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Full text of "The past at our doors : or, The old in the new around us /by Walter W. Skeat"

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THE PAST 
AT OUR 
DOORS 



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Presented to the 

UNIVERSITY OF TORONTO 
LIBRARY 

by the 

ONTARIO LEGISLATIVE 
LIBRARY 

1980 



Uoofes in Jfiatural Itnofolcfcge 



THE PAST AT OUE DOOES 



MACMILLAN AND CO., LIMITED 

LONDON BOMBAY CALCUTTA 
MELBOURNE 

THE MACMILLAN COMPANY 

NEW YORK BOSTON CHICAGO 
DALLAS SAN FRANCISCO 

THE MACMILLAN CO. OP CANADA, LTD 

TORONTO 




GARIBALDI'S 'RED SHIRT,' WHENCE CAME THE MODERN BLOUSE. 

A Fashion that was brought from South America. 

(See pp. 62, S3.) 



THE PAST 
AT OUK DOORS 

OR 

THE OLD IN THE NEW AROUND US 



BY 



WALTER W. SKEAT, M.A. 

SOMETIME SCHOLAR OF CHRIST'S COLLEGE, CAMBRIDGE, 

FORMERLY OF THE F.M.S. CIVIL SERVICE, 
AND FELLOW OF THE ROYAL ANTHROPOLOGICAL INSTITUTE 



"Time hath endless rarities and shows of all 
varieties ; which reveal old things in Heaven, makes 
new discoveries in earth, and even Earth itself a 
discovery." Sir T. BROWNE, Urnbnrial, I. 1. 



WITH NUMEROUS ILLUSTRATIONS 



MACMILLAN AND CO., LIMITED 

ST. MARTIN'S STREET, LONDON 

1913 



Dft 






COPYRIGHT 

First Edition 1911 
Second Edition 1912, 1913 



Printed by R. & R. CLARK, LIMITED, Edinburgh. 



TO MY 

FATHER AND MOTHER 

ON THEIR 

GOLDEN WEDDING-DAY 
NOVEMBER 15, 1910 



Vll 



AUTHOE'S NOTE 

IN presenting this little book to the reader, the 
writer must content himself with the warning that 
what we call " civilisation " or " culture " is by no 
means to be taken as any criterion whatever of the 
mental power of a race. Of this fact the survivals 
here recorded from Ireland and Scotland in them- 
selves are proof. On the other hand, the vast mass 
of ancient usage incorporated in the daily life, even 
of the most up-to-date Londoner, would surprise 
many lifelong students of such matters if they had 
never happened to consider the subject as a whole, 
and this must be an apology for any incompleteness. 
The difficulties are increased by the almost incred- 
ible fact that there is no adequate Folk Museum 
in this country where the development of the 
national life can be studied. Yet we may find 
in this research some of the "little things we care 
about," that deep soil of common usage into which 
the roots of our common patriotism strike. 

In conclusion I may be permitted to offer my 
very grateful thanks to the many friends who have 
assisted in collecting much valuable information or 
illustrations, and above all, not only for unfailing 

ix 



x THE PAST AT OUE DOOES 

help, but also for the stimulus of a great example, 
to my father the Eev. Professor W. W. Skeat, upon 
whose work the linguistic part of this book is largely 

founded. 

W. W. SKEAT. 

ROME LAND, ST. ALBANS, 
1911. 



NOTE TO NEW EDITION 

THE methods followed in this little book are capable 
of almost unlimited extension for the purpose of 
teaching various kinds of research work, whether in 
history or geography or otherwise. Such research 
could moreover be made to serve as a key to almost 
the whole of our modern civilisation, with an in- 
calculable gain in the stimulus that would thus be 
afforded to the awakened intellect of the worker. 
Nor need investigation of this kind be altogether 
out of touch with practical affairs. It was alleged 
to be the red wheat (v. pp. 43-44), still common 
in Canada, that inspired the effort of the U.S. 
government to obtain Eeciprocity, the Michigan 
farmers having discovered that its hard grain was 
better suited for their modern machine mills than 
the softer wheat of their own country ! 

W. W. SKEAT. 

ROME LAND, ST. ALBANS, 
15th April 1912. 



CONTENTS 

HAP. PAGE 

1. THE STORY OF OUR FOOD . .1 

2. THE STORY OF OUR FOOD (continued] . . 17 

3. THE STORY OF OUR DRESS .... 50 

4. THE STORY OF OUR DRESS (continued} . 74 

5. THE STORY OF OUR DRESS (continued} . .104 

6. THE STORY OF OUR HOMES . . . .122 

7. THE STORY OF OUR HOMES (continued} . . 148 



XI 



CHAPTEE I 

THE STORY OF OUR FOOD 

IN the present little book an attempt will be made 
to show that though most of us are wont to 
consider many everyday objects by which we are 
surrounded " common " and therefore mean and 
uninspiring, yet if we trace back their history we 
shall find it full of a hidden romance, which will 
raise it in our eyes till it grows as inspiring as the 
story of the stars. And this history we can, every 
one of us, " ascertain " (in the oldest sense of the 
word, that is make sure or " certain ") in these days 
of cheap and good and freely accessible books. 

We shall find in the course of the following pages 
many things about which we have probably never 
thought, because they were part of our everyday life, 
and therefore appeared too simple and obvious for us 
to consider. A very little trouble on our part will 
convince us that the opposite is the case, and that just 
because these things are part of our everyday experience 

B 



2 THE PAST AT OIJK DOOES CHAP. 

they are especially important for us to understand. 
If this endeavour is successful it will, we hope, 
be admitted that the subjects here dealt with are 
in no way mean or common-place, and that their 
real history is often vastly different from anything 
that we might have been able to guess. 

Whether we choose to make use of such oppor- 
tunities as we have rests with ourselves alone. The 
world will always be made up of those who wish 
to understand the real meaning of what is around 
them, and those who do not care. It will therefore 
always be possible to say of these two classes that 

Two men stood looking through the bars, 
One saw the mud, the other the stare. 

Surely the vault of heaven, " that majestical firma- 
ment fretted with golden fire," is in the end better 
worth our attention than the golden dross for which 
the world principally contends, so soon trampled 
into the mud of the market by the feet of the 
selfish and reckless crowd. 

We shall begin by giving examples to show how 
much we may learn of the ancient racial groups from 
which the main stock of the nation is built, through 
an inquiry into our modern food-words ; how much 
too of historic survival is to be traced in the story 
of such humble implements as the plough and the 
reaping-machine, in the common customs connected 



r THE STOEY OF OUR FOOD 3 

with our meals, and in the national and international 
circumstances which have affected the introduction 
of some of our habitual articles of food. 



A MATTER OF MEALS 

The idea of breakfast in historic times in 
England did not usually correspond in the least 
to what we now understand by the word. It 
partook rather of the nature of a mere snack, such 
as is still customary on the Continent and in the 
East, its purpose being merely to afford some trifle 
of food to sustain the strength, and in this way 
actually to " break " the long " fast " which continued 
from overnight till the principal meal was served. 

We shall perhaps understand this the better 
if we realise that our ancestors in the fourteenth 
century used to dine at an hour but little later 
than our own breakfast hour, at nine or ten o'clock 
in fact, though it gradually become later until it 
was fixed at noon, with supper, the other principal 
meal of the day, at five or six. To put the matter 
in another way, the "dinner-time" of the Normans at 
first roughly coincided with the Anglo- Saxon time for 
" breakfast." But the original sense of the French 
word " dinner " was actually to " ^Tifast/' or " break 
fast," so that there was every reason why both 
names should have been applied to the earliest 



4 THE PAST AT CUE BOOKS CHAP. 

meal of the day. And the thing itself survives in 
the labourer's early morning " dew-bit" 

In the last century the dinner-hour grew rapidly 
later, until as at present it has even taken the 
place of the last meal of the day, the old-time. " sup- 
per," or " sop " of bread soaked in gravy or broth, 
which now survives as a plainer and simpler meal 
than dinner, among all but the wealthier classes. 

" Lunch," a modern abbreviation of " luncheon," 
was in its original form "lunchin" nothing but a 
big slice or lump of bread or other eatable. This 
would be particularly applicable to the big lump 
of bread or cheese off which a labourer still makes 
his midday meal. Gay, in 17 14, wrote, "I sliced 
the luncheon from the barley- loaf." The sense of 
the word was in course of time easily extended to 
that of the " light " meal we now eat at noon. 

On the other hand, " lunch " or " luncheon " has 
been much confused with " nuncheon," which latter, 
in its original form " noon-shenk," was applied not 
to food but to drink, " shenk " being an old word, 
traces of which survive in Shakespeare in the sense 
of pouring out liquor. And nuncheon is still also 
called " bever " the exact Norman equivalent of 
the English word. Thus the original sense of 
luncheon was a (noonday) slice or lump of bread 
or cheese, and that of nuncheon a noonday drink. 

It may be worth while mentioning here that 



i THE STOEY OF OUR FOOD 5 

the now familiar " sandwich," which so frequently 
forms part of an outdoor lunch, gets its name from 
the fourth Earl of Sandwich (d. 1792), who, be- 
ing a confirmed gambler, invented it in order to 
remain at the gaming table without interruption. 

The same clear blending of Saxon and Norman 
influences that appears, as is well known, in the 
names given to the various forms of meat food, 
occurs in regard to the appliances made use of at 
meals. For table, chair, and plate or platter are 
of Norman origin, whilst the words board, settle, 
stool, glass and tray, are Saxon. The first of these 
was given both to the round table and the table 
dormante, that is, " sleeping," or fixed (Norman) 
table as distinguished from the Saxon " board." Low 
tables, on which bread was set in baskets of British 
work, were also sometimes used by the Britons. 

The round table, was at least as old as the 
square table, and when private rooms for the family 
were first introduced, became the recognised form 
of table for the parlour, a fact which no doubt 
accounts for the relatively large number of cases 
in which it was so employed down to the latter 
years of the nineteenth century. 

In old-fashioned farni-houses it was long the 
habit, and still is in some parts, for the master 
and his servants to dine together in the same room, 
the servants at a long table or "board," in strict 



6 THE PAST AT CUE DOOES CHAP. 

order of seniority, while the master and his family 
sat at a small round table near the fire. 

We all know how ill-mannered it is considered, 
even at the present day, for a guest to sit out of 
his place at table, and even in early Britain the 
question of precedence was held so important that,- 
by a law of Cnut any one sitting in his wrong place 
might be pelted out of it with bones thrown by the 
company, without privilege of taking offence. 

Our apparently modern fancy of two lovers 
eating off the same plate has come down to us 
from a chivalrous old custom, which was once an 
act of courtesy between friends, especially between 
knights and ladies. It gradually fell into disuse, 
though as late as 1752 the Duke and Duchess of 
Hamilton in accordance with the ancient custom, 
ate off the same plate at the head of their table. 

Trenchers, whence our modern expression " a 
good trencherman " is derived, were like " platters," 
occasionally to be seen in actual use in the reign 
of Queen Victoria, and they are yet used for certain 
meals 1 by the seventy scholars in college hall at Win- 
chester. They were of clean white wood, usually 
maple, and were often hollow on both sides, so that 
meat could be served on one side and then pudding 
on the other. 

1 For bread and butter at breakfast, and also for tea and supper, 
though not now for dinner. Like Fr. tranche, the word once meant 
a slice of bread on which meat was served. 



1 THE STOKY OF OUR FOOD 1 

Almost the only kind of wooden " trencher " now 
in general use is that on which bread is cut, and 
this is now called a " platter "; its earlier name of 
" trencher " seems going out. Both were long used 
for fruit served up at the " banquet," which latter 
term in Shakespeare's time was given, not as now to 
the feast itself, but to the dessert. At this time, too, 
Harrison says that " old men of his village still- 
spoke of the exchange of treen or wooden platters 
into pewter, and wooden spoons into silver or tin." 

Gentlemen in those days used to bring their 
own knives with them to table, and these in Anglo- 
Saxon times were shaped so like our modern razor 
that on at least one occasion they were identified as 
" Roman razors," under which strange designation 
they once came to be labelled in a museum ! 

The knives then were laid by the spoons, which 
were of silver, bone, or wood. " Spoon " really 
means, in fact, a wooden chip, as in the common 
expression " spick and span " or (more fully) " spick 
and span new," where " span " has its original sense 
of a newly-split " chip," a meaning which usefully 
recalls the most ancient form of spoon. Even then, 
however, the full force of the expression is hard to 
see, unless we may perhaps conjecture that " spick " 
in this case has the sense of a wooden " spike," 
such as we know to have been employed from the 
remotest ages for holding the meat at meals, before 



8 THE PAST AT OUE DOOKS CHAP. 

the invention of the fork. If so, both " spike and 
spoon " would have to be always new, for in order 
to have them clean, they would be cut fresh, like 
the fork itself in early times, 1 for every meal. 

The fork (which was at first two-pronged, like 
our modern carving-forks) is one of those obvious 
implements which have no doubt been " invented " 
over and over again in almost every part of the 
world. In its application to our food, however, it 
seems to have been an oriental idea, introduced into 
Europe by the Venetians. For in the eleventh 
century we read of a certain princess of Constanti- 
nople, who had married a Doge or Duke of Venice, 
and who was thought to be " luxurious beyond all 
belief " simply because, " instead of eating like other 
people, she had her food cut up into little pieces 
and ate the pieces by means of a two-pronged fork." 

For cooking purposes, forks were used by the 
Anglo-Saxons, yet Edward I. kept a crystal fork as 
one of his jewels, and Piers Gavestou, the favourite 
of Edward II., had three silver forks " for eating 
pears." Dessert forks of this kind continued to be 
treasured by our rulers (as, for instance, by Henry 
IV., Henry VII., Henry VIII.) down to Elizabeth. 

The dinner-fork was not introduced into common 
use in England till 1608, when Thomas Coryat 

1 An early traveller, in 1253, says the Tatars then used for eating 
their meat the point of a knife, or little fork, made for the purpose. 
The usual explanation of "spike and chip" misses this point. 



i THE STORY OF OUR POOD 9 

observed it in Italy and started the custom at his 
own table in England. Naturally he was much 
laughed at, the novelty being described by one over- 
excited person as "an insult to Providence, Who 
had given us fingers ! " 

Little by little, however, this much-ridiculed 
invention made its way. But even now (such a 
strange thing is custom) the two great branches of 
the English-speaking race differ in their use of it, 
for in parts of the United States the usual British 
fashion of eating with knife and fork is said to 
excite much amusement. For the custom prevailing 
there (as in most parts of Europe) is to cut the meat 
up into small pieces and then to lay the knife aside, 
the eating being done with the fork in the right 
hand showing what trivial distinctions may come 
to be regarded as national peculiarities. The French, 
to give another example, still eat cake with a spoon ! 

The " salt-cellar " or (more properly) " sall-er," 
that is, salt-holder, was in those days one of the 
most important things on the board, because the 
station of a guest was indicated by offering him a 
seat either " above " or " below the salt," as the 
case might be. It was often of great size, and of 
precious metal. Edward III. had one "inamelled 
all over with baboons and little birds," and they 
were sometimes made like a ship or else like a 
chariot on wheels, to make it easier to pass them 



10 



THE PAST AT OUR BOOKS CHAP. 



down the table. In India and many other parts of 
the world the eating of a man's salt still forms a 
bond that cannot be broken, but in England such 
phrases as " above " or " below the salt " and " worth 





liy courtesy of Mrs. Stiillard-Penoyre. 

FIG. 1 . Home-made Horn Cup, 
or " Drinking - Horn," still 
used by field labourers near 
Stockton (Wore.), Bewdley, 
and elsewhere. 



By oowrtesy of Mrs. Stattard-Penoyre. 

FIG. 2. Modern factory- made 
Horn Glass or Drinking- Horn 
from Bewdley. 



his salt" alone recall the honourable place once filled 
by the salt-cellar at the tables of our ancestors. 

As is still the case on the Continent, there were 
no salt-spoons on the mediaeval table. Glasses 
were rare, the usual drinking -vessels beiug large 
wooden mugs or goblets, wooden bowls, or drinking 



THE STOEY OF OUE FOOD 



11 



horns, which last survive in the West for beer and 
cider. The Anglo-Saxons filled their cups from 
pails, which differed entirely from the vessels of the 
Britons and the Romans ; they were bucket-shaped. 




FIG. 3. "Feathers" on a Glass Cup, of the Anglo-Saxon type, 
fcmnd in Bedfordshire. 




liy courtesj of Mrs. Siallard-Penoyre, 

FIG. 4. Drinking- vessel made from the tip of a bullock's horn. An 
extremely rare specimen, bought at Conway, and dated 1762. 

elaborately made with rings and hoops of metal; 
wood or leather ; these were often highly ornamental 
and were buried by the Saxons in the graves of their 
owners. It is remarkable that a large proportion 



12 



THE PAST AT CUE DOOES 



CHAP. 



of the prizes given at school sports are made in the 
shape of old English drinking-vessels, such as these 
very goblets and bowls and tankards we have just 
described. Some Saxon glasses were literally 
" tumblers/' not made to stand, and these, no doubt, 
suggested the Jacobean self-righting round-bottomed 
cups, whence our modern tumblers derive. 

These earlier forms of drinking-vessels long 
persisted ; even King Henry III. had but one glass 
cup, which was a present from Guy de Eousillon. 
And both pewter and glass drinking-cups, such as 
we now use, were not in anything like general use 
before the sixteenth century. 

As has been said, the Saxon glasses at first had 
no foot, this feature coming, no doubt, from their 
being made to resemble the 
tip of a bullock's horn, which 
formed the ancient drink- 
ing-horn of the Norsemen. 
Markings similar to the 
feathers that adorn many of 
our modern drinking-glasses 
are in some cases quite 
plainly to be traced on the 
conical drinking - glasses of 
the Anglo - Saxon period. 
They can, indeed, be traced yet further back through 
intermediate forms to a sort of running zig-zag (or 




From Journ. K. A. Inst. 

FIG. f>. Prehistoric Water- 
vessel, showing zig-zag 
pattern. 



i THE STOKY OF CUE FOOD 13 

" dog's tooth ") pattern, found on bowls and other 
drinking- vessels of the Anglo-Saxons, as on those 
of many other races from prehistoric times onwards 
in most parts of the world. 

But the oddest story of all is perhaps the history 
of our word hamper, which derives its Norman name 
" hanaper " from a basket meant to hold an Anglo- 
Saxon stemmed drinking-cup of a particular kind 
called " hnap." The older form of this word 
hanap-er actually survived till 1832 in the title of 
one of the officers in the English Exchequer who 
was called Clerk or Warden of the Hanaper, the 
hamper or hanaper in this case being a large basket 
in which writs were deposited. In Ireland election 
writs still go to the " Clerk of the Hanaper." 

In the most ancient days, the table-cloth was the 
skin of a wild beast spread upon the ground, but 
from a very early period in Britain a cloth was 
used, as in the peaceful picture of a family meal in 
England, described in one of the ancient Icelandic 
books called Eddas, " Mother took a broidered 
cloth of bleached flax and covered the table. Then 
she took thin loaves of white wheat and covered the 
cloth. She set forth silver-mounted dishes of ... 
old [well-cured] ham, and roasted birds. There was 
wine in a can, and mounted beakers. They drank 
and talked while the day passed by." 

In some ancient records of Glastonbury, about 



14 THE PAST AT OUR BOOKS CHAP. 

the year 1250, it is laid down that the lord of the 
manor should find his men " in food on Christmas 
day/' but that the man " shall take with him a plate, 
mug and napkin, if he wishes to eat off a doth, and a 
faggot of brushwood to cook his food, unless he 
would have it raw." 

The most significant fact, however, connected 
with the use of food by our ancestors, is that our 
modern titles of honour lord and lady are both 
founded upon the Saxon name for a loaf. For 
the word " lord," originally stood for " loaf- ward," and 
had the meaning of loaf-keeper, whilst " lady " meant 
" loaf-kneader/'two simple facts which tell us volumes 
with regard to the honour in which such work 
was held by the Anglo-Saxons. Hence " lord " seems 
to have arisen as a term of respect used by servants 
to their master, like the German expression " brot- 
herr " or " bread-lord " now applied to an employer 
of labour, and the Swedish and Danish title " meat- 
mother," also given by servants to their mistress. 

" Dairy," like " lady," was first associated with 
bread-making, " day " in this sense being a lady's 
bread-making help (or "kneader"). Thus the "dairy" 
or a day-ery" was the place where bread was kneaded. 
And the pantry (in old French) was the " bread - 
room" where the loaves were kept when baked. 
The larder, on the contrary, was the place where 
the bacon or " lard " was kept. 



i THE STORY OF OUR FOOD 15 

The bread when made was doled out to the 
retainers and dependants of the " loaf-ward " or lord 
in portions fixed by edicts, 1 which in Norman-French 
were called " assizes." And as the expression 
" loaves of assize " by a wrong division of the words 
became " loaves of a size," this last word (size) 
came in course of time to express the idea of 
magnitude which it retains in modern English. 

The adulteration of bread which is now treated 
as a comparatively slight offence, was in those days 
punished with extreme severity. The fraudulent 
baker, if not stripped and whipped at the cross- 
roads, was drawn on a hurdle with the offending 
loaf round his neck, and pilloried, or else for 
repeating the offence a third time, had his oven 
destroyed, and was himself forced to forswear the 
trade for ever. A special offence was putting iron 
in a loaf to make it heavier. 

Though " bread " was Saxon, " leaven " (better 
spelt " leven ") is from a Norman word which means 
" lightening/' and though " yeast," too, is a Saxon 
word, we may yet be sure the bread consumed by 
the Saxon peasantry was chiefly unleavened. 

The making of good cheese (an art introduced, 
as the history of its name shows, by the Romans) 
was considered in the time of the Saxons quite as 

1 Called, like the Assize of Clarendon, after their place of issue, 
or like the "Assize of Bread and Ale" (the one here signified), 
after the articles thus regulated. 



16 THE PAST AT OUE DOOES CHAP, 

much a part of good housewifery as the making of 
bread (or indeed any other form of housework). 
We even read of a Countess of Chester, who, though 
married to a cousin of Henry II., kept a herd of 
kine "and made good cheese," three samples of 
which she presented to the then Archbishop of 
Canterbury. The making of cheese is a very 
ancient industry, as appears in the Bible. 

Ale and beer were anciently regarded in England 
almost as food and drink, and were hence taken even 
at breakfast. Ale was for a long period made with- 
out hops, the term " beer " being generally, though 
not regularly, reserved for liquor made from hops. 
Both were for centuries of excellent quality. 

Indeed, in curious contrast to our own times, the 
Saxons were so attentive to the quality of their 
national drink that at Chester any one brewing bad 
ale was put into a ducking stool, either to be dipped 
into a muddy pond, or at the best let off with a 
substantial fine. And in 1434 the brewers of 
Oxford were compelled to swear by the Evangelists 
in the Church of the Blessed Virgin Mary, that 
they would each hereafter " brew ale that was good 
and wholesome so far as his ability and human 
frailty " allowed ! Although they have always 
been described as great drinkers, it was nevertheless 
the Saxons under their King Edgar who adopted 
the peg-tankard, as it was called, one of the 



i THE STOKY OF OUE FOOD 17 

earliest attempts to check the evils of excessive 
drinking. 

The ale of those days was often brewed either 
by women called " alewives " or " brewsters," whose 
industry survived down to comparatively recent 
times, or in connexion with monasteries, like that 
at Burton-on-Trent, in very much the same way 
that certain cordials are now sometimes connected 
with religious houses abroad. This fact is held 
by some authorities to account for the marking 
of beer barrels with X. This they take to have 
represented the sign of the Cross (which it is said 
to have once more closely resembled) employed by 
the monks as a solemn guarantee that the ale was 
of good quality. Others, however, hold that the X 
stood for ten, and indicated ale of a certain quality 
on which ten shillings duty had been paid. 



CHAPTEK II 

THE STORY OF OUR FOOD (continued) 

ENGLAND 

EVER since Saxon times the English were noted on 
the Continent for living upon a generous and varied 
diet, and early in the sixteenth century had the 
reputation of being the greatest eaters in Europe, 

c 



18 THE PAST AT OUK DOORS CHAP. 

as contemporary records show. With regard to 
the quality of their food, some Spanish visitors to 
this country in the reign of Queen Mary declared 
that in this respect they " fared as well as the King." 
More tha"ii 200 years earlier, as we learn from a 
significant passage in Piers Plowman, even the poor 
would 

eat no bread | that beans came in, 

but only the better sorts 

or else of clean wheat 

Nor no piece of bacon | but if it be fresh flesh 
Or fish fried and baked. 

Above all they avoided rye bread ("black 
bread"), which was the staple food of the peasants 
of France. Even in quite recent years, at harvest 
suppers it was the custom to serve up an immense 
number and variety of dishes, almost every one of 
which would be partaken of in turn by each of the 
guests. Indeed even the usual market-day dinner, or 
" ordinary " as it is called, attended by farmers, 
can often show a wonderful record in regard to the 
amount of food there devoured. There is good old 
English precedent for customs of this sort, since 
from the earliest times in England an extraordinary 
profusion of all kinds of meat, wild game, fish, flesh 
and fowl covered the tables of the rich, and helped 
to vary the diet even of the poorest. 



n THE STOKY OF OUE FOOD 19 

The English word " hunt " and the Norman 
" chase " have the same meaning ; and both races 
were expert at this method of obtaining a supply of 
fresh food for their table. But the Normans, when 
they came into power, appear to have carried out 
their operations upon a yet more royal scale, and 
in a more organised way than the Saxons. 

Of all the animals hunted, the deer was the 
highest in repute, and even in Saxon times had 
already obtained pre-eminence in this respect, as is 
proved by the very meaning of its name, "the animal" 
that is, the one animal (above all other beasts of the 
chase). After Norman times, so closely was the 
notion of hunting still associated with the chase of 
the deer, that in course of time the word " venison " 
came to mean deer -flesh alone, though in old 
French (as in our own Bible version of the story of 
Esau) the word still meant the flesh of any animal 
hunted. 

Other Norman metaphors which form part of 
our language were borrowed in the first instance 
from expressions used in the chase of the deer. 
The common phrase "in the toils," is taken from the 
name given to the great rope nooses suspended at a 
short height above the ground from a cord stretched 
across the path of the deer. Again, the familiar 
" tryst " or " trusting place," is a term now known to 
have been taken from the Norman name for the 



20 THE PAST AT OUE DOORS HAP. 

fixed stations appointed to the spearmen who took 
part in the deer-drive. 

Also, though " hound," like " deer," was English, 
the expression " at bay " is a literal translation of 
the picturesque Norman phrase aux abois, where 
abois signified the harking of the hounds surrounding 
a deer who has been run to a standstill, and has 
turned upon his pursuers in the last stage of the 
desperate struggle. 1 To take yet another phrase 
relating to dogs, " relay " was in the beginning a 
Norman hunting term, which meant a supply of 
released, or rested dogs, but came to mean a set of 
" rested animals " of other kinds as well. 

" Quarry," which is now applied indefinitely to 
the object of any kind of pursuit, comes from the 
old French cuiree, a heap of skins or hides (from 
cuir = skin or leather), and hence, as used by the 
Norman huntsmen, a heap of slaughtered game. 2 
The reason for its adoption was that the portions 
given to the dogs were wrapped in the skin of the 
slain animal : indeed, an early hunting book actually 
explains that "the hounds shall be rewarded with 
the ' neck ' and other parts . . . and they shall be 

1 It is perhaps worth noting that this word abois, which is no 
doubt of imitative origin, is very near indeed in form to the Greek 
ban bau, to the German wctu ivau, and even to onr own familiar 
nursery name for a dog. 

2 This word in old English took the form of guerre, and 
eventually turned into "quarry," through the same kind of 
modification as that by which "cleric" became "clerk." 



ii THE STOEY OF OUE FOOD 21 

eaten under the skin, and therefore it is called the 
quarry" 

Among words used by trappers, " springe," like 
" spring-gun," is of course connected with " spring," 
in the sense of " rebound " and is of English origin, 
as are also " snare " (a twisted cord or loop) and the 
word " trap " itself, the last word meaning " step " or 
" footprint " in this case something upon which the 
animal stepped or set its foot. English, too, is 
certainly the familiar expression stalking-horse, at 
first a real trained steed, from behind which the 
huntsmen used to shoot the game, and then (as in 
Shakespeare) a wooden or canvas " horse " on wheels, 
behind which fowlers, down to quite recent times, 
used to hide whilst stalking wildfowl, a practice 
which gave rise to the modern use of the phrase. 

Of Norman or old French origin, are the words 
" gin," short for " engin " with the accent on the 
last syllable, as it was at one time pronounced in 
the sense of " mechanism," and " trammel " which 
is now used in the sense of impediment or hindrance, 
but formerly meant a great net, usually a drag- 
net, employed first for fish and then for wild-fowl, 
especially partridges. And in addition to the 
existence of so many hunting and trapping terms in 
the language, the high places once occupied by the 
master of the buckhounds and the hereditary grand 
falconer in the royal household, show still further 



22 THE PAST AT OUK DOOBS CHAP. 

the very high esteem in which the pursuit of game 
was formerly held in Great Britain. 

We shall now take some examples of our chief 
modern articles of food, whose names are yet more 
closely connected with the blending of the elements 
in the history of our nation. Thus, as is well 
known, beef, mutton, veal, pork, bacon, and poultry 
were the names given by the Norman butcher, who 
killed the meat, to the ox, sheep, calf, pig and fowl, 
which were the names employed by the Saxons, who 
most commonly attended the animals while alive. 
But, on the other hand, bread, ham, eggs, honey, 
and the common products of the cottage gardens, 
such as peas and beans, to this day retain their 
Saxon names, and certainly formed a substantial 
part of the food of the Saxon peasant. 

Next to the question of hunting and of domesti- 
cating animals, we have to speak of the food 
grown upon the soil, and the implements used in 
growing it. 

