any disadvantage wnidb 
could ^bate been produced by passing it, 
^nd the utmost that could be urged agunst 
it was, that it was unnecessary and useless. 
' Havinff thus discouraged that method 
of war which was most to be dreaded by 
our enemies, and left them little to fear 
but from national forces and public prepa- 
rations, his next care was to secure them 
from any destructive blow, by giving them 
time to equip their fleets, collect their 
forces, repair their fortifications, garrison 
their towns, and regulate their trade ; for 
this purpose he delayed, as long as it was 
possible, the dispatch of our navies, em- 
'Oarrassed our levies of sailors by the vio- 
lence of impresses, violence which proper 
encouragement and regulations might have 
made unnecessary, and suffered the priva- 
teers of the enemy to plunder our mer- 
chants without controul, under pretence 
4hat ships of war could not be stationed, 
nor convoys provided for their protection. 
• At length ' several fleets were fitted out, 
' yemon was sent to America, and Haddock 
into the Mediterranean,' wiUi what conse- 
quences it is well known, nor should I 
mention them at this time, had I not been 
awakened to the remembrance of them 
by a proposal oi thanks for the conduct of 
^e war/ 

The behaviour of ^e two admirals was 
very diflerent ; though it has not yet ap- 
peared but that their orders were the 
same. Vernon with six ships destroyed 
those fortifications, before which Hosier 
formeriy perished in obedience to the 
'commands of our ministry. How this 
success was received by the ipinister and 
his adherents, how much they were of- 
fended at the exultations of the populace, 
' how etidently they appeared to consider 
it as a breach of their scheme, and a devia- 
tion from Uieir dh^ctions, the whole nation 
can relate. 

' .. ^®' *« *' ^ ^ forgotten. Sir, how invi- 
diously the minister nimsdf endeavoured 
to extenuate Uie honour of that action, by 
attempting to procure in the Address, 
winch was on diat occasion presented to 

^ his mijesiy, a suppression of Uie number 
Af the ships with which he performed it* 
In the mean time, Sir, the nation ex- 
pected accounts of the same kind firai 


* See VeL ll^p. 57»^ 

Ae Mediterranean, where Hiddock wsa 
stattooed with a very considersible force ; 
but Instead of relations of ports bsnbatded, 
and towns plundered, of navies destroved, 
and villages laid in ashes, we were daily 
informed of the losses of oar haerchanlB, 
whose ships were taken almost within sight 
of our squadrons. « 

We had indeed, once the satisfiurdon of 
hearing that the fleet of Spain was con- 
fined in the port of Cadiz, unprovidcsd with 
provisions, and it was lasldy morted that 
means would either be found or destroying 
them in the haibonr, or that they would 
be shut up in that unfruitful part of the 
countiTt tiU they should be obbged to dis- 
band their crews. 

We dierefore, Shr, bore with patience 
the daily havock of our trade, in expecta- 
tion of the entire destruction of the royal 
navv of l^pain, which would reduce tfaem 
to despair of redstance, and compd them 
to implore peace. But while we were 
flattermg ourselves with those {^easing 
dreams, we were awrifcened on a sodden 
with an astonishinff account that the Spa- 
niards had left Cadiz, and, without any in- 
terruption firom the British fleet, were 
taking in provisions at Ferret. 

This disappointment of our expectations 
did indeed discourage us, but not deprive | 
lis of hope; we knew that the most p<rfitic i 
are sometimes deceived, and that tbe most i 
vigilant may sometimes relax their atten- 
tion ; we did not expect in our coitiniander& 
any exemption from hnman errors, and 
required only^ that they should endeavour 
to repair their iailores, and correct their 
mistakes; and therefore waited without 
clamour, in expectation that vrhat was 
omitted at Cadiz would be peribruied at 

But no sooner. Sir, had the Spaniards 
stored their fleet, than we were sorprved 
with a revi^tion of affiurs yet more won- 
derfiri. Haddock, instead of remainiw 
before Ferrol, was drawn off by aome chi- 
merical alarm to protect MinoreBy«Dd the 
Spaniards in the mean time sailed away to 
America, in conjunction vdth die French 
squadron that had been for some tinie ready 
for die voyage. 

If we consider theabsurdih^ of this eon- 
duct, it cannot hot be imagined that our 
minister must send Haddock fidae intdli- 
gence and treacherous directiona on pur- 
pose that ^die Spanish fleet m^ht eacne 
widiout intermptien. For how can it be 
conceived that tibe Spaniard^ could have 
fonned any Md design of beai^gii^ Port 


^ike AidreuofThmJeu 

A. D. mi. 


)&Ih»? Wm it pnbiUe that tb^ wpuld 
\ase sentaa amy in defenceless trans- 
poits»mto the^jawB of the British fleet? 
nd it was weU knovrn that thev had no 
ships of war to protect them* It was not 
vWy agreedrie to common [lolicy to land 
an amj upon an island, an island wholly 
destitute <n picmsions for their support, 
utile an horak navy was in possession of 
ibecea, by which tl»e fortress which their 
iroops were deatmed to besiege might be 
daily so^ipiied with necessaries^ a^ the 
garnioa augmented wfth. new forced, while 
tibeir anny woqld be itself besieged in a 
bszren island, without provistonm without 
reaiiits» widmut hope of succour or pos- 

Botsoch was theaolicitnde of our admiral 
lor the pre s er v a tion of Minorca, that he 
^Modoned^hia atation, and suffered the 
Spaaiuds to join th^ confederates of 
Ffance, and pivisecute their voya^ to 
Amenca without hindrance or pursuit. 

In America they- remained for some 
time masters of the aeayand confined. Ver- 
non to the porta; but want of provirions 
obligii^ the French to retur% no inya- 
aoD of oar colonies waa attemptedj nor 
aojr of those destructiFe measures pursued 
vucb we had reason to fear, and of which 
Off oiaiBter, notwithstanding his wonderful 
sagicity, could not have foretold that they 
««ild have been defeated by an unex- 
pected flcaraty of victuala. 

Tlie Spaaiarda, however, gamed by this 
txpedient time to repairtheir fortifications, 
strengthen their garrisons, and dispose 
ti^ forcb in the most advantageous 
mnncr; and therefore, though they were 
uteasUad to attack our dominions, had 
< IsMt an opportunity of securing their 

At lewth, Shr, lest it should be indispu- 
ttUj evident that our mmister waa in con- 
wacy with the Spaniards, it waa dcter- 
BBMd, that their American territoriea 
c^oold be invaded; but care waa taken to 
^ioppeiat the anoceaa of the expedition 
^JciBfloying new laiaed tfoopa, and effi- 
coswithoot experience, and to make it 
wtkoBsome to the nation by a double 
Boober of officers, of which no uae could 
be diioovcred, but that of encreaaing the 
i^^oeaee, and multiplying the depemumta, 

it van not thought auffident. Sir, to fe- 
Toorthe desians of ^e Spaniards by the 
«y which the levrj^f new troopa neces- 
wy psodnced» aniio encourage them by 
veprobahility rfaaeaaj^r^aiataiice againat 

raw forceaVnor waa the nation, in the 
opinion of the minister, punished for ita 
rebellion against him with adequate se- 
verity, by being condemned to support a 
double number of troops. Some oUier 
methods were to be used for embarrassing 
oui: preparations and protracting the war. 

The troops, therefore, Sir, being by the 
accident or a hard winter more speedily 
raised than it was. reasonable to expect, 
were detained in this island for several 
months, upon trivial pretences ; and wercri 
at len^ sufifered to embark at a time 
when It was well known that they would 
have much more formidable enemies than 
the Spaniards to encounter ; when the un- 
healthy season of the American climate 
must necessarily destroy them by thou- 
sands; when the air itself was poison, and 
to be wounded certainly death. 

Hiese were the hardlships to which part 
of our fellow-subjects have been exposed 
by the tyranny (h the minister; haroships 
which caution could not obviate, nor 
bravery surmount; they were sent io 
combat with nature, to encounter with 
the blasts of disease, and to make war 
against the elements. They w^e sent to 
fml the vultures of America, and to 
gratify theSpaniards with an easy conoueat. 

In the passaee the general [lord Cadi- 
cart] died, and the command devolved 
upon a tnan who had never seen an enemy, 
and was therefore only a speculative war- 
rior ; an accident, which as it was not un- 
likely to happen, would have been provided 
against by any minister who wished for 
success. The melancholy event of this 
expedition I need not mention, it waa 
such as might be reasonably expected; 
when our troop-where sent out without 
discipline* witnout commanders, into a 
country where even the dews arefiual. 

secured by fortifications, inured" to the 
cUmate, well provided and skilfully com- 

In the mean time. Sir, it is not to be 
forgotten what depredations were made 
iqpon our trading vessels, with what inso- 
lence ships of very little force approached 
our coasts, and seiaed our merdiants in 
s%ht qS our fortifications; it is not to be 
foigotten that the conduct of some of 
those who owed their revenues and power ^ 
to the minister, gave yet stnmger proo6 
of a combination. 

It is not to be forgotten with what ef- 
frontery the losses of our merchants were 
ridiculed, with what contemptuous triumph 

«»] 15 OEOROE <I. 

of raneoge they were chftfged witfl ibe 
muh of ttiia fitfel war, and now jpid>licljf 
way w^e condemaed to suffer for thetr 

Xf§iq^ iB ike CmmM 


For tftis reasoBy Sir, they were eithar 
foBiiad the security of conToys, or forsaken 
in the most dangerous parts of the sea, by 
those to whose protection Uiev were, in 
.appearwice, committed. For this reason, 
^y were either hindered from engaging 
in ihflir voyage by the loss of those men 
who were detained inactive in the ships 
of war, or depriyed of their crews upon 
the high MOBOf or suffered to proceed only 
tabeaome a prey to the Spaniards. 

But it was not. Sir, a sufficient gratifi^ 
aaliori of oar implacable minister, that the 
narahaatswere distressed for alanaing the 
aalioft; it was thought likewise necessary 
to punish the people for beiieviiig too 
aaapy the vnorts of the merchants, and to 
Mm them for ever agamat daring tomuip 
fina tfaemsahres Me to discern meir own 
lofterpil, or to prescribe other measures to 
the JBttislecB, than th^ should be them^ 
aalves inolined to pursue; ourmmister was 
aasolvad to Bhowui<m,by a master-stroke, 
'that it was inhia power todiseppoint their 
desfires bjsaenaing to eomply, and to de- 
Jteay thaur commerce and weir happiness, 
fay die yeiy means by which |hey hoped 

. For tins purpose, Sir, did this great man 
auBunen au ins politics together, and call 
to connsd all his confidants and all his 
depoodants, and it was at length, after 
mature deliberatieii, detormin^ by their 
naitad wisdom, to put more ships into 
commission, to aggra)irate the terrors of 
the iflapress by new yiolence and severity, 
tar draw the sailors by the promise of large 
rewards irom the senrioa or the merchants, 
$o eolleet a mu;faty fleet, and to diqpatdi 
jt OB a Secret £cpeditioa. 

A secret expeaitioD, Sir, is a now tenn 
of ministeri^ art, a term which may have 
been perhaps formerly made u^e of by 
aoldlers, for a design to be executed with- 
«ttt ^ving the enonn^ an ^qpportun^ of 
providing for their defence; but is now 
used fer a design with which the enemy 
is batter acquainted than diose to whom 
the exeoulionofit is committed. A secret 
expedition is now an expedition of which 
eveiy ^me knows the design, but these at 
whe^e ei^pence it is undertaken. It is a 
kind of naval review, whidi OLcds those 
of the Park in magntf oenoe and expence, 
but is equally usdess, and equaiiy rida- 

Upo» these secret e9tpeditioas,IuMim 
were fixed for a long time the expectall 
of the people ; they saw all the nppssitu 
of preparation for real war ; thev w«t 
fonoad^ that Aie vorianeiiinthejocbi 
retained by uneommim wages to do do| 
duty ; they saw the most spedout est 
ragement offered to the aailort ; they'j 
naval stores accumulated with the oM 
industry, heard of nothing but the pi 
of new cannon, and new contracts fsf j 
vision; and how much reason SQeyerf 
had to question the sincen^ of thagj 
man who had so long engrossed the.^ 
nagement of all afQ»rs» they did nst | 
cine that he was yet so ahntdeaedtel 
forces only to exhaust their meaw,! 
equip fleets only to expoao them to ivU 

Wh^n therefore. Sir, after the o^ 
delays, the papers hadiaformedth^iij 
that the great fleet was sailed, tta)^ 
bngar doubtod that tbe Spaanid|,d 
to be reduced to our own terms; d^d 
paoted to be told in a few dayi, ml 
destruction of fleets, die desaaiilia 
castles, and theplundeir of cities ; SDdc 
one envied the fortune of those irfai 
being admitted bto tfuar fimmdaUe ij 
were entiUod to the treasurei of m 
wealthy enemies. /} 

When they had for sona time iaU 
tfaeseexpectations, an account wa9broH 
&at the fleet was returned widioiitii 
least action, or the least attempt, s&dj 
new provisions were to be taken is,! 
they might set out upon another m 
exMdition. 1 

but. Sir, this wonder-workiqg ttimli 
now lost its efficaq^^, and iti 
Umt seetet expeditionsi like all edier • 
service were oaiy sinedieBts ts i 
the money of the people, and to 
dM ignorance or viUainy of the nmm^ 

Svu^ has been the conduct for iHii^ 
are desired to return thanks in aam| 
and dutiful Address, such aic the Ifli 
actions which we are to receoBBeoitttl 
^probation of mwp constitaents, sad 9i 
me triuaa|dui upon whiel' we amit 08 
- gratolate 4>ur aovoraign. i 

For my part, ^r, i cannot bnC tliinkl 
silence is a censure too gentle tit 
wickedness which no language cm oi 
gerate, ^ni. for whid^, as it has f^t^tf^ 
example, human kind hav^ aat viet (Mi 
vidod a name. . Munder, pairkue, il 
treason, are modest appdlatioBSwlMajl 
forvedtodiat conduct by whisk a iafl 
betrayed, and a ni^onruin«d,mid^p 
ten^ of promotmgits interest, by |Ql 


#ff M jUknss tfThmib. 

A. A. mi. 


nsted with the admiftfttnilfM of ptiblie 

Let OS dwfefore, Sir, if it be thowght 
Nt proper to la^ before hk tnajesty the 
CBtimentt ofbs people in their fuu extent, 
1 letit not endeatonr to conceal tbem 
romhiin; let us at least address him in 
och a manner as may give him some oc* 
aB(m to enaidre into the late transactions, 
fhicb \an tor many years been sUch, that 
li aqnire into them n to condemn tiiem. 

Sir JZifcrt fFd^ raeeagaiiiyaad said I* 

Sir ; diOD^ I am liur from being either 
^Bfoonded, or intimidated, by this atro- 
joQS charge ; thoug^h I am confident, that 
fl tfap meaaitres which lave been so da- 
sorodj censured, will admit of a V^ery 
iBf Tindicadon, and that whenever they 
teexpUded they will be approved; yet 
Im accoastion so complicated cannot be 
Mded without a long recapitulation of 
iKereDti, md a depiction of many par- 
nbr drcmbstances, some of which may 

Bire evidence, and some 9 very minute 
prolix explicatibn, I cannot tnink this 
I pnper d^ for engaging in the con- 
iMrcny, because it is my interest that it 
ifej be accurately discussed. 
At present, Sir, I shall content myself 
A tare assertions, like those of him by 
M«B I am accused, and hope they win 
It be beard with less attention, or re- 

* " IttooD appeared from the complezion 
iftkr Bouae, SM the conduct sf the mmister, 
ii bb paww and iofluence were on the de- 
^ AalldMtoortMikibeMigpMpiioedby 
M«rf Hiibeit, some of the oppontiea oIh 

KtisdMBse, •« for retomti^ bio ss^jesly 
isb of Hus Hoose, for bio royal earo 
bfiMqtiog the war witb Spain." Sir Ro- 
gWiIpolcDow felt, for the first time, the 
*a«raci8 of bia BitaaiioD, and he attpeared 
"ikra or bb atreogib.'* Instead of opposing 
**^ as T alteration in the Address, and 
^>»^ 4actaria^ tiiat tbe misfortunes of the 
^cmM mi bo chaiged noon goTemment, 
■ ■auo H U topaMiato the tosses which tbe 
g»bi4ndftild, and to shew that the war 
■^ M bsen 80 nnsnocessfnl as it was repro- 
^ aai waaUy agreed, for tbe sake of 
T'j^* to omit the paragraph reUting to 
* yah war. Palteney arajled bimselfof 
*>wnc«mou5 andatnibuted it to fear and 
yysigflt He made a long and animated 
^ab, nb tit personal invectires ; and anti- 
^9^ the triampb of bis party, bjr an allusion 
|V^)alsnoe of power. He said, that not 
2*ljathe aeorets of government, be was 
P^^ita stale abroad, but congratulated 
r^*Me that be bad not for many years 
""^it w be 80 near an equilibrium uiere as 

eeived With iM belief. For sorely it was 
fietrer deided to ahy man to dMndhfattsdf 
with the same weapotts with wfaieh he is 

I shaH therefore. Sir, make no scruple 
to assert^ that the treasure of the puluie 
has been employed with the utmost fnU 
^ity to promote the purposes for which 
It was granted; that our fbreign affiui% 
have Imn transacted with the utmoift 
fidelity, in pursuance of loneconsultatioiis • 
and shall yenture to add, that our succesi 
has not been such as ou^t to produce any 
suspicion of negligence or treadiery. 

That our design aAunst Carthagena wu 
defeated, cannot be denied ; but what war 
has been one continued series-of success? 
In the late war with France, of which th^ 
conduct has been so layishly oebbriited. 
did no designs miscarry? If we cotiqu^fea 
at Ramillies, were we not in our turn 
beaten at Ahnansa? If we deamoyed the 
French ships, was it not always with aenat 
loss of our own? And since the m fl w r M^ 
of our merchants have been naealiotied 
with so much acrimony, do not the JiSIs of 
the ships taken in that war, prote that the 
depredations of Driyateers oaMiot be esM 
tardhr prevented r 

Tie disappointment, Sirt of the pad»lie 
expectation by the return ef the fleelB^ 
has been charged upea the adaai ' 
as a crime too eaoroaooa to be i 

it was then, fie then reeapilelaled tbe pri»* 
cipal cbams which bad been urged against shr 
Kebert Walpole fimn the b^nnuM^ of his ad- 
midistmtion ; dwelt very |iar1icnbfly en the 
mismanagement of tbe war with Spain, and 
OTon earned bis repmach so far as to aocose 
bind of being influenced by the enemies sf tbe 
Protestant estaUisbmeot. 

«« Walpole repelled this intemperate attack 
with unusual feebleness ; and after a short but 
general justification of tbe measures of go- 
▼eramenf. concluded witb saying, ** I am very 
for from nopine or desiring that the House 
should be satisfied witb a defence like this ; I 
know, by obserrin^ tbe practice of the oppo- 
nents oit tbe ministry, what fallacies may bo 
concealed in general assertions ; and am so far 
from wishing to erade a more strict inouiry, 
that if tbe gentleman who has thus pol»lidfy 
and confidentialty accused tbe ministry, will 
name a daj^ for inquiring into tbe state of tbe 
nation, I will second bis motion/* 

« This challenge was accepted ; tbe Ad<* 
dress, without any mention of the Spanisb war, 
was voted ; tbe motion made by Palteney to 
fix a dliy for eonsideringthe state of the na- 
tion, was seconded by Waloole, and the Slst 
of January was appomted tor that purpose.** 
Coze's Memoin of sir R. Walpole. 

S19) 15 GEORGE 11. The 

mduMit horror and detestatkm. That the 
ministry have not the elements in their 
power, that they do not prescribe thecourse 
of the wind, is a sufficient proof of their 
negligence and weakness : with as much 
justice is it chacsed upon them, that the 
expectations of uie populace, which they 
di4 not raise, and to which perhaps the 
conquest of a kmgdomhad not been equal, 
fiuled of being gratified. 

I am very tar from hoping or desiring 
that the House should be satisfied with a 
defence like this; I know, by observing 
the practice of the opponents of the mi- 
nistiy, what fiillacy mav be concealed in 
general assertions, and an^.so far from 
wishing to evade a more exact enquiry, 
that if the gentleman who iias thus pub- 
liclv and confidently accused the ministry, 
will name a day for examining the state 
of the na^tion, I will second his motion. 

The Clause for returning thanks to his 
majesty for the conduct of the war a^nst 
Spain, being given up without a division, 
m Committee was appointed to draw up 
an Address of Thanksp 

Then Mr. Pulteney stood op, and moved 
for appointing a day for the House to re- 
solve Itself into a Committee of the wh<de 
Mouse to consider of the State of the Na«- 
tion, and sir Robert Walpole (according 
as he had declared he would) immediately 
seconded that motion ; whereupon it was 
agreed, nenu con. That the 21st. of January 
fai appointed for that purpose.* 

The Cammotu' Address of Thanks,'] 
The Address of the Commons was as fol- 

«* Most Gracious Sovereign, 

** We, youf majesty's most dutiful and 

* " December 10, 17^1. In tbe Com- 
mons on Tuesday, there was no division : an 
Amendment was proposed by lord Noel So- 
merset ; seconded by Shippen, who declared 
that he lo?ed divisions ; but that motion- was 
dropped, upon sir Robert Walpole's coming 
into another ameaclment, proposed by Mr. 
Pultenev, who declared against dividing : and 
observed, with a witticism, that dividing was 
not the way to multiply : in the same hu- 
aKNif, upon speaking of tbe balance of power, 
he said he di4 not know bow it was abroad, 
not being in secrets, but congratulated the • 
House, that he had not for these many years 
known it so near an equilibrium as it now is 
there. He and sir Robert spoke tsvo or three 
times a-piece« and agreed apNon going into the . 
sute of tbe nation tbe 2isi A next month," ^ 
(Pose's Walpole : Correspondence ; 'John Orle- 
bar to tbe reverend fl. fitough. 

Cmmmu* JdAm^ Thank. {S 

hyjral si^jecto, the Commons of Greit Bri 
tarn, in parlkonent assembled, beg leaven 
congriktulate your'majesty t^Km jour sail 
and luq^y return to these your kiogdomi 
and to return our sincere thanks for you 
most gracious speech from the throne 
and, at the same time, with hearts full o 
duty and gratitude, cannot butacknow 
ledge your majesty's regard and atteDtia 
to &e honour and interest of this natioQ. 

" The great . and impending daogei 
that threaten Europe, under the^ presen 
critical and perplexed situation of afain 
have been represented by j(m majesh 
to ^our parliament, for their advice a& 
assistance, with such paternal concern, an 
such^ affection to your people, such cooi 
dence in your jEaithful Cfoounons, and sue 
anxiety for the general ^ood of Europi 
as cannot fail to excite m us a due seos 
of your majesty's goodness and condescec 
sion ; and therefore we assure your mi 
jesty, in the strongest manner, thatth 
House will, as'ofien as these momeDtoi 
affiiirs shall come under our consideratioi 
give your majesty such advice as becomi 
dutiful and fitithful subjects, and such 8 
sistance and support as shall be most coi 
ducive to . the nonour and true interest 
your crown and kingdoms. 

** And, in order to answer these nece 
saiy purposes, we will grant such efiectu 
suppues as Aall enable your msjesty d< 
only to be in a r^Kiiness to support yoi 
firiends and aHies, at such times, m^ 
such manner, as the exigency, sodci 
cumstanoes of affiurs shall requue ; but, 
oppose and defeat any attempts that shi 
be made gainst yoiur majesty, your croi 
and kingdoms, or against those who beii 
ecjually enga^^ed with your majesty, bj t 
fhith of treaties, or united by common i 
terest, and common danger, dudl be wiSi 
to concert such measures as shall be foui 
necessary and expedient for msiataini 
the balance of Europe."* 

» « The coolness of the Address, and ' 
oniission of the clause relating to the v 
with Spain, essentially hurt the minisler. 
led his interested followers to 80S|t»;t, that I 
power was decKning; while bis firiendi, J' 
were sU>ady in their aUachment to the boi 
of Brunswick, were of opinisS, thatstrooj 
assurances were doe to the king, for the di 
ger^ to whichhe exposed his electoral doi 
oions, the French having already violated I 
stipulated beatrality, and threatened to take 
their 'Winter quartera in HanoTer.'' Cq^ 
Memoirs 6f sir R Wal^toie; 

an] Dr. I^ dlMen Chairman ofCmmtteti. . A. D. 1741. 


Tie Mmg^s Amwer.'} Hb Majesty 
gsretkii Answer: 

^ GeDtleiDeD> 
** I return joq my tbanks for this doti- 
fill and loyal Address, and for' the assu- 
ranoes 700 have given me at this cridcal 
and ionxyrtant conjuncture. I shall always 
Iiare tbe greatest resard to the advibe of 

my porlianienty and I make no doubt but 
Tou win act therein in such manner as shall 
be moat conducive to the honour and in- 
terest of my crown an4 kingdoms ; and 
^vt flia your support and assistance in 
carrying on 'such measures as shall be 
judged to be neoessaiy. and exponent." • 

Dr. Lee chosen Chainnan of the Com* 
vuitee of Privileges andElectiofuJ^J ^^^ 

16. This day came on the dection of a 
Chairman of the Committee of Privilegea 

acted with much imprudence in proponng 
Giles Earle, one of the lords of the treasury, 
whohad been chainnan during the two last 
mtrliameots, and was exceedingly unpopular. 
Thei * * . ~ ^ 


* ** The great points on which th^ two 
paitiea exerted their respective strength^ were 
tbe dccidoDs oo contested electioos. Ever 
soee the Ayleshuiy conteel, when, the House 
«f CoeanieBs assumed to itself the power of 
jodgiag finally on the qualifications of the 
eto^Bfs* wbich .had beea so warmly opposed 1 patriots the other day, 
hj Walpole» ia tbe commencement <n bi8 par- -- - 
liiiiMlarjr career, the dednon on electioos 
Urame a Bacra party bnsniess. . The merits of 
tbe ease were seUom considered, and the 
ahnost wholty carried b^ per- 
iiksal mterests. At the opening of 
there were more contested 
and as the power bf the- 
I oltimately depended on 
^ every nerve was strained bv both 
ia fikvciur of their respective friends, the 
wipifter bad been beard to declare, that there 
ihoBhl be bo quarter given' in elections, and 
hk fricnda trusted that the decisioDs would 
eUcAy be in bis favour. But these saoguioe 
hopes were frustrated by the activity of op« 
DoatioQ, tbe lukewarmness of many of his 
meoda, and treachery of his pretended parfi- 
ws. The oppositioQ made it a principal ob- 
jsct to attend on these ocpasioas, and it was 
rawed infiunoos to desert a committee of 
cleotiQQ. On the other band, many of ^hose 
who supported government otai staid away, 
•ad not unfieqoently voted against the candi- 
toes oomiteoaooed oy the minister. 

'* Tbe first divisioa which look place was 
•i tbe Boashicy electioQ, and the party Ik- 
vvoied by the ibinbter carried it only b^ 938 
•Sitnsk 916. With this small m%io^qr> V^aK 
pole acted as be bad done in former [larlia- 
meots. He did ftd suffipteotly adapt himself 
M the cbange of tnroumstancesr ^ consult 
tbe temp^^the House m the qaestitm which 
VIS next BMfvedy- Ibr choosing a Chairmaiiof 
dK Committee of Blections. This was' a 
loiatof grsat ooosoqueiiDet because bt pQV- 
ami eoMiderable pbwer in MueociBg the 
WaoDi referred to the commiltse. Walpofe 


opposition supported Dr. Lee, wbo was 
much more beloved and respected by all par* 
ties than his antaffonist. The question was 
accordingly carried, from personal considera- 
tions, against the ministenal candidate, by a 
majority of S49 against.236. Tbe loss ot this 
question gaveaniortal blow to his interest, 
and redoubled the spirit of his adversaries* 
The tirtal. consequences were immediately. 
. > visible ; several unsuccessful candidates, wbo 
had depended on his support withdrew their 
petitions.'^ Coxe's Memoirs of sir B. Walpole. 

«< Dec. 10, 1741« There was a division 
yesterday, upon a motion made by sir W. 
Vonge Ufoq' the return for Bosstney^ against 
whidi Kit Tower and JMr. Sabine are peti'^ 
tioners ; and carried for the motion, only by 
999 against 915. This account 1 leave £0 
your reflection. It is auppoMd that more than 
500 members are in town i and I have heard, 
that at a hotch-potch meeting of Torys and 
patriots the other day, 910 were presient, end 
85 sent excoses, wbo were willmg out not able 
to attend. A great struggle is expected tor 
the Chairman of the Committee .of Election : 
Dr. Lee is proposed on one side, and it is 
doui)ted he will make a considerable party : 
the old chainnan is reckoned to have made 
himsialf many enemies by tbe freedom of hia 
wit, ei^ecialty among the Hootch; and it is 
iroaffined tliat be w HI be dropt for Mr. Clutter* 
buck, in hopes that the latfer's character may 
gain him a fiiirer chance." 

<( Dec. 17. On Friday the return for Bos- 
siney was ordered to be taken off tlie rbU, and 
(be reto.m of Messrsi Tower and Sabine filed 
in H*S stead— Yeas 294, Noes 918. Alderman 
Heathoote, wbo, I suppose, bad been schooled 
in his return into the city from his Wednes- 
day's vote, not only changed sides, but spoke 
on tbe contrary sioe with fury ; and our sir 
Roger, who was m the muionty on Wednes- 
day, (how that came about I do not know, 
unless it was hecauae Tower may have soma 
interest at Houghton R^gts,) was likewise in 
the minority on' Friday : and I have heard» 
that between those two di^s, be was given to 
understand by oar duke, that he was not to 
expect his interest,' if he did not give every 
vote as required. The chairman of the Com- 
mittee of Elections was chosen last ni|[ht: 
and may this not be a decision ofihe majority! 
l?or Dr. Lee 949, for Mr. Earle 938. This I 
wasinibrmed of last night, but wiUiout parti 
solar observations on the division ; and wel 

hopedthat this moniing i* might hear • of ten 
or a doaen 'at least, either Scotch memberSt 
lawyers, or^hers, who migtrt eHbar be pre* 
jndiced against the old chainnan, or hava 
some other ti s so os 6r adiBuig to tbe asw 

323j 15 GEORGE n. 

and Electiobs, when Dr. Lee was cboten 
In opposition to Giles Earle» esq. (who 
had been chainnan of that committee in 
the two last parliaments)by242 i^gainst 288. 

Proceedingf reipeditig tke Westminster 


•ne, without bdng enemies to the new admi- 
"toiftntion. But all I can find of thai kii^ is, 
that Mr. Mellish was in the majority, opon a 
promise that on that condition the petition 
toalast him sbooTd be dropped; and Tom 
lier^y, whoss moti?e I have not heard as- 
ngned ; and Mr. CliYe, who wtti steady in 
the atfaic of Boasinej, and was Hiciventiioui^t 
to be determioed ; and Mr. York Ihr Ridi* 
'mond. Are we to be concluded bv.tbii trial? 
I, who lo?a always to gire myself hopes, as 
long^ as one can reasonably do so, am at prs- 
aeot fond of flattering myself, and oor Aiesids, 
that out. of the absent members, who are in 
town, but firom ^ckoen or other aoddeatain 
their ftmily, were disabled from attendmr, 
the greater number would hare beenfiarlM&. 
'Earfe; and I rsdcon the whole are nglfewer 
than eo or 30. 

