s
University of California • Berkeley
PATTIE'S PERSONAL NARRATIVE OF A VOYAGE
TO THE PACIFIC AND IN MEXICO
JUNE 20, 1824 -AUGUST 30, 1830
Reprint of the original edition: Cincinnati, 1831
THE
PERSONAL NARRATIVE
JAMES O. PATTIE,
KENTUCKY,
.DURING AM tXPEDITiON FROM «T. t.orf*. THRIIOCM TKK VAST REGIONS
BCTWEEX THAT PI ACE AKD THE rACIFIC OCEAN. AKO THEtiCC »ACK
TRROCOH THCCTTV OF MCXICu TO VEB.A CRtX, CURING /OUrtNCl'-
IKCS Or SIX ttAR»; IX U-MICIt KB &KP I/IS FATHER. WHO
ACCONPAMFD HIM. *l)rFi:AKU UNHEARD OK HAKIKIUfS
AKO D4KCE&S, HAD VAklOOit CONFLICTS WITH THE IN-
DIANS. AMD WEAK MADE ~CAPTIVLS. I.N VUICU
CAFTn-fTV HIS rATHER DIED; TOGETHER
WITH A DESCRIPTION OP THE COUMRV,
AtSD THE VARIOUS NATIOICS THROUGH
WHICH THEY PASSED.
EDITED BY TIMOTHY FLINT.
CINCINNATI:
PRINTED AND PUBLISHED BY JOHN H. WOOD.
1831.
DISTRICT OF OHIO, TO WIT:
**~***~** BE it Remembered, that on the i8th day of Oct., Anno Domini
!T e / 1831; John H. Wood, of the said District, hath deposited in this
\ office, the title of a Book, the title of which is in the words following,
*'.^v^».'* to wit:
"The Personal Narrative of James O. Pattie, of Kentucky, during an expedition
from St. Louis, through the vast regions between that place and the Pacific ocean,
and thence back through the city of Mexico to Vera Cruz, during journeyings of
six years; in which he and his father who accompanied him, suffered unheard of
hardships and dangers; had various conflicts with the Indians, and were made
captives, in which captivity his father died, together with a description of the coun-
try, and the various nations through which they passed."
The right whereof he claims as proprietor, in conformity with an act of Congress,
entitled "An act to amend the several acts respecting copyrights."
\Atlest, WILLIAM MINER,
Clerk of the District.
EDITOR'S PREFACE1
IT has been my fortune to be known as a writer of works
of the imagination. I am solicitous that this Journal should
lose none of its intrinsic interest, from its being supposed
that in preparing it for the press, I have drawn from the
imagination, either in regard to the incidents or their color-
ing. For, in the literal truth of the facts, incredible as some
of them may appear, my grounds of conviction are my
acquaintance with the Author, the impossibility of inventing
a narrative like the following, the respectability of his rela-
tions, the standing which his father sustained, the confidence
reposed in him by the Hon. J. S. Johnston,2 the very respect-
able senator in congress from Louisiana, who introduced
him to me, the concurrent testimony of persons now in this
city, who saw him at different points in New Mexico, and
1 Timothy Flint (1780-1840) was a native of Reading, Massachusetts. Grad-
uated from Harvard College (1800), he became a Congregational minister, and in
1815 went as a missionary to the Far West. Until 1822 his headquarters were at
St. Charles, Missouri; in that year he descended the Mississippi in a flatboat and
settled in Louisiana, conducting a seminary on Lake Pontchartrain. Ill health
compelled him to return to the North (1825), and thereafter he gave his attention to
literature. For three years he edited the Western Review at Cincinnati; but later,
removing to New York (1833), conducted the Knickerbocker Magazine. In addi-
tion to publishing a number of romances and biographies of Western life, he was
the author of two well-known books on the West: Recollections of the Last Ten
Years Passed in the Valley of the Mississippi (1826), and Condensed History and
Geography of the Western States (1828).— ED.
3 Josiah Stoddard Johnston was born in Salisbury, Connecticut (1784), but
when a small boy removed with his parents to Washington, Kentucky. He was
graduated from Transylvania University (1805), and soon after began the practice
of law in Alexandria, a frontier village of Louisiana. Gaining reputation as a
lawyer, he served as district judge from 1812-21, was elected to the i7th congress,
and in 1823 became a member of the federal senate, where he supported a protective
tariff and the other measures advocated by Henry Clay. In 1833, Johnston was
killed in the explosion of the steamboat ' ' Lyon," on Red River. — ED.
26 Early Western Travels [Vol. 18
the reports, which reached the United States, during the
expedition of many of the incidents here recorded.
When my family first arrived at St. Charles' in 1816, the
fame of the exploits of his father, as an officer of the rangers,
was fresh in the narratives of his associates and fellow sol-
diers. I have been on the ground, at Cap au Gris, where
he was besieged by the Indians. I am not unacquainted
with the scenery through which he passed on the Missouri,
and I, too, for many years was a sojourner in the prairies.
These circumstances, along with a conviction of the truth
of the narrative, tended to give me an interest in it, and to
qualify me in some degree to judge of the internal evidences
contained in the journal itself, of its entire authenticity. It
will be perceived at once, that Mr. Pattie, with Mr. McDuffie,
thinks more of action than literature, and is more competent
to perform exploits, than blazon them in eloquent periods.
My influence upon the narrative regards orthography, and
punctuation [iv] and the occasional interposition of a topo-
graphical illustration, which my acquaintance with the ac-
counts of travellers in New Mexico, and published views of
the country have enabled me to furnish. The reader will
award me the confidence of acting in good faith, in regard
to drawing nothing from my own thoughts. I have found
more call to suppress, than to add, to soften, than to show in
stronger relief many of the incidents. Circumstances of
suffering, which in many similar narratives have been given
in downright plainness of detail, I have been impelled to
leave to the reader's imagination, as too revolting to be
recorded.
The very texture of the narrative precludes ornament and
amplification. The simple record of events as they trans-
pired, painted by the hungry, toil-worn hunter, in the midst
of the desert, surrounded by sterility, espying the foot print
of the savage, or discerning him couched behind the tree
or hillock, or hearing the distant howl of wild beasts, will
1824-1830] Patties Personal Narrative 27
naturally bear characteristics of stern disregard of embellish-
ment. To alter it, to attempt to embellish it, to divest it of
the peculiar impress of the narrator and his circumstances,
would be to take from it its keeping, the charm of its sim-
plicity, and its internal marks of truth. In these respects I
have been anxious to leave the narrative as I found it.
The journalist seems in these pages a legitimate descend-
ant of those western pioneers, the hunters of Kentucky, a
race passing unrecorded from history. The pencil of biog-
raphy could seize upon no subjects of higher interest. With
hearts keenly alive to the impulses of honor and patriotism,
and the charities of kindred and friends; they possessed
spirits impassible to fear, that no form of suffering or death
could daunt; and frames for strength and endurance, as if
ribbed with brass and sinewed with steel. For them to
traverse wide deserts, climb mountains, swim rivers, grapple
with the grizzly bear, and encounter the savage, in a sojourn
in the wilderness of years, far from the abodes of civilized
men, was but a spirit-stirring and holiday mode of life.
[v] To me, there is a kind of moral sublimity in the contem-
plation of the adventures and daring of such men. They
read a lesson to shrinking and effeminate spirits, the men of
soft hands and fashionable life, whose frames the winds of
heaven are not allowed to visit too roughly. They tend to
re-inspire something of that simplicity of manners, manly
hardihood, and Spartan energy and force of character, which
formed so conspicuous a part of the nature of the settlers
of the western wilderness.
Every one knows with what intense interest the community
perused the adventures of Captain Riley,3 and other intrepid
3 James Riley (born in Connecticut, 1777, died at sea, 1840) was a sea captain,
who experienced some romantic adventures. In 1815 he sailed from Hartford on
the brig "Commerce," was shipwrecked on the coast of Africa, and for eighteen
months held as a slave by the Arabs until ransomed by the British consul at Moga-
dove. In 1817, Anthony Bleecker published from Riley's journals An Authentic
Narrative of the Loss of the American Brig Commerce, on the Western Coast of
28 Early Western Travels [Vol. 18
mariners shipwrecked and enslaved upon distant and bar-
barous shores. It is far from my thoughts to detract from
the intrepidity of American mariners, which is known, where-
ever the winds blow, or the waves roll; or to depreciate the
interest of the recorded narratives of their sufferings. A
picture more calculated to arouse American sympathies
cannot be presented, than that of a ship's crew, driven by
the fierce winds and the mountain waves upon a rock bound
shore, and escaping death in the sea, only to encounter
captivity from the barbarians on the land. Yet much of the
courage, required to encounter these emergencies is passive,
counselling only the necessity of submission to events, from
which there is no escape, and to which all resistance would
be unavailing.
The courage requisite to be put forth in an expedition such
as that in which Mr. Pattie and his associates were cast,
must be both active and passive, energetic and ever vigilant,
and never permitted to shrink, or intermit a moment for
years. At one time it is assailed by hordes of yelling savages,
and at another, menaced with the horrible death of hunger
and thirst in interminable forests, or arid sands. Either
position offers perils and sufferings sufficiently appalling.
But fewer spirits, I apprehend, are formed to brave those
of the field,
'Where wilds immeasurably spread,
Seem lengthening as they go.'
than of the ocean, where the mariner either soon finds rest
beneath its tumultuous bosom, or joyfully spreads his sails
again to the breeze.
Africa, in the Month of August, 1815 -with a Description of Tombuctoo.
The book had a wide circulation both in England and America, but until other
survivors of the vessel returned and confirmed the account, was popularly sup-
posed to be fictitious. In 1821 Riley settled in Van Wert County, Ohio, found-
ing the town of Willshire, and in 1823 was elected to the legislature. He
resumed a seafaring life (1831), and an account of his later voyages and adven-
tures was published by his son (Columbus, 1851). — ED.
INTRODUCTION
THE grandfather of the author of this Journal, was born
in Caroline county, Virginia, in 1750. Soon after he was
turned of twenty-one, he moved to Kentucky, and became
an associate with those fearless spirits who first settled in the
western forests. To qualify him to meet the dangers and
encounter the toils of his new position, he had served in
the revolutionary war, and had been brought in hostile con-
tact with the British in their attempt to ascend the river
Potomac.
He arrived in Kentucky, in company with twenty emigrant
families, in 1781, and settled on the south side of the Ken-
tucky river. The new settlers were beginning to build
houses with internal finishing. His pursuit, which was that
of a house carpenter, procured him constant employment,
but he sometimes diversified it by teaching school. Soon
after his arrival, the commencing settlement experienced
the severest and most destructive assaults from the Indians.
In August, 1782, he was one of the party who marched to
the assistance of Bryant's station,4 and shared in the glory
of relieving that place by the memorable defeat of the savages.
Not long afterwards he was called upon by Col. Logan5 to
join a party led by him against the Indians, who had gained
4 This station, five miles northeast of Lexington, had been established in 1779 by
four Bryan (later, Bryant) brothers from North Carolina, one of whom married a
sister of Daniel Boone. It contained about forty cabins in 1782 when, August 16, it
was attacked by a force of Canadians and Indians under the leadership of Simon
Girty. Faih'ng to draw the men out of the stockade, as had been planned, the
Indians besieged the station until the following day, when they withdrew. For a
full account, see Ranck, "Story of Bryant's Station," Filson Club Publications,
xii. — ED.
i
8 For a brief sketch of Colonel Benjamin Logan, see A. Michaux's Travels,
volume iii of our series, p. 40, note 34. — ED.
30 Early Western Travels [Vol. 18
a bloody victory over the Kentuckians at the Blue Licks.'
He was present on the spot, where the bodies of the slain
lay unburied, and assisted in their interment. During his
absence on this expedition, Sylvester Pattie, father of the
author, was born, August 25, 1782.
In November of the same year, his grand-father was sum-
moned to join a party commanded by Col. Logan, in an
expedition against the Indians at the Shawnee towns, in the
limits of the present state of Ohio.7 They crossed the Ohio
just below [viii] the mouth of the Licking, opposite the site of
what is now Cincinnati, which was at that time an unbroken
forest, without the appearance of a human habitation. They
were here joined by Gen. Clark8 with his troops from the
falls of the Ohio, or what is now Louisville. The united
force marched to the Indian towns, which they burnt and
destroyed.
Returning from this expedition, he resumed his former
occupations, witnessing the rapid advance of the country
from immigration. When the district, in which he resided,
was constituted Bracken county, he was appointed one of the
* An account of the battle of the Blue Licks may be found in Cuming's Tour,
in our volume iv, pp. 176, 177. — ED.
7 This expedition, to avenge the battle of the Blue Licks and the attack on
Bryant's Station, rendezvoused at the mouth of the Licking. A force of a thousand
mounted riflemen under George Rogers Clark marched thence against the Shawnee
towns in the neighborhood of the present Chillicothe. These were completely
destroyed, the expedition meeting with no resistance. — ED.
8 A footnote cannot do justice to the services of General George Rogers Clark
in Western history. Born in Albemarle County, Virginia (1752), he became a
surveyor on the upper Ohio. Serving in Dunmore's campaign in 1 774, the following
year he settled in Kentucky. Returning to Virginia to urge upon the legislature
the conquest of the Illinois territory, he was made a lieutenant-colonel and author-
ized to raise troops for the undertaking. June 24, 1778, he set out from the Falls
of the Ohio, upon his memorable campaign, capturing Kaskaskia July 4, and
Vincennes the following February. See Thwaites, How George Rogers Clark
won the Northwest, etc. (Chicago, 1903). The attack upon the Shawnee towns in
1782 was his last important work; an expedition up the Wabash against Detroit,
was undertaken in 1786; but part of the troops mutinied, and Clark was forced to
turn back before reaching his destination. He died at his sister's home, "Locust
Grove," near Louisville, in February, 1818. — ED.
1824-1830] Pattie' s Personal Narrative 3 1
judges of the court of quarter sessions, which office he filled
sixteen years, until his place was vacated by an act of the
legislature reducing the court to a single judge.
Sylvester Pattie, the father of the author, as was common
at that period in Kentucky, married early, having only
reached nineteen. He settled near his father's house, and
there remained until there began to be a prevalent disposition
among the people to move to Missouri. March 14, 1812,
he removed to that country, the author being then eight
years old. Born and reared amidst the horrors of Indian
assaults and incursions, and having lived to see Kentucky
entirely free from these dangers, it may seem strange, that
he should have chosen to remove a young family to that
remote country, then enduring the same horrors of. Indian
warfare, as Kentucky had experienced twenty-five years
before. It was in the midst of the late war with England,
which, it is well known, operated to bring the fiercest assaults
of savage incursion upon the remote frontiers of Illinois and
Missouri.
To repel these incursions, these then territories, called
out some companies of rangers, who marched against the
Sac and Fox Indians, between the Mississippi and the lakes,
who were at that time active in murdering women and
children, and burning their habitations during the absence
of the male heads of families.9 When Pattie was appointed
lieutenant in one of these companies, he left his family at
St. Charles' where he was then residing.10 It may be
imagined, that the condition of his wife was sufficiently
* The war with the Sauk and Foxes was part of the general War of 1812-15.
These Indians had in 1804 signed a treaty at St. Louis, by which they surrendered
all their lands in Illinois and Wisconsin. But the cession was repudiated by the
Rock River band of the united tribes, who eagerly joined with the British in the
hope of saving their hunting grounds. The noted warrior Black Hawk accepted
a commission in the British army. — ED.
10 For the early history of St. Charles, see Bradbury's Travels, volume v of our
series, p. 39, note 9. — ED.
32 Early Western Travels [Vol. 18
lonely, as this village contained but one American [ix] family
besides her own, and she was unable to converse with its
French inhabitants. His company had several skirmishes
with the Indians, in each of which it came off successful.
The rangers left him in command of a detachment, in
possession of the fort at Cap au Gris.11 Soon after the main
body of the rangers had marched away, the fort was besieged
by a body of English and Indians. The besiegers made
several attempts to storm the fort, but were repelled by the
garrison. — The foe continued the siege for a week, con-
tinually firing upon the garrison, who sometimes, though
not often, for want of ammunition, returned the fire. Lieu-
tenant Pattie, perceiving no disposition in the enemy to
withdraw, and discovering that his ammunition was almost
entirely exhausted, deemed it necessary to send a despatch
to Belief ontaine,12 near the point of the junction of the
Missouri and Mississippi, where was stationed a considerable
American force. He proposed to his command, that a
couple of men should make their way through the enemy,
cross the Mississippi, and apprize the commander of Belle-
f ontaine of their condition. No one was found willing to
risk the attempt, as the besiegers were encamped entirely
around them. Leaving Thomas McNair13 in command in
11 Cap-au-Gris is situated on the Mississippi a few miles above the mouth of
Cuivre River. In 1812 Fort Howard was erected near that point, for the protection
of the Missouri frontier; its name was in honor of the governor, Benjamin Howard.
Fort Howard was a shipping port of some importance until the advent of the rail-
roads into that region, but it now exists only in name. The event here related was an
attack upon Fort Howard by Black Hawk and his band, immediately after the
siege of Fort Meigs (July, 1813). — ED.
u Fort Bellefontaine was established (1805) by General James Wilkinson,
governor of Louisiana, on the site of an old Spanish fort named Charles the Prince.
It was on the Missouri River, four miles above its junction with the Mississippi,
and was occupied by United States troops until the construction of Jefferson Bar-
racks in 1827. For further details, see Thwaites, Original Journals of the Lewis and
Clark Expedition, v, p. 392, note 2. — ED.
13 Thomas McNair was a son of Robert, a blacksmith living at Troy, about
eighteen miles west of Cap-au-Gris; and a nephew of Alexander McNair, governor
of Missouri (1820-24). The family had emigrated to St. Louis from Dauphin
County, Pennsylvania, about 1800. — ED.
1824-1830] Pattie' s Personal Narrative 33
his place, and putting on the uniform of one of the English
soldiers, whom they had killed during one of the attempts
to storm the fort, he passed by night safely through the
camp of the enemy, and arrived at the point of his destination,
a distance of over forty miles : 500 soldiers were immediately
dispatched from Bellefontaine to the relief of the besieged
at Cap au Gris. As soon as this force reached the fort, the
British and Indians decamped, not, however, without
leaving many of their lifeless companions behind them.
Lieutenant Pattie remained in command of Cap au Gris,
being essentially instrumental in repressing the incursions
of the Sacs and Foxes, and disposing them to a treaty of
peace, until the close of the war.14 In 1813 he received his
discharge, and returned to his family, with whom he enjoyed
domestic happiness in privacy and repose for some years.
St. Louis and St. Charles [x] were beginning rapidly to im-
prove; American families were constantly immigrating to
these towns. The timber in their vicinity is not of the best
kind for building. Pine could no where be obtained in
abundance, nearer than on the Gasconade, a stream that
enters on the south side of the Missouri, about one hundred
and fifty miles up that river. Mr. Pattie, possessing a
wandering and adventurous spirit, meditated the idea of
removing to this frontier and unpeopled river, to erect
Mills upon it, and send down pine lumber in rafts to St.
Louis, and the adjoining country. He carried his plan into
operation, and erected a Saw and Grist Mill upon the
Gasconade.15 It proved a very fortunate speculation, as
14 As Pattie obtained his discharge in 1813, he must have yielded his command
to Lieutenant John McNair, brother of Thomas, who was stationed at Cap-au-Gris
during the latter part of the war. See Goodspeed, History of Lincoln County,
Missouri (Chicago, 1888), p. 224.
The Sauk and Foxes signed a treaty of peace in May, 1816, wherein they
acknowledged the cession of 1804; but the consequent removal across the Missis-
sippi was one of the causes of the Black Hawk War (1832). — ED.
18 Gasconade River rises in southern Missouri, and flowing northeast empties
into the Missouri about a hundred miles above the latter's junction with the Missis-
sippi.— ED.
34 Early Western Travels [Vol. 18
there was an immediate demand at St. Louis and St. Charles
for all the plank the mill could supply.
In this remote wilderness, Mr. Pattie lived in happiness
and prosperity, until the mother of the author was attacked
by consumption. Although her husband was, as has been
said, strongly endowed with the wandering propensity, he
was no less profoundly attached to his family; and in this
wild region, the loss of a beloved wife was irreparable. She
soon sunk under the disorder, leaving nine young children.
Not long after, the youngest died, and was deposited by her
side in this far land.
The house, which had been the scene of domestic quiet,
cheerfulness and joy, and the hospitable home of the stranger,
sojourning in these forests, became dreary and desolate. Mr.
Pattie, who had been noted for the buoyancy of his gay
spirit, was now silent, dejected, and even inattentive to his
business; which, requiring great activity and constant at-
tention, soon ran into disorder.
About this time, remote trapping and trading expeditions
up the Missouri, and in the interior of New Mexico began
to be much talked of. Mr. Pattie seemed to be interested
in these expeditions, which offered much to stir the spirit
and excite enterprize. To arouse him from his indolent
melancholy, his friends advised him to sell his property,
convert it into merchandize and equipments for trapping
and hunting, and to join in such an undertaking. To a man
born and reared under the circumstances [xi] of his early
life — one to whom forests, and long rivers, adventures, and
distant mountains, presented pictures of familiar and birth
day scenes — one, who confided in his rifle, as a sure friend,
and who withal, connected dejection and bereavement with
his present desolate residence; little was necessary to tempt
him to such an enterprise.
In a word, he adopted the project with that undoubting
and unshrinking purpose, with which to will is to accom-
1824-1830] Patties Personal Narrative 35
plish. Arrangements were soon made. The Children were
provided for among his relations. The Author was at school ;
but inheriting the love of a rifle through so many generations,
and nursed amid such scenes, he begged so earnestly of his
father that he might be allowed to accompany the expedition,
that he prevailed. The sad task remained for him to record
the incidents of the expedition, and the sufferings and death
of his father.
COMMENCEMENT OF THE
EXPEDITION
I PASS by, as unimportant in this Journal, all the circum-
stances of our arrangements for setting out on our expedition;
together with my father's sorrow and mine, at leaving the
spot where his wife and my mother was buried, the place,
which had once been so cheerful, and was now so gloomy
to us. We made our purchases at St. Louis. Our com-
pany consisted of five persons. We had ten horses packed
with traps, trapping utensils, guns, ammunition, knives,
tomahawks, provisions, blankets, and some surplus arms,
as we anticipated that we should be able to gain some ad-
ditions to our number by way of recruits, as we proceeded
onward. But when the trial came, so formidable seemed
the danger, fatigue, distance, and uncertainty of the expe-
dition, that not an individual could be persuaded to share
our enterprize.
June 20, 1824, we crossed the Missouri at a small town
called Newport,16 and meandered the river as far as
Pilcher's fort,17 without any incident worthy of record, except
that one of our associates, who had become too unwell to
travel, was left at Charaton, the remotest village on this
frontier of any size.18 We arrived at Pilcher's fort, on the
18 Newport, now Dundee, is a small town on the Missouri, at the mouth of Buffalo
Creek, some sixty miles above St. Louis. — ED.