Of the various forms of grain it is remarkable 
that the words " corn," " oats," " rye," " wheat " (the 
" white " grain), and " barley," as well as the verbs 
"sow," "reap," "thresh," "mow," and the names of 
nearly all the chief agricultural implements, the 
" spade," " scythe," and "rake," and even the "ridge," 
and " furrow " itself, are one and all of pure English 
derivation. This is proof if any were needed 



n THE STOEY OF OUK FOOD 23 

that the Normans, as a race, stood aloof from field- 
work, which they left to the Saxon peasantry. 

Of the various agricultural implements used by 
the Saxons we will first take the plough, a word 
which strangely enough seems to be of an uncertain 
continental origin, the true old English name 
("sool" = "furrow-er ") being only represented as 
"zool" in the local speech of Somerset and the 
adjacent counties. 

If we want to ascertain the pedigree of the 
plough, we must first trace it back from its modern 
types to the rudest forms of plough still known, or 
recently known, in Great Britain ; we can then the 
more satisfactorily compare these simpler forms with 
those used by our Anglo-Saxon forefathers. 

The now fast disappearing old-style English 
plough, of which there were a hundred different 
kinds, is in actual use in more than one part of the 
Sussex Downs, where it is drawn, as at Chyngton 
near Seaford, 1 by a team of oxen. In Sussex the 

1 The present owner of the magnificent black ox-team of Chyng- 
ton (Mr. E. J. Gorringe, J.P.) ; courteously sent me the following 
information : his father and he had between them worked oxen in 
the neighbourhood (though not on the same farm) for upwards of 
sixty years, the farm at Chyngton being very hilly, and the gradients 
very steep, and oxen being better at a dead pull than horses. Half 
a century ago, upwards of twenty oxen were being worked on Chyng- 
ton Farm, rollers being very dear, and the treading of the oxen 
therefore more necessary to break up the ground ; they are not now 
shoed, as was then the rule. The breed now kept is a South Wales 
mountain breed of black cattle called "runts," which have more 



24 THE PAST AT OUE DOOKS CHAP, n 

oxen are always worked in the yoke, but elsewhere 
in harness ; they are also still used, or have been 
so in quite recent years, at Southover and Waldron, 
in Sussex, in Berkshire, the Cotswold district of 
Gloucestershire, Shropshire, Herts, near Cranbrook, 
Kent, 1 and in other parts of the country. 

The old-style plough used with a team of oxen 
is itself of local evolution, the result of the experi- 
ence of generations of Downland ploughmen. But 
the most remarkable fact about it is, that when, on 
reaching the end of a furrow, the oxen "jack round," 
as it is called, and start on the return journey, the 
plough throws the sods of the second furrow, not in 
the opposite way, but in the same way as those 
of the first. This gives a perfectly level field, 
which is better for reaping. The modern factory- 
made steam-driven plough is made upon the same 
principle. 

Ploughs of the old-fashioned type, the work of 
the village wheelwrights, still survive, and several 
of them are employed at Chyngton alone, whereas 

pluck than most breeds, the ancient Sussex breed having become 
too valuable and too much of a fancy breed for the work, though 
they used to be employed and were very good. Mr. Gorringe 
added that the team here (like the plough) is an undoubted sur- 
vival, and that he knew of but one other ox-team in the county, 
"so we may look forward to a time when the ox-team will be a 
thing of the past." 

1 By Lady Mildred Hope, whose fine team of the North Wales 
breed is very curiously marked. 



26 THE PAST AT OUK DOOES CHM>. 

in the valleys and plains the factory- made plough 
has carried all before it. 

But of all the forms of plough used in Great 
Britain, the rudest that has been employed in 
modern times is the Shetland plough, described by 
Sir A. Mitchell on the occasion of his visit ; it is 
still employed in Sutherland, in the Isle of Lewis, at 
Cunmngsburgh in Shetland, and no doubt elsewhere. 

This early Scottish plough, which was wheelless 
and had but one handle or " stilt," served indeed to 
scratch the ground, but did not turn over the soil ; 
by a singular but barbarous custom, it was not un- 
frequently drawn, in various parts of Great Britain, 
by attaching it to a horse's tail. A plough of this 
form is certainly of vast antiquity, and it is suffi- 
ciently amazing to find it in such recent use in any 
part of the British Isles, though ploughs of an equally 
simple type are still used in various parts of the 
Continent, for instance on the left bank of the 
Rhine, between Kreuznach and the Belgian Frontier. 
Even simpler ploughs, constructed entirely of wood, 1 
are yet employed in remote parts of the world. 

The Scottish or " Shetland " plough, to which we 
have referred, is a link with the plough employed 
by the Anglo-Saxons, which in its simplest form 

1 In the South Kensington Museum is a model of a Siamese 
plough, which is all of hard wood, and consists of a share, with 
long curved handle, to which a curved pole is attached in front, 
to enable it to he drawn. 



ii THE STOEY OF OUR FOOD 27 

was also wheelless, and possessed but a single handle. 
It was drawn by one or more oxen in a yoke, and 
the ploughman guided the cattle with a goad. 

A yet more remarkable implement of husbandry 
was the Scottish " foot-plough," the Gaelic name of 
which signifies the " crooked foot," it being a kind 
of bent V-shaped stick with a short blade, and 
furnished with a peg at the bend for the right 




FIG. 7. -Ox Plough, with one "stilt" or handle, as employed in 
Shetland (1822) and still used. The driver or " caller " walks 
backwards and leads or " calls " his cattle. 

foot. This curious instrument could be employed 
on mountain-sides where the ordinary plough was 
useless, and although its action was that of a spade, 
it was strangely enough of a shape closely resembling 
a V-shaped hoe (like that of the ancient Egyptians, 
from which latter the old Egyptian plough is known 
to have been derived). 

With the help of some rude agricultural imple- 
ments used in Sweden, we can now reconstruct the 
earlier stages in the history of the plough. First 
came the pointed digging-stick of hard wood, then 



28 THE PAST AT OUK DOOES CHAP. 

a pick, consisting of a digging-stick with a peak to 
it (the " hacker " of Southern Sweden), then a 
heavier pick which was dragged through the ground 
~by hand to cut a furrow, whence it came to be called 
a furrow-crook. This furrow-crook was eventually 
shod with iron, and lastly (owing to the substitution 
of animal labour for that of man) came the " plough- 
crook," which consisted of a share with a handle, 
and a pole for drawing it. In this form the plough 
was drawn by cows or mares the latter fact acquir- 
ing still greater significance when we remember 
that the modern French term for a mare (jument) 
originally meant " yoke-animal " or " yoke-cattle." 

Yet another of the early English agricultural 
implements, the "spade," was also, in the first 
instance, merely an improved digging-stick, specially 
selected for its breadth at the foot, which enabled it 
to be sharpened and used as a blade. Indeed, this 
general sense of blade receives striking confirmation 
when we find that the word " paddle " is a mere 
abbreviation of " spaddle," a diminutive blade, used 
to clean the share when it got clogged with mould. 

We have thus seen that the earliest form of the 
plough was nothing but a hoe or spade dragged 
through the ground to cut a continuous furrow. 
We have seen also that the hoe and the spade were 
merely improvements upon the primitive digging- 
sticks used in the earliest times by nomad races 



ii THE STORY OF OUE FOOD 29 

(even before the simplest kind of agriculture was 
thought of) to unearth the edible roots and tubers 
of the forest, upon which they lived. Thus were 
developed, by successive fusion of many elements, 
the complex steam ploughing-machines of to-day. 

The story of the harrow is no less curious. Its 
original form was nothing but a huge rake, such as 
is used for the purpose by the Siamese and Malays, 
and by many other races of the Far East to this 
day. In England in the fourteenth century a tri- 
angular frame was used, which was after all merely 
an improvement upon the rake employed by the 
Anglo-Saxons. The old French name for this simple 
form of harrow was " herce." As the shape of the 
" herce " was triangular, the name was transferred 
to a three-cornered frame stuck full (like the 
harrow) of iron pins, upon which candles were 
fixed on certain holy days in the Church, and 
especially, as time went on, at funeral services. 
Bishop Gardiner, Privy Councillor to Henry VIII. and 
Mary, had a " herse of four branches, with gilt candle- 
sticks." Eventually, from close association between 
this peculiar arrangement of lights and the frame- 
work over the bier, the name came to be transferred 
to the bier itself, one of the strangest developments 
that has happened to any word in the language. 

When the ground is prepared the seed is sown, 
and even this apparently simple operation has 



30 THE PAST AT OUK BOOKS CHAP, 

something to teach us. For the seed which was 
at first thrown " broadcast," or by means of a tube 
called a drill, is now sown by a machine fitted with 
a row of such drills, arranged like the pipes of an 
organ, a plan which is believed to have been 
suggested to its inventor, a Berkshire man named 
Jethro Tull, by the fact that he was himself a 
musician, and played the organ. 




By caurtefy of the London Library. 

FIG. 8. Early Form of Reaping-Cart, as used in ancient 
Gaul. The indented edge cuts the ears, which fall into the 
cart, the machine being pushed from behind by a bullock. 

We now come to the reaping, and here we may 
remark that the idea of employing a special machine 
for this purpose goes back at least so far as the 
days of the Eoman historian (Pliny), who wrote, 
that " in the vast plains of Gaul [or ancient France] 
very large wooden machines, armed with teeth on 
their edges and mounted on two wheels, are forced 
through the standing corn by an animal propelling 
them from behind. Thus are the ears cut off; they 
fall into the machine." This description is confirmed. 



ii THE STOEY OF OUK FOOD 31 

and a much more detailed account of this strange 
old-world contrivance is given by another Eoman 
writer. 

After this it certainly is a very startling thing 
to find that machines of this kind have been used 
in France in quite recent years, and that a similar 




By courtexy of f lie Xujrf. Glasjow .Vita-uin mid 

FIG. 9. Toothed Sickle (or " Heuk ") as recently used in Scotland. 
The teeth were cut with a hammer and chisel on an iron anvil. 
A Toothed Hook ("No. 00 ") is still iu common use in Shetland 
and in the North of Ireland. 



machine, called a "header" (from its merely stripping 
the ears off the straw), is still used, and is, moreover, 
considered one of the cheapest machines to work, 
both in some of our own colonies and in the United 
States. Even the plan of yoking the cattle at the 
back of the machine, described by the Eoman writers, 
has had its counterpart in several of our modern 
reaping-machines, which were made to be propelled 
by two horses harnessed to a pole at the back. In 



32 THE PAST AT OUE BOOKS CHAP. 

passing we may notice that it was by an indented 
or toothed edge like that of the early English sickle 
that the grain was " headed." 

This early English sickle may therefore be fairly 
compared with the curiously curved prehistoric 
sickles, with toothed-flint blades set in wood, which 
were discovered some years 
ago in Egypt. It is, more- 
over, certain that the words 
sickle and scythe, 1 as well 
as " saw " and " sedge," are 
all related in origin, and 




FIG. 10. Prehistoric Toothed Sickle of 18th Dynasty, found in Egypt 
by Professor Petrie, showing saw-like flints set in wooden socket. 

all have as their root -sense the idea of a sharp- 
edged and generally saw-like blade. 

Many other tilling- and reaping-machines are 
equally good examples, showing how the most 
simple and ancient principles survive under a 
modern and sometimes complete disguise. A horse 
hoe or rake is furnished with a set of small hoes 
or rakes, all working in a row. In one of the early 

1 Originally spelt "sithe" as by Milton, the "c" having been 
inserted by a mistake. 



THE STOKY OF OUE FOOD 



33 



reaping -machines (invented by Bell) the cutting 
was done by a row of giant scissors, or double- 
edged shears, which, were soon replaced, however, 




from the " Shepherds Calendar' (1499). 

FIG. 11. Heaping with a Toothed Sickle in the fifteenth century. It 
was used till quite recent years in E. Anglia (Norfolk), and the 
grain was " lifted " by handfuls by the inpull of the hook. 

by the more modern " teeth." And a particular 
kind of hay-" tedder " or hay -tossing machine was 
even invented, in which the hay was thrown by a 
row of six pitchforks working simultaneously, with 

D 



34 THE PAST AT OUE DOOES CHAP. 

a kicking motion that imitated the action of the 
wrist, as seen in a pitchfork used by hand. Take 
again the modern steam thresher, invented hy 
Meikle, which is really built upon the principle of 
the flail. It consists, in fact, of a number of beaters, 
which beat out the grain just as the flail formerly 
did, and are made to revolve by machinery within 
a hollow drum. 

The earlier form of threshing-machine, superseded 
by Meikle's improvement, was invented by Kinloch 
in 1784, ancj was based upon the equally simple, 
though more damaging principle of rubbing the ears 
against the inside of the drum, a process which was 
too often destructive of the grain. 1 

Here we have yet another example, showing 
how even our wonderful modern machinery is the 
work of many hands and many brains, and how 
(like many other things that are made by men) 
it progresses by gradual steps from the simple to 
the complicated, from the partially effective to the 
thoroughly efficient. Thus, even in the midst of 
the clanging belts, the whirring wheels, and the 
oscillating trays of the modern thresher, we may 
still find a clue to the labyrinth of its machinery 
in the single, elementary principle of the flail, 

1 How elementary these principles are we shall realise if we 
recall the fact that two of the easiest ways of separating the ripe 
grain from the husk are by rubbing it between the palms of the 
hands, arid tapping the grains with the thumb-nail, 



ii THE STOEY OF OUK FOOD 35 

which gives utility and unity to the whole 
machine. 

It now only remains to mention the principal 
means by which the various grain products of the 
field are reduced to flour. The principle of the 
ancient mill, which was almost universal down to 
the early nineteenth century, was that of a fixed 
lower (or nether) millstone, upon which an upper 
one revolved, the power required to turn the latter 
being supplied in the earliest stage by hand (and 
in subsequent stages by cattle, wind, or water), the 
grain being thus broken up into meal of various 
sizes, and sifted into one or two qualities or 
" grades." In the modern machine mill (invented 
in Hungary, and first established in this country 
at Bilston in 1879), metal rollers are substituted, 
enabling each quality to be produced by a separate 
process. This improves the look of the flour, which, 
however, is less wholesome than stone-ground flour. 
In the older, or " German " form of windmill, the 
whole building being very small, turns round on a 
post below. Such " post-mills," still seen in East 
Anglia, can be traced back to the fourteenth 
century, and probably much earlier. The " Dutch " 
form, with movable top or dome, and wings attached, 
was not invented till 1550. Both were at first 
turned by a long pole or lever outside, the " tail- 
wheel " being substituted in the nineteenth century. 



36 



THE PAST AT OUE BOOKS CHAP. 



The Dutch fifteenth-century flood-mills, which were 
at first immovable, and were only worked when the 
wind was in one quarter, were an intermediate 





ay courtesy of Mr. U. X. Kingsford. 

FIG. 12. Post-Mill at Leverton, Lines. 

form. Later, they were placed in water on floats, 

which could be "jacked " round to catch every wind. 

Both wind -mills and water-mills are extremely 

old, the simplest forms of the latter in Great Britain 



ii THE STOKY OF OUB FOOD 37 

being represented by the so-called "Norse" mills 
of Northern Scotland, and the " Danish " mills of 
ancient Ireland, which will presently be described. 

WALES 

In a scene in Shakespeare's Henry V., the 
swaggering Pistol, having threatened to make 
Fluellen, that is, Llewellyn, eat the leek (the 
honourable badge assumed by certain brave Welsh- 
men, who " did good service in a garden where 
leeks did grow ") has the tables turned upon him, 
and is forced to eat it himself. Nevertheless the 
leek, so long recognised as the Welshman's emblem, 
was once his favourite food, and when, by ancient 
custom, the Welsh farmers met to help in plough- 
ing each other's land, each brought a leek for the 
common meal. Indeed, as the deer to the Saxon 
became " the animal" so to the ancient Welsh the 
leek was " the plant." And " garlic," which is 
formed from leek, means simply " spear-plant." 

SCOTLAND 

How closely the peasantry of the Scottish High- 
lands have kept in touch with some of the customs 
once practised by the Stone Age peoples, will be 
evident from the most casual consideration. In 
Scotland and even the North of England, as well 



38 THE PAST AT OUE DOOES CHAP. 

as on the continent of Europe, oat-cakes (the making 
of which by the Scots, was described by Froissart) 
and girdle- (or "griddle") cakes are still made, 
as in ancient Wales and England, by baking un- 
leavened dough, spread out thin, on a bake-sfcwe, 
as it is still to this day called, even though now 
of iron. 

In Scotland itself real baking or " toasting " 
stones of a highly ornamental character were used 
within living memory, as we are told by Sir Arthur 
Mitchell ; but these stones were used for an open 
fire, on an old-style hearth, and not for a grate. 

Such stones are curious survivals of the Stone 
Age, like the kindred custom of heating liquor by 
plunging a hot stone into it, which to this day is 
employed in the Isles, or the rough hand-made 
clay pots (called " craggans "), ruder even than some 
really made by prehistoric men, which are still used 
now and then in the same localities. 

A simple and ancient form of the water-mill was 
also seen and described by the same writer during 
his tour in the Orkneys and Shetlands. These so- 
called " Norse " mills, which are simply mills of a 
very antique local character and are in no way due 
to Scandinavian influence, were, in fact, merely an 
early improvement (by the substitution of water- for 
hand-power) of the yet more antique hand-mill or 
" quern." That this was the case seems to be 



THE STOEY OF OUR FOOD 



39 



proved by the fact that their shaft is upright and 
the wheel horizontal (as in the hand-mill itself). 

Yet another very ancient custom, which con- 
tinued among the Scots at- least down to the 
seventeenth century, was 
that of boiling the flesh 
of the animals they killed 
" in the skin of the beast, 




"Norse" Mill of Scotland, 
with horizontal wheel. 



filling the same full of 

water." So far back as 

the fourteenth century, 

Froissart says that they FIG. 1 3. A form of the so-called 

" cared neither for pots 

nor for pans, but seethed 

beasts in their own skins " (stretched on four 

stakes) the skins no doubt being filled with water 

as related above. What closer parallel could be 

found to this custom of cooking an animal in its 

own skin than the favourite modern " haggis " of 

our northern neighbours, which is a hash of the 

liver, heart and lungs of a sheep, minced in its 

own maw ? 

The far-famed porridge of Scotland was not in 
ancient times made of oatmeal alone, as is shown 
by the history of the word itself, which is a corrup- 
tion of pottage or potage. The name originally 
signified the liquor of the cooking-pot, usually 
broth made by stirring vegetables, herbs, or meat, 



40 THE PAST AT OUR BOORS CHAP. 

the soup being frequently thickened with barley 
or some other grain. Hence, what we now call 
porridge is merely thickening, such as was originally 
put into the pot along with the other ingredients. 
The exact period at which this change took place 
is not clear, but at all events we read, in 161*7, 
that "great platters of porridge, each having a little 
piece of sodden meat," were brought in by the 
servants in the house of a Scottish knight. And 
the same author adds that the " upper mess, instead 
of porridge had a pullet with some prunes in the 
broth." The servants sat down with their master 
and his guest, who observed that " they had no art 
of cookery, nor furniture of household stuff, but 
rather rude neglect of both." 

A very ancient Scottish custom, originally pre- 
vailing throughout Great Britain, consisted in reserv- 
ing certain specified joints of a slain animal for the 
chief and lesser officials. In the Western Islands 
of Scotland in 1703, whenever the chief of an 
island killed an animal, he reserved certain parts for 
his dependents, according to their duties. 

In the latter part of the eighteenth century 
(1773), Dr. Samuel Johnson himself described 
this custom as still prevailing in the Hebrides. 
" When a beef was killed for the house, particular 
parts were claimed as fees by the several officers 
or workmen . . . the head belonged to the smith, 



ii THE STOEY OF OUE FOOD 41 

and the udder of a cow to the piper, the weaver 
had likewise his particular part ; and so many 
pieces followed these prescriptive claims that the 
laird's was at last but little." In this case we have 
improved upon the original custom, at all events 
(it may be supposed) from the laird's point of view. 
For the only reservation made nowadays, consists in 
offering the best cut of the joint, the wing of a 
fowl or gamebird, and so forth, to a guest or a lady. 

IRELAND 

The history of the food of the people in 
Ireland affords many close parallels to that of 
Scotland. Thus an English physician in the reign 
of Henry VIII. wrote that the Irish would " seethe 
their meat in a beast's skin," the skin being " set 
on many stakes of wood, and then they will put in 
the water and the flesh. And then they will make 
a great fire under the skin betwixt the stakes, and 
the skin will not greatly burn. And when the meat 
is eaten, they, for their drink, will drink up the 
broth." A woodcut in the next reign (1581), of 
an Irish chieftain at dinner in the open air, 
shows meat cooked in this very manner at the 
camp-fire. 

The custom of reserving certain parts of an 
animal, already described as anciently prevalent 



42 



THE PAST AT OUK DOORS 



in Scotland, also continued at least down to the 
middle of the nineteenth century in Ireland, where 
the farmers in some parts of the country, on 
killing an ox or pig, always sent the head to 
the smith, whose kitchen was often decorated with 
great numbers of the heads thus obtained. 




From a print of 1581. 

FIG. 1 4. An Irish Feast in the Reign of Queen Elizabeth, showing 
the " meat " killed and cooked in skins. 

The present fondness of the Irish peasant for 
pork goes back to extreme antiquity. Indeed, an 
ancient legend, relating how a certain king of the 
fairies tried to induce a mortal to enter Fairyland, 
includes among the other inducements mentioned, 
that in Fairyland there was plenty of fresh pork. 
In a later age a member of one John O'Nele's 
household, being asked by a companion whether 
beef were preferable to pork, replied, "That is as 



ii THE STOEY OF OUE FOOD 43 

intricate a question as to ask whether thou art 
better than O'Nele ! " 

The baking was done on a hot stone, at least 
down to the end of the nineteenth century. 

The grinding of corn in Ireland was no doubt 
originally effected, as in Scotland, by means of the 
small hand-mill above mentioned. The oldest form 
of water-mill, described as a " gig " (or, by a popular 
error, a " Danish mill ") had its wheel fixed at the 
foot, so that it " ran horizontally among the water," 
the millstone, fixed at the top of the same shaft, 
turning round with the wheel. 

In England, as has been shown, the name given 
to the wheat plant is connected with its white 
colour. But in Ireland its name signified " blood- 
coloured," the Irish wheat, now becoming rapidly 
extinct, being distinguished by its red or sanguine 
hue. It is this fact which gives so dramatic a 
touch to the description of an historical event 
which is known to have taken place in connexion 
with one of these ancient Irish mills. 

In A.D. 651, two Irish princes, fleeing from the 
men of Leinster, who had determined to kill them, 
escaped and hid themselves among the works of 
the mill in question. The Leinster men, however, 
forced a woman who controlled the mill-sluice to 
start the mill again, the result being that the 
princes were crushed to death in the works. This 



44 THE PAST AT OUK BOOKS CHAP. 

event was described by a poet of the time in the 
following sombre but powerful passage : 

mill, what hast thou ground ? Precious is thy wheat ! 
It is not oats thou hast ground, but the offspring of Kervall. 1 
The grain which the mill has ground is not oats but blood- 
red wheat ; 
With the offshoots of the great tree, 2 Mailoran's mill was fed. 

This mill stood near the bridge over the small 
stream that runs from Lough Owel to Lough Tron, 
and Mailoran was the name of its owner. The 
place is called Mullenoran, and the mill which 
stood upon this very site as late as the end of the 
eighteenth century, has actually been seen at work 
by the grandfathers of people who are now living. 

If, as is certainly the case, the assignment to 
a guest of his proper place at table is considered 
a matter of high importance to-day even among 
ourselves, it was regarded as a yet more vital matter 
in olden Ireland. Indeed, at the present day not 
every guest, debarred from his due place of honour, 
would be able to rise to the height of the famous 
Irish harper, Arthur O'Neill, who, on receiving an 
apology on that account from the host at a public 
dinner in Belfast in the eighteenth century, replied, 
" My Lord, an apology is unnecessary ; wherever 
an O'Neill sits, that is the head of the table ! " 

1 I.e. the two princes. 
2 I.e. the princes, as before, the great tree being Kervall. 



ii THE STOEY OF OUK FOOD 45 

FOOD FROM ABROAD 

In the early days when sugar, which seems to 
have come into Europe through the Arabs after the 
crusade, had not been introduced, wild honey from the 
woods was used instead. Even when introduced (in 
the form of the violet- and rose-coloured sugar, for 
instance, which reached England from Alexandria 
in the reign of Henry III.) it long continued to be 
regarded as a rare and costly spice, and remained 
so up to the time of the discovery of America at the 
end of the fifteenth century. It was first refined 
and made into loaves by a Venetian, the " loaves " 
being mentioned in the reign of Henry VIII. 

To take another article commonly obtained from 
the grocer (or " grosser," a name originally applied 
to traders who dealt in the " gross," but who would 
be better described as " monopolisers "), what we 
now call currants were till about one hundred years 
ago generally termed raisins of Corinth, or Corinths 
(as coming from the Levant). And currants are 
still called " Corints " at Tenby, in Wales. 

The fresh currants of our gardens, on the other 
hand, are not really "currants" at all, but a sort 
of dwarf gooseberries, and when introduced into 
England in 1533, were called "beyond-sea goose- 
berries." They are still termed " gooseberries " in 
France. 



46 THE PAST AT CUE DOCKS CHAP. 

Coffee, an article introduced from Turkey, is 
first mentioned in about 1600, and in 1650 the 
first coffee-houses in England were opened in 
Oxford and London respectively. 1 The London 
coffee-house was set up by the servant of a certain 
Mr. Edwards, a merchant trading to Turkey. This 
servant, a youth named Pasqua Eosee, had 
accompanied his master home from Smyrna to 
prepare his coffee for him in the mornings. This 
excited so much public attention that the servant 
was allowed to open a coffee-house, the sign-board 
of which represented the head of Pasqua Eosee 
himself. 

We know from the rhymes of Pope and other 
writers, that " tea " was formerly pronounced " tay," 
as it still is in Scotland and Ireland and on the 
continent of Europe. The reason for this (to 
English people) old-fashioned pronunciation, which 
is perfectly correct, was that tea first came to us 
from Amoy, in the south of China, where the word 
was actually pronounced " tay," instead of " cha " 
as in other parts of that country. 

Tea was sold in 1651, by one Garway or 
Garraway in London, and when introduced cost 
as much as ten sovereigns a pound. It was the Earl 
of Arlington who set the habit of drinking what 

1 Evelyn, in 1636, mentions one ' ' Nathaniel Conopios, out of 
Greece," as the first whom he " ever saw drink coffee." 



n THE STORY OF OUE FOOD 47 

was then called a " dish of tea " at court (in 1666), 
after which it soon became the height of fashion. 

Marmalade is now usually, though not invariably, 
made from Seville oranges, but, as its name shows, 
it was at first made like the Portuguese " marmelada," 
from the " marmelo " or quince, or rather, perhaps, 
from a particular kind of honey-apple which was 
grafted upon a quince tree. And " marmelo " comes 
from the Latin meli-mdum, of which the English 
" honey-apple " is a translation. 

In 1514, we read of a "box with preserve of 
quince and marmelade," and later " marmalade of 
quinces." But two and a half centuries elapsed 
before " orange marmalade " was mentioned in 1769. 

But the most astonishing history of all is that 
of the word " treacle." In the seventeenth century 
the " Venice treacle," which was especially famous, 
was sold by an Italian who kept a small shop in 
Venice, not far from St. Mark's Cathedral. But 
this- was not in the least like what we should call 
treacle nowadays. It was an extraordinary mixture, 
composed of many strange and some revolting 
ingredients, which was also called " viper- wine," 
and was sold as an antidote 'against snake-bite, 
something on the principle of the proverbial " hair 
from the dog that bit you." 

Its ingredients included " vipers steeped alive " 
in white wine (whence its name of " viper- wine "), 



48 THE PAST AT CUE DOOES CHAP. 

opium, spice, licorice, red roses, the juice of rough 
sloes, " seeds of the treacle mustard " and many 
others, to be mixed with honey into a sort of drink. 
The vipers themselves gave it the name of treacle 
from an old Greek word theriakd, which at first 
became " triacle " both in French and English. ,- 

This Greek word was employed to describe any- 
thing belonging to a therion or "little wild beast." 
As this was the expression applied in a verse of the 
New Testament to the viper that came out of the 
fire and fastened upon the hand of St. Paul, theriakt 
came to be used of viper-wine too. 

An old writer, More, who lived in the seventeenth 
century, used the word in its original sense when 
he wrote of "a most strong treacle [or antidote] 
against those venomous heresies," and this is what 
was meant too, by the poet Waller when he wrote 
the (to us strange-sounding) line : 

Your vipers treacle yield, and scorpions oil. 

To conclude this extraordinary history, Henry 
III. had a great spit of gold (such as was used in 
place of a fork at that date) in which an alleged 
petrified " viper's tongue " * was set. This was a 
remarkably early example of a custom surviving 
in the island of Malta, where certain small stones, 

1 In the original Latin lingua serpentina or serpent's tongue ; no 
doubt lie used it as a charm against the poisoning of his food. 
Such stones have been identified as fossil sharks' teeth. 



ii THE STOEY OF OUK FOOD 49 

coloured like the eyes, tongue, heart, or liver of 
serpents, found in the clay of the traditional cave 
of St. Paul, are still steeped in wine and drunk 
by the natives as an antidote against poison. 

To take a few more examples of names given to 
articles of food : tapioca which is Brazilian, and sago 
which is Malay, tell us plainly enough from what 
countries those products first came. Again such 
words as maize, which is of West Indian origin, 
but modified by the Spaniards, and chocolate, a 
Mexican word which also reached us (about 1604) 
through the Spanish, tell us not only what country 
they came from, but the nationality of those who 
introduced them. 1 In another way the potato, 
a plant native to Peru, and described by Harrison 
in 1587 as "one of the roots brought from Spain, 
Portugal and the Indies," may recall to us the dis- 
coveries of our great Elizabethan navigators ; one of 
the most famous of these (Sir John Hawkins) gave 
an account of it in his Voyages in 1553, whilst its 
actual introduction was (though unwarrantably) 
long attributed to Drake or Ealeigh. 