'« Of our friends I know Haobury Williams, 
laroche, and White were Isepl away by ill- 
ness ; eol. Bladen, by lh» loss' of hw wife's 
daughter the day before ; and t9trickland, by 
the death of his wife: but as this is but c6n« 
jeeture, as to the majority of Uie absenteeSf 
and as it is natural to bear, of the sickness, fkc 
of friends, more than the oUier par^, nothing 
can be eoncluded from it with certamty^ with- 
ont knowing every one's name, and the rea- 
sons of his absenpe : but then, may we not 
BkewiSe suppose, that there might ne half a 
score Or more capriqous (such as Mr. York), 
or a sort of neutrals to party, so far as that 
can be, who were drawn into this majority by 
a pre&reMte of the doctor's character in their 
own mindsy hut yet, noon material points, 
Inay be determined otherwise 1^ reaaon. 
.These fiineies, I own, may be deceitful: whe- 
ther they are or no, time must dis<^er ; but» 
sapposingithe psrtles at present are so near an 
tMioality, may we not h(^ that the new dec- 
.tions may give strength to the ministry f" 

«' Dec. Id. I passed sir Robert Walpole 
on Monday last, near Whitehall (h^ in his 
chariot, ana 1 in mitie). Upon the little view 
t had of him, and to say truth; T did not like 
his countenance. I hare heard since, that he 
had that morning a long: conference with the 
long, from when^ he might be then return- 
ing. I hare not heard any one mention how 
heholds up ; hut, o* my oonsdence, under our 
preaeot situation, both at liome ^d abroad, 
nobody^s spir^ but his, in suioh a station, 
could keep uto. May his spirits and power 
never &il, sd long as his constitutien enables 
him (and n^y that be kiQgtoo) to go thrsugb, 
the wei^^ty business that Kes upon hidi !'* 
Case's Walpole; Conrespondenoa| J6hn0rle^ 
bar to the reverend H. Elough. 

EkctimiPeikjuin^l Dec« O* A Petitic 
of several burgesses and inhffbitimfs of tA 
ci^ and liberty of Westminster, con^laii 
ing of an unaue decticm and return fi 
the said city and liberty^ was ordered i 
be heard at the bar. 

• « The Westminster elecliDt& was the fi 
vourite point with the opposSciony becaiuae 
afforded the fairest field sgaatint corruptioo ao 
a standing army. The friends of tbe sittfo, 
members, on the other hand, who were all c 
them the iVietidB of the minisSer, thoodj 
that the return whieb had been maule Ihr tfaa 
boMMgfa was teiy defensible, a« ibe aittiBi 
members had an acknowMged' minority a 
voles, and as the riols which lisd been iadiu- 
trieosly raised had made the inSerTeotkm ol 
the mntaiy po^er, who had been leguhrij 
called upon hy &e dvil magistrates, aftsolotefy 
necessary. The 9Sd of Deoember, this de« 
dsive affair came on m he-heard at 4he bar of 
the House. Tlie petition bad beei^resented 
by Mr. PdMeney, and the ooAber of sub- 
scribers were very greats though they Weie in 
Eal persons or somewMt lower than mid- 
fbrtones. Bnt they had been supported 
expenoeof tti«r ajiplication bj a rciuB- 
tary snbscriMion, to which sonae great per- 
san^^ had op^ly or ssofetly contribuCeiL 
Their counsel was Mr. Marraj, nftemrda 
lord Bfansfield, and Mr. Evans ; that for the 
sittmg members was Mr. Clark, afterwaids t 
bsron of the Exche^ner, and aaotlier. Tbe 
matter was long and learnedly examined; 
hot the circomstsnoes of the hooks bdagsbuf 
no without the oonstet of Edwtn, and the 
rehirn being made under the piolMlioB of a 
party of the guards, carried the determnur/^o 
against the minister hy a m^iority ef t?0 ^ 
against 216. At khe same time the retamii^ «| 
officeTi a simple, perplext creature, ir^s cr- l 
dered into4he custody of the Serjeant at ariDs; E 
and the justioes, who had aent for the soi- | 
diers, had a day appointed for befog reon- 2 
manded on their knees by the Bpesker. No- j 
thing but privste friendship couM hare jnv- 
vail^ with the minister to oeme to tiie Hoose 
after this. He attended, however, and earned 
sevtttd points against his adversaries, sod ereo 
tbre«f out some intimatieas as if be bid it { 
still 10 his power Idl disappoiat lbs ssagoiDe 
expectations they had fimned. Tbey were 
sensible j>f the truth of this. Tbe cbiefpirt 
of the (^position, which was composed or old 
Whigs or violent Tories, begaa« in iikeiraeet' 
ings, to talk of teitns whi^ tbey who hid 
taken the lead of opposition i^bio doon coda 
by no means approve of, but durst not, 9S ye<t 
gainsi^^^.because tfaie;y were 8eo$iUe that tbe 
othere, upon the. smallest ooneeifed disb^ 
either, would join tbe minister, or tbow «ie 
nation into civif dissensions. A seeoun^ ^^ 
nimity, therefore, still prevailed SSmi^ ^ 
gentlemcb of the o^o^on ; hot s p^ 
correspondenoe ym wm entered into tKtir«» 


MltdnAuiit EleciiiM P€liiio9U 

Dm. 15^ The House proceeded to tihe 
fcearmg of Iben^tter of tbe Petj|JOD» com- 
piaiuiig of an undue election end return 
tor the city of Westmin&ter; and» aflter 
heanof taaoid^ and the last detennina- 
tioa'tftlie Heqse, conceniing the rk;ht of 
dectng Giftizeofl to serve, for the said city, 
oadette isA Nov. 1680, when the House 
resolved, ** Ihat the king's menial servants^ 
not haviog proper houses of their own 
vithin the coy of Westminster, have not 
a right to give voices in the election of ci» 
UMQBto ssrve in parliament for the said 
dty," «Bs abo read. A^d the Standing 
Order of the Uoosef made the 16th Jon. 
17S6, tn TMtraintng the counsel at the 
bvofthisH^usey or before the Commit- 
tee of PritS^es and Election^, Ataa oflkr- 
iog evidence, touching the legiidiQr of votes 
he members to serve m parliaipent for any 
oouB^, shiie, city y borough, cinqua-pott, 
or plai»,'cpntrary to the last determination 

m the House of Commons, was also read, 
and the counsel ftv the jpetttieners were 
beud; snd havinj^ examined several wit« 

Mme of ihffhcsils, and seme about his ma- 
ifit||f*8 persM, who were po' enemies to tbe 
niniter, but theu^fat it weuld be for tbe ser- 
nce of tbe public if he should retire from 
power vilbottt any civil oonvulsion attending 
bii dismianon.*' TindaL 

**Jaaaify ts, 1749. My lord; though 
lWop(MMitieB at oresent triomphs in a ma- 
jvitf upon tbe division about the Westminster 
d0M» wbefi It was imagioed sir Robert 
vnM exert hm utmost strenglh-*-tboagh Nu- 
gnt carried with him into the ooontry a body 
«f napected friends in order to keep tnem out 
sf bann'a way, as they csU Jt*-notwitbstand- 
TBf lord Qtge and IMington have laid their 
Im^ togeOicr, and that bis lordship offers 
ratialibe considerable wagers that all tbe 
UnabeldlB are tra^-^^nd ttoogb Lhtleton 
«i Pit m dg>mnined to blow MpCarltoo- 
1mm tiAertluin not have a ehance to do 
Bare niKbief ;*-tlits same opposition, with 
any beada, ^ms to be neither so powerful 
DWM aaaoinions as it woold fain appear. If 
HDooerape and lord GarpoiterbU voted 
atke Wtatmtnster election, as they havede- 
cbMthey Witt do ibr thfe future, I beliere 
^^QoaiMi had not been lost at tfaatthne. 
i^John fiackviHt, sir Cteyers D'Arey, sw 
p Water, both the Hr. Arthurs, Mr. Mwyn, 
Nrwaiiatais, fOr. La Boche, Mr. Caawell, 
Mi. Uitcfactt, and some others, whose namea 
I (Mdd not Warn, withdrew, of did not attend, 
Ngb tbsy wsBB an in or near town $ and I 
I^Dot btard the name of one or two of 
w friends who was in or near town, and 
^Nt attend U^t day. €f the 
^ «ks sie to take their seats M 

A. a 1741. [SSfr 

nesse^ tbe ficther heanng of that matter 
was adjourned* 

Dec. 22. The House proceeded to tbe 
fiurther hearing of the matter of the Peti- 
tion for the city and liberty of Westmin« 
ster. Having examined several witnesses.; 
and the counsel on both sides being with- 
drawn, a motion was made and the ques^ 
tion put» That William h)rd.Sundon is duly 
elected a: citiaen fiur Westminster; k 
MBsed m the negative, by 230 against 216. 
The question bmng pot, That sur Charlee 
Wager is duly elected a citizen fbr Aesaid 
city; it passed m the nwative, by 2SXJ( 
against 215, and the said Section was de*r 
dared void. 

And a motion behig made to adjoorq^ 
it passed in the negative by 217 against 
215{ and it was resolved, ** That Mk 
John Lever, Ugh bailiff of the city of 
Westminster, acted at the said elecdon in 
an flleffal and arbitrary menner, in preju* 
dice of the rights and libertiea of the elec> 
tors of the said city, and in manifest vioh»* 
tidn of the freedom of elections.'' Them 

the court has a' mi(j6rity of seven. Captain 
Rutherford being taken off adds another, and 
if the last Westminster election be declared 
void, we sain two more fur. the State of the 
Natton. Whether any and what converts 
have been, or, before the Slst, instant, shall^ 
be made, 1 cannot pretend to say. 

«< Sir Robert was to-dSy observed to be 
more nttorally gay and foil of spirits than 
he has been for some time past Tbe same 
observation was likewise made of Mr. Pelr 
ham, whose steadiness seems to be that ex* 
eellent mortar that binds my lord President, 
my lord Steward, my lord Chancellor, and 
even hts grace of Newcastle himself. 

•" It is generally agreed that sir Robert wUl 
never give up, nor bring any body in, if he ' 
can possibly aroid it ; and that his nugesty 
will never mrsake him ; that tbe Tories would 
come into any terms ;. and that tbe patriots, 
being sensible of that, are so atraid of bein^ ' 
left m tbe lurch,. that they only wait ibr tbe 
first good offer. It is wetlkoown that Pulte^ 
ney carries whh him hot four members, and 
that lord Carteret has few followers besides 
tbe Fnicbes. Pulteney's terms seems to be a 
peerage and a place in the cabinet council if be 
can ffvt it. How tar Mr. Pelham's friendship 
Ibr him may facilitate either of these things, J. 
will not pretend to ju(^. If somebody most 
bebroognt id, it is thought lord Cartf ret will 
unsay & he has said, and be heartily glad to 
laugn at the great Argyle. People do nott 
thinic lord Ila and his grace hate one another 
so heartily as they pretend." Coxe's Wal- 
pole :. Correspondence ; sir Robert^Wilmot to 
|he duke of DefOBsfaira. 



Wetfmbutei' EteOhn PtUHoK, 


8 motion being made fb? takine the said 
John Lever into the custody of the aer- 
jeant at arms ; it was resolved in the affir* 
native; ^ 

A motion being, again made to adjourny 
it. passed in the negative, by 206 against 
200. ' / ' 

Hereupon it was resolved, << That it ap- 
peairs to this House, that a body of urmed 
soldiers, headed by officers^ did, on the. 
8th' of May last, come in a military man- 
ner, and tike possession of the church- 
yard of St. Paul Coyent Garden, near the 
place where the said poll was taken^ be- 
fore the said election wiE» ended: And 
that the presence of a r^ular body of 
armed soldiers at an election of members 
to serve in parliament, is aa high infringe- 
ment of the liberties of the subject, a ma- 
nifest violation of the freedom of elections,* 
^and an open defiance of the laws and con- 
stitution of this kingdom." 

* It was also, orctered, That Nathani^ 
. Blackerby, Ge6rge Howai'd, and Thomas 

Lediard, esqrs, do attend the House on 
' the 22d of January next. 

January 23, 174^ Mr. Blackerby, Mr. 
Howard, and Mr. Iiediard, attending ac- 
cording to order, were brought to the bar; 
and, upon their knees, reprimanded by 
Mr. Speaker, as th^ House had directed. 
The reprimand was as follows ; viz. 

« Mr. Blackerby, Mr. Howard, Mr. 

** You having, at the bar of this House, 
confessed, that you did send for, and 
cause to come, on Friday the 8th day of 
May last, a body of armed soldiers, headed 
by officers, in a military manner, who did 
take possession of the church-yard of St. 
IVl Covent Garden, near the place where 
the poll (for the election of citizens to 
serve in this present parliament for the city 
of Westminster) was Uken, before the said 
election was ended, and you having ac- 
knowledged your offenfce therein, the 
House did order you to attend this morn- 
ing, to be brought to the bar, to be repri- 
manded,, on your knees, by me, for the 
said offence :— I cannot better describe to 
YOU the nature of this ofilence you have 
wen guilty of, than in the words of the Re- 
solution this House came to, upon their 
examination into that matter ; wnich are : 

* That the presence of a regular body of 

* armed soldiers at an election of members 

* to serve in parliament, is an high infringe- 
< ment of the liberties of the subject, a ma 

• and an open de6ance of the hmu and 
< constitution of this kingdom.'— ^And it ■ 
impossible, if ^oo well conaider the teml 
of this Resolution, bat Ifiat you most bmn 
in your breasts the deepest sorrow mod ret 
morse for this rash act of yours, frhich, iJ 
it had not been animadverted v^on^ mte^ 
have given the most dangehms wound tf 
the constitution of this free country, ^M 
perhaps it had ever felt : this coimtry, €nt{ 
oecause this House is So ; which thi^ Houl 
can never be, but from the .freedom 4 
elections to it; and amidst the too man] 
ways for violating that, none canbemoM 
pernicious, because none more quick, dai 
cisive, and permanent, than what ym 
might unbap^lty have set a precedent fin^ 
and which mient have grown to an eztttN 
mity, under ue specious and ready prd 
tences of fears and nedessity, Aat Bwpt^ 
sede all law ; a precedent that would umH 
received an authority from the place it be* 
gan in*— ^ seat of the government and le^ 
gislature of this kingdom >—Nece88iCn 
which is to- take place of law, must be idl 
to the circumstances of every perticida! 
case ; the act must be presumed to hi 
wrong, inquired into as such, and excnsel 
only by the clearest proofe, that the nOi 
cessity of it was r^af : — ^What you have 
done, is against one of the most esaeatiil 
parts of the law of the kingdom : has any 
real necessity *been shewn for it ? Theas 
might be fears, there mi|(ht be some daa^ 
ger, but did you tiy the strengdi of te 
law to dispel those fekrs, and remove thai 
danger ? Did you make use of those 
powers the law has invested you with, ail 
civil magistrates, for the preservation tf 
the public- peace ? No ; you deserted dt 
that, and wantonly, I hope inadvertently, 
resorted to that ^orce, the most unnatum 
of all others, in all respects, to that cause 
and business you were then attending, and 
for the freedom of which every Briton 
ought to be ready almost to sufler ai^ 
thing : more might be said, but you.have 
acknowledged your offence,iand have asked 
paxdon for it : this has di£|>06ed the Ikoie 
to lenity : use it not to less^i the sense cf 
your crime, but to raise in your hearts diat 
sense of gratitude you owe to the Hoiiss^ 
for the gentle treatment you ha^e net 
with on this occasion, in expectation of 
which you are discharged, paying your 
fees." . 

Resolved, That tbe Thanks of.tkji 
House be given to Mr. Speaker, for^^dv^ 
said Spee<£, and that he be dtsired la 
print tbe same. v^ 


l%i Comm^muSmmu 

A. D. mi. 


Tke Cmmam adfomm^A Mess&ge 
^rmtlieKmg to the Prwee of Wales— 
TkeFrmce's Amnoer.*2 Oa the 2^ o£ 
Diecember, ibe Hqvne of Couunonfl ad* 
oorned to ike ISlh.of Janusiy, 1742. 

OoCheStfaofJanaaiy 1742, Dr. Seeker, 

• *« Cb &• i4|h of Deoember,- tbeHoue 

»f Comnion ftdjaomed to the 18th of Ja- 

iiory ; and that short iotenral wa« employed 

^) the nuoisler io attempts to increase his 

fnah, and to maiotain himself in power ; 

tmt in bis efforts wei'e ineflectaa). The staie 

^i ha vn health was a principal canse of bis 

dowD6L He had suffered at the latter end of 

thepmrinirjearfinoniaserereiUness. His 

nea^ was no loii|^ ao strong, nor his 

metiwd of tnooactoig business so ready a^ 

kefere. fleace he was incapable of« making 

Dmk aertions which his critical situation ren- 

iatA iKceiaary ; of unmasking his t»a- 

ckeioQS frie^^ ; of exposing his enemies, and 

tfadopliog sndi messuies as would hare 

nabM him to act with Tigour, or to retire 

vfthdipiity. During this sesnod he ap- 

peucdiogeaeralahaeot and thoughtful. He 

»ncd tD have lost, in many iusluiGes» that 

wtraiplaf sbuwy and coimnaDd of temper, 

fir which he had been remarkably distin- 

gvishrd : be was either, contrary to nis usual 

ctttom^nlcnt, or he was irritable and fretful. 

la Qoe instance he publicly said, (hat if be 

cwMcolleetthe rea) sense of the House on 

^WmltsiiddaiigeroassitnatMW ofafiairs, 

M wsald rapport it as a minister in the ca- 

M. TbeloH of the Westmipster qaestMm 

«|iittuhate been the signal of his imme- 

^ reonistieD, and many of his friends 

*«e of that opinion. But be still appeared 

*iVRK to retain his power as long as be was 

*^t *od daring the recess of pariiament, be 

aaAeuill-rad^ application to seduce the 

pace of Wales from bis party, b* which his 

^**CP«ty •od knowledge of maakind 

<"^ttohaTecooYiDced him, thatbebadno 

^of seoeeediDg. Being infornned that 

^ taeabert of opposition proposed to renew 

^eptioo in paiiiamcnt, for increasiufir the 

WahaieDt of the prince, be prevaifed on 

|MQig, not without the greatest difficulty, 

noftr SD iaerease of 50,000/. to his annual 

JJ^I^ttd to insinuate hopea that bis debts 

l^lAbe paid, proirided he would not oppose 

»CDieasiires of government. A message to 

nis porpoK was cmnreyed to the prince by 

^«bop of gxfimi, at the instance of lord 

t;ioioioQdeiey, and by command of the kmg. 

tae pnote, Jfiat due expressions of doty and 

^^^ declared that he considered the mes- 

^uconuDfffrom lord Cbdmondeley, and 

^tnND the king, and therefore would not 

r^^^y piMosition of anmilarimpert, so 

^ «• «r lUbert Walpole oontiDued at the 

^tt^tidQUDirtratkm. The resignatioD of 

,„^^ Wslsole was. now considered as 

^Mbyhiafnends afidcBeBUMi but 

bishop of Oxfiwd, wtdted on his royal high* 
ness the Prince of Walesi at Carieton- . 
house, with the following Message, ddi- 
vered to him (as he said) by the earl of 
Chohnondeley, from his maiestjr : *^ Thai 
if his Royal Highness would write a lette? 

he had still more mortifications to experience 
before his fate was ultimately decided. 

** As many erroneous narratives of this 
transaction have been given to the public, I 
shall subjoin an account, which I found among 
the- Waipole papers, in the band-writing m 
sir Robert Waipole, and bearing the following 
endorsement ; «* An account of what paam 
between H. R. U. and tord Oxford, January 5^ 
1741-S, with the printed lettor that nassed be- 
tween the king and prince upon the breach." 

" An Account of what'the bishop of Oxford 
said to the prince of Wales, from lord Chol- 
inondeley, authorized by bis majesty, Ja« 
auary 5, 1741-S. 

•* That if his royal highness would write a 
dutiful letter to bis miyesty, expressing his 
concern for what was passed, in such a manncF 
as might be consistent with his majesty's ho- 
nour to accept, representing the uneasy cir« 
cumstaaces of his rortuae, and-referring them 
to his majesty's goodness, lord Cholmondeley 
had full and sufficient pt>und, from his know- 
ledge of his majesty's intentions and diaposi- 
tions, to assure his royal highness that his 
majesty would be reconciled to him ; and 
would add 50,000/. a year to.his present income, 
and would not require anjr terms from )iim, in 
relation to any of those persons, who were in 
his royal highness's service, counsels, or confi- 
dence, nor retain any resentment or displea- 
sure against htm. 

'* To this lord Cholmondeley added, that 
there was no doubt but that his royal high- 
ness's debts would in this case be provided for, 
in such a manner as upon farther considera- 
tion, should be found most proper and Lmprao- 
ticiible. ' 

** The Answer of bis royal highness, Ja- 
nuary 5, 1741-2. '* His royal hiffbness used 
strong expressions of duty and election to his 
majesty, and answered further to this purpose: 
that if this bad been a taessage directly from 
hik majesty, it would haveb^ his (mty to 
have written .a Tetter to H. M. on the occa- 
sion ; but as it was a proposition that came 
fromJord Cholmondeley, in the manner I had 
mentioned ; his answer to lord Cholmondeley 
was, that he would uot hearken to it, so long 
as sir Robert Waipole was in power, by whom 
be conceived himself to have been greatly \n^ 
jured, &ad to whom be thought the most pm 
dent advice Unt sir Robert Waipole himself, 
and the public, was, that he should retire ; 
and that he, the prince, had before this re- 
oaived intimatites of the same^atore vrith 
those 1 had now said to him, and desired not 
to have any more, whibt sir Robert eontinoMi 
in powjBr.'' Coxe's Memokt .of.eic & WaU 
pole. ^ 


15 eAQBGB n. 

Ca i ww r 


gke a gncious recepdon to akn* 
liii fHeMSy those of his coaQcils and sev- 
j whor ahoold all be provided for in 
tine : That the 50|000^ per annum 
ehooU be imme^atdy added to his Royal 
Highne s B* a present inoome : and, that all 
Ua debts should be paid with all convenient 

To this his Royal Highness retumed the 
fbllowiog Answer: 

<< That he look)ed on this Message as a 
proposal from the minister, and not from 
nis majesty : That he woiild embrace the 
^rst proper opportunity to throw himself 
at hii majesly's feet: and at that time 
should be &rftom piescribing terms fcr 
Iii^self to his raajes^ : but that he could 
not come to court wh3e sir Robert Wal- 
pole presided in his majesty^s councils: 
that he looked on him as the sole author 
of our grievances at home, and of our ill 
luiccess in the West Indies: and that the 
disadvantageous figure we at present make 
in all the courts of Europe, was to be 
attributed alone to him.". 

Debate in the Lords an a Motion Jbr 
Bear Admiral Haddock^s Orders and In- 
struetions.*'] January 19, 1742. The or- 

* From the Sicker MamuKripS. 

January 19, 1749. Motion for Haddock's 
Orders and iDstructions. 

Baihunt. Said there were several deAcienoies 
in the Papers laid before the Hottse : that there 
bed been no papers relating to Iranaactioas 
with the queen or Hueoary tater than August 
15, laid before them : that no Orders mapMrsd 
to have been given Haddoek from Dec. 18, 
iriO, I think till September 1741: and those 
of Dec. 18 do not appear to have been re- 
esifed ; that Haddoek says, he will attaofc the 
(Bpaaiards, if the Freodi are not joined with 
them: that several parts of the papers sbenM 
be considered in order : that at preseat be 

«< To address finr Copies of the Ordera and 
Instructions given to Haddock for his he- 
havionr in case of a ionction between the 
Freneh and Spaniards." 

9sme$sik: I quoted to Mr. Haddock the 
Mer of December 18, when perhaps I thought 
' ' .aadheowi " 

it had been forgot a Kttle, 
befeesivedit. At that time the eyes of every 
My weie not in Mediterraneea, hot the West 
ladlifs: e?en the Orden which 1^ aooid«it did 
■ec anrive h»v« been laid before the Heose. 
The oenrt of Vienna did not keep Mr. Kobin- 
ien*s representatMOs secret, and thereibre he 
hedev4s»la«ahaaaH0feinwiitiDg. Sap> 


lor taking iot 
the State of die Nation : I 
was proposed, ** That tbe House be ooi 
adfoumad during pleasurey and pot into 
Committee thewipon." Whidi being ofa 
jectedto; It was naovedy <« That an famn 
Ue Address be presented to Ins majest] 
that he will be graciously pleaand to ordei 
that there be laid before this House 
copies of the Orders and Instmctioc 
whidi have been sent to rear admind Had 
dock, so fiur as the same cm:icem his coc 
duct and behaviour in case of a jimctio 
of the French and Spanish fleets.'^ Afle 
dd>ate ; the question waa put^ upon th 
said Motion, ijid it was resolved in tb 

Debate in the Commons on Mr, Pultt 
ne^^s Motion Jor re^rring to a Select Com 
mittee the several Papp-s relating to ih. 
Conduct of the FFar.* J January 21. i 
Motion being made by Mr. Pultenej, tba 
the several I^qiers presented to the Hooa 
on Monday and yesterday by Mr. Comp 
trailer, be referred to a Select Coaunittet 
and that they do examine the same, and 
report to the House what they find mate 
rial therein : it occasioned a great debate 

peae in a case of junction. Haddock had orden 
to attack, but had not strength, should lliis 
be known f No good can come by nubiisbiog 
such orders. Better niinisten should faeios- 
peoted of ha?ing given none, than bana braiglrt 
upon the nation to justify them. 

Chesterfield. There can be no ham in koov* 
ing whether he had orden to attack our eoemicfi 
and this question is ae more ; Ibr wbalerer 
power joins them is such. But then maj be 
great harm if it be net known, and Fiaaoe is the 
first power that ahonld knew it ladeedfiitef 

mnat believe you wiU attack them nata tbef 

know the eeatfaiy. Aodif theyfcai«Kbi>v'^ 
is fit we should know it loo : tbo lesflooi for 
rsfasing these papers wiU beaa well koowo 
as the papers themselrea can be. It m.*.^' 
known diat Vernon bad orders to attack the jMDt 

fleet in the West Indies; and if orders now u« 
eonesaled, it is not lest Fiance shooU wv, 
but lest Engbnd shooki know. . 

Hereey. If any tordcaa doubt wbcOiar socb 
eiders have been seat, I shonU be ibr nrMlifo^ 
them. But this is impossible: thereto bsye 
some bdulgenee to the opinion of the lords n 
tiie adnunistration. 

Carttrtt. The aoUe kwd hath admitted there 
are such Orders, and if every other lord m ^ 
adminiatratiaa wiU apeak eaplicidy, this » 
an answer, and will giro sadsflM^oo ebrosfU 
Bui tbeie is net a man in Hottand btii^^ 

• Fran the London Magaaiie. 

Ij rdaihgieae OonAia tfAe War. 

„ PJime^ introduced his Motion 
\ the folloiring Speech ; 

I bive always tliooghty tfatt when 

1 trdoff are g^yen. Nothing^ will give 
lift to our friends in Italy than such a de- 
I. Bot orders are nugatory withoat 
Fmnee will not take such orders ill. 
„j the Preoeh and Spaniards Came back 
lioMriea, Hflddoek bad means, and per- 
efinperar's death was one occasion of 
Mug back. Why did we not strengthen 
^ tbeo when we wanted ships no where 
tlie French dealt plainly with you, and. 
I they sent a fleet into America to hin* 
I from making conquests there, and 
,_Bfiir Chaloner O^ bad orders to attack 
i,iot 00^ jointly with the Spaniards, but 
iHely ; and the kmg's Speech m effect says 

I donbt whether any Orders 
. ibr I think none were 


of the French if they would let 
was not material, and if we attacked 
\b and they assisted tbem, it was 
on onr part to attack the French, 
mntt declare themselTes our enemies 
it owned there were proper orders 
iheWest iDdies: why ihonhl it be 
isihiscaseP It is as m«eh known al- 
dlttwe sbeidd defend oorselTesas the 
f orders can make it known. The 
means doth not come in here* Bat 
idlers knew we should defend oar- 
it might ruflie some of them to teU 

I do declare in the most solemn 

ihr the safEsfaction oTthe noble lord who 

ehiely, that I am fai great donbt whether 

twwn ^ven, and therefore hone he will 

In. Onr ministers iuiew the Spaniasds 

to Italy, yet, sir J. Norris was 

t to intercept Lam Torres when there 

idmaoe for it, and so that he could- not 

Hbj ibiag to Haddock. ETery body 

'* eToakSi squadron was come out, and 

boar it oould net be doubted but 

; to wait for ds, and yet Haddock 

I iciiiforced in tikne. If we see these 

^IihaR liaTe once ooceasion tocoimneDd 

I action of this admmistration. 

ik. A neUelord hath said tonly that 
i widumt means are nugatory, and we 
I do not still repent of the war 
, bat you hare almost alt the mari- 
H against you and none fbr you. 
loUhed to send above 30 men of war 
r Wert Indies. If su: J. Norris 

4dayseooMr,tbe enemies' squadrons 
Aa^ might hare been prevented, 
leaeeoiints of the Spaniaids demgn 

kalioin being kept alive, bat not of 
And there were 4 ships of 44 gnns 

» Haddock in June; 3 more were 
1 Aagost but did not go ; bat 4 went 
'^'Hr,and it was considered,' whether 

pKpen of state ate caUed fbr by tiua 
Hoine» as weU as when sooh fiapera me 
laid before us without heifig caUed for, at 
should be with some sost of view or design* 

more conld be spared, and found that you had 
not at home at that time a squadron eaual to 
the French. Ten ships of theirs indeed could 
not have invaded us, bot they could have in- 
sulted OS. AAerwards 5 more were sent to 
Haddodc: in aU IS, sinee the beginning of 
June : and two more have been kept with taim, 
that he might have means. There are now ^- 
mott ordered to be sent him, and God known 
whether there will then be 4 left. There is a 
good deal of diflference between suspecting a 
Sling and knowing it. And are you m a con- 
dition here at home, if when diese Orders are 
avowed, the French should l^re it ill ? It may 
not be king before orders may be riiefWn. * 

Lamdate, There most be «Nne. dindfan^ 
tidies m miiuag saeh an Order known. Eveigr 
step in ralatien to France is of great iosvert- 
anoe. And the French got nothing by declaring 
with what desien they sent their squadron into 
America. And what will the advantages be ? 
your honour most be vindicated by deeds not 
words. Maldng these Orders public wll| not 
give spirit to other countries. The more spirit 
we have shewn here, the less hath been shewn 
in other abuses. The only way isto act wisely, 
Ner win it give satis&ctien at home Uil yen 
can satisfy them ^hat you ,have the n^ns, aa 
well as that you have given orders. 

CkaterfieJd. We have above 200 men of 
war in commission, and it is said we have not 
means of being superior to half the number, but 
have been always tremUing fbr the superiority 
of our enemies. It is strange tiiere should lie 
no eiders to Haddodc after Deoember 1740, 
though we knew of the Spanish embarkation. 
And the Snanbh embassador at the Hi|pw 
said, it would go without molestation from us. 
Might not means be wantmg on onrpese for 
executing orders which no£>dy uurst giveP 
There was no need of asidng for Ternoa's 
Orders, for he acted, but in the Mediterranean 
we have net acted. I believe it will not be long 
beibre these Orders are shewn, tberifbre wonM 
have this admhiistraiian have the honoar of 

ArdtfickeC. The Franch do believe we shall 
attack them, bat this is diilerent ftom aothentio 
proolb of it The motion for papers n^ide 
some days ago was limited to such as rsbte to 
Haddock's behaviour towards the Spaniards, 
and that was done with a view to this present 
question. Orders rebuing oidy to an actual 
junotian of tb^ FreniA and Sponuords, would 
be impedbBt and blasBPwbis, and if tliey «K- 
tend Mher, would yon mtke this pnbGc to 
give n handle to FVaaeeP It ia better to let 
the administratien vemaia oi^nstified than 
^ ponere ranaores anti sahitem.' I wish we 
could man ^ ships we have ; but the business 
of the means is net that of the day. 

Carried hi the negative witfaont adivbrien. 




We know very well, that wliesi treftties^ 
«0timaitiM or aooounts are kid before ut 
without being called for, it is generallj 
with a design to demand a sum of mo- 
ney, or vote of credit ; and such demands 
have of late years been usually complied 
with, I believe, by most members of this 
House, without so much as looldnff at 
any one of the papers or estimates, which 
were laid before us as the foundation of 
that demand. This practice. Sir, must be 
allowed to be a little extraordinary ; but 
our late practice, with reeard to thoseTpa- 
pers that are expressly csSieA for, has been 
much more surprising ; for after the pa- 
pers called for nave been laid before us, 
thev have been ordered to lie upon the 
table, and there they have generally lam, 
without the least examination, as if we had 
had no view in calling for them, but that of 
increasiog the bulk e£ our voles by long 
lists of letters, instructions and memorials. 
Experience has shewn, that when such 
papers are ordered to lie upon the table 
for the perusal rf the members, they are 
aeldam penised with attention by any, 
and when they are perused separately and 
distinctly by a few particular members, 
Bone of them have authority enough to 
prevail with the House to ehter into a strict 
mquiry, or to take into consideration the 
errors, mistakes or blunders, they may 
from such papers have discovered. 