" This was an important place during the fur-trading era. It was more com-
monly known as Bellevue, and was situated about nine miles above the mouth of
the Platte. The first post was established about 1810, and soon passed into the
control of the Missouri Fur Company, under Joshua Pilcher — hence the name
of Pilcher's Post. For a sketch of Pilcher, see James's Long's Expedition, in our
volume xiv, p. 269, note 193. — ED.
18 Chariton was about two hundred and twenty miles up the Missouri, at the
mouth of Chariton River. In 1818 the sale of government land began in that
3 8 Early Western Travels [Vol. 18
1 3th day of July. There we remained, until the 28th,
waiting the arrival of a keel boat from below, that was partly
freighted with merchandize for us, with which we intended
to trade with the Indians.
On the 28th, our number diminished to four, we set off
for a trading establishment eight miles above us on the
Missouri, belonging to Pratte, Choteau and Company.19
In this place centres most of the trade with the Indians on
the upper Missouri. Here we met with Sylvester, son of
Gen. Pratte,20 who was on his way [14] to New Mexico, with
purposes similar to ours. His company had preceded him,
and was on the river Platte waiting for him.
We left this trading establishment for the Council Bluffs,
six miles above.21 When we arrived there, the commanding
officer demanded to see our license for trading with the
Indians. We informed him, that we neither had any, nor
were aware that any was necessary. We were informed,
that we could be allowed to ascend the. river no higher
without one. This dilemma brought our onward progress
to a dead stand. We were prompt, however, in making
new arrangements. We concluded to sell our surplus arms
in exchange for merchandize, and change our direction from
the upper Missouri, to New Mexico. One of our number
was so much discouraged with our apparent ill success,
region, and the town sprang up with extraordinary rapidity. Many lots in St.
Louis were exchanged for lots in Chariton, but the site of the latter is now^a
farm. — ED.
19 This was Cabanne's Post, nine or ten miles (by land) above Omaha. It was
established about 1822 for the American Fur Company, by J. P. Cabanne. He
remained in charge until 1833, and soon thereafter the company moved its trading
station to Bellevue. — ED.
20 Silvester Pratte was born in St. Louis (1799), the son of Bernard Pratte, a
partner in the American Fur Company. He did not return from this expedition?
but died in New Mexico; see post. — ED.
21 For the early history of Council Bluffs, see Brackenridge's Journal, volume vi
of our series, p. 78, note 28. — ED.
1824-1830] Pattie's Pe rsonal Narrative 39
and so little satisfied with this new project, that he came
to the determination to leave our ranks. The remainder,
though dispirited by the reduction of our number, de-
termined not to abandon the undertaking. Our invalid
having rejoined us, we still numbered four. We remained
some time at. this beautiful position, the Council Bluffs. I
have seen much that is beautiful, interesting and command-
ing in the wild scenery of nature, but no prospect above,
around, and below more so than from this spot. Our
object and destination being the same as Mr. Pratte's, we
concluded to join his company on the Platte.
We left the Bluffs, July 3oth, and encamped the night after
our departure on a small stream, called the Elkhorn.22 We
reached it at a point thirty miles S. W. from the Bluffs. The
Pawnee Indians sometimes resort upon the banks of this
stream. The country is so open and bare of timber, that
it was with difficulty we could find sufficient wood to cook
with, even on the banks of the river, where wood is found,
if at all, in the prairie country.
Early the next morning we commenced our march up the
bottoms of the stream, which we continued to ascend, until
almost night fall, when we concluded to cross it to a small
grove of timber that we descried on the opposite shore,
where we encamped [15] for the night, securing our horses
with great care, through fear that they would be stolen by
the Indians.
In the morning, as we were making arrangements to
commence our march, we discovered a large body of Indians,
running full speed towards us. When they had arrived
within a hundred yards of us, we made signs, that they
must halt, or that we should fire upon them. They halted,
and we inquired of them, as one of our number spoke their
22 For Elkhorn River, see James's Long's Expedition, in our volume xiv, p. 240,
note 182. — ED.
4O Early Western Travels [Vol. 18
language, to what nation they belonged? They answered
the Pawnee.23 Considering them friendly, we permitted
them to approach us. It was on our way, to pass through
their town, and we followed them thither. As soon as we
arrived at their town, they conducted us to the lodge of their
chief, who posted a number of his warriors at the door,
and called the rest of his chiefs, accompanied by an inter-
preter. They formed a circle in the centre of the lodge.
The elder chief then lighting a pipe, commenced smoking;
the next chief holding the bowl of his pipe. This mode
of smoking differed from that of any Indians we had yet
seen. He filled his mouth with the smoke, then puffed
it in our bosoms, then on his own, and then upward, as he
said, toward the Great Spirit, that he would bestow upon
us plenty of fat buffaloes, and all necessary aid on our way.
He informed us, that he had two war parties abroad. He
gave us a stick curiously painted with characters, I suppose
something like hieroglyphics, bidding us, should we see any
of his warriors, to give them that stick; in which case they
would treat us kindly. The pipe was then passed round,
and we each of us gave it two or three light whiffs. We
were then treated with fat buff aloe meat, and after we had
eaten, he gave us counsel in regard to our future course, par-
ticularly not to let our horses loose at night. His treat-
ment was altogether paternal.
Next morning we left the village of this hospitable old
chief, accompanied by a pilot, dispatched to conduct us to
Mr. Pratte's company on the Platte. This is one of the
three villages of the Republican Pawnees. It is situated
on the little Platte River,24 in the centre of an extensive
a For the Pawnee Indians, consult Brackenridge's Journal, in our volume vi,
p. 61, note 17. — ED.
24 This is not the stream now known as the Little Platte, for which see James's
Long's Expedition, in our volume xiv, p. 1 74, note 141 . Possibly it was Maple Creek,
a stream which rises in the southern part of Stanton County, Nebraska, and flowing
westward through Dodge County joins the Elkhorn nearly opposite the town of
1824-1830] Pattie 's Personal Narrative 4 1
prairie plain; having near [16] it a small strip of wood extend-
ing from the village to the river. The houses are cone-
shaped, like a sugar loaf. The number of lodges may
amount to six hundred.
The night after we left this village, we encamped on the
banks of a small creek called the Mad Buffaloe. Here we
could find no wood for cooking, and made our first experi-
ment of the common resort in these wide prairies; that is,
we were obliged to collect the dung of the buffaloe for that
purpose. Having taken our supper, some of us stood guard
through the night, while the others slept, according to the
advice of the friendly chief. Next morning we commenced
our march at early dawn, and by dint of hard travelling
through the prairies, we arrived about sunset, on the main
Platte, where we joined Mr. Pratte and his company. We
felt, and expressed gratitude to the pilot, who, by his knowl-
edge of the country, had conducted us by the shortest and
easiest route. We did not forget the substantial expression
of our good will, in paying him. He started for his own
village the same evening, accompanying us here, and return-
ing, on foot, although he could have had a horse for the
journey.
At this encampment, on the banks of the Platte, we
remained four days, during which time we killed some
antelopes and deer, and dressed their skins to make us
moccasins. Among our arrangements with Mr. Pratte,
one was, that my father should take the command of this
Fontenelle. At the time of Major Long's expedition (1820), all the Pawnee villages
were situated within a few miles of each other, on the Loup fork of the Platte (see
volume xv of our series, pp. 144-149), while Pattie finds a Republican Pawnee
village within a day's march of the Elkhorn. Probably this was but a temporary
village, as Colonel Henry Dodge (1835) and later travellers describe the location on
the main Platte (see Senate Doc., 24 Cong., i sess., 209). Pattie is also the only
person who mentions more than one Republican Pawnee village. It seems likely
that he erroneously classed as Republican the other Pawnee villages, excepting that
of the Loups (which he mentions separately) — namely, the Grand and the Tapage
villages. — ED.
42 Early Western Travels [Vol. 18
company, to which proposition my father and our associates
consented. The honor of this confidence was probably
bestowed upon him, in consequence of most of the company
having served under him, as rangers, during the late war.
Those who had not, had been acquainted with his services
by general report.
In conformity with the general wish, my father immedi-
ately entered upon his command, by making out a list of
the names of the whole company, and dividing it into four
messes; each mess having to furnish two men, to stand
guard by reliefs, during the night. The roll was called,
and the company was found to be a hundred and sixteen.
We had three hundred mules, and some [17] horses. A
hundred of them were packed with goods and baggage.
The guard was posted as spies, and all the rest were ordered
to commence the arrangements of packing for departure.
The guard was detached, to keep at some distance from the
camp, reconnoitre, and discover if any Indians were lurking
in the vicinity. When on the march, the guards were
ordered to move on within sight of our flank, and parallel
to our line of march. If any Indians were descried, they
were to make a signal by raising their hats; or if not in
sight of us, to alarm us by a pistol shot. These arrange-
ments gave us a chance always to have some little time to
make ready for action.
It may be imagined, that such a caravan made no mean
figure, or inconsiderable dust, in moving along the prairies.
We started on the morning of the 6th of August,25 travelling
up the main Platte, which at this point is more than a hundred
yards wide, very shallow, with a clean sand bottom, and
very high banks. It is skirted with a thin belt of cotton-
28 The definiteness with which Pattie gives his dates, lends to his account an
appearance of accuracy, which an examination of the narrative does not sustain.
By his own enumeration of days after leaving Council Bluffs, this should be August
8. There is no indication that Pattie kept a journal, or that he wrote any account
of his travels before reaching California. — ED.
1824-1830] Pattie's Personal Narrative 43
wood and willow trees, from which beautiful prairie plains
stretch out indefinitely on either side. We arrived in the
evening at a village of the Pawnee Loups.26 It is larger
than the village of the Republican Pawnees, which we had
left behind us. The head chief of this village received us
in the most affectionate and hospitable manner, supplying
us with such provisions as we wanted. He had been all
the way from these remote prairies, on a visit to the city of
Washington. He informed us, that before he had taken the
journey, he had supposed that the white people were a small
tribe, like his own, and that he had found them as number-
less as the spires of grass on his prairies. The spectacle,
however, that had struck him with most astonishment, was
bullets as large as his head, and guns of the size of a log of
wood. His people cultivate corn, beans, pumpkins and
watermelons.
Here we remained five days, during which time Mr.
Pratte purchased six hundred Buffalo skins, and some
horses. A Pawnee war party came in from an expedition
against a hostile tribe of whom they had killed and scalped
four, and taken twenty horses. We were affected at the
sight of a little child, taken [18] captive, whose mother they
had killed and scalped. They could not account for bring-
ing in this child, as their warfare is an indiscriminate
slaughter, of men, women and children.
A day or two after their arrival, they painted themselves
for a celebration of their victory, with great labor and care.
The chiefs were dressed in skins of wild animals, with the
hair on. — These skins were principally those of the bear,
wolf, panther and spotted or ring tailed panther. They wore
necklaces of bear's and panther's claws. The braves, as a
certain class of the warriors are called, in addition to the
* For the Pawnee Loups see Bradbury's Travels, volume v of our series, p. 78,
note 44. An account of the visit of the Pawnee chiefs to Washington may be
found in Faux's Journal, volume xii of our series, pp. 48-52. — ED.
44 Early Western Travels [Vol. 18
dress of the other chiefs, surmounted their heads with a
particular feather from a species of eagle, that they call the
war eagle.27 This feather is considered worth the price of
ten ordinary horses. None but a brave is permitted to
wear it as a badge. A brave, gains his name and reputation
as much by cunning and dexterity in stealing and robbing,
as by courage and success in murdering. When by long
labor of the toilette, they had painted and dressed them-
selves to their liking, they marched forth in the array of their
guns, bows, arrows and war clubs, with all the other appen-
dages of their warfare. They then raised a tall pole, on the
top of which were attached the scalps of the foes they had
killed. It must be admitted, that they manifested no small
degree of genius and inventiveness, in making themselves
frightful and horrible. When they began their triumphal
yelling, shouting, singing and cutting antic capers, it seemed
to us, that a recruit of fiends from the infernal regions could
hardly have transcended them in genuine diabolical display.
They kept up this infernal din three days. During all this
time, the poor little captive child, barely fed to sustain life,
lay in sight, bound hand and foot. When their rage at
length seemed sated, and exhausted, they took down the
pole, and gave the scalps to the women.
We now witnessed a new scene of yells and screams, and
infuriated gestures; the actors kicking the scalps about,
and throwing them from one to the other with strong expres-
sions of rage and contempt. When they also ceased, in
the apparent satisfaction of gratified revenge, the men
directed their attention [19] to the little captive. It was
removed to the medicine lodge, where the medicine men
perform their incantations, and make their offerings to the
Great Spirit. We perceived that they were making prep-
arations to burn the child. Alike affected with pity and
27 This is the golden eagle (Aquila chrysaetos) . The tail-feathers are about a
foot long, and were especially prized by the Indians for decorative purposes. — ED.
1824-1830] Pattie s Personal Narrative 45
horror, our party appealed, as one man, to the presiding
chief, to spare the child. Our first proposition was to pur-
chase it. It was received by the chief with manifest dis-
pleasure. In reply to our strong remonstrances, he gravely
asked us, if we, seeing a young rattlesnake in our path, would
allow it to move off uninjured, merely because it was too
small and feeble to bite? We undertook to point out the
want of resemblance in the circumstances of the comparison,
observing that the child, reared among them, would know
no other people, and would imbibe their habits and enmities,
and become as one of them. The chief replied, that he had
made the experiment, and that the captive children, thus
spared and raised, had only been instrumental, as soon as
they were grown, of bringing them into difficulties. 'It
is' said he, 'like taking the eggs of partridges and hatching
them; you may raise them ever so carefully in a cage; but
once turn them loose, and they show their nature, not only
by flying away, but by bringing the wild partridges into your
corn fields: eat the eggs, and you have not only the food,
but save yourself future trouble.' We again urged that the
child was too small to injure them, and of too little con-
sequence to give them the pleasure of revenge in its destruc-
tion. To enforce our arguments, we showed him a roll of
red broad cloth, the favorite color with the Indians. This
dazzled and delighted him, and he eagerly asked us, how
much we would give him. We insisted upon seeing the
child, before we made him an offer. He led us to the lodge,
where lay the poor little captive, bound so tight with thongs
of raw hide, that the flesh had so swelled over the hard and
dried leather, that the strings could no longer be perceived.
It was almost famished, having scarcely tasted food for four
days, and seemed rather dead than alive. With much
difficulty we disengaged its limbs from the thongs, and
perceiving that it seemed to revive, we offered him [20] ten
yards, of the red cloth. Expatiating upon the trouble and
46 Early Western Travels [Vol. 18
danger of his warriors in the late expedition, he insisted,
that the price was too little. Having the child in our posses-
sion, and beginning to be indignant at this union of avarice
and cruelty, our company exchanged glances of intelligence.
A deep flush suffused the countenance of my father. 'My
boys,' said he, 'will you allow these unnatural devils to burn
this poor child, or practice extortion upon us, as the price
of its ransom?' The vehemence and energy, with which
these questions were proposed, had an effect, that may be
easily imagined, in kindling the spirits of the rest of us. We
carried it by acclamation, to take the child, and let them
seek their own redress.
My father again offered the chief ten yards of cloth, which
was refused as before. Our remark then was, that we
would carry off the child, with, or without ransom, at his
choice. — Meanwhile the child was sent to our encampment,
and our men ordered to have their arms in readiness, as we
had reason to fear that the chief would let loose his warriors
upon us, and take the child by force. The old chief looked
my father full in the face, with an expression of apparent
astonishment. 'Do you think' said he, 'you are strong
enough to keep the child by force?' 'We will do it,' answered
my father, 'or every man of us die in the attempt, in which
case our countrymen will come, and gather up our bones,
and avenge our death, by destroying your nation.' The
chief replied with well dissembled calmness, that he did
not wish to incur the enmity of our people, as he well knew
that we were more powerful than they; alledging, beside,
that he had made a vow never to kill any more white men;
and he added, that if we would give the cloth, and add to it
a paper of vermillion, the child should be ours. To this we
consented, and the contract was settled.
We immediately started for our encampment, where we
were aware our men had been making arrangements for a
battle. We had hardly expected, under these circum-
1824-1830] Puttie's Personal Narrative 47
stances, that the chief would have followed us alone into a
camp, where every thing appeared hostile. But he went on
with us unhesitatingly, [21] until he came to the very edge
of it. Observing that our men had made a breast work
of the baggage, and stood with their arms leaning against
it ready for action, he paused a moment, as if faltering in
his purpose to advance. With the peculiar Indian exclam-
ation, he eagerly asked my father, if he had thought that
he would fight his friends, the white people, for that little
child ? The reply was, that we only meant to be ready for
them, if they had thought to do so. With a smiling coun-
tenance the chief advanced, and took my father's hand
exclaiming, that they were good friends. 'Save your
powder and lead/ he added, 'to kill buffaloes and your
enemies.' So saying he left us for his own lodge.
This tribe is on terms of hostility with two or three of the
tribes nearest their hunting grounds. They make their
incursions on horseback, and often extend them to the
distance of six or seven hundred miles. They chiefly engage
on horseback, and their weapons, for the most part, consist
of a bow and arrows, a lance and shield, though many of
them at present have fire arms. Their commander stations
himself in the rear of his warriors, seldom taking a part in
the battle, unless he should be himself attacked, which is
not often the case. They show no inconsiderable military
stratagem in their marches, keeping spies before and behind,
and on each flank, at the distance of a few days travel ; so that
in their open country, it is almost impossible to come upon
them by surprise. The object of their expeditions is quite
as often to plunder and steal horses, as to destroy their
enemies. Each one is provided with the Spanish noose, to
catch horses. They often extend these plundering expedi-
tions as far as the interior of New Mexico. When they have
reached the settled country, they lurk about in covert places,
until an opportunity presents to seize on their prey. They
48 Early Western Travels [Vol. 18
fall upon the owner of a large establishment of cattle and
horses, kill him during the night, or so alarm him as to cause
him to fly, and leave his herds and family unprotected; in
which case they drive off his horses, and secrete them in the
mountains. In these fastnesses of nature they consider them
safe; [22] aware that the Mexicans, partly through timidity,
and partly through indolence, will not pursue them to any
great distance.
We left this village on the nth of August, taking with us
two of its inhabitants, each having a trap to catch, and a
hoe to dig the beavers from their burrows. During this
day's march we traversed a wide plain, on which we saw
no game but antelopes28 and white wolves. At five in the
evening, our front guard gave the preconcerted alarm by
firing their pistols, and falling back a few moments after-
wards, upon the main body. — We shortly afterwards dis-
covered a large body of Indians on horseback, approaching
us at full speed. When they were within hailing distance,
we made them a signal to halt: they immediately halted.
Surveying us a moment, and discovering us to be whites,
one of them came towards us. We showed him the painted
stick given us by the Pawnee Republican chief. He seemed
at once to comprehend all that it conveyed, and we were
informed, that this was a band of the Republican Pawnee
warriors. He carried the stick among them. It passed
from hand to hand, and appeared at once to satisfy them
in regard to our peaceable intentions, for they continued
their march without disturbing us. But our two associate
Indians, hearing their yells, as they rode off, took them to
be their enemies, from whom they had taken the child.
They immediately disappeared, and rejoined us no more.
We travelled a few miles further, and encamped for the night
28 This animal is not, correctly speaking, an antelope, but constitutes a separate
family. The scientific name, Antilocapra americana, was assigned to it (1818) by
the naturalist Ord, upon data furnished by Lewis and Clark. — ED.
1824-1830] Pattie's Personal Narrative 49
on a small stream, called Smoking river. It is a tributary
stream of the main Platte. On this stream a famous treaty
had been made between the Pawnees and Shienne;29 and
from the friendly smoking of the calumet on this occasion
it received its name.
Next morning we made an early start, and marched
rapidly all day, in order to reach water at night. We halted
at sunset to repose ourselves, and found water for our own
drinking, but none for our mules and horses. As soon as
the moon arose, we started again, travelling hard all night,
and until ten the next morning. At this tune we reached a
most singular spring fountain, forming a basin four hundred
yards in diameter, in the centre [23] of which the water
boiled up five or six feet higher, than it was near the cir-
cumference. We encamped here, to rest, and feed our
mules and horses, the remainder of the day, during which
we killed some antelopes, that came here to drink.
Near this place was a high mound, from which the eye
swept the whole horizon, as far as it could reach, and on this
mound we stationed our guard.
Next morning we commenced the toil of our daily march,
pursuing a S. W. course, over the naked plains, reaching
a small and, as far as I know, a nameless stream at night,
on the borders of which were a few sparse trees, and high
grass. Here we encamped for the night. At twelve next day
we halted in consequence of a pouring rain, and encamped
for the remainder of the day. This was the first point,
where we had the long and anxiously expected pleasure of
seeing buffaloes. We killed one, after a most animating
sport in shooting at it.
Next day we made an early start, as usual, and travelled
hard all day over a wide plain, meeting with no other in-
cidents, than the sight of buffaloes, which we did not molest.
28 For the Cheyenne Indians, see Bradbury's Travels, volume v of our series,
p. 140, note 88. — ED.
50 Early Western Travels [Vol. 18
We saw, in this day's march, neither tree nor rising ground.
The plains are covered with a short, fine grass, about four
inches high, of such a kind, as to be very injurious to the
hoofs of animals, that travel over it. It seems to me, that
ours would not have received more injury from travelling
over a naked surface of rock. In the evening we reached
a small collection of water, beside which we encamped.
We had to collect our customary inconvenient substitute
for fuel, not only this evening, but the whole distance hence
to the mountains.
On the morning of the lyth, we commenced, as usual,
our early march, giving orders to our advance guard to kill
a buffaloe bull, and make moccasins for some of our horses,
from the skin, their feet having become so tender from the
irritation of the sharp grass, as to make them travel with
difficulty. This was soon accomplished, furnishing the
only incident of this day's travel. We continued the next
day to make our way over the same wearying plain, without
water or timber, having been obliged [24] to provide more
of our horses with buffaloe skin moccasins. This day we
saw numerous herds of buffaloe bulls. It is a singular fact,
in the habits of these animals, that during one part of the
year, the bulls all range in immense flocks without a cow
among them, and all the cows equally without the bulls.
Theherd, which we now saw, showed an evident disposition
to break into our caravan. They seemed to consider our
horses and mules, as a herd of their cows. We prevented
their doing it, by firing on them, and killing several.
This evening we arrived on one of the forks of the Osage,30
80 Pattie is altogether too far north and west to meet the Osage River. The
distance from the Platte makes it fairly certain that he was on the Republican fork
of the Kansas. This stream rises in Colorado, and flows eastward across the arid
plains of southern Nebraska as far as longitude 98°; it there enters the state of
Kansas, and following a southeasterly course unites with the Smoky Hill River at
Junction City, to form the Kansas. Its name arose from the fact that the village
of the Republican Pawnee was located upon it until about 1815, when these tribes-
men joined the Pawnee upon the Platte. — ED.