It has always been the fashion to decry the 

1 In the French word nicotine (to mention as a parallel an 
article which, though a stimulant, is not an article of food) is 
preserved the very name of Jean Nicot, French Ambassador to 
Portugal, Lord of Villeinain and Master of Requests of the French 
Royal Household, who, in 1559 having bought the seeds from a 
Flemish merchant trading to Florida, introduced tobacco into 
France. 



50 THE PAST AT OUE DOOES CHAP. 

present, and to regret the " good old times " that 
are "gone beyond recall." But in the matter of 
our daily food, a student who inquires as to the pro- 
gress of our race may speak to those who wish to 
hear with a more than usually clear and certain 
voice. For if we compare with our own comfort- 
able surroundings the meals of the ancient Britons 
who had for their seat the ground, whereon they 
spread a carpet of rushes, or the hides of dogs and 
wolves we can hardly fail to see in how many ways 
our own lot is better than theirs. And this feeling 
is deepened when we learn that their manner of 
eating was " rather after the fashion of lions " ; that 
they would " take up the joint and gnaw at it," 
using, if they could not get the meat off, their " little 
bronze knives." In yet more ancient times " the 
strongest man would seize the joint, and defy the 
company to mortal combat." 



CHAPTER III 

THE STORY OF OUR DRESS 

THE object of dress, which is not only to clothe 
but to adorn, will easily be remembered if we 
reflect that " garment " really means a garnishment 
or adornment. The word " robe " throws a yet 



in THE STOEY OF OUE DEESS 51 

stranger light on the subject, since it is connected 
with an old German term which meant "to rob," a 
fact which reminds us that " robes " were originally 
the spoils stripped from the slain enemy, in which 
the victor masqueraded. This is the old-world 
custom alluded to in a splendid passage in the song 
of Deborah (Judges v. 30) : " Have they not sped ? 
have they not divided the prey ? to Sisera a prey 
of divers colours, a prey of divers colours of needle- 
work, of divers colours of needlework on both sides, 
meet for the necks of them that take the spoil ? " 

Coming to the study of dress we shall find it 
from an historical point of view more fruitful in 
results than almost any other of the arts of our 
modern civilised life. For in the first place 
fashion, far from being the supreme and absolute 
Dictatress that we have doubtless imagined, is her- 
self subject to certain general principles or laws. 
And many, if not most, of the supposed innova- 
tions of to-day are simply revivals or modifications 
of ancient, and in some cases immemorial, custom. 

To give a single instance (pointed out by Mr. 
Andrew Lang) of the extraordinary age of many of 
our modern fashions, it may be remarked that the 
wearing of a separate body or " corslet " and skirt 
is traceable so far back as the "archaic" or 
" primitive " age of Greece. 

This " archaic " skirt had a semicircular piece 



52 THE PAST AT OUE DOORS CHAP. 

cut out at the foot, a custom that prevailed even 
among prehistoric " stone-age " races. Moreover, 
as worn by the ladies of ancient Crete, it was 
generally " flounced." Again, a kind of small ladies' 
boot, or " bottine " was worn by ladies of rank in 
Crete upwards of three thousand years B.C. 

How, and to what extent women have copied 
the dress of men, and to a less extent men have 
imitated that of women ; how the dress of servants 
is frequently that which has been worn by their 
master's class in preceding generations, and is also 
the source from which our modern uniforms are 
derived ; how the dress of quite small children is 
copied from that of their elders, and frequently 
perpetuates features of that dress which would 
have otherwise quite disappeared ; these principles 
and others will be obvious to all who look for 
them. 

Most important of all, however, is the fact .that 
by comparing the present and past attire of all 
sections of our community, we may obtain some 
idea of the main general resemblances in the dress 
worn by the ancient races that settled in Great 
Britain. For thus only shall we be able to see 
what is behind the many and great differences of 
detail, and therefore fully realise the remarkable 
strength and persistency of the influences that 
have lasted a thousand years, and have by slow 



in THE STOKY OF OUE DEESS 53 

degrees moulded us into a nation, in place of a 
welter of warring tribes. 

THE DRESS OF MEN 

Men's dress in Great Britain, as in other parts 
of the world, is continually varying, though much 
more slowly and within narrower limits than that 
of women. In some cases the outer dress comes 
to be made larger and fuller, either for display or 
in order the better to protect the wearer, or the 
garments beneath it ; in others the garment is re- 
duced to the furthest possible extreme, usually in 
order to allow more freedom of movement. 

One of the most frequent rules is that the 
garment last adopted is worn over the rest. Thus 
the topcoat, greatcoat, or ulster now covers the 
frock, or morning-coat, or jacket, all of these latter 
having been outside coats when first adopted. And 
these under-coats themselves in their turn cover the 
waistcoat (which was also an outside garment by 
origin), while the waistcoat again covers the shirt, 
the latter itself derived from the ancient tunic. 

The modern greatcoat (top-coat or overcoat) was 
till quite recent years considered effeminate at most 
of our public schools, and was formerly considered 
unhealthy for any one to wear, except for long 
journeys by coach, or on horseback. This may 
actually have been the case, as the ancient over- 



54 THE PAST AT DUE DOOES CHAP. 

coat was of vast weight and size, and had layers 
of capes, such as are now only worn of reduced 
dimensions, by professional coachmen, or drivers. 

The long brown overcoat called a petersham, as 
well as the chesterfield and others, took their names 
from the noblemen by whom they were introduced. 
Lord Spencer, who lived in the reign of George 
III. and was called the Eed Earl, also invented 
the sleeveless short jacket which bears his name. 

This latter, according to tradition, was suggested 
to him either by an accident in the hunting-field 
(by which his coat tails were torn off), or in a still 
more alarming and humiliating manner by his 
having them burnt off upon an occasion when he 
had fallen asleep too near the fire. 

Whatever may have been the occasion, the 
"spencer" received his name, and along with the 
" sandwich " (already mentioned as the invention of 
another well-known nobleman) gave rise to the lines : 

Two noble earls whom, if I quote, some folks might call 

me sinner, 
The one invented half a coat, the other half a dinner. 

The coat, which was in very early times worn 
indifferently both by men and women, has a curious 
history, several stages of which we may still 
actually see in use if we look about us. For the 
ordinary single-breasted round " reefer " or " lounge " 
coat without tails is a cut-down form of the morning 



in THE STORY OF OUE DEESS 55 

or " cut-away " coat ; and the cut-away coat is, as its 
name implies, an abridged form of the older full- 
skirted coat, the shape of which is retained in the 
modern black frock-coat and in some liveries. 

The older form of the coat first took the shape 
of a simple, long, loose horseman's coat, reaching to 
the knees, and with buttons all down the front, 
which was worn by hackney-coachmen and others 
in the reign of Charles I. The " cassock," a coat of 
this kind, was worn with the vest introduced by 
Charles II. in October 1666, as recorded by Pepys, 
and (as we shall presently see) was subjected to 
much ridicule in that connexion. Yet this coat 
(with the long and full skirts) was popular, in the 
reign of James II., and under William III. it 
became the national garb. 

In the course of time, for the sake of convenience 
in riding, a much commoner method of conveyance 
then than now, the skirts of this coat came to be 
habitually turned back, and secured by fastening 
their corners to a button in the centre of the skirt 
tail at each side. When this looping-up became 
permanent, in accordance with a French fashion of 
1.793, the looped-back part being no longer re- 
quired was cut away, and a garment somewhat after 
the style of a " cut-away coat " resulted. This cut- 
away coat, frequently of a scarlet colour, was fashion- 
able for gentlemen in the reign of George III. 



56 



THE PAST AT OUK BOOKS CHAP. 



In the army, however, the old form of looped-up 
skirt was long retained, and was actually worn as 
late as 1820, even by the Grenadier Guards. We 

see, therefore, that 
the description of 
the "British Grena 7 
diers " in the stir- 
ring old song as 
those " who carry 
sword and rnusket 
and wear the looped 
clothes " rests upon 
fairly recent his- 
torical fact. 

The modern 
evening- dress, or 
"swallow-tail" coat, 
which is worn not 
only by gentle- 
men but also as a 
species of uniform 
by waiters, exhibits 
this coat in a still 
As originally worn 




rtesy of L'nited Service Inst. 



FIG. 15. Dress of "Guards'" Officer, 
early nineteenth century, showing the 
looping back of skirt-lapels, which led 
to the "cut-away" form of morning 
coat. 



further stage of mutilation, 
in Paris, the swallow-tail coat had three pairs of 
buttons at the back, and the tails reached to the 
ground. Many of us will remember that Uncle 
Sam, in the pages of Punch, also wears a coat of 



in THE STOEY OF OUK DEESS 57 

this "swallow-tail" shape, and that the tails are 
very much longer than is ever now usual with us. 

The above mention of buttons leads us to the 
question : " What was the origin of the two buttons 
at the back of so many of our modern men's coats, 
which now serve no apparent purpose ? " The 
usual answer is that they were meant to support 
the sword-belt, as in the modern policeman's uniform. 

But if we examine the prints of this period we 
shall find, after looking at a sufficiently large 
number, that the sword * was then habitually 
carried inside and not outside the coat, and hence 
the explanation suggested above cannot be the true 
one. Other explanations have also been given, but 
if we look for examples, we shall find that these 
buttons probably arose in quite a different way. 

The very same kind of development which led 
to the looping back of the coat tails, also led to the 
turning over both of the cuffs and of the edges of 
the skirt at the back of the tails. And the coat-tails 
being once turned over, were fastened back by a 
double row of buttons. But when, as before, the 
turning back became permanent, the number of 
buttons was reduced first to three pairs, which may 
still be seen in many modern livery coats and in the 
French coat mentioned above ; then to two pairs at 

1 Except, of course, when slung from a bandolier or shoulder-belt, 
in which case the non-connexion is obvious* 





From B. M. Print. 

FIG. 16, 



From Frontispiece to Tristram 
Shandy (Vol. //.) 

FIG. 17. 




Prom B. 21. Print 

FIG. 18. 




From French Print i 
B. M. (about 1812). 

FIG. 19. 



FIG. 20. 



FIG. 21. 



FIG. 22. 



Fio. 16. French Court Dress of 1722-23, showing two rows of button-holes left afte 
turning back coat-lapels. FIG. 17. Coat with Turned-Back Lapels in 1759, showiii 
retention of three button-pairs only. Fin. 18. Coat with three Button-Pairs only 
a Russian Gentleman in Paris (early nineteenth century). Fio. 19. Coat with tw 
Button. Pairs only. FIG. 20. Footman in Navy-blue Livery Coat (1910), with fou 
pairs of buttons. FIG. 21. Footman in Navy-blue Livery Coat (1910) with thre 
pairs of buttons. FIG. 22. Footman in Green Livery Coat (1910), showing retentioi 
of two pairs of buttons. 






CH. in THE STOKY OF OUE DKESS 59 

the top and bottom, which may also be occasionally 
seen in liveries ; and lastly to a single pair at the 
top alone, these last two buttons being retained, as 
in the case of our modern cuff buttons, even when all 
other marks of their former purpose had disappeared. 

Even the V-shaped nick which still survives in 
the front of our modern coat collars, and has 
come down to us from this same period, was at 
first cut in order to allow the collar to stand up 
properly round the neck, as we may see in the 
portraits of Nelson, although it is now frequently 
cut, in ignorance of that fact, in a way that would 
effectually prevent it from doing so. 

The waistcoat, as has already been said, was 
originally an outer coat, and must have been at one 
time practically indistinguishable from the man's 
petty-coat, a short-waisted but usually long-sleeved 
coat, in which form the waistcoat is worn, actually 
still as an outside coat, by the modern railway porter ! 
The short white jackets worn by Highlanders in 
undress, as well as by the Guards, are still called 
" waistcoats " and are of the same pattern. 

From the time of Henry VIII. at least, down to 
the reign of Queen Anne, the waistcoat was a 
fashionable dress for English ladies. In Henry's 
reign we read of " two waistcoats for women, being 
of cloth of silver, embroidered, both of them 
having sleeves." And a special kind was worn on 



60 THE PAST AT OUR BOORS CHAP. 

horseback ; for in 1663 old Pepys the Diarist, saw 
King Charles II. "riding in the Park, with the 
Queen in a white laced waistcoat and a crimson 
short petticoat, and her hair dressed a la negligence, 
mighty pretty." 

King Charles II. himself wore his waistcoat long, 
reaching almost to the knees, that style of garment 
being known by the name of " vest," which name 
for the waistcoat is to this day almost invariably 
the term employed by tailors, who have retained 
in the " fancy vest " much of the ancient splendour 
once distributed throughout the costume. 

The plain black form of waistcoat to which 
we are accustomed, was worn by King Charles 
II. to promote the use of a simpler and less ex- 
travagant attire. On the 17th of October 1666, 
Pepys wrote that " the Court is full of vests, only 
my Lord St. Albans not pinked * but plain black, 
and they say the King said this pinking upon 
white makes them look too much like magpies, 
and therefore hath bespoke one of plain velvet," 
probably a black one, like that of my Lord 
St. Albans. 

But about this same time Pepys tells us that 
"divers courtiers and gentlemen gave the King 
gold by way of wager that he would not persist in 
this resolution." And " five weeks later the French 

1 That is, pricked or pierced with holes. 



Ill 



THE STOKY OF OUR DRESS 



61 



King, in defiance of the King of England, caused 

all his footmen to be put into vests." 
After this it is ^^~ 

amusing to learn 

that this insult, " the 

greatest indignity 

ever done by one 

Prince to another " 

(as good old Pepys 

hotly describes it ! ), 

was too late to affect 

the resolution of 

Charles II., which 

had changed, as had 

been foretold, before 

the end of the month 

arrived ! 

The difference be- 
tween shirt and skirt 

seems to be that the 

former name is given FIG. 23. The "Cassock" or long Out- 
shortened 
and the 

latter to the part 

originally cut off in shortening it. The shirt, which 

acquires its name from being cut short (like the 

" shorts " of our modern running track), was a 

garment of the tunic kind, and was at first worn 




to the 
garment, 



side Coat, and the Vest or long Waist- 
coat, as worn by Charles II., showing 
an earlier stage in the development 
of our modern coat and waistcoat. 



62 THE PAST AT OUR DOORS CHAP. 

as an outside dress. A modern example of this 
was the red shirt uniform of the volunteers led by 
Garibaldi in his successful struggle for the union 
of Italy. This shirt was first worn, as is perhaps 
not generally known, by Garibaldi's followers in 
his campaign on behalf of the liberties of Monte 
Video in South America in 1846. 1 The shirt is 
now often worn with a turned-down cuff, like that 
of a coat-sleeve. 

As to the cause which led to the revival of the 
trouser in its modern form, there seems to be some 
doubt. By some they are thought to have resulted 
from the lengthening of the knee-breeches worn in 
the Stuart period, and the London Chronicle of 
1762 actually declares that owing to the "high- 
topped shoes and long trouser-like breeches with a 
broad knee-band " a leg " in high taste is not longer 
than a common council-man's tobacco-stopper ! " 
This evidently refers to a kind of shortish trouser, 
reaching almost to the boot-top, a Dutch fashion 
first adopted in the reign of Charles I. On the 
other hand, our chief modern authority on matters 
of dress says that the modern trouser was popularised 
as the result of the popularity of the Cossacks on 



1 The original batch of these shirts were bought cheap from the 
local makers at Monte Video, who had intended them for use in 
the slaughter-houses for cattle in Argentina, their red hue having 
been selected for this purpose. 



in THE STOKY OF OUR DEESS 63 

the occasion of their visit to London. No date is 
given, but it must have been General Platoff s visit 
after Waterloo (1816) that is meant. It certainly 
appeared much earlier, but came in very gradually. 
In 1812 we read that students of Trinity and 
St. John's Colleges at Cambridge attending hall 
or chapel in trousers were " considered as absent." 

Even so late as 1823, tight-fitting trousers 
shaped to the leg were worn alternately with the 
full ones, and the former died out slowly. Again, 
it was not till that year that the white breeches and 
black gaiters of the Grenadier Guards, and the white 
gaiters with black buttons and garters of the Foot 
Guards, were exchanged for trousers. 

At present, knee-breeches are worn, not only as 
a part of Court dress and for many liveries and 
games, but also, to a rapidly diminishing extent, 
as part of the regular dress of men in Ireland. 
With regard to the trouser itself, the partial return 
to the " shaped " leg and the permanently turned- 
up trouser hem of 1908 were late developments. 

It may be thought that there is certainly no 
interest or romance in connection with boots, and 
little, if anything, to be learnt about them ; but how 
many people know that the word boot, properly 
speaking, means a top-boot only, and that our 
ordinary boots are half-boots, as shoemakers correctly 
still call them ? Yet this is the reason why shoes 



64 THE PAST AT OUB DOORS CHAP. 

(which are really half " half-boots ") are called " low 
quarters " in America. Short boots or half-boots 
were worn by the Saxons, and the Conqueror's 
eldest son, " Court-hose," was so nicknamed from 
his habit of wearing " short boots." 

The full boot or top-boot seems, on the other 
hand, to have grown in the course of centuries out 
of the " leather hose " worn by the Saxons as modi- 
fied for riding. It now frequently has a broad band 
of colour at the top, which has a history of its own. 

During the Stuart and Commonwealth period, 
these long boots, which were worn by Eoundhead 
and Cavalier alike, had their monstrous tops turned 
either up or down, according as the wearer wished 
to ride or walk. Our Household cavalry at the 
present day still wear these boots permanently 
turned up for riding. In the course of time civilians' 
tops became permanently turned down (like the 
cuffs of our coat sleeves,) and the colour of the lining- 
was then imitated by the broad band of colour 
(brown, buff, or white), which at the present day is 
all that is left of the turned-down " top." 

The toe-caps of our modern boots and shoes are 
often decorated with a row of perforations forming 
various patterns, which sometimes take the form of 
a circle. This again is a survival of ancient custom, 
for we read even in Chaucer of a young and some- 
what dandified priest, who had his shoes decorated 



in THE STOEY OF OUE DEESS 65 

with a pricked design of circular shape, something 
resembling a diminutive rose window, on account of 
which he was described as having " Paul's windows 
carven in his shoes." We can, indeed, in some cases 
trace them much further back to similar shoe 
patterns employed by the Anglo-Saxons, who in 
turn copied them from the Eomans themselves. 

An amusing instance of misjudged criticism was 
provided by the comments once made on two lines 
in the play of King John, which were then thought 
to afford one of many instances of Shakespeare's 
ignorance or inaccuracy. These lines were : 

Standing in slippers which his nimble haste 
Had falsely thrust upon contrary feet, 

and the objection was that in Shakespeare's time 
there were no "rights" or "lefts" to shoes or 
slippers. As a matter of fact, however, the critics 
in this case showed their own want of knowledge, 
since not only were perfect " rights " and " lefts " 
worn in the time of Shakespeare, but even earlier 
still, in the fourteenth century, they were often so 
made to an extravagant degree. On the contrary, 
the ancient custom of having boots which might be 
worn indifferently on either foot, survives down to 
modern times in the boots worn by postilions. 

To conclude with the mention of one or two 
special kinds of footgear, how many of us know 
that the word " pump," which is now applied to a 

F 



66 THE PAST AT OUR DOOES CHAP. 

light kind of thin- soled shoe, used especially for 
dancing, has probably got its name from being first 
used for ceremony or "pomp"? In 1726 the 
Highlanders are described as wearing pumps with- 
out heels ; and formerly pumps were worn not only 
by footmen, but also quite commonly by poor 
country people, both in France (for instance in 
Brittany) and England-, and they were still worn, 
with the top-hat, by the boatmen of Deal in 1902. 
Most extraordinary of all is the history of the 
"galoche" or "galosh." This word comes from 
the joining of two Greek words, meaning " wooden- 
foot," the term used for a " shoemaker's last." As 
time went on, by a slight change of meaning, it 
came to be applied to a wooden clog or patten, 
which was formerly worn by country people in 
England, and may still be seen in France and 
Holland. The galosh is of ancient use, and was 
not always confined to the humbler classes. For 
in the vision of Piers Plowman (137*7) we find 
mention of the custom on the part of 

a knight that cometh to be dubbed, 
To get him gilt spurs, or galoches y-couped 

(i.e. " cut ") ; " galoshes " being perhaps about the 
very last kind of shoe that we should expect to see 
worn by any one who now came to be knighted. 

In Philadelphia (U.S.) the word " galosh " rarely 
occurs, the word " gum " (for " india-rubber ") being 



in THE STOEY OF OUK DKESS 67 

employed instead. We can therefore sufficiently 
enter into the feelings of a British visitor to the 
States who was told that a young lady (occupied at 
that moment in drying her galoshes at the front 
door) was " rubbing her gums on the mat ! " 

Still more unpromising, if possible, may appear 
hats, and above all the silk hat, commonly called 
a " chimneypot " hat or " stovepipe." Yet it has a 
history from which we can learn much. The top- 
hat of silk is a cheap substitute for a similar hat 
formerly made of beaver skin, which stood water 
and wore well enough, but was difficult to procure 
on account of its high price. In shape the typical 
French top-hat, especially during the last century, 
had a tendency to curve inwards at the top, and 
was in consequence much narrower at the crown 
than the English top-hat. Hence it was more like 
the steeple hat than the hat worn in England. 

But the first public appearance of the top-hat 
in its shiny modern form was in London on 15th 
January 1797, and proved to be nothing if not 
sensational. The wearer was John Hetherington, 
a Strand haberdasher, and the unwonted sight of 
his new and shiny headgear caused such a turmoil 
in the street that he was charged with breach of 
the peace and " inciting to riot," and was bound 
over to keep the peace in the sum of 500. 

The rudimentary bow, which now decorates the 




By courtesy of Messrs. JUethuen and of Mr. Q. Clinch. 

FIG. 24. The Top-Hat as worn by Princess (afterwards Queen) 
Elizabeth. This hat is of a pattern which afterwards became 
very popular with dandies of the opposite sex in the reign of 
George II. 



en. in 



THE STORY OF OUR DRESS 



69 



lining, is a vestige from the time when the lining 
was drawn together by means of a band passed 
through it, to make it fit more closely to the head, 
as in the tall hat still worn by huntsmen. 




FIG. 25. The Top-Hat as worn by King Charles I. (taking the form 
of a short-crowned steeple hat). Notice the origin of the lace 
collar still worn by small boys, and the "points" on the back 
of the glove. (See pp. 73, 94). 

The modern hard felt hat seems to have been 
the wear of an ordinary citizen in France during 



70 THE PAST AT OUR DOOES 



CHAP. 



the period of the French Revolution, when it 
appeared at Paris, and replaced the " cocked hat " 
of the gentleman. At the same time it differs so 
little from the hard round hat of the ancient 
Romans, which was worn in England in the Saxon 
period and still appears in the form of our modern 
" carter's hat," that it may reasonably be thought 
to have come from the ancient Roman headgear. 

There also seems to be some affinity between it 
and the pot helmet, referred to by Oliver Cromwell 
when he wrote (in 1643), "I shall require a 
new pot, mine is ill set. Buy me one in Tower 
Street, a Fleming sells them." This would explain 
why the modern hard round hat is often actually 
called a " pot-hat " or " pot " to this day. 

Of other hats and caps, it is interesting to know 
that the flat " muffin-cap " of the parish school- 
boy was worn by noblemen in the reign of Queen 
Mary. 

Even the straw hat, the coils or plaits for 
making which are now imported from China and 
Japan, is an English institution of some antiquity. 
In 1592 an old writer, describing a countryman, 

said, 

A strawen hat he had upon his head, 

The which his chin was fastened underneath. 

And more than a century earlier a "black straw 
cap" (in 1442) and a "straw hat" in 1451 



THE STOEY OF OUE DEESS 



were left in wills by way of legacy, an indication 
that such hats were worth more then than now. 

BOYS' DEESS 

We all know that the long blue coat, yellow 
stockings, bands and flat round cap of the Christ's 
Hospital (or Blue 
Coat) boys have 
survived from what 
was the boys' dress 
in London in the 
time of King 
Edward VL, the 
founder of the 
school. 

In other parts 
of England there 
are similar Blue 
Coat schools (at 
Liverpool, Chester, 
Bristol, and Wells) ; 
in some blue stock - 




FIG. 26. Blue Boys' School, Chester (blue 
uniform, blue cap, and "bands"). 



well as blue coats. 
At York there is 
a Grey Coat school, as also in London, the latter of 
which was opened in the Broad Sanctuary, West- 
minster, in 1698, the boys being dressed like the 



72 THE PAST AT OUE DOORS CHAP. 

Christ's Hospital boys, but in dark grey, with flat 
caps. 

The Duke of York's Military School, on the 
other hand (founded in 1803), furnishes a famous 




FIG. 27. Duke of York's Royal Military School, 
Dover. Red coat of the School uniform, with 
the " facings " worn by the School band. 

example of a "Ked-coat" school, the only institu- 
tion of its kind to possess military colours. 

Take again, for instance, some of the details of 
the dress worn at our older public schools. At Eton 






in THE STOEY OF OUE DEESS 73 

the former custom of leaving the last button of 
the waistcoat unfastened is explained as a survival 
of the time when the waistcoat was worn with a 
short flap to it. The straw hat, again, was once 
an Eton institution, and was worn, for instance, 
by the eleven in 1845, when the Winchester 
eleven, playing against them, wore white top-hats. 

The dress of quite small children is (as has 
been said) often copied from that of their elders, 
either at the existing or some earlier date. The 
favourite " sailor suit," kilt, and other well-known 
forms of dress worn by small boys, are examples 
of the former. The knickerbockers, broad lace 
collars, knots of ribbon, and the wearing of the 
waistbelt below the waist, are examples of the latter. 

Similarly the strings of a child's straw hat 
represent the ribbons used in very early times for 
tying on the hat or (at an earlier date still) the 
hood. So, too, the shoes of children were at one 
time made of the same shape for both feet, and the 
shoes of quite small infants are still so made. 

It may be observed that the younger the child 
is, the less difference there is between the dress of 
a girl and a boy, and this tendency is reflected in 
the language, since "girl" in Old English meant 
either a boy or a girl according to circumstances. 



74 THE PAST AT OUR BOORS CHAP. 

CHAPTER IV 

THE STORY OF OUR DRESS (continued) 

LIVERIES AND UNIFORMS 

LIVERIED servants, such as outdoor footmen and 
coachmen, who wear tall hats, top-boots, and doeskin 
breeches, derive their attire from the fashionable 
gentlemen's dress of the early eighteenth century. 
The groom's belt is known to be a relic of the 
time when ladies more often went on horseback 
and sat on a pillion behind a gentleman or servant, 
to whose belt they clung to avoid falling. 

The cockade frequently seen on the hats of out- 
door servants of the nobility, was worn by gentlemen 
as late as 1789, and is thought to have been chosen 
of a black colour to show allegiance to the house of 
Hanover. An old Scots song of Sheriffmuir has 
" the red-coat lads with black cockades " (meaning 
the British). The white cockade was adopted by 
the Jacobites because it was the colour of the King 
of France, who had taken up the cause of James II. 

It may not originally have been a rosette, and 
there are several explanations of its origin, one of 
which is that it is a survival of the tie formerly 
used for cocking or fastening back the brim of the 
hat to the crown, an arrangement which may still 



IV 



THE STOEY OF OUR DRESS 



be seen, for instance, -both in the looping back of 
the broad-brimmed bishop's hat and that of priests 
in various parts of the Con- 
tinent. In the time of the 
poet Pope it was not only 
pronounced but written 
" cockard," an old French name 
obviously connected with the 
cocking of the hat for a Span- 
ish cap. It should properly 
be used only by the servants 
of officers in the King's ser- 
vice, or those who by courtesy 
may be so regarded. 

The scarlet cut-away coat, 
plush breeches, silk stockings, 
wig, and powdered hair of 
the footman belonging to the 
nobility, are taken from the 
dress worn by gentlemen in 
the reign of George III. 

Again, the livery of a 
sheriff's coachman takes us 
back to the reign of George II., 
when the coat retained the 
earlier square-skirted coat-tails. 

" Footmen," who were so called because they 
originally walked or ran on foot, to clear the way 




FIG. 28. Coat worn by 
a Sheriff's Coac'hman 
(1910), showing reten- 
tion of original square 
skirt-tails dating from 
reign of George II. 



76 THE PAST AT OUE DOORS CHAP. 

in front of their lord's carriage, were also for this 
reason given a staff (which at first was a quite 
serviceable article) for chastising any who resisted. 
" Footman " also had once the sense of " foot-soldier." 
On the signboard of an old inn called the Running 
Footman, a footman was shown in the act of running, 
and carrying his staff. Sir Walter Scott tells us 
that even he himself remembered seeing, with the 
state coach of John Earl of Hopetoun, a running 
footman (" clothed in white and bearing a staff"). 

It is said that the Marquis of Queensberry, who 
died in 1810, used to put candidates for the post 
into his livery and make them run in front of his 
house in order to show their pace, he himself watch- 
ing them from the balcony. On one occasion, he 
had just signified his approval by remarking, " You 
will do very well for me," when the man unex- 
pectedly exclaimed, "And your livery will do very 
well for me," and promptly made off with it ! 

A question often asked is : What is the origin 
of the buttons on a page-boy's jacket ? It has been 
suggested that the triple button-row on his coat was 
derived from the " Dutch Skeleton Dress," which in 
1829 is said to have been a "very popular fashion 
for boys " ; the idea being that three button-rows 
were invented in order to indicate the outline of 
the boy's ribs or "skeleton." This was first sug- 
gested by Dickens in his sketch "Private Theatricals." 



IV 



THE STORY OF OUK DKESS 



But coats with converging button-rows in front 
were worn as English uniforms in the army much 
earlier than this "Dutch Skeleton Dress." And 
the scrutiny of several thousands of figures in prints 





FIG. 29. 



FIG. 30. 



Fio. 29. Dress worn by Achille Murat as a boy, showing the two button- 
rows produced by turning back of the front coat-lapels, a third row 
being afterwards added down the centre, which at first was "hooked." 
Fio. 30. Dress of Page Boy (1910), showing the three button-rows as 
fully developed. 



belonging to this period enables us to say that 
the two converging rows curving downwards from 
the shoulders to the waist really represent the two 
rows of buttons once used for fastening back the 
lining of the front coat-lapels, the two inner edges 



THE PAST AT CUE DOOES CHAP. 



together 



of the turned - back coat being at first hooked 
in uniforms of Napoleon's time), and 
ap afterwards replaced by a central 
row of buttons. 