For this reason, Sir, and that the nation 
may see we do not put the administration 
%o the trouble and expence of laving piles 
of state papers before us, without any 
view or design, either for the service or 
satis&ction of the public, I think, when 
we call for any papers of importance, and 
they are accordingly laid before us, they 
ought of course to be referred to a select 
committee, that thev may examine them 
strictly, and report their remarks, observa- 
tions, or objections, to the House ; for the 
examination of such a committee must 
always be more exact and full, and their 
report will have more weight, than the 
examination or report of any single mem- 
ber, who peruses the paj^rs upon our ta- 
ble, without any direction or authority 
from the House. 

When I argue in Uiis manner, Sir, I 
hope no gentleman will think, that I am 
arguing asainst this or any other adminis-; 
tration ; for a wise and just administration 
will alwa3rs be glad to have its conduct 
inquired into in the most strict, regular, 
and authentic method ; and if Uie admi- 
niitratioA be weak or wicked, it is then the 

Ddide in ike Comimmi 

dut3r of pariiament to take that 
which is the most resular, and the moi| 
proper for rescuing the nation oat of th^ 
hands of such an atuninistration; therefor^ 
every gentleman must, with me, suppose 
one of these two things : either, that ih^ 
doctrine I have advanced will be approve^ 
by those who. have the honour of beio^ 
our present ministers, or that their o[^ 
posing it ought to be a prevaiHug ar^gu 
ment with every independent member o 
this House for agreeing to it ; and conse 
quentlv, I must look upon it as an esta 
blishea maxim, that all the papers whid 
are laid before this House, and deemed \i\ 
be of great importance, ought to be re 
ferred to the consideration j^of a Selec 

This, Sir, is a maxim whidi will holi 
good at all times, and in M cinmmstaDces 
but when the nation finds itself invohei 
in great difficulties, when our affiurs boti 
abroad and at home are apparently ii 
great distress, and when a general suspi 
cion prevails against the omduct of ou 
administration; this maxim ought do 
jonly to be approved, but in every u 
stance, without hesitation, porsiied: m 
that this is our case at present, 1 shall en 
deavour to demonstrate. With regard t 
our trade and manufactures, they hav 
been upon the decay for several years 
every man is now sensible of this decaj 
and every man is now convinced, that it i 
owing to the taxes we have upon the m 
cessaries and conveniences of life. B 
these taxes the subsistence of poor laboui 
ers and manufiicturers is rendered mor 
expensive in this than in any foreign coui 
try, which 'of course renders it impossibl 
for them to work so cheap, and this mui 
necessarily make our manufactures cm 
dearer to fordgn markets than the manv 
factures of any other country* This hi 
gradually dimmirtied the quantity of ov 
exports to all parts of the world, excq 
to our own plantations, and must, at ksi 
put an entire stop to our exporting an 
one sort of manufhcture ; for other lu 
tions will by degrees fall into the metho 
of rivalling us in every sort, and as fast i 
they do, our export of that sort of manv 
facture must cease. 

We may talk, Sir, against the export! 
tion of our wool, and busy ourselves i 
forming schemes for preventing it; bt 
unless we can, by abolishing many of oi 
taxes, enable our poor to work as cheat) t 
the poor in other countries do, it will t 
impossible for us to prevent it, any otbi 


rdaikgU^ Coiubut ^tke War. 

A. D. 174S. 


wty tfcaa hy dhwinMiing <mr produce ; fat 
if we cm wmic up Bone of our wocd, but 
birelj wliflt 18 necessary for home con- 
nfflptioD; and if a greater quantity be 
pnMtiioed than what is necessary for this 
demand^ the surplus must be exported, or 
it most rat upon the liands of the owners, 
irhicli would render it impossible for manj 
«f our fivDiers to pay their rents ; and Ihis 
mi^ in a little time, make the cry as loud 
for the exportation of our wool, as it is 
flow against it. 

The iwd effects of our taxes, and the 
graft decrease in the export of our manu- 
factures, were most sensibly felt. Sir, be- 
ftre the breaking out of our present war 
with Spain; but they then began to be 
nore sens&ly felt than ever, because that 
vtr put an entire stop to our exportation 
of tny manufactures to Spain, and made it 
Bore daneerous to export them any where 
e^ wfaidh of course enhanced the price, 
aod, consequently, diminished the sale at 
every other foreign market. This at once 
thiew aambers of our poor labourers and 
■A«ifi|cturers out of tneir usual way of 
*«hsi8tii^, and brought them and* their 
&mflies upon their resjiective ^arishis, 
vhich has, in many parishes, raised the 
poon rates to a height never known her 
fore ia this, nor, I believe, in any other 

his, Sir, is the present desperate state 
^ our trade, and God only knows when, 
orifever we shall recover; but this is far 
I'Ofn being the only dire effect of the long 
cosdmianee of our many heavy taxes. 
Our people bore with patience tSne loads 
^ groan under, as long as they had any 
^>es of seeing our debts paid off, and our 
^^es abdished ; but they have now lost 
dl hopes, and ^is creates a general un- 
«Hae», which, if not speedily removed, 
mfut end in the subversion of our liberties, 
^ perhaps, the overthrow of our present 
^y establishment. If this unhappy 
<^e had been die necessary consemtence 
^ a loQ^ and unavoidable war ; if oy the 
^'^^'•ordinary e^^)ence we have put our- 
«l»es to for twenty years past, the balance 
^ power m Europe had been settled, upon 
t solid foundation : if we had establisned 
ttch s confidence among our allies, and 
>^h 8 respect at all the courts of Europe, 
> to prevent any one of them from dann^ 
to insult or injure us, the people would 
n>*e had some consolation, and would 
^ have had reason to hope, that, at last, 
^ might have been able to have paid off 
^ debts, andaboluAied most of our taxes. 

Bat can this be said to be the case ? We 
have been en^ed in ho war : We have 
h|d no occasion to put ourselves to any 
extraordinary expence ; for Twill venture 
to say, that if we had not for these twenty 
years past sent one* minister or courier 
abroad, nor kept one marching regiment 
on foot at home, the balance of power 
would have been more secure than it is at 
present, and we should have been more 
confided in by our friends, and more 
dreaded by our enemies, tlmn we are at 
this time, or have been at any time within 
that period. 

It is something surprisingi Sir, but it b 
what the whole nation is nowxonvinced of, 
that every extraordinary article of expence 
we have put ourselves to for twenty yeart 
|>ast| every negociadon we have entered 
into, and every treaty we have condoded^ 
has contributed tb embroil more and more 
our affairs, both at home and abroad, and 
to render the bahmce of power in Biu'ope 
more precarious than it was before. By 
this conduct, Sir, wa at last found our- 
aelves involved in an open war with Spain, 
and threatened and dictated to by Frimcet 
without one ally to assist us, and without 
one ftmd for carryiq^ on the war, except 
an additional two shulbgs upon land; ior 
we can no more call the sinking fund ii. 
ftmd for carrying on a war, than^we can 
call the funds appropriated to the payment 
of the interest growing due to our publie 
creditors a fund for that purpose ; because 
the sinking fund was so solemnl]^, as le- 
gally, and as authentically appropriated to 
the payment of their principal, as ever the 
other was to tlie payment of their interest. 

In these circumstances we were, Sir, 
nay, I may say, in worse, when the late 
emperor died x fbr France, by sending her 
squadrons to the West Indies, and the ma- 
nifesto she published upon that occasion, 
had in some measure openly declared 
against us; and considenng what litde 
success we have had against Spain alone^ 
what success could we have expected 
against France and Spain united together 
agamst us ? From this immediate danger 
we were set free by the accident of the 
emperor's death ; for FVance then foresaw 
she might have a better game to play, 
and was therefore willing to keep fair with 
this nation for a time ; but how were we 
set free. Sir, from this immediate dan^r I 
Sir, by the balance of power's beiuff 
brought into the most imminent, and in all 
human probability, the most unavoidable 
danger; for, in my opinion, nothing less 

aaaf] is george il 

thtn a miracle lias hitherto pferoitad die 
utter ruin of the House of Austria, consi- 
dering the many powen which Franoehas 
found means to unite against it, and the 
little assiifttance it has received fVom those 
who were both in honour and interest 
obliged to support it* This, Sir, I say, 
has for a time prevented our having France 
avowedly united with Spain in the present 
war against us. If the emperor had lived, 
we should probably, before now, have been 
obliged to submit to such terms of peace 
with Spain, as France pleased to prescribe, 
or we should have been now standing sin- 
gle, and alone, against the joint force of the 
two powerful monarchies of France and 
Spain; for considering how we had de- 
serted the emperor iin the year 1733, he 
would probably have rejmced at our dis*> 
tress; considering how we have trei^ 
the kins of Prussia for seyend years past, 
he would certainly have refused to give us 
any assistance ; and the Dutch duSst not 
have ventured to have j[oined us, without a 
powerful confederacy m Germany^ By 

Sood conduct, and the assistance of Prpvi- 
ence, we misht, perhaps^ by ourselves, 
have been able to nave supported such a 
war, especiaOv if we had oy our former 
economy paia off our debts, and freed our 
public revenue from mortgage. We might 
liave carried it on with glory, and ended 
it with honour; but considering what a 
powerful navy France might have fitted 
out, if she had no way been obliged to di- 
vert her strength by a hmd war, and con- 
sidering how we should have been obliged 
to divide our naval force, for the protec- 
tion of our trade in every part of the 
world, and for the defence of our domi- 
nions in the Mediterranean, and in Ame- 
rica, as well as at home, it must be al- 
lowed, that such a war, su[A>oang the best 
conduct on our side, would have been ex- 
tremely heavy and dangerous ; and if it 
had been left to the management of those, 
who have hitherto managed with so little 
success our war against Spain alone, we 
should certainly, before wis time, have 
been undone. 

From hence we may see. Sir, that 
though the emperor's death, at the tone it 
happened, was unlucky for Europe, and 
may, at last, nrove unlucky for this nation, 
yet it suspended, or put w for a time, the 
miminent danger we were then exfrnsed 
to; but are we now free from this. danger? 
Does not every man of conmum penetra- 
tion foresee, that if Prance be allowed to 
settiathe affiiirs rf Germany to her own 

JSetoe Ml Ae CS^MMOfif {9H9 

liking, this dai^ger wiH reGmr vfoa^ ua with 
redoubled force ? She may then diotale to 
most of the other states of Europe s she 
may compel those that formerly would 
have remianed neuter, to iom with Spain 
and her against us ; and thus, unless we 
submit to whatever France shall please to 

frescribe, we shsU have not only France, 
ut most of the states of Europe, united 
with Spain in a war agaia^ us. Sudi a 
war it would be impossible for us to sup- 
port. We should then have no alterna- 
tive : we must submit; and in such a case, 
who can tell what sort of submiasion 
France might require ? 

This, Sir, is a most disagreeable, a most 
melancholy prospect, and it becomes the 
more so when we consider, that in the 
present distressed condition of this na- 
tion, and confiised state of Europe, it is 
hardly possible to prevent the danger, or 
to disperse the doud that hangs over us; 
for unless we can break that confederacy 
which France has, by our blunders, fouiid 
means to form against the queen of Hun- 
gary, I am afraic^ it will be impossible for 
us to form anv counter confederacy ; and 
considering tne present load of diebt wc 
groan under, and die general uneasiness 
uiereby occasioned, it will be impossible 
for us to afford such a powerful assistance 
to the queen of Hungary, as maj enable 
her to make head against such a mighty 
confederacy. Thus, Sir, I hope, I have 
demonstrated, that at present we labour 
under great difficulties, and that our af- 
fiurs are in the utmost distress both abroad 
and at home. This of itself is sufficient 
for raiang a general suspicion against the 
conduct of our ministers. From the many 
expensive negodations we have of late 
years carried on: From the many ex- 
pensive and unprofitable treaties we have 
concluded: From t];»e vast expence we 
have put ourselves to, for giving weight to 
those n^gociations, or fac enforcme the ob- 
servance of those treaties, the peo^e of this 
nation expected, thatthe liberties of Europe 
would have been by this time secured, be- 
yond a possibility of being attadcsd, and 
the trade and navigation of this kingdom 
secured beyond a possibility of being in- 
terrupted; and, consequently, that &om 
this time we might have disbanded our 
armies, laid up our ^squadrons, disnussed 
our ferdgn auxiliaries, and applied our- 
sehres smcerdyand efectually to the pay- 
ing off our debts, and abolidimg our taxes. 
Tms, I say, the people expected: This 
they had reason to expect ; and now, when 

HI] rMbig to fh$ QmAie^qfiS^ 

Hheyfind AeoMdves dittppointed in erery 
kM of tbese particulan, they cannot but 
iQspect, they do most generaUy, and most 
fioteDtly nupect, hem the wbdom and 
iDtegntj of ino8e who, for 8o many yean, 
kre had the direction of our public affiurs, 
lad who hare never been refused any sum 
tbej thou^t necessary for securing the 
lucceii of their measures. 

Ihe difficulties we labour under, the dis- 
tressei we are drove to, and the danger to 
whidi the 'I3)erties of Europe, and, con- 
lequeDtly, the Jibertiea of this nation, now^ 
Fk exposed, may be owing to causes of a 
dUfefot nature. Tbey xaaj be owing. 
Sir, to the foDy or ambition of foreign 
coum, or to events that could not be fore^ 
sees or provided against: It may appear, 
dttt our ministers have done aU that human 
vsdom could direct, for preventing these 
&tal effects; but the present face of af- 
imy both at home and abroad, affords 
such I strong presumption against them, 
thtt it is become the 4uty of parliament 
to make an inquiry into their conduct. 
If they are conscious oi no neglect, weak- 
nea, or crime, ther will promote ^at in- 
<pirj, they w31 assist us in every step that' 
ii Decenary lor making that inquiry satis- 
&ctoiy to the nation. If they oehave 
otherwise, it wiQ ^d strength to the pre- 
nnmtku against them, ana consequently, 
oog&tto make us more zealous in perform- 
isg our duty to our country. 

Thos, 8v, if at all times, it ought to be 
loobd ones amaxim, that all suchpqpers 
of moaient as are laid before this House, 
oagfat to be referred to a select committee, 
^ maxim ought, in our present circum- 
stances, to be most rdigiousljr observed, 
aodtherefore^Ishall conclude with moving, 
"* Thatthe several Papers presented to this 
House <m Monday last, and, likewise, the 
leveial Amen presented to the House 
yoterdiy, by Mr. CopiiptroMer, be referred 
to a Select Committee; and that they do 
cmnmethesame, and report to the House, 
what they find material m them.'** 

^^'Oa the aist of January, PoheiMy 
Bade tiie cdflbialad motion for refaniog to a 
SwitCsmmittep the Papers relating to the 
Wv, which had been already preoented to the 
Hooae. Am tiiis motion involved in it nu- 
chaigwa agiiost the condnct of the 


A. IX 1749. 


necessity of a parHamentaiy 
*V»y, and hmogfat on penonal inveqtives 
H»Ht the minister, sir Robert Walpole took 
^ "Mirt Ma hlc shara in the debate, and was 
yttd to the most anhnated exertions. In 
^ hat effort, he is said by his friends to 

Mr. Henrg TMam .* 

Sir ; if a parliamentary inquiry into our 
past conduct, could be carried on without 
any interruption or prejudice to our future, 
no man sliould be more ready than 1 to 
agree toit : No man should be more zeal- 
ous ^in promotmg it; because I am con- 
vinced, it would terminate in a full justifi- 
cation of thoselately concerned in our ad- 
ministration, against all the aspersions and 
calumnies that have been cast upon their 
conduct Buta parliamentary inouiry into 
the conduct of ministers alwavs nas been, 
and always must be attended widi great 
warmth; for tiie most innocent minister 
will always have a party in parliament 
zealous to condemn, and the most guilty 
will generally have a party zedous to 
acquit. This of course raises a warmth 
witnin doora, and .this warmth within doom 
will always occasion iieats ^nd animositiea 
without, which may rise to «Qch a height 
as to break out in a civil war. Of this we 
had such a late instance, that it can escape 
the notice of no gentleman in this House. . 
I believe, few gentlemen will now pretend 
to justify the conduct of those, who were 
our ministers during the last four years of 
queen Anne : I bdieve, most gentlemen 
are now convmced, they were guilty of 
very high crimes and misdemeanors ; and 
yet, we all know, a parliamentary inquiry 
mto their conduct, was the occasion of a 
civil war in the kingdom, which might 
have been fiEital to us, if we had at that 
time been engaged in a forei^ war, or if 
Europe had been in such a aituation as it 
is in at present. 

I had then, Sir, the honour td be a 
member of this House, and I was zealous 
for the inquiry then set on foot, because I 
thought the ministers guilty, and because 
I thought we had then an opportuni^ to 
inquire into their conduct, without ex- 
posiiu^ the nation to any foreign dangeSi 
But &r as much as I waa convinced of the 
misconduct of those ministers, if the nation 

have eKoaeded himself, and evinced sueh a 
oontammale knowledfa of foreign alBurs aa 
astomshed the House. He was also ably de- 
fended by Pelbam, Winnington, and sir Wil-. 
ham Yonge; the question, however, would 
have been carried but Ibr the influence of lord 
Hartington, who brongbt over two IWy 1 
hers, and by this means, to use the c 
of sir Robert Wilmot, saved the eoi 

twenty-four tymnU! The -motion was nega- 
tived by a majority of only three, in the fuUeot 
house known for aaany years, for 609 mc 
bera voted. 


had been at that tipM involftd in adaii- 

Ssrous {breim war, or if the liberties of 
arope had been as much in danger as 
A^ are at present, I should have been 
ibr suspending our resentnu^t against the 
guilty, till we had fidly provided fi^r 
Che safety of the innocent; and the erhat 
shewed, that this sort of conduct would 
have been the most prudent. 

This ought alwavsi in my opimoo, to be 
n rule fbr our conauct, even when we are 
convinced that ministers are crimihal, or 

«* Oo this qusstioB every exertion wss made 
1^ oppoiition^ and every art aaed to secure a 
miyonty. The purport of the intended mo^ 
tioB wss not previously known. Tbe minister 
was taken unawares ; many of bis firieods had 
retired ; many absented themselves by design ; 
otherfy who were sent fbr in tbe couTBe of 
the debate, declined, under various pretences, 
naking their appearance, whfle all bis ^ppo* 
nenls remained at their posti. Tbe efforts 
were so great on both sides, that membsri 
were brought in from tbe chamber of eiclt- 
neis. Several voted in that ooaditioB on tbe 
side of Imposition ; but some who intended te 
have supported the minister were prevented 
ftom appearing at the division. They bad 
been placed in an adjoining apartment belong- 
ing to lord Walpole, as auditor of tbe Ezche- 
mier, which communicated mih tbe House. 
The adversaries, aware of this ftot, filled tbe 
kejf-hole of the door with dirt and sand, 
wmeh prevented their admiesion into the 
House tiU the division was over. On this 
occasion, as general Churchill vras sitting 
next to the prince of Wales, who was in 
the House of Commons to bear the de- 
bates, a member was brought in who bad lost 
the use of bis limbs. «• So,'^ layt tbe prince, 
** I tee von bring in the lame, the halt, and 
the bfittd.*' •< Yes," replied the general, «« tbe 
lame on our side, and the blind on youra." 
The email majority in fiivonr of government, 
notwithstanding aU the exertions made by tbe 
minister, was so sure a signal of his defeat, 
that a motion te address the king (or copies of 
the memorials and letters, and other papers 
sent to and from the king of Prussia, which 
bad been rejected on tbe 18th of December, 
by a naajority of 94, now passed without a di- 
*i.imi » Coxe*s Measoirs of sir B. Walpole. 

«< JsOQsry 33, 174t. My lord; 

of the House of Commons vritt inform your 
graoe of the extraordinary proesediegs iu that 
Bouse oo the 81st instant. I must take tbe 
liberty to congratulate your grace particularly 
upon an event of that day, which cannot but 
be very satisfiM^tory to yov, when two votss 
would have certainly given to this natien ciie 
and twenty tyrants. I hsve good resson to 
believe it was entindy owing to m v knrd Bart* 
iagtoatbet «r Thomss and sir /amse I^ow- 
tber voted fbr their king and cottfttry, Merer 

have bacA guiltf of somepMc^of miscsD* 
duet; How much more ought it to bea 
rule for our conducti when we are cob- 
viaced of their iiiiiocence» or have but s 
bare suqpidoa of their guilt. When a 
parliameotary inquiry is set upi imioceDoe 
floay be a safeguard^ but it is &r from 
being a safeffuard in which a minister csn 
securdy and auietly put hie trust He 
must net sit witn his aruss across, and tnist 
to the honesty of his ptosecatom and inn 
partiality of his judges. He must be 

was a plot better concealed. Some of sir Ro- 
bert'sfhends actually went away eariy, net ex> 
peeting any thing; others never came. Tbe 
opposition were collected to a man, bdt I be- 
lieve not above one and twenty knew for what. 
8» 'William Gordon was brought in like s 
corpse. Some thought it bad beee so oM 
WOBMU in disguise^ having a white cloth rooad 
his bead. C^ers^ who found him out, ex- 
pected him to expire every moment. Other 
incurables were introduced on their side. Mr. 
Hopton, for Hefefbrd, was carried in with 
crutches. There was one and one in tbe 
same eenditiea on the ceuit side. 

«« Wbea Mr. Pulleaay made the molioo, 
your grace BMy imagine sir Robert dispatcbed 
messengers to all oornsn. The three Wid 
Beaucl^ks would not come,' becsuie tbe 
duchess wu not buried ; Mr. Treby, Mr. 
Thompson of Scarborough, Mr. Caswell, voe 
of the Martins, and Mr. Ashe, were ill, and 
could not stir out ; Mr. Bowles was forgot, 
and sat diverting himself at Garrswav's 
coflee-boose; Mr. Sheppard had that letj 
morning asked leave of the House to go ioto 
the eountry ht his health, and was gone. 
Besides otners, whose nances 1 could sol 

" Sir Robert exceeded bims^f : he piro- 
culariy entered into foreign affairs, andcoD- 
vinceu even bis enemies that be wss tho- 
roughly msster of them, Mr. Pelhani, irith 
the greatest decency, cut Pnlteney mto 1,000 
pieoes. Sir Bobert actually dissedtd bin, 
snd laid bis heart open to the view of tbs 
House. Mr. Winougton, sir W. Vooge, 
and H. Pos, spoke incooaparably well. I 
must not foiget Mr. Coke, who, lam told, 
spoke in a most sgreeable manner and with 
great spirit. By an exact calculation, I am 
told that of the 50 who were away, tbe court 
has ar ; but I am afrakt will loss Hey- 
don and aaelber double retnm. The snsy 
comes in en Friday. It m thought the eouit 
will carry it b^^a handsome mi^srity, Air 
these times. As the bomb is burst, ssd so 
mischief done, I hope the danger is ever ; m^ 
aAsr a proper ^uestiott bss bssa ssrrird by 
iiAeeo or twenty, boom of tbe sons of Feifw 
and othera will esrtamly desert astsrriiHr^* 
quished .army.** Ooie's Walpole: Oorre- 
spondsM^; sar Rabmt Wibnet mthsdefctM 

l^cUbl that BO flte evidence shall be 
pi^or fiven against hiniy and diligent 
glfspe^tieuB in detecting and expoeing 
^ibenilit. Henusttakeeareto make 
ll iBBOcence appear in ererjr ioatance 
Ipeitis attadwd, and for this purpoar 
I mjverj probably be obliij^ to die* 
^ Mcrea which way be of great pe» 
i|i» ta the nation. At the tame tnne* 
linil in every step be watchful, lest any 
ill ihottU be carried againet him by a 
pm GBbai» and lor this Durpose he must 
I^QSt^ apd ewnestly smidt the attend- 
liarf dl hit friends. These considem* 
jaN^ffry must shew, that during such an 
0tfi DO administration can have leisure 
ISiU the pidSilic bosiness as they ought ; 
IdteaBsSi the necessity ministers are in 
' dsei reduced to» of ditn^ng the 
Mi of gover^unenty in order to justify 
rcsadaet, maybe of Infinite and irre* 
V pngodice to the p^blic ; therefore, 
we ott^t to lay it down as a rule 
oondocty never to consent to a 
inquiry into the conduct of 
biwminlesiwe be convinced, 
MM of those concerned have been 
ef very great crimes or nMe- 

^eoemion rumour, or a bare suspicion, 
general^ can be no sufficient 
fiir setting upsodi an enquiry; be* 
and) rumom and sosmdons are 
agsiDSt the beat, as well as against 
sot ministen. Nay, n good minis- 
mom liable than a bad one to such 
and suspidons. If he be frugal 
public treasure, and cautious in 
J public favours: if he prdeia me- 
oiioQS modesty to clamorous unpudence, 
EWqik raise to himsdf a great pumber 
teniss; ibr eveiy man who is refused 
fmkf h m wQ T Jnmy, beoemes a secret 
idnlned enemy to the minister, and of 
amtcadeavours to propagate cdumnies 
imUn; and the mmfortone is, that 
loiHt impudent and damorous are ge» 
bil|Fmsfet listened to by the untbinkmg 
Htf mrnddnd. Thoi^ this be hy far 
ttmsitaaiaeroas part'of mankind, yet, 
itf^ Atn are noaw of them in this 
HN^ aad Aeteibse, whatever rumours 
fMpidims ma^ be apread witiioat doors, 
y tiiey wBl not be.Kstened to here, 
Mdisy appear to be /bunded upon in- 
iMiis tt&> 'or very strong presump- 

:|S4S ftolB, Sis, netwithstanaing the 
ramsma that are nraai^ withoat 
I ktpa never yet keiod a preef 

fFar. A. D. 1742. [S19 

oArndL of miy one criminal fact agdnst 
those concerned in our administration; 
and as to the presumptions that have been 
suggested, I do not tnmk there is the least 
foundati<mforany oneoftfaesL That this 
nation labours under great difficulties, and 
that the present posture of affiurs, both at 
home or abroad, is far from being agrees 
able, I shall readily grint; but to every 
one who, with candour, examines the his^ 
tory of this nation, and of Europe, for 
twenty years past, it must appear evident^ 
that neidier or these midbrtunes can justty 
be imputed to any des^ or misconduct 
in our ministers. Our debts were all con* 
traeted lona before the present adanmstnu 
tion bad a neing. At leasts if any new 
debt has been contracted, a mudi greater 
old «ie has been paid off; for ^en our 
present ministers first came into power^ 
the nationd debt was larger than it is at 
present^ and what was worse, our publio 
credit; by an ill-managed prcnect, was ak 
most en^irdy sunk. They, by dmir wis« 
dom and good management, soon restored 
the public credit of the nation, and ^ep 
have since paid off as much of the puUm 
debt as it was possible, without loading the 
people with some new or additiond taxes* 

If we had kept up no army; if we had 
kept up no navy ; if. we had been put to 
no expeooe by tJie ambitious prefects of 
foreign princes, I shall admits Sir, that n 
much Uu-ger share of our public ddia 
might have been pdd off, and, perhfla% 
many of our heavy taxes sJ[>didiea. &it 
will any one say, that at any tiin6 for this . 
twenty years past, it would have been pm* 
dent or safe to didband oar altny ? Will 
any one say, that* we ought to have lefk 
our navy to rot aad fidl to decav ? Will 
any one say, now that we so sensibly fed m 
want of seamen, diat we ought not dwi^s 
to keep alarge number of seamen in pay f 
Will any one say, that whdi we wera 
threatened with an attack, we eug^t net 
to have provided for our defence ? By so 
doing, Sur, we have dways prevented the 
atta^ and thereby preserved our domes* 
tic tnmqnillity fiir these twentjr years i»ast { 
and Burdy it wfll be allowed, that it is 
both sdbr and cheaper to prevent than to 
repel an invadon. 

Therefore, Sir, if a greater share of our 
public dd)t has not been pdd off; If imne 
of our heavy taxes have been abolished, ia 
is not owing to any mismanagement as out 
ministers, but to tiie oublic nec es si ti es^ 
whidi annuafly required a larger expeneo 
than had been foreseen. If efurmiaistaa 



hni^tkm upon tbem to be sole jodget of 
tfiote neoewifieB, there muriit Imve been 
lenie pretence fcr finding ftolt with their 
conduct; bat they have regularly laid 
these necessities fa!efore . the parliament, 
and have never pat the nation to one 
shilling expence, but what has been 
previously authorised, or afterwards ap- 
proved of by a majority in both Houses; 
therefore an enquiry into dieir conduct 
iqion this head, may properly be called 
an enquiry mUr the coiiauot of parlia* 
meat, and if you diould give sentence 
against the fi>rmer, it wiU be a condemna- 
tion of the latter, which, with regard to 
Ae respect due toparliament, may have a 
very bod effect upon all degrees of men in 

Now, Sir« with resard to the present 
posture of afibirs at home and abroad, I 
ahaU {[rant, it is a misfortune to this nation 
to be involved in a war with Spain: IshaU 
grant it is a misfortune to Europe, to have 
ao many of its princes united for destroy- 
ing that balance of power upon whidi their 
own independency, at least the indepen- 
dency of all of thmn but one, most aoso- 
hi^y depends.^ But can either of these 
misfortunes be imputed to any misconduct 
in our ministers ? Our being involved in a 
war with Spain, is owing to nothing but 
the pride, haughtiness, and obstinacy of 
that nation. Did our ministers advise his 
mi^ty to declare war against Spmn with- 
out a cause ? Did they predpitato the na- 
tion into that war, without having first 
tried every method for obtaining satisfiic- 
tion by peaceable means? We all know 
4hat their backwardness in commencmg 
hostilities was exclaimed against by many 
in this nation, and even by diose who now 
endeavour to load them widi the misfor- 
tune of our being invdved in war. Tlius, 
Sir, if ministers pursue oacific measures, 
their conduct is found fault with, ami if 
they pursue warlike measures their con- 
duct IS found fiiult with ; if they provide 
for our defence at home, and thmoy pre- 
vent an attack, their conduct is found nmh 
with, on account of tiie expence ; and if, 
by their neglecting to provide for our de- 
fimoe, the nation should be invaded, their 
conduct would certainly, and, I am sure, 
with more reason, be found ftult witih. 
This, Sir, makes me think, it. is not so 
SMieh thur conduct, as their continuinff to 
be our ministers, that is the real ground of. 
compiaint; and this will be a ground of 
complaint against all future, as well as 
4gmst our present ministers; for no man 

' Debate ik the Comfium [S4I 

that serves the crown wiO give up bis em< 
ployment, «s long as the rang inclmes he 
diould keep it, and desires nothing of him, 
inconststent with his honour, or the goo^ 
of his country, nHiich, it is well known, hii 
present majesty wiH never desire of aoj 
man that serves him ; and this, perh^ 
makes gentlemen so fond of getting ion 
empkiyment, bat at is, in my optnioD, ai 
ungrateful return in gentlemen, to eodea 
vour to distress his majesty's aSuit, ii 
(Hrder to force themselves into his service 

Thus, Sk, I tiimk, it must ^pear, th« 
no one who has the honour or having i 
share in his majesty's oounals, can \n 
blamed for the misrortone of oar bein| 
involved in a war with Spun, and as littlf 
can they be Mamed fiir the present ud 
happy state of affiriie in Eorope, which i 
entirely owing to one of these two causes 
either to a fioai, I may say, frantic ambitio! 
in some of the princes m Gennanj, who 
rather than not extend their dominions 
seem resolved to render tiieamelves de 
pendent upon tho'crown of FVance; or itt 
owingtoan unaccountable obstinacy in tlv 
court of Vienna, who, rather than do jnstia 
to their neighboucbg prinoea in Germany 
seem resolved to bring themsdves, an( 
the whole Oeitean empire, into a sort o 
subjection to his most Christian majestj 
Which of these two causes the presen 
misfortune of Europe is owing to, 1 sha] 
not pretend to determine ; but let it b( 
which it wOl, our ministers caDoot bi 
blamed. It was not, it cannot be sup 
posed to have been in tiieir power to go< 
vem the ambition of the princes of Ger 
many, or to overcome the obs^nacy of tlu 
court of Vienna. 