1824-1830] Pattie's Personal Narrative 5 1
and encamped. Here we caught a beaver, the first I had
ever seen. On the 2oth, we started late, and made a short
day's travel, encamping by water. Next morning we dis-
covered vast numbers of buffaloes, all running in one direc-
tion, as though they were flying from some sort of pursuit.
We immediately detached men to reconnoitre and ascertain,
whether they were not flying from the Indians. They
soon discovered a large body of them in full chase of these
animals, and shooting at them with arrows. As their
course was directly towards our camp, they were soon
distinctly in sight. At this moment one of our men rode
towards them, and discharged his gun. This immediately
turned their attention from the pursuit of the game, to us.
The Indians halted a moment, as if in deliberation, and rode
off in another direction with great speed. We regretted
that we had taken no measures to ascertain, whether they
were friendly or not. In the latter case we had sufficient
ground to apprehend, that they would pursue us at a dis-
tance, and attack us in the night. We made our arrange-
ments, and resumed our march in haste, travelling with
great caution, and posting a strong guard at night.
The next day, in company with another, I kept guard on
the right flank. We were both strictly enjoined not to fire
on the buffaloes, while discharging this duty. Just before we
encamped, which was at four in the afternoon, we discov-
ered a herd of buffaloe cows, the first we had seen, and gave
notice on our arrival at the camp. Mr. Pratte insisted,
that we had mistaken, and said, that we were not yet far
enough advanced into the country, [25] to see cows, they
generally herding in the most retired depths of the prairies.
We were not disposed to contest the point with him, but pro-
posed a bet of a suit of the finest cloth, and to settle the point
by killing one of the herd, if the commander would permit
us to fire upon it. The bet was accepted, and the permis-
sion given. My companion was armed with a musket, and
52 Early Western Travels [Vol. 18
I with a rifle. When we came in sight of the herd, it was
approaching a little pond to drink. We concealed ourselves,
as they approached, and my companion requested me to
take the first fire, as the rifle was surer and closer than the
musket. When they were within shooting distance, I
levelled one; as soon as it fell, the herd, which consisted of
a thousand or more, gathered in crowds around the fallen
one. Between us we killed eleven, all proving, according
to our word, to be cows. We put our mules in requisition
to bring in our ample supply of meat. Mr. Pratte admit-
ted, that the bet was lost, though we declined accepting it.
About ten at night it commenced raining; the rain
probably caused us to intermit our caution ; for shortly after
it began, the Indians attacked our encampment, firing a
shower of arrows upon us. We returned their fire at ran-
dom, as they retreated: they killed two of our horses, and
slightly wounded one of our men; we found four Indians
killed by our fire, and one wounded. The wounded Indian
informed our interpreter, that the Indians, who attacked
us, were Arrickarees.31 We remained encamped here four
days, attending our wounded man, and the wounded Indian,
who died, however, the second day, and here we buried
him.
We left this encampment on the 26th, and through the
day met with continued herds of buffaloes and wild horses,
which, however, we did not disturb. In the evening we
reached a fork of the Platte, called Hyde Park.32 This
stream, formerly noted for beavers, still sustains a few.
Here we encamped, set our traps, and caught four beavers.
In the morning we began to ascend this stream, and during
31 For a brief description of the Ankara Indians, see Bradbury's Travels,
volume v of our series, p. 127, note 83. — ED.
M Pattie's geography is confused by his apparent ignorance of the Kansas and
its branches. Hyde Park is probably a tributary of the Republican — possibly
Beaver Creek, which rises in western Kansas and flowing northeasterly discharges
into the Republican in Harlan County, Nebraska. — ED.
1824-1830] Patties Personal Narrative 53
our progress, we were obliged to keep men in advance, to
affrighten the buffaloes and wild horses [26] from our path.
They are here in such prodigious numbers, as literally to
have eaten down the grass of the prairies.
Here we saw multitudes of prairie dogs.33 They have large
village establishments of burrows, where they live in society.
They are sprightly, bold and self important animals, of the
size of a Norwegian rat. On the morning of the 28th, our
wounded companion was again unable to travel, in conse-
quence of which we were detained at our encampment three
days. Not wholly to lose the time, we killed during these
three days no buffaloes, of which we saved only the tongues
and hump ribs.
On the morning of the 3ist, our wounded associate being
somewhat recovered, we resumed our march. Ascending
the stream, in the course of the day we came upon the dead
bodies of two men, so much mangled, and disfigured by the
wild beasts, that we could only discover that they were white
men. They had been shot by the Indians with arrows, the
ground near them being stuck full of arrows. They had
been scalped. Our feelings may be imagined, at seeing the
mangled bodies of people of our own race in these remote
and unpeopled prairies. We consoled ourselves with believ-
ing that they died like brave men. We had soon afterwards
clear evidence of this fact, for, on surveying the vicinity at
the distance of a few hundred yards, we found the bodies
of five dead Indians. The ground all around was torn and
trampled by horse and footmen. We collected the remains
of the two white men, and buried them. We then ascended
the stream a few miles, and encamped. Finding signs of
Indians, who could have left the spot but a few hours before,
we made no fire for fear of being discovered, and attacked
33 The journals of Lewis and Clark contain a good description of the prairie
dog (Cynomys or arctomys ludovicianus). See Thwaites, Original Journals of
the Lewis and Clark Expedition, index. — ED.
54 Early Western Travels [Vol. 18
in the night. Sometime after dark, ten of us started up
the creek in search of their fires. About four miles from
our encampment, we saw them a few hundred yards in
advance. Twenty fires were distinctly visible. We coun-
selled with each other, whether to fire on them or not. Our
conclusion was, that the most prudent plan was to return,
and apprize our companions of what we had seen. In con-
sequence of our information, on our return, sixty men were
chosen, headed by my father, who set off in order [27] to
surround their camp before daylight. I was one of the
number, as I should have little liked to have my father go
into battle without me, when it was in my power to accom-
pany him. The remainder were left in charge of our camp,
horses, and mules. We had examined our arms and found
them in good order. About midnight we came in sight of
their fires, and before three o'clock were posted all around
them, without having betrayed ourselves. We were com-
manded not to fire a gun, until the word was given. As it
was still sometime before daylight, we became almost impa-
tient for the command. As an Indian occasionally arose and
stood for a moment before the fire, I involuntarily took aim
at him with the thought, how easily I could destroy him,
but my orders withheld me. Twilight at length came, and
the Indians began to arise. They soon discovered two of
our men, and instantly raising the war shout, came upon us
with great fury. Our men stood firm, until they received
the order which was soon given. A well directed and destruc-
tive fire now opened on them, which they received, and re-
turned with some firmness. But when we closed in upon
them they fled in confusion and dismay. The action lasted
fifteen minutes. Thirty of their dead were left on the field,
and we took ten prisoners, whom we compelled to bury the
dead. One of our men was wounded, and died the next
day. We took our prisoners to our encampment, where we
questioned them with regard to the two white men, we had
1824-1830] Patties Personal Narrative 55
found, and buried the preceding day. They acknowledged,
that their party killed them, and assigned as a reason for so
doing, that when the white men were asked by the chief to
divide their powder and balls with him, they refused. It
was then determined by the chief, that they should be killed,
and the whole taken. In carrying this purpose into effect,
the Indians lost four of their best young men, and obtained
but little powder and lead, as a compensation.
We then asked them to what nation they belonged ? They
answered the Crow.34 This nation is distinguished for
bravery and skill in war. Their bows and arrows were then
given them, and they were told, that we never killed defence-
less prisoners, but [28] that they must tell their brothers of
us, and that we should not have killed any of their nation,
had not they killed our white brothers; and if they did so in
future, we should kill all we found of them, as we did not
fear any number, they could bring against us. They were
then allowed to go free, which delighted them, as they
probably expected that we should kill them, it being their
custom to put all their prisoners to death by the most
shocking and cruel tortures. That they may not lose this
diabolical pleasure by the escape of their prisoners, they
guard them closely day and night. One of them, upon
being released, gave my father an eagle's feather, saying,
you are a good and brave man, I will never kill another
white man.
We pursued our journey on the ist of September. Our
advance was made with great caution, as buffaloes were now
seen in immense herds, and the danger from Indians was
constant. Wandering tribes of these people subsist on the
buffaloes, which traverse the interior of these plains, keeping
them constantly in sight.
On the morning of the 2d, we started early. About ten
u A short account of the Crow Indians may be found in Bradbury's Travels,
in our volume v, p. 226, note 121. — ED.
56 Early Western Travels [Vol. 18
o'clock we saw a large herd of buffaloes approaching us with
great speed. We endeavored to prevent their running
among our pack mules, but it was in vain. They scattered
them in every direction over the plain ; and although we rode
in among the herd, firing on them, we were obliged to follow
them an hour, before we could separate them sufficiently to
regain our mules. After much labor we collected all, with
the exception of one packed with dry goods, which the crowd
drove before them. The remainder of the day, half our
company were employed as a guard, to prevent a similar
occurrence. When we encamped for the night, some time
was spent in driving the buffaloes a considerable distance
from our camp. But for this precaution, we should have
been in danger of losing our horses and mules entirely.
The following morning, we took a S. S. W. course, which
led us from the stream, during this day's journey. Nothing
occurred worthy of mention, except that we saw a great
number of [29] wolves, which had surrounded a small herd
of buffaloe cows and calves, and killed and eaten several.
We dispersed them by firing on them. We judged, that
there were at least a thousand. They were large and as
white as sheep. Near this point we found water, and
encamped for the night.
On the morning of the 4th, a party was sent out to kill
some buffaloe bulls, and get their skins to make moccasins
for our horses, which detained us until ten o'clock. We
then packed up and travelled six miles. Finding a lake,
we encamped for the night. From this spot, we saw one
of the most beautiful landscapes, that ever spread out to
the eye. As far as the plain was visible in all directions,
innumerable herds of wild horses, buffaloes, antelopes, deer,
elk, and wolves, fed in their wild and fierce freedom. Here
the sun rose, and set, as unobscured from the sight, as on
the wastes of ocean. Here we used the last of our salt, and
as for bread, we had seen none, since we had left the Pawnee
p
o
Cu
1824-1830] Patties Personal Narrative 59
village. I hardly need observe, that these are no small
deprivations.
The next day we travelled until evening, nothing occur-
ring, that deserves record. Our encampment was near a
beautiful spring, called Bellefontaine, which is visited by
the Indians, at some seasons of the year. Near it were some
pumpkins, planted by the Indians. I cooked one, but did
not find it very palateable: The next day we encamped
without water. Late in the evening of the following day
we reached a stream, and encamped. As we made our
arrangements for the night, we came upon a small party of
Indians. They ran off immediately, but we pursued them,
caught four, and took them to the camp they had left, a little
distant from ours. It contained between twenty and thirty
women and children, beside three men. The women were
frightened at our approach, and attempted to run. The
Indians in our possession said something to them in their
own language, that induced them to stop; but it was some-
time, before they were satisfied, that we intended them no
harm. We returned to our camp, and were attending to
our mules and horses. Our little Indian boy was playing
about the camp, as usual. [30] Suddenly our attention was
arrested by loud screams or cries; and looking up, we saw our
little boy in the arms of an Indian, whose neck he was
closely clasping, as the Indian pressed him to his bosom,
kissing him, and crying at the same time. As we moved
towards the spot, the Indian approached us, still holding
the child in his arms; and falling on his knees, made us a
long speech, which we understood only through his signs.
During his speech, he would push the child from him, and
then draw it back to him, and point to us. He was the father
of this boy, whom we saved from being burnt by the Paw-
nees. He gave us to understand by his signs, that his child
was carried off by his enemies. When the paroxysm of his
joy was past, we explained, as well as we could, how we
60 Early Western Travels [Vol. 18
obtained the child. Upon hearing the name Pawnee, he
sprang upon his feet, and rushed into his tent. He soon came
out, bringing with him two Indian scalps, and his bow and
arrows, and insisted, that we should look at the scalps,
making signs to tell us, that they were Pawnee scalps, which
he took at the time he lost his child. After he finished this
explanation, he would lay the scalps a short distance from
him, and shoot his arrows through them, to prove his great
enmity to this nation. He then presented my father a pair
of leggins and a pipe, both neatly decorated with porcupine
quills; and accompanied by his child, withdrew to his tent,
for the night. Just as the morning star became visible, we
were aroused from our slumbers, by the crying and shouting
of the Indians in their tent. We arose, and approached it,
to ascertain the cause of the noise. Looking in, we saw
the Indians all laying prostrate with their faces to the
ground. We remained observing them, until the full light
of day came upon them. — They then arose, and placed them-
selves around the fire. The next movement was to light a
pipe, and begin to smoke. Seeing them blow the smoke
first towards the point where the sun arose, and then towards
heaven, our curiosity was aroused, to know the meaning of
what we had seen. The old chief told us by signs, that they
had been thanking the Great Spirit for allowing them to see
another day. We then purchased a few beaver [31] skins
of them, and left them. Our encampment for the evening
of this day, was near a small spring, at the head of which we
found a great natural curiosity. A rock sixteen yards in
circumference, rises from eighty to ninety feet in height,
according to our best judgment, from a surface upon which,
in all directions, not the smallest particle of rock, not even
a pebble can be found. We were unable to reach the top
of it, although it was full of holes, in which the hawks and
ravens built their nests. We gave the spring the name of
Rock Castle spring. On the morning of the pth, we left
1824-1830] Patties Personal Narrative 6 1
this spot, and at night reached the foot of a large dividing
ridge, which separates the waters of the Platte from those
of the Arkansas.35 After completing our arrangements for
the night, some of us ascended to the top of the ridge, to
look out for Indians; but we saw none.
The succeeding morning we crossed the ridge, and came
to water in the evening, where we encamped. Here we
killed a white bear,36 which occupied several of us at least
an hour. It was constantly in chase of one or another of
us, thus withholding us from shooting at it, through fear of
wounding each other. This was the first, I had ever seen.
His claws were four inches long, and very sharp. He had
killed a buffaloe bull, eaten a part of it, and buried the
remainder. When we came upon him, he was watching the
spot, where he had buried it, to keep off the wolves, which
literally surrounded him.
On the nth, we travelled over some hilly ground. In
the course of the day, we killed three white bears, the claws
of which I saved, they being of considerable value among
the Indians, who wear them around the neck, as the dis-
tinguishing mark of a brave. Those Indians, who wear
this ornament, view those, who do not, as their inferiors.
We came to water, and encamped early. I was one of the
guard for the night, which was rather cloudy. About the
middle of my guard, our horses became uneasy, and in a
few moments more, a bear had gotten in among them, and
sprung upon one of them. The others were so much
alarmed, that they burst their fastenings, and darted off at
full speed. Our camp was soon aroused, and [32] in arms,
for defence, although much confused, from not knowing
what the enemy was, nor from what direction to expect the
36 Pattie is still among the tributaries of the Kansas. This must be the dividing
ridge between the sources of the Republican and Smoky Hill rivers. — ED.
88 This is the grizzly bear (Ursus horribUis), described satisfactorily for the first
time by Lewis and Clark, who also called it the white bear. — ED.
62 Early Western Travels [Vol. 18
attack. Some, however, immediately set off in pursuit of
our horses. I still stood at my post, in no little alarm, as I
did not know with the rest, if the Indians were around us
or not. All around was again stillness, the noise of those
in pursuit of the horses being lost in the distance. Suddenly
my attention was arrested, as I gazed in the direction, from
which the alarm came, by a noise like that of a struggle at
no great distance from me. I espied a hulk, at which I
immediately fired. It was the bear devouring a horse, still
alive. My shot wounded him. The report of my gun,
together with the noise made by the enraged bear, brought
our men from the camp, where they awaited a second
attack from the unknown enemy in perfect stillness. — Deter-
mined to avenge themselves, they now sallied forth, although
it was so dark, that an object ten steps in advance could
not be seen. The growls of the bear, as he tore up the
ground around him with his claws, attracted all in his direc-
tion. Some of the men came so near, that the animal saw
them, and made towards them. They all fired at him, but
did not touch him. All now fled from the furious animal,
as he seemed intent on destroying them. In this general
flight one of the men was caught. As he screamed out in
his agony, I, happening to have reloaded my gun, ran up
to relieve him. Reaching the spot in an instant, I placed
the muzzle of my gun against the bear, and discharging it,
killed him. Our companion was literally torn in pieces.
The flesh on his hip was torn off, leaving the sinews bare, by
the teeth of the bear. His side was so wounded in three
places, that his breath came through the openings; his head
was dreadfully bruised, and his jaw broken. His breath
came out from both sides of his windpipe, the animal in his
fury having placed his teeth and claws in every part of his
body. No one could have supposed, that there was the
slightest possibility of his recovery, through any human
means. We remained in our encampment three days,
1824-1830] Pattie s Personal Narrative 63
attending upon him, without seeing any change for the worse
or better in his situation. [33] He had desired us from the
first to leave him, as he considered his case as hopeless as
ourselves did. We then concluded to move from our en-
campment, leaving two men with him, to each of whom
we gave one dollar a day, for remaining to take care of him,
until he should die, and to bury him decently.
On the 1 4th we set off, taking, as we believed, a final leave
of our poor companion. Our feelings may be imagined,
as we left this suffering man to die in this savage region,
unfriended and unpitied. We travelled but a few miles
before we came to a fine stream and some timber. Con-
cluding that this would be a better place for our unfortunate
companion, than the one where he was, we encamped with
the intention of sending back for him. We despatched men
for him, and began to prepare a shelter for him, should he
arrive. This is a fork of Smoke Hill river, which empties
into the Platte.37 We set traps, and caught eight beavers,
during the night. Our companions with the wounded man
on a litter, reached us about eight o'clock at night.
In the morning we had our painful task of leave taking to
go through again. We promised to wait for the two we
left behind at the Arkansas river. We travelled all day up
this stream. — I counted, in the course of the day, two hun-
dred and twenty white bears. We killed eight, that made
an attack upon us; the claws of which I saved. Leaving
the stream in the evening we encamped on the plain. A
guard of twenty was relieved through the night, to prevent
the bears from coming in upon us. Two tried to do it and
were killed.
In the morning we began our march as usual: returning
37 Smoky Hill River, the main southern fork of the Kansas, takes its rise in
Colorado, and receiving numerous tributaries in its eastward course of nearly four
hundred miles, unites with the Republican, to form the Kansas, about one hundred
and twenty miles from the mouth of the latter. — ED.
64 Early Western Travels [Vol. 18
to the stream, we travelled until we came to its head.38 The
fountain, which is its source, boils up from the plain, forming
a basin two hundred yards in circumference, as clear as
crystal, about five feet in depth. Here we killed some wild
geese and ducks. After advancing some distance farther
we encamped for the night. Buffaloes were not so numerous,
during this day's journey, as they had been some time pre-
vious, owing, we judged, to the great numbers of white bears.
[34] On the i yth we travelled until sunset, and encamped
near water. On the i8th we found no water, but saw great
numbers of wild horses and elk. The succeeding morning
we set off before light, and encamped at 4 o'clock in the after-
noon by a pond, the water of which was too brackish to
drink. On the 2oth we found water to encamp by. In the
course of the day I killed two fat buffaloe cows. One of
them had a calf, which I thought I would try to catch alive.
In order to do so, I concluded it would be well to be free
from any unnecessary incumbrances, and accordingly laid
aside my shot-pouch, gun and pistols. I expected it would
run, but instead of that, when I came within six or eight
feet of it, it turned around, and ran upon me, butting me
like a ram, until I was knocked flat upon my back. Every
time I attempted to rise, it laid me down again. At last I
caught by one of its legs, and stabbed it with my butcher
knife, or I believe it would have butted me to death. I
made up my mind, that I would never attempt to catch
another buffaloe calf alive, and also, that I would not tell
my companions what a capsizing I had had, although my side
did not feel any better for the butting it had received. I
packed on my horse as much meat as he could carry, and
set out for the camp, which I reached a little after dark.
My father was going in search of me, believing me either
lost, or killed. He had fired several guns, to let me know
the direction of the camp.
88 In Cheyenne County, Colorado. — ED.
1824-1830] Pattie 's Personal Narrative 65
We travelled steadily on the 2ist, and encamped at night
on a small branch of the Arkansas. During the day, we had
seen large droves of buffaloes running in the same direction,
in which we travelled, as though they were pursued. We
could, however, see nothing in pursuit. They appeared in
the same confusion all night. On the 22d, we marched fast
all day, the buffaloes still running before us. In the evening
we reached the main Arkansas, and encamped. The sky
indicating rain, we exerted ourselves, and succeeded in
pitching our tents and kindling fires, before the rain began
to fall. Our meat was beginning to roast, when we saw
some Indians about half a mile distant, looking at us from
a hill. We immediately tied our [35] mules and horses. A
few minutes after, ten Indians approached us with their
guns on their shoulders. This open, undisguised approach
made us less suspicious of them, than we should otherwise
have been. When they were within a proper distance, they
stopped, and called out Amiga, Amigo. One of our num-
ber understood them, and answered Amigo, which is friend,
when they came up to us. They were Commanches,39 and
one of them was a chief. Our interpreter understood and
spoke their language quite well. The chief seemed bold,
and asked who was our captain? My father was pointed
out to him. He then asked us to go and encamp with him,
saying that his people and the whites were good friends.
My father answered, that we had encamped before we knew
where they were, and that if we moved now, we feared that
the goods would be wet. The chief said, this was very good ;
but that, as we now knew where his camp was, we must
move to it. To this my father returned, that if it did not
rain next morning, we would; but as before, that we did
not wish to get the goods wet to night. The chief then said,
in a surly manner, 'you don't intend then to move to my
39 For the Comanche Indians, see James's Long's Expedition, in our volume
xvi, p. 233, note 109. — ED.
66 Early Western Travels [Vol. 18
camp to night?' My father answered, 'No!' The chief
said he should, or he would come upon us with his men,
kill us, and take every thing we had. Upon this my father
pushed the chief out of the tent, telling him to send his men
as soon as he pleased; that we would kill them, as fast as
they came. In reply the chief pointed his finger to the spot,
where the sun would be at eight o'clock the next morning,
and said, 'If you do not come to my camp, when the sun is
there, I will set all my warriors upon you.' He then ran
off through the rain to his own camp. We began, immedi-
ately, a kind of breastwork, made by chopping off logs, and
putting them together. Confidently expecting an attack
in the night, we tied our horses and mules in a sink hole
between us and the river. It was now dark. I do not
think an eye was closed in our camp that night; but the
morning found us unmolested ; nor did we see any Indians,
before the sun was at the point spoken of. When it had
reached it, an army of between six and eight hundred
mounted [36] Indians, with then* faces painted as black as
though they had come from the infernal regions, armed
with fuzees and spears and shields appeared before us.
Every thing had been done by the Indians to render this
show as intimidating as possible. We discharged a couple
of guns at them to show that we were not afraid, and were
ready to receive them. A part advanced towards us; but
one alone, approaching at full speed, threw down his bow
and arrows, and sprang in among us, saying in broken
English 'Commanches no good, me lotan, good man.' He
gave us to understand, that the lotan nation was close at
hand, and would not let the Commanches hurt us, and then
started back. The Commanches fired some shots at us, but
from such a distance, that we did not return them. In less
than half an hour, we heard a noise like distant thunder.