Turning to the uniforms of 
our soldiers, the scarlet tunic, 
which gives its name to our 
"red-coats/' was not definitely 
established (with the blue facings) 
as the uniform of the British 
army till the reign of Queen 
Anne. But then the scarlet and 
blue livery colours used by the 
English Eoyal family, and appear- 
ing in the Eoyal Arms, were 
those of the kingdom itself, not 
those of a House or dynasty. 
Hence our red military uniforms 
may be regarded as a sort of 
FIG. 31. Uniform of nationalised livery. 

The popular term " red-coat " 
came in during the great Civil 
War. At the battle of Edgehill, 
the British red coats were worn by the troops 
on both sides, who were dis- 
tinguished solely by their coloured scarves. And 
in 1645 the entire army, under Sir Thomas 
Fairfax, was dressed in red for the first time. 




Yorkshire Light 
Infantry in 1813, 
showing the three 



in 
Army. 



nr THE STOEY OF OUE DEESS 79 

By degrees the term " red-coat " established itself, 
and in a poem of 1661 we read that 

'Tis not the black coat, nor the red, 
Hath power to make or be the head. . 
But muskets and full bandileers - } 

and again 

The gown and chain cannot compare 
With Redcoat and his bandileers. 

It would seem that the red coat with blue 
facings must have gradually displaced a blue coat 
garded or trimmed with red. For in the reign of 
Elizabeth, in 1581, we read that the men levied for 
Ireland were to be dressed "in some dark colour, 
and not blue and red, which, heretofore, hath been 
commonly used." And in 1569 the musketeers, 
raised for the Queen at Salisbury, wore " red caps 
and blue coats," this being, no doubt, the uniform 
referred to in 1581. 

A fuller description occurs under Henry VIII. 
(1545), when every soldier was ordered to wear "a 
blue coat garded with red, the right hose red, the 
left blue, and a strip three fingers wide on the out- 
side of each," the forerunner of the broad trouser- 
stripe worn by so many of our regiments to-day. 

It is here necessary to remember that the blue 
coat, which we have thus seen to have preceded the 
red coat in the army, was at an earlier period worn 



80 THE PAST AT OUR DOORS CHAP. 

by the citizens of London generally, but had gradu- 
ally become a badge or mark of service. 

We can thus understand why it should have 
been eventually adopted as a livery for the armed 
retainers of the King and the nation. Like green 
and white and red, also used at first for important 
liveries, it is still well represented in our army. 

This subject of our military uniforms, however, 
is a vast one indeed, and, most fascinating as it 
undoubtedly is, it has been necessary to confine 
our present investigations to the history of the red 
coat alone, as typical of all the rest. 

Well within living memory, the Thames water- 
men wore high beaver hats of a drab colour, knee- 
breeches, and pink stockings, and the King's Barge- 
men at present have a green coat, knee-breeches, 
and a sort of jockey -like cap ; whilst at Deal, as has 
been said, so recently as 1902 the watermen still 
wore top-hats and pumps. 

But some of the most obvious examples of 
survival in uniforms or liveries are to be seen in 
the dress worn by officers of municipalities, city 
guilds and companies, by inmates of some ancient 
almshouses at Castle Rising, Winchester, the 
Charterhouse, etc., by soldiers, firemen, postmen, 
railway officials, and policemen, and that of bakers, 
cooks, costermongers, butchers, etc. The butcher's 
apron, by the way, was not always blue, but white 



iv THE STOEY OF OUR DRESS 81 

originally, a colour now more especially worn by 
a special class of butchers, pork -butchers, for instance, 
as well as by poulterers. 

Other examples are grocers, cobblers, carpenters, 
and blacksmiths, the brown leather apron of the 
last mentioned, with the square bib above, being of 
exactly the same pattern as it was six hundred years 
ago. The "Masonic" or Freemason's apron, a rare and 
all but unique case of the apron being employed by 
men for ornament, may, however, represent, like 
the bishop's apron, the surviving skirt of a gown. 

THE DRESS OF WOMEN 

It is certainly a very odd thing that most of the 
chief kinds of dress at present worn by women in 
England are copied from dresses first worn (so far 
as our own national records go) by men ! l 

Some of these dresses, which men once wore, are 
the gown, robe, frock, blouse, coat, jacket, and, 
strangest of all, the petticoat ! The gown, for 
instance, rather more than a thousand years ago, 
was a robe of fur, worn by monks who had bad 
health, or had grown old and feeble, in order to 
protect them from the cold. 

Even in the time of King Richard II. it still 

1 On the other hand, as has been shown hy Mr. R. A. S. 
Macalister, the dress of the clergy was originally that worn by 
women in ancient Rome. 

G 



82 THE PAST AT OUE DOOES CHAR 

formed part of the dress of both men and women, 
but later it ceased to be usually worn by men, 
and is now only worn by clergymen or lawyers, or 
at our schools and universities. 

Among ladies the name is now chiefly given to 
an elegant dress, such as a tea-gown or dinner-gown. 
Even the night-gown (or bed-gown) was formerly 
used as a sort of dressing-gown, and was actually 
worn in the streets, incredible as it may seem, as a 
sort of overall in which ladies went walking or 
shopping, in the reign of Queen Anne and even later. 

The coat was also worn in very early times by 
men as well as by women, and at the present day a 
lady's coat is often made not only in the shape of 
a man's coat, but also by a man's tailor. The 
longer walking or driving coat is still more like a 
man's garment. 

When we come to the frock, we may perhaps 
think that here at last we have a dress which was 
first worn by women. But as a matter of fact the 
frock, which was originally a long gown with large 
open sleeves, was the outer robe always worn both 
by monks and friars. 

We shall realise this better when we reflect that 
the ordinary term still applied to a priest who is 
deprived of his priesthood is " unfrocked." More- 
over, a particular kind of coat called a " frock-coat " 
is still worn by men. 



iv THE STOEY OF OUK DEESS 83 

Apart from these exceptions, " frock " is applied 
to the dress of women and children, as it was once to 
a man's armour. With the frock, in time, the Saxon 
smock was combined, and that is how our farm- 
labourers and shepherds, till quite recently, still 
wore what was called a smock-frock (p. 93), a kind 
of overall with a hole for the head to go through. 

From the earliest times both smock-frock and 
smock were richly worked ; a smock given to 
Elizabeth by Sir Philip Sidney was not, however, 
in the great queen's favourite design, which was a 
curious pattern of " oak-leaves and butterflies." This 
may explain the fact that oak-leaves are now the 
ornamentation of the civil court dress of the first 
class and on some naval and military uniforms. 

The smock-frock we have just mentioned was 
called a House in France, where it was worn by the 
peasantry as an overall, just in the same way as it 
was worn in England. But its name was taken 
from that of an ancient silken overall formerly 
worn by knights over their armour to protect it 
both from the sun and the rain, and afterwards 
worn by ladies, no doubt in imitation of the knights 
themselves. There is still preserved the record 
of an order given by King John for a "blouse" 
of this ancient kind, " lined with fur for the 
use of the Queen." The modern lady's blouse 
succeeded the garibaldi, which was copied from 



84 THE PAST AT DUE DOOES CHAP. 

the red shirt, already mentioned, of Garibaldi's 
volunteers. 

Another name for the upper part of a lady's 
dress is bodice or boddice. Queen Victoria, in 1868, 
wrote, " I and the girls (were) in Eoyal Stewart 
skirts and shawls, over black velvet bodies." This 
helps to illustrate the fact that our modern " bodice " 
really stands for " bodies," and that the word 
" bodices " is therefore nothing in the world but a 
plural formed twice over (like the " ghostses " and 
" pharisees," for " ghosts " and " fairies " that we 
sometimes hear spoken of by country people). 

The reason why the upper part of a dress came 
to be called " bodies " (plural) was because in 
ancient times it was made in two parts (like stays), 
and laced together at front and back. It was, 
indeed, for a long time actually called a " pair of 
bodies " for this very reason. The mistake, how- 
ever, of using " bodice " as a singular instead of 
" bodies," is so old that we even find it in plays of 
the time of Queen Elizabeth, wherein such phrases 
as " Eve's bodice " or a " ghost's bodice " occur. So, 
too, the phrase, a " pair of corsets," is common, 
though " corset " really means " a pair of stays." 

Tight-lacing, by the way, is a very old institution, 
and even in the time of the Normans was repre- 
sented by a satirist in a picture of Satan, who 
was drawn in the robes of a Norman lady. It is to 



iv THE STOEY OF OUE DEESS 85 

this same custom that the great poet Chaucer, in 
describing the wife of a carpenter, refers when he 
remarks of a lady " her body was genteel, and 
small l as a weasel ! " Yet, in the time of Peter 
the Great, though worn in Germany, stays were 
still quite unknown in Eussia, and even the Czar 
himself, after a dance at which some German 
princesses had been his partners, is said to have 
exclaimed, " What hard bones these German ladies 
have ! " We shall all remember that tight-lacing 
was one of the means by which the wicked queen 
attempted to make an end of the life of little 
" Snow- White," in that most ancient and famous 
fairy story recorded by the brothers Grimm. 

The jacket (which means a little " jack "), though 
still worn by men in such special forms as the 
Norfolk jacket, pea-jacket, pilot jacket, and so forth, 
is now principally worn by women and children. 
But both the jacket and jack were in ancient times 
first worn by men, and when the followers of Jack 
Straw and Wat Tyler burned and plundered the 
Duke of Lancaster's palace at the Savoy in London 
in 1381, they took his jack (described as "his most 
precious garment ") and stuck it on a spear to shoot 
at, but finding that to destroy it in this way gave 
them more trouble than they expected, they chopped 
it to pieces with swords and axes ! 

1 I.e. slender. 



86 THE PAST AT OUE DOOES CHAP. 

These ancient " jacks " were made of a great many 
folds of cloth and a stag's skin, which, being 
hardened, became so tough as to form a complete 
protection against arrows and dagger wounds. 

At the siege of Lord Gordon's castle in Scotland, 
that high-spirited princess, Mary, Queen of Scots, 
remarked that she " regretted nothing but that she 
was not a man, to know what a life it was to lie in 
the fields all night, or to walk about with a jack and 
a knapsack, a shield and a broadsword." Perhaps 
(as Planche" suggests) her enthusiasm might have 
cooled if she had been offered one of the " great 
villainous English jacks " then customary. 

The most distinctive part of a lady's dress, how- 
ever, is her skirt, a word which is another form of 
" shirt," also part of a man's dress. The modern lady's 
skirt varies in shape and size, as we know, from 
what is called the " sheath-skirt " (owing to the fact 
of its fitting tightly like a sheath) to the old- 
fashioned bell -shaped crinoline, an absurd style 
of dress, invented apparently to display the rich 
materials of which the skirts of those days were made. 

In the reign of King Charles I., Lady "Wych, the 
wife of a special ambassador, who had been sent by 
King James to the Sultan of Turkey, went with all 
her attendants, dressed in the big hoop skirts which 
were then worn, to pay a visit to the Sultaness. 
No doubt this dress was worn to impress her 



iv THE STOEY OF OUE DEESS 87 

Imperial Highness ; but instead of this, the sight 
being new to her, she merely inquired whether that 
remarkable shape of dress was due to the fact that 
Englishwomen were differently made from other 
people, and Lady Wych had to take much trouble 
to convince her such was not the case ! 

Fashionable modern skirts are sometimes made 
in the Greek style, and sometimes even in the 
Japanese style, but most of them are still made in 
the various French modes, the chief of which in 
1909 were the directoire and the empire dresses. 
The directoire is so called because it was one of 
the principal fashions worn in Paris during the 
terrible French Ee volution, at the time when a small 
committee of five men, called the " Directoire " or 
Directory, was administering the government of 
France. The empire dress, on the other hand, is 
named from one of the chief styles of dress worn 
during the first empire of Napoleon, at which time 
it was a favourite dress of the Empress Josephine. 

The Watteau dress (so called after the name of 
a famous French artist of the time of Queen Anne, 
who used often to introduce it in his pictures) and 
the polonaise, or Polish woman's dress, no doubt so^ 
called because it first reached France from Poland, 
are two other well-known French styles. 

But the favourite " Princess " dress, with its 
simplicity and its easy grace, is one of our rare 



88 THE PAST AT OUE DOOES CHAP. 

English fashions, and it is believed that it received 
its name in honour of Queen Alexandra, at the time 
when she was Princess of Wales. 

The petticoat, now often used as a symbol for 
woman in general, as distinct from man, was 
originally, as its name implies, a "little " or " short " 
coat (from the French word " petit," in the sense of 
" small "), and was first applied to the coat of a man. 
In several parts of England, as, for instance, in Kent, 
where it survives as " petty-coat," the word is still 
used with the meaning of a man's waistcoat. But 
the fisherman's oilskin "petticoat" is a skirt-like 
garb. 

It was originally a man's outside coat; first a 
short coat worn as armour, and then a short close- 
fitting tunic worn under the coat. Even the warlike 
Henry V. had a " petticoat of red damask with open 
sleeves," and in a book of rules for officers of the 
King's household, there were instructions for warm- 
ing the King's petticoat before he put it on ! 

We do not know exactly how the change of 
meaning came about, but it is thought most probable 
that the identity of the name, as applied both to the 
-short jacket and the skirt, or underskirt, may be 
due to the fact that the " petticoat " was once a 
short tunic, which came to be divided into two parts 
at the belt for convenience in wearing it, as is the 
case with our modern frocks and gowns. At all 



iv THE STOEY OF OUE DEESS 89 

events, while the upper garment known as a 
" petticoat " seems to have been gradually identified 
with the man's "waistcoat," the lower garment 
so called became the richly decorated petticoat 
formerly worn as an outside skirt, but grew less 
ornamental in character when it ceased to be visible. 

The outer petticoat is still worn as a skirt in 
some parts of Great Britain, for instance, in Scotland 
and Ireland. And it survives in a beautifully 
embroidered and often highly artistic form among 
the peasant girls of Norway and Switzerland. 

The apron (which was originally called a napron, 
but by a wrong division of the words in rapid 
speaking was turned into an apron) was a very 
ancient part of an English lady's dress. It was 
also, until modern times, regarded as an honourable 
part of that dress, and was frequently worn by all 
ladies, from the queen downwards. In Germany 
aprons are still worn as a part of full dress, but 
in England they are now only worn by children 
and women of all ranks for household duties, though 
an ornamental one is still worn by barge -women. 
Aprons are also worn by men of certain trades, 
examples of which have already been given. 

Yet another costume closely borrowed from that 
of men, is the dress worn by ladies in the hunting- 
field, which includes even the top-hat. But the 
most striking of all the effects of this tendency 



90 THE PAST AT OUE DOOES CHAP. 

is the disuse, by ladies, of the side-saddle, which 
had been employed in England since Saxon times. 

What we call the " clock " of a stocking came 
from the seams of the gusset, a three-cornered piece 
of stuff let into the foot of the stocking under the 
instep, as had always to be done in the days when 
stockings were made of cloth. For although the 
modern clocks reach almost to the knee, those of 
two centuries back only reached to about half that 
height, being of the shape of an excessively long 
" V " turned upside down, with a sort of nourish at 
the point, and in the days of Queen Elizabeth we 
read of " clocks about the ankles." 

This view is confirmed by the important fact 
that in some parts of Scotland the word " gusset " 
is still used for the clock of a stocking. 

Muffs, sleeves, and gloves were all originally 
connected, for the oldest meaning of "muff" was 
a sleeve, especially a long hanging sleeve such as 
was worn by women, and in which the hands could 
be " muffled " in cold weather. And the earliest 
muff or muffler for the hands must have been 
suggested by the habit of placing the hands one 
behind the other and letting the long sleeve-ends 
flow over them till they met. Examples of this 
custom occur in the time of the Anglo-Saxons. 
It is represented at the present day by the 
practice of nuns and others, who have wide and 



IV 



THE STOEY OF OUE DEESS 



91 



long sleeves, but are not allowed the use of 
gloves. 

The Norman ladies in England actually wore 
curious glove-like hand-mufflers, with long hanging 
streamers, and the Anglo-Saxon ladies before that 





mm 



r courtesy of Mr. Arthur Beckett. 

FIG. 32. 



FIG. 33. 



FIG. 32. The Bag-Glove without Streamers, as worn by Saxon Shepherds 
under Norman Rule (thirteenth century). From wall-painting in Cocking 
Church, which represents the announcement of the Nativity to the 
Shepherds by an Angel (partially visible). FIG. 33. Norman form of the 
Bag-Glove, with hanging ends or "streamers." 

wore a simpler kind of hand-muffler without any 
streamer, which seems to have been invented by the 
Anglo-Saxons themselves. 

Now these hand-mufflers are really a bag-glove 
with thumb but without separate fingers, such as very 



92 THE PAST AT OUE DOOES CH. iv 

small children wear even at the present day. Here, 
then, we have discovered the oldest form of glove, 
from which our modern gloves with fingers are 
descended, and which were worn as late as the 
reign of Elizabeth by Sir Philip Sidney himself. 

This leads to one of our most interesting in- 
stances of survival, for while to this very day, in 
Iceland 1 and in other far countries of the frozen North, 
bag-gloves are universally worn by grown-up people, 
they are still commonly worn by small children 
here, and in country parts of England they are yet 
quite frequently worn by farm-labourers engaged 
either in hedging or in binding corn. The " house- 
maid's glove " is of the same character, and even a 
kind of motor-glove is of the bag-glove form. 

Much the same story, curiously enough, belongs 
to the word " cuff," which in Anglo-Saxon meant a 
sort of half-glove or mitten, and did not come to 
mean the lower end of a sleeve till much later. 
One of the names of the glove itself in Anglo-Saxon 
was the odd word "hand-shoe," which is the same 
name as is given to the glove in modern Germany, 
the name showing, of course, that our shoes were 
invented first and gloves afterwards. There seems 
reason to believe that the three stripes of thread- 

1 A quaint fact about these Icelandic bag-gloves is that they are 
furnished with two thumbs, so that they can be the more rapidly 
put on. Bag-gloves are warmer than gloves with fingers. 




irtesy of Miss A. L. J. Gossvt. 



FIG. 34. Modern Bag-Gloves, as Avorn by Hedgers (1910). 
The wearer is dressed in a Sussex " smock " (see p. 83). 



94 THE PAST AT DUE DOORS CHAP. 

work on the back of our modern kid gloves have come 
from the continual lengthening of the seams of the 
fork-like pieces between the fingers, to make the 
wearer's fingers look longer and more slim. These 
seams were first carried right down on to the back 
of the hand, almost to the wrist, and afterwards 
separated at the knuckles. This must have been 
in comparatively modern times, for the gloves worn 
in ancient times never had such stripes ; at most 
they had a jewel, or other ornament, on the back. 

We all know the important part that gloves 
have played both in love and war : to throw down 
the glove being the expression still used to describe 
a challenge to an enemy, or the favour granted by 
a lady to her lover. The reason for this seems 
to be that at first kings, knights and ladies wore 
the glove as part of their ceremonial dress. Thus 
it became the outward sign of authority over 
others, and when the knight threw down his own 
glove by way of defiance, it was equivalent to say- 
ing, " I am your master, and there is the sign of 
my authority over you." But when he wore his 
lady's glove in his helmet, he admitted her authority 
over himself. In this way some modern expressions 
may be explained by the customs of olden chivalry. 

If we look at the shoes of a modern Frenchman 
or Frenchwoman, and compare them with our own, 
we shall see that the French shoes look noticeably 






iv THE STOEY OF CUE DEESS 95 

" longer " in the toe than the English. This will 
help us to remember that the fashion of wearing 
long pointed toes came originally from France, 
where they are said to have been invented by a 
Count of Anjou, to conceal his deformed feet. 

Similarly the high heel has been traced back 
to the fashion set by King Louis XIV. of France, 
who, being very short himself, wore very high heels, 
to raise himself some inches above the ground, and 
so make himself look a more imposing figure. 

This does not mean, however, that Louis invented 
the high heel, but only that particular kind of high 
heel still known by his name. For other forms of 
the high-heeled shoe were known long before he suc- 
ceeded in 1643 as a boy of five. They were known 
to our own King Charles L, for instance, as we are 
told that when he went to meet Henrietta Maria 
(afterwards his Queen) at Dover, and cast his eyes 
down towards her (she seeming somewhat taller 
than report made out), she was able at once to show 
him her shoes, and replied : " Sir, I stand upon mine 
own feet, I have no helps of art ; thus high I am, 
and am neither higher or lower." l It seems probable 
that the Louis heel was copied from the French by 
the courtiers of Charles II. during his exile, and 
brought to England by them at the Eestoration. 

1 Queen Elizabeth, again, had shoes which are still extant, 
with heels 2 inches high. 



96 THE PAST AT OUE DOOES CHAP. 

It is a remarkable fact that in 17*70 the use of 
scents, paints, cosmetics, high-heeled shoes, false hair, 
and even artificial teeth were all forbidden by a 
British Act of Parliament, which enacted that all 
who offended against it should incur the usual 
penalty of the " laws against witchcraft, sorcery and 
of such like misdemeanours," and that in the event of 
any of His Majesty's male subjects being " betrayed " 
into marriage by any such arts as these, the marriage, 
in the case of a conviction, should itself be void ! 

The years 1908-10 were remarkable, amongst 
other things, for the vast size of the hats (commonly 
called cart-wheel hats) worn by ladies. These large 
hats are by no means a new idea, for they have 
been worn at various earlier periods of our history, 
and have indeed been known at least since the time 
of the marvellous hat which, in the year 1352, 
Blanche de Bourbon, the young Queen of Castile, 
ordered for herself at Paris. Composed of gold 
cloth from Cyprus, it was picked out with pearls, 
gems and enamel, and was decorated with ivory 
oak-trees bearing pearl acorns, which latter were 
being thrown to the swine below by children also 
carved in ivory. In the boughs were singing-birds, 
and the flowers in the grass below were being visited 
by bees that came to steal their honey ! 

The modern form of folding fan has been in 
use since the reign of Queen Elizabeth, who in a 



iv THE STOEY OF OUE DEESS 97 

painting of 1592 is shown with a fan of that shape 
suspended about her waist by pink ribands. A 
little later, ladies had immense fans with handles 
half a yard long, which they often used to " correct " 
their daughters, as the old accounts say. These fans 
were also carried in public by men of rank and 
fashion, as, for instance, by the Earl of Manchester, 
and by the great lawyer, Sir Edward Coke, 
who actually went on circuit with a fan of this 
kind. 

At the end of the eighteenth century, a very 
large green fan, called a sunshade, was in use, and 
was intended to screen the face from the sun, when 
the owner was out of doors. This was the fore- 
runner of the modern parasol. The umbrella, as 
its name suggests, was also a small sunshade in 
the countries where it was first invented. 

The first umbrella used in England by a man 
in the open street for protection against rain, is 
usually said to have been that carried by Jonas 
Hanway, a great traveller, who introduced it on his 
return from Persia about 1750, some thirty years 
before it was generally adopted. Some kind of 
umbrella was, however, occasionally used by ladies at 
least so far back as 1709 ; and a fact not generally 
known is that from about the year 1717 onwards, 
a "parish" umbrella, resembling the more recent 
"family" umbrella of the nineteenth century, was 

H 



98 THE PAST AT OUE DOOES CHAP. 

used by the priest at open-air funerals, as the church 
accounts of many places testify. 

In 1752 General Wolfe (at that time lieutenant- 
colonel) wrote from Paris that people " there used 
umbrellas in hot weather to defend them from the 
sun, and something of the same kind to save them 
from snow and rain!' In medieval times they were 
known at Venice, where a state umbrella, resembling 
the royal umbrellas so common in the East, was 
carried over the Doge or Duke, on the occasion of 
any great ceremony, just as the fan had been held 
over the Pharaohs of ancient Egypt. 

In the Far East, as in Africa, to this day the 
umbrella is a symbol of high rank and royalty, 1 the 
round umbrella, made to open and shut, being linked 
up with sunshades of the "fan" type by the flat 
umbrellas, constructed from a single palm-leaf, but 
most ingeniously made so as to open or shut, which 
are still to be found in remote parts of Indo-China. 

Eings, earrings, necklaces and bracelets all go 
back to the beginnings of our history, and were all 
worn by men at first. Finely worked bracelets or 
bangles of solid gold, loaded the arms of the Saxons, 
and were, moreover, worn almost universally by 
(and buried with) the principal men among them, 

1 A curious umbrella represented in an Anglo-Saxon MS. as 
being held by one man over the head of another, is probably a 
"royal " umbrella of this sort. 



iv THE STOEY OF OUR DEESS 99 

especially by their kings and princes. The latter 
were in the habit of presenting such rings to their 
friends or retainers, either as a favour or in payment, 
whence the old Saxon kings were called, in their 
national songs, " dispensers of rings." 

The heathen Danes also kept a sacred orna- 
ment of the bracelet kind upon the altar of their 
gods, or worn by their priests, by which their most 
solemn oaths were taken, their usual oath being 
" by the blade of my sword," or, " by the shoulder 
of my horse." 

It was on account of their strong belief in the 
sacredness of this bracelet that King Alfred made 
the Danes swear by it, when he had defeated them, 
a thing which they had never previously done to 
the king of any nation. And when Earl Godwin, 
to appease the Danish King, Hardicanute, presented 
him with a fine ship containing eighty soldiers with 
coats of silver mail, and gilded shields and helmets, 
it was a special feature of the compliment that 
every one of the warriors wore two golden bracelets, 
weighing sixteen ounces, upon each arm. 

Eings were at first often worn for various 
magical purposes. In some cases, even in the 
present more enlightened times, they are believed 
(especially when made of coffin-handles !) to protect 
the wearer from cramp or rheumatism or (if 
furnished with a sapphire) to protect the eye-sight. 



100 THE PAST AT OUE DOORS CHAP. 

Formerly they were believed to be a safeguard 
against poison, as was the case with the ring given 
by Ruthven to Mary, Queen of Scots, as well as 
with the " snake-rings " of Malta, the stones of 
which, as already mentioned, are found in the 
traditional cave of St. Paul. 

The " snake -rings " are, however, like many 
trinkets and other objects, worn for " luck " or for 
some supposed virtue, a survival of savage beliefs 
which have lingered on into Christian times, out- 
lasting the order of things that gave them birth. 

In very early times, the ring, like the glove, 
was an emblem of royal authority and formed part 
of the official dress. An early example of the 
thumb-ring of an English king is that of Athelwulf, 
father of King Alfred, and in one of the old English 
romances we read that at the hero's wedding there 

were present 

Archbishops, with rings 
More than fifteen. 

From which it appears that several rings were then 
worn on each finger. 

To conclude, it may be pointed out that milliner 
was still written " milaner " in 1828 in Sir Walter 
Scott's Fair Maid of Perth. Its original meaning 
was a man of Milan, and it was employed at first to 
signify a pedlar who sold ribbons, bonnets, gloves, 
toilet accessories, such as looking-glasses, and mere 



IV 



THE STORY OF OUE DRESS 



101 



nick-nacks and trinkets, which were then chiefly 
exported from, and sold by natives of, Milan. 



GIRLS' DRESS 

As in the case of boys, there are many old 
established girls' 
schools in Eng- 
land, where the 
dress still worn 
is an interesting 
link with our 
past history. At 
Bristol there is 
a Red Maids' 
School, one of 
the very earliest 
of such founda- 
tions for girls, 
founded in 
162 9, "for forty 
poor women 
children," whom 




the mayor and 
aldermen were 
to cause to 
" goe and be apparelled in redd clothe." 

This school gets its name from the red frocks 



FIG. 35. Dress worn at Red Maids' School, 
Bristol (founded 1627). Red dress, 
with bonnet, white cape, and apron. 



102 THE PAST AT OUK DOORS CHAP. 

in which the girls are dressed, a colour perhaps due 
to the fact that " Bristol-red " was, like " Lincoln 
Green " and " Coventry Blue," one of the most 

famous of 
the city 
colours of 
the sixteenth 
and seven- 
teenth cen- 
turies. An 
author of 
1530 re- 
marks that 
" at Bristowe 
is the best 
water to dye 
red." The 
poet Skelton, 
too, speaks 
of a kirtle 

By courtesy of B. G. School, Chester. < 

FIG. 36. Dress worn at Blue Girls' School, of' 1 BnstOWG 
Chester. Navy-blue dress, broad white red," and 
falling collar, and apron. another old 

writer distinguishes it from the "London colour," 
which was scarlet. 

The Red Maids at first had short sleeves and 
the long white elbow-gloves of the Stuart period. 

At Chester again, and in London, there are a 




IV 



THE STOEY OF OUE DEESS 103 



Blue Girls' School and also a Grey Girls' School 
respectively, at which the colour of the girls' 
dresses and capes is (or, in the case of the London 
school, was till 
recently) a sur- 
vival of their 
ancient uniform. 
The Blue Girls' 
School at Chester 
was founded in 
1718, and most 
of the girls wear 
the short sleeves 
which have now 
been discarded 
by the Eed 
Maids of Bristol. 
The Grey Girls' 
School of London 
was founded in 
the Broad Sanc- 
tuary, West- 
minster, in 1698. 
Coming to 

dress worn by girls in general, the " pinafore " 
or "pinner" was originally worn by women as 
well as by children. It received its name from 
being " pinned afore," that is, in front of the dress. 




liy courtesy of Miss E. Day. 

FIG. 37. Dress worn by Girls at Grey 
Coat Hospital School, Westminster, 
from 1701 to 1875. Grey laced bodice, 
grey skirt, and old-fashioned cap. 



104 THE PAST AT OUE DOORS CHAP. 

It at first resembled an apron with a bib, but is 
now rather an overall than an apron. 

Even the dress of the smallest children often 
contains interesting reminders of past history ; thus 
the short frock and long hair, either plaited or worn 
simply " down " and tied with a ribbon, takes us 
back to the far-distant periods when these features 
were characteristic of the grown-up members of 
their sex. In former times even queens were 
dressed except as regards the length of their skirt 
in the simpler styles now sometimes followed 
by the dresses of quite small children. Although 
the more usual custom was for the hair to be " put 
up " at marriage, Queen Eleanor, the wife of one 
of our greatest kings, Edward I., at times continued 
to wear her hair, as it grew naturally, down her back. 
The plaiting of the hair in long tails which hung 
down behind was an old custom of the Danish, as 
well as of the Saxon and Norman, women. 