I hope I have now shewn. Sir, tba 
neither the difficulties we labour under 
nor tile present dangerous situation o 
affieurs, can afibrd any presumption of mis 
conduct in those, who for some time past 
have had the honour of being in bis m 
jesty's councils; and as no particula 
crime has yet been dmrged asamst tbem 
nor the least proof o&red of any ftctt 1 
there are any suspicions without doori 
those su^Mcions can have no solid fouoda 
tion, and ought not therefore to have sue! 
w^ht irithm doors, as to lead us into i 
paifiamentaiy inquiry, which is alwav: 
troublesome, «id, at this juncture, woul( 
be extremdy dangerous. If this natioi 
be in distress, if the affiurs of Europe b« 
Hi distress, as they certainly are, it fioou^^ 
be an aigutnent with us to avoid all per 
sonal altercations and animosities, and tc 

P] rdating io the Comkiet of ike War 

mte beaitOj among eurselves^ both m 
wmcil and aetion^ for retrieving affiun 
N)Ch alvoad and at home. The caae of 
hk naticn, the caae of ^uropei is not yet, 
bank God! so deraerate, but that both 
My be restored, it proper remedies be 
peedQ J mlied. Oar jpubUc credit is yet 
DftfloumuDg condition: We may yet 
iiise large sums for the support of a ne^ 
xssary war ; and if the tranquiUity of 
Burape be restored, and established upon 
I solid foimdation, we may soon pay off 
)id anearsy as well as what we may be 
to contract for that salutary pur- 
The confederacy formed against 
mequeenof Hiineary is so unnaturaS, that 
it muit of itself be dissolved, unless the 
priDces of Germany be kept firm toFrance, 
Ij seeing it» impossible or dangerous to 
break from her. This may be prevented, 
if ve immediately unite amongst ourselves, 
lad interoose with the whole strength of 
die Britiih nation; but if, like ignorant 
ad coDtentious physicians, we sit accusing 
a» another of mal-practicei the patient 
ifiT expire in the interim. 
I must, therefore, conjure gentlemen to 

Lover all personal anhnosities, and 
of nothing but ^ving his majesty 
tbt advice, and those aids, which may be 
dMigfat pr<^r and necessary for pro- 
wiing B^uost the calamity that threatais 
u. ifanything has been done amiss, we 
nay soon find a proper time for inquiring 
atoit,bat the present is farfiK>m being 
ip; and if no immediate inmiiry be de- 
%&ed,we have no occasion for referring 
atj papers to the consideration of a select 
conmittee; for I cannot agree with my 
MQourable friend in thinkmf, that every 
af<»taDt paper, or jparcel of papers, that 
«e,or may be laid before the House, should 
K Kiared to a select cmnmittee. If this 
*^ laid down as a rule for our conduct, 
V6 ihoukl have time to do nothing, but to 
■arand consider tba reports from such 
^onutteei. It would therefore be ira- 
NWe to observe the rule, and it has 
*»er been the practice. When gentle- 
•Ji* curiosity prompts them to desire a 
api of any piqpers of state, they move 
w having them hud before the House, 
•JW: motion is always complied with, 
•^consistent with the public safety. 
^^ the paoers thus called for are laid 
^ the table, they examine them: If 
^ find nothing material, their whole de» 
llpttftkQirered; but if they find any thing 
«ej ihink worth the notice of the House, 
^'"^Jtcquaint tb^ House with what they 

A. D. 1742. [350 

have observed, and if a amjority be of the 
same opinion, the House either enters iota 
the immediate considerati<Hi thereof, ^hi^ 
they may easily do, beeause the papera 
are upon the table; or refi^ the whole to 
the consideration of a committeey perh^ 
a select committee. 

This, Sir, is tiie usual method of pro* 
ceedixiff in such oases, and as no observa^ 
tions £ave been made upon any ci the 
papers referred to in this motion, nor any 
one fact mentioned from them for inducing 
us to take any of them into our considam- 
tion, I must suppose, that those gentlemen 
who have perused them, for I confess I 
have not, nave found nothing in them, 
thev think worth the notice of ue House ; 
ana if they have not, I can see no reason 
why we diould give any committee the 
trouble to peruse and examine them* 

But, bendes seeing no reason for re* 
fering these papers to a select committee, 
there are, I tnink, strong reasons against it. 
If this motion should be complied with, it 
will immcKliately npread an opmion abroad^ 
that instead of takuig proper measures for 
the time to come, we are going to enter 
upon an inquiry into past measures ; this 
will certainly raise divisions amongst us, 
and may produce a civil war in the king- 
dom, or at lea^t a breach between his ma- 
jesty and his. parliament, which will of 
course disable us from giving our friends 
abroad any assistance, or interposing any 
manner of way in the aflSrirs of Europe; 
and the consequence of such an opinion's 
being spread abroad, may be most fatal. 
The princes now united in an alliance with 
France, will then see it impossible to break 
off from that alliance: the other prince^ 
and states of Europe will see it impossible 
to form any confederacy, capable of giving 
a check to the designs ot France: the 
(}ueen of Hungary, oespairmg of any re- 
lief or assistance, will immediately submii 
to such terms as France shall please to 
prescribe ; and the court of France, being 
tree from the fear of controul, will set no 
bounds to their ambition. Suppose their 
present chief minister should be moderate 
in his views ; suppose he has no other in- 
tention than to reduce the power of the 
House of Austria, without adding to tho 
power of the House of Bourbon, yet in 
such a case, it would be impossible tot him 
to stem the torrent of French ambition, or 
to govern a court where that passion has 
always so mudi prevailed. 

The spreading such an opinion abroad 
is, therefore, Sr, what we ought most 


15 OEORGB n. 

carefttfflj to preveak; but if dik modoii 
ilMOld be agreed to, itwould beimpoMible 
Ce prarent a most strict inqoirjy and a 
AMMt violent proaecution't being set on 
l«lot» There are many ^tlemen, I hope, 
both within doOrs and without, of a mode* 
nte disposition, and such as have a greater 
i«|^ud for the safe^of the public &an for 
anj personal rese^taient. Those gentle* 
men may, as yet, be able to ^em and 
tMiderate the temper of the nation, or, at 
least of this Houito} but if a select com* 
niittee were once named, I am afraid, it 
would be out of their power. That com- 
oaittee weidd think it incumbent upon Uiem 
to dki something: The papers now pro- 
posed to be referred to them would eive 
them an inclination to see others, and those 
again would make them think it necessary 
to see more, till they had got all the state 
papers, even the most secret, before them ; 
and in order to succeed in all their mo- 
tions for this purpose, and to have their 
report approved <h, they would endeavour 
to raise, and would probably succeed in 
ndsmg a most violent and revengeful mrit, 
bodi without doors and within, which 
m%ht fall heavy upon some innocent men, 
as well tt upon tne guilty. The former, 
his majesty would certainly, irom his 
. known justice and resolution, endeavour 
to protect, and what might be the conse- 
quence of such a contest God only knows. 
Thus, Sir, as I can see no reason for 
this motion: as, I think, it would be at- 
tended with the most dangerous, the most 
flttal consequences, I must therefore be 
against it, and hope the hon. gentlemen 
If lU not insist upon their motion ; for even 
Iheir insisting upon it mav have a very 
bad effect upon his majesty's negociations 



. Mr. Alexander Hume CamjpbeU : 

Sir; the hon* gentleman who spoke 
last, has made me consider the motion 
now before you with grsat attention, and 
that the House wmf do the same, I desire 
it may be again rsad by the derk at your 
table. [The Motion being read, hie went 
on thus.] I cannot ooaosive, Sir, how the 
hon. gentleman could from this motion 
take occasion to talk of inquiries or per- 
sonal pioues and nesentmeitts. U mere 
any worn, is there any expression in the 
motion, that seems to iasmuate, as tf an 
ki^irv were intended, or that can be 
thougnt to carry «ny personal resentment f 
If an hon, gentleman near him had tidked 
m If on thb ^mrtieQ, I sik>eld ael Jhave 

DAaU m He C oM m o m {Sfy 

been su r p ri se d , becanae, IbeBete, there! 
nothing he dreads so modi ; and whd 
one's mind is strongly pos acaa ed with tfa 
foar of any thing, me imagination ofte 
presents the phantom iriien mere is no rei 
appearance ; but as 1 am convinced, th 
hon. gentleman who spoke last can ^vs 
no mquiry, with respect lo hime cl f atleaj 
I kus amaised how this question came i 
present to his view the phantom of i 

Sir, there is nothing more in this que 
tion, nor, I believe, any tlung more ii 
tended by it, than a proper examipatio 
of those p^rs, which were certainl 
called for with die design of having tfad 
properiy examined ; ana as they cann^ 
oe properiy examined without referrii^ 
them to a select committee, I hope to shei 
such reasons for our complying with tli 
modon, as cannot be supposed to procee 
from any personal resentment, but I mts 
be^ leave to say a word or two about iij 
quiriesin geneial, which the hon. genti^ 
man has rmresented in so hideous a lighl 
He has told us, Sur, that parlianiaitary k 
quiries always raise divisions, heats, as 
animosities, and have sometimes raised 
civil war in the kingdom. On the coi 
trary, I wiO venture to affirm, from ih 
whole tenor of our history, tlmt the pr^ 
venting or opposing of a parliamentary iij 
ouiry has always had that effect ; and th^ 
Uie giving wav to a parliamentary i^ 
quiry, when the majority of the natio 
osU^ for it, never raised any. The r< 
hellion at the beginning of the late reigi 
was not occarioned by the partiamentar 
inquiry then set on foot, but qy a Jacobit 
spirit which at that time but too univa 
sally prevailed in the nation.^ Whaterc 
transgressions the former mmisters ha 
been guilty of, they had found means t 
set themselves at the head of a very ni 
merous and powerful party in die natiot 
who were attachecl to them, not by br 
bery and corruption, or any selfish vie* 
but from a real, though very wrong pnr 
ciple. That party' wanted nothing but 
head for fljring to arms, and the inquiry 
indeed, fumi&ed them with iriiat the 
wanted. But is this tibe case at present 
Can it be said, that our presient minister 
have any party attached to them fror 
principle i They have no party but sue 
as are attached to them fi^om motives < 
self-interest, and as soon as yon take froi 
them the distribution of the loaves an 
firiies, their fUUowera wiO desert them a 

35S] rdatmgiothe Conduct afike War. 

We bs?e therefore. Sir, noClun^ to fi»r we knoirf 
from fletting up a parUameotary iB(}uirjr> into the 
bot a great deal from oar neglecting it. 
The wMe nation, at least all those who 
dare ^peak their minds, call loudly for it. 

A. D. 1742. [S54 

how, without first examining 

present state of aflBurs both 

abroad and at home ? Would not a physi* 

dan be a madman, to prescribe to a pa^ 

tient, without, first examining into tha 

sfxl if It should be prevented, or defeated state of his distemper, the causes from 

by s court majority in parliament, it will —^'-^ -" — ^ -*^ ^-- -•^-^ ^-^ 

raise s general disaffection to our govern- 
meat. Will our friends abroad pot any 
trost or ooofideooe in such a government ? 
Ctn our enemies dread any thihff from 
•uch a government ? Sir, it is well known, 
both abroad and at home, that an unpo- 
pular government in this kingdom never 
Mf Dor, 1 hope, ever can act widi vigour 
or spirit. I say, 1 hope, it never can ; for 
this must be the case as long as there is 
the least relic of liberty amongst us, AH 
those fttal consequences therefore, which 
the hon. gentleman has been pleased to 
progTMKlicate from our entering upon an 
inqmiy into our late conduct, may more 
fitturaily, and inore reasonably be prog- 
nosticsted, nay, must necessarily ensue, 
from our not giving the nation the satis- 
faclioft thw expected from this new par- 
liameDt. Our friends abroad will despair : 
our eoemies will rejoice. For this rea- 
son. Sir, so for as I can judge at present, 
I shall give my vote for ^n inquiry as soon 
tt it shall be proposed ; and I shall be for 
carryiog it through with all possible 
Btrictneas, without any personal prejudice. 
I have no resentment against any but 
tliose who are suq)ected of being the 
toemies and betrayers of their country, 
and against such 1 shall always have a re- 
KQtmeDt, till I see them cleared by an 
West and fair inquiry. 

But 1 b^ pardon. Sir, for taking up 
» much of your time upon this subject ; 
ibr the present question is not about an 
u>quiry, it has nothing to do in the de- 
^; modi less with admonitions against 
personal piques and animosities ; for from 
what is DOW proposed, no man can fear a 
personal attack, unless he be conscious, 
5*»t from these papers something criminal 
o hb conduct may be discovered; and I 
bope no member of this House will refuse 
doing his duty towards his sovereign, for 
. fear some crime should thereby be disco- 
vered in any minister. I say, doing his 
««ty tovrards his sovereign. Sir, for whe- 
^ we shall do so or no, is tlie questiob, 
"wi the only question now before us. His 
'^e«ty, in ins most gracious speech from 

"^ throne,, has expressly required our 

^p^l and assistance ; can we give him 

^r widiout first Imowisg how i Can 


which it arose, and the remedies that had 
before been applied i This is our case at 
present. His majesty has desired our 
counsel: if he had not, we are bound to 
give it, considering the present * melan- 
choly state of affiiurs ; and tor this purpose 
we ought to examine into it as narrowly 
as we can. 

1 have not. Sir, perused many of the 
papers mentioned in this motion : neither 
shall I, unless this motion be agreed to ; 
for who woidd peruse such piles of papers^ 
without an expectation at least, that his 
peruaal might probably be attended with 
some good efiect. But from the very 
titles of them, I can see, that it is abso* 
lutely necessary to have all these papers, 
at least, nant>wly looked into, berore we 
can know any thing about the political 
distemper which at present threatens the 
liberties of this nation, as well as the li- 
berties of Europe, with an immediate 
dissolution. We are by treaty obliged to 
assist the queen of Hungary against the 
French and Bavarians, because they di- 
rectly attack the Pragmatic Sanction ; but 
we are not obliged by treatjr to assist her 
against the king of Prussia, because he 
asserts only what he pretends to be the 
ancient riehts of his house* We are 
therefore noth in honour and justice 
obliged to inquire into the foundation of 
this dispute ; for if Prussia's claim be just, 
and the aueen of Hungary obstinately re- 
fuses to 00 him justice, it will free us from 
the engagement we are under, of assisting 
her against the French and Bavarians; 
because, though we have iparanteed the 
^Pragmatic Sanction, yet if she by her 
obstinacy makes it more diflkult and dan- 
gerous for us to perform .that guaranty, 
than it would have, been otherwise, it 
frees us both in equity and honour from 
that engagement. 

This, Sir, must shew how absolutely 
necessary it is for us to examine strictly 
into the contents of the letters, memorial^ 
and piapers presented to us, before we 
can give any advice to his majesur, with 
re^rdto the present state of a&irs in 
Europe ; and particularly. Sir, I mtiat 
mention the treaty between his majesty 
and the queen or 9ungary, dated at 
Hanover, June 13» 1741. Study thia 

«S5J 15 OBOBGB U. 

ireaiy» with trrery pa|per» prerioua md 
cofueoueDt, relating to it« oitgdt to be«x* 
aBiinea in the strieteBt maniMr, befiu» w« 
can judge how mattert aland between ut 
end the queen of Hungary* 

Then» Sir , with regard to our war with 
Spain, as there have been many dinutea 
between France and us, on acoount of that 
war, and as its continuance verymueh 
depends upon the impartial at well as neu- 
tral behaviour of the French, we ought 
certainly to exaniDe carefully the papen, 
before we ofier any advice to hie majesty, 
relating to the future conduct of the war. 
The case may stand between the king of 
Prussia and queen of Hungary, so as to 
free us from any obligation to assist her ; 
but if it should appear, that the French 
have assisted the Spaniards as much as 
fthsj oottld in an underhand manner, we 
may from thence judge, that they will de* 
clare openlv against us, as soon as they 
have settled the affidss of Gersianv to 
their rnind^ This should malm us, without 
any other consideration, resolve to assist 
the queen of Hungary in the most stre- 
nuous manner, let the conseauence be 
what it wilL Nay, 1 do not know, but 
that it should make us immediatelv de- 
dare war against France ; for it would be 
better to declare against her, whilst she is 
engiiged in war wiUi the queen of Hun- 
gary, than to wait lor her declaring against 
us, after she has reduced the queen of 
Hungary to her own terms. 

These arguments, i hope, the hon. 
gentleman cannot say proceed from any 
personal resentment, it is not possibfe 
u>r any one to suppose, that a parliamen- 
tary prosecution would be the conse- 
quence of this motion, without first sup- 
posing, that our ministers have been guilty 
of some criminal sort of conduct ; and 
this is a supposition which I shidl not 
niake, lest the hon. gentleman Aould say, 
it proceeds from particular prejudice: 
surely the parliament may oTOr advke, 
and take the proper methods for being 
able to do so, without setting up an in- 
quiry. None of the argupoents he has 
made use of a^nst an bquir]|r can, there- 
lore, operate m the least agamst this mo- 
tion, which tends merely to enable us- to 
perform, as we ought, that duty his ma- 
jesty has required of us; and the sooner 
we set about the performance of that duty, 
it will be the b^ter both for ourselves 
and our friends. The pubUc afEsrs of 
thi&nation hipve, for many years past, been 
aoiely. directed by his snajesty^i infiwior 

DebaU in ike Oommom 


councils, for his great and siipreniecoun* 
cil has never once ofeied an;^ advice, bot 
audi as was dictated b^ the minister: both 
the affidrs of diis nation, and the siun 
of Europe, are at last brought into the 
utmost distress : whether the advice his 
nujestv has received from lus inferior 
councuB has any way contributed to this 
distress, I shaU not pretend to detennine; 
but it is certain, their advice has not pre* 
vented it, nor have they awtied so mock 
as one remedy, though the distress has 
been apparent for above this twdvemoDth. 
It is therefore hi^ time for his majesty's 
great council to interpose with its aidvibe* 
From such an interposition our friends 
will conceive hopes, our enemies appro* 

This, Sir, makes me extremdy soK* 
oitous about the success of this motioD; 
because the fiite of Europe, as well ss of 
this nation, in a great measure, depends 
upon it. If this motion be agreed to, I 
shall expect to see the queen ^ Honguy | 
continue to resist the torrent of enemies 
that have broke in upon her, with that 
surprising firmness or mind she hss hi* 
therto manifested : if this motion should 
be rejected, ef^cially if by a grest su* 
jority, I fear, it may have a most mis- 
chievous efiect upon her councils, by 
making them despair, and consequently 
submit; 1 shall therefore heartily givt 
my affirmative to the question. 

Mr. Winnington : 

Sir ; whatever gentlemen may pretend, 
it is evident, that the motion now under 
our consideration, must fnroduce an en* 
qoiry, and a very djeneral one too. You 
are desired to appoint a select committee, 
and, I suppose, tne next motion wiH be to 
make it a secret one; to do what? Toexs- 
mine the several papers mentioned in the 
motion, and to report what they ma^ think 
material in Uiem. Is not this a motion for 
an enquiry into the a&irs which those 
papers reli^ to ? It is certainly therefore 
a motion for a particular encfuiiy. Bat 
can any one imagine the enquiry will cesse 
there ? An enquiry into those affiiirs wiH 
naturally, and even necessarily, produce 
an enquiry into other affidrs, and those 
again into others ; so that the enquiry willt 
at last, become general, and may extend 
itself fiirtiher back than most people now 
dream of; for there is such a concatenstioD 
between state afiaus, domestic and for^[n, 
precedent and subseqottit, that it is im* 
possible to judge of one without athorougfa 


rdaUMg taike Omdmt ofthe War. 

A.B« n^ 


insist itttoail the reBt» till you arriTe it « * 
certain ciius, when the whole affiiirs of the 
Mtioa began to take a ne# turn, which 
probabl? will be as far back as the acces* 
aoD of his hilemajestv to die throne. 

^VheCher we *cati find twenty*one per- 
sons in this House, fit to be intrusted mth 
sll the MGietB of our govemmeBt, is what 
I reiy nach question^ but ihk I aas sme 
of, tbst ivhen a secret committee ^is once 
Dtoiedt sodinrested with the uauid powess, 
aoooecantdll howfiurtheywdUgo. The 
nnnd of man is naturally curious, and fond 
of dinsg into secrets, especii^v when they 
think they may thereby raise4heir charac- 
ler, pursue their interest, or gmtify their 
raentment. We ouiy therefore suppose, 
(bat (his secret committee will extend 
tiwireDfairies aa &r as possible, and that 
JBCfcry repoK ihey make, they wiU refer 
it to lone affiur not yet enquh-ed into. 
Hw will pre them 41 pretence for desiring 
la extenaoa of powier, and as the ma|oritf 
of the House wiU probably be as cunous 
» they, their desire will be readily granted. 
Thnsthe House* instead of putting a stop 
to their progress, will probably eaconnige 
it, sad his majesty can put an end to it no 
other wajT thni by a disaoiution or proro- 
IBiioD, either at which would threw all 
tlungB into coofiBion* From whence we 
n^iee, that our agreeing to this motion 
■lilt Deoes§arDy termmate in a general 
oquify into the conduct of our pumic af- 
^n, for God knows how many yean past ; 
aid this, besides discovering iQl the secrets 
ofoareovemment to our enemies, would 
ttniii^ raise great animosities and heart- 
kmings amongst i^s, which at a tiaae 
vheo we are in open war with Spain, aad 
vhen the liberties of Europe stand so 
Bach in need of our assistance, mi^t be 
'(tended with consequences which I trem- 
ble to think oC 

Advil war, Sir« is in itsdf amost terri- 
Ueeiil, but conodering the present cir- 
i of thiOM, that would be one of 

the leait evils we should have to finur ; for 
vhile we were engaged in cutting one ano- 
tkei duoata, & liberties of Europe 
*"dd be undone, and die nation itsdf 
*^ ftll a fny to its most ancient and 
BQitiafeterBte enemy. That an enquiry 
ate the past conduct of our publici&irs 
]|^haveao^*teBdenGy,iias,I think, 
bNBCfnfiessed by thoae who have spoke 
a&rmir of this motion. It has been al- 
^ that the inqiHiraC the beginning of 
^htekiiig*B leign, furnished a head for 
"> JHwfcrtiJ party ; <and dMt tbb was 

the cause ofthe rebellitmmuatlikelrise b^ 
allowed, for without a head, the disailected, 
or if you dleaae, the party attached to the 
former administration, could never have 
had recourse to arms. How are we sure, 
that an enquiry at tliis time may not pro- 
duce thesameefeot^ It m ^aHsdiotum to 
sajr, that ilo man is attached to our present 
amninistration but from tnotives of ael& 
interest! I tni^t aswdl say, that none 
but Jacobites and republicans are against it 

All those who approve of our public 
measures, and are conviticed that nothing 
has been done amiss, must be attached to 
the gevemment from a principle of justice, 
and would, nay ought to stand up against 
their being unjustly condemned by a pr^ 
vailinff faction in patliament ; we are not 
thererore to appose, that our present mi- 
nisteis would be deserted by all their 
friends, upon a censure's being unjustly 
passed agabst them in parliament. And 
as secret committees generall v pique them- 
selves upon finding fatdt, and upon getting 
their opinioa approved of by a majority, 
such a censure would probably be the coti- 
sequence of an enquiry, which miriit ptit 
the friends of our mmisters upon derending 
them by arms, since they found they 
could not defend them by a majority of 
voices in parliament. 

To this I must add. Sir, the danger of 
his majesty^s being prevailed on to thiakt 
that the proeecation of his ministers pro- 
ceeded from a Jacobite or republican spi- 
rit in parliament, and that though the at- 
tack was first made upon his mmisters, it 
was principally designed against himself^ 
or against the most eslentiu prerogatives 
of his crown. This belief his majesty may 
the mfure easilv be brought into, firom tfa!e 
example of uie parliament of the year 
164a That parliament, or at least the 
principal leaders of it, had certainly, from 
thever^ beghantng, a design against the 
crown Itself, but they coverSd tteir deswn 
under the cloak of a desire to punish guiitjr 
ministers, and a seal for that very consti- 
tution which they intended to destroy. 
They attached the king's ministers, and 
those ministers, perhaps, desOrved the at* 
tack, but the consequence shewed, that 
their chief design was against the crown* 
In this, it is now certain, they were en- 
couraged by the court of Franee, and some 
of thra, perhaps, were bribed by French 
gold. May not the same diing happen 
again? Maynotthe majority of this House 
be influenced by a Jacobite or reimhlican 
spirit^ supported by flench promises mi 


FVenchgoM? If this should happMi to be 
the cne, his majesty weald be obliged te 
defend himself end his ministen by foroe 
oferms; and sdppose this were not really 
the case« 3^ if his majesty supposed it 
were, the efiect would 6e the same. 

We riiould therefore, Sir, be extremely 
cautious of gomg upon an enquiry into the 
conduct of ministers, ui^ess we liaye some 
very strong pfroofe of their being guilty, 
ana sodi as may give our sovereign reason 
to think they are so. Such proob aie ne^ 
cessary not only in justice to our ministers, 
who ought not to be subjeeted to the 
trouble and danger of a trial, without any 
sort of proof, but also ki respect to our 
sovereign, and in order to prevent his hav- 
ing any 8U8fH6ion, that the enquiry pro- 
c^ds from disaffection to him, or from a 
concealed design against his crown and 
dignity. Such a caution is necessary at 
all times, but especially at present, on ac- 
count of the circumstances of our affliirs, 
both domestic and foreign. With regard 
to our domestic affiiirs, it is well known, 
that there is still a very strong spirit of 
Jaoobitism in the country, and therefbre, 
when a spirit of enquiry prevails in parlia- 
ment, the king has reason to believe it pro- 
ceeds from a spirit of Jacobitism, unless by 
the proofs upon which that enquiry is 
founded, he should be convinced, that 
there are ver^ good reasons to suspct;t his 
ministers having been guilty of misconduct. 
Then with regard to the circumstances of 
our affiurs abroadr we are in open war with 
Spain, and upon very bad terms with 
France, because of her apprehensions lest 
we should defeat her ambitious designs in 
Europe, by giving effectual assistance to 
the queen of Hungary. A dissension be- 
tween' his majesty and his parliament 
would prevent our lieing able to prosecute 
the war against Spain with vigour, or to 
give any disturbance to the projects of 
France: it is therefore the interest of 
both, to raise, if possible, such a dissen- 
sion ; and for that purpose to procure an 
attack Upon the best ministers of the 
crown. This his majesty has, at this time 
especially, great reason to be jealous of; 
and if he should see any of his ministers 
attacked in parliament without proof, with- 
out so much as an allegation of any parti- 
cular criminal feet, would not he have 
great reason to conclude, that the attack 
proceeded from French and Spanish gold, 
and that according to the old maxim, 
mincipiis obsta^ he was obliged, both for 
liis own safety, and the safety rf hia king- 
domS| to stifle it in its infancy. 

D d ktt e mikeCommmi [S60 

But die inquky now proposed is not, it 
•ems, with a design to attack any of hia 
majesty's minvtera, or to diaoorer miy 
crimes or oversighta in their conduct, but 
merdy to emMe us to give his majesty 
our counsel and advice upon the present 
posture of alBurs. Sir, if the advocate 
for this motion have such a knowledge of 
oar ancient constitution as they pretend, 
they must knowj that to counsel or advise 
is the proper business of the other House; 
our bittinesB is to consent : our very vrriu 
shew, that this is our properprovince ; and 
ther^Gsre, I think, we ought net to be for- 
ward in oiiutng our advice, except when it 
is pavtieolarly and expressly aAed by bis 
majesty. In his Speech from the throne his 
majesty has, it is true, told both Houses, 
for this part of the speech is addreaaed to 
both, that the posture of aAurs makes our 
coubsel and assistance necessary. Whe- 
ther these two words ought to be taken 
joindy or separatdjr is the question ? Ac- 
cording to our ancient constitution, they 
ought to be taken separately : the word 
counsel ought to be supposed to be directed 
te the other House, and the word Meist- 
ance to this. The Peers are to advise tmA 
measures as they think neeessavy: the 
Commons are to assist by granting such 
sums as are necessary for carrying those 
measures into execution. But suppose the 
words were to be taken jointly, we are not 
from hence to conclude, that we are to de- 
termine what points we are to give our ad- 
vice upon. We ought to suppose, that bis 
majesty will af^rwards communicate to 
us, by message, the points upon which he 
desires our advice ; and when he does bo^ 
he will certainly order all the neccesaiy 
papers to be laid before the Hooee, or u 
they are of so secret a nature that they 
ought not to be laid before such a numer- 
ous assembly, he will desire us to appoint 
a secret committee for mspecting such 
papers as he may think fit to communicate. 
To wait for such a message would be act- 
ing in our proper sphere, and with due re- 
spect to our sovereign, agreeably to our 
ancient and real constitution. To act 
otherwise, would be a breach of our duty 
to our sovereign, and rach an incroach- 
ment upon our constitution, as might at 
this juncture be of the most dangerous 
consequence to the liberties of Europe, 
as well as the liberties of our native 

Afler what I have said. Sir, I believe, I 
may freely declare, that I neither think it 
my duty, nor do I think ( Jufve ai^ call te 

961] rJatn^ioikiCaiuhcfffihe 

esume haw afidn stand between tu «nd 
the ({oeeQ of Hongaiyy-and much ktt be- 
tween her and the king of Prussia ; nor^ 
I think we eogfat to eicamine how matters 
stsod between France and us with regard 
to our war with Spain. When his mmesty 
doifes oar advice, it will then, and not 
tOt then, be necessary to examine the 
papers already kid before us, or sodi as 
mj hereafter be kid before us, rdating to 
anj of the points upon which that adTice is 
deaied; and if his nu^ty should reqatre 
it, but not otherwise^ 1 shall be foe ap- 
poistiiig a srieet and secret eammittee 
ibroamining into such papers as his ma- 
jeKj tells OS are not proper tobedivtilged 
to die whde Home. 

Thus, Sir, it must uipear, that if the 
motkn now before us be designed as a 
foandstkm for an im^iry into the conduct 
of otf ministerB, it ought not to be com* 
piied with ; and ^ it be designed oidy as a 
ftep towards enabling us to give his ma- 
)erty cor advice, it is too earl^. Letusexa* 
nine it therefore in what hght we will, it 
appears to be improper. 'Diis b my sin- 
cere opinion of it, and for this reason, I 
kpe tne hon. gentfeman will excuse me, 
if 1 give ray negatire to his motion. 

Sir Watkin WHliaiM Wt^n : 

Sr ; if the House were to be directed 
bjmdi reasoning as an hon. gentleman 
hs made use of against this motion, we 
ibedd never inquire into the conduct of 
aiy minister, nor into the state of any 
piblic afiur, foreign or domestic, but when 
the mmister should please to give us lea^e ; 
lay minister. Sir, for there has always 
been s sort of gentlemen in this Houses 
who oake use oi the word sovereign in- 
arnd of minister, in order to giro an ap* 
pearance of reason to an argument which 
*<inU otherwise ^pear in itself ridiculous. 
To oonfirm what I say, I shall repeat the 
a]gmBeots which the hon. gentleman has 
nade 086 of, and by substituting the word 
nmister, whidi is the only proper word to 
^ oisde use of in this House, when we 
^ of any public affiiir, instead of the 
void fovereign, you will then see hk ar- 
SVMBis in their true light. 