It became more and more distinct, until a band of armed
1824-1830] Pattie's Personal Narrative 67
Indians, whom we conjectured to be Jotans,40 became
visible in the distance. When they had drawn near, they
reined up their horses for a moment, and then rushed in
between us and Commanches, who charged upon the lotans.
The latter sustained the charge with firmness. The dis-
charge of their fire arms and the clashing of their different
weapons, together with their war-yell, and the shrieks of the
wounded and dying were fit accompaniments to the savage
actors and scene. I do not pretend to describe this deadly
combat between two Indian nations; but, as far as I could
judge, the contest lasted fifteen minutes. I was too deeply
interested in watching the event, to note it particularly. We
wished to assist the lotans, but could not distinguish them
from the mass, so closely were the parties engaged. We
withheld our fire through fear of injuring the lotans, whom
we considered our friends. It was not long before we saw,
to our great satisfaction, the Commanches dismounted,
which was the signal of their entire defeat. The lotans
then left the Commanches, and returned to their women and
children, whom they had left some distance behind. They
brought them to our camp, and pitched their own tents all
around us, except that of the chief, which was placed in the
centre with ours. A guard of warriors was then posted
around [37] the encampment, and an order given for the
wounded lotans to be brought into the tent of the chief.
There were ten, two of whom died before night. A message
was now sent to the chief of the Commanches, in obedience
to which he came to the lotan chief. A council then seemed
to be held, and a peace was made, the terms of which were,
that the lotan chief should pay the Commanche chief two
horses for every warrior, he had lost in the battle, over the
40 letans (lotans) is another name for the Comanche, the latter being originally
the Spanish appellation. See Jameses Long's Expedition, in our volume xiv, p. 223,
note 179. — ED.
68 Early Western Travels [Vol. 18
number of lotans killed. We gave the lotan chief goods to
the amount of one hundred dollars, which pleased him
exceedingly. He expressed himself perfectly satisfied with
this recompense for the warriors he had lost in our defence.
The knowledge, that a party as large as ours was traversing
the country, had soon spread in all directions from the
reports of Indians, who had met with us, and we became to
these savage tribes a matter of interest, as a source of gain
to be drawn from us by robbing, kindness or trade. — Our
movements were observed. The Commanches determined
to possess themselves of their object by force; and the
lotans interfered in our defence, that they might thus gain
their point by extortion from friends.
Not a single Commanche was allowed to enter our camp,
as arrangements were making for the lotans to trade with
us. All, who had any beaver skins, or dressed deer skins,
were sent for. A guard was placed around in a circle, inside
of which the skins were thrown down. Each Indian then
inquired for the article he wanted. In this way we ex-
changed with them butcher knives, paint, and powder and
ball, for beaver and deer skins, to the amount of fifteen hun-
dred dollars, allowing them what we considered the value
of the skins.
The old Commanche chief came to the lotan chief to ask
permission to talk with us, but was forbidden ; and we were
told not to have any dealings with him. We did not. The
lotan chief then gave us the character of the Commanche
chief. He seemed to be thinking some time before he began.
'I know,' said he, 'you must think it strange that I should
fight with the Commanches, and then pay them for their
warriors killed, over [38] our own number lost, and make
peace with them. I will give you my reasons for doing so.
Four years ago, this Commanche chief with his followers,
went in company with my father, who was a chief, and a
few of his followers, in search of buffaloes. After they had
1824-1830] Pattie's Personal Narrative 69
killed what they wanted, they divided the meat. The Com-
manche took all the best of it, leaving the remains for my
father. The old man put up with it, and said nothing. On
their return, close to this place they met a band of Nabahoes,"
a nation that had long been at war with ours, and killed a
great number of our people. My father wanted to kill them,
and began to fire upon them. The Commanches joined the
Nabahoes, and together they killed my father and most of
his men. He then paid for the lives he had taken, in horses,
giving twenty for my father, and four for each warrior. I
only give two horses for a warrior. I am now happy. I
have killed three times as many of them, as they did of us,
and paid less for it. I know they can never get the upper
hand of me again. This Commanche chief is a mean man,
for whenever he has power, he makes others do as he
pleases, or he kills them, and takes all they have. He
wanted to act in this way with you ; but I do not think he
could, for you know how to shoot better than he does; and you
would not give up, as long as you had powder and ball and
one man alive.' My father as commander, said, 'his men
were all good soldiers, and knew how to get the advantage
in fighting; and that we had plenty of ammunition and good
guns, and were not in the least afraid of being beaten by
them.' 'I think so,' replied the chief; 'But I thank the
Great Spirit, that it happened as it did. I have taken revenge
for the death of my father, and his people, and gained, I
hope, at the same time the love of a good and brave people
by defending them. ' We assured him that he had, expressing
our thanks for his aid, and regret for those who had been
41 The Navaho Indians are closely related to the Apache, both belonging to the
Athabascan family. At this time they numbered nearly ten thousand people, their
territory being west of the Rio del Norte, between the San Juan River and latitude
35°. Their manner of life was more settled than that of the Comanche and Apache ;
and the blankets they manufacture have gained a wide notoriety. They are now
located, to the number of about one thousand five hundred, on the Navaho reserva-
tion in northwest New Mexico — ED.
jo Early Western Travels [Vol. 18
killed in our defence. 'Yes,' said the chief, 'they were brave
men; but they loved my father, whom they have now gone
to see, where they will have plenty to eat, and drink, without
having to fight for it.' These were his thoughts, as near as
I can express them.
The Commanche chief made a second application for
permission to talk with us, which was now granted. His
object in conversing [39] with us, was, as he said, to make
friends with us, and induce us to give him some powder and
ball. We told him that we would willingly make peace with
him; but not give him any thing, as we did not break the
peace. He had threatened to kill us, and take our property
without any provocation from us, and certainly, if any
present was necessary, it must come from him. We did not,
however, wish any present from him, and would make peace
with him, provided he promised never to kill, or try to kill
a white man. He answered, that he had neither done it,
or intended to do it; that with regard to us, he only sought
to frighten us, so that we should come to his camp, before
the lotans came up, whom he knew to be not far distant, in
order that he might precede them in trading with us, adding
that as he had been so disappointed, he thought we ought
to give him a little powder and ball. Our answer was, that
we had no more ammunition to spare ; and that we could not
depart from our resolution of not purchasing a treaty from
him; but we would give him a letter of recommendation to
the next company that came in this direction, by means of
which he might trade with them, and obtain what he wanted
of these articles. He consented to a treaty on these condi-
tions, and lighting his pipes we smoked friends.
He then asked us if we came through the Pawnee village ?
We answered in the affirmative. His next question was,
had they plenty of ammunition ? Our reply was again, yes.
We were then given to understand, that he was then at war
with them, and had been for a number of years, and that he
1824-1830] Pattie's Personal Narrative 7 1
should soon either make peace with them, or have a general
engagement. He would prefer peace, as they were at war
with the Spaniards, as well as himself. By uniting forces,
they could beat the Spaniards, though in case of a treaty or
not, he intended to go against the Spaniards, as soon as he
should return from the country of the Pawnees. He added,
'I suppose you are friends with the Spaniards, and are now
going to trade with them.' Our commander replied, that
we were going to trade with them, but not to fight for them.
That, said the chief, is [40] what I wanted to know. I do
not want war with your people, and should we accidentally
kill any of them, you must not declare war against us, as we
will pay you for them in horses or beaver skins. We did
not express our natural feeling, that the life of one man was
worth more than all the horses or beaver skins, his nation
could bring forth; but told him, that we would not injure
his people, unless they did ours, on purpose. He returned,
apparently satisfied, to his camp. We were detained here
until the fourth of November by our promise of awaiting
the arrival of the two men, we had left with our wounded
companion. They came, and brought with them his gun
and ammunition. He died the fifth day, after we had left
him, and was buried as decently, as the circumstances would
allow.
On the 5th of November 42 we again set off in company
with a party of lotans. The Arkansas is here wide and
shallow, like the Platte; and has wide but thinly timbered
bottoms on both sides. Extending from the bottom ten or
twelve miles on the south side, are low hills composed prin-
cipally of sand. We found travelling upon them very
fatiguing, particularly as we met with no water. Late in
the evening we reached water, and encamped.
The next morning we resumed our journey. We were
42 Manifestly a slip, since the subsequent dates show that it was the fifth of
October. — ED.
72 Early Western Travels [Vol. 18
exceedingly diverted, during the day, to see the lotan Indians
in company with us, chase the buffaloes on horseback. They
killed them with their arrows. The force, with which they
shoot these arrows, is astonishing. I saw one of them shoot
an arrow through a buffaloe bull, that had been driven close
to our camp. We were again upon level plains, stretch-
ing off in all directions beyond the reach of the eye. The
few high mounds scattered over them could not but power-
fully arrest the curiosity. From the summit of one I again
looked down upon innumerable droves of wild animals,
dotting the surface, as they seemed to forget then- savage
natures, and fed, or reposed in peace. I indulged the
thoughts natural to such a position and scene. The remem-
brance of home, with its duties and pleasures, came upon
my mind in strong contrast with my actual circumstances.
[41] I was interrupted by the discharge of guns, and the
screams and yells of Indians. The lotans had found six
Nabahoes a half a mile from us, and were killing them.
Three were killed. The others, being well mounted, made
their escape. The lotans came to our camp with their
scalps, leaving their bodies to be eaten by wild animals. My
father sent men to bury them. The lotans danced around
these scalps all night, and in the morning took up the bodies,
we had buried, and cut them in pieces. They then covered
themselves with the skins of bears and panthers, and, taking
the hearts of the dead men, cut them into pieces of the size
of a mouthful, and laid them upon the ground, and kneeling
put their hands on the ground, and crawled around the pieces
of hearts, growling as though they were enraged bears, or
panthers, ready to spring upon them, and eat them. This
is their mode of showing hatred to their enemies. Not relish-
ing such detestable conduct, we so manifested our feelings,
that these Indians went to their own camps.
We encamped the evening of the next day near water.
Nothing worthy of record occurred during the journey of the
1824-1830] Pattie s Personal Narrative 73
four succeeding days, except that we came to a small creek
called Simaronee.4S Here we encamped, and killed some
buffaloes, and shod our horses. We travelled up this stream
some distance, and left it on the i5th.
On the 1 6th we encamped on a creek, where we found four
gentle mules, which we caught. I could not account for
their being there. Nothing of importance occurred in the
two last days.
From the iyth to the 2oth, we journied without interrup-
tion. The latter day we came in view of a mountain covered
with snow, called Taos mountain. This object awakened
in our minds singular but pleasant feelings. On the 23d
we reached its foot. Here Mr. Pratte concealed a part of his
goods by burying them in the ground. We were three days
crossing this mountain.
On the evening of the 26th, we arrived at a small town in
Taos, called St. Ferdinando,44 situated just at the foot of the
mountain on the west side. The alcalde asked us for the
invoice [42] of our goods, which we showed him, and paid
the customary duties on them. This was a man of a swarthy
complexion having the appearance of pride and haughtiness.
43 For the Cimarron River, see Nuttall's Journal, volume xiii of our series, p. 263,
note 203. — ED.
44 San Fernandez de Taos was one of two small Spanish towns in the fertile
valley of Taos, about seventy-five miles northeast of Santa Fe. This valley formed
the Mexican boundary for those who came up Arkansas River, and crossed to
New Mexico from the north. The first Spaniard to settle in Taos valley, so far as
records show, came about the middle of the eighteenth century; for his story, see
Gregg's Commerce of the Prairies, in our volume xx. Fernandez de Taos is at
present the seat for Taos County, with a population of fifteen hundred. See
Report of the Governor oj New Mexico to the Secretary of the Interior (Washington,
1903), p. 287.
The Indian pueblo of Taos, discovered in 1541 by Barrionuevo, one of Coronado's
lieutenants, lies about three miles northwest of San Fernandez, and has had a
varied history. A Franciscan mission was established here before 1617, when
was built the church which suffered bombardment from the American army in 1847.
The great Pueblo revolt of 1680 was largely fomented at Taos; and again, in 1837,
a half-breed from Taos, Jose" Gonzales, was the leader of a revolt against the
Mexican government. There is still a community of Indians at this pueblo, where
in 1847 the final stand was made against Price's army. — ED.
74 Early Western Travels [Vol. 18
The door- way of the room, we were in, was crowded with
men, women and children, who stared at us, as though they
had never seen white men before, there being in fact, much
to my surprize and disappointment, not one white person
among them. I had expected to find no difference between
these people and our own, but their language. I was never
so mistaken. The men and women were not clothed in our
fashion, the former having short pantaloons fastened below
the waist with a red belt and buck skin leggins put on three
or four times double. A Spanish knife is stuck in by the
side of the leg, and a small sword worn by the side. A long
jacket or blanket is thrown over, and worn upon the shoul-
ders. They have few fire arms, generally using upon occa-
sions which require them, a bow and spear, and never wear
a hat, except when they ride. When on horse back, they
face towards the right side of the animal. The saddle, which
they use, looks as ours would, with something like an arm
chair fastened upon it.
The women wear upon the upper part of the person a
garment resembling a shirt, and a short petticoat fastened
around the waist with a red or blue belt, and something of the
scarf kind wound around their shoulders. Although appear-
ing as poorly, as I have described, they are not destitute
of hospitality; for they brought us food, and invited us into
their houses to eat, as we walked through the streets.
The first time my father and myself walked through the
town together, we were accosted by a woman standing in her
own door-way. She made signs for us to come in. When
we had entered, she conducted us up a flight of steps into a
room neatly whitewashed, and adorned with images of saints,
and a crucifix of brass nailed to a wooden cross. She gave
us wine, and set before us a dish composed of red pepper,
ground and mixed with corn meal, stewed in fat and water.
We could not eat it. She then brought forward some tortillas
and milk. Tortillas [43] are a thin cake made of corn and
1824-1830] Pattie's Personal Narrative 75
wheat ground between two flat stones by the women. This
cake is called in Spanish, metate. We remained with her
until late in the evening, when the bells began to ring. She
and her children knelt down to pray. We left her, and
returned. On our way we met a bier with a man upon it,
who had been stabbed to death, as he was drinking whiskey.
This town stands on a beautiful plain, surrounded on one
side by the Rio del Norte,45 and on the other by the moun-
tain, of which I have spoken, the summit being covered with
perpetual snow.
We set off for Santa Fe on the ist of November. Our
course for the first day led us over broken ground. We
passed the night in a small town, called Callacia, built on a
small stream, that empties into the del Norte. The country
around this place presents but a small portion of level sur-
face.
The next day our path lay over a point of the mountain.
We were the whole day crossing. We killed a grey bear,
that was exceedingly fat. It had fattened on a nut of the
shape and size of a bean, which grows on a tree resembling
the pine, called by the Spanish, pinion. We took a great
part of the meat with us. We passed the night again in a
town called Albukerque.46
The following day we passed St. Thomas,47 a town situated
on the bank of the del Norte, which is here a deep and muddy
stream, with bottoms from five to six miles wide on both
46 The Rio del Norte rises in the San Juan mountains, in southwestern Colorado.
Closely hemmed in by mountains, it flows almost directly south as far as El Paso,
where it reaches the plains and thence forms the western boundary of Texas.
From El Paso it is called the Rio Grande, or Rio Bravo. — ED.
* Pattie could not have passed the town of Albuquerque, as that is seventy-five
miles south of Santa Fe. He probably means Abiquiu, a town on the Chama, a
western affluent of the Rio del Norte, and on the well-known trail leading from
Santa Fe to Los Angeles, California. Pike passed down the valley of the Rio del
Norte (1807), and his descriptions of places and of Mexico are as a whole valuable.
See Coues, Expeditions of Zebulon M. Pike (New York, 1895), ii. — ED.
47 This was the mission of St. Thomas de Abiquiu. — ED.
j6 Early Western Travels [Vol. 18
sides. These bottoms sustain numerous herds of cattle.
The small huts of the shepherds, who attend to them, were
visible here and there. We reached another town called
Elgidonis, and stopped for the night. We kept guard around
our horses all night, but in the morning four of our mules
were gone. We hunted for them until ten o'clock, when two
Spaniards came, and asked us, what we would give them, if
they would find our mules? We told them to bring the
mules, and we would pay them a dollar. They set off, two
of our men following them without their knowledge and went
into a thicket, where they had tied the mules, and returned
with them to us. As may be supposed, we gave them both
a good whipping. It seemed at first, that the whole [44]
town would rise against us in consequence. But when
we related the circumstances fairly to the people, the officer
corresponding to our justice of the peace, said, we had done
perfectly right, and had the men put in the stocks.
We recommenced our journey, and passed a mission of
Indians under the control of an old priest. After crossing
a point of the mountain, we reached Santa Fe,48 on the 5th.
This town contains between four and five thousand inhab-
itants. It is situated on a large plain. A handsome stream
runs through it, adding life and beauty to a scene striking and
48 Santa Fe is one of the oldest towns within the present limits of the United
States. The site was first visited by Coronado in 1541; but the founding of the
town was the work of Onate, who established the colony of New Mexico in 1598.
The date of the founding of Santa Fe is uncertain, owing to the destruction of the
records by the revolt of 1680; but it was sometime between 1605 and 1609. By
1630, Santa F6 had one thousand inhabitants; its first church was built on the
site of the present cathedral, in 1622-27; the ancient governmental palace, still
existing, dates from the seventeenth century. In 1680 the Spaniards were expelled,
but twelve years later returned under Diego de Vargas. From that tune to the
present, Santa Fe has been continuously inhabited. In the eighteenth century,
French traders found their way thither, and by the early nineteenth the American
trade began. In 1822, the Mexican standard was raised over the town, and in
1846 General Stephen W. Kearny secured its surrender to the United States.
Santa F6 has always been the capital of the territory. It has now (1905) a popu-
lation of about eight thousand. At the time of Pattie's visit the governor of New
Mexico, the first under republican rule, was Bartolome Baca. — ED.
1824-1830] Pat tie's Personal Narrative 77
agreeable from the union of amenity and cultivation around,
with the distant view of the snow clad mountains. It is
pleasant to walk on the flat roofs of the houses in the evening,
and look on the town and plain spread below. The houses
are low, with flat roofs as I have mentioned. The churches
are differently constructed from the other buildings and make
a beautiful show. They have a great number of large bells,
which, when disturbed, make a noise, that would almost
seem sufficient to awaken the dead.
We asked the governor for permission to trap beaver in
the river Helay. His reply was that, he did not know if he
was allowed by the law to do so; but if upon examination it
lay in his power, he would inform us on the morrow, if we
would come to his office at 9 o'clock in the morning. Ac-
cording to this request, we went to the place appointed, the
succeeding day, which was the gth of November. We were
told by the governor, that he had found nothing, that would
justify him, in giving us the legal permission, we desired.
We then proposed to him to give us liberty to trap, upon the
condition, that we paid him five per cent on the beaver we
might catch. He said, he would consider this proposition,
and give us an answer the next day at the same hour. The
thoughts of our hearts were not at all favorable to this person,
as we left him.
About ten o'clock at night an express came from the river
Pacus,49 on which the nobles have their country seats and
large farming establishments, stating, that a large body of
Indians had come upon several families, whom they had
either robbed, or [45] murdered. Among the number two
4* The Rio Pecus is the largest branch of the Rio Grande. Rising in the Santa
Fe" mountains immediately east of Santa Fe", and following a south-southeast course
for about eight hundred miles, it enters the Rio Grande in latitude 29° 41'. The
name is derived from an old pueblo, situated on one of the mountain tributaries
about twenty-five miles southeast of Santa Fe\ In 1540 this was the largest Indian
village in New Mexico, containing a population of about two thousand souls; but
the United States troops in 1846 found it desolate and in ruins. A small modern
village has grown up near the ancient site. — ED.
78 Early Western Travels [Vol. 18
Americans had been killed, and the wife of one taken pris-
oner, in company with four Spanish women, one of whom was
daughter of the former governor, displaced because he was
an European. The drum and fife and French horn began
to sound in a manner, that soon awakened, and alarmed the
whole town. The frightened women, and the still more
fear-stricken men, joining in a full chorus of screams and
cries, ran some to where the drum was beating in the public
square, and others to our quarters. Upon the first sound
of alarm we had prepared to repel the enemy, whatever it
might be, provided it troubled us. When this group came
rushing towards us, the light of the moon enabled us to discern
them with sufficient clearness to prevent our doing them any
injury. We did not sleep any more that night, for the
women, having got the wrong story, as most women do in a
case of the kind, told us that the Commanches were in town,
killing the people. We awaited an attack, without, how-
ever, hearing any sound of fire arms. Our conclusion was,
that they were skulking around, dealing out death in dark-
ness and silence with their arrows; and in the feelings, which
were its natural result, the remainder of the night passed.
The first light of morning showed us a body of four hundred
men ready to mount their horses. At sunrise the governor
came to us to ask, if we would aid in the attempt to recapture
the prisoners taken by the Commanches, relating to us the
real cause of the alarm of the preceding night. We com-
plied readily with his request, as we were desirous of gaining
the good will of the people. Our arrangements were soon
made, and we set off in company with the troops I have men-
tioned.
The 1 2th was spent in travelling. We stopped for the
night at St. John's, a small town.60 On the i3th we reached
M This small town, presumably to the east of Santa Fe, cannot be the well-
known San Juan, on the Rio del Norte opposite the mouth of the Chama River
and about thirty miles north of Santa Fe". This latter San Juan was made the
capital of New Mexico by Onate in 1598-99, and so remained until the founding of
Santa Fe1.— ED.
1824-1830] Pattie's Personal Narrative 79
the spot, where the murders and robbery were committed.
Here we took the course the Indians had marked in their
retreat, stopping only for refreshments. We pressed on all
night, as we found their fires still smoking. At eight on the
morning of the i5th, the trail being fresh, we increased our
speed, and at twelve came in sight of them, as they advanced
toward a low gap in [46] the mountains. We now halted,
and counselled together with regard to the next movements.
The commander of the Spaniards proposed, that my father
should direct the whole proceedings, promising obedience
on his own part and that of his troops.
The gap in the mountains, of which I spoke, was made
by a stream. The Indians were now entering it. My
father formed a plan immediately, and submitted it to the
Spanish commander, who promised to aid in carrying it
into effect. In conformity to it, the Spaniards were directed
to keep in rear of the Indians, without being seen by
them. We took a circuitous route, screened from sight by
the highland, that lay between us and the Indians, in order
to gain unobserved a hollow in advance of them, in which
we might remain concealed, until they approached within
gunshot of us. Our main object was to surprize them, and
not allow them time to kill their captives, should they be
still alive. The party in the rear were to close in, upon
hearing the report of our guns, and not allow them to return
to the plain. Our plan seemed to assure us success. We
succeeded in reaching the hollow, in which we placed our-
selves in the form of a half circle, extending from one side
of it to the other, our horses being tied behind us. Every
man was then ordered to prime, and pick his gun afresh.