CHAPTER Y 

THE STORY OF OUR DRESS (continued) 

ENGLAND 

WE shall now see how, by tracing back and com- 
paring the chief characteristics of dress now worn 



v THE STOEY OF OUE DEESS 105 

by the inhabitants of these islands, we may learn 
something at all events as to the features of the 
ancient dress of Scotland, Ireland, "Wales, and even 
of England. For although our ancient national 
costumes have in almost all cases for many centuries 
been continually overlaid by fashions imported 
from abroad, yet in the mere fragmentary survivals, 
which are all that remain, we may still find, as we 
work backwards, some of the marks of race. 

At the same time it must be remarked that this 
evidence is much more difficult to collect than 
might be expected, owing to the above-mentioned 
general similarity between the dress of the various 
races that settled in Britain. The dress of the 
ancient Danes, for example, is hardly distinguish- 
able from that of the Saxons ; and between that 
of the Saxons and Normans the difference was not 
substantial ; whilst that of the British themselves 
was, after all, the same as that of the Saxons, only 
that it was worn very much longer and fuller. 
But we will discuss first the question of colour. 

The scarlet colour, so often associated with 
witches in high steeple-hats, as well as with those 
nursery heroines, Mother Goose, Mother Hubbard, 
Little Eed Eidinghood, and so forth, is still very 
popular for robes of dignity in most professions. 1 

1 St. Andrews, where it is worn even by students, is picturesquely 
called the " City of the Scarlet Gown." 



106 



THE PAST AT OUK DOCKS 



CHAP. 



It is still the official dress of the mayor and 
aldermen of many towns in various parts of the 
country ; and it was also worn, for instance, at 
London, Hull, Nottingham, and 
York, during the fifteenth cen- 
tury ; and at Oxford and Great 
Yarmouth in the sixteenth. And 
when the mayor was commanded 
to wear a scarlet gown, his wife 
was also ordered to wear a dress 
of scarlet, under penalty of a 
heavy fine for not doing so. 

The red cloak in England 
was an early Stuart fashion. 
At the " Howard " (or Trinity) 
Hospital of Castle Rising, 
founded by Henry, Earl of 
Northampton in 1614, the 
Sisters wear* a red cloak in 

FIG. 38. Dress of the Combination with the " SUgar- 
Castle Rising Sisters. loaf hat of that eriod> At 

Red cloak (with 

Howard badge) and Clunn, in Shropshire, a " hospital " 
sugar-loaf hat, dat- on fa e game f oun dation, a red 

ing from James I. 

gown is said to have been 

worn by the men within living memory, though the 

steeple-hats have been replaced by modern " toppers." 

Only fifty years ago a clergyman wrote : " I 

have preached in churches where the men, 'in the 




By courtesy of the "Governess" 
and Rev. H. Thursby. 



v THE STOEY OF OUE DEESS 107 

rustic costume of white smocks/ sat apart from the 
women, all of whom wore red cloaks. ... In my 
father's church at Saffron -Walden. the nave was 
always filled with red cloaks." 

To this day scarlet coats are still worn, for 
instance, by foxhunters and golfers, by certain 
liveried servants, such as the powdered footman of 
the nobility, the coachman of the Lord Mayor and 
Sheriffs of London, and many others. 

Coming to the question of form, the Anglo-Saxon 
dress, which began to follow the Norman fashion, 
even before the Conquest, developed into a 
number of different garments as the result of the 
various ways in which the tunic and mantle were 
worn. Some of these have been already described. 
Even the coat was a tunic-like garment, and the 
waistcoat and petticoat probably had a like origin. 

In England alone, as distinct from other parts 
of Great Britain, the wearing of the trouser or 
" trews," as a distinctive part of the national 
costume, was discontinued from about the beginning 
of the Saxon period, down to the nineteenth century. 
This does not, of course, mean that there were no 
examples of their use. They were (rarely) worn 
by Saxons and Normans, 1 and again from the 

1 The British trouser consisted of long loose trews, drawn tight 
at the ankle, like the trousers of bicyclists. Such trousers are still 
worn by the women of Turkey, and in other Oriental countries. 



108 THE PAST AT OUR BOOKS CHAP. 

fifteenth century by labourers and " shipmen " ; 
hence it is quite likely they may have been worn 
to some slight extent by other classes as well. In 
Ireland, the remoter parts of Scotland, and on the 
Continent, they were never quite given up. 

The English steeple-hat, from one form of which 
our modern tall " silk hat " is descended, has ap- 
peared in a number of different forms in all ages of 
our history, and has been worn by the " Sisters " at 
Castle Eising, as already stated, since 1614. 

This steeple-hat grew out of the conical hat 
worn both by the Anglo-Saxons and the Normans 
(and before their time in a looser form by the 
ancient British and Irish). It yet lingers on in 
northern France and other parts of Europe. That 
this Norman headgear was of the same origin as 
the English steeple-hat is proved by its side-wings, 
resembling the " great butterflies' wings " (as they 
were called) of the steeple-hats worn four hundred 
years ago by ladies of rank in Paris and London 
alike. 

WALES 

The forms of the old Welsh tunic and trews, 
as they were worn in the twelfth century, have 
most fortunately been preserved for us in some 
twelfth-century church-carvings of Welsh knights, 
one of which is here figured. 



THE STOEY OF OUE DEESS 109 






They show no mantle, but that it was worn 
(and of a rich dark colour) we know from 
records of the same century. 

There was even a Welsh 
" kilt," of which old stone 
monuments have preserved 
the record. This garment 
"is found delineated on an 
old figured stone preserved 
at the Knoll, near Neath." 
This is described as repre- 
senting a " rudely carved 
human figure, in a short apron 
or kilt, reaching from the 
waist to the middle of the 
legs," consisting of a series 
of folds "radiating from a 
waistband " and resembling 
a " short and thickly quilted 
petticoat," exactly like " the 
Irish figures on the shrine 
of Saint Manchan." And 
another stone in Brecknock- 
shire, ascribed to the eleventh 
century " at the very latest," 

also shows a " figure clothed in a similar short 
kilt." The famous scarlet cloak was not originally 
Welsh, but was copied from the red English cloak 




From Archceologia, XXX, 

FIG. 39. Dress of a Welsh 
Knight in twelfth cen- 
tury. From a carved 
wooden figure in Kilpeck 
Church, built about 
1134, showing the wear- 
ing of the ancient cap 
and long British "trews" 
or trousers. 



110 THE PAST AT CUE DOOES CHAP. 

of the Early Stuart period. As late as 1797 the 
scarlet cloaks of the Welsh peasant women led to 
their being taken for " red-coats " by the French, 
who surrendered to Lord Cawdor at Fishguard. 
The "Welsh" steeple -hat, which was regularly 
worn by women as late as 1870 in various parts 
of North Wales and Anglesey, was also due to the 
English steeple -hat dating from the time of the 
Stuarts. 

NATIONAL DRESS SCOTLAND 

The " plaid " which was once ridiculed as " the 
many coloured mantle of the mountain savage," due 
to the substitution of wool for skins or linen, may 
be of high antiquity, but the kilt is usually held a 
modern abridgment of the belted plaid, and it has 
even been stated that the kilt has been proved to be 
the invention of " an army tailor attached to the 
English forces employed under General Wade 
against the Jacobite insurgents of Scotland." 

Champions of the kilt claim, on the contrary, 
that a short skirt of the kilt description was worn 
in Scotland in the earliest times of which any 
record exists. They point, for instance, to several 
sculptured stones or monuments, the ages of which 
have been in each case assigned to the period 
covered by the seventh, eighth, and ninth centuries. 
These include the well-known Dupplin Cross, a 



v THE STOEY OF OUE DEESS 111 

monument at Torres, and a stone slab at Dull in 
Perthshire, all of which are said to show figures 
dressed in what is described as " the Highland 
garb, " and a stone at Nigg, which is ascribed to 
the seventh century and is said to represent a 
" kilted Highlander wearing a sporran or waist- 
purse." In the twelfth century the seals of at 
least three Scottish kings are said to represent those 
sovereigns in the " Highland garb." 

Between the twelfth and fifteenth centuries 
there are but one or two slight references to the 
Highland dress in literature, and it was on this 
account said to have fallen into disuse, at all 
events in the southern 'and more civilised parts of 
Scotland, and to have been readopted gradually 
during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. 
The enthusiasm of the Highlanders for the ancient 
garb was reawakened, it is said, in the risings 
of 17 15 and 1745, when it was assumed by 
Charles Edward, the Young Pretender. Certainly 
it is recorded in the sixteenth century that the 
" inhabitants of the western Isles [that is, of course, 
the Hebrides and other islands] delighted to wear 
' marled ' cloths, especially [those] that have long 
stripes of sundry colours. Their predecessors used 
short mantles or plaids of various colours sundry 
ways divided, and amongst some the custom is 
observed to this day, but for the most part now they 



112 THE PAST AT OUE DOOES CHAP. 

are brown, most near to the colour of the hadder 
[that is, heather] to the effect that when they lie 
among it the bright colours of their plaids shall 
not betray them." 

The importance of this sixteenth century state- 
ment is not that it forms one of the earliest satis- 
factory notices of the plaid, but that the practice 
of wearing bright-coloured plaids even in the most 
out-of-the-way parts of Scotland, appears to have 
by that time almost completely died down, its 
revival in the Highlands occurring in the next 
century. Though its stripes and chequered patterns 
were of Celtic origin, the name of the " tartan " 
cloth (as distinct from its patterns and uses) was 
derived either directly from the old French, or 
perhaps more probably introduced from England. 

As a garment the kilt, 1 according to the usual 
view, took its origin from the lower ends of what 
came to be called the belted plaid, apparently a 
substitute for the ancient Highland belted shirt 
worn as an outer garment, which was worn as a 
single undivided dress till about the end of the 
reign of James V. of Scotland. This dress, during 
the reign of the son of Queen Mary Stuart, became 

1 The fact that " kilt " meant " pleated " or "tucked up," as in 
the old song of Burns, 

I'll kilt my coats aboon [above] the knee, 
And follow my love through the water, 

has led old writers odd as it seems to a modern reader to speak 
of " Diana kilted to the knee," and even of a "kilted " Venus ! 



v THE STOEY OF OUK DEESS 113 

divided at the belt and developed into a skirt-like 
garb (the " little kilt " or " filli-beg " as it is called 
in Scotland), and a short-waisted coat worn under 
the plaid (much like the original form of the 
English sleeved waistcoat). It is said that the 
belted plaid, or fuller form of the dress, was 
especially employed by travellers and children, and 
that the little kilt was a light substitute for it, 
which was originally worn in the house. 

Though the clan tartans were bright and varied 
(the Eoyal Stuart tartan having large red squares, 
and that worn for hunting having green and blue, 
whilst that worn for dress was mainly white), the 
checked plaid of the Scottish shepherd was often 
plain white and black, in keeping with the tradition 
that the wearer's rank was at one time indicated by 
the number of colours in his dress. 

After the " mantle or plaid," an important part 
of the " Garb of old Gaul," was what was called 
the "trews," which were worn by the better class 
Highlander. These resembled what we should now 
call " trousers," though they were made of the 
" tartan cloth," and were usually close-fitting. 
They were sometimes fringed down the leg, and 
were properly made in two parts only, whereas 
the trouser has four pieces. " Trews of tartan " 
are mentioned as early as the fourteenth century, 
and were adopted as part of the dress by Charles 

I 



114 



THE PAST AT DUE BOOKS 



CHAP. 



Edward, the Pretender, and again expressly named 
in the English Act of 1747, which was brought 
in to prevent the wearing of the Highland 




Brit. Mus. 

FIG. 40. Charles Edward (the Young Pretender) wearing 
the " Plaid and Trews. " 

dress by those who sympathised with the rebels. 
This Act commanded that " neither man nor boy, 
except such as should be employed as officers and 



v THE STOEY OF OUE DEESS 115 

soldiers, should on any pretence wear or put on 
the clothes commonly called the Highland clothes, that 
is to say the plaid, ' fillibeg ' or little kilt, trouze, 
[i.e. ' trews ' or ' trousers,'] shoulder-belts or any 
part whatsoever of what peculiarly belongs to the 
Highland garb" The wearing of the trews is a 
strong link between the dress of the old Highlanders 
and that of other races of ancient Britain. 

Shoes, like those worn by the ancient British 
of untanned cowhide, or deer, or sealskin, were lately 
common in the Orkneys and Shetlands, remaining 
as when described by Froissart six hundred years 
before. The cap is more doubtful. Planche 
remarks that the "flat cloth bonnet now worn in 
Scotland does not appear to have formed part of the 
primitive costume. " If ancient," he says, " it is of 
Saxon or Norman or Danish introduction " ; the 
ancient cap was leather, and conical in shape. 
That this was its Irish form too, we shall presently 
see. On the other hand, the great feather bonnet, 
still worn by Highland regiments, is not a recent 
invention, since it was worn by Montrose when he 
joined the Highland army in Athole in 1644. 

IRELAND 

The similarity of the dress of the ancient Irish 
to the older form of the national dress worn by the 



116 



THE PAST AT OUE DOOES CHAP. 



Scottish Highlanders was once so marked that the 
identity of the two was alleged by Captain Burt in 
1726 as an argument for abolishing the national 
dress of Scotland, as that of Ireland had been. But 
despite repression, some 
features of the ancient 
Irish dress still survive. 
Of these, perhaps on the 
whole, the most striking 
survival is the hooded 
cloak, worn to this day by 
Irish country-women in 
all parts of Ireland, which 
is of the same kind as 
that worn by figures of 
women on sculptured 
monumental crosses of the 
ninth century. 

The familiar knee- 
breeches, which, when worn 
with the battered top-hat 
and ragged tail-coat of 
" Pat " or " Murphy " (so dear to the readers of 
Punch from the reckless and racy humour with 
which they are associated), if not copied from the 
costume formerly worn by Englishmen in Ireland, 
might have been derived from a short form of the 
" trews," which, among the ancient Irish, sometimes 




FIG. 41. Girl with Hooded 
Cloak. 



THE STOEY OF OUE DEESS 



117 



terminated at the knee. The " trews," long or 
short, which form a combined stocking and trouser 
may have been worn as an alternative to the kilt, 
since in all the apparently kilted figures, appearing 
in ancient 
Irish manu- 
scripts, on 
monumental 
crosses, and 
even on 
shrines of 
the eleventh 
century, the 
legs are bare. 
In the year 
1200 the 
Irish dress 
r e s e mbled 
pretty closely, 
except with 
regard to the 
tightness of 
the " trews," the costume of the ancient Gauls and 
southern Britons. Its main features consisted 
of a short-sleeved tunic or shirt, which was after- 
wards belted, a large mantle with cape and hood, 
and long close-fitting " trews." From the same 
account we learn that the clothes of the Irish were 




By courtesy of the Royal Arch. Soc. of Ireland. 

FIG. 42. Ancient Irish Kilt, according to a 
group of figures on St. Manchan's Shrine, 
in Ireland. (See account in Joyce.) 



118 



THE PAST AT OUR DOORS CHAP. 



of thin wool, " and mostly black, because the sheep 
of Ireland were in general of that colour." 

In other words they were the natural colour of 
the undyed (black) wool. But there certainly was 
then no general agreement to adopt for the cloak 

any one universal 
colour. In the Book 
of Leinster some 
warriors in the Ulster 
army had red cloaks, 
others "light blue 
cloaks," yet others 
had "deep blue" 
cloaks, and others 
again wore them of 
a green or white or 
yellow colour, " all 
bright and fluttering 
about them ; there 




FIG. 43. Irish Dress of 1200, show- 
ing ancient Irish mantle, worn 
with close-fitting "trews." 



was a young red- 
freckled lad with a crimson cloak [no doubt the son 
of a chief or a young chief himself] in their midst." 
Yet once there were rules, no doubt varying from 
place to place, to restrict the use of colours. 
For many years B.C. a slave was to be dressed in 
garments of a single or " self " colour, a farmer in 
two, and so on up to a king or queen, who wore 
six. Red (as in the instance given above), with 



THE STOEY OF OUE DKESS 119 



green and brown were the colours prescribed for 
the sons of chiefs, and the natural colours black 
and white (or grey), varied by yellow, were for the 
inferior ranks. It is clear that the ancient Irish 
valued bright 
colours, though 
their selection 
and arrangement 
differed in various 
parts of the island. 
In many cases 
the colours were 
blended, especi- 
ally in the dress 
of the chiefs. In 
the thirteenth 
and following 
centuries, how- 
ever, the scarlet 
cloak seems to 
have become 
established grad- 
ually as a prin- 
cipal recognised colour for an Irish chief. The 
cloaks made by command of King John for the 
Irish chiefs who came to visit him are recorded 
to have been scarlet, and early in the next century, 
in the year 1313, among the spoils left by the 




FIG. 44. Irish Dress of the Seventeenth 
Century, showing the scarlet mantle 
worn by chiefs, and the close-fitting 
"trews" and conical cap of their 
followers. 



120 THE PAST AT OUK DOOES CHAP. 

sons of Brian Eae, when they fled from Mortogh, 
were " shining scarlet cloaks." The scarlet mantle 
reappears in the portrait of an Irish chief, whose 
follower wears the close-fitting " trews " and the 
ancient Irish conical cap, in 1663. 

The shoes of untanned leather, which were 
formerly worn as part of the Scottish and Welsh 
costume, were worn apparently from the earliest times 
in Ireland as well. It is recorded that a fox once 
stole St. Ciaran's " brogues " (as shoes of this kind 
were called) and proceeded to devour them, but 
was captured just as he had made a meal of the 
ears and the thongs. Brogues are still worn in 
the Aran Islands off the coast. 

The present national Irish colour, green, is of 
modern origin, and was certainly not adopted before 
the battle of the Boyne(1690), for at that battle 
the Irish were distinguished by little strips of 
white paper, which they wore in their hats, and 
the English under King William, by small sprays 
of green : hence at that time green was obviously 
not the national Irish colour, which was in fact 
royal blue. 

INTERNATIONAL TYPES 

Having arrived at this point it is possible to 
take a yet wider survey. For we have seen that 
the dress of each of the races that goes to make 



v THE STOEY OF OUR DRESS 121 

up a people (such as, for instance, the people of 
Great Britain), though differing in certain minor 
features, yet agrees to a remarkable extent with the 
dress of its immediate neighbours. 

It could, indeed, easily be shown, moreover, 
that the people of Holland, Germany, Norway, Italy, 
Spain, Great Britain and France each dress in a 
style which not only agrees very largely with that 
of the other members of this group, but at the 
same time, in a way which, to some extent, helps 
to express their own national character. 

Similarly the community of style which affects 
all these nations as a whole, also distinguishes 
the European fashion of dress from that of other 
continents. There is a vast difference in general 
appearance and effect between the dress of 
Europeans and that of even the most highly 
civilised Asiatic communities. In the case of the 
British Empire the dress of the governing or 
dominant race shows, on one hand, a strong ten- 
dency to become the national dress of all the races 
that fight under its banner. On the other hand, 
this rule is much qualified by local tendencies. 

The facts already mentioned will suffice to show 
that even the most commonplace details of our 
everyday dress are fraught with problems of the 
highest possible interest, although not seldom also 
of very great perplexity. Although the Norman 



122 THE PAST AT OUK BOOKS CHAP. 

fashions, first introduced at the Conquest, swamped 
for centuries what might have been the develop- 
ment of the older forms of English costume in 
particular, yet in many cases these very same older 
forms rose under various modern guises once more 
to the surface. The result is that it is now in 
any case imperative for those who would understand 
the full significance of the various aspects of our 
national dress at the present .day, to approach the 
subject historically from a racial point of view. In 
fact it may safely be said that 

Saxon or Dane or Norman we, 
Teuton or Celt, or whatever we be, 

it is impossible quite to ignore these elements if we 
would unravel rightly the threads that compose 
this wonderful national web of ours, shot as it is 
throughout with these brilliant gleams of colour. 



CHAPTEE VI 

THE STORY OF OUR HOMES 

THOSE grandees of Spain, whom we have already 
mentioned as having praised the large diet of the 
English during their visit to this country in the 
reign of Queen Mary, upon the same occasion 



VI 



THE STOEY OF OUR HOMES 123 



qualified their praise of our national institutions by 
remarking that the English of that time made 
their houses of " sticks and dirt." The old 
chronicler who records this, evidently took this 
remark as a reflection upon the national honour, 
since he observes by way of comment that the 
Spaniards thus appear to "like better of our good 
fare in such coarse cabins, than of their own thin 
diet in their princely habitations and palaces." A 
more robust patriotism would probably have taught 
him, in the first place, that the statement, though 
made perhaps with something less than the vaunted 
Spanish courtesy of those "spacious days," probably 
went, nevertheless, to the root of the matter, and 
secondly that there was a reason, and that by no 
means a discreditable one, for the fact. 

Let us read the contemporary accounts that have 
come down to us of the Englishmen of that age, 
drawn by the master-hand of Shakespeare, or the 
praises mingled with mordant criticism in that 
stirring picture of this " haughty, free, and demo- 
cratic race," so dangerous to its foes, drawn by the 
French historian Froissart. We shall then no longer 
feel doubt that the roughness and plainness of the 
houses of the English in those days was not due 
to any incapacity on their part to build better ones, 
but simply to their inveterate contempt for soft 
lying and luxury, in other words to the lion-like 



124 THE PAST AT CUE DOOES CHAP. 

hardihood of the race. The historian Holinshed, 
indeed, definitely ascribes the fact that the lower 
classes were then content with straw, rather to an 
ignorant contempt for a pleasant bed and a soft 
pillow, than to lack of means to obtain them. 

It will now be shown, first, that our modern 
forms of staircase, window and fireside are the 
result of the slow growth of many centuries, the 
originally central position of the fireside dating 
back to the time of prehistoric Britain. Next 
it will be shown how one of the chief forms of 
house in England at the Conquest, and for hundreds 
of years afterwards, was in fact the hall. 

This was, at first, of the Saxon style, though 
modified as years went on by Norman improve- 
ments. Thus the hall, which was in fact the only 
original part of the building, and had rooms in 
the form of separate houses annexed to it, was 
developed into what we now call a "house." 

We shall next show that the clock towers of 
our country churches were originally intended for 
watch-towers, and were not of especially religious 
origin. Again, the keep was first meant to be the 
dwelling-house of the Lord of the Castle, the 
manor-house taking the place of the castle at a 
later period. Also the plan of some of our most 
ancient towns is due to their being built upon 
the site, and indeed sometimes on the very lines of 



vi THE STOEY OF OUR HOMES 125 

Eoraan towns or camping-grounds. Finally, in the 
differences of form of even our private dwellings 
(as much as in our public buildings), we may 
find, if we look, persisting through ages, the 
unmistakable impress of race. 

BOUND ABOUT OUR HOUSES 

One of the commonest sights on our railways is 
the box (as it is called) that is used for signalling, 
in many examples of which, if we stop to consider, 
we shall recognise the main features of the ancient 
pile-dwelling, which was approached by an outside 
staircase or ladder. If we further observe that 
these modern signal-boxes are frequently supported 
upon four or more posts which stand a good height 
above the ground, the space between them being 
sometimes left open and sometimes boarded in 
to serve as a storeroom, we shall have attained a 
fairly adequate idea of the most important features 
governing such old-world dwellings as were inhabited 
by sonie of our remotest ancestors. 1 

The ground-floor in early times was frequently 
a mere storeroom, which in some cases must have 
been produced by boarding or fencing in the space 
between the posts of a pile-dwelling a process 

1 The posts or " staddles " of timber or stone upon which many of 
our barns or granaries arc built, to preserve the grain from the 
onslaughts of rats and mice, represent the pile-dwelling principle. 



126 



THE PAST AT OUE DOOES 



CHAP. 



which can still be seen going on in some parts of 
the world among pile-dwelling races. It did not, 




FIG. 45. Old House in Sweedon's Passage, Grub Street, London 

(early nineteenth century). 
"A singularly curious specimen of an external winding staircase." 

therefore, originally form a portion of the house or 
living-part of the building, a fact the more easily 



vi THE STORY OF OUE HOMES 127 

remembered if we reflect that in every storeyed house 
in the country it is not the ground-floor, but the storey 
above it, which is called the " first " floor. Down 
to the reign of King Henry III. an outer stair of 
wood was much used for manor-houses, and as late 
as 1773, Dr. Samuel Johnson, travelling in the 
Hebrides, observed that one of the commonest 
types of house built in those parts had two storeys, a 
living-room upstairs, which was reached by an outer 
staircase, and a mere storeroom on the ground- 
floor, which could only be entered from above by 
an inner stair, descending within the building. 

The inner staircase, like the outer one, was 
originally a mere wooden ladder. 1 

Even King Henry III. reached his chapel from his 
chamber at Clarendon by means of a " descending 
trap," and in some old-fashioned country cottages a 
ladder, with or without a trap, still forms the only 
means of communication between the two floors. 
In a majority of cases the use of a wooden ladder 
is still the only way of reaching the trap-door 
which opens into the loft. By gradual stages both 
the outside and inside ladders were made easier. 
Oaken or stone blocks, roughly hewn, took the place 
of the rungs, and in the course of a few centuries 
the " Tudor " staircase resulted. 

1 It is chiefly the steepness of the angle that makes a distinction 
between ladder and stair. 



128 THE PAST AT OUE DOOES CHAP. 

The early house-ladder had consisted of but a 
single set or flight of steps. Necessarily, however, 
as the " house " grew upwards and added storey 
to storey, the ladder grew too, and the stairs in 
many modern town houses have now so many 
flights that they are frequently replaced, or supple- 
mented by lifts. Stairs in counting are reckoned 
either by pairs, or flights, the word " pair " in this 
connection meaning, however, not a couple of stairs, 
but a set. Thus a " three-pair-front " or a " four- 
pair-back " is a room at the back or front of the 
house, which is reached by three or four " pairs " or 
sets of stairs respectively. 1 

In concluding this matter of the stairs, we may 
note that the words " balustrade " and " baluster," 
of which " banister" is a corruption, are from an old 
Greek word (balaustiori) meaning " wild pomegranate 
flower," which was at first given to railings carved 
according to a particular pattern resembling the 
double curve of the cup or " calyx " of that flower. 

Another improvement which the Normans, if 
they did not invent it, at least did much to popu- 
larise, was the chimney, the older meaning of which 
was a " fireplace," for which (though in a slightly 
altered sense) we thus retain the Norman name. 

1 A similar expression once in use was a "pair of cards" 
(for a "pack "), and a pair of organs meant a set of organ pipes, 
and hence an organ. 



vi THE STOEY OF OUB, HOMES 129 

In a hall of the Anglo-Saxon type, and no doubt 
at first in Anglo-Norman halls as well, the hearth 
was usually placed in the centre of the building, the 
smoke being allowed to escape through an opening 
in the roof called a louver (that is, " smoke-hole "), or 
in later times, when adapted for letting in the light, 
a " lantern." But of course this arrangement allowed 
the smoke to wander about the hall, and must at 
times have caused much discomfort to the guests. 

Still, the size of the hall must frequently have 
lessened even this inconvenience, and the Normans 
soon improved matters by adding to the hearth a 
low back wall (or " reredos ") with a funnel-shaped 
canopy or hood for catching the smoke, which, from 
its resemblance to a round cloak or "mantle," they 
called a mantle-piece. 

But though, so far as is known, no " side-flue " 
or chimney in the side wall of Norman times 
remains, it is now thought certain that such 
chimneys were introduced at quite an early period, 
not in the hall but in other parts of the building. 
It was thus in use at the same time as the central 
fireplace, and explains the " chamber with a 
chimney" mentioned in Piers Plowman. 

For the hall being open to the roof, there was 
nothing to obstruct the free passage of the smoke 
upwards. But the chambers at the side of the hall 
were built one above the other, so that the smoke 

K 



130 THE PAST AT OUE DOOES CHAP. 

from the lower rooms would be obstructed by the 
rooms above them. Hence, from a very early period, 
side-flues were used, at all events in such chambers. 

These early chimneys, however, did not lead 
into each other, and were very unlike our modern 
chimneys, being little more than a large gradually 
ascending funnel or cavity made in the thickness of 
the wall, a sort of elongation of the hood, in fact, 
with a vertical opening at the small upper end or 
" throat," towards which the flue rapidly diminished. 
An example of one of these strange funnels is in 
the castle wall at Hedingham in Essex. 

The custom of the central hearth persisted for 
centuries, and in a few cases survived right down to 
modern times. The hall of Westminster School had 
a central fireplace down to 1850, and even within 
living memory a central fireplace was employed in 
the hall of Lincoln College at Oxford, and the 
great hall of St. John's College at Cambridge was 
warmed by the help of two lighted braziers, standing 
in the middle of the room. 

As already stated, the older meaning of 
" chimney " was what we should now call a " fire- 
place," and the knowledge of this fact enables us 
to understand the real meaning of the expression 
" chimney-corner," of which our grandfathers were 
so fond. This old-fashioned " chimney-corner," 
which was also called the " ingle-nook " (from an 



vi THE STOEY OF OUK HOMES 131 

old word " ingle " which meant " fire "), was a corner 
of the fireplace in days not yet passed out of living 
memory. An open fireplace was then general, and 
this often of such a size that its sides were hung 
with hams and flitches of bacon, whilst the inmates 
of the house sat by, enjoying the cheerful blaze. 

In many parts of the country these quaint 
chimney-corners are still to be seen, and with them 
the spacious old chimneys of former days, so wide 
that on looking up almost any one of them which 
happen to be out of use, we can see the sky, as well 
as the projecting bricks that stud their sides, arranged 
ladder- wise from top to bottom inside the flue, as foot- 
hold for the little sweep- boys who had to climb them. 

It was in " old-fashioned " fireplaces such as 
those of which we have been speaking that there 
took place the silent and almost imperceptible 
revolution to which we owe our modern grate. The 
word " coal " was for centuries applied to burnt or 
glowing wood, as in the modern " char-coal." 