He am, we ought never to inquire into 
tW conduct of mimsters, or to speak more 
Pi^riy, of one sole minister, unless we 
vve tuch proo6 i^inst him as must con- 
^e that minister of his having been in 
w wrong; and the reason for this, he 
"*y*iS|leBt that minister should suspect, 
* ittlwr pretend) that the inquiry into 

War. A. D. 1742. [9fi9 

his c<»duct proceeded from a jaeebite or 
republican spirit, or from the influence of 
foreign gold. Sir, upon such a p r i n ci p l e 
could the parliament ever inquire into the 
conduct or any minister i A minister may 
be conscious of his crhnes or misconduct ; 
but could the parliament, previous to any 
inquiry, ever have such proe& against him, 
as would induce him to confess nis hxvhg 
been weak or criminal ? If the weakness 
of his conduct were from its effects appa- 
rent to the whc^e nation, he would pre* 
tend, that those effects proceeded from 
accidents that could not oe foreseen nor 
provided against, or from the ambition, 
obstinacv» or weakness of foreign courts, 
and not nrom any weakness in the measures 
he had pursued. Suppose we had positive 
evidence against him: suppose we had 
letters under his hand, for proving hk 
having been guilty of the most treasonabk 
practices; a guilty minister wo«dd pretend, 
that the letters were forged, or that the 
witnesses were Jacobites, or republicans^ 
or bribed by foreign gdd, and therefore 
not to be credited. In short, Sir» the 
more guilty a minister is, the more post. 
tively^ the more arrogantly^ will he insist 
upon his innocence, and that therefore he 
ought not to be put to th|e trouble of de^ 
fending himself agahst a parliamentary 
inquiry. Thus we must never inquire into 
the behaviour of any minister whik he 
continues in that station, unless it be at hk 
own desire, and with a view to justify and 
appkud his wisdom and conduct; nor into 
the behaviour of any discarded minister,* 
unless it be to satisfy the revenge of some 
succeeding one; and what a pretty minis- 
terial tool this argument would make of a 
parlkment, 1 shall leave to the considera- 
tion of those gentlemen who nsake use of it. 
For my part. Sir, 1 shall always be of 
opinkn, that the least suspicion of wicked- 
ness, the least suspicion of^weakness, in the 
conduct of any public affair, or in the con- 
duct of our publicaffiiirsin general, isasuffi- 
cient foundation foraparliamentary inquiry. 
Nay, such inquiries ought to be often set 
on foot, even when there is no suspicion 
of any misconduct. ^ Shall a minister si^, 
I have been a very honest and faithfol 
minister, and therefore I ought not to be 
put to Uie trouble of having my conduct 
mquired into. Sir, a steward may as well 
say, I have been a very honest man and a 
good steward, and therefore ought not to 
be put to the trouble of passing my ac^- 
counts. Every gentleman knows, that the 
proper, and ind^ the only way to keep s 



JDei^ie in tht. OmmoBt 


Steward honest, is to make him frequently 

Sass his accounts. A good steward will 
esire it, and so will a good ininister ; for 
a minister is but a steward for the public ; 
and therefore when I find a minister using 
all his art to evade or prevent a parliamen- 
tary inquiry^ it will always eive me a sus- 
picion of his conduct, and ponsequoitly 
will with me be a prevailing argument for 
setting up immediatielv an impartial and 
strict mquiry. This» hir, was the maxim 
of our ancestors : by this tnaxim they have 
handed down to us our liberties and pro- 
perties. Without this maxim we uiali 
hand nothing down to our posterity, but 
slavery and poverty. 

A civil war» I shall grant, Sir, is a 
terrible misfortune; but it is far from 
being the most terrible; for I had rather 
see my country engaged for twenty years 
in a civil .war, than to see it tamely submit 
but for one year to ministerial bondage ; 
therefore, if this country should ever be 
reduced to the fatal cblemma of being 
obliged to give up its liberties, or engage 
in a civil war, I hope no true Briton would 
balance a moment in his choice. Thank 
God ! this is not our case at present. V \ 
hope the fate of this question will shew it 
is not our case ; for from our inquiry into 
the conduct of our present ministers, no 
civil war, I am sure, can ensue. If they 
are innocent, an impartial inquiry wiU 
justify their conduct. To suppose other- 
wise, would be offering the highest in- 
dignity to this House, which has never 
impeached, nor passed any censure upon 
a minister without a justitiable cause. If 
our ministers are guilty, they ought to be 
punished, and hb majesty has too much 
wisdom to think of protecting a guilty 
minister against the justice of the nation. 
1*0 suppose otherwise, would be offering 
the highest insult to the crown. 

What motives gentlemen may have for 
being attached to our present ministers, I 
do not know, nor shall determine; but 
when gentlemen possessed of posts which 
they got by his favour, and perhaps hold 
at his pleasure, are almost the only persons 
that appear in his vindication; the pre- 
sumption' militates strongly against the 
disinterestedness of their behaviour, as 
well as against the uprightness of his con- 
duct ; and whatever such gentlemen may 
pretend, if his nriajesty should give his mi- 
nister up to national justice,.! believe, no 
man in the kingdom appi^hends, that any 
of them would attempt drawing their 
swords in his defence. The danger of a 

civil war is therefore not in the least to b 
apprehended from a fair inquiry into on 
minister'a conduct; but considering th 
suspicions and exjpectatioos of the peoph 
if tnis session ot parliament should en 
without such an inquiry, a civil war mai 
very probably be the consequence. Hi 
peque will not, but his majesty may sin 
pose, that our pe|^ect to inquire procej 
from our opinion of his innocence. Ik 
people feel the effects of his miscoftdacf 
and may, perhaps, feel them eveiy dij 
more and more: This will make thai 
imagine, that our neglect to inquire pn 
ceeds not firom our having a good o^ioi 
of his conduct, but from our havmg j 
share in his plunder. On the other huid 
his noG^esty neither does, nor can feel thw 
effects: At least he cannot feel theaiH 
it is too late to prevent the goDsequenon 
and as he has a good opinion of hu pariia 
ment, he will natuvally suppose the condiM 
of his minister to be wise and upright, ba 
causehis parliament has neither condenuMi 
it, nor so much as inquired into it* Ihil 
his mi^esty may be prevailed <nl to coai 
tinue him at the head of the adminirtratio^ 
notwithstanding the people's being gens 
rally convinced, that he is every day imden 
mining their liberties, by means ot a ytsai 
and corrupt parliament ; and iS this shodi 
be the case,I must conclude, that a ctA 
war will certainly ensue, or I must forai| 
much more disaffreeable copcluaion, whidi 
is, that the peo^ of this oountiy haveii 
much degenerated from the virtue tad 
courage of their anoestore, that theyefaoii 
rather to submit tamely to slavery, thsa li 
run the risk of assertmg their .liberties kj 
the sword. 

. A republican and enthusiastical spiol 
joined together, was, it is true, Sir, 1I14 
ultimate cause of the ruin of king Chsriei 
the first, but it was &r from being Um 
original. The first and origii^ cause d 
the ruin of that unfoitunate prince^ wn 
his allowing himself to be governed, fsi 
the first fifteen years of his reign, by ni< 
nisters that were hateful to the people, ul 
protecting those ministers against all i» 
quiries and prosecutbns in parliamettU 
By this means he raised and fomenled a 
republican spirit in the nation, lo sueh a 
degree, that the people would not be «^ 
tisfied with the sacrifice of a few« Ihey 
had conceived such a jealousy of the power 
of the crown, by the ill use his mtiusteft 
made of it, that nothioe would satisfy thes 
but a diminution of that power ; sad his 
taking anns in defenoe of mt powe^ aii 


rdattMgio ihi C&nduct ofAe War. 

A. D. 1742. 


koppodliaD to the premilin^ spirit of this 
Bstiaii, was what brought him at the last 
to the fittal catastrophe he met with: His 
mtimelj end ought to be a warning to all 
fiitore minirterB, that have any regard to 
their naster, to submit in time to a fair 
nquiiyy or ii they be conscious of guilty 
to fly from that fate which such an inquiry 
oii^ bring them to ; and, I hope, it will 
he 80 example to all future kbgs of this 
country^ to let their favour towards a mi* 
nster have the same period with the favour 
of the people. In a free country the 
princess fiivour ought to proceed from 
the frrour add esteem a man has ac- 
ouired among the people, and it must have 
me fsroe period, or the liberties of the 
people must be overtomed; for a free 
Mople will not be governed by aman they 
Mte or despise. 

Hiisy we knowy hts present majesty is 
Collvsensfiile of, and therefore we need be 
Moder no apprehensiotts, that he will ob- 
itract an examination, or endeavour to 
protect a minister afrer he has been found 
guikv upon afidr inquiry into his conduct ; 
bot nippose we were so unlucky as to have 
t prince upon the throne, that would ob- 
itinstely protect a weak or wicked minister 
seaiastthe justi 

justice of his parliament, and 
ife resentment of his people, should we 
at here, and patiently see the nation ruined 
by the moiiater's weakness, or our liberties 
ynderaiined, and the people plundered and 
oppresed by his wickedness \ Should we, 
i ay, patientl]^ bear this, for fear of in* 
Tohmg the nation in a cii^ war \ I hope, 
I ihsli never hear such a cowardly doc- 
trine inculcated within these walls. It is 
i doctrine that breathes nothing but 
filtreiy/and such as will never, I hope, be 
bsrboured in the breast of any British 

tbe fears, therefore, which the hon. 
gottlemaii haa been {leased to instill into 
^ sre either frmtastical, or they are such 
as Bo member of this House ougnt to allow 
to have the least influence upon his con-' 
doct, with regard to the present question. 
Svppose a general inquiry shoula be the 
couequence of our appointing the select 
couiunUee now movea for : Suppose that 
Bcpmy ahould extend itaelf as far back as 
t^ bon. gentleman seems to apprehend, 
ividd it be of any bad consequence to the 
Bttian? On the contrary, it would be of 
pot service, because it would shew our 
ntse QinistorB, thUthowever quietljr they 
1^^^ pass through the course of their ad- 
thdr conduct woidd aOBoe 

time or other be impartially inquired into ; 
and as former administrations have not 
been free from suspicions, no move than 
the present, I hope it would be of service 
to them too, by convincing the world that 
those suspicions were groundless. 

I hope I have now shewn, that the hon. 
gentleman's ar^ments against this motion 
are of no weight, even upon the supposi- 
tion of its being intendea as the first step 
towards a general inquiry ; and his argu- 
ment against it, upon the supposition of 
its being intended only as a necessary step 
.towards enabling us to give his majesty 
proper advice in the present posture of 
aflSurs, will appear to oe of no greater 
weight, especially, if by the same change 
of words, we state hb argument in its true 
li^ht. He has told us, that if we are to 
give any advice to our sovereign, for 
whether we ought to do so seems to him 
to b6 a doubt, we ought not to think of 
giving advice, unless his maiesty not only 
desires it in general terms, By his speech 
from the throne, but likewise by mes- 
sage, directs us to the particular point 
unon which we are to give our acNce. 
We all know, Sir, that speeches from the 
throne, and messages from thecrown,are ih 
this House supposed to be the speeches 
and ndessages or the minister ; ana there- 
fore, to put this argument in the language 
c^ parliament, it wHl stand thus : < Let us 
be never so fully convinced of our sove- 
reign's being misled by his minister, we 
ought not to give him any advice, unleai 
that minister points out to us by message, 
the subject upon which we are to give ad- 
vice.' I hope it will be granted. Sir, that 
an address to remove a mmister is a sort of 
advice, and oflen a very wholesome piece 
of advice, but according to this doctrine, 
we can never advise our sovereign to re- 
move any mmister. 

I am really sorry, Sir, for being obliged 
to set the absurdity of this doctrine in such 
a strong light ; but in justice to my coun- 
try I could not avoid it. If we are never 
to advise our sovereign in any case, but 
such as 18 pointed out to us by his minis- 
ter, no minister will ever desire the advice 
of parliament, but when he is assured they 
will advise just as he has before resolved, 
and such advice can never be of any ser- 
vice to the king, though it may be to the 
minister, by taking the odium of a bad mea- 
sure off o{ his shoulders, and fixina It 
upon the parliament ; but I hope I £aH 
never see such a parliament m Great 

367] 15 GEORGE XL 

KoWy Sir, with rSe^rd to the riUbt we 
have, or ,the obligation we lie under^ of 
offering our advice to our sovereign ; as 
the hon* gentleman seemed to doubt of it, 
I hope I shall be indulged a few words 
upon the subject. To consult and advise' 
is, I shall grant, the business and the duty 
of the other House, perhaps more properly 
than of this ; but when the other House 
happens to be deficient in this respect, it 
is our duty to make good that deficiency. 
We must know better than the other 
House what may be i^reeable or disagree- 
able to the people, and it is our proper 
province, to give our advice in favour of 
what we think will be so, and against what 
we think will be otherwise. But suppose 
we were in no case to advise, are not we 
to consent, and have not we a right to re- 
vise that consent to any measure we think 
inconsistent with the public good ? Is it 
not then our duty to examine every fPublic 
ineasure, especially when it is attended 
with a public expence, which is the case at 

5 resent > And can we examine it so as to 
etermine whether we ought to consent to 
It or no, without strictly examining all the 
letters and papers that relate to it f 

Simpoae we should in this, session be 
called on, as we probably may, to grant a 
sum of money tor the assistance of the 
queen of Hungary ; can we determine 
what sum to grant, without knowing how 
a£^rs stand between France and us, as 
well as between us and the queen of Hun- 
gary ? For if we stand upon bad terms 
with France, we ought certainly be the 
more zealous, and to grant the more li- 
berally, for the support of the queen of 
Hungary. Thus, Sir, it must appear, 
that even if we had no inclination to in- 
quire into the conduct of past affiiirs, nor 
to advise about the conduct of future, yet 
still we ought to examine the papers men- 
tioned ; and aa this cannot be done without 
referring them to a Select Committee, I 
shall therefore be for agreeing to the 

Sir WUUam Yonge : 

Sir ; that this House has a right to re- 
fiise, as well as to give its consent, to every 
measure proposed to us by the crown, or 
recommended by the other House, is what 
no man will deny ; but that for this reason 
we ought to pry into such secrets as relate 
to foreign affairs , cannot be admitted, be- 
cause it would be attended with infinite 
prejudice to the public As our business 
rehites chiefly to domestic affiurs» we ought 

DeBiOe m the Commom [M 

to keep within that provinoe ualesi U 
majesty communicates to us some foreu 
treaty, expedition, or transaction, in orS 
to have our approbation, or asdatanoe 
and then we ought to content outbcIw 
with such li^ts as his majesty may h 
pleased to furii^ish us with ; n>r in all soc 
cases his majesty will communicate tii 
necessary papers, so fiir as is consiite 
with the public safet3^ From than n 
ought to judge, for we can judge fitM 
none other ; and as the crown musti 
supposed to know more of foreign afis 
than have been, or can be conununicatfl 
to us ; we ought to have a bias in fiivoi 
of that which appears tc be the (^inioa < 
the crown. 

This, Sir, may perhaps, by some ga 
tlemen be called a slavish doctrine; but 
is such as will be followed by all who Iw 
a greater inclination to serve their com 
try in parliament, than to find fault wil 
the conduct of their sovereign or the esi 
duct of ministers, call it iniich you «l 
for I do not know how to distingoU 
unless it be, that we ought to impute i 
our sovereign every thing we think r^ 
and to his ministers every thing we dwi 
wrong. With regard to domestic afiaii 
we have a much greater latitude ; becan 
we may more fireely call for all papers a 
lating to any such afiisdr, and have greaH 
reason to su^ct that ministers wiQ,i 
affitirs of this kind, give such advice \ 
may most conduce to their own prival 
advantage. But it cannot be saia, dii 
the papers proposed to be referred to 
select committee, have the least relatifl 
to any afiair of thi; kind. If we sbmd 
be desired to grant money for the assis 
ance of the queen of Hungfary, it wi 
then be time enough to consider wheth 
we ought to do so. For determim'ng th 
question, I think we have no occasion i 
examine any papers of state, our commc 
newspapers must convince us, that n 
ought to comply with such a demani 
and as to the quantum of that grant, i 
must be convinced, that she stands, tn net 
of more than this nation can afford to giV 

Sir, we can have qo occasion to refi 
the papers mentioned in this oiotion to 
secret committee, unless we have a mil 
to make that committee a committee < 
inquiry, and to enable them to inqoii 
into the conduct of all our public afii 
both forei^ and domestic, for many yea 
past. This I believe to be the reai intei 
tion of the motion, and for this reasoa 
cannot agree to it; because theestriiiis] 


reMt^ «o the Omduci qfthe War. 

ing of ndh a oommittee «t such a^ritiGal 
coQJunctare, would be of the most danger- 
ous consequence to Europe in general^ as 
well as to this nation in particular By 
this the whole frame of our government 
would be altered^ and would continue so, 
during the continuance of that committee. 
It would be an establishing imperium in 
imperiof or rather a government set up by 
this House, distinct n'om, and superior to, 
our constitutional goveniment; for this 
committee must either consist of such as 
are friends to the king's mmisters, or such 
as are their declared enemies. If of the 
fonner, it would give no satisfaction to the 
people, and if of the latter, they would 
probably, in a short time, get the entire 
management of this House, and take upon 
them to accuse and imprison every minis- 
ter at their own will and pleasure. 

In short. Sir, I should expect to see the 
scene of 1641 acted over again. To see 
all his majesty's present ministers im- 
prisoned or forced into exile, and eveij 
oew officer he should name without their 
directiooy with all those tiiat appeared as 
inends to the crown, declared delinquents. 
Mliat this confusion might end in, God 
only knows; but in such circumstances, I 
am certain^ we could neither prosecute the 
war agaiost Spain with vigour, nor assist 
in restoring the balance of power in Eu* 
rope. Nay, we could not even defend 
oarselves : our plantations, with our pos- 
sessions in the Mediterranean, would be- 
come a prey to the Spaniards, and the 
nation itself would, at last, become a pro- 
vince to the Frendi, who might sencL the 
Pretender to us for a viceroy. 

In the year 1715, Sir, we had no fatal 
consequences to fear from the secret com- 
mittee then appointed. The nation was 
iiot engaged m any war, nor was the 
bdance of power in dan^r. The com- 
mittee was not to inquire mto the conduct 
of the then administration : they were to 
inquire into the conduct of a set of nunis- 
ten, who had most justly been dismissed 
by his late majesty, wiui the contempt 
taev deserved. When the proposition was 
made for appointing a secret committee, 
it was evident from the complexion of the 
House, that it would consist of such as 
vere friends to the then administration : 
consequently there was no confusion in 
•ur government to be apprehended; for 
a we were then situated, I do not think 
tbe idiellion was a fiital consequence, 
anee the diiialTected thereby furnished the 
govenunent with an opportunity to crush 


A. D. 1748. [370 

them. If tiiey had not dedared them- 
selves, they would have had a great in 
fluence upon all future diections, and by 
beingjoined by discontented whigs, might, 
before this time, have got a Jacobite par- 
liament, which would nave brought our 
present establishment into greater danger 
than it could be by an open rebellion. 

Gentlemen must thus see, Sir, that there 
is a very great di&rence between our 
preset circumstances, and those of 1715 i 
and surely no man will say, there is now 
the same necessity for an inquiry. I am 
one of those who think there is not the 
least occasion for it, and I am convinced 
there are many such in the nation. Sus* 
picions have been most artfully, propagated 
against our present administration, as there 
wUl be agamst all; and if I thought they 
could be removed by an impartiafinquiTy, 
I should be for it ; but, I am sure, they 
cawiot. Those suspicions are entertained 
by none* but the disafected and disobliged, 
and nothii^t I know, will satirfv the 
former but a sacrifice of our present happy 
establishment ; and the latter nothing but 
a sacrifice of our present ministers, whe-^ 
dier they deserve it or no. A justification 
of their conduct, which would be the con- 
sequence of an impartial inquiry, would 
be so &r from allavmg the heats and ani- 
mosities without doors, that it would in«* 
crease them, and would be made a handle 
for raising suspicions against the honour 
of this House, as well as aeainst the cxm^ 
duct of our ministers; and this, I h<^pe» 
will prevail with the House to put a n^a- 
tive upon this motion. 

Lord Pfrcevo/ .- 

Sir; as this is. the first time I have had 
the honour of offermg my sentiments, I 
hope to meet with the indulgence of tiie 
House ; and I do assure you, Sir, however 
great I may find it, it shall not induce me 
to be often troublesome. 

I have the ar^ter reason to intreat this 
favour, as 1 had not received the least 
previous intimation, upon what point the 
debate of this day was like to have turned. 
But I have endeavoured to supply this 
want of information, by a diligent atten- 
tion to what has been urged on both sides 
of the question ; and the state of the case 
before us appears to me in this light, that 
gentlemen on the one side suspect the 
conduct of the administration, and desire 
the assistance of thiB House to dear up 
those suspidons ; while on the other side, 
the gentlemen in the administration, knoww 



15 GBOXGl u. 

MMlbtttW %% in$ MJOfdli €^l^6miWg 


ing themidvea siMpeetal, Uoot all thay 
eati to BreFaat die Hooae from affiicdiDg 
Ibal ai8t9limce» 

Now, Sir, 80 I stand btbb Homo by 
the fiivour of my conatituenta* as inde- 
•eodent as any man can be, and as Ood 
MS placed roe in a oondilion of lift to 
maintain that independence, I ha«e no- 
thing to induoe me to be partial in tfiis 
question. I am goremed by no «iewa ef 
party : I am influenced by no prejndioe. 

On the one hand, those who suspect the 
conduct of the ministij, are not only war* 
ranted by the constitutfon to entertain 
Suspicions of this kind, with regard to any 
administration, but urged by tb uniTersal 
toioe of the whole nation to distrust the 
ponduct of the present. They are ikrther 
warranted by tne visible decay of trade> 
^j the distress of all our foreign aiBurs, 
and by the ill success of a war, in which 
we have been above two yeaia en- 
gaged, with great superiority of force, 
against a contemptible enemy : a war in 
which we have hitlierto relied neitber 
honour nor advantage, and in which, fhim 
the manner of its management, we have 
no prospect of.aoauiring either, though 
none was ever supplied with graator libe- 
rality by the nation. Thus the gentlemen 
on one side of the question seem to act no 
other part than what is ihir and just^ e»- 
aentiai to the honour of this Mouse, and 
to the interests and expectations of their 

Give me leave to review the con- 
duct of the gentlemen who are thus 
ttnhappily suspected. These uig^ even 
these suspicions as an argument to excite 
their friends to support them, as in a case 
bf great exlremitjr ; it is their great endea- 
vour, to be left in the state of bemg still 
suspected. Isitpoasibletfaatanymimcon- 
ident in his own integritv, innocent of what 
ia imputed to him, should exert himself in 
such a manner, to prevent your receiving 
informations, which might tend to set his 
character in its true light ? No, Sk, this 
conduct is. by no means consistent with 
this favourable supposition. Mimsters, 
how great soever they may be, know the 
importance of a good reputation: there- 
fere it is impossible for any men in his 
conscience not to be convinced, from this 
uncommon struggle, that the papers now 
contended for, contain somewhat that will 
6x either guilt or error up<m those who 
hwe engrossed the direction of the public 
afturs ; and in either case, it is our duty to 
mquire, that we may be able to do justice 

tooor eoiuntvy^ev,at least, to prevent nttint 

The necessity, dierefore, of some iDquiry 
bemg' apparent, as well ftom die nature of 
the thing, as fW>m the conduct <tf those 
who endeavour to prevent it, IshaHtake 
no farther time to enforce that point ; bat 
I must beg leave to answer the objections 
made to tbe manner of inquiry now pro* 

One hon. member has Cold you, that 
twenty one persons cannot be found among 
the members of iMs House, proper to be 
intrusted with so great a power ; and yet, 
it seems, diat one man may be found pro- 
per to be intrusted, for twenty years toge* 
ther, with the whole revenues, the sole di. 
rection of all aikirs both abroad and st 
home, the sole power of this goremment 
without coDtroul. The same gentleraao 
has told us, that the Commons cannot dele- 
gate such a power to a committee. Upon 
other occasions I have also heard that hon. 
gentleman assert, that thb was not a pro- 
per busmess for the House, who were too 
numerous to be tr^isted with those impor« 
lant secrets, which must, in consequence, 
be laid before them. If, therefore, neiAer 
tlie House ought, nor a committee can 
peruse the papers, necessary f&r an exa- 
mination into the measures of a minister, 
the result is plainly thfe, that ministers must 
be left to act in what manner they think 
fit, without any apprehension or being 
called to account. 

Another gentleman has said, that the 
authority of such a committee would be 
greater than any ministerial authority erer 
known in this or any dther reign. I sm 
very nmch surprised, Aat this gentleman 
should so soon torget the many instances of 
like nature, already ui^^ed in this debate; 
b)it I am more surprised, that he should 
not remember that famous committee, con- 
sisting of the same number, and invested 
with the same powers, appointed by this 
House at the b^^ning of the reign of the 
late Idn^. Surely that hon. gentleman, 
whose friends seem to think him the object 
of this debate, will not foiget it; for if I 
am not mistaken, he was himself chairman 
of it. 

Gentlemen seem not to reflect to whom 
they speak, when they advance such doc- 
trines. Sir, I am confident that the 
very youn^t and most unexperienced 
memlJer ofthis House knows, that no com- 
mittee of any kind has power fiuther than 
to prepare matter for me House : That 
no act of a committee is of any force, ^ 


lltf Aiicnee ifQfie€r$fram Minorca. A. D« 1742. 


ooofinMdaadnH&dbjrtheHoQge: That 
its poven are d#rivea from &e House* 
and Dial revert !• the House egein; and 
Ggd fiKiNdJ Sir» that the time should be 
WW come^ when they shall not be found 
grester than any miaisterial authority 
knovn in this kingdom. 

Men of sense, 8ir» will not be frightened 
at these phantoms. Our constitution knows 
£tf gras^r powers; the Charter of king 
John directs, in cases of extremity, not that 
tventy one persons diall be appointed to 
ioipect the public i^epers, and to report to 
th» House the matter which they shall 
discofer therein, but prescribee, that five 
and twenty persons ma;^ be appointed to 
take the regency into their own hands, and 
to osrdse ib% highet^ functions of this 
govonment, in which the whole nation is 
required to maintain them, till the puUk 
pennces shall be totally redressed. This 
B a power which was not only prescribed, 
but often exercised in the reigns, of king 
Jobi, HeuT the Srd, Edward the 2n«^ 
lod Richara the £nd« This is, indeed, a 
pover of a very h%h nature, end which 1 
fiboidd be very eony to see exerted again 
in thii country; bu^ perhaps, a proper use 
of that moderate power which we now eon- 
tead fbriQiay bethe only means to prevent 
tbe aecessity of having recourse to the 
other, hereafter. 

Sir, I sm sensible I have troubled you 
too longi but when I found a motion that is 
nasonaiblcso vii^enthr opposed; and as I 
M a gmt necessity for the iniiuiry itself, 
ttdoodiiog new or dangerous in the man- 
ur of that proposed, I shall heartily give 
Bjabmative to t^ question* 

Therewas, upon this dccaston^ the ibllest 
House known f<»r meny years. The De- 
bate being over, and the question put upon 
Mr Pokeney^s motion, it passed in the 

Then it was.remved to address Us ma- 
j^fof'* copies of aD Memorials, Repre- 
i^Dtathns, Dedaiittions, and Letters, sent 
|o )tt Majesty, ot his ministers, by die 
|%of Pmitt, or his ministers ; or by h» 
^joty, or Us mhiisters, to the king of 
^^^ cnr his mhdsters; or snch Letters 
^Ittrebeensent fromhende to his Majes- 
^tobiater at the court ofProssia; with 
^ respecthre Answers, rdadtie to the 
>tite ot tewar in die einplre, and the sup- 
P^ttd intemts of die Hodse of Austria, 
SDce the deafli of the late Emperor.'' 

Msl9 im Me Larit am o RedoUiiion 
^^^^^mgikfAUif^j^QfimiJrm the 

Garrison (^Minorca,*"} Jan* 37. The 
House proceeded to take into consider«^ 
tion the Pa^rs laid before their lordships, 
relatinff to Minorca and Gibraltar, and 

Lord Sandwich moved to resolve, *' Than 
as it appears to this House, by the I«ist of 
the Officers belonging to the establishment 
oi Minorca, that, out of 19 officers, only 
oneadjutantjooe of the joint secretariefi,tte 
provost marshal, one surgeon's mate, and 
the signal man, are attending their duty in 
the island ; it is ^e opinion <h this Houstf, 
That the permitting so many officers to be 
absent, in time of nrofound peace, would be 
a great nc^ect ot the public service, tend- 
inis to the destruction of military disd-* 
plme; but that the suffering them to be 
absent in time of war, at a juncture when 
the island of Minorca has bean threatened 
with an invasion from the Spaniards, ren- 
ders the posse8sk>n of that important place 
Erecarious» suod is highly injurious to the 
ODour and interest of these Kingdoms/' 
After debate it was ordered. That the 
said Debate be adjourned till to-morro% 
and that major general Anstrutber do 
then attend this House* 

Jan. 28. The order of the day being 
read for resuming the adjourned Pebate, 
and also a motion for the attendance df 
mijor general Anstrutber, who, attending 
accordingly, was cslled in: and having 
been sworn, the List jofthe Officers bo- 
longing to the establishment of Minorca, 
laid before this House the 20th insunt, 
distinguishing which of them are upon the 
place, and which of them are absent^ was 
shewn to him ; and he was directed to give 
an account of the persons absent, the nl^ 
ture of their offices and employments, and 
the reasons of their being so siisent: and, 
having given an account thereof, was 
examined further, in general^ aa to the state 
and condition of the said island, the num- 
ber and condition of the forces there, the 
manner and method of recruiting, and other 
matters* And then he was directed to 
withdraw* After which, 

The Duke of Argyk rose and said : 

My lords ; when I consider the-conduct 
of our ancestors upon the like occasions, the 
evidence of the neglect now under our con- 
sideration^ the importance of the frface so 
grossly and so evidentlv neclected, the&td 
conseouences that neglect has been attend- 
ed witn, and the more fatal consequences it 




Debaie in the Lardi eoneerning 


might probably have been attended wHb, I 
must conclode^ that no censure was ever 
more juat, no censure was ever more mode* 
rate^ no censure was ever more necessary, 
than that contained in the proposition now 
before you. The island or Minorca has in 
every circumstance been so much neglect- 
ed for many years past, that I am surprised 
at its remaining still in the possession of 
Great Britain, The very despair which 
the poor soldiers wero' drove to by being 
Jcept so long in tlie island, without hop^ (rf 
bemg ever relieved, was of itself sufficient 
^ oidanger the loss of that valuable pos- 
session ; for I wonder it has not before now 
made them mutiny^ and ddiver the uland 
up to the Spaniards. It is happy for us 
that our countrymen have generally a 
greater love for their native soil, and a 
greater contempt of foreign countries, then 
most other people have; for it is this only, 
in my opinion, that has preserved to us the 
possession of Minorca, and perhaps Gibral- 
tar likewise. Considering how ill the gar- 
risons of both these f^ces have been 
treated, how long they have suffered under 
that treatment, what little hopes they had 
of being ever relieved, and what encourage- 
ment tney had reason to expect from we 
enemy, it is surprising to me that both 
have not before now been delivered up to 
the Spaniards, either by a mutiny among 
the soldiers, or by the treachery of some 
of the inferior officers; but as such mu- 
tiny or treachery would have disabled 
them from ever returning to their native 
country, which they most earnestly wish 
lor, and would have obliged them to live 
among Spaniards whom they most heartly 
de^se, thisalohe, I believe, has prevented 
their being guilty of it. 

Whilst they have any hopes of return- 
ing to their native country, these hopes, 
ny lords, will still prevent such a fatal ef- 
fect ; but if the regiments in garrison there 
should be^ to lose all hopes of being ever 
relieved, if the^ should begin to look upon 
themselves as fixt there for life, it may very 
probably produce such an effect, or it may 
induce them to make but a faint resistance 
in case an enemy should come to attack 
« them ; and the absence of so many officers 
neceBsary for the defence of the place may 
fiimish toose that are there with an excuse 
lor that fiunt resistance. By such means 
the place might be lost, without leaving it 
In our power to punish those that were im- 
mediately the occasion of it. They would 
perhaps be made prisoners by the enemy, 
and would of course beset at liberty upon 

the condusion of the next treaty of peace, 
which would furnish them with an opportu- 
nity they could never otherwise have ex- 
pected, I mean that of retummg to their 
native country ; for as no slavery is admit- 
ted among Christian potentates, we could 
not inflict that punishment upon them, 
which Regulus aavised the Romans to in- 
flict upon the army under his command : 
If we did not exchange or redeem them 
during the war, the enemy would of course 
discheurge them upmi the condusion of a 
peace; and upon their return we could 
not in justice punish them for sufiering 
therasdves to be relieved by an enemy, 
from that punishment, which had most un- 
justly been inflicted upon them by their 
country. I say punishment, my lords, for 
to keep any regiment at Portraahon longer 
than their turn of duty requires, I must 
feok on as a sort of punishment. It is a 
* Relegatio m Insulam,' whidi waa one of 
the severest punishments among the Ro- 
mans, especially when it was during life; 
and is a punishment which ou^t to be b- 
flicted upon no man, unless he has been 
guilty (Hsome very heinous crime. 