The right flank was to fire first, the left reserving theirs to
give a running fire, that should enable the right to re-load.
The Indians, surrounding the prisoners, were to be taken
as the first aim, to prevent the immediate murder of them
by their captors. My post was in the centre of the line. We
waited an hour and a half behind our screens of rocks and
80 Early Western Travels [Vol. 18
trees, before our enemies made their appearance. The
first object, that came in sight, were women without any
clothing, driving a large drove of sheep and horses. These
were immediately followed by Indians. When the latter
were within thirty or forty yards of us, the order to fire was
given. The women ran towards us the moment they heard
the report of our guns. In doing this they encountered the
Indians behind them, and three fell pierced by the spears
of these savages. The cry among us now was, 'save the
women!' Another young man and [47] myself sprang for-
ward, to rescue the remaining two. My companion fell in
the attempt. An Indian had raised his spear, to inflict
death upon another of these unfortunate captives, when he
received a shot from one of our men, that rendered him inca-
pable of another act of cruelty. The captives, one of whom
was a beautiful young lady, the daughter of the governor
before spoken of, both reached me. The gratitude of such
captives, so delivered, may be imagined. Fears, thanks and
exclamations in Spanish were the natural expression of
feeling in such a position. My companions aided me in
wrapping blankets around them, for it was quite cold; and
making the best arrangements in our power for their com-
fort and safety. This was all done in less time, than is
required to relate it, and we returned to our post.
The Indians stood the second fire, and then retreated.
We pursued keeping up a quick fire, expecting every mo-
ment to hear the Spaniards in the rear following our example
to check them in their retreat; but we could discover the
entrance upon the plain, before we heard any thing from
our Spanish muskets. The Indians then began to yell;
but the Spaniards, after one discharge from their fire arms,
fled. Being mounted on good horses the Indians did not
pursue them, but satisfied as to our numbers, now that we
were upon the plain, they rallied, and rushed upon us.
Our commander now ordered us to retreat into the woods,
1824-1830] Pattie s Personal Narrative 8 1
and to find shelter behind trees, and take aim that every shot
might tell, as it was of the utmost importance, not to waste
ammunition, saying, ' stand resolute, my boys, and we make
them repent, if they follow us, although those * * Span-
iards have deserted us, when we came to fight for them.
We are enough for these * * devils alone.' As they came
near us, we gave them a scattering though destructive fire,
which they returned bravely, still pressing towards us. It
was a serious contest for about ten minutes, after they
approached within pistol shot of us. From their yells, one
would have thought that the infernal regions were open
before them, and that they were about to be plunged in
headlong. They finally began to retreat again, and we soon
[48] put them completely to flight. The Spaniards, though
keeping a safe distance, while this was going forward, saw
the state of affairs, and joined us in the pursuit, still taking
especial care not to come near enough to the Indians, to
hurt them, or receive any injury themselves. After the
Indians rallied, we lost ten men, and my father received a
slight wound in the shoulder.
We removed our horses and the rescued captives into the
plain, and encamped. The Spaniards had killed an Indian
already wounded, and were riding over the dead bodies of
those on the ground, spearing them and killing any, who still
breathed. My father commanded them to desist, or he
would fire upon them, and the Spanish officer added his
order to the same effect. The latter then demanded of us,
the two women, whom we had rescued, with as much assur-
ance, as though himself had been the cause of their deliv-
erance. My father replied, by asking what authority or
right he had, to make such a request, when his cowardice
withheld him from aiding in their release? The officer
became enraged, and said, that he was unable to rally his
men, and that he did not consider the captives any safer in
our hands than in those of the Indians, as we were not
82 Early Western Travels [Vol. 18
Christians. This insult, coupled with such a lame apology,
only made my father laugh, and reply, that if cowardice
constituted a claim to Christianity, himself and his men were
prime and undoubted Christians. He added further, that if
the rescued women preferred to accompany him, rather than
remain, until he should have buried his brave comrades, who
fell in their defence, and accept his protection, he had noth-
ing to say. The subjects of our discussion, being present
while it took place, decided the point before they were ap-
pealed to. The youngest said, that nothing would induce her
to leave her deliverers, and that when they were ready to go,
she would accompany them, adding, that she should pray
hourly for the salvation of those, who had resigned their lives
in the preservation of hers. The other expressed herself
willing to remain with her, and manifested the same con-
fidence and gratitude. The enraged officer and his men set
off on their return to Santa Fe.
[49] The sun was yet an hour from its setting. We
availed ourselves of the remaining light to make a breastwork
with the timber, that had drifted down the stream, that we
might be prepared for the Indians, in case they should return.
We finished it, and posted our sentinels by sunset. The
governor's daughter now inquired for the individual, who
first met her in her flight from the Indians, and so humanely
and bravely conducted her out of danger, and provided for
her comfort. I cannot describe the gratitude and loveliness,
that appeared in her countenance, as she looked on me, when
I was pointed out to her. Not attaching any merit to the
act, I had performed, and considering it merely as a duty, I
did not know how to meet her acknowledgments, and was
embarrassed.
On the morning of the i6th we buried our dead. My
father's shoulder was a little stiff, and somewhat swollen.
We saddled our horses, and began our return journey. I
gave up my horse to one of the ladies, and made my way on
1824-1830] Patties Personal Narrative 83
foot. We drove the sheep, which escaped the balls, before
us. Our last look at the ground of our late contest gave a
view sufficiently painful to any one, who had a heart; horses
and their riders lay side by side. The bodies of robbers
surrounded by the objects of their plunder would probably
remain, scattered as they were, unburied and exposed to the
wild beasts.
We halted in the evening for the refreshment of ourselves
and horses. This done, we again set off travelling all night.
The sheep giving out, we were obliged to leave them. At
twelve next day we reached Pacus. Here we met the father
of the youngest of the two ladies accompanied by a great
number of Spaniards. The old man was transported almost
to frenzy, when he saw his daughter. We remained here for
the day. On the morning of the i8th we all set off together,
the old governor insisting, that my father and myself must
ride in the carriage with him ; but we excused ourselves, and
rode by the side of it with the interpreter. The father
caressed us exceedingly, and said a great many things about
me in particular, which I did not think, I deserved.
[50] The next day at two in the afternoon, we arrived at
Santa Fe. We were received with a salute, which we re-
turned with our small arms. The governor came in the
evening, and invited my father and the interpreter to sup
with him. He ordered some fat beeves to be killed for the
rest of us. The father of Jacova, for that was the name of
the young lady, I had rescued, came, and invited us all to
go, and drink coffee at his son-in-law's, who kept a coffee-
house. We went, and when we had finished our coffee, the
father came, and took me by the hand, and led me up a
flight of steps, and into a room, where were his two daughters.
As soon as I entered the room, Jacova and her sister both
came, and embraced me, this being the universal fashion of
interchanging salutations between men and women among
these people, even when there is nothing more, than a simple
84 Early Western Travels [Vol. 18
introduction between strangers. After I had been seated
an hour, looking at them, as they made signs, and listening
to their conversation, of which I did not understand a sylla-
ble, I arose with the intention of returning to my companions
for the night. But Jacova, showing me a bed, prepared for
me, placed herself between me and the door. I showed her
that my clothes were not clean. She immediately brought
me others belonging to her brother-in-law. I wished to be
excused from making use of them, but she seemed so much
hurt, that I finally took them, and reseated myself. She
then brought me my leather hunting shirt, which I had
taken off to aid in protecting her from the cold, and begged
the interpreter who was now present, to tell me, that she
intended to keep it, as long as she lived. She then put it
on, to prove to me that she was not ashamed of it.
I went to bed early, and arose, and returned to my com-
panions, before any of the family were visible. At eight the
governor and my father came to our quarters, and invited
us all to dine with him at two in the afternoon. Accord-
ingly we all dressed in our best, and went at the appointed
time. A band of musicians played during dinner. After
it was finished, and the table removed, a fandango was begun.
The ladies flocked in, in great numbers. The instruments,
to which the dancers' moved, were [51] a guitar and violin.
Six men and six women also added their voices. Their mode
of dancing was a curiosity to me. The women stood erect,
moving their feet slowly, without any spring or motion of
the body, and the men half bent, moved their feet like drum
sticks. This dance is called ahavave. I admired another
so much, that I attempted to go through it. It was a waltz,
danced to a slow and charming air. It produces a fine effect,
when twenty or thirty perform it together. The dancing
continued, until near morning, when we retired to rest.
At eight the following morning we received a license,
allowing us to trap in different parts of the country. We
1824-1830] Pattie's Personal Narrative 8 5
were now divided into small parties. Mr. Pratte added
three to our original number, they making the company, to
which my father and myself belonged, seven. On the 22d,
we set off. Our course lay down the del Norte to the Helay,
a river never before explored by white people.51 We left
our goods with a merchant, until we should return in the
spring. Our whole day's journey lay over a handsome
plain covered with herds of the different domestic animals.
We reached Picacheh a small town in the evening. Jacova
and her father overtook us here, on their way home, which
was eighty miles distant from Santa Fe.
In the morning we began our journey, together. During
the day we passed several small villages and stopped for the
night in one called St. Philip, situated on the banks of the
del Norte, surrounded by large vineyards. Jacova's father
insisted upon our drinking plentifully of the wine made at
this place.
The morning of the 24th saw us again on our journey.
Our companion, the old governor, was much amused at
seeing us kill wild geese and prairie wolves with our rifles,
the latter being abundant in this country. In the evening
we reached another small town, called St. Louis. All these
inconsiderable villages contain a church. The succeeding
day we traversed the same beautiful plain country, which
had made our journey so far, delightful. The same multi-
tude of domestic animals still grazed around our path.
[52] On the 27th, we arrived at the residence of Jacova
and her father. It was a large and even magnificent building.
We remained here until the 3oth, receiving the utmost
61 "The Gila was known to the whites before the Mississippi was discovered; it
was long better known than the Rio Grande and down to the present century was
far better known than the Rio Colorado." — (Coues, Expeditions of Zebulon M.
Pike, ii, p. 374.) The first name, Rio del Nombre de Jesus, was given to it by
Onate in 1604; the present name dates from 1697. The stream heads in the
mountains of western New Mexico, and traversing Arizona empties into the Colo-
rado at Fort Yuma (32° 43' north latitude). See post, notes 54, 63. — ED.
86 Early Western Travels [Vol. 18
attention and kindness. At our departure, the kind old
governor pressed a great many presents upon us; but we
refused all, except a horse for each one of us, some flour and
dried meat.
Seven hunters coming up with us, who were going in our
direction, we concluded to travel with them, as our united
strength would better enable us to contend with the hostile
Indians, through whose country our course lay. We made
our way slowly, descending the river bank, until we reached
the last town or settlement in this part of the province,
called Socoro.52 The population of the part of the country,
through which we travelled was entirely confined to a chain
of settlements along the bottoms of the del Norte, and those
of some of the rivers, which empty into it. I did not see,
during the whole of this journey, an enclosed field, and not
even a garden.
After remaining one day here, in order to recruit our
horses, we resumed our course down the river, Dec. 3d.
The bottoms, through which we now passed, were thinly
timbered, and the only growth was cotton-wood and willow.
We saw great numbers of bears, deer and turkeys. A bear
having chased one of our men into the camp, we killed it.
On the yth we left the del Norte, and took a direct course
for the Copper mines.83 We next travelled from the river
52 This name, meaning succor, was given by Onate to the Indian pueblo of
Teipana, about eighty miles south of Albuquerque, because of the supplies of
maize furnished by the inhabitants on his expedition up the Rio del Norte (1598-99).
The old pueblo was destroyed in 1681, and the modern town founded in 1817. It
is now the seat of Socorro County, and contains over 1,500 inhabitants. The
home of the Spanish ex-governor and his daughter must have been in the neighbor-
hood of the present city of Albuquerque, the largest town in New Mexico. Pattie's
course quite closely followed the line of the Santa ¥6 railroad. — ED.
83 The mines were the well-known "Santa Rita de Cobre," in the western
angle of the Sierra de Mogoyon, near the headwaters of the Gila and about one
hundred miles west of the Rio del Norte. Mexicans began to work them in 1804.
They proved very profitable (see post, p. 350), although the difficulty of obtaining
supplies was great, owing to the plundering Apache. In 1838 these Indians en-
tirely cut off the supply trains, and the mines were abandoned. They were for a
1824-1830] Pattie s Personal Narrative 87
over a very mountainous country four days, at the expiration
of which time we reached this point of our destination. We
were here but one night, and I had not leisure to examine
the mode, in which the copper was manufactured. In the
morning we hired two Spanish servants to accompany us;
and taking a north-west course pursued our journey, until
we reached the Helay on the i4th. We found the country
the greater part of the two last days hilly and somewhat
barren with a growth of pine, live oak, pinion, cedar and
some small trees, of which I did not know the name. We
caught thirty beavers, the first night we encamped on this
river. The next morning, accompanied by another man,
[53] I began to ascend the bank of the stream to explore, and
ascertain if beaver were to be found still higher, leaving the
remainder of the party to trap slowly up, until they should
meet us on our return. We threw a pack over our shoulders,
containing a part of the beavers, we had killed, as we made
our way on foot. The first day we were fatigued by the
difficulty of getting through the high grass, which covered
the heavily timbered bottom. In the evening we arrived
at the foot of mountains, that shut in the river on both sides,
and encamped. We saw during the day several bears, but
did not disturb them, as they showed no ill feeling towards
us.
On the morning of the i3th we started early, and crossed
the river, here a beautiful clear stream about thirty yards
in width, running over a rocky bottom, and filled with fish.
We made but little advance this day, as bluffs came in so
close to the river, as to compel us to cross it thirty-six times.
We were obliged to scramble along under the cliffs, some-
times upon our hands and knees, through a thick tangle of
time (1851) the headquarters of the boundary commission for the United States
and Mexico. See Bartlett, Personal Narrative oj Explorations (New York, 1854),
i, pp. 226-239. Mining was resumed in 1873; the property is now operated by the
Santa Rita Company, and is among the best equipped mines in the territory. — ED.
88 Early Western Travels [Vol. 18
grape-vines and under-brush. Added to the unpleasantness
of this mode of getting along in itself, we did not know, but
the next moment would bring us face to face with a bear,
which might accost us suddenly. We were rejoiced, when
this rough ground gave place again to the level bottom. At
night we reached a point, where the river forked, and en-
camped on the point between the forks. We found here a
boiling spring so near the main stream, that the fish caught
in the one might be thrown into the other without leaving
the spot, where it was taken. In six minutes it would be
thoroughly cooked.
The following morning my companion and myself sepa-
rated, agreeing to meet after four days at this spring. We
were each to ascend a fork of the river. The banks of that
which fell to my lot, were very brushy, and frequented by
numbers of bears, of whom I felt fearful, as I had never
before travelled alone in the woods. I walked on with
caution until night, and encamped near a pile of drift wood,
which I set on fire, thinking thus to frighten any animals
that might approach during the night. [54] I placed a spit,
with a turkey I had killed upon it, before the fire to roast.
After I had eaten my supper I laid down by the side of a
log with my gun by my side. I did not fall asleep for some
time. I was aroused from slumber by a noise in the leaves,
and raising my head saw a panther stretched on the log by
which I was lying, within six feet of me. I raised my gun
gently to my face, and shot it in the head. Then springing
to my feet, I ran about ten steps, and stopped to reload my
gun, not knowing if I had killed the panther or not. Before
I had finished loading my gun, I heard the discharge of one
on the other fork, as I concluded, the two running parallel
with each other, separated only by a narrow ridge. A
second discharge quickly followed the first, which led me
to suppose, that my comrade was attacked by Indians.
I immediately set out and reached the hot spring by day
1824-1830] Pattie's Personal Narrative 89
break, where I found my associate also. The report of my
gun had awakened him, when he saw a bear standing upon
its hind feet within a few yards of him growling. He fired
his gun, then his pistol, and retreated, thinking, with regard
to me, as I had with regard to him, that I was attacked by
Indians. Our conclusion now was, to ascend one of the
forks in company, and then cross over, and descend the other.
In consequence we resumed the course, I had taken the
preceding day. We made two day's journey, without
beaver enough to recompense us for our trouble, and then
crossed to the east fork, trapping as we went, until we again
reached the main stream. Some distance below this, we
met those of our party we had left behind, with the exception
of the seven, who joined us on the del Norte. They had
deserted the expedition, and set off upon their return down
the river. We now all hastened on to overtake them, but
it was to no purpose. They still kept in advance, trapping
clean as they went, so that we even found it difficult to catch
enough to eat.
Finding it impossible to come up with them, we ceased to
urge our poor horses, as they were much jaded, and tender
footed beside, and travelled slowly, catching what beaver
we [55] could, and killing some deer, although the latter
were scarce, owing, probably to the season of the year. The
river here was beautiful, running between banks covered
with tall cotton-woods and willows. This bottom extended
back a mile on each side. Beyond rose high and rather
barren hills.
On the 2oth we came to a point, where the river entered
a cavern between two mountains. We were compelled to
return upon our steps, until we found a low gap in the
mountains. We were three day's crossing, and the travelling
was both fatiguing and difficult. We found nothing to kill.
On the 23d we came upon the river, where it emptied into
a beautiful plain. We set our traps, but to no purpose, for
90 Early Western Travels [Vol. 18
the beavers were all caught, or alarmed. The river here
pursues a west course. We travelled slowly, using every
effort to kill something to eat, but without success.
On the morning of the 26th we concluded, that we must
kill a horse, as we had eaten nothing for four day's and a half,
except the small portion of a hare caught by my dogs, which
fell to the lot of each of a party of seven. Before we obtained
this, we had become weak in body and mind, complaining,
and desponding of our success in search of beaver. Desirous
of returning to some settlement, my father encouraged our
party to eat some of the horses, and pursue our journey.
We were all reluctant to begin to partake of the horse-flesh;
and the actual thing without bread or salt was as bad as the
anticipation of it. We were somewhat strengthened, how-
ever, and hastened on, while our supply lasted, in the hope
of either overtaking those in advance of us, or finding
another stream yet undiscovered by trappers.
The latter desire was gratified the first of January, 1825.
The stream, we discovered, carried as much water as the
Helay, heading north. We called it the river St. Francisco.54
After travelling up its banks about four miles, we encamped,
and set all our traps, and killed a couple of fat turkies. In
the morning we examined our traps, and found in them 37
beavers! This success restored our spirits instantaneously.
Exhilarating [56] prospects now opened before us, and we
pushed on with animation. The banks of this river are for
the most part incapable of cultivation being in many places
formed of high and rugged mountains. Upon these we saw
multitudes of mountain sheep.55 These animals are not
found on level ground, being there slow of foot, but on these
cliffs and rocks they are so nimble and expert in jumping
54 The present name of this stream, one of the initial forks of the Gila. The
confluence is in Arizona, a few miles over the New Mexican border. — ED.
M The Rocky Mountain sheep (Ovis montana) was well described by Lewis
and Clark.— ED.
1824-1830] Pattie s Personal Narrative 9 1
from point to point, that no dog or wolf can overtake them.
One of them that we killed had the largest horns, that I
ever saw on animals of any description. One of them would
hold a gallon of water. Their meat tastes like our mutton.
Their hair is short like a deer's, though fine. The French
call them the gros comes, from the size of their horns which
curl around their ears, like our domestic sheep. These
animals are about the size of a large deer. We traced this
river to its head, but not without great difficulty, as the
cliffs in many places came so near the water's edge, that we
were compelled to cross points of the mountain, which
fatigued both ourselves and our horses exceedingly.
The right hand fork of this river, and the left of the Helay
head in the same mountain, which is covered with snow, and
divides its waters from those of Red river. We finished our
trapping on this river, on the i4th. We had caught the very
considerable number of 250 beavers, and had used and
preserved most of the meat, we had killed. On the igth we
arrived on the river Helay, encamped, and buried our furs
in a secure position, as we intended to return home by this
route.
On the 2oth we began to descend the Helay, hoping to
find in our descent another beaver stream emptying into it.
We had abandoned the hope of rejoining the hunters, that
had left us, and been the occasion of our being compelled to
feed upon horse flesh. No better was to be expected of us,
than that we should take leave to imprecate many a curse
upon their heads; and that they might experience no better
fate, than to fall into the hands of the savages, or be torn in
pieces by the white bears. At the same time, so ready are
the hearts of mountain hunters to relent, that I have not a
doubt that each man of us would [57] have risqued his life
to save any one of them from the very fate, we imprecated
upon them.
In fact, on the night of the 22d, four of them, actually
92 Early Western Travels [Vol. 18
half starved, arrived at our camp, declaring, that they had
eaten nothing for five days. Notwithstanding our recent
curses bestowed upon them, we received them as brothers.
They related that the Indians had assaulted and defeated
them, robbing them of all their horses, and killing one of
their number. Next day the remaining two came in, one of
them severely wounded in the head by an Indian arrow.
They remained with us two days, during which we attempted
to induce them to lead us against the Indians, who had
robbed them, that we might assist them to recover what had
been robbed from them. No persuasion would induce them
to this course. They insisted at the same time, that if we
attempted to go on by ourselves, we should share the same
fate, which had befallen them.
On the morning of the 25th, we gave them three horses,
and as much dried meat as would last them to the mines,
distant about 150 miles. Fully impressed, that the Indians
would massacre us, they took such a farewell of us, as if
never expecting to see us again.
In the evening of the same day, although the weather
threatened a storm, we packed up, and began to descend
the river. We encamped this night in a huge cavern in the
midst of the rocks. About night it began to blow a tempest,
and to snow fast. Our horses became impatient under the
pelting of the storm, broke their ropes, and disappeared.
In the morning, the earth was covered with snow, four or
five inches deep. One of our companions accompanied me
to search for our horses. We soon came upon their trail,
and followed it, until it crossed the river. We found it on
the opposite side, and pursued it up a creek, that empties
into the Helay on the north shore. We passed a cave at the
foot of the cliffs. At its mouth I remarked, that the bushes
were beaten down, as though some animal had been browsing
upon them. I was aware, that a bear had entered the cave.
We collected some pine knots, split them with our toma-
1824-1830] Pattie's Personal Narrative 93
hawks, and kindled torches, with which I proposed to [58]
my companion, that we should enter the cave together, and
shoot the bear. He gave me a decided refusal, notwith-
standing I reminded him, that I had, more than once, stood
by him in a similar adventure ; and notwithstanding I made
him sensible, that a bear in a den is by no means so formid-
able, as when ranging freely in the woods. Finding it im-
possible to prevail on him to accompany me, I lashed my
torch to a stick, and placed it parallel with the gun barrel,
so as that I could see the sights on it, and entered the cave.
I advanced cautiously onward about twenty yards, seeing
nothing. On a sudden the bear reared himself erect within
seven feet of me, and began to growl, and gnash his teeth.