Strange as it may seem, though we first hear of 
coal in England in the twelfth century (and though 
it has always been used locally since then, more 
especially in the coal-fields of the north of England), 
it was not till quite a late period (the reign of 
William III.) that coal-fires came into anything like 
general use. For this curious fact, popular pre- 
judice seems to have been mainly responsible. For 



132 THE PAST AT OUK BOOKS CHAP. 

it was believed previously that the fumes of coal- 
smoke were a deadly poison to all who had to 
breathe them, so much so that the burning of coal 
was made illegal, and it is recorded that in the reign 
of Edward I. (1306) a man was actually put to 
death for burning sea-coal in London. 

Before this modern popularisation of coal, tho 
customary fuel for many centuries past had been 
wooden billets, which were supported commonly 
upon a sort of iron trestles called "andirons" or 
fire-dogs, between which were placed some lower 
irons called creepers. The front ends of these were 
often much decorated. Shakespeare describes the 
andirons of Imogen's chamber as having 
two winking cupids 

Of silver, each on one foot standing nicely, 

Depending on their brands. 

These andirons, or, as they were later called, "cob- 
irons " upon the introduction of coal were connected 
by bars and thus transformed into a grate or basket 
(the word is a mere variant of crate) called "dog-grate," 
because formed from " fire-dogs." And these latter, 
named from their shape, appear in French in 1317. 

The "back -plate" followed; a bright metal 
ornament or " fret," still to be seen especially on 
kitchen stoves, 1 was attached under the lowest bar ; 

1 The word stove was originally a heated room, and is mentioned 
in 1627 as a "stove, or hothouse." In Germany the word stube 
still retains the meaning of a chamber. 



vi THE STOEY OF OUE HOMES 133 

the grate itself was " fixed " for convenience' sake by 
making the cob-irons fast to the back wall, and the 
open space at each side, where the chimney-corner 
had been, filled in with side-piers or " hobs." The 
latter name was transferred from the two raised 
stones at each side of the old-fashioned flat open 
hearth between which the embers were generally 
confined. The bent pieces of sheet-iron, still used 
in our kitchens, represent the earliest form of 
fender, intended to prevent the brands or cinders 
from falling out upon the wooden floor. 

It remains to mention the development of our 
modern fire-irons, which naturally received a fresh 
impulse from the employment of coal. The intro- 
duction of a set closely corresponding to those still 
in use can be approximately dated by a list of 
wedding presents of the reign of King James I. In 
this we read of an invention consisting of a " fire- 
shovel, tongs, irons, creepers, and all other furniture 
of a chimney, of silver, 5 ' with a " cradle," that is 
grate, " of silver to burn sea-coal." Although this 
assuredly does not mean that our present fire-irons 
were never used in any form before this date, it is 
certain that all of them, but especially the poker, 
must have become much more of a necessity when 
the use of coal became general. 

We must remember that it was not every house 
in the old days that had a chimney at all, for in 



134 THE PAST AT OUE DOOES CHAP. 

about the year 1200, when chimneys were used, only 
one chimney was allowed to a castle-hall and one 
to a manor-house. Other houses were allowed a 
raised hearth, with a " rere-dos " or back-piece. 

In later times, these back-pieces developed into 
the well-known and often beautifully designed iron 
" fire-backs " of Sussex. The privilege of having a 
private hearth was at this time highly valued, and 
it was not surprising to read that on many occasions, 
in 1516, for example, the right to use a fire was 
bequeathed by a dying man to his widow. The 
use of chimneys did not become at all general till 
the reign of Elizabeth, when we read of the 
" multitude of chimneys lately erected." 

The curfew, of which we have all heard so much, 
was a large copper hood, which, upon the tolling of 
the curfew bell, was put over the fire as an 
extinguisher. It was not, as so often stated, a 
mark of subjection imposed by the Conqueror upon 
an unwilling country, though no doubt the law 
enforcing its use was at first harshly administered. 

The curfew custom at the time of the Norman 
invasion was already established in France, Spain, 
and Italy, and even in Scotland, and had been en- 
forced locally in England in the reign of King 
Alfred. It can therefore only be regarded as a 
perfectly reasonable and even necessary regula- 
tion of police, adopted as a precaution against fire, 



vi THE STOEY OF OUK HOMES 135 

at a time when nearly all houses were built of 
timber. 

The curfew bell is still rung, without any com- 
pulsion whatever, in many country churches ; and 
complete lists of all such churches have been com- 
piled. One of the most curious cases is that of 
St. Mary -le- Moor at Wallingford in Berkshire 
where the bell was rung to welcome William the 
Conqueror on his arrival straight from the battle- 
field at Hastings. In return for this compliment 
it can scarcely be called loyalty to his cause, 
Duke William granted permission for the curfew 
bell to be rung at 9 P.M., and lights to be put out an 
hour later than in most other places, a practice which 
(it is claimed) has been kept up ever since 1066. 

The word " window " originally meant " wind- 
eye " L and unlike "sky -light" 2 a name which 
equally indicated its original purpose was at first 
intended for ventilation rather than light. In the 
walls of barns, even down to the present day, we 
can see what these early windows were like, and 

1 " Windeye" : this is of old Norse origin. The Anglo-Saxon 
expressions were " eye-thrill" (where "thrill" means "hole" as 
in nostril = nose-thrill), or "eye-door." 

2 The word "light," as applied to what wo should now call a 
window, is like "lattice" (a structure of crossed laths) of very 
ancient use, and this sense of the word survives in such an ex- 
pression as that of "ancient lights," an inscription often put on 
the wall of a building as a warning that the owner will have 
ground of action against any one who in any way attempts to 
obstruct the light given by his windows. 



136 THE PAST AT CUE DOOES CHAP. 

how closely they sometimes resembled the loop- 
holes in a castle wall. In the earliest times they 
were often merely narrow vertical slits or perhaps a 
symmetrical arrangement of small round holes. 

Before the introduction of glass, when windows, 
as we now understand the term, were employed for 
light -giving purposes, they were usually either 
covered or closed by shutters at night. In the 
former case they were covered with oiled linen or 
some other substitute for glass, such as horn, and it 
is a remarkable fact that horn panes are still to be 
seen in the windows of the ancient Talbot Inn at 
Oundle, which was built in 1626. 

Glass was employed in England before the end 
of the seventh century, but this was in the form 
of stained church windows, and then the workmen 
for this purpose had to be imported (e.g. by Bishop 
Benedict at Wearmouth and Jarrow). It was not 
till some centuries later that it was used to any 
appreciable extent for private houses, and glass- 
making was not at all general in England till the 
reign of William and Mary, who may have en- 
couraged the industry, long established in Holland. 

Even the rich do not appear to have made use 
of glass windows in their mansions at all commonly 
before the days of Elizabeth, and the great and 
prohibitive cost even then made such windows a 
luxury beyond the reach of any one else. As glass 



vr THE STOEY OF OUK HOMES 137 

grew cheaper, the windows of the wealthy were 
made as large and as numerous as possible, for the 
purpose of display. Hardwick Hall, for instance, 
came to be described in an old rhyme as having 
"more glass than wall." In 1753 the window tax 
was first charged, and some idea of its burdensome- 
ness can be inferred from the fact that, to take a 
single example, a tax amounting to fifteen shillings 
and sixpence levied in that year had risen, by 1817, 
to nearly ten pounds. Naturally this not only re- 
stricted the number of windows, but caused those 
already existing to be bricked up. This explains 
why, in old houses of this period, we often see so 
many bricked-up windows, and why many of those 
in existence were so small. 

The hinged " casement," which had grown out 
of the ancient wooden shutter, was the immediate 
predecessor of our modern " sashed " window, and 
so precious were once the squares of glass of which 
it was composed that even people of rank some- 
times carried them about in their carriages from one 
mansion to another, so as to make one set do for 
several houses, or else had them taken out whenever 
they left home, and laid up till their return. 

We may at the same time note, that the word 
"pane," which is now applied to a window alone, 
originally meant a patch, rag, or piece of cloth. 
In the time of Queen Elizabeth it meant either an 



138 THE PAST AT OUR DOORS CHAP. 

opening or " slash " in a dress (intended for dis- 
playing the garments beneath or for inserting 
pieces of cloth of other colours) ; or the diamond- 
shaped markings made on a quilted coat by sewing 
it across in diagonal lines, whence it came to be 
used for the diamond-shaped panes of a casement 
window. The expression " paned with yellow " of a 
man's clothing occurs in 1592, and a " pane of glass " 
thirty -five years later. The diminutive form of 
" pane," which has much the same meaning, is panel. 
Sashed windows, such as we now use, came in 
under Charles the First, and were general in the 
reign of Queen Anne. In the most modern times 
the general revival of interest in many old institu- 
tions and customs has led to the revived use of the 
casement window in many new buildings. This 
helps us the better to realise the descriptions in our 
poets, from the time of Shakespeare, who describes 
Juliet's " window' " as a " casement/' down to that of 
Keats, who almost within living memory wrote of 

the song that ofttimes hath 
Charmed magic casements, opening on the foam 
Of perilous seas, in faery lands forlorn 

an expression of the rarest felicity, as is the same 
poet's splendid description of the " casement high 
and triple-arched " in the Eve of St. Agnes. 

A piece of furniture occasionally influencing the 
structure of the house is the bed, which among the 



vi THE STORY OF OUE HOMES 139 

ancient Britons was usually of skins spread on the 
floor, for which the Romans of the occupation 
substituted rushes or heather. The Saxon beds 
among the poorer classes were sacks filled with 
fresh straw, which were laid upon benches, though 
actual bedsteads were enjoyed by people of rank. 
This use of straw continued for centuries after- 
wards ; indeed it was employed even in the king's 
bedchamber, down to the earlier part of the 
fifteenth century. A quaint instruction to the 
royal bedmakers of that period was that " a yeoman 
with a dagger was to search the straw of the King's 
bed, that there be no untruth therein the bed 
of down to be cast upon that." But in those early 
days (as has been said) our robust fellow-country- 
men had a healthy contempt for a soft couch, and 
it was not usually therefore due to lack of means 
if their bed was a hard one. When bedsteads 
were used they commonly took the forms of what 
was then called the " standing - bed," and the 
" truckle " or " trundle-bed," the latter (which was 
used for servants and children) being a low flat 
bed on castors, that could be pushed underneath 
the big bedstead of the master or parents during 
the daytime, and pulled out again at night, if so 
wished, when required for use. 

The name of the still familiar " tester " is taken 
from an old French word meaning " head," a tester- 



140 THE PAST AT OUE DOORS CHAP, 

bed being a bed with a large " head," commonly 
protected by curtains. The old-fashioned " four- 
poster " was a bed of this kind protected by curtains 
at the foot as well. Such beds were originally the 
privilege of rank, but like many other royal fashions, 
they were eventually copied, first by the nobles, 
then by people of lower degree. 

A fact that may seem rather hard to realise 
at first is that the idea of having a separate bed 
for each individual was by no means universally 
prevalent in the Britain of our ancestors, and that 
it was often considered a mark of respect to set 
apart a separate bed for a guest. Of ancient 
Ireland it is recorded that certain poets, who were 
paying a visit to one of the Kings of Connaught, 
were so unreasonable as to insist that they should 
each have a separate bed. To this custom we may 
ascribe the employment of such huge old beds in 
England as the " great bed of Ware," which is said 
to have been twelve feet square, and big enough for 
at least twenty people. When Shakespeare speaks 
of " as many lies as will lie in this sheet of paper, 
though the sheet were big enough for the bed of 
Ware in England," it is to this bed that he refers. 

In houses of the better class peasantry, the bed 
was frequently made in a cupboard, or built into 
a special recess, a fact which may help us to 
remember that in ancient England the "sleeping- 



VI 



THE STOEY OF OUK HOMES 141 



house " or " bed-house " was very frequently either 
a separate structure or an annex to the hall. In 
many country cottages to this day, particularly in 
Scotland, a special recess is made in the wall, into 
which is fitted a bunk, or perhaps even one of those 
wonderful contrivances described in Goldsmith's 
immortal poem as a " bed by night, a chest of 
drawers by day." 

Down to quite modern times well-to-do people 
used to travel with their bed in their carriages ; and 
an instance of this, no doubt not the latest, was 
recorded in 1840. This custom now takes the 
form of travelling by sleeping-car on the railway. 

At the foot of the bed, as we may see in many 
old pictures, was usually kept a large chest of 
the kind made famous by the sad story of the 
" Mistletoe Bough " in which money and articles 
of value, or family heirlooms, such as ladies' 
trousseaux, were safeguarded. These chests were 
formerly of massive workmanship, and sometimes 
most richly carved or painted ; examples of such 
chests may still be met with in England, as well as 
on the Continent, for instance in Norway, where 
beautifully decorated or carved chests of this kind 
are still quite common. 1 

The " wardrobe " of those days was, as a rule, not 

1 Sir Laurence Gomme tells us that similar chests once held 
the joint property of the early village community. 



142 THE PAST AT OUK DOORS CHAP. 

a cupboard but a small room, fitted up with what 
we should now call " clothes -cupboards." In 
London the name of a church called " St. And re w- 
by-the- Wardrobe " survives to show that the ward- 
robe, which in this case was that of the Queen, 
might even take the form of a separate building, 
In 1258 an order was given to make two "cup- 
boards or armoiries " in the " King's upper ward- 
robe, in Winchester Castle, where the King's cloths 
were deposited." This record is of special interest 
as showing how the " cupboard " came to be used 
in the same way as the " armoiry " or " armoury," 
in which the Knights' gear originally hung. 

In the fifteenth century, however, the original 
cupboard still survived as a kind of" side-board," that 
is, an arrangement of shelves or boards at the side of 
the hall, upon which the services of plate and gold 
and " cups," or other drinking- vessels were ranged. 

Even in Elizabeth's reign we meet with the 
expression " thoroughly gilded, as the silver plate 
upon their cupboards." One such hall-cupboard, 
which was used at the wedding of Prince Arthur, 
son of Henry VII., contained plate worth 20,000, 
and was built in five stages or steps, which were 
covered with a cloth, and had the cups displayed 
upon them. So too abroad, in a German book 
of 1587 there was a similar picture of one of 
these ancient cupboards, which was used during 



VI 



THE STORY OF OUK HOMES 143 



the ceremonies at Prague, when the Grand Duke 
Ferdinand of Austria invested the Emperor and 
the Grand Dukes Carl and Ernest with the order of 







FIG. 46. A Eoyal Hall of the fourteenth to fifteenth 
century, showing a " Dresser " or " Cup-Board " in five 
tiers, the prerogative of royalty, for display of plate. 

[Note the use of the steeple-hat in all stages, and similarity of 
dress worn both by some of the men and women the women's 
hats have veils.] 

the Golden Fleece. This latter cupboard also had 
five steps, and this leads us to the fact that by a 
strange rule of etiquette, cupboards of five such 



144 THE PAST AT OUK DOORS CHAP. 

steps were at that time the exclusive mark and 
privilege of royalty ; the nobility of all grades might 
have cupboards built in from two to four steps only, 
according to their rank, and plain gentlemen might 
have cupboards of only a single step. 

This is a point of much interest, since it helps 
us the better to recognise in this ancient hall- 
cupboard our modern kitchen dresser. Quotations 
show further that the former application of the 
word " dresser " was to a table in the dining-room 
or hall, from which dishes were served or on which 
plate was displayed. In a translation of the works 
of the French historian Froissart (1525) we read of 
" all the plate of gold that was served in the palace 
at the dresser." That the courtly practice was 
imitated by country-folk in a country manner is 
amusingly shown by the allusion in Shakespeare's 
Taming of the Shrew (iv. i. 166) and the remark of 
Harrison, in the middle of the same century, that 
there were farmers then who had " a fair garnish 
of pewter on their cupboards." 

Thus the modern kitchen dresser represented the 
old hall cup-board or side-board of a single stage, 
the space under the step being filled in with a 
cupboard during the fifteenth to sixteenth centuries. 
Henry VIII. paid a joiner " for eight cup-boards, 
some with aumbreys [really arms-cupboards] and 
some without." And it was besides in the same king's 



vi THE STOKY OF OUR HOMES 145 

reign that the dresser or " dressor," as it was then 
called, was discarded from the hall or principal 
apartment, and the name was first applied, as now, 
to a, piece of kitchen furniture. 

Even the very " paper " 1 on the walls will tell us 
something of its history, when we discover that the 
older name for wall-paper was "wall-hangings," or 
more simply " hangings." We even find in a Journal 
called the London Gazette, published in 1718, a 
reference to " paper painted or stained for hangings," 
and at a yet later date (1752) we find it still 
actually called " hanging-paper." So we see that 
" wall-paper " is merely a modern cheap substitute 
for the once beautifully figured and embroidered 
" hangings " of tapestry, first mentioned in Anglo- 
saxon times as " wall-clothing," and portrayed by 
poets of all ages in our history down to Keats, who 
gave us that vivid picture of an ancient mansion 
during a storm, in which 

The arras, rich with huntsman, hawk and hound, 

Fluttered in the besieging wind's uproar, 

And the long carpets rose along the gusty floor. 

The particular kind of tapestry, which went by the 
appellation of " arras," got its name from the town 
of Arras in France, wliere it used to be made, and 
the English material called "worsted," which was 
very much employed for wall-hangings in the 
fourteenth century, came from the village of 

1 See page 199. L 



146 THE PAST AT OUE DOOES CHAP. 

Worsted, near Norwich. These wall-hangings were 
anciently called " hallings," and were so valuable 
that they were frequently bequeathed in wills, an 
instance being the will of the Black Prince who left 
to his son Eichard " a hall of worsted that is, 
tapestry for a hall embroidered with mermaids of 
the sea and a red and black border " vertically striped 
and " broidered with swans with ladies' heads" as well 
as a " hall of ostrich feathers, of black tapestry with 
a red border wrought with swans with ladies' heads " 
to the church at Canterbury, a "hall" embroidered 
with eagles and griffins to the Princess his wife. 
In Scotland it was, however, so rare that even King 
James V., when he travelled, had to carry tapestry, 
from one palace to another. 

Down to the sixteenth century the ceiling was 
nothing but the under side of the floor above, which 
was often richly carved or panelled. Its name is 
corrupted from the Latin word for " heaven," which 
came to be used to express a similar idea, and 
traces of this Latin usage also survive in the 
modern French del and other modern languages ; 
indeed even in the German name, the sense of 
" heaven " is preserved, though the form of the word 
is different. In 1350, the expression " a heaven of 
cloth of gold " is employed in the sense of a 
canopy, and so far back as the eleventh century 
such expressions as " house-heaven " and " heaven- 



VI 



THE STOEY OF OUK HOMES 147 



roof" were the Anglo-Saxon names for the ceiling 
of a room. 

Both wall-hangings and carpets l were first used 
principally for churches for which purpose carpets 
were specially made at Eamsey in Huntingdonshire. 
In the thirteenth century, however, Don Sanchez, 
Archbishop of Toledo, and half-brother of our 
own queen Eleanor, brought some rich carpets and 
hangings with him to England for his sister's rooms. 
This fact occasioned the criticism that the Queen was 
" having her apartments adorned with costly hang- 
ings like a church and carpeted after the Spanish 
fashion" 

But nevertheless, the royal example was soon 
eagerly followed, and found its way even into the 
houses of well-to-do farmers, whence it spread 
gradually over the entire country. 

In concluding these remarks we may note that 
there being no furniture-makers in those early days 
even the sovereign, as, for example, Henry III., had 
to order the purchase of "a great beech tree to 
be made into tables for the royal kitchens at 

1 Before the use of carpets, floors frequently consisted of the 
natural soil rammed down. Indeed, the floor of the hall, below 
the raised platform or "dais," was significantly termed the 
"marsh." The extreme rarity of boarded floors at this date 
appears from the fact that King Henry III. ordered a room on the 
ground-floor in Windsor Castle to be "boarded like a ship," the 
employment of such a metaphor showing how unfamiliar the idea 
must then have been. 



148 THE PAST AT OUE DOOES CHAP. 

Westminster." The " upholsterer " of later days 
was at this time an auctioneer, and got his name 
from being an " upholder " or " uphold-ster " of 
various articles of furniture; in other words, he 
" held them up " at auction. This is why we find 
in Piers Plowman "upholders on the hill shall have 
it to sell," the hill in question being the Cornhill 
in London. Even as late as 1*750 at the Grey 
Coat Hospital in London, an order was given "to 
Mr. Goff, the upholder, for a bedstead, bedding and 
curtains," and in 1762 a further sum is again 
recorded as having been paid to Mr. Goff, "the 
upholsterer " ; this was certainly the same individual. 
The Court Upholsterer or Tapissier, as he is called 
(from being at first a worker in tapestry), is to 
this day an officer of our own Eoyal household. 



CHAPTEE VII 

THE STORY OF OUR HOMES (continued) 

ENGLAND 

THE vast majority of the people in these islands 
dwell in buildings which may be described either 
as a house (properly so called) or a cottage, the 
difference between the two types consisting in the 
fact that the house is almost always provided with 



vii THE STOEY OF OUK HOMES 149 

an entrance passage or hall, which is wanting in 
the cottage. Down to the fifteenth century, 
labourers' cottages or cabins in England still took 
the form of a single undivided room, with three 
apertures for window, door and chimney (often 
with no fireplace at all), and a hurdle across the 
centre to separate the children from the pigs, sheep 
and chickens. These cabins were for the most 
part extremely small, and till the reign of Henry 
IT. were not only usually of wood, but of so slight 
a character that that king was able to issue a 
command for " the houses of heretics " to be 
" carried outside the town and burnt." 

The practice of building in wood went back 
to Anglo-Saxon times, as is shown by the Anglo- 
Saxon words " to timber " and " tree-wright/' which 
meant build and builder respectively. Even when 
stone was substituted for wood as the building 
material, the ancient methods of timber construction 
were still followed, as appears, for instance, very 
clearly in the tower of the church at Earls Barton. 

Going back to a much earlier period, although a 
cabin or " square box " type of hut (either with or 
without holes for window, door and chimney) was 
certainly known as far back as the Stone Age, yet 
the general form which the hut then took was un- 
doubtedly round, and of this there is plentiful proof 
in the remains that are found in the remoter parts 



150 THE PAST AT OUR DOORS CH AP. 

of Great Britain. Of the round type there are 
several survivals even at the present day. Among 
these are the round charcoal-burner's hut with its 
turfed walls, examples of which may be seen as 




ISy courtesy of Mr. S. Haztiedine Warren. 

FIG. 47. Charcoal-Burner's Hut, Epping Forest. A modern repre- 
sentative of one kind of Prehistoric Round Hut, showing the 
upright form of door now taking the place of the inclined doors 
formerly cut in the slope of the turfed hut-walls. 

near London as Epping Forest. There are also the 
bell tent of our soldiers and the round "summer- 
house" still to be found in many old-fashioned 
gardens, which are similarly built upon the plan of 
a round prehistoric cottage. 



vii THE STOEY OF OUR HOMES 151 

The use of the term " summer house " in the 
last instance, indeed, is significant, for the earliest 
summer-house was a rough temporary shelter erected 
in summer and for the use of the men who drove 
the cattle, as was then generally the case, to the 
upland pastures where they fed in summer. The 
opposite of this term was winter-house, which was 
similarly employed in reference to this most ancient 
and widespread custom of wandering peoples. In the 
Bible, in the book of Amos, we find " I will smite 
the winter house with the summer house ; and the 
houses of ivory shall perish . . . saith the Lord." 

The principal unit from which the English 
house was ultimately derived was, on the other 
hand, undoubtedly the hall. Most of us know that 
even down to the present day the front door 
frequently opens into what is still called the " hall " 
most frequently the merest apology for an 
entrance or ante-room with rooms above it. This 
small confined passage, which still in most cases 
forms a connexion between the living-rooms of the 
family and the servants' quarters, is certainly the 
true though degraded survival of the once magnificent 
banqueting-room of our ancestors, at once in by- 
gone days the largest, most important, and, indeed, 
only original part of the ancient dwelling-house. 1 

1 Westminster Hall, though not the oldest, is perhaps, out of 
many, the most illustrious example that yet remains to us. 



152 THE PAST AT OUE DOOES CHAP. 

Thus we see that, like so many other of the 
most important factors in our modern civilisation, 
the English house has been built up by the 
successive incorporation of several units in one, as 
a result of the slow but steady growth of centuries. 
This fact, if we reflect, may lend some interest 
even to the dullest and most forbidding in appear- 
ance of all our modern houses. It is, indeed, this 
old importance of the hall that explains why many 
old manor-houses and other mansions, both in town 
and country, coming down to us from a time when 
the hall was an even more prominent feature than 
in a castle, still retain " The Hall " as their simple 
designation a term which is applied by a yet 
further extension, to the chief house in a parish, 
irrespective of its form. 

The ancient Danes, Norwegians, Anglo-Saxons 
and Germans (and no doubt the Normans too) all 
built various forms of the hall. But though they 
each of them moulded it after their own ideas, and 
in accordance with their own requirements and 
materials, thus causing much difference of detail, 
yet the central idea of a joint living-room for the 
community, supported when large on a double row 
of pillars and open to the roof, was familiar to all 
of them. It can be traced to this day throughout 
Europe as the modern representative of the ancient 
tribal building of all the races that employed it. 



vii THE STOEY OF OUK HOMES 153 

In those far distant days the rooms of what we 
should call a " house " were not combined as a single 
building under one roof; the hall was, in fact, the 
primitive house, and any additions that were made 
to it at first took the form of separate structures, 
each of which was itself called a " house " as well. 

This explains why in old records we find what 
would now be several parts of the same building 
described separately as the "bake-house," "larder- 
house," " spinning-house," "fire-house " or hall, and so 
forth, all of which were under separate roofs. 

The royal manor-houses of Henry III. comprised 
an enclosure in which the buildings, still perfectly 
isolated, were dotted about at random all over the 
ground. For the sake of convenience, however, they 
were soon connected by covered ways, in order that, 
as is actually recorded, the Queen might walk from 
her chamber to her chapel " with a dry foot." 

By gradual steps of this kind, the ordinary house, 
beginning with the hall, acquired private chambers 
in the form of an annex at the upper end, or side, 
of the hall for the family, and kitchens, storerooms, 
barns, and eventually servants' rooms, and other 
offices at the opposite extremity. 

As time went on, the hall with these annexes 
came to be combined under a single roof. One fact 
that helped to make this development necessary 
was the gradual disuse and desertion of the hall, 



154 THE PAST AT OUE DOOES CHAP. 

which of course no longer required to be built 
of such a size, when the practice of sharing the 
common ineal in it came to be abandoned. 

In Piers Plowman (1360-1390) we read how 
this form of luxury gradually crept in, and we may 
readily guess how stoutly it must have been con- 
demned and combated by those who (like the poet 
of the Vision) clung to the ancient fashions : 

Now hath each rich a rule | to eat by themselves 

In a private parlour | for poor men's sake, 1 

Or in a chamber with a chimney 2 | and leave the chief hall, 

That was made for meals | to be eaten in. 

This stage in the history of the hall eventually 
left it as a mere entrance-room or passage, giving 
communication equally with the rooms occupied 
by master and servants. It also gradually helped 
to bring about a practice either of building the 
walls higher than before, so as to allow for the 
conversion of the higher part of the building into 
an upper storey or "sleeping-loft," or of adding 
fresh rooms at the side or end of the hall. The 
"up-floor," as the Saxons had called it, was after- 
wards lighted by a couple of dormer windows. 

The hall part of the house usually stood with its 
long side to the front, the annexed buildings flank- 
ing it, usually at right angles, flush with the front. 

1 I.e. to avoid the poor. 
2 Fireplace. 



vii THE STOEY OF OUE HOMES 155 

This general plan was often adopted for old manor- 
houses, rectories, and farm-houses, usually, of course, 
with farm buildings attached. In the towns, the 
houses were generally erected with the gable-end 
abutting on the street-front. 

We have seen how the English hall was made 
into what we should now call a house, both by 
bringing together a number of small independent 
houses under the cover of one roof, and by building 
fresh rooms above them. Both these principles can 
be seen carried out, often on an extremely extensive 
scale, in our modern public buildings, and even in 
many private ones. 

In some of the huge industrial cities of to-day, 
the greatly increased cost of building land has 
stimulated what may be called the " piling-up pro- 
cess," until the structure becomes in many cases a 
vast and overpowering mass of masonry of the kind 
often humorously styled a " sky-scraper." 

Each successive storey is, usually, the monotonous 
counterpart of the one that went before, and if 
during our walks we look at the houses or shop- 
fronts in almost any large town, we shall even see 
some characteristic features that once formed a 
structural part of the first-floor or ground -floor 
(such as " floor " projections and columns or pillars), 
employed over and over again to decorate each 
successive storey, until the roof is reached. 



156 THE PAST AT OUE DOOES CHAP. 

The most picturesque of these characteristic 
repetitions is perhaps that of the projecting part 
of the first-floor, which was a development of the 
timber-built house. 1 In England it was called, in 
the time of Shakespeare at least, a " jutty " or " jetty," 
from its jutting forwards, this enabling it to protect 
the goods exposed for sale in the street below. 

It seems clear from its name that the " solar," or 
sun-chamber, which was given to the upper storey 
in earlier times, and is still used on the Con- 
tinent, was introduced into England by the Normans, 
who grafted it upon the typical English hall. In 
a famous old Norman poem of the thirteenth 
century, the subject of which is the life of St. 
Alban, a clerk upon arriving at Verulam (the old 
name of St. Albans) tells us that he there found 
" a stone Palace which was no cottage " (he means 
that it was a house of great size), " with solars and 
storeys, and great cellars below." 

It is interesting to find the " sun-chamber " here 
coupled with the " cellar," because the Eomans 
employed the arch for vaulting their cellars, and 
thus we are led to the fact that this form of con- 
struction, though adopted by the Normans, must 
have been originally derived, like the " solar," from 
the Eomans themselves. 