We liave had it proved at our bar, roj 
lords, how ill the common soldiers iH-ook 
their being kept so long from having a 
sight of thdr native country. Many of 
them have put an end to a wretched life, 
rather than continue longer in what they 
looked upon as an unjust and crud exile : 
many others of them have maimed them- 
selves, and thereby rendered themselves 
not only unfit for tne service, but unfit for 
getting their bread at home, rather than 
continue longer in the place where they 
were; and the deamess of provisions,! 
chiefly occasioned by the taxes and pro- 
hibitions arbitrarily imposed by the go- 
vernors, must make it very inconvenient 
both for soldiers and officers confined to 
live in those garrisons. We may from 
hence see, how dangerous it is to trust the i 
preservation of those important places to 
men who have no hopes of ever seeing! 
their friends at home, as long as those! 
places remain in our possession ; and the i 
frequent leave of absence given to the 
officers, and to such numbers of them at a ! 
time, must certainly add to this danger, i 
because it adds to the discontent of thei 
common soldier, who can never expect; 
leave of absence, and renders his case! 
more provokingly demerate. 

The importanceof the island of Minorca, 
with reroect to our trade in every put of 
the Mediterranean^ is in iCsdf so manifest, 


the Aitenee qfOficenfrwa Mhwrca. 

A. D. 1742« 


ind has been npon fbmier occasions so 
ctearlj demonstrated to your lordahros, 
that i need not say much for proving 
vfaat is so unirersally known and acknow* 
ledged. It must be allowed, that our 
trade widi Baitery, Turkey^ Ital^» and 
the coasts of France and Spain, situated 
in the Mediterranean, is of the utmost 
coDScouence to this nation ; and to eveiy 
one or these, our possession of Minorca is 
cf great importance, because it not only 
affioirds our diips a safe and convenient 
post to refit or careen, and to refresh thehr 
men; but it renders our trade to every 
one of these places more secure, and more 
difficult to be disturbed or interrupted by 
an enemy. Ever since we bad possession 
of this island, the corsairs ot Algiers, 
Tunis, and the other piratical places upon 
the Baibaiy coast, have been more tracta- 
ble, and more shy of breaking with us. 
They know how easy it is for us, not onl^ 
to said a poweriiil squadron to the Medi- 
terranean, bat to keep it there, till we 
have comeUed them to submit to our 
tenas. This makes them afndd of break- 
bg with as, and, if by chance they do, 
more ready to be reconcfled: whereas, 
dunldwelose this possession, after hav- 
ing kept it so bnff, thejr would despise us 
iDore than ever &y did heretofore, and 
would be ready upon every occasion to 
come to an open rupture with us. Con- 
feqoently our possession of Minorca must 
roder oar trade in every part of the 
Mediterranean more secure than it could 
othenriae be; and when we happen to be 
It war either with France or Spain, this 
abod will always be a great advadti^ to 
«, by affording a safe port for our mer- 
dnnt chips to run into, when chaced by 
prirateers, and by enabling us to keep 
^^vi, in the Mediterranean, a superior 
HjoadFOD for protecting our trade, and for 
lading the enemies coasts, as well as 
destroying their privateers. 

But, my lords, in case it should ever 
hsppen, as it probaUy may, that both 
Fraoce and Spain should unite in a war 
against us, the possession of tliis island 
would be of the utmost consequence to 
w trade iti the Mediterranean : nay, in 
tbis case, it would be very difficult for us 
to cany on any trade in that sea without 
i;; especially now that a son of l^in is 
ia possession of the two Sicilies ; for if 
Faoce and Spain should* declare against 
us. we could not expect that the king of 
tbetwo Sicilies would long continue our 
friend; and how the ports of Tuscany 

may be disposed of at the end of the pre- 
sent war it is impossible to determine. In 
this caKe, it woi^d be impossible for us to 
keep a superior squadron in the Meditelr- 
ranean, it would be dangerous even to 
send any such squadron thither, because 
our capital ships would have no place of 
safeiy to retire to in case of a storm, nor 
any place to refit or careen. The bay of 
Gibraltar, since the Spaniards have been 
allowed to erect such works upon it, is far 
firom being a place of safety, nor can any 
capital ship be careened in either of the 
mdes there ; and if the king of Portugal 
should be overawed into such a neutrality, 
as to refuse admittance into his ports for 
any souadron of ships of war, our posses- 
sion or Gibraltar would become precarious; 
for we could not always keep a superior 
squadron there for his defence, and the 
enemy might take an opportunity, in the 
winter time, if we had no such squadron 
there, to attack the place both by sea and 
land, and mi^t carry it before we could, 
at that season of the year, send a squadron 
from hence for its relief; so that tne pre- 
servation of Gibraltar depends upon our 
preserving Minorca: they came together, 
and they will certainly go togetiier; or 
very soon after one another; for an admi- 
nistration that win neglect the one, wiD, 
in all probability, equally n^lect the 
other ; and while we preserve a superio- 
rity at sea in the Mediterranean, it is tm* 
possible we should lose either, unless it be 
by the treachery, neglect, or misconduct 
of our ministers. 

Their treachery, my lords, you cannot 
prevent, but you may punidi; and von 
may prevent any firtal efect from their 
neglect or misconduct, by being watchful 
to censure it as soon as it happens. And 
as what is proposed to be censured by this 
motion, has something in it more criminal 
than mere neglect: as no officer can be 
absent without leave, the giving of that 
leave, or advising his majesty to give that 
leave, to a great number of them at a 
time, is an act which I think would be 
criminal even in time of profound peace; 
but is much more heinously so, at a time 
when we are in open war with that very 
nation which lays claim to this island, and 
at a time when that venr nation was pre- 
paring a formidable embarkation, at the 
port which is the most convenient of any 
they have, for making an invasi<m upon 
the island of Minorca. 

At such a critical conjuncture, my 
lords, the granting or continuing leave of 



fki oft im iht Lmk concerning 


to «B^ one Officer baloogiag to 
tiiat garrison, is certainly criminal; but at 
auch a time to grant or continue leave of 
abs e nce to fourteen officers out of nino- 
teen,is what can be excused by nothii^ 
but a confession, that our ministers haai 
without his nuuesty's authority, entered 
into treaty^ with nis majesty's enemies, and 
bad promised to allow them to sail un- 
disturbed to attack his majesty's allies in 
Italy, provided they engaged not to at> 
tack his majesty's island of Minorca. 
This, I am convinced, is a confession 
which our chief minister will take care not 
to make; he certainly must remember, 
that to meet and treat with an enemy, in a 
time of open war, without any authority 
from the sovereign, was one of the articles 
of impeachntent against the earl of Ox- 
fimL But suppose he had sucdi an autho* 
rity, I will say it was highly criminal to 
advise his maj^ty to conclude any audi 
treaty, and still more criminal to advise 
his migesty to trust so &r to it, as to leave 
Minorca at such a time without its full 
complement of officers and soldiers i for 
w^ose the enemy had broke through the 
€iis;(^ement» and had taken Minorca in 
their way to Italy, would your lordships 
have allowed any minister to plead their 
breach oi faith as an excuse lor his ridi- 
culous conduct f 

I shaU grant, mv lords, that four of the 
absent officers b^ong to a fort prmeoted 
and intended to have been built in the 
feign of the late wieen, but of i^iich no 
one stone is yet laid ; so that those of- 
ficers, if they had been there, coiddluive 
bad DO particular charge to take care of; 
but as the biiildiaff or that fort, I mean 
fort St. Anne, woi2d have added greatly 
to Ae strength of that island, according 
to the opinion of the lieutenant govem<Mr, 
/Jriio has been examined at ^rour bar, and, 
indeed^ according to the opinion of eveiy 
■MBi of common understandii^ that has 
over been there, its not being built, nor 
so much as begun, in so many years after 
its being firet projected, is, in my opinion, 
such a n^ect, tmt it seems to be a mani- 
fi98t proof of our minieters having had an 
intention to surrender that island up to 
the Spaniards, as soon as they could io it 
with any safety to tbeaiselves* Thank 
God, they have been hitherto disappointr 
ed; but I cannot, upon this occasion, 
avoid observing, how mid our ministers 
are of having places and Commisaions to 
dispose of among their creatures and 
tools; fimr though the diQBign of having this 

fort built seems for many years to bsro 
been entirely laid aside, yet they have 
taken care to continue in commiasioo, and 
in full pay. a fort major, an a^lutant, a aur- 
^n, ana a surgeon's mate; and I wa^ 
indeed, surprised, that they never took it 
into their heads to appomt a lieutenant 
governor of this non-ostensible fisrt; for it 
would have been a good sinecure poat for 
some of their friends, and he.surely might 
have lived here at home, with as much 
safety to the island, as the lieutonaat go- 
vernor of fort St. Phllin, whidi is a fort 
now in beinff, having been built bjr the 
Spaniards betore we got possession of the 
island* Of what cons^uence this lieute- 
nant ff overnor may be to the safety of that 
fort, I profess, I cannot determine ; but if 
he can be of no consequence, I am aure, 
the post ought not to be continued a (^arge 
upon the public; and if such an officer 
can be of any consequence to the safety 
of the place, it is certainly a great neglect 
to allow him to bQ absent for a number of 
years, as he has been according to the in- 
formation your lordships have had from 
the gentleman examinea at your bar; 

Among the many other neglects that 
have appeared in your lordships' exanuoa- 
tion of tnis affiur, 1 cannot conclude, with- 
out taking notice of the bad dispositioB 
the inhabitants seem to be in. Ine lieu- 
tenant governor of the island has told y oup 
that though the inhabitants of the island 
be now much richer than they ever were, 
whilst under the dominion of the Spani- 
ards, yet, in his opinioui they would cer- 
tainly join the Spaniards in case they 
should- invade the island* As this, my 
lords, is a very extraordinary circum- 
stance, itfnust be owing either to the peo- 
ple's thinking themselves oppressed by us, 
or to their continuing bigotted to the 
popish religion* If to Uie former, it shews 
a very great neglect in our administratioD, 
which ought certainly to take care to re- 
lieve die people from every oppression 
they can have the least reason to complain 
of; and if it be owmg to their conUnuing 
bigotted to the popish religion, this like- 
wise must be owing to a neglect in our 
adcpinistration ; for though we are, by the 
treaty of Utredit between Spain and ua, 
engfiged to permit the free use of the 
Roman Catholic religion in that island* 
yet we are no way engaged not to take 
measures fi>r converting the inhabitants to 
the Brotestaat religion; because the clause 
by which we are obUged to take maasures 
Mr j^eserviiy the £oman Catholic reli- 


A. D. lT4i. 


gioo there, hat ^tas express prtmso an- 
nexed to ity <* Ph)Yided the same be 
coosotent with the civil gorernment and 
hws of Gieat Britain f which e? ery body 
knows it n not. Therefore we mieht not 
only hare taken measoret for refonning 
the inhabitants, but we might have set up 
the church of England as the established 
rdttioQ of the idfuid, with an indulgence 
to Roman Catholics as to the free use of 
their rdigion. If we had done this and 
bad takea care to have able divines and 
presdien among them, most of the mha- 
bitaati mi^t by this time have been true 
memben of the church of England, which 
would have made them unite heartOy with 
the garrison a^nst the Spaniards, instead 
of joinbg with' them : and wodd have 
been one of die most efiectual methods 
we coold have taken for securing the pos* 
Kssioo of that island. But I do not hear, 
that we ever took care to have any one 
PMestant preacher among them, or that 
we ever took any methoa for converting 
the inhabitants to bur own religion ; whi^ 
itanealect that I wonder the reverend 
bench has not before now taken care to 
Ke rectified; for I must look upon it as a 
reproach upon our religion as well as upon 
oarpolitics. " * 

These, my lords, and many others which 
I cooU mention, are nefflects or omissions 
wbich verv much affisct die security of that 
sbmi It they were of a late date, we 
Digbthave some hopes, that our minis- 
ten would of themselves take care to rec- 
ti^ tbem in time to come; but they hav0 
been lo long continued, and so often re- 
peated, that we can expect no amendment, 
^esi we enforce it by a censure upon 
XKBe of those that are past. The neglect^ 
w rather die fact mentioned in the first 
part of this motion, is so evident, and so 
D|unibtly criminal, that it cannot be de- 
wed, nor can it be excused any other 
*ay than by confessing what is still more 
winiinal ; therefore I cannot see how your 
V)rdship8 can refose to pass a censure 
"poo it The censure proposed, mode- 
J«e as it is, wfll probably prevent the like 
wr the future, and, 1 hope, it will in every 
Q^ re^>ect make our present, and all 
^Qtnre Quoisters, more carefid to provide 
^ tite safety of diis island, which is of 
nch importance to our trade in every part 
^ tbe Mediterranean, and consequently 
to our trade in every part of the world ; 
lor there is such a connexion between the 
^eral branches of our trade, that no one 
of them can be loBt without doing a pre- 

judice to every one of die rert, by puttinjg 
rt out of die power of our m^chants to 
nudce a propet sortment of the cargoes 
they send out to foreign markets, without 
being obliged to purdiase several of the 
commodities they have occasion for at the 
second or third nand, instead of purchas-i 
ing them at the first, which diey will al- 
wi^ do as long as we have a free and 
open trade with every part of the world. 

LorL Chancdlor Ifardwkke t 

Vlj lords; I shall readily admit, diat 
die island now under our considet^tion, is 
of considerable importance to our trade» 
and conse^uendy to the riches and strength 
of this niation; but yet I must think, that 
die importance of it has been a litde ex- 
aggerated in this debate ; for i cannot be 
of opinion, that without having possession 
of this island, we could not keep Gribraltar, 
nor carry on any trade in the Mediterra- 
nean. -Before we had possession either 
of this island or Gibraltar, we carried oa 
as extensive a trade, I believe, in the 
Mediterranean, as we have ever done 
since ; and though France and Spain were 
united in a war against us, and for some 
time in possession of the two Sicilies as 
well as the island of Minorca, yet we pre- 
served our possession of Gibraltar, and de- 
foatcu their most vigorous efibrts against, 
it, at a time when it was not near so well 
fortified, nor so well provided as it is now. 
Therefore, my lords, though there is good 
reason to consider the isumd of Minorca 
as a place of importance, yet it is not of 
such vast importance as it has been repre- 
sented in this debate. 

However, my lords, as it is A place of' 
importance, ana as the hpnbur as widl as 
interest 'of this nation is concerned in 
its preservation, if it had been neglect- 
ed, and that neelect should be laid in a 
proper manner before this House, I should 
readily join in censurbg those persons who 
upon a due inouiry and full proof} should 
appear to have been guilty or that neglect; 
but I cannot join in me censure now pro- 
posed, because I am not convinced, that 
the place has been any way neglected ; be- 
cause 1 'do not think, tnat Siose things 
alleged to be neglects, have been in a 
proper manner h^d before us ; and be- 
cause I shall always be aeainst general 
censures, on account of their loadins the in- 
nocent equdly with the guilty. With regard 
to those tilings that have been allegMl as 
neglects, they consist, I think, in iceepiag 
some of the regimcDts too long there* in 



DebaU in the Ltrdt eatuendng 


giving le8v<e of absence to too many offi- 
cers at a timey in not having before this 
time erected the intended fort caDed St 
Anne, and in not having taken measures 
for converting the inhabitants to the Pro- 
testant religion ; for as to the inhabitants 
being under any sort of oppression, though 
it has been insinuated -as a presumption, no 
particular act of oppression hasy I think. 
Seen so much as alleged. 

Thoi^h I do not pretend to understand 
much ofthe military, yet as I must exa- 
mine mto it, so far as I am able, before I 
can form any judgment, or ffive my vote 
in this question, I shall beg leave to exa- 
mine these several instances of neglect ; 
and in the course of that examination I 
shall endeavour to shew to your lordships 
that no one of them has been properly and 
lull V laid before this House. With regard 
to the keeping of some ofthe regiments so 
long upon the island, I really do think, and 
I am m charity bound to oelieve, that it 
has always proceeded from a very laudable 
design, a design to save the public money, 
and not from any negligence, much less 
from a design to expose the island to any 
danger of being delivered up to the enemj^. 
We all know, that transporting of a regi- 
ment to Minorca, and bringing another 
from thence, must at all times be attended 
with a very great expence to the public, 
which if possible ought certainly to be 
saved ; ana the difference between a sol- 
dier's serving at home, where he has sel- 
dom or never the pleasure of seeing any 
of his friends, or relations, and his serving 
in Minorca, is not, I think, so great, as to 
make it an insufferable hardsnip upon a 
regiment, to keep it continually, or for a 
great number of^ years,. in Minorca; at 
least it will never be thought such a hard- 
ship by the soldiers as to occasion their 
mutinying and delivering the island up to 
the enemy, whereby they would forfeit all 
hopes of ever retummg to, or being pro- 
viaed for by their native country, even 
after their being grown old and decrepid, 
which they are sure of, if they serve out 
their time with fidelity and courage. 

This consideration, my lords, will al- 
ways secure the island against any danger 
from a mutiny amongst me soldiers, even 
supposing the re^ments now there were 
never to be reheved; and as to their 
being thereby induced to make but a faint 
resistance in case of an attack, I hope, 
we niay depend upon our being secured 
against this event by the naturm courage 
<n our meP| and their general aversion to 

the character of a coward. But we hn 
another security against this event, whi< 
is the punishment both the officers u 
soldiers might be subjected to, by tl 
martial law, upon their returning to thi 
own country, either by being redeeon 
during the continuance of the war, or 1 
their returning upon tlie conclusion of 
peace ; for, I hope, it will not be m 
that we cannot, in this as well as in otfa 
countries, punish both officers and sddif 
for cowardice or neglect of duty. 

As for the instances of soldiers nkBa 
ing themselves, or, perhi^, shooti 
themselves through the head, many 
these instances may have proceeded m 
their being tired of the service, or fn 
their conceiving some diseust at tin 
commanding officer, as well as frpm A 
despair at being continued so long in di 
island ; for as in that island there ii ; 
possibility of deserting, the irksomeoi 
they are under, or the disgust they ba 
conceived, must operate strondy op 
their minds, and may often produce su 
Cru^\ effects. Even here at home, if du 
were no possibility of deserting, I mi 
ho doubt but we should often hear of su 
maimings and self-murders. In this 1 1 
confirmed by the many instances we ba 
of desertion here at home, notwithstai 
ing the severe penalty that attends it; i 
a fellow that will risk bemg shot for i 
sertion, rather than continue longer bti 
service, or longer under the commanl 
such an officer, would very probably Ac 
himself through the head, or by maimii 
render himseS unfit for die service, if I 
found there was no possibility of den 
ing. These are inconveniences win 
must be endured, because they cannot] 
prevented; for surely our government 
not to give a soldier leave to draw his & 
charge, whenever he is pleased to becoB 
tired of the service, or to conceive a 
disgust against his officer ; and mach k 
are they to put the public to the expeoi 
of bringing a regiment home firom lA 
norca, and sending another in its plat 
whenever any of the soldiers conceive J 
aversion to the service, or to their oicQ 
or to the place where they are. 

My lords, we have several regimen 
and independent companies in Ameiie 
and very probably we may, for the fotur 
be obh'gea to keep more there than v 
have ever done heretofore ; Is there m 
the same reason for relieving those tez 
ments and independent compaoi^, D 
sending others in their stead from timet 


the Absence qfOfficersJram Minorca. 

A. D. 1742. 


time, that there is for relieving the regi- 
ments in garrison at Minorca i I believe 
it irill be allowed, that the aervice ig as 
bard and dangerous, and much more in- 
conrenient in every part of America, 
tiun it is in Minorca ; out it would be so 
inconvenient, and so expensive to the 
public, to give our army their turn of 
duty upon such service, that no man, I 
believe, will ever pretend, it ought or can 
be done ; and therefore it must be allowed 
as an established maxim, that every man 
that idists in the army, is patiently to 
submit to his lot, and to serve in any part 
of die world where the re^ment or com- 
paoj in which he engages, is appointed to 
serve by our government ; and that he is 
to serve there as long as our government, 
shall think fit to continue in that place 
the regiment or company to whicn he 

But suppose, my lords, it were a fiiult 
to continue a regiment for a great number 
of years upon duty in Minorca : suppose 
it were such a fiiiut as ought to be cen- 
airedby this House, unless some good 
reasons could be given for shewing, that it 
was unavoidable ; yet surely, some such 
zeasons may be given: we cannot sup- 
DQiethe thing impossible; and therefore 
I must think, the affiur haa not beei) 
brought before iu in suoh a manner as 
to efiable us to form any judgment, much 
less to pass any censure upon it; for 
sorelj we ought to have had the Secretary 
at War before us, or such persons as could 
best inform us, what were the reasons for 
keqiing those regiments so long in that 

Thus, I hope, I have made it appear to 
jour Iwdships, that the keeping of the 
nme regimenta for a number of years in 
Minorca, is either no fault, or not as yet 
brought before us in a proper manner ; 
tod as to giving leave or absence to too 
great a number of officers at a time, I 
believe the case will appear in much the 
<3me light I shall grant, that to give 
leave to too great a number of those 
officers that are absolutely necessary for 
the defence of the garrison, to be absent 
atone and the same time, would be a very 
peat fiuilt ; but that thus has ever been 
woe, I think, there is at present no proof 
before us; and as I really think the 
iDethod of stating the fact in the first part 
^ tills motion a little captious, I think it 
^ficonsistentwith thedi^pity of this House 
^ agree to it. Hiere is a great number 
of offioen belonging to the garrison and 

: VOL. XII. ] 

troops in Minorca: For what I know 
their number may amount to near S00| 
and therefore I do not think it i|uite fair 
to state the fact as it is in the motion, that 
out of nineteen officers there are but five 
present. Why, my lords, is the number 
nineteen mentioned, as if that were the 
whole number of officers belonging to the 
place? It would have been, I think, more 
fair to have mentioned the whole number 
of officers belonging to the garrison and 
troops, and the whole number absent. If 
the fact had been stated in this method, 
the proportion between the number absent 
and the number present would not have 
appeared near so great : It would have 
appeared that the number present was 
vastly greater than the number absent; 
and from thence one inay see the reason 
why the faa has been stated as ic now 
appears upon the face of this question^ 
which is, in my opinion, a very strong 
reason why your lonUbuips should not 
agree to it. 

But now, my lords, with ivgard to 
those officers who have been proved al 
your bar to be absent; there is not one 
of them whose presence seems to me to 
be absolutely necessary for the defence of 
the place ; and if it should be attacked, I 
believe, it would be successfully defended, 
thoueh no one of them should be able lo 
get thither during the whole time of the 
attack. The gentleman who has now the 
command, is a brigadier-general and 
colonel of a regiment m your service, and 
is a gentleman of an establi^ed character 
both as to his honour and military know- 
ledge; so that the place could no viray 
suiier by the absence of its governor and 
lieutenant-governor ; and the places of all 
the rest are supplied by deputies, or by 
other officers, who have done, and can da 
the business equally well as if they them* 
selves were present upon the spot. 
. The leave of absence therefore siven toi 
these officers, cannot be looked on as 
any fault, and much less deserving your 
lordships' censure ; but suppose there were 
more of the officers absent than there are^* 
our superiority at sea will always be an 
excuse for indulging those officers with 
leave of absence, whose health or private 
ailairs require their presence at home ; for 
while we retain this superiority at. sea, it 
will always be in our power to send Hi&n 
back as soon as we find it necessary; 
and if ever we shouki be so unfortunate 
as to lose this superiority, the presence 
of our officers would be of little service ; 




DeidU M the Lords e om e ni i g 


It woali contribute oblf %o increase the 
triumph of our enemies end the disgrace 
of our countiy; for it would be impossi- 
ble for us to preserve the poisession of 
Aai iflland ; and therefore^ if we should 
ever happen to be in such an unfortunate 
situation, instead of sending the absent 
efficen thitfaery I should be for deserting 
the island, and calline home as soon as 
poasiUe both the offloers and men we 
nappened then to ha?e upon that island ; 
fiir ra such a case, we should have ooea- 
aion for all our offlcets and all our men 
Ibr defending our lait stake, the island of 
Great Britain. 

I find, mj lords, it has been insisted on 
in this dtebate, as a great aggravation oi 
fbm crhn^ that leave of absence has been 
granted or amtinued to so many officers, 
at a time wheti we, are in open war against 
Spain, My lords, if we consider, that we 
bate a squadron in the Mediterranean 
aoperier to m^ the eaemy can fit out 
to sea, and that we should always, I 
kope, have such a squadron there at 
mck a time, we must conclude, that we 
may always depend more securely upon 
Ike island of Min<M*ca's not being at- 
tached in time of war, than we can de- 
pend <;^>onits not bring attacked in time of 
profound peace, when we have no sudi 
jMpiadron in the Mediterranean; and 
werefore, tf it were really true, and fblly 
jj^ved, that leave of absence had been 
HBMc ceiaarily granted and continued to 
too great a numier of officers, its being a 
time of war would be an extenuation ra- 
ther than an aggravation of that crime; so 
that this cttcumstance ought to make us 
the more cautious of procMding to a cen- 
aiire of such conduct. 

But suppose, my lords, it had been 
made appear, that all the absent officers 
sirs necessary for the defence of the place, 
or that if it had been attacked, it would 
iMve rw» a risk of being lost, by the ab- 
aance of such a number of titem ; yet be- 
lbi« you can proceed to censure, you 
ousht, I think, to have the several leaves 
laia before you, and the reasons for grant- 
ing or contmuing every one of them ; for 
if the health of the officers was such that 
their presence could have been of no sw- 
nification, the granting them leave of ab«- 
aenee can be imput^ to no man as a 
ermie ; therefore, I think, it is evident, 
diet this affinr has not as yet been laid be- 
fbre you in such a proper manner, as can 
warrant your censuring the conduct of 

^ ttfausters in this reqpect* 

I come next, my lotds, to ooniderihe 
complaint against the conduct of our mi. 
nisters, in not having erected and finidied 
die mtended fort called St. Anae; snd 
here, indeed, I riiould have been very 
much surprised, if any censure had beea 
proposed ; for we have nothinjg be£we m 
rdating to it, but the opiniott of one 
single gentleman. His opinion I htre, 
in£ed, a very great regara for; but eiea 
his opinion ffoes no fiuther than to ny, 
that it would render the conquest of the 
island more difficuh for an invadmg eas- 
my, because they must bring a greater 
force against it, in whidi every man inuit 
concur with him ; foor the more foirtiilGfr> 
tions, and die greater number of trom 
we have there, the conquest wiO certsisJy 
be the more dilllcolt for an invading sne* 
my. But this is not the question : die 
question is, whether the forts and troepi 
we have there, are sufficient for defaidiDg 
the island, or at lemt the tamm of Fort* 
naahon, aMinst such a small foicess may 
be carried there at nnawarea, tfli we have 
time to send a squadron fh>m hence widi 
a sidcient force for its reKef. H'thie be 
the case, our mlnistets have been la Ae 
risht not to put the nation to die expsaoe 
of erecting any new forts; bui this lis 

reion we oammt no# doteimine: for 
purpose we ought eerounly to hsve 
an exact plan of the hdandl, with all in 
fortifications, laid before us^ and we ought 
to examine several offieers and engiaeefi 
that have been there, in order to hare 
their several ofMnions, and the ressooi 
given by each man for hjsopinioti. 