I levelled my gun and shot him between the eyes, and began
to retreat. Whatever light it may throw upon my courage,
I admit, that I was in such a hurry, as to stumble, and
extinguish my light. The growling and struggling of the
bear did not at all contribute to allay my apprehensions. On
the contrary, I was in such haste to get out of the dark place,
thinking the bear just at my heels, that I fell several times on
the rocks, by which I cut my limbs, and lost my gun. When
I reached the light, my companion declared, and I can be-
lieve it, that I was as pale as a corpse. It was some time,
before I could summon sufficient courage to re-enter the
cavern for my gun. But having re-kindled my light, and
borrowed my companion's gun, I entered the cavern again,
advanced and listened. All was silent, and I advanced still
further, and found my gun, near where I had shot the bear.
Here again I paused and listened. I then advanced onward
a few strides, where to my great joy I found the animal dead.
I returned, and brought my companion in with me. We
attempted to drag the carcass from the den, but so great
was the size, that we found ourselves wholly unable. We
went out, found our horses, and returned to camp for assist-
ance. My father severely reprimanded me for venturing
94 Early Western Travels [Vol. 18
to attack such a dangerous animal in its den, when the
failure to kill it outright by the first shot, would have been
sure to be followed by my death.
Four of us were detached to the den. We were soon
enabled [59] to drag the bear to the light, and by the aid of
our beast to take it to camp. It was both the largest and
whitest bear I ever saw. The best proof, I can give, of the
size and fatness is, that we extracted ten gallons of oil from
it. The meat we dried, and put the oil in a trough, which
we secured in a deep crevice of a cliff, beyond the reach of
animals of prey. We were sensible that it would prove a
treasure to us on our return.
On the 28th we resumed our journey, and pushed down
the stream to reach a point on the river, where trapping had
not been practised. On the 3oth, we reached this point,
and found the man, that the Indians had killed. They had
cut him in quarters, after the fashion of butchers. His
head, with the hat on, was stuck on a stake. It was full of
the arrows, which they had probably discharged into it, as
they had danced around it. We gathered up the parts of
the body, and buried them.
At this point we commenced setting our traps. We
found the river skirted with very wide bottoms, thick-set
with the musquito trees,56 which bear a pod in the shape of a
bean, which is exceedingly sweet. It constitutes one of the
chief articles of Indian subsistence; and they contrive to
prepare from it a very palatable kind of bread, of which we
all became very fond. The wild animals also feed upon this
pod.
On the 3ist we moved our camp ten miles. On the way
we noted many fresh traces of Indians, and killed a bear,
M There are at least three varieties of mesquit-tree (prosopis) in New Mexico
and Arizona. It is related to the acacia and locust; and the fruit, consisting of
ten or twelve beans in a sweet, pulpy pod, is gathered by the Indians, pounded in
a mortar, and made into bread. A prolific tree will yield ten bushels of beans in
the hull. The Comanche also concoct an intoxicating drink from this bean. — ED.
1824-1830] Pattie's Personal Narrative 95
that attacked us. The river pursues a west course amidst
high mountains on each side. We trapped slowly onward,
still descending the river, and unmolested by the Indians.
On the 8th of February, we reached the mouth of a small
river entering the Helay on the north shore. Here we
unexpectedly came upon a small party of Indians, that fled
at the sight of us, in such consternation and hurry, as to
leave all their effects, which consisted of a quantity of the
bread mentioned above, and some robes made of rabbit
skins. Still more; they left a small child. The child was
old enough to distinguish us from its own people, for it
opened its little throat, and screamed so lustily, that we
feared it would have fits. The poor thing meanwhile made
its [60] best efforts to fly from us. We neither plundered nor
molested their little store. We bound the child in such a
manner, that it could not stray away, and get lost, aware,
that after they deemed us sufficiently far off, the parents
would return, and take the child away. We thence ascended
the small river about four miles, and encamped. For fear
of surprize, and apprehending the return of the savages,
that had fled from us, and perhaps in greater force, we
secured our camp with a small breast-work. We discovered
very little encouragement in regard to our trapping pursuit,
for we noted few signs of beavers on this stream. The night
passed without bringing us any disturbance. In the morn-
ing two of us returned to the Indian camp. The Indians
had re-visited it, and removed every thing of value, and
what gave us great satisfaction, their child. In proof, that
the feelings of human nature are the same every where, and
that the language of kindness is a universal one ; in token of
their gratitude, as we understood it, they had suspended a
package on a kind of stick, which they had stuck erect.
Availing ourselves of their offer, we examined the present,
and found it to contain a large dressed buck skin, an article,
which we greatly needed for moccasins, of which some of us
96 Early Western Travels [Vol. 18
were in pressing want. On the same stick we tied a red
handkerchief by way of some return.
We thence continued to travel up this stream four days in
succession, with very little incident to diversify our march.
We found the banks of this river plentifully timbered with
trees of various species, and the land fine for cultivation.
On the morning of the i3th, we returned to the Helay, and
found on our way, that the Indians had taken the handker-
chief, we had left, though none of them had shown any
disposition, as we had hoped, to visit us. We named the
stream we had left, the deserted fork, on account of having
found it destitute of beavers. We thence resumed our
course down the Helay, which continues to flow through a
most beautiful country. Warned by the frequent traces of
fresh Indian foot-prints, we every night adopted [61] the
expedient of enclosing our horses in a pen, feeding them with
cotton-wood bark, which we found much better for them
than grass.
On the 1 6th, we advanced to a point, where the river runs
between high mountains, in a ravine so narrow, as barely
to afford it space to pass. We commenced exploring them
to search for a gap, through which we might be able to pass.
We continued our expedition, travelling north, until we dis-
covered a branch, that made its way out of the mountains.
Up its ravine we ascended to the head of the branch. Its foun-
tains were supplied by an immense snow bank, on the summit
of the mountain. With great labor and fatigue we reached
this summit, but could descry no plains within the limits of
vision. On every side the peaks of ragged and frowning
mountains rose above the clouds, affording a prospect of
dreariness and desolation, to chill the heart. While we
could hear the thunder burst, and see the lightning glare
before us, we found an atmosphere so cold, that we were
obliged to keep up severe and unremitting exercise, to escape
freezing.
1824-1830] Pattie 's Personal Narrative 97
We commenced descending the western declivity of the
mountains, amidst thick mists and dark clouds, with which
they were enveloped. We pitied our horses and mules,
that were continually sliding and falling, by which their
limbs were strained, and their bodies bruised. To our great
joy, we were not long, before we came upon the ravine of a
branch, that wound its way through the vast masses of
crags and mountains. We were disappointed, however,
in our purpose to follow it to the Helay. Before it mingled
with that stream, it ingulfed itself so deep between the cliffs,
that though we heard the dash of the waters in their narrow
bed, we could hardly see them. We were obliged to thread
our way, as we might, along the precipice, that constituted
the banks of the creek. We were often obliged to unpack
our mules and horses, and transport their loads by hand
from one precipice to another. We continued wandering
among the mountains in this way, until the 23d. Our
provisions were at this time exhausted, and our horses and
[62] mules so worn out, that they were utterly unable to pro-
ceed further. Thus we were absolutely obliged to lie by two
days. During this time, Allen and myself commenced climb-
ing towards the highest peak of the mountains in our vicinity.
It was night-fall, before we gained it. But from it we
could distinctly trace the winding path of the river in several
places; and what was still more cheering, could see smokes
arising from several Indian camps. To meet even enemies,
was more tolerable, than thus miserably to perish with hun-
ger and cold in the mountains. Our report on our return
animated the despair of our companions. On the morning
of the 25th we resumed our painful efforts to reach the river.
On the 28th, to our great joy, we once more found ourselves
on its banks. A party of Indians, encamped there, fled at
our approach. But fortunately they left a little mush pre-
pared from the seeds of grass. Without scruple we devoured
it with appetites truly ravenous. In the morning we took
98 Early Western Travels [Vol. 18
ten beavers in our traps, and Allen was detached with me
to clear away a path, through which the pack horses might
pass. We were obliged to cross the river twelve times in the
course of a single day. We still discovered the fresh foot-
prints of Indians, who had deserted their camps, and fled
before us. We were continually apprehensive, that they
would fire their arrows upon us, or overwhelm us with
rocks, let loose upon us from the summits of the high cliffs,
directly under which we were obliged to pass. The third
day, after we had left our company, I shot a wild goose in
the river. The report of my gun raised the screams of
women and children. Too much alarmed to stop for my
game, I mounted my horse, and rode toward them, with a
view to convince them, or in some way, to show them, that
we intended them no harm. We discovered them ahead of us,
climbing the mountains, the men in advance of the women,
and all fleeing at the top of their speed. As soon as they
saw us, they turned, and let fly a few arrows at us, one of
which would have despatched my companion, had he not
been infinitely dextrous in dodging. Hungry and fatigued
and by no means in the best humor, my companion returned
[63] them abundance of curses for their arrows. From
words he was proceeding to deeds, and would undoubtedly
have shot one of them, had I not caught his gun, and made
him sensible of the madness of such a deed. It was clearly
our wisdom to convince them, that we had no inclination to
injure them. Some of them were clad in robes of rabbit
skins, part of which they shed, in their hurry to clamber
over the rocks.
Finding ourselves unable to overtake them, we returned
to their camp, to discover if they had left any thing that we
could eat. At no great distance from their camp, we ob-
served a mound of fresh earth, in appearance like one of
our coal kilns. Considering it improbable, that the Indians
would be engaged in burning coal, we opened the mound,
1824-1830] Puttie's Personal Narrative 99
and found it to contain a sort of vegetable that had the
appearance of herbage, which seemed to be baking in the
ground, to prepare it for eating. I afterwards ascertained,
that it was a vegetable, called by the Spanish, mascal,
(probably maguey.)57 The Indians prepare it in this way,
so as to make a kind of whiskey of it, tasting like crab-apple
cider. The vegetable grows in great abundance on these
mountains.
Next day we came to the point, where the river discharges
its waters from the mountains on to the plains. We thence
returned, and rejoined our company, that had been making
their way onward behind us. March 3d, we trapped along
down a small stream, that empties into the Helay on the
south side, having its head in a south west direction. It being
very remarkable for the number of its beavers, we gave it the
name of Beaver river. At this place we collected 200 skins;
and on the loth continued to descend the Helay, until the
2oth, when we turned back with as much fur, as our beasts
could pack. As yet we had experienced no molestation
from the Indians, although they were frequently descried
skulking after us, and gathering up the pieces of meat, we had
thrown away. On the morning of the 2oth we were all
prepared for an early start, and my father, by way of pre-
caution, bade us all discharge our guns at the word of com-
mand, and then re-load them afresh, [64] that we might, in
case of emergency, be sure of our fire. We were directed to
form in a line, take aim, and at the word, fire at a tree. We
gave sufficient proofs, that we were no strangers to the rifle,
for every ball had lodged close to the centre of our mark.
But the report of our guns was answered by the yell of more
67 The maguey is the American aloe {Agave americana). The Mexicans and
Indians cut off the leaves near the root, leaving a head the size of a large cabbage.
The heads are placed in the ground, overlaid with earth, and for a day a fire is kept
burning on top of them; they are then eaten, tasting something like a beet. The
roasted heads are also placed in a bag made of hides, and allowed to ferment, pro-
ducing the liquor known as ' ' mescal." — ED.
ioo Early Western Travels [Vol. 18
than an hundred savages, above us on the mountains. We
immediately marched out from under the mountains on to
the plains, and beckoned them to come down, by every
demonstration of friendship in our power. Nothing seemed
to offer stronger enticement, than to hold out to them our
red cloth. This we did, but without effect, for they either
understood us not, or were reluctant to try our friendship.
Leaving one of our number to watch their deportment, and
to note if they followed us, we resumed our march. It
would have been a great object to us to have been able to
banish their suspicions, and make a treaty with them. But
we could draw from them no demonstrations, but those of
fear and surprize. On the 25th we returned to Beaver river,
and dug up the furs that we had buried, or cashed,58 as the
phrase is, and concluded to ascend it, trapping towards its
head, whence we purposed to cross over to the Helay above
the mountains, where we had suffered so much in crossing.
About six miles up the stream, we stopped to set our traps,
three being selected to remain behind in the camp to dry
the skins, my father to make a pen for the horses, and I
to guard them, while they were turned loose to feed in the
grass. We had pitched our camp near the bank of the river,
in a thick grove of timber, extending about a hundred yards
in width. Behind the timber was a narrow plain of about
the same width, and still further on was a high hill, to which
I repaired, to watch my horses, and descry whatever might
pass in the distance. Immediately back of the hill I dis-
covered a small lake, by the noise made by the ducks and
geese in it. Looking more attentively, I remarked what
gave me much more satisfaction, that is to say, three beaver
lodges. I returned, and made my father acquainted with
my discovery. The party despatched to set traps had re-
turned. My father informed [65] them of my discovery,
88 For the method of making a "cache," see Thwaites, Original Journals 0} the
Lewis and Clark Expedition, index. — ED.
1824-1830] P attic's Personal Narrative I o I
and told them to set traps in the little lake. As we passed
towards the lake, we observed the horses and mules all
crowded together. At first we concluded that they col-
lected together in this way, because they had fed enough.
We soon discovered, that it was owing to another cause.
I had put down my gun, and stepped into the water, to pre-
pare a bed for my trap, while the others were busy in pre-
paring theirs. Instantly the Indians raised a yell, and the
quick report of guns ensued. This noise was almost
drowned in the fierce shouts that followed, succeeded by a
shower of arrows falling among us like hail. As we ran
for the camp leaving all the horses in their power, we saw
six Indians stealthily following our trail, as though they were
tracking a deer. They occasionally stopped, raised them-
selves, and surveyed every thing around them. We con-
cealed ourselves behind a large cotton-wood tree, and
waited until they came within a hundred yards of us. Each
of us selected a separate Indian for a mark, and our signal
to fire together was to be a whistle. The sign was given,
and we fired together. My mark fell dead, and my com-
panions' severely wounded. The other Indians seized their
dead and wounded companions, and fled.
We now rejoined our company, who were busily occupied
in dodging the arrows, that came in a shower from the
summit of the hill, where I had stationed myself to watch
our horses. Discovering that they were too far from us,
to be reached by our bullets, we retreated to the timber, in
hopes to draw them down» to the plain. But they had had
too ample proofs of our being marksmen, to think of return-
ing down to our level, and were satisfied to remain yelling,
and letting fly their arrows at random. We found cause
both for regret and joy; regret, that our horses were in their
power, and joy, that their unprovoked attack had been
defeated with loss to themselves, and none to us.
At length they ceased yelling, and disappeared. We, on
IO2 Early Western Travels [Vol. 18
our part, set ourselves busily to work to fortify our camp for
the night. Meanwhile our savage enemy devised a plan,
which, but for the circumspection of my father, would have
enabled [66] them to destroy us. They divided themselves
into two parties, the one party mounted on horses, stolen
from us, and so arranged as to induce the belief, that they
constituted the whole party. They expected that we would
pursue them, to recover our horses. As soon as we should
be drawn out from behind our fortification, they had a
reserve party, on foot, who were to rush in, between us and
our camp, and thus, between two fires, cut us all off together.
It so happened, that I had retired a little distance from the
camp, in the direction of the ambush party on foot. I met
them, and they raised a general yell. My father, supposing
me surrounded, ran in the direction of the yell, to aid me.
He, too, came in direct contact with the foot party, who let
fly a shower of arrows at him, from which nothing but good
providence preserved him. He returned the fire with his
gun and pistols, by which he killed two of them, and the
report of which immediately brought his companions to his
side. The contest was a warm one for a few minutes, when
the Indians fled. This affair commenced about three in
the afternoon; and the Indians made their final retreat at
five ; and the succeeding night passed without further moles-
tation from them.
In the morning of the 26th, we despatched two of our men
to bring our traps and furs. We had no longer any way
of conveying them with us, for the Indians had taken all our
horses. We, however, in the late contest, had taken four of
their's, left behind in the haste of their retreat. As our
companions were returning to camp with the traps, which
they had taken up to bury, they discovered the Indians,
sliding along insidiously towards our camp. We were all
engaged in eating our breakfast in entire confidence. Our
men cried out to us, that the enemy was clpse upon us. We
1824-1830] Pattie's Personal Narrative 103
sprang to our arms. The Indians instantly fled to the top
of the hill, which we had named battlehill. In a few minutes
they were all paraded on the horses and mules stolen from
us. They instantly began to banter us in Spanish to come
up to them. One of our number who could speak Spanish,
asked them to what nation they belonged ? They answered,
Eiotaro. In return, they asked us, who we were? We
answered Americans. Hearing this, they stood in apparent
[67] surprise and astonishment for some moments. They
then replied, that they had thought us too brave and too
good marksmen, to be Spaniards; that they were sorry for
what they had done, under the mistake of supposing us
Spaniards. They declared themselves ready to make a
treaty with us, provided that we would return the four
horses, we had taken from them, and bring them up the hill,
where they promised us they would restore us our own
horses in exchange. We were at once impressed, that the
proposal was a mere trick, to induce us to place ourselves in
their power. We therefore answered their proposal by
another, which was, that they should bring down our horses,
and leave them by the pen, where they had taken them, and
we in return would let their horses loose, and make friendship
with them. They treated our proposal with laughter, which
would have convinced us, had we doubted it before, that
their only purpose had been to ensnare us. We accordingly
faced them, and fired upon them, which induced them to
clear themselves most expeditiously.
We proceeded to bury our furs; and having packed our
four horses with provisions and two traps, we commenced
our march. Having travelled about ten miles, we encamped
in a thicket without kindling a fire, and kept a strict guard
all night. Next morning we made an early march, still
along the banks of the river. Its banks are still plentifully
timbered with cotton-wood and willow. The bottoms on
each side afford a fine soil for cultivation. From these
104 Early Western Travels [Vol. 18
bottoms the hills rise to an enormous height, and their sum-
mits are covered with perpetual snow. In these bottoms
are great numbers of wild hogs, of a species entirely different
from our domestic swine. They are fox-colored, with their
navel on their back, towards the back part of their bodies.
The hoof of their hind feet has but one dew-claw, and they
yield an odor not less offensive than our polecat. Their
figure and head are not unlike our swine, except that their
tail resembles that of a bear. We measured one of their
tusks, of a size so enormous, that I am afraid to commit my
credibility, by giving the dimensions. They remain undis-
turbed [68] by man and other animals, whether through fear
or on account of their offensive odor, I am unable to say.
That they have no fear of man, and that they are exceedingly
ferocious, I can bear testimony myself. I have many times
been obliged to climb trees to escape their tusks. We killed
a great many, but could never bring ourselves to eat them.
The country presents the aspect of having been once settled
at some remote period of the past. Great quantities of
broken pottery are scattered over the ground, and there are
distinct traces of ditches and stone walls, some of them as
high as a man's breast, with very broad foundations. A
species of tree, which I had never seen before, here arrested
my attention.59 It grows to the height of forty or fifty feet.
The top is cone shaped, and almost without foliage. The
bark resembles that of the prickly pear; and the body is
covered with thorns. I have seen some three feet in diam-
eter at the root, and throwing up twelve distinct shafts.
On the 291)1, we made our last encampment on this river,
intending to return to it no more, except for our furs. We
set our two traps for the last time, and caught a beaver in
each. — We skinned the animals, and prepared the skins
M This is apparently the giant cactus (Cereus giganteus). The height to which
it grows varies with the nature of the soil, the average being from twenty to thirty
feet.— ED.
1824-1830] Pattie's Personal Narrative 105
to hold water, through fear, that we might find none on our
unknown route through the mountains to the Helay, from
which we judged ourselves distant two hundred miles.
Our provisions were all spoiled. We had nothing to carry
with us to satisfy hunger, but the bodies of the two beavers
which we had caught, the night before. We had nothing
to sustain us in this disconsolate march, but our trust in
providence; for we could not but foresee hunger, fatigue
and pain, as the inevitable attendants upon our journey.
To increase the depression of our spirits, our moccasins
were worn out, our feet sore and tender, and the route full
of sharp rocks.
On the 3ist, we reached the top of the mountain, and
fed upon the last meat of our beavers. We met with no
traces of game. What distressed me most of all was, to
perceive my father, who had already passed the meridian
of his days, sinking with fatigue and weakness. On the
morning of the first of April, [69] we commenced descending
the mountain, from the side of which we could discern a plain
before us, which, however, it required two severe days
travel to reach. During these two days we had nothing
either to eat or drink. In descending from these icy moun-
tains, we were surprised to find how warm it was on the
plains. On reaching them I killed an antelope, of which
we drank the warm blood; and however revolting the
recital may be, to us it was refreshing, tasting like fresh
milk. The meat we put upon our horses, and travelled on
until twelve o'clock, before we found water.
Here we encamped the remainder of the day, to rest, and
refresh ourselves. The signs of antelopes were abundant,
and the appearances were, that they came to the water to
drink; from which we inferred, that there was no other
drinking place in the vicinity. Some of our hunters went
out in pursuit of the antelopes. From the numbers of these
animals, we called the place Antelope Plain. The land lies
io6 Early Western Travels [Vol. 18
very handsomely, and is a rich, black soil, with heavily
timbered groves in the vicinity.
On the morning of the 3d, though exceedingly stiff and
sore, we resumed our march, and reaching the opposite side
of the plain, encamped at a spring, that ran from the moun-
tain. Next day we ascended this mountain to its summit,
which we found covered with iron ore. At a distance we
saw a smoke on our course. We were aware that it was the
smoke of an Indian camp, and we pushed on towards it.
In the evening we reached the smoke, but found it deserted
of Indians. All this day's march was along a country
abundant in minerals. In several places we saw lead and
copper ore. I picked up a small parcel of ore, which I put
in my shot-pouch, which was proved afterward to be an ore
of silver. The misfortune of this region is, that there is no
water near these mineral hills. We commenced our morning
march half dead with thirst, and pushed on with the eager-
ness inspired by that tormenting appetite. Late in the
evening we found a little water, for our own drinking, in the
bottom of a rock. Not a drop remained for our four horses,
that evidently showed a thirst no less devouring than ours.
[70] Their feet were all bleeding, and the moment we paused
to rest ourselves, the weary companions of our journey
instantly laid down. It went still more to my heart, to see
my two faithful dogs, which had followed me all the
way from my father's house, where there was always bread
enough and to spare, looking to me with an expression, which
a hunter in the desert only can understand, as though begging
food and water. Full gladly would I have explained to
them, that the sterile wilderness gave me no means of
supplying their wants.
We had scarcely commenced the next morning's march,
when, at a little distance from our course, we saw a smoke.
Supposing it an Indian camp, we immediately concluded to
attack it. Adopting their own policy, we slipped onward
1824-1830] Pattie's Personal Narrative 1 07
in silence and concealment, until we were close by it. We
found the persons women and children. Having no dis-
position to harm them, we fired a gun over their heads, which
caused them instantly to fly at the extent of their speed.
Hunger knows no laws; and we availed ourselves of their
provision, which proved to be mascal, and grass seed, of
which we made mush. Scanty as this nutriment was, it was
sufficient to sustain life.