1 See illustration on p. 188. It is absent from Norman churches 
and castles, in which the material used is stone. 



vii THE STOEY OF OUE HOMES 157 

With the softening of manners in England and 
the increasing desire for privacy, there had grown 
up, by slow degrees, the idea of having private 
rooms or " chambers " (as the Normans called them), 
designed for the various requirements of the family. 
These chambers, which by the thirteenth century 
were located on the upper floor and were reached 
by an outer staircase, included the parlour or 
conversation -room the name of which is taken 
from an old Norman word connected with our 
own word parley, which properly means to " talk " 
the drawing-room which, down to quite modern 
times, still retained its early fifteenth -century 
name of " withdrawing-roorn," from its being the 
room to which the family, more especially the ladies, 
" withdrew " and the dining-room or eating-room, 
which became necessary when the custom of eating 
in hall was abandoned by the family. 

Coming to the present day, the gradual develop- 
ment of the hall, as a single large apartment with 
annexes into the house of later days, can perhaps 
best be studied from observing many of our older 
manor-houses and colleges, in which the hall still 
retains a prominent position. But a more familiar 
instance of this development may be seen in many 
of the ancient farm-houses which are still to be 
found in out-of-the-way parts of the country. A 
number of farm-houses are yet in existence which 



158 THE PAST AT OUE BOOKS CHAP. 

consist of a dwelling-house, barn, and stables under 
one roof. In a few instances, even, there is a door 
or passage leading from the house to the barn, 
though such examples are rare. 

Farm-houses consisting of a central part with 
two aisles and a dwelling-house at the upper end, 
though rare, are still to be seen in some parts of the 
country, as, for instance, at Upper Midhope in 
Yorkshire. The cattle in this case are stalled 
between the pillars in one of the wings or " aisles," 
whilst the remainder of the space, including the 
opposite " aisle," is occupied by the threshing-floor. 

Here it is plain that the part of the building 
covered by the barn and the stalls corresponds 
in form to the ancient English hall, while the 
dwelling part answers to the family apartments, 
which in olden times were annexed to it. A yet 
more obvious development of farm buildings from 
the hall can be seen abroad, as, for instance, in 
Saxony, where a common type of farm-house con- 
sists of a long and broad building with two " aisles " 
in which the horses and cattle are stalled, the 
servants sleeping above these, and the family at 
the end of the building. 

The better-class private country dwelling-houses 
in the fifteenth century consisted, as a rule, of a 
single large apartment with an earthen floor, and 
open to the roof, in which the entire family lived 



vii THE STOEY OF OUK HOMES 159 

and dined and slept. In London itself, where the 
houses frequently had a dug-out cellar, in addition 
to the ground-floor and first-floor, it was not unusual 
for the three large apartments thus provided to 
be each inhabited by a separate family, even in 
the case of the well-to-do, so that our modern flats 
are, after all, nothing more than a revival of this 
most ancient custom. 

An observant writer has remarked that " in 
various counties we can scarcely fail to be struck 
with the differences in the forms of the cottages, as 
in the height of the buildings, the pitch of the roof, 
as well as the material." A proper survey of the 
country from this point of view would surely prove 
that such differences were to some extent due to 
the influence of race. The evidence of language, 
as the following examples will show, would materially 
assist such an inquiry. . 

As is well known, every little knot or group of 
Saxon houses such as grew into the modern many- 
roomed house standing in its own grounds, was 
called a lurgh or tun (our modern " town "), a fact 
which sufficiently explains the reason for the vast 
number of places in England at this day, the names 
of which end in one or other of these terminations. 
Of these two words, burgh (also borough and bury) 
meant a place of protection or shelter, and is a 
mere variant of our modern English " burrow," an 



160 THE PAST AT OUK DOORS CHAP. 

expression which appears, oddly enough, in the first 
syllable of " burglar" 

The corresponding Danish termination was -oy. 
The Anglo-Saxon ending -tun, on the other hand, 
meant a homestead or " ham," 1 such as was then 
frequently enclosed by a rampart of earth, usually 
formed of soil thrown up from a ditch and sur- 
mounted by a hedge, 2 in which we may see the 
forerunner of one of the usual forms of enclosure 
by which our farmers protect their fields. A fact 
which makes this clearer is that, originally, such 
hedges were properly employed to enclose homesteads, 
the system prevailing in England almost universally 
down to the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries 
being that of open fields. 

The British or Celtic form of " tun " was " dun " 
or " down," and as the British encampments were 
usually on a hill, " down " came to mean a hill. 

From what has already been said, we can see 
how, in many cases, we may still roughly trace 
upon a map the limits of the settlements of each 

1 Frequently confused with the Friesland ending "-hamm," a 
hemmed-'ui place or enclosure. Both endings are common. 

2 A striking example is that of Bamborough, of which we read in 
the Saxon Chronicle, that one Ida in A.D. 547 "built Bamborough, 
which was at first enclosed with a hedge, and afterwards by a wall" ; 
but the real meaning of this is that the rock was palisaded, and 
the settlement thus became a "borough." So, too, Kingsbury near 
St. Albans got its name from being a royal "Burgh," and was once 
a stockaded palace of the Saxon kings of Mercia. 



VII 



THE STOEY OF OUE HOMES 161 



race, of which the nation was originally composed, 
by finding out the oldest forms of the place-names. 
For example, the common Saxon ending " -ing " 
occur-s with very great frequency in Sussex, a 
country which we know to have been overwhelm- 
ingly Saxon ; whereas the Danish " -by," common in 
Lincolnshire, does not occur in Kent, Hampshire, 
or the Isle of Wight, all of which were peopled by 
Jutes. On the other hand, there are many place- 
names of Saxon or Norse origin, on and near the 
coast of South Wales, a part of the country where 
if we did not stop to reflect we should certainly not 
have expected to find them. 

Before leaving the subject of domestic architec- 
ture, there are one or two features of certain public 
buildings, as, for instance, churches and castles, 
which stand in a more or less definite relationship 
to the " hall," and therefore ought not to be left out 
of the discussion. At the same time, it can hardly 
be pointed out too strongly that it is quite beyond 
the scope of this book, in any way, to deal with 
even the chief features of the various " styles " in 
our church and castle buildings. Information of 
this kind has been very often published, and is 
readily accessible to all who are interested, though, 
in spite of the quite overwhelming proportion of 
attention given to it, it is probably not so im- 
portant from our present point of view, as are 

M 



162 THE PAST AT OUR DOORS CHAP. 

methods of house-building of the domestic sort. All 
that can be here attempted is to direct attention to 
one or two general aspects of these two forms of public 
architecture, which happen .to illustrate some of the 
leading principles with which this book is concerned. 

Both castle-hall and church have this in common, 
that they are alike intended as meeting-places for 
the folk of a particular village or district. Both 
afford examples of some of the principles that we 
have already seen at work in secular buildings (for 
example, that of the building up of the unit), and 
both alike are eloquent of the peculiar characteristics 
and surroundings of the races by which they were 
from time to time respectively built. 

In the earliest times, the church was the common 
hall of the parish, and often served as a fort in time 
of attack ; indeed it frequently stood on the very 
site of the stockade that had been built by the first 
settlers. Courts were held in it, as is still the 
practice in northern Spain. Corn and wool were 
stored in the nave, and the village feasts took place 
there ; even dancing was permitted at Christmas, as 
late as the seventeenth century, in the churches of 
Yorkshire. Yet, in the case of our churches and 
cathedrals, the process of development was almost 
from the first profoundly modified and complicated 
by the domination of the religious idea, which 
affected the entire plan of the structure. During 



vii THE STOEY OF OUE HOMES 163 

what was called the Komanesque period of church 
architecture, " cruciform " or cross-shaped churches 
were built, and at one time this became the all but 
universal style, the Western Church following, as a 
rule, the shape of what is called the "Eoman" cross, 
and the Eastern Church that of the Greek. 

On the other hand, the churches of the early 
Christians were also very often erected in the form 
of a long " hall," supported by a double row of 
pillars, resembling that in which the Eoman Governor 
held his Court. The usual opinion is, that in the 
early days of Christianity, " halls " of this kind were 
frequently converted to Christian uses, the west 
end of the building, corresponding to that at which 
the Koman Governor had formerly sat, becoming, as 
at Silchester, the Christian sanctuary. 1 Such a Eoman 
hall was called a Basilica, from a Greek word mean- 
ing "royal," because it was copied from the "Eoyal" 
or King's Porch at Athens. This form of building 
came to be favoured greatly, no doubt from its 
simplicity and convenience, as well as for the reasons 
given above, by English church-builders, and the use 
of the church building as a court, as well as for 
many other purposes, continued in England for 
centuries. Perhaps we may sum up by saying that 
some forms, at least, of our earliest English churches 

1 This was about A.D. 300 ; the transference of the altar to the 
east end took place some centuries later. 



164 THE PAST AT OUR DOORS CHAP. 

were evolved from non-religious buildings in other 
lands, but that it was as churches that they appear 
to have been introduced into England. 

A fact of supreme importance in the history of 
English church-building was the Norman influence, 
which, in the course of its own development -in 
England, seems to have substituted stone for timber 
as the regular material for building, and having thus 
completely remoulded the architecture of the country, 
inspired and provided funds for our most active 
church-building period, which attained its perfection 
at Durham. This influence has stamped itself deep 
upon the language, witness such expressions as 
" nave," " arch," "chancel," " aisle," "tower," " porch," 
and many other words of Eoman origin, that reached 
us through the Norman. 

Hence, although the standard of building reached 
by the Saxons was itself a high one, yet the old 
writer, Aubrey, is not far from the truth when 
he remarks, with reference to the Conquest, " the 
Normans then came, and taught them [the Saxons] 
civility and building." The only thing here to 
guard against is the idea that the Normans brought 
their architecture with them " ready made " (as it 
were), instead of developing it gradually, as is now 
believed to have been the case, in England, before 
the middle of the twelfth century. 

In some of our still existing churches, it is not 






vii THE STOEY OF OUE HOMES 165 

difficult to trace the steps by which, in order to 
develop the structure to the requisite size or 
grandeur, one unit or division of the building was 
added to another. 

In some continental churches, indeed, as in those 
of Switzerland and Norway, these principles are 
exhibited with especial clearness. 

An abbey differed from a cathedral in this, that it 
was built, as a rule, out of the offerings of pilgrims 
and other devout persons, and thus grew up gradu- 
ally around the shrine of some famous Saint. 

Bound these abbeys and convents, as around 
many old castles, there developed a tendency, as 
time went on, for villages or even towns to spring 
up. There is a very good example of one of these 
convent-made villages in the north of Hertfordshire. 
On the very spot where a wayside cross was erected 
(in or about the year A.D. 1160), a convent was 
founded by the Lady Eoise or Eohesia, and a priory 
was afterwards built by Eustace de Mere. This 
was at first called Eoise Cross, and afterwards Eoise 
Town or Eoyston. 

Lastly, we come to the question of the church- 
tower. This, as we know, is often called a lelfry, 
a name from which there is much to be learnt. 
The old spelling of the word was not " belfry " but 
" berfrey," and although this " berfrey " or " bierfrois" 
was used for a bell-tower as early as 1226, yet the 



166 THE PAST AT OUE DOOES CHAP. 

word had nothing to do with " bell " even when it 
happened to contain one, but simply meant, origin- 
ally, a " strong place of refuge." The fact of its being 
also used for bell-towers no doubt helped to fix the 
form of the word as " belfry." 

In its oldest form the " berfrey " ' was usually a 
movable tower of timber work such as was used in 
the Middle Ages for besieging fortifications. When 
the French historian Froissart speaks of " two 
belfroys of great timber, with three stages (or 
stories), every belfroy on four great wheels," and 
adds that each " stage " contained 100 archers, it 
is this ancient siege -tower to which he alludes. 
From this usage the Norman " berfrey " came to 
mean a tower to protect watchmen, and hence a 
watch-tower, a beacon-tower, and so on. 

Eeminiscent of its ancient origin is therefore 
the fact that, like the body of the church itself, 
the church-tower was much used down to quite 
modern times for purely secular purposes. The 
tower of St. Clement Danes erected in London on 
the very spot where the Danes, driven out of the 
city by Alfred, settled in the ninth century was 
sometimes used for a beacon to guide the shipping 
on the Thames, sometimes as a station for guns to 
keep order among the proud churchmen and nobles 
who resided in and about the neighbourhood, and 
sometimes too as a protection against the pirates 



vii THE STOEY OF OUE HOMES 16*7 

who attacked and plundered those frequenting 
the river. The church-tower was, in a great many 
cases, actually employed as a watch-tower or look- 
out place in the country villages, and often stood 
quite apart from the church itself. 

Some of these separate towers have indeed 
survived to this day. Even at Chichester 
Cathedral, at Evesham, Berkeley and elsewhere, the 
tower stands quite apart from the main building 
and its spire, as is the case in many of the 
cathedrals on the Continent. At East Dereham, 
Walston and Els^ow the same kind of division 
may be seen. At St. Albans the town Bell-tower, 
or " clock-house," stands quite alone, having no 
church attached, and the tower here was remarkable 
for containing one of the most ancient horologes 
(the predecessors of our modern church -clocks), 
made by an abbot of St. Albans in 1326. This 
particular horologe was unique, being such as then 
was " nowhere else in Europe," and showed various 
movements of the heavenly bodies. 1 

Most of our old church- towers have four 
windows in the topmost storey, one looking towards 

1 Possibly it may have resembled the celestial globe (showing 
the movements of the sun, moon and planets, impelled by weights 
and wheels, which pointed out with certainty the hour, night and 
day) that was sent to the Emperor Frederic II. in 1232 by the 
Sultan of Egypt. The first mention of the clock as a piece of 
household furniture occurs in the Roman de la Rose (1305). 




f 



c c/2 

8"| 

II 

ll 



CHAP, vii THE STOEY OF OUR HOMES 169 

each point of the compass ; this arrangement was, 
of course, originally made for the convenience of 
the watchman's work. 

Many old towers were inhabited by watchmen, 
as was still in quite recent days the case in 
Germany, and "some yet show traces of former 
habitation in the shape of fireplaces. 1 The tower of 
Bedale Church, near Richmond in Yorkshire, which 
was built for defensive purposes, was actually 
furnished with a portcullis. Again many of the 
churches on the East Anglian coast were regularly 
used as beacon-towers for the guidance of ships at 
sea. In other parts of the country, as at Newcastle, 
they were employed to give light to travellers on 
the then pathless moors. Hence we may see 
plainly that the original object of these towers was 
to serve as watch-towers, or for other non -religious 
purposes, and that they were also intended as a 
residence for the watchmen, and not merely to 
contain a peal of bells. 

In many respects, therefore, the church-tower once 
served a purpose similar to that of the main tower, 
or " keep," as it was called, of a castle. The keep 
was, in the first instance, in particular the domestic 
part of the castle and contained a set of rooms 

1 It may be added that the term " luffer "-boards (louver-boards) 
often given to the open weather-boarding at the top of a church 
tower, probably goes back to the time when these boards were 
really used as " louver-boards," for the escape of the smoke. 



170 THE PAST AT OUE DOORS CHAP. 

built one above the other for the use of the 
owner and his family. Such early keeps contained, 
in addition to sleeping chambers for the family, a 
large room used as the dining-apartment, and in 
some cases a chapel as well. The best example 
that can be given is perhaps the famous " White 
Tower" of the Tower of London, begun by the 
Conqueror's order, which contains, in addition to 
many private chambers, a hall no less than 90 ft. 
long, as well as a chapel. 

Besides the rooms we have mentioned, the keep 
of an ancient castle often contained in an upper 
storey a watchman's room. This was the case at 
the Peak Castle in Derbyshire, inhabited by two 
watchmen from the year 1158 onwards. Incident- 
ally also the keep served, when occasion arose, 
as a place of refuge against attack, for all who 
lived within the castle precincts, and paid what 
was called ward-silver or castle-guard. In this 
respect the keep resembled the Northumbrian 
" peel " originally a "palisaded" tower or, to take 
a less familiar example, the watch-tower built beside 
a chief's residence in some parts of North-west India. 

To conclude, the keep was often actually erected 
usually upon a rock or other eminence on the 
very site of an ancient watch-tower or look-out 
place, which has certainly in some cases existed 
since prehistoric times. 



vii THE STOEY OF OUE HOMES 171 

Indeed the circuit of its outer wall, or " curtain," 
as it was called, may from this point of view be 
regarded as the counterpart of the rampart of earth, 
crowned by a palisade, which defended the settle- 
ments of the early inhabitants of Great Britain. 
To put the matter in another way, the prehistoric 
castle, if the term may be allowed, consisted of a 
fort or earthwork, often of a circular plan, which 
contained and protected the huts of the defenders. 
Excellent examples occur in all parts of Great 
Britain, as well as on the continent of Europe. 
One of the best in England is perhaps the famous 
round fort at Grim's Pound on Dartmoor, which 
measures about 400 feet across, and still shows the 
round foundations of the defenders' dwellings. 

We must therefore think of the castle not 
merely as a single building, but rather as a cluster 
of buildings, modified through being built and 
owned by a single individual for military purposes 
chiefly. Very commonly, in fact, it actually con- 
sisted in the most ancient times of a single watch- 
tower or citadel, surrounded by small lightly 
built houses, in which the lord's retainers lived. 

Not until long after the Conquest did the castle 
become highly specialised and developed, to keep 
pace with the improved military science of the day. 
The earliest castles of the Conqueror were mere 
ramparts of earth, or at most, wooden structures, 



172 THE PAST AT OUE DOOES CHAP. 

the building of stone castles by the Normans not 
taking place till the middle of the twelfth century. 

When at a much later period such buildings 
began to be designed as private residences, the keep 
long survived its early use, and was retained as 
an ornament to the building. In many cases the 
castle became a true residence, but it is, neverthe- 
less, chiefly to the manor (in its original sense of 
" manor-house ") that we must look to supply a 
link between the ancient military keep and the 
now old-style farm-house, as well as with the 
modern " house " properly so called. 

We now come to the consideration of houses 
arranged side by side in rows, or, as we should now- 
adays say, in " streets," a common word which we 
habitually and heedlessly use, without ever recall- 
ing the fact that like the name we give to the 
very walls of the houses we live in it is of Roman 
introduction. Thus we may, if we stop to reflect, 
return in spirit to the far-off days when Britain 
was for about four centuries overshadowed by the 
wings of the Roman eagle. 

In the far-off age, when London first became a 
town, each house must have stood, like the houses 
in modern Dutch towns, in its own enclosure. In 
the twelfth century the houses of London had 
only one storey above the ground-floor, but in the 
fourteenth century they began to be built with two 



vii THE STOEY OF OUK HOMES 173 

or even three floors, the upper storey being called 
a " garret," the meaning of which is " watch-tower." 

This garret was made to project after the manner 
of the lower storey, though to a lesser extent, partly 
perhaps with the idea of giving, as has been said, a 
little more room and shelter to goods in the street, 
but chiefly, no doubt, from its being built as a mere 
repetition of the storey below. In houses of this 
type the garret was utilised as a storeroom or 
" loft," the first floor being the actual living-room 
of the family. 

By studying the streets in almost any of our 
older towns we can often see clearly how the size 
and course of some of them have been affected by 
conditions connected with the old order of things 
long passed away. Where the successive upper 
stories projected each in the direction of the house 
opposite on both sides of the street, the effect in 
the very narrow streets of former times was to 
bring the top windows very close to each other, so 
much so, in fact, that people in them might, it is 
often said, shake hands across the street. 

Certainly these projecting stories did much to 
narrow the streets in such old towns, but until 
the popularisation of the coach this did not much 
matter, since nearly every one rode on horseback 
an idea still commemorated in such names as that 
of " Knightrider Street " in the City of London. 



174 THE PAST AT OUE DOOES CHAP. 

All that was then really wanted was a some- 
what broader street for waggons, a feature which 
is preserved in such a name as " Wain Gate " or 
" Waggon Street/' which is common in the north. 

The remaining streets were frequently mere 
alleys, impassable to all but foot-passengers, horses 
and cattle. These were called by different names 
in various parts of the country, either by the 
Norman name " alley " or the English name " row." 

Of these lanes there are numberless examples, 
many of them appropriated to particular trades, as 
in the case of Goldsmiths' Eow, Butchers' Eow, 
Carriers' Eow, and Paternoster Eow, in London. The 
latter was named from the turners of beads for 
rosaries, who lived there because of its nearness to 
St. Paul's, they being popularly called " paternoster- 
makers," because they manufactured the beads used 
for counting the repetitions of the Lord's Prayer 
(" Pater Noster "). 

In the same way certain parts of the town 
would often be associated with a particular nation- 
ality, as in the Jewry a part commonly found 
in most large medieval towns Little Ireland, Little 
Scotland, Little Britain, and even Petty France. 

In some of our oldest cities, of which York is a 
type, the whole of the ancient part of the town was 
surrounded by a wall, and the four main waggon- 
tracks led to four principal gates, the rest of the 



VII 



THE STOEY OF OUE HOMES 175 



streets being for the most part the narrow rows to 
which we have referred, except where later improve- 
ments or alterations have been introduced. The 
reason for this is that York was laid out as a Eoman 




FIG. 49. Plan of Chichester, showing how closely the modern city 
follows the lines of the Eoman walled town, with four principal 
gates and streets (North, South, East, and West). 

military station, and was therefore arranged as 
such a station would be. Indeed, in Saxon times, 
York was actually called York-" Chester " (that is, 
"York camp ") or "Chester " only, whilst the present 
city of Chester was formerly called " West Chester " 
by way of distinction. 



176 THE PAST AT OUE BOOKS CHAP. 

The plan varied, of course, according to the 
ground, and often followed the plan of some pre- 
existing British encampment ; l and the modern 
city does not always stand upon the same site as 
the Eoman town. At St. Albans the Eoman town 
of Verulam stood on the opposite side of the valley, 
with the river Ver and a small lake between it and 
the modern city, the main street of which is built 
on the site of the ancient Eoman race-course. 

The shops in front of town houses were shop- 
fronts, with barred unglazed windows, or of the 
nature of booths ; the windows, which were 
furnished with bars by way of protection against 
thieves, were left perfectly open all day, and only 
closed at night by means of strong wooden shutters, 
such as are still used for closing shops in Spain and 
many other parts of Europe. 

Another kind of shop (which, if we may go by 
its name, was a Eoman feature adopted by the 
Normans) was the " tavern." This was really a 
kind of cellar, 2 with a stair leading up into the 
street, something like the Italian wine-shops, some 

1 Both Pevensey and Verulamium were of an irregular oval ; 
Silchester was of an octagonal form ; Bath probably pentagonal ; 
and the City of London an oblong. The latter (in 1300) possessed 
seven double gates, four facing the cardinal points, and three 
supplementary ones. The number of towns of Eoman origin in 
the country is very great ; it is now known that Oxford, like 
Cambridge, was a Roman station. 

2 The corresponding English name was "shade." 



vii THE STOEY OF OUK HOMES 17*7 

of which may be seen in London. These stairs at 
length became so numerous that they encroached 
seriously upon the street, and were forbidden in 
consequence. The result of this was, that in 
numerous cases they were turned into cellars, by 
the filling up of the stair-hole and removal of the 
stairs, and this is said to be the chief reason why 
there are so many cellars under the pavement in 
our modern English towns. There are still many 
of such town " taverns " to be seen abroad. 

There is much more to be said, but all that can 
here be added consists of a few additional facts 
intended to complete the main outlines of the 
picture. The trade signs, such as then swung over 
almost every shop, are still to be seen in nearly 
every town in the country. Some of these were 
the badges of the noble families of which the shop- 
owners were retainers, others the symbols of the 
trades or guilds to which they belonged (as in many 
continental towns of to-day) ; a third class no doubt 
were house-marks. 

The best existing examples of the first class of 
these signs occur in the signboards of our modern 
inns, the explanations of many of which are known. 
The " White Hart " is the badge of King Eichard 
the Second, and the " Blue Boar " of King Eichard 
the Third, and innumerable others might be given. 1 

1 The tin-smiths alone had a live sign squirrels in a cage with bells. 

N 



178 THE PAST AT OUK DOOES CHAI-. 

Of the second class, there are now very few that can 
be considered historic, the chief of these being the 
three golden (originally blue) balls of the Pawn- 
broker, which have been identified with the Arms 
of the Lombards, the first to engage in this form of 
business in England. Perhaps, too, we may ad^, 
the Highlander of the tobacconist, and the strange- 
looking barber's pole, the latter an emblem going 
back to the days when the Surgeon, who at first 
united the office of barber with his own calling, 
was required to distinguish his pole from that of 
the barber by adding to it certain emblems indicative 
of his craft. Even our common slang phrase " to 
hang out" came from the once general habit of 
hanging out a sign. 

Examples of the third class are now but few, 
though we are told on good authority that a house, 
with what is called a " wool-stapler's " mark 
engraven upon it, and bearing the date 1584, is 
still to be seen at the village of Witney, in Oxford- 
shire, and that merchant -marks are common at 
Yarmouth and Norwich. In Denmark and other 
parts of the Continent house-marks are still used ; 
they were, in fact, necessary before numbers were 
employed to distinguish the houses in the towns. 

These house-marks formed part of the general 
system of marking all kinds of private property, 
and were to the yeomen what heraldic bearings 



vii THE STOEY OF OUK HOMES 179 

were to the noble ; indeed more than one knightly 
family in North Germany still bears its house-mark 
(e.g. the pot-hook or kettle-hanger) on its coat 
of arms. The yeoman's land, cattle, ducks, and 
implements all bore the same mark, which he drew 
when he attached his signature to a document, or 
else cut it upon a piece of wood. This last custom 
accounts for the knife or rod sometimes affixed 
as a guarantee to such old deeds. In the earliest 
times it usually represented some indispensable 
implement of the owner, such as a plough, scythe 
or sickle, a spade, or the tires of a barrow, as well 
as mere fanciful emblems, such as stars or anchors. 

"We can thus understand the true nature and 
origin of our modern trade-marks, as well as of the 
marks used by stone-masons, livery companies and 
similar bodies; or the marks to this day placed 
upon swans at the periodical swan-upping, or " swan- 
hopping " as it is often wrongly called. Even 
the broad arrow-mark placed upon boundary stones 
(which the old Irishman supposed to be the fossil 
footprints of some large bird, the " trid of the aigle 
afore the flood," as he picturesquely put it) as well 
as on Government stores, the dress of convicts and 
so forth, is of similar origin, since in all these cases 
it is simply used as an assertion of the sovereign's 
paramount authority. 

There are numberless other survivals and 



180 THE PAST AT OUR DOORS CHAP. 

reminders of the old regime, many of which will 
afford us pleasure, and some perhaps even regret. 
But it is necessary to remember that there was 
another side to the picture. For all the while, in 
open spaces in and near our ancient towns, there 
stood, as we may yet see, many dark and sinister 
blots on the civilisation of the " good old '"' days. 
Among these were the " cock-pit," the " bull-ring " 
(as at Ludlow), the " bear-garden," the pillory and 
the stake, the " cage," and even the gibbet with 
its ghastly clanking burden, the victims of which, 
whether man or brute, suffered things unspeakable, 
that have left their stains, indelible as the blood 
then spilt, upon the very metaphors of our language. 

WALES 

In the year 1200, it is recorded that the Welsh 
were in the habit of sleeping on beds of rushes, 
with their heads to the circular wall and feet to the 
fire. It is clear, therefore, that their ordinary huts 
must have been of the round type with central fire- 
place. The stone foundations of circular huts of this 
kind, which must have been carried up either in stone 
or wattle- work, are still plentiful in Wales, as, for 
instance, in Carnarvonshire, at Penmaenmawr. 

On the other hand, however, the old Welsh 
tribal house, or king's hall, was long-shaped, with 



vii THE STOKY OF OUK HOMES 181 

six pillars arranged in two rows down the centre of 
the building. 1 These pillars were formed of well- 
grown trees, apparently so selected and arranged 
that the forks on the inner side reached over to 
meet each other in the form of an arch. The low 
walls were of wattle-work, and the open fireplace 
(the live emhers of which, called the " seed of fire," 
were banked up at night and never allowed to go 
out) was in the centre between the two middle 
pillars. There was a raised platform or dais at the 
upper end of the hall, where the king and his 
principal officers sat on chairs ; this latter distinc- 
tion being a privilege of office ! The retainers slept on 
rushes in the aisles of this building, and the kitchen 
was under a separate roof. 

Thus the old Welsh tribal hall in all main 
essentials very closely resembled the halls of the 
English and the Danes. Further, in the old Welsh 
laws the arrangements for the king's court were 
evidently taken from an outdoor court, since " the 
lord is to sit with his back to the sun or wind, 
lest he be inconvenienced by the sun, if hot, or 
by the wind, if high." Hence, the Welsh king's 
indoor court must have been copied from the courts 
held in the open air by the kings of the Britons. 

1 It may be remembered that in the well-known Welsh "War- 
song of Dinas Vawr, the vanquished king "fled to his hall- 
pillars." 



182 THE PAST AT OUE DOOES CHAP. 

SCOTLAND 

In modern times the marked difference between 
the look of Scottish houses and those of England, 
with all that that difference may mean to a Scottish 
eye, has never been more happily described than by 
Eobert Louis Stevenson. " One thing, especially 
(in England), continues unfamiliar to the Scotch- 
man's eye the domestic architecture, the look of 
streets and buildings ; the quaint, venerable age of 
many, and the thin walls and warm colouring of all. 
We have in Scotland far fewer ancient buildings, 
above all in country places ; and those that we have 
are all of hewn or hailed masonry. Wood has 
been sparingly used in their construction ; the 
window-frames are sunken in the wall, not flat to the 
front, as in England ; the roofs are steeper-pitched ; 
even a hill-farm will have a massy, square, cold, and 
permanent appearance. English houses, in com- 
parison, have the look of cardboard toys, such as a 
puff might shatter. And to this the Scotchman 
never becomes used. His eye can never rest con- 
sciously on one of these brick houses rickles of 
brick, as he might call them or on one of these 
flat-chested streets, but he is instantly reminded 
where he is, and instantly travels back in fancy to 
his home. ' This is no my am house ; I ken by 
the biggin' (building) of it.' And yet perhaps it is 



vii THE STOEY OF OUK HOMES 183 

his own, bought with his own money, the key of it 
long polished in his pocket ; but it has not yet, and 
never will be, thoroughly adopted by his imagination; 
nor does he cease to remember that, in the whole 
length and breadth of his native country, there was 
no building even distantly resembling it." ] 

Much of this at the present day is true enough. 
But we must not be misled into thinking that the 
dwellings of the Scottish peasantry have always 
been so markedly superior to those of the English, 
or even that the former were always of stone, 
natural as the use of such a material may appear 
in a mountainous country like Scotland. 