And suppose, my lords, tnat upon soch 
an examination it should ^»pear, thst the 
finishing of fort St. Anne was a work Unt 
was extremely necessary fbr the secari^ 
of the island even agaioBt a sodden and mi- 
fo r ceoe n invasion, yet our ministers mi^ 
stUl have a very good excuse for defemog 
to pot the nauon to that expenee; be- 
cause they ha^been of late venit so much 
opposed by a strong par^ m poHiitmeBty 
and every article or puMic ennence 00 
much misrepresented to the pMpk, tfast I 
do not wonder at their having been ^ of 
addiw to that expenee, by any new un- 
dertakings at a place so dfitantasIfOsor- 
ca; so that tf the island diouU be last for 
want of such additional forttteatieiis, tboes 
who seem to beHhe a^roeaiea^for this no- 
tion, would have more reason to ceBsuit 
their own conduct, than they osM bars 
{6t censuring the conduct of our ndaiatsiS' 

The last oDttplaint^my hrdi, Itaift^ 


the AiuMCi ^^fic€rtff^m Minorca* 

A.B. «♦». 


taheootibeof, ip thai trlHck fdates ta our 
DOthflrioyMkeii m&mn»for conyerUn^ 
die inMntiWitfl of Minorca to pur own re* 
iigioD. If ibis C019I4 bave b^n doao» 1 
ahftQ gmk it fraRiU ^ve been a very de- 
dnbfe tbws^ bul I aever heard that the 
mbcan in any oauBtfy iwl tbemselvet up 
ai refomeia of religioo, aiid much hm 
tkal they ware ei^er ceiunirad A^ oat do*> 
11^ Mn Bt rid ef» 1 camot really at pre« 
imtuka woo joe to de^noioe, hovr far 
this would have been conaistent with our 
fBMOliailawlbe lraalyofUtre<^t. I 
mm^iH is inoonsiateat wth the civil go* 
mwf t aB4 lawa of Great Britain^ to 
tab Bieaanrea for preaerving the Eoman 
GitUkieijgkip in wy pavtof tbb tfilaiid; 
kt I dodbl of its being iopooaatent, 
diher 1^ «> *oar civil ^ovtnmeiit or Iaws» 
WpfMc»<%at r^gMm mtfae island of 
Mooreabr 1n0liavaiBadeaolaw,Ithink» 

Kliipbm aioea we got pottMsrion of 
n»d« and I do not at praaent i«col* 
kctaiy lair made before thai time, that 
Midi eur praadrving, or even estaUiah- 
aig tha Baman Gamlio jeGgiw in any 
Kv Qonfuaat we migbt make. There- 
ioRiifva had taken mawirea for reform- 
ing the iidiabitanfei of that island, and 
iMtiag Ibe Roman Catholic religion out 
d it| ifbicb would have been the conse* 
(paaofr of converting all die inhabitants 
to aur own xeligion» the Spanish court 
vaold have had some reason to chaige ui 
viib ahraaoh of ftidi, and a forfeiture of 
osrri^tio dial Idand^by a breadi of the 
coodiuanimon which it was yidded tous* 
To tUs i must add, my lords, that if we 
coaaider the natural obstinacy of the Spa^ 
nittday and their firm attachment to their 
on vdigjoD^ 1^ shall find great reason to 
fitttian, whether we coidd have met with 

3 success in this converting^ scheme ; 
if wejttd met with little or no success, 
the attes^Nt would have entirely alienaled 
y naads of the inhabitants, and would 
hme made them more fcmd of xetuming 
iDider.the dominion of Spain, than at pie- 
'nt we can suppose them to be; sothatif 
Qtt nunislen had made any such attempt, 
vhidi by tho by^must have put us to a 
pod deal, of expeace, and had met with 
fueor no tuocess in that attempt, which 
A all Dmhabilit;^ would have been the 
^; I am ooimnced, the question now 
"™re aswwildhave been, to censure their 
coadttot for Having alienated the minda of 
"^paopit of Minorca, by entering upon : 
aiflfa a ohimerical undertaking, 
l>Qps,iiy krdstlhavenaw ahevByttaat I 

thero is BO solid ground fiw the oensuro 
propos^ed by'this motion, nor for any of 
the other complaints that have been mad^ 
^ipinst the conduct of our administradcn^ 
With regard to th^ island of Minorca ; bul^ 
suppose it Wj«re otherwise, I should be 
agam^t such a general censure as is pro- 
posed by the question now before us. 1£ 
there has been any neglect: if there hfm 
been any fault, or any crime committed, 
some pardcular persons must be guilty. 
Let ua enter into a strict inquury : let us 
call die sumcted persons before us, thas 
they may &ve an opportunity to answer 
for themsdves ; and if they can neither 
justify nor excuse thcar conduct, let ua 
censure, let us punish them according to 
their doserts* By this means our censure 
or punishment wiU &11 where it oughl^ 
won die guilty alone ; and the characteisa 
or the innocent will be cleared from suspl* 
cion. These are the two ends we ought to 
propose in all our inquiries ; whereas by 
the general censure now proposed, the 
guiUy m^y escape that punishment they 
deserve, and the inoooent will be loaded 
with a susDiciou of hating neglected the 
honour ana interest of their country* 

But, my lords, if we were to enter ibto 
such an inquire aa I have mentioned, wo 
ought to consid^ die times we are in, and 
the ticklish situadon those dial are at the 
head of our a&ini must always be in* A 
seneral relaxation oi government* or ai 
least of that severe discipline which is kept 
up in atbitrary countries, seems at present 
to be the reigning vice in this Ungdom; 
and considermg the nature of our constilu* 
don, it is very difficult for our ministers t0 
rectify or put a stop to it. They must 
have the concurrence of two very nuiper^ 
ous assemblioB in all their measures: thof 
must have the eood will of both those as? 
semblies, or, atleast, of a majority in each^ 
even for their own salbty and protecdottts 
and therefore they must be eSLlremely 
caudous of disobliging any man dial has a 
vote m either of dioee assemblies, or a 
sreat interest at any election. If they re^ 
^e any such man an indu^nce whtti bo 
thinks It may be granted with safety to tho 
public; if they inmose upon him any moro 
exact or severe disci^ine than he thinltt 
necessary fcyr the puMic service, he looks 
upon it as a personal injur3r,and from thai 
moment resolves to join wkb the opposi^ 
don both in parliament, and at ekictioo^ 
Therefore, if^our ministcfrs do connive a 
little at things, which inan aibitrarygoven^ 
men! wwld be l^obd- to ail negiacfih of 


1 J 6EORGB U. 

Debate in the Lards concerning 


duty: iftheydoadykehismajeBtjrtogFimi^ 
seme such indulgencies as might tuelvy 
ttid would (^rtainly be denied by an ab- 
solute monarch, such complaisance ought 
not in them to be looked on as criffliBal. 
It is an inconvenience necessarily attending 
our happ^r constitution, and an inconve- 
Bienee which they must submit to^ for the 
sake of carrying on the necessary ends of 
government) as well as for their own safety 
and protection. 

wheh we consider these things, my 
lords, I do not think we can suppose there 
has been any neglect, with 'regard to the 
island of Minorca, that deserves a parlia- 
mentary inquiry, much less a parliamen- 
tary censure ; and as we have had no suffi- 
cient previous inquiry, for giving a foun- 
dation to such a censure as is proposed by 
this motion, I hope your lordships will 
join with me in putting a negathre upon 
the motion, 

71ie Earl of Chesterfield: 

My lords; I am very much surprised, 
the noble and learned ford should so far 
mistake the intention of this motion, and 
the usual method of proceeding in this 
House, as he seems to do in what he has 
been pleased to say upon the subject. The 
motion now before us is not intended as a 
censure upon persons, either in general or 
particular ; and if your lordships intend to 
tnake any proper inquiry into this afiair, 
what IS now proposed is absolutely neces- 
sary as a previous step to that inquiry ; for 
as the character of the fact is a little doubt- 
ful, I mean as to its being culpable or no, 
it is absolutely necessary your lord^ips 
should determme this question before any 
lord can stand up in his place, and pro- 
pose a regular inquiry into it. Surely 
your lordships would not, nor can any 
lord propose, you should give yourselves 
the trouble to mquire intoafact, which, in 
your opbion, is not in the least culpable, 
even though it should appear to be true in 
«very particular, and should be brought 
liorae to Uie door of its true &ther. The 
inquiry hitherto made, has only been to 
know, whether such a fact rciOly existed : 
by that inquiry you find it does : you have 
Imd it M\f proved by the papers upon the 
ti^le, and by the exaoEiinatton of a gentle- 
man at your bar, whose knowledge, ho- 
nour, or veracity, I dare say, no one of 
your lorddiipg will question; and now 
iBome lords in this House, of iriiom I am 
proud of being one, who think this &ct 
UffUy culpaUe,destce by this motion to 

know, if yout lordships are of the 
opinion. If your lordtfiips join with as in 
opimon, with relation to this fiiet, and 
some odiers that have been mentioned, to 
be sure the next step will be a motkm for 
a regular inouiry into the whole affiur, m 
order to find out the pemons who have 
been guilty of such dangerous Defects; 
and if they can no way justify themselves, 
I hope your lordships will proceed a little 
farther than a bare censure up<m their con- 

Having thus, my fords, stated ina&ir 
and dear light the true design, and the 
necessity of this motion, I must next re- 
move the objection made by the learned 
lord, of its being captious and un&ir to 
state the fiust in the manner in which it is 
stated in this motion ; for upon due con- 
sideration it will appear, that to have stated 
it in any other manner would have been 
unfhir, and would have bred confusion. 
In evenr wrison, my lords, there are two 
sorts of officers, oae of which properly be- 
long to the place, and the other to the 
troops upon duty in that garrison. The 
former eiwayn remam, or at least ought to 
remain in Uie place, whereas the others are 
ofien removing and dianging ; became 
the reppiments they belong to are some- 
times m one garrison, and sovneUmes ia 
another. As Uie condition of these two 
sorts of officers is very difierent, it would 
therefore have been both unfiur and irre- 
gular to have confounded them together 
m one modon, and would certainly have 
been most reasonably objected to. For 
this reason it was thought necessary to con- 
sider them distinctly; and as our inqoiry 
relates to Minorca, it was certainly ri^ht 
to begin with that sort of officers which 
properly belong to that island. Of this 
sort there are 19, and of these 19, we find 
there are no less than 14 absent. This is 
the reason for stating the fact as it is 
in the motion, and I appeal to yomr lord- 
ships, if it ooukL fairly and r^ularly have 
been stated in any other manner. If your 
lordships agree to this motion, it may then 
be proper to consider how many officers 
are absent, and how many men are want- 
ing, in the regiments now upon du^ 
there ; but if your lordships do not thialc it 
blaipe-worthy to allow 14 officers out of 
19 to be absent at such a critical time, tbst 
is to say, if you do not agree to this mo- 
ticm, I am sure, I shall not desire to trou- 
ble you with any other question upNon this 
subject. However, I think I am in du^ 
obliged to forewarn your loidships, thstif 


the Absence qfOficenfram Minorca* 

A. D. 1742; 


ever this island should be lost by any fu- 
tore neglect, the irhole nation will impute 
the loss to your having put a negative at 
dik time upon such a motion, which is 
in imputation your lordahipe oug^t, I 
duiii^ to take care to prevent ; for after 
thek» is mcurred, no punishment you 
cao inflict upon the persons guilty, will be 
an stonement for your former indiffisrence, 
which will be considered as the original 
caiKe of that lost. 

I diall ROW, my lords, beg leave to con« 
sider what the noble and learned lord has 
been pleased to say, in excuse for allowing 
so imoy officers properly belonging to the 
place to be absent at this time. In excuse 
for the absence of the governor and lieute- 
nant governor, he hM been pleased to 
give OS, 1 believe, a very just character of 
the gentleman who commands there, and 
sa)?, that this gentleman, besides his own 
proper duty, will do the duty both of go- 
venior ancl lieutenant gewemor equuly 
veil as if they were present. If it were 
jKHsibie to suppose this, why should the 
nadon be pot to the expenoe of a large 
nlary to a governor, and another large 
niary to a liaitenant governor ? But, my 
lords, it b not possible to make such a 
npposittoo : the nation is in the ri^ht to 
grant those salaries, in order to mduce 
gentlemen of fiHrtune, as well as distinction, 
to go over and take the command upon 
them ; because their fortunes at home will 
beapiedj^ for their fidelity abroad, and 
lUIr distinction will set them above any 
temptation the enemy can offer. We 
may be secure, perhaps, 1 believe we 
*^ in the honour and fidelity of the 
gentleman who is now chief in command 
there ; but he may die suddenly, or in 
<^ of an attack, he taaj be kiUed, and 
then the chief command will dev<dve upon 
tcolood, perhaps a lieutenant colonel of 
a oarchinff regiment, who may perhaps be 
* DKre aoMier of fortune ; and what effect 
thepiomige of agreat estate and great ho- 
P^^w in Spain, with a considerable rank 
m their army, may have upon such a man, 
DOQoe can tell; firom whence it is plain, 
that the island cannot be so safe in the 
thaence of the governor and lieutenant 
governor, as it would be, were they both, 
or but one of them present. 
^^, my lords, as to the other absent 
^^im, it is said, that their duty is per- 
""^edby deputies or by other officers, 
*|f»lly w^ as if they were present If 
l^vere true, I am sure, it would be a 
1^ veason for. fireemg the public from 

the expence of maintaining them, which 
would notbe a very agreeable doctrine to 
our minister, and therefore I am surprized, 
that his friends should afibrd such a foun- 
dation for it« But luckily for him the 
thin^ is impossible : it is impossible that a 
gamson can be as well served by a sur- 
geon's mate, as by a surgeon and his matOn 
especially if it were attacked, and many 
wounded men to take care of; and it is 
impossible to suppose, the nation can put 
as much trust m a low feUow that will 
serve as a deputy, as it may do in the prin- 
cipal. I shall grant, tfaiat the place of 
those officers belonging to the non-osten- 
sible fort, may be easify supplied, because 
they have as vet no duty to perform ; but 
if they were there, they would serve as so 
many sujpernumeraries ; and surely a place 
that is besieged may be the better de- 
fiended, the more supernumeraries it has ; 
unless it be to be taken by starving. 

The place is therefore in every respect 
the weaker, the more officers are absent; 
and to say, that we may more certainly 
depend upon not bemg attacked in time of 
war than in time of peace, is someUiine 
very extraordinary. I have often heard it 
advanced by some lords, in time of peace 
as an argument for not reducing our army, 
that we are more in danger of an invasicm 
here at home, in time of peace, than in 
time of war ; but I never heard it said by 
those lords in time of war, that we might 
reduce our army, because at such a tmie 
we have alwajrs a superior squadron ready 
to defend us against an invasion. On the 
contrary those very lords are always upon 
such an occasion for augmenting our army, 
because we cannot putan entire confidence 
in our superior squadron; and why there 
should be such a difference of sentiments 
with regard to the safety of the island of 
Minorca in time of war, I cannot com- 
prehend. But luckily for this argument, 
my lords, we very lately found we nad not 
a superior squadron in Uie Mediterfanean ; 
for if admiral Haddock had been superior 
or but near equal to the united squadrons 
of Frahce and Spain, I am sure, he would 
have attacked tnem : he would have dis- 
dained to allow any French adiAiral to tdi 
him, * You shall not attack the declared 
enemies of your country, because they are 
under my protection.* This is a demon- 
stration, Uiat in time of war we cannot al- 
ways de|>end upon baring a superior 
sc^uadren in the Mediterranean, unless our 
mmisters have better intelligence thaa 
they se^n to have had i^Kxn th^ occasion. 





toth in time of w«r and injtm^ of penooi 
bB» f if ccinHy in tim^of mur, .Ipliaveibo 
giixffiKMi of MtDorcft fiitfj lurovidei vilb 
«ikei«a8 weU as men; and therefore it 
mat ba aUowed to ha^e baaa a keinoua 
neglect, to perwt m numy oficeia to be 
aMHitat a tuna of aoch innBioeBt daager. 
The vr9^ of health m the ahaent oficera 
oaa ha BO exouae for this neglect ; beoaufla 
if thqr eeuld aea return to their duty, 
otheia ov^jfat to have beea Bentiaiheir 
There ean bo no cxcuee fi>r thia 
s not eras a atipulation with the 
Fmehy that they wadd not aMeur the 
SpaniaivM to attack Minorea; for, I am 
awie, itvoiiUlbe very umrieom aBriliah 
wimt»f% to leave our peaiBMion of that 
iriani depending upon the fiwkh of a 
Frandi troAtf . Bat if it could be tup* 
pai^paeaible to form an exctiie» it ii no 
arj^oment apainat thia motkm ; baeauaa 
IhaiaMtiaB la but a previous atep toan b- 
ffaxff and we must judge of the tut as it 
now apijeara to US. If upon the rank of 
an. inijuiry the paraaaa accuMd can at* 
lege anif thing m their own nndkatian, 
we dholi then have an opportunitv to eo*^- 
' aidar it» and I am snie, your kxdbhipa wifl 
hMr it with candour, and judge of it with 

\nuitlWe said, my lords, woidd, I 
lUnk, be suiicient for justifying the mo» 
tton now before jrou; but as several other 
eompUma have been i;nade^ and as the 
iM)le and learned lord has endeovoorod to 
entwiarthoae complaii^lslM beg leave 
eaamke a few observatioos upon his 
avteasb The complaint against 
aome aegiments toera for such a great 
manber of years, is a most just one, not 
Qtiy on account of liheir being so long 
kqpt out of their own native coujotry, but 
en aocount of the extraoofinaiy expence 
bodieffioeis and soldiers. are put to. The 
latter, indeed, cannot increaae their ea&- 
{MBoe, but tJb^ must diminish in the 
mianti^ or quauhr of their oonsunmtion; 
ur as aU sorts of pnivisions are oearer 
these than in theb mother eountry, gene* 
aaBy occasioned by the taxesand prohibi* 
liima hnposad by their governors, and as 
their pay is no higher than it would be 
here at home, th^y must eat anddrmk leas * 
or of a worse i)Ua1i^, than tfaej need do . 
hece at home* This is a grievance in 
eommon both to the officers and soldiers ; 
hut with segard to the ^Bceim, th^ h«re 
another, and a most insuflfarable grievanoe 
to c omplain of; for Aoiighytheir aecwiiting i 

food be no laffger then whatisalkieedto 
the r^mentsberaathome^ yet the gmtie- 
man Mohasbeeeexaoiieed atoarmrhai 
told yout and, indeed, every one kaovc, 
diat the reqniithigofa company stMi- 
noroaooats the captain ten timesaimiidi 
as it would do ifhia regiment were in Bri- 
tain or Ireland ; so that 1 wonder we do 
not hear of some of the oaptains, as wdi 
as the coBunoe mens shooung themseives I 
through the head on mcxvnmt of the I 
regioients beii^ice^ so lengin that u-i 

The noUe load sa^a, these aeeidenti are! 
owing to its being MnpeasiUe for men to i 
desert from the r^knenta in that idsnd; 
that such eocidems wouidbeaafoeaueitst 
home, were it aa impoasihte for me men 
le desert; aedthatthis is an incenvenienoe 
attending the a^ice^ adiich nsfliat be en* 
dwed because it cannot be nrevcotri. 
My lords, we anay at least aibvithe coo> 
man aolcUers in MjoMX^ once in sera 
jrcava, an opportunity to deaeit, hj hrin|^ 
i^gthem home to their earn country: bot 
here even at home» the inoaovcnienoe may 
beprevented: the noble lord knows, that 
a remedy haa been prq mse d hi pariiamept; 
and be likewise knows by whose influace 
that remec^ was rmeeted. I. mean, that 
of giving everjf aaldier a liberty, under 
proper restxicHooa, to draw hia own dis« 
chaijge, afker a etrtain number of yeaa 
serviee. This would prevent the creel cf* 
fecli of that despair whiah aoUtera are 
oflten drove to, by being tied for life not 
only to serve, but to serve wader the cobh 
mand of an officer who tieats tbem iiL | 
This is really a most terrible hasdship, and j 
a hardship wfaidi ia a scandal upon oar | 
government. We boast, n^ lords, ia this 
country of oar beii^ freemen, atad re- 
proach the French with their b^nf atsffes; | 
out I willsay, that while this harcuhip le* , 
mains, an English sddier is mudi more a | 
slave than any soldier in Bcance can be^ 
or ever is made; and, I thkok it a moat 
prepoatecoQS regulation in n free oountcy, 
to make slaves ^those who ace to defand 
theliberties of their county, 

I shall grant, my iords, tfast the Iran* 
spouting of a regiment to Minorca, snd 
bringing another from thenoe? n»ist si- 
ways be attended with a pid>lic eoqieiicei 
but tet it be what expeooe it will, it ought 
to be done, both for the aake of oar sol^ 
diers, and for the sake of presenoag that 
island; for it wiU oestainly be an inanoe* 
ment to the soldiers there, to make bats 
foint resistunoeagMnstaninvadiag cneivfi 

97] tie Miatu tfOjgiurtfnm MS$urca. 

JL JX I7«e. 


wbeo diej htHmef they faavft no «dMr 
dunce for efer getting nonie to their na* 
tive oonnliy; And ttaoai^ there may 
tore been a Ut^e wmm^ of puUic money 
by keeping the same regiments at Minorca 
fdragfcstnumberof yeaie,yet I cannot 
impate their being kept there to a fnotive 
efstnn^t in those who hare been eo hnlih 
df jrablic mcmey ia citery other respect. 
l^ither feaeon nor ehavfty can indoce me 
(0 believe, that a kootm proifigal sates a 
aecemy expence, from a mere motire of 
arriag; espectaUy when several other mo- 
thres msjr be asBttfned. 

The esse is i£e same, my lordSi with 
legnd to the intended fon called St 
Anne: oar not having added to the 
ibrefigth of the island by erecthig that 
liirt, csBDot^ I am 8iite»be iseribed to any 
■odfeof saving the puUiG mmney^in those 
vbo hsvetbrown so nnidi away in building 
wMte s Mu^ castles at home^ and who have 
eartnued m pay, for sucAi a ami^r of 
jein, the offleers designed for that fan 
taxied foi«» Bat the buildhig tff soch a 
fat use net| it seems^ thought necesear^ : 
IdsBot kaow^ my lol'ds» what oar wise 
nahters thot^bt; l^ evetr man who 
ha ever had a description of tliBt inland 
ibnki otherwise. It is a known Ituth^ 
aid rasf too Soon^ I fear» be fimnd by ex*' 
pcrieoee to be so, that if aiiy enemy 
Aoold U«d wkh a safficient amy in the 
idnid, our gartisoii at Portnalion'woold 
be oWged to surrender^ before we cenld 
bne sn aeeoant here, i^ anv enemy's 
being kaded in that island. It is theVe* 
fereexoeosehr neeeseaiy to have thW ftnt 
«ected; ana the more so» beceose we 
bmr^tettiieinhibicaati have not a good 
dsiKMhion toward os^ 

Her this codies to be so, I shsll not 
Mvptetend to detemthie ; hot I think, it is 
«cO vofth oar inquiry: and it is very 
cenais, that if the inhabitants liad been 
needy eonverted' to the Protestant reli- 
gioB^ we coidd have more safefy d«>ended 
opoB dieir fidelity. This we might have 
ittenptedf notwidtstanding onr engage* 
Bcoli by the treaty of Utrecht to pre- 
ferre die Roman Cadiolic reMgion in that 
■hod; 6r I must di£Rer from the leaned 
M ipon this head : I most think, that 
Aepravho venders the engiq^ement void^ 
tsdwae ibr that verr purpose added by 
t^dien mhJ s tfeis , who were as able ne- 
Kwaeien as any we have had since. Td 
<>^ nsasares ibr preseHing the Roman 
(^<iMb reB|^n ih a new conqoest may 
wbesgatetanyeaptese statute, but, I 

amsafe, it is inconsislentwitfa our rtiigtm 
and coDScieooe ; I afmeal to the levetend 
bench if it is not; and I eannot thiiA that 
what k inconsistent with onr reHgwi and 
toHsdeiicei can be consisteiit iHlli onf 
laws or civil government. I shall grant, 
indeed, that we have not of late yeass 
made any new and severe laws against 
Pimistsi for their religion has been moM 
indulged by our present minister^ tUn 
ever it was by any minister since ^ ra* 
formation; tliough I must observe^ that 
the learned lord s eems to foiget the sweov^ 
nig act, when he says, that no lawhasbestt 
hSblj made acainst Papists. 8ut what* 
ever we may ao here at home, we ought 
to take all possible measures for having as 
many IVotestants al we can open tha 
island of Minorca, beeause the Reman Ga-^ 
tholics there, especially the old inhabits 
ants that continue m t£at religion, win al*^ 
ways have some inclinatkm to tatam ondet 
the dominion of tiie Spaniard. 

I coilie now, mv lords, to the last argu- 
ment made use of by the noble iMd, as aii 
excwe for all the tickets our numstett 
h»re been guilty of. He says« th^ can- 
not relbse favours, or enfotve a strka Hb* 
servance of dut^, upon any eficer whu 
has a vote in parliament or an imotust at 
eleotionsi because it would make hhn johi 
the opposition asahist them. Myhsrdsi 
theiy must be went mkdsteta who ftrepiMK 
seesed with any such fbars: Ifthoasintft# 
admioistfation take care to pursue wiedy 
and steadily the trae intereM of the nai^ 
tiaD) they may desirise any opposition thai 
proceeds ilNnii private pique or resent* 
aient. Bcft if there were ahv tfahig ot 
weMit hi this ai|piment, #o«dd it ttot^ my 
lonb, be a strong argument, for enteluding 
aD or most officers or placemen^ IWmdii faav- 
ing seats in pailiasienti and for proldbit* 
hig thein to vote cfr make kiterest at any 
election. Thus it has fallen out veiy an* 
lockHyin this debate^ that almost every 
argument made use of against thii motion^ 
happens to be an argunpient in fikvour of 
something our ministers have tqk>n fbimer 
occasionaahewn themselves averse to. ^ 

Having thus, I hope> ftdly answered 
evei^ thing thathas been said against the 
motion, or in excuse for the negfeots com- 
plained of, i shall condade with an ob* 
serration or two upon the importance of 
this island, which tne noble lord seems te 
think not so important as has been repre* 
seated. I shall grant, my lords, we had # 
trade in uie Mediterranean, peitiapa larger 
than we have now, before we bao-p^tses^ 


15 GEORGE n. 

ProUtt on rejecting the Resobitions* 


ikm of this island ; but I will insist upon 
it» that we never had before such an ex- 
tensive or such a free navigation in that 
aea, as we have had since. It is well 
known, that before we got possession of 
Minorca and Gibraltar, our navigation in 
the Mediterranean was almost continually 
infested by the pirates of Morocco and 
die^arbary coast, insomuch that we were 
obliged to make laws for obliging the mas- 
ters of our merchant ships to fiffht those 
pirates, and our ships employed in the 
Mediterranean trade were generally large 
sh^is, and provided both men and guns 
for ^hting, .which was a great expeace 
to our merchants, and a great burthen 
upon our trade* Whereas, since we got 
possession of those two places, those pi- 
rates have been, 1 may say, constantly at 
peace with us, so that we soon became 
the only carriers in the Mediterranean, 
and continued so till by our authority we 
procured the Dutch a peace with the Al- 
gerines, in order to prevail with them to 
nvour our ministers with a sort of sham 
accession to the famous treaty of Hanover. 

My lords, we must not conclude, that 
because we had a trade in the Mediterra- 
nean before we got possession of the island 
oif Minorca, therefore we may be able to 
continue that trade after the loss of that 
idand. Before we had it, my lords, we 
had but few rivals in the Mediterranean 
trade, and could ther^ore bear the ex- 
pence we were put to, and die losses we 
sustained by toe depredations of those 
pirates ; but we have now so many rivals, 
especially the French, that we could not 
hw it ; and therefore, if we should lose 
Minorca, and those depredations should 
be renewed, which would be the certain 
consequence, I doubt much, if we could 
have any trade, I am almost sure, we 
should have very little navigation in the 
Mediterranean. The importance of this 
island cannot therefore, in my opinion, be 
exaggerated; and for this reason, I hope 
Tour lordships will shew your care of it, 
by agreeing to this motion. 

Then the question being put, it was re- 
solved in the negative, N. C. 69, C. 57. 

Protest on rejecting tfie sdid Resolu- 
tions.2 The following Protest was en- 
tered on the Journals. 
, " Dissentient' 

1. ** Because we conceive, that as the 
f^t stated in the former part of the ques- 
tion, appeared plainly from the paper laid 
before this House by the proper officer. 

and neither was nor could be conti^erted 
by any one lord, the censure contained in 
the latter part of the question was not only 
just, but as gentle as so evident a neglect 
of so important a place, at so critical a 
time, could possibly allow. The prindpalt 
if not the only argument made use of by 
those lords who opposed the motion was, 
That the censure was general, and pointed 
at no particular persons, which we rather 
apprehend to be a proof of the justice and 
moderation of that censure, as it could 
tlien only light upon the guilty whoever 
they were ; and we are indmed to believe, 
that had the censure been applied to any 
particular persons, the contrary argument 
would have been urged, and the injustice 
of a particular censure, without prooti^ 
sounded high, though possibly, at the same 
time, the necessary means of getting at 
those proofs might have been rendered dit- 
ficult : That out of nineteen officers paid 
upon the establishment of Minorca, four- 
teen were absent, among whom were the 
governor, the deputy governor, and the 
governor of Fort St. rhilip, was a &ct 
aisputed by none, though the dighteat cen* 
sure of it was opposed by the majority of 
the House. We therefore hope, thatpos' 
terity, to whom we thus appeal, will not 
only approve of our conduct in this mo- 
tion, but will likewise, from the ill succe^ 
of it, find reasons to excuse our not at- 
tempting many others of the like nature. 
2. *' Because, when we consider the ten- 
der i^pprehensions of the administration 
for the island of Minorca, in the year 1740, 
when, upon information received, that a 
few traces were marching to the coasts of 
Catalonia, and a few tartanes assembled 
in the port of Barcelona, orders (possibly 
obscure from that precipitation which the 
emergency required) were sent to our 
admirals in the Mediterranean, to provide 
immediately for the defence of thstiskod, 
even by going there with their whole 
force, if necessary ; by the execution or 
mistake of which orders, the Spanish 
squadron was suffered to ss^ from Cadiz to 
the West Indies, to the imminent danger 
of our fleets and possessions there; we 
cannot well account for that profound se- 
curity in which the administration seemed 
to be the last year, with regard to that 
valuable possession, when an embarkation 
of fourteen or fifteen thousand men, and 
above two hundred transport-ships was 
publicly preparing at Barcdona, and con- 
sequently within eight and forty hours sail 
of Minorca, which embarkation soon sfUr 

401] Proceedings on the Chippenham Election. 

went imdisturbed to Italy: but we fear 
this inconsistent conduct may gire too 
much credit to insinuations lately scattered 
in public, that the British ministers were 
as secure that Minorca would not be at- 
tacked by the Spaniards, as tlie Spanish 
ministers were that their embarkation 
would sail to Italy undisturbed by our 
squadrons in the Mediterranean. 

3. ** Because it appears, that about the 
same time that major-general Anstruther 
left that island^ by leave from the secre- 
tary at war, which was on the 15th of 
Fi^roaiy last, admiral Haddock informs 
the secretary of state, in a letter of the 
IQth of the same month, that by the latest 
Jettcre from Mr. Consul Bfrtles, he men- 
tions, " That a Spanish embarkation is 
^ actuaUy intended, and though the first 
*^ design was on a sudden dropped, the 
'* last intelUgence declares the same to be 
^ renewed again ;'^ which information, we 
conceiTe, was sufficient to have excited 
greater apprehensions fdr the danger of 
that island, than seem to hitve been enter- 
tained, since no one step appears to have 
been taken thereupon for its defence^ or 
anj leave of absence recalled; but the 
whole government was suffered to devolve 
to a lieutenant-colonel of one of the regi- 
ments there. 

4. *< Because it appeared by the exami- 
nation of major-general Anstruther at the 
bar, that when he left Minorca about the 
15th of February last, above 700 men were 
vranting to complete the regiments there, 
and near the same jproportion of officers 
absent: that the private soldiers were so 
uneasy at having been there so long, that 
Dttn J destroyed themselves from despair, 
and many maimed themselves to get dis- 
cbarged. That should the island be at- 
tacked, the inhabitants would, in his opi- 
pion, certainly join the Spaniards; that 
in his (pinion too, that island was always 
in danger when our enemies were superior 
in the Mediterranean, wliich has been for 
soffle time, and is still the case. All 
vbich circumstances concur to prove the 
^8nger, the neglect, and the justice of 
(insuring such a neglect at such a time. 

5. ^ Because it was said in the debate 
W those whose high stations best enable 
™nn to know, • That a general relaxation 
*ofgoverament, and abuses of this nature, 
* were the vices of the present age.' A 
toelancholy truth ! which we conceive is 
'^ fer from being an argument for impu- 
^> that it evinces the necessity, at least, 
« censoring such as we can attain to the 

A. D. 1742. [402 

knowledge and proofs of. And indeed we' 
have but too much reason to believe, that 
the several abuses committed in .the several 
branches of the government, unpunished 
at least, if not connived at, have already 
produced effects too sensiUy felt by this 
nation ; which abuses, from the nature of 
things, necessarily multiply themselves, 
and if not speedily checked, must soon 
forge a chain of reciprocal and criminal 
dependency, too strong for even the au- 
thority of Uiis House to break, too heavy 
for the constitution to bear. 

6. *< Because the "motion for an address, 
offered in lieu of this question, in which 
the same fact is stated in its full extent, 
but without the least censure annexed to 
it, is, in our opinion, not only unpreoe- 
dented, but inconsistent with the honour 
and dignity of this House, as it may seem 
calculated to screen the guilt it avows ; 
and as it may be thought to intimate future 
impunity for public crimes, if balanced by 
private ministerial merit. Artifice may 
elude inquiries, or prevent detection ; le- 
nity may censure a crime, yet spare tho 
criminal ; but mankind, we fear, may be 
at a loss to acpount for what motives so 
criminal a neglect, fully stated, proved 
and admitted, could escape without cen- 
sure ; or may ascribe it to such as would 
afiect the reputation, and consequently 
lessen the authority of this House. 
f Signed) Sandwich, Dunk. Halifax,. 
Greenwich, Carlisle, Shafbbury, 
. Northampton, Maasel, Chester- 
field, Leigh, Aylesbury, Falmouth, 
Craven, Talbot, Abingdon, Cob- 
ham, Ward, Bridgewater, St. John, 
Oxford and Mortimer, Exeter, 
Foley, Denbigh, Litchfield, Beau- 
fort, Ric. Lich, and Cov. SufibUc, 
Haversham, Berkeley de Strattoo, 
Westmoreland, Thanet, Bathurst, ^ 
Ric. Lincoln', Clinton, Hereford, ' 
Grower, Aylesford, Clifton, Mac- 
clesfield, Bedford.'' 

Proceedings on the Chippenham EleC' 
tion.l Jan. 28. The House proceeded to 
the hearing the Petition or Alexander 
Hume, and John Frederick, esqrs. com- 
plaining of an undue election and return for 
Chippenham ; and, after hearing counsel, 
and examination of divers witnesses, amo- 
tion was made, and the question put, ** That 
in the last determination of this House, of 
the right of election of members to serve 
for the borough of Chippenham, made 
the 9th of April, 162^, which is, * That 





* the new charter dtert not (tut caiton ; 
'and that the bturgetties and fVeemen^ 

* mote than twelTe^ hare voice in the elec- 

* tion/ the «rord8» * Burgesses and Free- 
' men/ mentioned in the said Resolution, 
mean only sudi burgesses and freemen^ as 
are Inhabitants householders of the ancient 
bouses, called free or burgage*houses, 
within the said borouffh ;'* it patted in the 
ne|ative, hySS? against 2S6.* 

Feb. 2. The House proceeded to the 
fkrther hearing of the said Petition ; and 
the counsel for the petitioners desired to 
know what aiBrmative construction the 
House would make of the words, * Bur« 

* gesses and Freemen/ mentioned in the 
last determination of the House concern- 
ing the right of electing burgesses to serve 
for the said borough ; the House having 
determined^ that the said words do hot 
mean only such burgesses and freemen, 
as are innabitants householders of the 
ancient houses, called feet or burgi^ 
houses, within the said borough. The 
counsel on both sides being withdrawn, 
it was resolved, by a majority of ^1 
voices asainst 225, '' That the counsel 
be called in, and directed to proceed ac- 
cording to the last determination of the 
House, of the right of election of mem- 
bers to serve for the said borough, made 
the 9th of April 1624, and according to 
what the House did resolve on Thur^lay 
last, concerning the said determination/^ 
Then afler a mrther hearing of counsel, 
the House was informed, that the peti- 
tioners desired to give the House no far- 
tfier trouble. Hereupon it was severally 
resolved, that sir Edmund Thomas, hart, 
and Edward Bayntun Rolt, esq. were 

* «« At length, on the 98th, the opposition 
finally triumphed. A question on the Chip- 
penbaai Electioo was carried a<raiasl the minis- 
ter, by a tn^wity of one, 937 against SS6, 
and the party gained so oonsiderabie an acces- 
sion, by the aescrtion or absence of several 
members of the court party, that the final de- 
cision of the Chippenham Election was carried 
against the minister, by a majonty of 16 ; 941 
against 995. Walpole seemed to have antici- 
pated this event, and met it with his usual 
Ibrtitnde and cheerfblness. While the tellers 
were perfbrauBg their office, he beckoned sir 
Edward Bayntoo, the member whose return 
was supported by opposittou, to sit near him, 
spoke to biro with great complacency, anioiad- 
verted on the ingratitude of several individuals 
who were voting against him. on whom he had 
eonferred great favour, and declared he would 
never again sit in that House." Coxe's Me- 
moiia of dr R. Walpole. 