We commenced an early march on the 6th, and were
obliged to move slowly, as we were bare-footed, and the
mountains rough and steep. We found them either wholly
barren, or only covered with a stinted growth of pine and
cedar, live oak and barbary bushes. On the 8th, our pro-
visions were entirely exhausted, and so having nothing to
eat, we felt the less need of water. Our destitute and for-
lorn condition goaded us on, so that we reached the Helay
on the 1 2th. We immediately began to search for traces
of beavers, where to set our traps, but found none. On the
morning of the i3th, we killed a raven, which we cooked
for seven men. It was unsavory flesh in itself, and would
hardly have afforded a meal for one hungry man. The
miserable condition of our company may be imagined, when
seven hungry men, who had not eaten a full meal for ten
days, were all obliged to breakfast on this nauseous bird.
We were all weak and emaciated. But I was young [71]
and able to bear hardships. My heart only ached for my
poor father who was reduced to a mere skeleton. We moved
on slowly and painfully, until evening, when we encamped.
On my return from setting our two traps, I killed a buzzard,
which, disagreeable as it was, we cooked for supper. In the
morning of the i8th, I found one of the traps had caught an
otter.
This served for breakfast and supper. It seemed the
means of our present salvation, for my father had become
so weak, that he could no longer travel. We therefore
io8 Early Western Travels [Vol. 18
encamped early, and three of us went out to hunt deer among
the hills. But in this sad emergency we could find none.
When we returned, my father had prepared lots, that we
should draw, to determine who of us should kill one of the
dogs. I refused through fear that the lot would fall to me.
These faithful companions of our sufferings were so dear to
me, that I felt as though I could not allow them to be killed
to save my own life ; though to save my father, I was aware
that it was a duty to allow it to be done.
We lay here until the i8th, my father finding the flesh of
the dog both sweet, nutritive and strengthening. On the
1 8th, he was again able to travel; and on the 2oth, we ar-
rived at Bear creek, where we hid the bears oil, which we
found unmolested. We lay here two days, during which
time we killed four deer and some turkies. The venison
we dried, and cased the skin of one of the deer, in which to
carry our oil. We commenced an early march on the 23d,
and on the 25th reached the river San Francisco, where we
found our buried furs all safe. I suffered exceedingly from
the soreness of my feet, giving me great pain and fever at
night. We made from our raw deer skins a very tolerable
substitute for shoes. The adoption of this important
expedient enabled us to push on, so that we reached the
Copper mines on the 29th.
The Spaniards seemed exceedingly rejoiced, and welcomed
us home, as though we were of their own nation, religion
and kindred. They assured us, that they had no expectation
ever to see us again. The superintendent of the mines,
especially, who appeared to me a gentleman of the highest
order, received [72] us with particular kindness, and supplied
all our pressing wants. Here we remained, to rest and
recruit ourselves, until the 2d of May. My father then
advised me to travel to Santa Fe, to get some of our goods,
and purchase a new supply of horses, with which to return,
and bring in our furs. I had a horse, which we had taken
1824-1830] Pattie s Personal Narrative 1 09
from the Indians, shod with copper shoes, and in company
with four of my companions, and the superintendent of the
mines, I started for Santa Fe. The superintendent assured
us, that he would gladly have furnished us horses; but the
Appache Indians60 had recently made an incursion upon
his establishment, stealing all his horses, and killing three
men, that were herding them. This circumstance had sus-
pended the working of the mines. Besides he was unable
to procure the necessary coal, with which to work them,
because the Appaches way-laid the colliers, and killed them,
as often as they attempted to make coal.
We arrived at the house of the governor on the i2th.
Jacova, his daughter, received us with the utmost affection;
and shed tears on observing me so ill; as I was in fact re-
duced by starvation and fatigue, to skin and bone. Beings
in a more wretched plight she could not often have an
opportunity to see. My hair hung matted and uncombed.
My head was surmounted with an old straw hat. My legs
were fitted with leather leggins, and my body arrayed in a
leather hunting shirt, and no want of dirt about any part of
the whole. My companions did not shame me, in com-
parison, by being better clad. But all these repulsive
circumstances notwithstanding, we were welcomed by the
governor and Jacova, as kindly, as if we had been clad in a
manner worthy of their establishment.
We rested ourselves here three days. I had left my more
decent apparel in the care of Jacova, when we started from
the house into the wilderness on our trapping expedition.
She had had my clothes prepared in perfect order. I once
more dressed myself decently, and spared to my companions
all my clothes that fitted them. We all had our hair trimmed.
80 The Apache were long the scourge of New Mexico, Arizona, and northern
Mexico. Living by plunder alone, they systematically robbed and killed Spaniards,
Mexicans, and Americans. They belong to the Athabascan family, and comprise
many tribes and sub-tribes. At present they number about six thousand souls,
and are located on five different reservations. — ED.
1 1 o Early Western Travels [Vol. 18
All this had much improved our appearance. When we
started [73] on the i5th, the old gentleman gave each of us
a good horse, enabling us to travel at our ease.
On the 1 8th we arrived at Santa Fe, where we immediately
met some of our former companions. It hardly need be
added, that the joy of this recognition was great and mutual.
We found Mr. Pratte ill in bed. He expressed himself
delighted to see me, and was still more desirous to see my
father. He informed me, that four of the company that he
had detached to trap, had been defeated by the Indians,
and the majority of them killed. He had, also, despaired
of ever seeing us again. I took a part of my goods, and
started back to the mines on the 2ist. None of my com-
panions were willing to accompany me on account of the
great apprehended danger from the Indians between this
place and the mines. In consequence, I hired a man to go
with me, and having purchased what horses I wanted, we
two travelled on in company. I would have preferred to
have purchased my horses of the old governor. But I
knew that his noble nature would impel him to give them to
me, and felt reluctant to incur such an obligation. When I
left his house, he insisted on my receiving a gold chain, in
token of the perpetual remembrance of his daughter. I saw
no pretext for refusing it, and as I received it, she assured me
that she should always make mention of my father and me
in her prayers.
I left this hospitable place on the 24th, taking all my
clothes with me, except the hunting shirt, which I had worn
in the battle with the Commanches. This she desired to
retain, insisting, that she wished to preserve this memorial
to the day of her death. We arrived at the mines the first
day of June, having experienced no molestation from the
Indians. We continued here, making arrangements for
our expedition to bring in the furs, until the 6th. The good
natured commander gave us provisions to last us to the point
1824-1830] Patties Personal Narrative 1 1 1
where our furs were buried, and back again. Still more,
he armed ten of his laborers, and detached them to accom-
pany us. The company consisted of four Americans, the
man hired at Santa Fe, and the commander's ten men,
fifteen in all.
[74] We left the mines on the yth, and reached Battle-hill
on Beaver river on the 22d. I need not attempt to describe
my feelings, for no description could paint them, when I
found the furs all gone, and perceived that the Indians had
discovered them and taken them away. All that, for which
we had hazarded ourselves, and suffered every thing but
death, was gone. The whole fruit of our long, toilsome and
dangerous expedition was lost, and all my golden hopes of
prosperity and comfort vanished like a dream. I tried to
convince myself, that repining was of no use, and we started
for the river San Francisco on the 2gth. Here we found the
small quantity buried there, our whole compensation for a
year's toil, misery and danger. We met no Indians either
going or returning.
We arrived at the mines the 8th of July, and after having
rested two days proposed to start for Santa Fe. The com-
mander, don Juan Unis, requested us to remain with him
two or three months, to guard his workmen from the Indians,
while pursuing their employment in the woods. He offered,
as a compensation, a dollar a day. We consented to stay,
though without accepting the wages. We should have con-
sidered ourselves ungrateful, after all the kindness, he had
rendered us at the hour of our greatest need, either to have
refused the request, or to have accepted a compensation.
Consequently we made our arrangements to stay.
We passed our time most pleasantly in hunting deer and
bears, of which there were great numbers in the vicinity.
We had no other duties to perform, than to walk round in
the vicinity of the workmen, or sit by and see them work.
Most of my time was spent with don Juan, who kindly under-
112 Early Western Travels [Vol. 18
took to teach me to speak Spanish. Of him, having no other
person with whom to converse, I learned the language easily,
and rapidly. One month of our engagement passed off
without any molestation from the Indians. But on the first
day of August, while three of us were hunting deer, we dis-
covered the trail of six Indians approaching the mines.
We followed the trail, and within about a mile from the
mines, we came up with them. [75] They fled, and we pur-
sued close at their heels. Gaining upon them, one of them
dodged us, into the head of a hollow. We surrounded him.
As soon as he saw that we had discovered him, and that
escape was impossible, he sprung on his feet, threw away
his bow and arrows, and begged us most submissively not to
shoot him. One of our men made up to him, while the other
man and myself stood with our guns cocked, and raised to
our faces, ready to shoot him, if he made the least motion
towards his bow. But he remained perfectly still, crossing
his hands, that we might tie them. Having done it, we
drove him on before us. We had advanced about a hundred
yards from the point where we took him, when he pointed
out to us a hollow tree, intimating that there was another
Indian concealed there. We bade him instruct his com-
panion to make no resistance, and to surrender himself, or
we would kill him. He explained our words to his com-
panion hi the tree. He immediately came forth from his
concealment with his bow, and we tied his hands in the same
way as the other's. We marched them before us to the
mines, where we put them in prison. The Spaniards, exas-
perated with their recent cruelties and murders, would have
killed them. We insisted that they should be spared, and
they remained in prison until the next morning.
We then brought them out of prison, conversed with them,
and showed them how closely we could fire. We instructed
one of them to tell his chief to come in, accompanied by all
his warriors, to make peace. We retained one of the pris-
1824-1830] Pattie's Personal Narrative 113
oners as a hostage, assuring the other, that if his chief did
not come in to make peace, we would put the hostage to
death. In regard to the mode of making it, we engaged,
that only four of our men should meet them at a hollow,
half a mile from the mine. We enjoined it on him to bring
them there within the term of four days. We readily discov-
ered by the tranquil countenance of our hostage, that he
had no apprehensions that they would not come in.
Afterwards, by way of precaution, my father put in requi-
sition all the arms he could find in the vicinity of the mines,
with [76] which he armed thirty Spaniards. He then
ordered a trench dug, at a hundred yard's distance from the
point designated for the Indians to occupy. This trench
was to be occupied by our armed men, during the time of
the treaty, in case, that if the Indians should be insolent or
menacing, these men might be at hand to overawe them, or
aid us, according to circumstances.
On the 5th, we repaired to the place designated, and in a
short time, the Indians to the number of 80, came in sight.
We had prepared a pipe, tobacco, and a council fire, and had
spread a blanket, on which the chief might sit down. As
soon as they came near us, they threw down their arms.
The four chiefs came up to us, and we all sat down on the
blanket. We commenced discussing the subject, for which
they were convened. We asked them, if they were ready
to make a peace with us; and if not what were the objec-
tions? They replied, that they had no objections to a peace
with the Americans, but would never make one with the
Spaniards. When we asked their reasons, they answered
that they had been long at war with the Spaniards, and that
a great many murders had been mutually inflicted on either
side. They admitted, that they had taken a great many
horses from the Spaniards, but indignantly alleged, that a
large party of their people had come in to make peace with
the Spaniards, of which they pretended to be very
114 Early Western Travels [Vol. 18
desirous; that with such pretexts, they had decoyed the
party within their walls, and then commenced butchering
them like a flock of sheep. The very few who had escaped,
had taken an unalterable resolution never to make peace
with them. 'In pursuance,' they continued, 'of our pur-
poses of revenge, great numbers of our nation went in among
the Spaniards, and were baptized. There they remain faith-
ful spies for us, informing us when and where there were
favorable opportunities to kill, and plunder our enemies.'
We told them in reply, that if they really felt disposed
to be at peace with the Americans, these mines were now
working jointly by us and the Spaniards; that it was wrong
in them to revenge the crimes of the guilty upon the innocent,
and that [77] these Spaniards had taken no part in the cow-
ardly and cruel butchery, of which they had spoken; and
that if they would not be peaceable, and allow us to work
the mines unmolested, the Americans would consider them
at war, and would raise a sufficient body of men to pursue
them to their lurking places in the mountains; that they had
good evidence that our people could travel in the woods and
among the mountains, as well as themselves; and that we
could shoot a great deal better than either they or the Span-
iards, and that we had no cowards among us, but true men,
who had no fear and would keep their word.
The chiefs answered, that if the mines belonged to the
Americans, they would promise never to disturb the people
that worked them. We left them, therefore, to infer that
the mines belonged to us, and took them at their word. We
then lit the pipe, and all the Indians gathered in a circle
round the fire. The four chiefs, each in succession made a
long speech, in which we could often distinguish the terms
Americans, and Espanola. The men listened with profound
attention, occasionally sanctioning what was said by a nod
of the head. We then commenced smoking, and the pipe
passed twice round the circle. They then dug a hole in
1824-1830] Puttie1 s Personal Narrative 115
the ground in the centre of the circle, and each one spat in
it. They then rilled it up with earth, danced round it, and
stuck their arrows in the little mound. They then gathered
a large pile of stones over it, and painted themselves red.
Such are their ceremonies of making peace. All the forms
of the ceremony were familiar to us, except the pile of stones,
and spitting in the hole they had dug, which are not prac-
tised by the Indians on the American frontiers. We asked
them the meaning of the spitting. They said, that they did
it in token of spitting out all their spite and revenge, and
burying their anger under the ground.
It was two o'clock before all these ceremonies were fin-
ished. We then showed them our reserve force in the trench.
They evinced great alarm to see their enemies the Spaniards
so close to them, and all ready for action. We explained to
them, that we intended to be in good faith, if they were; and
that these [78] men were posted there, only in case they
showed a disposition to violence. Their fears vanished and
tranquility returned to their countenances. The chiefs
laughed, and said to each other, these Americans know how
to fight, and make peace too. But were they to fight us,
they would have to get a company entirely of their own
people; for that if they took any Spaniards into their
company, they would be sure to desert them in the time of
action.
We thence all marched to the mines, where we killed three
beeves to feed the Indians. After they had eaten, and were
in excellent humor, the head chief made a present to my
father, of ten miles square of a tract of land lying on a river
about three miles from the mines. It was very favorable for
cultivation, and the Spaniards had several times attempted
to make a crop of grain upon it ; but the Indians had as often
either killed the cultivators, or destroyed the grain. My
father informed them, that though the land might be his, he
should be obliged to employ Spaniards to cultivate it for
1 1 6 Early Western Travels [Vol. 18
him ; and that, having made the land his, they must consider
these cultivators his people, and not molest them. With a
look of great firmness, the chief said 'that he was a man of
truth, and had given his word, and that we should find that
nothing belonging to the mines would be disturbed, for that
he never would allow the treaty to be violated.' He went
on to add, 'that he wanted to be at peace with us, because
he had discovered, that the Americans never showed any
disposition to kill, except in battle ; that they had had a proof
of this in our not killing the two prisoners we had taken;
but had sent one of them to invite his people to come in, and
make peace with us, and that he took pleasure in making
known to us, that they were good people too, and had no
wish to injure men that did not disturb or injure them.'
All this farce of bringing the Indians to terms of peace
with this establishment was of infinite service to the Span-
iards, though of none to us; for we neither had any interest
in the mines, nor intended to stay there much longer. But
we were glad to oblige don Juan who had been so great a
benefactor [79] to us. He, on his part, was most thankful
to us; for he could now work the mines without any risk of
losing men or cattle. He could now raise his own grain,
which he had hitherto been obliged to pack 200 miles, not
without having many of those engaged in bringing it, either
killed or robbed. The Indians now had so much changed
their deportment as to bring in horses or cows, that they
found astray from the mines. They regularly brought in
deer and turkies to sell, which don Juan, to keep alive their
friendship, purchased, whether he needed the articles or
not. Every day more or less Indians came into the settle-
ment to go and hunt deer and bears with us. They were
astonished at the closeness of our shooting; and nothing
seemed to delight them so much, as our telling them, we
would learn them to shoot our guns. My father had the
honor to be denominated in their language, t)ie big Captain.
1824-1830] Pattie's Personal Narrative 117
Don Juan, apprehending that the truce with the Indians
would last no longer than while we staid, and that after our
departure, the Indians would resume their former habits of
robbery and murder, was desirous to retain us as long as
possible. We agreed to stay until December, when our
plan was to commence another trapping expedition on the
Helay, following it down to its mouth. With every disposi-
tion on the part of don Juan to render our stay agreeable,
the time passed away pleasantly. On the i6th of September,
the priest, to whose diocese the mines belonged, made a visit
to the mines, to release the spirits of those who had died
since his last visit, from purgatory, and to make Christians
by baptising the little persons who had been born in the
same time.
This old priest, out of a reverend regard to his own person,
had fled from this settlement at the commencement of the
Indian disturbances; and had not returned until now, when
the Indians had made peace. A body of Indians happened
to be in, when the priest came. We were exceedingly
amused with the interview between the priest and an Indian
chief, who, from having had one of his hands bitten off by
a bear, was called Mocho Mano. The priest asked the one
handed chief, why [80] he did not offer himself for baptism ?
Mocho remained silent for some time, as if ruminating an
answer. He then said, 'the Appache chief is a very big
rogue now. Should he get his crown sprinkled with holy
water, it would either do him no good at all, or if it had any
effect, would make him a greater rogue ; for that the priests,
who made the water holy, and then went sprinkling it about
among the people for money, were the biggest rogues of all.'
This made the priest as angry as it made us merry.
When we had done laughing, Mocho asked us, how we
baptised among our people? I answered that we had two
ways of performing it; but that one way was, to plunge the
baptised person under water. He replied promptly, 'now
1 1 8 Early Western Travels [Vol. 18
there is some sense in that ; ' adding that when a great quan-
tity of rain fell from the clouds, it made the grass grow ; but
that it seemed to him that sprinkling a few drops of water
amounted to nothing.
The priest, meanwhile, prophesied, that the peace be-
tween the Spaniards and Indians would be of very short
duration. On the i8th, he left the mines, and returned to
the place whence he had come. On the 2oth, we started
with some Indian guides to see a mountain of salt, that they
assured us existed in their country. We travelled a north-
erly course through a heavily timbered country, the trees
chiefly of pine and live oak. We killed a great number of
bears and deer on the first day; and on account of their
reverence for my father, they treated me as if I had been a
prince. On the second we arrived at the salt hill, which is
about one hundred miles north of the mines. The hill is
about a quarter of a mile in length, and on the front side of it
is the salt bluff, eight or ten feet in thickness. It has the
appearance of a black rock, divided from the earthy matters,
with which the salt is mixed. What was to me the most
curious circumstance of the whole, was to see a fresh water
spring boiling up within twenty feet from the salt bluff, which
is a detached and solitary hill, rising out of a valley, which is
of the richest and blackest soil, and heavily timbered [81] with
oak, ash and black walnut. I remained here two days,
during which I killed fifteen deer, that came to lick salt.
An Indian woman of our company dressed all my deer
skins, and we loaded two mules with the salt, and started
back to the mines, where we arrived the first of October.
Nothing could have been more seasonable or acceptable to
don Juan, than the salt we brought with us. Having men-
tioned these mines so often, perhaps it may not be amiss,
to give a few details respecting them. Within the circum-
ference of three miles, there is a mine of copper, gold and
silver, and beside, a cliff of load stone. The silver mine
1824-1830] Pattie's Personal Narrative 119
is not worked, as not being so profitable, as either the copper
or gold mines.
We remained here to the last of December, when the
settlement was visited by a company of French trappers,
who were bound for Red river.61 We immediately made
preparations to return with them, which again revived the
apprehensions of don Juan, that the Indians would break
in upon the settlement as soon as we were gone, and again
put an end to the working of the mines. To detain us
effectually, he proposed to rent the mines to us for five years,
at a thousand dollars a year. He was willing to furnish
provisions for the first year gratis, and pay us for all the
improvements we should make on the establishment. We
could not but be aware, that this was an excellent offer.
My father accepted it. The writings were drawn, and my
father rented the establishment on his own account, selecting
such partners as he chose.
I, meanwhile, felt within me an irresistible propensity to
resume the employment of trapping. I had a desire, which
I can hardly describe, to see more of this strange and new
country. My father suffered greatly in the view of my
parting with him, and attempted to dissuade me from it.
He strongly painted the dangers of the route, and represented
to me, that I should not find these Frenchmen like my own
country people, for companions. All was unavailing to
change my fixed purpose, and we left the mines, January 2d,
1826.
We travelled down the river Helay, of which I have for-
merly [82] given a description, as far as the point where we
had left it for Battle-hill. Here, although we saw fresh
Indian signs, we met with no Indians. Where we encamped
for the night, there were arrows sticking in the ground. We
made an early start on the i6th, and at evening came upon
11 The Red is here used as one of the rather infrequent names for the Colo-
rado.— ED.
1 20 Early Western Travels [Vol. 18
the self same party of Indians, that had robbed us of our
horses, the year past. Some of them had on articles of my
father's clothes, that he had left where we buried our furs.
They had made our beaver skins into robes, which we now
purchased of them. While this bargain was transacting, I
observed one of the Indians mounted on the self same horse,
on which my father had travelled from the States. My
blood instantly boiled within me, and, presenting my gun
at him, I ordered him instantly to dismount. He immedi-
ately did as I bade him, and at once a trepidation and alarm
ran through the whole party. They were but twenty men,
and they were encumbered with women and children. We
were thirteen, well mounted and armed. The chief of the
party came to me, and asked me, 'if I knew this horse ? ' I
answered, that 'I did, and that it was mine.' He asked me
again, 'if we were the party, whose horses and furs they had
taken the year before ? ' I answered, that I was one of them,
and that if he did not cause my furs and horses to be delivered
up to me, we would kill them all on the spot. He imme-
diately brought me 150 skins and three horses, observing,
that they had been famished, and had eaten the rest, and
that he hoped this would satisfy me, for that in the battle
they had suffered more than we, he having lost ten men,
and we having taken from them four horses with their sad-
dles and bridles. I observed to him in reply, that he must
remember that they were the aggressors, and had provoked
the quarrel, in having robbed us of our horses, and attempt-
ing to kill us. He admitted that they were the aggressors,
in beginning the quarrel, but added, by way of apology, that
they had thought us Spaniards, not knowing that we were
Americans; but that now, when he knew us, he was willing
to make peace, and be in perpetual friendship. On this we
lit the pipe of peace, and smoked friends. I gave him some
red [83] cloth, with which he was delighted. I then asked
him about the different nations, through which our route
1824-1830] Pattie's Personal Narrative 121
would lead us? He named four nations, with names, as he
pronounced them, sufficiently barbarous. All these nations
he described as bad, treacherous and quarrelsome.
Though it was late in the evening, we resumed our march,
until we had reached the point where the river runs between
mountains, and where I had turned back the year before.