As late as the beginning of the eighteenth 
century there were " many wooden, mud, and 
thatched houses within the gates of Edinburgh, 
Glasgow, and Aberdeen ; and few of any other kind 
outside the gates, either there or in other parts of 
the country." It is true that the famous round 
dwellings, called " Beehive " huts, were some- 
times of stone. Yet so rare, in fact, were stone 
dwellings in earlier times that such phrases as The 
Stone House, even in such a town as Perth, not unfre- 
quently occurred ; and stone castles were a wonder 
of the country-side where they were erected, and 
were often alleged to be the work of demons. 

1 [R. L. S., Memories and Portraits, pp. 6-7. Chatto & Windus, 
1904.] 



184 THE PAST AT OUE DOOES CHAP. 

The usual material in those earlier days, both for 
houses and castles, was wood or wicker-work ; but 
an old Norman-French poem describes a fortified 
dwelling, the material of which " was neither stone 
nor wicker-work ; the earthen wall was raised on 
high, indented and embattled." This building 
stood upon a lofty rock, overlooking the Irish Sea, 
and, as was then usual, depended for its safety 
almost entirely upon the natural strength of the 
position. Its inmate, to use the very words of the 
poet who describes it, " need fear neither engineer 
nor assault ; the rock was too lofty." 

Coming to modern times, one of the most 
interesting Scottish survivals is the persistence of 
the central fireplace, which is still used, for instance, 
in a few cottages in Orkney and the Shetlands. 



IRELAND 

The modern Irish "shanty," in having now usually 
two rooms, is to that extent an advance on the 
cabins in which the poorer classes of England 
lived down to the fifteenth century, the latter 
being undivided rooms without ceiling or chimney, 
in which the smoke was allowed to wander about 
at will, and in which the entire family lived, 
together with the pigs, sheep and chickens. The 
shanty lit. " old-house "-has an extremely low 



VII 



THE STOEY OF OUE HOMES 185 



gable, in curious contrast to the ancient rectangular 
buildings of Ireland, whether of stone or timber. 




S/cetch by J/z'ss Reid. 



FIG. 50. Central Fireplace, as still used in an Orkney Cottage. 

The smoke escapes through the opening in the roof. One of the old-style 

cupboard beds is to be seen at the end of the room. 



186 THE PAST AT OUK DOOES CHAP. 

Before the Christian period, the wicker-work 
huts of the Irish peasantry, the forts and most 
other buildings, except the feasting -halls of the 
chiefs and larger dwelling-houses, were generally 
round or oval, with a central fireplace, and the 
custom of erecting round buildings survived iu 
Ireland even down to the fifteenth century. 

The homestead of an ancient Irish farmer 
is known to have contained, within a circular 
entrenchment, at least seven huts the dwelling- 
house itself, the kitchen, a kiln for drying corn, 
a sheep-house and pig-house (all of which were 
round), and the barn and calf-house, which were 
long-shaped. Thus the general idea was not unlike 
that of the modern Zulu or Kaffir " kraal," l in which 
the round huts of the inhabitants are protected by 
a circular stockade. Yet the better-class hall was 
a right-angled building, supported either by one or 
two rows of five pillars down the centre, with one 
large principal apartment in which the family lived, 
ate, and slept. It thus corresponded to the early 
halls of Scotland and Wales, and even of England. 

FOREIGN INFLUENCES 

In comparatively modern times the chief influences 
affecting domestic buildings in this country have 

1 That is, "corral" or "enclosure." 



viz THE STOEY OF OUE HOMES- 

been Italian, French, Dutch and Flemish. Italian, 
the first of these influences, which reached England 
for the most part either through Holland or France 
(from both of which it received some colouring), 
began in the sixteenth century, and lasted for about 
two hundred years. 

At first it showed itself merely in the orna- 
mentation of monuments, as in the tomb of 
Henry VII. in the chapel of that King at West- 
minster Abbey. Then for a considerable period 
it influenced merely the ornament of domestic 
buildings, but in the seventeenth century the 
Italian plan and outlines were adopted, ending 
in the copying of Italian buildings line for line. 
In the old-fashioned " formal " gardens of many 
ancient residences, to which the very name of 
" Italian garden " was given, 1 the resemblance was 
yet more easily apparent. 

Modern French influence on domestic buildings, 
on the other hand, which is to be seen at Widcombe, 
near Bath, has been considered to be largely due to 
Henrietta Maria, the French queen of Charles I. ; 
the French church built at Dover in that King's 
reign was one example. Certainly most of the 
plaster-work figures, which adorn a few old house- 
fronts in the country, date from the time of the 

1 A famous example of an old-fashioned French garden is to be 
seen at Chatsworth, the seat of the Dukes of Devonshire. 



188 



THE PAST AT OUE DOOES CHAP. 



Stuarts, though it has also been suggested 1 that 
French Huguenot influence of an earlier date may 
have affected a few buildings of the mill type, such 
as the Pin-mill at Stroud. 

The lofty gable and " pepperbox " turret of many 




FIG. 51. Figured Mouldings on projecting front of old House 
(the Rising Sun Inn) at Saffron- Walden. 

Scottish castles, which were domesticated in the 
sixteenth century, were also derived from France, 
and together with a strange-looking gable-end, built 

1 "The "Ancient House" at Ipswich of the Sparrowe family 
is a notable exception, dating from 1567. 



VII 



THE STOEY OF OUE HOMES 189 



in gradually ascending steps, which is called the 
" corbie " or " crow's step " gable, have been 
attributed to the effect of the ancient alliance 
between Scotland and that country. 

Gables of this kind are chiefly found in 
Belgium and other parts of the Low Countries, but 
they are also common in many parts of France and 




FIG. 52. A. "Corbie" or Crow-Step" Gables, on the roofs of 
Stirling Castle (from a view about 1840). B. Detail of "Crow- 
Step " Gable, etc. 

Germany, as, for instance, in Llibeck, and also in 
Denmark. As mentioned above, this style of gable 
was chiefly popular in Scotland, but it was also 
employed to some extent in the north and east of 
England. Examples, which are numerous, are at 
Brome Hall (Norfolk), and Heading Street (Kent). 
Flemish influence also appears on the coast of 



190 THE PAST AT OUK DOOES CHAP, vn 

Kent, especially in the older buildings at Eye, 
Deal and Sandwich, the last-named town showing 
this influence so strongly that it is often said it 
might be taken for an old-world Flemish town. 

But perhaps the best example of all is the 
well-known " beacon " tower of Boston Church in 
Lincolnshire, which was used for the guidance of 
mariners entering the port, and is alleged to have 
been copied bodily from the tower of the great 
church at Antwerp. 

The influence of Holland, which can be seen 
in the curved gables of Eushton Hall (1627) and 
the double curved gables of the mill at Bourne 
Pond, near Colchester (1591), was no doubt greatly 
emphasized by the joint reign of the two Dutch 
royalties, William and Mary. There are even some 
traces of the Dutch manner in the work done by 
Wren at Hampton Court for those two sovereigns. 
Both curved and " crow-step " gables are extremely 
common in the newer shop-buildings in London. 

At the present day Dutch influence is strongest 
in some of the east coast towns, as at Yarmouth, for 
instance, and King's Lynn, which latter town, owing 
to its geographical surroundings, has been called the 
Holland of the east coast. Dutch influence is also 
evident in many old houses in Guildford and its 
neighbourhood, and examples may be found else- 
where by students of the things around us. 



SOME BOOKS FOE REFEKENCE 191 

SOME BOOKS, AND PASSAGES IN BOOKS, 
GIVEN FOR FURTHER REFERENCE 

ADAM, FRANK. The Clans, Septs, and Regiments of the Scottish 

Highlands. Edinburgh and London : W. & A. K. Johnston. 

1908. 
CLINCH, GEORGE. English Costume. London : Methuen & Co. 

1910. 
CUTTS, Rev. E. L. Scenes and Characters of the Middle Ages. 

London : A. Moring. 1911. 
FAIRHOLT, F. W. Costume in England. Third edition, enlarged 

and revised by the Hon. H. A. Dillon. Two vols. London : 

G. Bell & Sons. 1885. 
GOMME, G. L. (now Sir LAURENCE). The Village Community 

(with special reference to survivals in Britain). London : 

Walter Scott. 1890. Esp. valuable is ch. ix. pp. 275-287. 
JOYCE, P. W. Social History of Ancient Ireland. London : 

Longmans, Green & Co. 1903. Two vols. Esp. II. ch. xxii. 

pp. 203-212 ; II. ch. xx. pp. 20-58 ; and II. ch. xxi. pp. 104- 

144. A standard work upon Ireland for advanced readers. 
MITCHELL, Sir ARTHUR. The Past in the Present. Edinburgh : 

D. Douglas. 1880. 

An admirable introduction to the subject of survivals in 

Britain, with special reference to Scotland. 
PLANCHE, J. R. History of British Costume. Third edition. 

London : George Bell & Sons. 1881. 
The larger work by this same authority is invaluable for 

advanced readers. 
RHYS, Sir J. and D. BRYNMOR- JONES. The Welsh People. 

London : Fisher Unwin. 1900. Esp. ch. vi. pp. 199-201 ; 

248-252 ; 568-569. 

A standard book on Wales for advanced readers. 
TYLOR, E. B. (now Sir E. B.) Anthropology. London : Macmillan 

& Co., Ltd. 1881. Esp. ch. viii.-xi. (the Arts of Life : Food, 

Dress, Dwellings). The well-known and unequalled text- book. 
WRIGHT, THOMAS. The Homes of Other Days. London : Trubner 

& Co. 1871. 

DICTIONARIES 

SKEAT, Rev. Professor W. W. A Concise Etymological Dictionary 

of the English Language. Clarendon Press, Oxford. New 

edition. 1911. 
An Etymological Dictionary of the English Language. New 

edition. Revised and enlarged. Clarendon Press, Oxford. 

1910. Fourth Edition. 
MURRAY, Sir JAMES A. H. A New English Dictionary on 

Historical Principles. Clarendon Press, Oxford. 



INDEX 



Abbeys, usually built up round 
the shrine of a saint, 165 

Abroad, food from, 45-50 

Ale and beer, 16 

"Alley," 174 

Almshouses, dress worn in, 80 

"Apron," 89 
worn by men, 80-81 

Architecture, Norman, developed 
in England, 164 

"Armoury," 142 

Arras, 145 

Arrow, the broad, 179 

"At bay," meaning of, 20 

"Aumbrey," or "arms- (later 
confused with alms-) cup- 
board," 144 

"Back-plate" of grate, 132 

Bag-gloves, 91-3 

"Bake-stones," 38, 43 

"Balustrade," meaning of, 128 

Bangles, 98-9 

Banister. See " balustrade " 

"Basilica," 163 

"Bay." See "at bay" 

Beacons on church -towers, 169 

Bear-garden, 180 

"Bed," or "bed-stead," 138-41 

of Ware, 140 
Beer and ale, 16 

Beer-barrels marked with "X," 17 
Belfry and bell-tower, 165-6, 167 
Bell-tents, 150 
Bench-marks, 179 



Bishop's apron, 81 

Black bread, 18 

Black coats, contrasted with red, 

79 
Black dress (in ancient Ireland), 

118 

Blacksmith's apron, 81 
"Blouse," 83 ; cp. 62 
Blue coat in army, 79-80 
"Blue coat" schools, 71 
Blue Girls' School (Chester), 103 
" Bodice " or " boddice," 84 
" Body " and skirt, separate, 51 
Bonnet, Scottish feather, 115 
Boots and shoes, 52, 63-7 
Boston " stump " or beacon- 
tower, 189 

"Bowler," (round hat) 69-70 
Boy's dress, 73 

Bracelet, sacred, of the Danes, 99 
Bracelets, 98-9 
Bread, 15, 18 

" Breakfast," meaning of, 3 
" Brewsters," 17 
Bristol, dress of Red Maids' 

School at, 101-2 
"Broad arrow," the, 179 
Buckhounds, Master of the, 21 
Buildings, foreign influences on 

English, 186-90 
Bullock's horn, used as drinking- 

cup, 12 
Bull-ring, 180 
"-burgh," "-borough," "-bury," 

meaning of endings, 159 



192 



INDEX 



193 



Butcher's apron, 80-81 
Buttons of page-boy, 76-8 
Buttons, two, at back of coat, 
57-9 

Cabins or huts in England, 149 
"Cage," the, 180 
Caps, 70 

Irish, 120 

Scottish, 115 

Welsh, 109 
Carpets, 147 

" Casement " windows, 137-8 
" Cassock," a horseman's coat, 

55 
Castle Rising, dress of ' ' sisters " 

at Howard Hospital, 106 
Castles, 162-171 
"Ceiling," 146-7 
Cellars in streets, 176-7 
Central fireplace, survival of 
(Orkney and Shetland), 
184-5 

Charcoal burner's hut, 150 
"Chase" and "hunt," 19 
Cheese, 15-16 
Chest, family, 141 

village, 141 note 
Chester, Blue Girls' School, 103 

Grey Girls' School, 103 
" Chesterfield " (overcoat), 54 
Children's dress, 73, 85, 101-4 
Chimneys, 128-34 
" Chocolate," 49 
Christ's Hospital, dress of boys 

at, 71 

"Church" and "hall," 162-4 
Churches, altar at west end in 

early, 163 

Church towers, 165-70 
Chyngton, black ox - team of, 

23-5 

Clay pots, 38 

Clerical dress, origin of, 81 note 
Cloaks, English red, 106-7 

Irish, 117-20 

Scottish, 110 seq. 

Welsh, 109 
" Clock " of a stocking, 90 



Clocks, church, 167 

Cloth at meals, 14 

Coal-fires, 131-2 

Coats, 53-62 

Cob- irons, 132 

Cockades, 74, 75 

Cockpit, the, 180 

Coffee, 46 

Convent-made villages, 165 

Convict's dress, 179 

" Corbie " or " crow-step " gable, 

189-90 
"Corset," 84 
Cottages, different shape in various 

counties, 159 

"Craggans " or clay pots, 38 
Cramp-rings, 99 
Crinolines. 86-7 
"Crow-step " gables, 189-90 
" Cuff," 92 
" Cup - board," modern dresser 

derived from the, 143-5 
Cupboard-beds, 140-41, 185 
Curfew, 134-5 
''Currant," meaning of, 45 
"Curtain," outer wall of a castle, 

171 
" Cut-away " coat, 55 

"Dairy," meaning of, 14 

" Danish " mills, 37 

Deal watermen, dress of, 80 

"Deer," meaning of, 19 

"Dinner," meaning of, 3 
in open air, 41-2 

" Directoire " dress, 87 

"Drawing-" or "withdrawing-," 
room, 157 

Dress, international types of, 120- 
22 

"Dresser," 142-5 

Dressing-gown, 82 

Drinking-cups and glasses, 10-13 

Duke of York's "Red -coat" 
school, 72 

" Dun " or " down," meaning of 
160 

Dutch influence on English build- 
ings, 187-90 

O 



194 



THE PAST AT OUE DOORS 



Earrings, 98 

Earthen houses and castles (Scot- 
land), 184 

" Empire" dress, 87 
Eton, details of dress at, 73 
Evening-dress coat, 56 

Falconer, Hereditary Grand, 21 

Fans, 96-7 

Farm buildings, on plan of the 

"hall," 158-9 

Farming terms, Saxon, 22-3 
" Feathers " on drinking-glasses, 

11, 12-13 

Felt hat or "bowler," 69 
Fender, kitchen, 133 
Figured mouldings on old house 

fronts, 187-8 
"Fire-backs," 129, 134 
"Fire-dogs " or andirons, 132 
Fire-irons, 133 

Fireplaces, 128-34, 169, 184-5 
"Flats," 159 
Flemish influence on English 

buildings, 187-9 
Food-names, Norman and Saxon, 

19, 22 
Footmen, dress of, 58-9, 74, 75, 

76 

Foot-plough, 27 
Forks, 8-9 

Forts and castles, 171 
Freemason's apron, 81 
French influence on English build- 
ings, 187-8 

"Fret" of a grate, 132 
"Frock," 82-3 
Frock-coat, 55, 82-3 
"Furrow-crook," 28 

Gables, foreign influence on Eng- 
lish, 189 

"Galoche," or "galosh," mean- 
ing of, 66 

"Garibaldi," 62, 83-4 
" Garlic," meaning of, 37 
"Garment," meaning of, 50 
" Garret," a watch-tower, 173 
Gibbet, 180 



"Gig," or "Danish" mill, 43 

" Gin," a kind of trap, 21 

"Girdle-cakes," 38 

Girls' dress, 101-4 

Glass, window, 136-8 

Gloves, 90-94 

"Gooseberry," 45 

"Gown," 81-2 

"Grates," 132-3 

Great- coats, 53 

Greek dress, 87 

Green, not originally the national 

Irish colour, 120 
Grey-Coat schools, 71-2 
Grey Girls' School, Chester, 103 ; 

London, 103 

"Grocer," meaning of, 45 
Groom's belt, 74 
Ground floor as store-room, 126 

"Haggis," 39 

Hair, false, forbidden, 96 

" Half-boot," meaning of, 63 

"Hall," a tribal building, 152, 

180-81 

the unit from which the 
"house" was chiefly de- 
veloped, 151 
desertion and degeneration of, 

154 

and "church," 162-4 
"Railings," 146 

"-ham," and " -hamm," mean- 
ing of endings, 160 
" Hamper," meaning of, 13 
Hand-mufflers, Saxon and Nor- 
man, 91 

"Hanging-paper," 145 
" Harrow," meaning of, 29 
Hats, 67-70, 96. See also Cap 
"Hay-tedder" or "tosser," 33 
"Head of the table," 44 
"Hearse," meaning of, 29 
Hearth, central, 129 
"Hedging" gloves, 92-3 
Heels, use of high, 95 
"Hobs," 133 

Homestead, ancient Irish, 186 
Hooded cloak, Irish, 116 



INDEX 



195 



Hoop skirts, 86-7 

Horn cups, or drinking horns, 10- 
11, 12 

Horn window-panes, 136 

Horse-hoe, 32 

Horse-rake, 32 

"Hound," 20 

"House," modern, a fusion of 
various buildings, 151-5 

House-marks, 178-9 

"Houses of heretics" carried 
away and burnt, 149 

Houses, Scottish and English, 
contrasted by R. L. Steven- 
son, 182-3 

Howard or Trinity Hospital, 
Castle Rising, dress at, 106 

"Hunt "and "chase," 19 

Hunting- dress, ladies', 89 

Huts, square and round, 149 

Imported food, 45-50 

" Ingle-nook," meaning of, 130- 

31 
International types of dress, 120- 

22 
Ireland, dress in, 115-20 

food in, 41-4 
Italian influence on English 

buildings, 187 

"Jack" and "Jacket," 85-6 
Japanese style, 87 
Joints of meat, reserved, 40-41, 42 
"Jutties" or "Jetties," 156 

Keep, of castle, 169-70 

compared with church-tower, 

169-70 
Kilt, ancient Irish, 117 

Scottish, 110-15 

ancient Welsh, 109-10 
King's Bargemen, 80 
Knee-breeches, 63, 116 
Knives, shape of, 7 

"Lady," meaning of, 14 
"Larder," meaning of, 14 
"Leaven," meaning of, 15 



"Leek," meaning of, 37 

" Lights," ancient, meaning of, 

135 

Liveries and uniforms, 74-81 
"Long hair," girls', 104 
" Looped " coat-tails, 55, 56 
"Lord," meaning of, 14 
" Lounge " coat, 54 
" Louver," meaning of, 129 
"Luffer-boards," meaning of, 169 

note 
" Lunch, " meaning of, 4 

Maize, 49 

Manor-houses, 172 

Mantle, ancient Irish, 117-20 

Scottish, 110-15 

ancient Welsh, 109 
Mantle-piece, 129 
Mares used for ploughing, 28 
" Marmalade," meaning of, 47 
"Masonic" apron, 81 
Men's dress copied by women, 

81-90 
Mill, Irish princes crushed to 

death in, 43-4 
Mills, 35-7 

"Milliner," meaning of, 100 
" Morning." or " cut-a-way" coat, 

55 

"Muff," 90 
"Muffin-cap," 70 

Napkins, 14 

Necklaces, 98 

Nicotine, meaning of, 49 note 

" Norse " mills, 37 

"Ordinary," farmers', 18 
Orkney cottages, central fireplace 

in, 185 
Outdoor court of old Welsh kings, 

181 

Over-coats, 53 
Ox-plough, 23-8 

"Paddle," a, 28 
Page-boy's buttons, 76-8 
" Pane," meaning of, 137-8 



196 



THE PAST AT OUE BOOKS 



"Pantry," meaning of, 14 

Paper, wall-, a substitute for 
"hangings," 145 

Parasols, 97 

"Parlour," 157 

*' Peel," a, palisaded tower, 170 

"Peg- tankards," 16-17 

"Petersham" (overcoat), 54 

" Petticoat " or "petty-coat," 88-9 

Pile-dwelling principle employed 
in barns, 125 note 

Pillories, 180 

"Pinafore," 103-4 

Place at table, 6 

Place-names, evidence of race in, 
159-61 

Plaid, the, 110-15 

Plaiting (of hair), 104 

Plasterwork figures on old house- 
fronts, 187-8 

Plate, custom of eating off' the 
same, 6 

"Platters," 5, 7 

Plough, 23-8 

Ploughing by the tail, 26 

"Polonaise," 87 

Pork, 42-3 

"Porridge," meaning of, 39-40 

Portcullis in church tower, 169 

Postilions' boots, 65 

"Post-mills," 35-6 

"Potato," 49 

" Pot " hat, 70 

" Princess " dress, 87 

Projecting storeys, or "jutties," 
173 

"Pumps," 65-6 

"Quarry," meaning of, 20 
Quarter, foreign, in towns, 174 
"Quern," or handmill, 38 

Reaping-machines, 30-33 

in ancient France, 30-31 
Red cloaks, 106-7, 118-120. 

See also Scarlet 
"Red -coat" School, Duke of 

York's, 72 
Red coats, in the army, 78-9 



Red Maids' School, 101-2 
" Reefer " coats, 54 
"Relay," meaning of, 20 
"Rereclos," or "fire-back," 129, 

134 
"Rights" and "lefts" (of boots 

and shoes), 65 
Rings, 98-100 
"Robe," meaning of, 50-51 
Roman influences in town-build- 
ing, 172, 175-6 

Round huts, 149-50, 180, 183,186 
"Row," a narrow street, 174 
"Running footmen," 76 
Rye bread, 18 

Sago, 49 

"Salt-cellars," 9-10 

Salt-spoons, 10 

" Sandwich," 5 

"Sashed" windows, 137-8 

Scarlet colour,| 55, 105-7, 118- 
20. See also Red 

School dress of boys, 71-3 
of girls, 101-2 

Scotland, buildings in, 182-4 
dress in, 110-15 
food in, 37-41 

"Scythe," meaning of, 32 

Seed-drill, 30 

Shanty, modern Irish, 184 

Sheriff's coachman, dress of, 75 

Shetland plough, 26-7 

"Shirt," 61-2, 87 
red, of Garibaldi, 62. See 
frontispiece 

Shoes, 63-7, 94-6, 115, 120 

"Short boots," 64 

"Short frocks," girls', 104 

Shutters, unglazed windows pro- 
tected by, 176 

"Sickle," meaning of, 32 

"Side-board," 142 

Side-saddle, disuse of, 90 

Signs, street, 177-9 

"Silk-hats," 67-9 

Simplicity of English life, ancient, 
122-4 

"Size," meaning of, 15 



INDEX 



197 



"Skin-boiling," 39, 41 

Skirt, separate from "body," 51-2 

"Skirt" and "Shirt," 86 

"Sky-light," 135 

"Sky-scraper," 155 

Sleeves and gloves, 90-91 

"Smock-frock," 83 

Snake-rings, 100-101 

Snake-stones, 48-9 

"Snare," 21 

"Solar" or "sun-chamber," 156 

Spade, 28 

Spencer (jacket), 54 

"Spick and span," 7, 8 

"Spoons," 7, 9 

" Springe," 21 

Stairs, meaning of a "pair" of, 

128 

Stairs and ladders, 127-8 
Stake, the, 180 

" Stalking-horse," meaning of, 21 
"Stays," 85 

Steeplehats, 106, 108, 110 
Stevenson, Scottish and English 

houses contrasted by R. L., 

182-3 

"Stone-boiling," 38 
Stone houses, 156 note, 171-2, 

180, 182-3 
Storeys, additional (in houses), 

173 

Straw hats, 70-71 
"Street," 172 
Street signs, 177-9 
Sugar, 45 

loaves, 45 

Summer-house, 150-51 
" Sun-chamber " or " solar," 156 
Sunshades, 97 
"Supper," meaning of, 4 
"Swallow-tail" coat, 56, 57 
Swan-upping or "-hopping," 179 

Table-cloths, 13-14 
Table, place at, 6, 44 
"Table," round or long, 5 
Tail, ploughing by the, 26 
"Tapioca, "49 
"Tapissier, Court," 148 



"Tartan" cloth, name of, 112 

"Taverns" or "shades," 176 

Tea, 46-7 

Teeth, artificial, forbidden, 96 

"Tester," 139-40 

Thames waterman, dress of, 80 

Threshing-machines, 34 

Thumb-rings, 100 

Tight-lacing, 84-5 

Toecaps, of boots and shoes, 64-5 

"Toils, In the," 19 

Top-boots, 64, 65 

Top-coats, 53 

Top-hats, 67-9 

Towers, church, development of, 

165-70 

Trade-marks, 179 
Trades, dress of various, 80 
'Trammel," meaning of, 21 
" Trap," meaning of, 21 
Trap-doors for stairs, 127 
"Treacle," meaning of, 47 
"Trenchers," 6-7 
''Trews" and "trousers," 107-8, 

113-15, 116-19 
Trinity Hospital, Castle Rising, 

dress of "Sisters " at, 106 
Trousers, 62-3, 107-8, 109, 113- 

15, 116-19 
"Truckle"- or " trundle "-beds, 

139 

"Tryst," meaning of, 19 
"Tumblers," 12 
"Tun" or " town, " meaning of, 

159-60 
Turrets, "pepperbox" (Scotland), 

188 

Umbrellas, 97-8 

Uniforms and liveries, 74-81 

" Upholsterer," meaning of, 148 

"Venison," meaning of, 19 
"Vests" or "waistcoats," 60-61 

Waistcoats, 59-61 

Wales, buildings in, 180-81 

dress in, 108-10 

food in, 37 



198 



THE PAST AT OUR DOOES 



"Wall," 172 

" Ward-robe," meaning of, 141-2 
Watchmen in church towers, 167 
Watermen, dress of, 80 
Water-mills, 38-9 
"Watteau" dress, 87 
"Wheat," meaning of, 43 

red, 44 
White (the colour) worn by Irish 

at the Boyne, 120 
Wickerwork, huts and forts of, 

184, 186 



Winchester, dress at, 73 
"Window," 135-8, 176 
Women copy men's dress, 81-90 
Women's dress copied by men, 

81 note 
Wooden castles, 171, 184 

houses, 149 
Worsted, 145-6 

"X " marked on beer barrels, 17 
"Yeast," 15 




By courtesy of Ed. of" The Library," and of the Master, Christ's Coll., Camb. 

FIG. 46 A. Wall-paper dating from 1509, recently discovered at 
Christ's Coll. , Cambridge, being 200 years earlier than 
knmvn specimen. See The Library, 3rd Ser. Vol. ii. No. 8. 



By WALTER W. SKEAT, M.A. 

MALAY MAGIC 

BEING AN INTRODUCTION TO THE FOLK- 
LORE AND POPULAR RELIGIONS OF 
THE MALAY PENINSULA 

With a Preface by C. O. BLAGDEN. 
Illustrated. 8vo. 2 is. net. 

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graphers and Oriental archaeologists under a heavy debt of gratitude. " 

SPCTATOfi."Most interesting. ... Mr. Skeat's book 
must be read and ranked with those interesting volumes of Sir Frank 
Swettenham and Mr. Hugh Clifford, Lieutenant Newbold and Sir 
William Maxwell." 

By WALTER W. SKEAT, M.A., and 
CHARLES O. BLAGDEN, M.A. 

PAGAN RACES OF THE 
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Illustrated. Two vols. 8vo. 423. net. 

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S A TURD A Y REVIEW." Students owe a great debt to the 
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of beautiful plates ; indeed, rarely is a book of this nature so well 
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WONDERS OF PHYSICAL SCIENCE 

BY E. E. FOURNIER, B.Sc. 

TILLERS OF THE GROUND 

BY MARION I. NEWBIGIN, D.Sc. 

THE PAST AT OUR DOORS 

OK, THE OLD IN THE NEW ABOUND US 
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THE CHANGEFUL EARTH 

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BY PROFESSOR GRENVILLE A. J. COLE. 

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THREADS IN THE WEB OF LIFE 

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eating Animals. 6. Animals which destroy Man's Crops. 
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Animals. 11. Aids in the Struggle for Existence. 
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14. Inter- Relations among Plants/ 

WONDERS OF PHYSICAL SCIENCE 

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CHAPTER 1* Archimedes. 2. The Wise Men of Alex- 
andria. 3. Arabian Days. 4. Dr. Gilbert of Colchester. 
5. Galileo. 6. The Barometer. 7. The Air- Pump. 8. The 
Inventor of the Steam-Engine. 9. Electric Sparks. 10. The 
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TILLERS OF THE GROUND 

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THE PAST AT OUR DOORS 

CONTENTS 

CHAPTER 1. The Story of our Food. 2. The Story of 
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Story of our Dress (continued). 5. The Story of our Dress 
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PLEASE DO NOT REMOVE 
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110 
36 
1913 



Skeat, Walter William 
The past at our doors