JiSii^ adjfmrm the ParUameni. [4M 

didy elected for flie said boraugh of Ch^ 

The King adjourns the PariiamaU^ 
Sir Robert fValpole resigns his Places, and 
is created Earl of Orford^The Prince of 
Wales conciliatM-^Meeting of the Opp(h 
sition at the Fountain Tavern-^-Great Jer' 
meni in the Nation — Ministerial Changeu'] 
On the Srd of February, the Loid Chan- 
cellor signified his majesty's pleasure, that 
both Houses of Parliament shoidd severallv 
adjourn to the 18th instant. On the 9th 
of Febniary,t sir Robert Walpole w» 

* ^'JanoarydO. I wrote by the last post, and 
then said that we wens upou the Chippenbam 
election. We debated a (mint in relation to tbe 
disqualifying votes till 13 o'clock, aiid we kxtit 
by one, tbouffb there never was a clearer esse in 
the world. Ijord Donerail voted agidnst ni ; 
aod unless our affaits change mooh fur ibt 
better, I don't imagine we shall often have Urn 
agaiD. Howef er we may, for all this, canv 
tbe eledioQ. Bat we have a pareel of sow 
shal>by fellows that will not aUend. To ipoak 
plainly, I am afraid we have only a majoritj of 
about 14, and as a great many of our peopts 
will not aUend elections, and that others aaikt 
a point of it, they will, I really think, get tiit 
better of us by determiniug all the elections is 
their own favour*" 

« February 2. Sir Robert has hitherto kept 
up his spirits tolerably well, but I think I cid 
perceive that be is now uneasy ; and indeed I 
am afraid he has very good reason to be lo; 
for I really believe, and so do most of bii 
friends, that (he other party, in three weeks 
time, must get a majority by the alterations in 
elections; lor we have a great many people, 
that have declared Um wQI not attoM them 
any more. Lord Bfiddfesex for oiie$ and loid 
John has hardly attended any yet We hope 
we shall secure ChippeDbam to day, and I win 
we may r'* Coxe's Walpole : Correspondence; 
marquis of Ilartiogton to tbe duke oi Devoa- 

f From the Seeker Manuscr^tm 

•< Febmary 8. Sir R. Walpole waspreMflled 
at court as earl of Orford. He was persoided 
to refuse a grant of 4,000/. a year during die 
king's life and his own, but could not be dis- 
suaded from accepting a letter of honour from 
the king, to grant his natnrdt daugfitir, Maria, 
precedence as an earl's daughter, who was ti^ 
presented this day. llie same thing bsd been 
done for three daughters of Scrope, earl of 
Suaderiand, who left no latvfal fsBue, and from 
one of whom lord Howe is descended/' 

" February 11. LordOrfoi^ and sir Cluurles 
Wager resigned . Mr. Sandys kissed hands is 
Chancellor of tl^e Exchequer. Lord Wilmiog- 
ton declared First Commissioner of the Trea- 
snry. Offers made to the duke of Argjle but 
refitted. None to l<ml ChtftetfieM.'^ 


ISr Bobert Walpole resigns. 

A. D. 1742. 


creetadcarl of Orfoid, «iid on the lltb 
he reigned bjs fisceB. 

Remnctipg ibe resigaalion of sir "Ro* 
bert Walpole and the fomuttion of the 
new mmistr^y Mr» Coxe gives the CoUow* 
jog intereftiog particulars : 

*' It IS asserted by a cootemporaxy his- 
torim fTiadal] vho possessed great 
meaos m iBfonnation, that the minister 
irottld have sooner retired^ if the state of 
the nation and of parties had not rendered 
his GODtinuance in power necessary for 
die arrsngement of a new administrationy 
sad for preserving the tran^lity^ of the 
oooQtry ; and that be continued in office 
Mlehr in compliance with the wishes of 
bis friends. The papers which have been 
coBifflitted to nay mqpection, and the un- 
doubted information which I have receiv- 
sdy enaUe me to contradict this aBsertion. 
He retired unwillingly and slovly: no 
shipwrecked pilot ever clung to the rudder 
of a aiokinff vessel with greater pertinacity 
than he did to the helm of state ; he did 
not relinquish his post until he was driven 
from it by the desertion of his followers 
and the oanours of the public. Speaker 
Onslow, who knew him well, declared 
thai he rpluct^nriy quitted his station; 
and if any doubt stiM remains, we have 
the testimony of the minister himself. 
" I mast infonn you," he observes in a 
letter to the duke of Devonshire, *^ that 
the mmic was so great among — what shall 
I call them? — my ownfriendsy thatthi^ 
aD declared that my netirins; was become 
absolutely necessary, as Ae <mly means 
to cany on the public bjosinesa with 
honour and success." 

** Ithas beeo ^also asserted with no less 
confidence, that the hioig himself was he- 
come weary of a minister, who had so 
kag directed his affairs, who had so often 
opposed and obatructed his inclination for 
var, and who was stUl endeavouring .to 
KmoYe every obstacle which Impeded the 
ntom of peaoe- Bujt the same docu^ 
meats eoaUe me to adduce an honourable 
teitimony of .the good faiith and firmness . 
of Geaige the second. Althoi^h ^e 
asperities which time .and vexation acfifiL- 
lionedjii both their tempers, produced <a 
Ottoentary disaatisStction, yet Ihe king 

Bad coatractedt by longbanii andexpe- 

'iQM^ of his capacity for business, a h^ ] 

rand esteem for his Jong-tried coun- 
In vai9 the ead of Wilmir^ton 
•nd the duke of Dorset Jbad .enforced the ; 
IJBoeaii^ of his removalt the resolution of 

consent to his resi^tion until the minister 
himself made it bis express desire* 

*^ The interview when he took leave of 
^he king was highlj^ a&cting. On kneel** 
ing down to kiss Ins hand, the king burat 
into tears, the ex-minister was so moved 
with that instance of regard, ^bat b? con- 
tinued for some time in that posture ; aai| 
the king was so touched, that |ie wafi 
unid)le to raise him from the ^roundp 
When he at length rose, the king testified 
his regret for the loss of so faithima cou^ 
sellor, ei:pressed his gratitude for his long 
services, and his hopes of receiving advico 
on important occasions. 

** When his resolution to resign was 
known, he received more honours thais 
had been paid to him in the plenitude of 
power. His last levee was more numer- 
ously attended than his first* The oon^ 
course of persons of all ranks and distine^ 
tions was prodigious; and their expreik 
sions of arectionate regard and cono^ra 
extremely moving. 

<< The minister, in retiring, had tbra^ 
great objects in view. 1st, To disunito 
the heterogeneous parties which composed 
the opposition. 2a. To form an ad^iaia- 
tration on the Whi^ basis. 3d. To save 
himself from a public prosecution. 

** If the first point was e&cted, thf 
others would necessarily fiallow. To dl* 
vide the opposition, aa4 weaken a combi- 
nation whicn would else have been fatal to 
him, At became necessary to lure the duk€ 
of Argyle and the Tories, to conciliate th^ 
prince of Wales, and to detaqh Pidteneyy 
who then headed tiie Whj£S in opfubsitiony 
from the Tories. To efltect these yiewa^ 
he had re^coorse to the grand engine of 
pditical jealousy. He made such advances 
to the Tories as inspired them with falla* 
cious hopes and unfounded notions of tbw 
own importance, and filled the Whigs in 
opposition with <qpprehensions of beiiig eqp- 
cnwed from the spoils. Having auooeeded 
i^ this attempt, he advis^ jthe king jto foFHi 
a Whig adminfatratioo^ and si;^est(ad th^ 
propsiety of iqpto^ying to Pulteney. One 
of tne greatest dimcultiep under which be 
laboured in Abe ^oune of tfiis political 
tiransaction, was to conquer the km£['s re- 
pugnanoe to Pulteney, which at this pa- 
xiod seemed almost ins(qpe^dde» and ;to 
persuade his majesty to. commence the .n^ 
gociation, and acquiesce in Pulteney 's ex- 
pected .demand or a peerage. Havinj^ «t 
length overcome the king's pertinaciOHfi 
inveteracy, he said to his son Horace, ** I 

4e kii|g wa^ unihrirfin^ wd be did mt! We set the kiqg«ivQO.^i" aa4 e^ WP* 


15 GEORGE 11. 

Sir Robert Watpde resigntf 


ther time, in the farther progress of the 
kine's compliance, he triumphantly said, 
making at the same time a motion with 
his hand as if he was locking a door, ^ I 
have turned the key of the closet upon 

« When the negociation with Pulteney 
first commenced, neither the documents 
in my possession, or any oral information, 
have enabled me to ascertain; but it is 
probable that indirect overtures had been 
made some time before the recess. 

•* Hints had been thrown out to Carte- 
retj from some person in the king's confi- 
dence, that proposals would be made to 
Pulteney, as the leader of the House of 
Conunons ; but a fortnight elapsed after 
this communication had been made, before 
any step was taken. At length a message 
came from the duke of Newcastle, request- 
ing Pulteney to meet him private!}^ at his 
secretaiy, Mr. Stone's house at Whitehall. 
Pukeney returned for answer, that in the 
. present juncture he could not comply with 
this request without giving umbrage to his 
friends. He was under the necessity of 
dech'ning a private meeting, but added, 
that he had no objection to receive his 
^race publicly at his own house. A few 
aajrs tflerwards he received a note from 
the duke of Newcastle, importing, that he 
and the lord chancellor, having a message 
from the king, would wait upon him. 

" The meeting took place in the fore- 
noon, between the duke of Newcastle and 
the chancellor on one side, and Pulteney 
imd Carteret, whose presence he had de- 
aired as his confidential friend, on the 

" Newcastle opened the conference by 
paying, that the king being convinced that 
sir Robert Walpole was no longer sup- 
ported by a majority in the House of Com- 
mons, had commanded them to offer the 
Blaces which that minister possessed to 
Mr. Pulteney, with the power of forming 
his own administration, on the sole condi- 
tion that sir Robert Walpole should not be 
prosecuted. To this proposal Pulteney 
replied, that if that condition was to be 
made the fouudation of the treaty, he 
never would comply with it ; " and even," 
he concluded, *' should my inclination in- 
duce me to accede to these terms, yet it ! 
might not be in my power to fulfil my en- 
ngement; the heads of parties being like 
file heads of snakes, which are carried on 
by their tails. For my nart, lie added, I 
vnll be no screen ; but it the king should 
be pleased to express a desire to open any 

treaty, or to hold any conversation with 
me, 1 will pay my duty at St. James's, 
though I have not been at court for many 
years ; but I will not come privately, but 
publicly and at noon-day, in order to ;)re- 
vent all jealousy and suspicion." Before 
they parted, some negus was brought m, 
and the duke of Newcastle drank, *' Here 
is to our happier meeting." Puheneyre- 
plied, in a quotation from Shakespeare's 
Julius CfBsar, 

• If we do meet again, why we shall smile, 
< ff not, why then thi<i meeting was well roodf.' 

" Meanwhile a prodigious ferment ap- 
peared throughout the nation. The To- 
ries and Jacobites were equally hritated 
against the minister, and the popular da^ 
mours for reform were no less violent than 
discordant. A contemporary author has 
well described the vehement and contra- 
dictory views of the heterogeneous parties 
which composed the opposition. ** Among 
those who thought tnemselves the most 
moderate, no two men agreed upon what 
was necessary. Some thinking that all se- 
curity lay in a good place bill, about the 
desree and extent of which they likewise 
dinered. Some in a pension bill, which 
others more justly thought would signily 
nothing. Some in a law for triennial parlia- 
ments, which all who did not delight in riot 
or in the prospect of corruption, thought 
both dangerous and dubious. Some for an- 
nual parliaments, which others thought too 
frequent. Some for justice on thenuuister. 
Others not for sanguinary views. Some 
for a reduction of the civillist, which others 
thought unjust to be taken away, having 
been legally given. Some for the sJe of 
all employments. Others for idlowing a 
few. Some for taking tlie deposition of 
them from the crown, wnich others thonght 
anti-constitutional. Some for allowing 
them to subsist, but to be given only to 
those who were not in parliament, that is, 
among themselves. Some to allow them 
to be ^iven for life. Some for making the 
army independent. Others for no regular 
troops at all." [Faction Detected, p. 69.] 

" To oppose this torrent of reform, the 
necessity of gaining Pulteney became more 
and more urgent. Though it should be 
admitted that personal pique and party 
resentment were amon^ the motives which 
influenced his opposition, yet he was 
known to be a friend to the constitution, 
a sound Whig, and a warm partisan to the 
Protestant establishment, and the large- 
ness of his property would induce him to 
obstruct m measures' which might tend 


and is ereated Earl qfOr/ord. 

A. D. 1742. 


\a create confusion, or perplex govern- 

^ The onlj method to conciliate him 
va5, in appefinmce, to submit entirely to 
his (lemanosy to prevail on {lim to make as 
few changes as possible, to introduce few 
obnoxious persons, and to trust the safety 
ot'Walpole to future exigendes. 

'*This scheme was managed with so 
much address, that Pulteney, in forming 
10 administration, the great outlined of 
vliich irere traced by Walpole, conceived 
that be was dictating his own terms. It 
vas particularly owing to his influence that 
Nevcastle retained his situation of secre- 
ury of state, and that Harrington, who 
▼38 compelled to make way for Carteret, 
obtained the presidentship of the council; 
man? of hb most confidential friends were 
also coatinued in their posts. 

^SooQ after the first conference with 
Vevcsstle, the king sent Pulteney a pri- 
me mesaage, requesting that if he did not 
chne to place himself at the head of the 
treasoiy, he would let lord Wilmington 
tilde into it, in which Pulteney acquiesced. 
Caiteret, who coveted that post, ex- 
pressmg dissatisfaction at the arrangement, 
Pulteney declared that he would break his 
<y^ resolution, and take the place him- 
»rlf, if Carteret would not consent to the 
appointment of Wilmington. * You,* he 
^Ided, * must be secretary of state, as the 
*iltte$t person to direct foreign afiairs.' 

** In the course of a few days another 
conference was held at the same place, by 
the same persons* Newcastle said, that 
^e IV now commissioned by the king to 
icake the former o&rs, without insisting 
c;i the condition of not prosecuting the mi* 
nL'ter; and he added, that the king only 
reqoested that, if any prosecution wascom- 
meaced agmat sir Robert Walpole, he 
«ouki not hmame it, though he might not 
C'Vtue to oppose it. Pulteney replied, that 
W vasnot a man of blood; thnt in all his 
expressions importing a resolution to pur- 
^ the minister to destruction, he meant 
^l the destruction of his power, but not 
^ his person. He could not undertake to 
OT what was proper to be done ; he must 
to the advice of his friends ; though he 
^as&eeto own, that according to his opi- 
rm some 'parlmmentary censure at least 
(tight to be inflicted for so many years of 
Bai-administration. Newcastle then ob- 
■(^ ^ the king trusts you will not dis- 
^the government by making too mai^ 
J^ges m the midst of a session of par- 
^^^neat, and that you and your friends 

will be satisfied with the removal of sir 
Robert Walpole and a few others.** Pulte- 
ney replied, that he was far from desiring 
to perplex government, or to make too 
many changes at once, which would throw 
all things into confusion, he did not insist 
on a total change ; and he had no objec- 
tion to the duke of Newcastle or the lord 
chancellor, but what he insisted upon, he 
added, was an alteration of measures as 
well as men : he only required that some 
obnoxious persons should be dismissed; 
that the mam forts of government should 
be delivered into the hands of his party ; 
a majority in the cabinet council, the no- 
mination of a secretary of state for Scot- 
land, and of the boards of treasury and 
admiralty. After some resistance, these 
points being finally agreed to, Newcastle 
supposed that in arranging the new admi- 
nistration, he would place himself at th^ 
head of the treasury, and declared that it 
was the earnest and repeated desire of the 
king. '< As the disposition of places is in 
my hands,** replied Pulteney, ** I will ac- 
cept none myself; I have so repeatedly 
declared my resolution on that head, and 
I will not now contradict myself:** he 
then named the earl of Wilmington first 
lord of thetreasuiy ; Sandys chancellor of 
the exchemier; Carteret secretary of 
state; sir John Rushout, Gibbon, and 
Waller, lords of the treasury ; a new board 
of admiralty, including sir John Hynde 
Cotton ; and the marquis of Tweedale se- 
cretary of state for Scotland. For him* 
self he demanded only a peerage, and a 
seat in the cabinet. Before they parted, 
Pulteney declared that he was under such 
engagements with the duke of Argyle, 
that he must acauaint him with all which 
had passed ; ana added, that he should 
not oblige him to secrecy, but leave him 
at liberty to inform lord Chesterfield or 
lord Cobham, or any of his friends. New- 
castle did not consent to this without un* 
willingness^ and the meeting ended*. 

** These negociations create great jea- 
lousies, and excited the resentment of 
those who were not admitted to the con- 

* " The account of this iiegociation with 
Pulteney, and the subsequent transactions, are 
principally derived from the CoiTespondeoce, 
Perioa 7. — Fit>m Communications by the 
bishop of SalftlwiTy.— Life of bishop Newton, 
who has related the whole transaction from the 
authority of Pulteney, thongh not without 
some slight errors, which I have been enabled 
to rectify from notes and information, kimlly 
sopplicu by the bishop of Salisbury •" Coxe. 


15<rS0RfiE II. 

ferenpes. Tvo Dattied» at a veiy early 
period of this Dukiness, were forminf 
m^ainst the arrangements made by Pulte*- 
ney, coxisistiDg of the great body of the 
^oriesy headed by Arg^le, which party 
vas jomed by the Jacomtes, and the other 
composed of those Whigs who were not 
likely to be comprised in the new arrange- 
ments. Chesterfield was dis^naoiotied 
that he was not made secretary of state ; 
Waller was irritated at not being chancel- 
lor of the exchequer^ and thought the si<- 
tuation of a lord of the treasury beneath 
his acceptance* Cobham, though restored 
to a regiment^ and appointed a member of 
the cabinet, aspired to a far greater shase 
of power; and the Gnenvilles^ Lyttleton^ 
Pitt, and Dodington, were highly dissa- 
tisfied that they had no share m the new 

<< In the midst of this growing dissatis- 
feotion, a great point was gained by con- 
ciliating the prince of mdes. llie ar- 
nngement with Pulteney was made with- 
out the knowledge of the Prinee^ to whom 
it was not communicated befiore the 2nd 
of February ; but he reoeived the in&rma^ 
lion witli due renpeot,{>eared satis- 
fied witli the resuU. On the 6th he grant- 
ed a private audience to sir Robert Wat- 
pole, and promised his protection against 
any attacks upon his life or fortune. 

** While the posts remained unfilled, 
and the members of opposition conceived 
hopes that an arrangement might take place 
in their favour, the great bcdy condnued 
apparently united; but when su^icions 
began to be formed of a separate negocia- 
tion, and the places of secretai^ of state^ 
and chaaoelior of the exchequer, wene 
disposed of, without the general concur- 
nence, ra«rmuis and discontents aucceed- 
ed, and a schism, which loxd Perceval* 
calls, ** the ideath of the late ^position/' 
took place ^m ^e llJth of Pebruary, whe^ 
the .meeting was held «t the Pountain 
Tavern^. ' 

* " Afterwards ^rl jof Egmoot, author .of 
*< Faction Detected," joue ot fh£ best poliiioal 
pamphlets ever written." Coxe. 

f From the Seeker Manuicript, 

** Feb. 12. Meeting at the Fountain Tavern 
iKf above 200 Commoaers and 35 Lords. Buke 
of Argy\e s|ioke warmly for .prosacuting lord 
Orford, with bints of reflection on those who 
jbad accepted. Duke of Bedford the same. ; 
liord .Gower aud air W. W. Wynne more 
moderate. Mr. Pulteney replied warmly. 
Lord Talbot diaok to cleansii^ the Aqgean j 


Meeting ffthe Opposition [41 

'< It consisted of m^ less thm tfan 
hundred members of both houses of jm 
Jiament. The duke of Argyle, as we a 
informed by a person wim was pern 
and took an active share on the side 
Pulteney, expatiated, with great sol^ 
mty of tpeech and ^ture, on the ji 
gerous situation to which the cottntiyl 
been reduced by the late adi^uniitnn 
of sir Robert Wdlpole^ and 00 diedij 
ous and steady opposition which Woe 
made to his measures ; he said « W 
at length, honest endeavours aad| 
just spirit of the people have brought^ 
in sight of the long wished for havei^ | 
Bs au parties have contributed to form 
this important point, it is just tfait^ 
denominations of men sboyld receive;^ 
equal reward of their virtue* If a prg 
use is made of this fortunate comu&ct^ 
this reward may be obtained. wTh 
a right to expect the total rout of all |k 
who formed any part of the nuai^ 
junto ; and such a measure woidd u 
room for dl." ^ 

** After sarcastically observing, m^ 
sion to Pulteney, that a grain of hooa 
wfis worth M, cart load of gold, he p| 
ceeded : ^< But have we not much n^ 
to iear that this use will not be made^ 
the happy opportunity ; that a few aa 
without any communication of theirii 
feedings to this assembly, have arrari 
toihemsebes the exclusive right cl^ 
mination, and from their manner we kn 
sufficient^ cause to ^pcehend that 4{ 
do not intend the general advaotM 
Thev have now been ei^ht jistys ungm 
in this business, and iTwe ane to |u^ 
from the few offices they have mm 
bestowed, they may justly be accusttij 
not acting with that vigour which J 
whole people have a right to expect. 1^ 
choice of those alreac^ preferred cami 
but supply great matter of jealousy; ^ 
as this choioe has principally falleo ly 

Stable ef the dang and grooms. Mr. %n^ 
and Mr. Gybbop there. Lord Cartmeta 
W iochalsea not. Lord Jphancellor is the er^ 
ing in private discoarse to me, stioi^ agaii 
taKii^ 10 any Tories : owniog oo more ib 
tliat some 01 them perhaps were not for ( 
Pretender, or 9t least did not know they ^ 
for him : (bough when I gave him tbeaccoi 
ifirst'of my discourse wi£. the PviiHKjhesi 
•the main body of them weteoftbesuB^fai 
^iploB^witb the Whig*." 

'< Feb. 18. Went with bishop ofGlaoem 
visit lord^Cartenet, who advised lOi, in a jw^ 
way, qppw without jp^cwiigr.** 


«^ tht FwaitUim Taetm. 

A. D. Yl^. 


^WI^gi^itvaB iH oiiKiitetlie Tories: 
Hmj are not to be ptovided for, the 
mr effiscts of the ooiditioii will bo de- 
lved; aad tbo odknis dudnotkn of 
ilj iriD be agflbt rcvhred, to the great 
'nfice ioi the nation. It ie therefore 
Jj neoesflBiy to continue closely unit- 
iiid to perBevere with the same Te- 
e as ever, till the Tories obtain 
sod the adnmiiitTation is foond- 
oo die bfoad bottom of botb 

'To tiiese accusations Pnhenej renlied 
|h loleH bitteniess; He hunentea the 
keie tnatment which he andhisco-ad- 
bn had received in return for their 
bicd) and for their share in driring the 
landster from the hefan^ to be thus 
y forth and oublidy charged in the 
p of the worla, with things of which 
in dorstTentore to accuse them in 
te; to be loaded with unjust suspi- 
iflid imaflinary crimes, which though 
Mt feondation would be easily to- 
Md in the present temper of the nation, 
ffe desenre/' he added, ** a very dif- 
IM usage for the integrity with which 
Hune hitherto proceed^ and by which 
^ determined to proceed. In answer 
Ae imputation, that we have taken the 
iigement of the negociation into our 
Ink let OS reply, that overtures having 
la made to us, it was our duty, (as it 
aU have been the duty of every man, 
Momsoch overtures had been made) 
baploy all our abilities and endeavours 
m a happy settlement, after the di- 
hm with which this country has been 
fioDg unhappfly rent, and which could 
I lomr siUMSt without ruining the in- 
tot or the nation abroad, and incurring 
I danger of fatal disturbances at home. 
b superficial vulgar may indeed con- 
lie that it would have been more equita- 
i to refer the settlement to the decision 
die whole party, but surely no man of 
lenble understanding and experience 
a cherish an idea so impracticable and 
and. Government is not yet reduced 
mneDder at discretion, especially to 
I enemy who has declared publicly that 
ey woold give no quarter; government 
tter can, will, nor ought to be taken 
fitorm; and it behoves gentlemen to 
toider the ineritable consequences of 
idi an attempt. The great points in 
l^on were, to change the minister, 
id dnage die measures; the one is 
hadj erocted, and we will engage to 
nfian the other/* 

<< << As to the distribution of emploj* 
meats, th^re is neither justice, decency^ 
duty or moderation, in^dictatingto the king, 
how to dispose of every preferment in the 
state. His majesty has shewed a diepcv 
sition to comply with the desires of his 
people in the most effi^cCnal manner; he 
nas already supplied the principal minis- 
terial posts with men, who have hitherto 
enjoyed the confidence of the people, and 
cannot yet have forfeited their good Opi- 
nion, beGanse^ though nominated, they 
have none of them yet done any single 
act of office. As to the changes already 
made, they ace as numerous as the ini- 
portanoe of the natter, and the nature 
of the thinip can possibly admit so sooir, 
and it would have been more to the credit 
of the party, if their patience had extend- 
ed a little lon^ than the few days, that 
have piissed since the time of their ad- 
journment. As to the partiid dxstrRrotioA 
of e i n pl o y men ts to the Whigs, as fer as 
our interest sbafl hereafler extend, we 
will use it feithfully to the kmg and our 
country, by recommending such persons, 
whose principles have been misrepresent^ 
ed, and who are true to his femily, let 
their appeUations be what thejr will. But 
it must be a work of some time, to re^ 
move su^cions inculcated long, and 
long credited, with regard to a denomina- 
tion of men, who have formeriy been 
thought not heartily attached to the in» 
terest of the prince upon the throne; some 
instances cS this intention have been ad- 
read v given in the late removals, and dievi 
will be many more : but it must depoid 
upon the prudent conduct of the Tories 
themselves, wholly to abolish these un- 
happy distinctions of party.'' He con- 
cluded by reouesting ' them to consider 
the fiilse step tney had already made, and 
that this passionate and groundless divi^ 
sion would infallibly give new courage 
to the party they had just subdued; that 
it discovered a weakness, of which advair- 
tage would be certainly taken; that k 
must inevitablv lessen the power of those 
who were employed, and, if persisted in, 
would in a sreat measure prevent the sue** 
cess of tiieir riews, both for the public 
and their friends. 

" When the contest was in reality for 
power, and onlv in appearance for the 
public good, it is not to be supposed that 
arguments on either side, drawn from pru* 
deutial, disinterested, and patriotic mo« 
tives, could have the smallest weight. The 
parties separated with the same virulence 

il5] IS GEORGE II. Repre$eniatioM to mrtma Members 

am they bad met^ and only waited for an 
open ruptaroy until all the places were 
disposed of; each flattering himself that 
he might be included in the proposed ar- 

<< The resentment of the disafected 
patriots was still farther a^ravated, by 
the fonnatioii of the new Treasury Board*, 
announced on the 16th of February, in 
which only one Tory was included. 

^* With a view to allay these jealousies, 
the prince of Wales proposed a meeting in 
his presence, of the chief leaders of the 
former opposition, particularly Argyle, 
Chesterfield, Cobharo, Gower, and Ba- 
thurst. Pulteney came, accompanied by 
Scarborough, prepared to oppose or to 
conciliate. The most violent accusations 
wexk levelled against him ; it was urged, 
the change of administration ought to be 
4otal ; the intended alterations were not 
sufficient ; too many of the late minister's 
friends would remain in power ; sir Rd)ert 
Walpole would still act behind the curtain, 
and direct the whole machine of govern- 
ment. Pulteney replied, that these* ac- 
cusations were groundless ; for even upon a 
supposition that the ex-mmister shoula still 
continue to be a greater personal favourite 
with the king than any of them, or than 
all of. them together, yet it would not be 
4n his power to distress them, provided 
jthey remained united among themselves. 
<< Nothing,'' he added, <' but our own dis- 
sensions can hurt us ; we have the staft' in 
our own hands, and the changes now to 
be made, will enable us to eftect farther 
idterations at the end of the session. I 
•have stipulated that the duke of Ai^le, 
•lofd Cobham, lord Gower, the marquis of 
Tweedale, the earl of Winchelsea, lord 
Carteret, and myself, shall be members of 
the cabinet council, and we shall form so 
•great a majority, that the whole power 
will he in our hands. We shall besides 
command the whole boards of treasury 
-and admiralty, and have the appointment 
-of several other considerable places. What 

. f To this meeting at the Fountain Tavern, 
air Charles Hanbur^ Williams alladas, with 
•bis* usual wit and satire, in his ode against the 
earl of Bath, called The Statesman : 
• ** Then enlarge on his cunning and wit : 
<< Say, how he harangu'd at the Fountain ; 
*< Sav, how the old patriots were bit, 
*' And a mouse was produced by a moun- 

* Lord Wilmington, 8andys, sir John Rush- 
out, fhilip Gibbon, and George Compton. 

then have we to fear i Should we mm 
a total change at this period, disordera 
eon&sion must ensue. % the p]ed« 
we possess at present, we have aamle i 
curi^ for future regulations, ana in 
such a power in our hands, we may cm 
mand any future alterations," 

" The prince declared himsdf ntifii 
with these reasons ; and it was unaoioMi 
ly agreed, they should all go to court tif 
ther. Thus the authority of the pniK 
and the expectations of the Tories, II 
sir John Hynde Cotton would, acoordi 
to promise, be appointed one oi Uie In 
of the admiralty, prevented an op 

^ On the 17th the prince, whose eg 
blishment had been increased to 100,00 
a year, and who was farther gratified wi 
a promise of seats at the admiralty boi 
for lord Baltimore and lord Archibi 
Hamilton, paid his personal respects 
the king, and on the 18th, the whole pv 
who had formed the opposition to i 
late minister made their appearance, 

Representations avd Instai 
tions sent from their cokstit 


Change op Ministry.] Upontbei 
moval of sir Robert Walpole, and thei 
terations in the ministr}'', there werepd 
rejoicings in London and Westminak 
Representations and Instructioos liked 
were sent to the members of the Hooie 
Commons by their respective coDstituesl 
&omthe counties of Suffolk, Oxford, Abe 
deen, Renfrew, Air, Dumiries, Lantt 
Hereford, Flint, Devon, Denbigh, Montg 
mery, Gloucester, Cromartie, fidinbuif 
Anglesey, Kincardine, andChester, tbei 
ties of London, Westminster, York, Bri« 
Canterbury, Bath, Edinburgh, Lichfid 
Coventry, Chester, Hereford, andPete 

* From the Seeker Manuscript. 

«« February 17. Prince of Wales went to^ 
James's, 'the agreement mvt^e at 11 tl