There is here little timber, beside musque to-wood, which
stands thick. We passed through the country of the first two
tribes, which the Indian chief had described to us, without
meeting an individual of them. On the 25th, we arrived at an
Indian village situated on the south bank of the river. Almost
all the inhabitants of this village speak Spanish, for it is situ-
ated only three days journey from a Spanish fort in the prov-
ince of Sonora,62 through which province this river runs. The
Indians seemed disposed to be friendly to us. They are
to a considerable degree cultivators, raising wheat, corn
and cotton, which they manufacture into cloths. We left
this village on the 25th, and on the 28th in the evening
arrived at the Papawar village, the inhabitants of which
came running to meet us, with their faces painted, and their
bows and arrows in then* hands. We were alarmed at these
hostile appearances, and halted. We told them that we were
friends, at which they threw down their arms, laughing the
while, and showing by their countenances that they were
aware that we were frightened. We entered the village, and
the French began to manifest their uncontrollable curiosity,
by strolling about in every direction. I noted several crowds
of Indians, collected in gangs, and talking earnestly. I
42 The Mexican province of Sonora had then nearly the same boundaries as now,
save for a northern strip — the Gadsden Purchase — which was transferred to
Arizona in 1803. Along its northern frontier stretched a line of five forts, to pro-
tect the ranches and villages from Apache raids. The tribe of Indians which
behaved so treacherously towards the French companions of Pattie were the
Papago (Papawar), who still inhabit this region, being herdsmen in southern
Arizona and northern Sonora. See Bandelier, "Final Report of Investigations
among the Indians of the Southwestern United States," American Archaeological
Institute Papers, American Series, iii, pp. 250-252. — ED.
122 Early Western Travels [Vol. 18
called the leader of my French companions, and informed
him that I did not like these movements of the Indians, and
was fearful that they were laying a plan to cut us all up. He
laughed at my fears, telling me I was a coward. I replied,
that I did not think that to be cautious, and on our guard,
was to show cowardice, and that I still thought it best for
us to start [84] off. At this he became angry, and told me
that I might go when I pleased, and that he would go when
he was ready.
I then spoke to a Frenchman of our number, that I had
known for a long time in Missouri; I proposed to him to
join me, and we would leave the village and encamp by
ourselves. He consented, and we went out of the village to
the distance of about 400 yards, under the pretext of going
there to feed our horses. When the sun was about half an
hour high, I observed the French captain coming out
towards us, accompanied by a great number of Indians, all
armed with bows and arrows. This confirmed me in my
conviction that they intended us no good. Expressing my
apprehensions to my French companion, he observed in his
peculiar style of English, that the captain was too proud and
headstrong, to allow him to receive instruction from any
one, for that he thought nobody knew any thing but himself.
Agreeing that we had best take care of ourselves, we made
us a fire, and commenced our arrangements for spending
the night. We took care not to unsaddle our horses, but to
be in readiness to be off at a moment's warning. Our French
captain came and encamped within a hundred yards of us,
accompanied by not less than a hundred Indians. They
were all exceedingly officious in helping the party unpack
their mules; and in persuading the captain, that there was
no danger in turning them all loose, they promised that they
would guard them with their own horses. This proposal
delighted the lazy Frenchmen, who hated to go through the
details of preparing for encampment, and had a particular
1824-1830] Patties Personal Narrative 123
dislike to standing guard in the night. The Indian chief
then proposed to the captain to stack their arms against a
tree, that stood close by. To this also, under a kind of spell
of infatuation he consented. The Indian chief took a rope,
and tied the arms fast to a tree.
As I saw this, I told the captain that it seemed to me no
mark of their being friendly, for them to retain their own
arms, and persuade us to putting ours out of our power, and
that one, who had known Indians, ought to be better ac-
quainted with their character, than to encamp with them,
without his men having [85] their own arms in their hand.
On this he flew into a most violent passion, calling me, with
a curse added to the epithet, a coward, wishing to God that
he had never taken me with him, to dishearten his men, and
render them insubordinate. Being remarkable neither for
forbearance, or failing to pay a debt of hard words, I gave
him as good as he sent, telling him, among other things no
ways flattering, that he was a liar and a fool, for that none
other than a fool would disarm his men, and go to sleep in
the midst of armed savages in the woods. To this he replied,
that he would not allow me to travel any longer in his com-
pany. I answered that I was not only willing, but desirous
to leave him, for that I considered myself safer in my own
single keeping, than under the escort of such a captain, and
that I estimated him only to have sense enough to lead
people to destruction.
He still continued to mutter harsh language in reply, as I
returned to my own camp. It being now dusk, we prepared,
and ate our supper. We had just finished it, when the head
chief of the village came to invite us to take our supper with
them, adding, by way of inducement, that they had brought
some fine pumpkins to camp, and had cooked them for
the white people. We told him, we had taken supper; and
the more he insisted, the more resolutely we refused. Like
the French captain, he began to abuse us, telling us we had
1 24 Early Western Travels [Vol. 18
bad hearts. We told him, that when with such people, we
chose rather to trust to our heads than our hearts. He
then asked us to let some of his warriors come and sleep with
us, and share our blankets, alleging, as a reason for the
request, that the nights were cold, and his warriors too poor
to buy blankets. We told him, that he could easily see that
we were poor also, and were no ways abundantly supplied
with blankets, and that we should not allow them to sleep
with us. He then marched off to the French camp, evidently
sulky and in bad temper. While roundly rating us to the
French captain, he gave as a reason why we ought not to
sleep by ourselves, that we were in danger of being killed in
the night by another tribe of Indians, with whom he was at
war.
[86] The captain, apparently more calm, came to us, and
told us, that our conduct was both imprudent and improper,
in not conciliating the Indians by consenting to eat with
them, or allowing them to sleep with us. My temper not
having been at all sweetened by any thing that had occurred
since we fell out, I told him, that if he had a fancy to eat, or
sleep with these Indians, I had neither power nor the will
to control him; but that, being determined, that neither he
nor they should sleep with me, he had better go about his
business, and not disturb me with useless importunity. At
this he began again to abuse and revile me, to which I
made no return. At length, having exhausted his stock of
epithets, he returned to his camp.
As soon as we were by ourselves, we began to cut grass for
our horses, not intending either to unsaddle, or let them
loose for the night. My companion and myself were alike
convinced, that some catastrophe was in reserve from the
Indians, and seeing no chance of defending ourselves against
an odds of more than twenty to one, we concluded, as soon
as all should be silent in the camp, to fly. We packed our
mules so as to leave none of our effects behind, and kept
1824-1830] Pa ttiey s Personal Narrative 125
awake. We remained thus, until near midnight, when we
heard a fierce whistle, which we instantly understood to be
the signal for an attack on the French camp. But a moment
ensued, before we heard the clashing of war clubs, followed
by the shrieks and heavy groans of the dying French, mingled
with the louder and more horrible yells of these treacherous
and blood thirsty savages. A moment afterwards, we heard
a party of them making towards us. To convince them that
they could not butcher us in our defenceless sleep, we fired
upon them. This caused them to retreat. Convinced that
we had no time to lose, we mounted our horses, and fled at
the extent of our speed. We heard a single gun discharged
in the Indian camp, which we supposed the act of an Indian,
who had killed the owner. We took our direction towards a
high mountain on the south side of the river, and pushed for
it as fast as we thought our horses could endure to be driven.
We reached the mountain at day break, [87] and made our
way about three miles up a creek, that issued from the
mountain. Here we stopped to refresh our horses, and let
them feed, and take food ourselves. The passage of the
creek was along a kind of crevice of the mountain, and we
were strongly convinced that the Indians would not follow
upon our trail further than the entrance to the mountain.
One of us ascended a high ridge, to survey whatever might
be within view. My companion, having passed nearly an
hour in the survey, returned to me, and said he saw something
on the plain approaching us. I ascended with him to the
same place, and plainly perceived something black approach-
ing us. Having watched it for some time, I thought it a
bear. At length it reached a tree on the plain, and ascended
it. We were then convinced, that it was no Indian, but a
bear searching food. We could see the smokes arising from
the Indian town, and had no doubt, that the savages were
dancing at the moment around the scalps of the unfortunate
Frenchmen, who had fallen the victims of their indolence
1 26 Early Western Travels [Vol. 18
and rash confidence in these faithless people. All anger
for their abuse of me for my timely advice was swallowed up
in pity for their fate. But yesterday these people were the
merriest of the merry. What were they now? Waiting a
few moments, we saw the supposed bear descend the tree,
and advance directly to the branch on which we were en-
camped. We had observed that the water of this branch,
almost immediately upon touching the plain, was lost in the
arid sand, and gave no other evidence of its existence, than
a few green trees. In a moment we saw buttons glitter on
this object from the reflected glare of the sun's rays. We
were undeceived in regard to our bear, and now supposed it
an Indian, decorated with a coat of the unfortunate French-
men. We concluded to allow him to approach close enough
to satisfy our doubts, before' we fired upon him. We lay
still, until he came within fair rifle distance, when to our
astonishment, we discovered it to be the French captain!
We instantly made ourselves known from our perch. He
uttered an exclamation of joy, and fell prostrate on the earth.
Fatigue and [88] thirst had brought him to death's door.
We raised him, and carried him to our camp. He was
wounded in the head and face with many and deep wounds,
the swelling of which had given him fever. I happened to
have with me some salve, which my father gave me when I
left the mines. I dressed his wounds. Having taken food,
and sated his thirst, hope returned to him. So great was his
change in a few hours, that he was able to move off with us
that evening. In his present miserable and forlorn con-
dition, I exercised too much humanity and forbearance to
think of adverting to our quarrel of the preceding evening.
Probably estimating my forbearance aright, he himself led
to the subject. He observed in a tone apparently of deep
compunction, that if he had had the good sense and good
temper to have listened to my apprehensions and cautions,
both he and his people might have been now gaily riding
1824-1830] Pattie's Persona/ Narrative 1 27
over the prairies. Oppressed with mixed feelings, I hardly
knew what reply to make, and only remarked, that it was
too late now to lament over what was unchangeable, and that
the will of God had been done. After a silence of some time,
he resumed the conversation, and related all the particulars
of the terrible disaster, that had come to his knowledge.
His own escape he owed to retaining a pocket pistol, when
the rest of their arms were stacked. This he fired at an
Indian approaching him, who fell, and thus enabled him to
fly; not, however, until he had received a number of severe
wounds from their clubs. I had not the heart to hear him
relate what became of the rest of his comrades. I could
easily divine that the treacherous savages had murdered
every one. Feelings of deep and burning revenge arose in
my bosom, and I longed for nothing so much as to meet with
these monsters on any thing like terms of equality. About
sunset we could distinctly discern the river bottom about five
miles distant from us. When it became dark, we descried
three fires close together, which we judged to be those of
savages in pursuit of us. Like some white people, the
Indians never forgive any persons that they have outraged
and injured. We halted, and took counsel, what [89] was
to be done. We concluded that my companion and myself
should leave our wounded companion to take care of the
horses, and go and reconnoitre the camp, in which were these
fires, and discover the number of the Indiajis, and if it was
great, to see how we could be most likely to pass them un-
observed. When we had arrived close to the fires, we
discovered a considerable number of horses tied, and only
two men guarding them. We crawled still closer, to be
able to discern their exact number and situation.
In this way we arrived within fifty yards of their camp, and
could see no one, but the two, any where in the distance.
We concluded, that all the rest of the company were asleep
in some place out of our view. We presumed it would not
128 Early Western Travels [Vol. 18
be long before some of them would awake, it being now ten
at night. Our intention was to take aim at them, as they
should pass between us and their fire, and drop them both
together. We could distinctly hear them speaking about
their horses. At length one of them called to the other, in
English, to go and wake their relief guards. Words would
poorly express my feelings, at hearing these beloved sounds.
I sprang from my couching posture, and ran towards them.
They were just ready to shoot me, when I cried a friend, a
friend ! One of them exclaimed, 'where in God's name did
you spring from.' 'You seem to have come out of the earth.'
The surprise and joy upon mutual recognition was great on
both sides. I gave him a brief sketch of the recent catas-
trophe of our company, as we followed them to camp. The
company was all roused and gathered round us, eagerly
listening to the recital of our recent disaster. At hearing my
sad story, they expressed the hearty sorrow of good and true
men, and joined us in purposes of vengeance against the
Indians.
We were now thirty-two in all. We fired twelve guns, a
signal which the wounded captain heard and understood,
for he immediately joined us. We waited impatiently for
the morning. As soon as it was bright dawn, we all formed
under a genuine American leader, who could be entirely
relied upon. [90] His orders were, that twenty should
march in front of the pack horses, and twelve behind. In
the evening we encamped within five miles of the Indian
village, and made no fires. In the morning of the 3ist, we
examined all our arms, and twenty-six of us started to attack
the village . When we had arrived close to it, we discovered
most fortunately, what we considered the dry bed of a creek,
though we afterwards discovered it to be the old bed of the
river, that had very high banks, and ran within a hundred
yards of the village. In this bed we all formed ourselves
securely and at our leisure, and marched quite near to the
1824-1830] Patties Personal Narrative 129
verge of the village without being discovered. Every man
posted himself in readiness to fire. Two of our men were
then ordered to show themselves on the top of the bank.
They were immediately discovered by the Indians, who
considered them, I imagine, a couple of the Frenchmen that
they had failed to kill. They raised the yell, and ran towards
the two persons, who instantly dropped down under the
bank. There must have been at least 200 in pursuit. They
were in a moment close on the bank. In order to prevent
the escape of the two men, they spread into a kind of circle
to surround them. This brought the whole body abreast
of us. We allowed them to approach within twenty yards,
when we gave them our fire. They commenced a precipitate
retreat, we loading and firing as fast as was in our power.
They made no pause in their village, but ran off, men,
women and children, towards a mountain distant 700 yards
from their village. In less than ten minutes, the village was
so completely evacuated, that not a human being was to be
found, save one poor old blind and deaf Indian, who sat
eating his mush as unconcernedly as if all had been tranquil
in the village. We did not molest him.
We appropriated to our own use whatever we found in the
village that we judged would be of any service to us. We
then set fire to their wigwams, and returned to our camp.
They were paid a bloody price for their treachery, for no
of them were slain. At twelve we returned to the village in
a body, and retook all the horses of the Frenchmen, that
they had killed. [91] We then undertook the sad duty of
burying the remains of the unfortunate Frenchmen. A sight
more horrible to behold, I have never seen. They were
literally cut in pieces, and fragments of their bodies scattered
in every direction, round which the monsters had danced,
and yelled. We then descended the river about a mile below
the village, to the point where it enters the Helay from the
north. It affords as much water at this point as the Helay.
130 Early Western Travels [Vol. 18
In the morning of the ist of February, we began to ascend
Black river.83 We found it to abound with beavers. It is
a most beautiful stream, bounded on each side with high
and rich bottoms. We travelled up this stream to the point
where it forks in the mountains; that is to say, about 80
miles from its mouth. Here our company divided, a part
ascending one fork, and a part the other. The left fork
heads due north, and the right fork north east. It was my
lot to ascend the latter. It heads in mountains covered with
snow, near the head of the left hand fork of the San Francisco.
On the 1 6th, we all met again at the junction of the forks.
The other division found that their fork headed in snow
covered mountains, as they supposed near the waters of Red
river. They had also met a tribe of Indians, who called
themselves Mokee.6* They found them no ways disposed
to hostility. From their deportment it would seem as if
they had never seen white people before. At the report of
a gun they fell prostrate on the ground. They knew no
other weapon of war than a sling, and with this they had
83 This river is still called the Black, but more frequently the Salt. It is a con-
siderable fork of the Gila, uniting with it a short distance below Phoenix, Ari-
zona. The left branch of the Salt is the Verde, the principal river of central
Arizona. Pattie's geography is correct in describing the source of these two great
streams. — ED.
84 The habitat of the Hopi Indians (the more commonly-used Moki is an oppro-
brious nickname), has been the same for two hundred years — a plateau in north-
eastern Arizona, about fifty miles from the Little Colorado River. They are of
Shoshonean stock, but became separated from their kindred and established them-
selves in six pueblos, forming the Tusayan confederacy. A seventh village was
later added, composed of Tanoan Indians from the Rio Grande. These pueblos
were visited by Don Pedro de Tobar, a lieutenant of Coronado, in 1540. In 1599
they gave their formal allegiance to Juan de Onate, who six years later again
visited their country. They appear to have taken part in the rebellion of 1680,
being reconquered in 1692-94. A delegation visited Santa F6 in 1700, and Garces
is known to have travelled to their villages in 1776. With the rise of the Apache
the Hopi were necessarily cut off from contact with the New Mexicans, which
accounts for their surprise at the appearance of Pattie's comrades. For their
present habits and customs, consult Bandelier, "Final Report," op. cit., iii, iv;
also Bourke, Snake Dance of the Moquis of Arizona (New York, 1884). — ED.
1824-1830] Pattie' s Personal Narrative 131
so much dexterity and power, that they were able to bring
down a deer at the distance of 100 yards.
We thence returned down the Helay, which is here about
200 yards wide, with heavily timbered bottoms. We trapped
its whole course, from where we met it, to its junction with
Red river. The point of junction is inhabited by a tribe of
Indians called Umene.65 Here we encamped for the night.
On the morning of the 26th, a great many of these Indians
crossed the river to our camp, and brought us dried beans,
for which we paid them with red cloth, with which they were
delighted beyond [92] measure, tearing it into ribbands, and
tieing it round their arms and legs; for if the truth must be
told, they were as naked as Adam and Eve in their birth day
suit. They were the stoutest men, with the finest forms I
ever saw, well proportioned, and as straight as an arrow.
They contrive, however, to inflict upon their children an
artificial deformity. They flatten their heads, by pressing
a board upon their tender scalps, which they bind fast by a
ligature. This board is so large and light, that I have seen
women, when swimming the river with their children, towing
them after them by a string, which they held in their mouth.
The little things neither suffered nor complained, but floated
behind their mothers like ducks.
At twelve we started up Red river, which is between two
and three hundred yards wide, a deep, boldjstream, and the
85 The Indians whom Pattie meets in this region — the Mohave, on the Colo-
rado, at the mouth of the Mohave River; the Yuma, or Cuchans, at the mouth of
the Gila; the Cocopa near the mouth of the Colorado; and the Coco-Maricopa,
or Maricopa, along the southern bank of the Gila — are the principal members of
the Yuman family, the three latter being originally united in a confederacy. They
were generally hostile to Americans, and Forts Yuma and Mohave were erected to
keep them in subjection. Early travellers frequently commented upon their
physical beauty, but contact with the whites rapidly pauperized and debauched
them. At present some fifteen hundred Mohave are located at the Colorado
River and San Carlos reservations, in Arizona; the Yuma, to the number of about
a thousand, are at the Mission Agency of California, and at San Carlos; and about
three hundred Maricopa are living on the Pima reservation, in Arizona. — ED.
132 Early Western Travels [Vol. 18
water at this point entirely clear. The bottoms are a mile
in general width, with exceedingly high, barren cliffs. The
timber of the bottoms is very heavy, and the grass rank and
high. Near the river are many small lakes, which abound
in beavers.
March ist we came among a tribe of Indians, called Co-
comarecopper. At sight of us they deserted their wigwams,
one and all, and fled to the mountains, leaving all their effects
at our discretion. Of course we did not meddle with any
thing. Their corn was knee high. We took care not to let
our horses injure it, but marched as fast as we could from
their village, to deprive them of their homes [in] as little time
as possible. About four miles above the town we encamped,
and set our traps. About twelve next day it began to rain,
and we pitched our tents.
We had scarce kindled our fires, when 100 Indians came
to our camp, all painted red in token of amity. They asked
fire, and when we had given it, they went about 20 yards
from us, and as the rain had been heavy and the air cool,
they made a great fire, round which they all huddled. We
gave them the bodies of six large fat beavers, which they
cooked by digging holes in the ground, at the bottom of
which they kindled fires, and on the fires threw the beavers
which they covered with dirt. This dainty, thus prepared
they greedily devoured, entrails [93] and all. Next morning,
fearful that our guns might have experienced inconvenience
from the rain, we fired them off to load them afresh. They
were amazed and alarmed, to see us make, what they called
thunder and lightning. They were still more startled, to see
the bullet holes in the tree, at which we had aimed. We
made signs to them, that one ball would pass through the
body of two men. Some of our men had brought with them
some scalps of the Papawars, the name of the tribe where our
French captain lost his company. They informed us that
they were at war with that tribe, and begged some of the
1824-1830] P attic's Personal Narrative 133
scalps to dance round. They were given them, and they
began to cut their horrid anticks about it.
Our traps had taken thirty beavers the last night. We
gave them the meat of twenty, with which present they were
delighted, their gratitude inducing them to manifest affection
to us. They ate and danced all day and most of the night.
On the morning of the 3d, they left us, returning to their
camps. We resumed our march, and on the 6th arrived at
another village of Indians called Mohawa. When we
approached their village, they were exceedingly alarmed.
We marched directly through their village, the women and
children screaming, and hiding themselves in their huts.
We encamped about three miles above the village. We had
scarcely made our arrangements for the night, when 100 of
these Indians followed us. The chief was a dark and sulky
looking savage, and he made signs that he wanted us to give
him a horse. We made as prompt signs of refusal. He
replied to this, by pointing first to the river, and then at the
furs we had taken, intimating, that the river, with all it con-
tained, belonged to him; and that we ought to pay him for
what we had taken, by giving him a horse. When he was
again refused, he raised himself erect, with a stern and
fierce air, and discharged his arrow into the tree, at the same
time raising his hand to his mouth, and making their peculiar
yell. Our captain made no other reply, than by raising his
gun and shooting the arrow, as it still stuck in the tree, in
two. The chief seemed bewildered with this mark of close
[94] markmanship, and started off with his men. We had
no small apprehensions of a night attack from these Indians.
We erected a hasty fortification with logs and skins, but
sufficiently high and thick, to arrest their arrows in case of
attack. The night, contrary to our fears, passed without
interruption from them. On the morning of the yth, the
chief returned on horse back, and in the same sulky tone
again demanded a horse. The captain bade him be off, in
134 snarly western 1 ravels [Vol. 18
a language and with a tone alike understood by all people.
He started off on full gallop, and as he passed one of our
horses, that was tied a few yards from the camp, he fired a
spear through the animal. He had not the pleasure to
exult in his revenge for more than fifty yards, before he fell
pierced by four bullets. We could not doubt, that the
Indians would attempt to revenge the death of their chief.
After due consideration, we saw no better place in which to
await their attack, than the one we now occupied. On the
rear we were defended by the river, and in front by an open
prairie. We made a complete breastwork, and posted
spies in the limbs of the tall trees, to descry the Indians, if
any approached us, while still at a distance. No Indians
approached us through the day, and at night a heavy rain
commenced falling. We posted sentinels, and secured our
horses under the river bank. We kindled no fires, and we
passed the night without annoyance. But at day break,
they let fly at us a shower of arrows. Of these we took no
notice. Perhaps, thinking us intimidated, they then raised
the war whoop, and made a charge upon us. At the distance
of 150 yards we gave them a volley of rifle balls. This
brought them to a halt, and a moment after to a retreat, more
rapid than their advance had been. We sallied out after
them, and gave them the second round, which induced all,
that were not forever stopped, to fly at the top of their speed.
We had killed sixteen of then* number. We returned to our
camp, packed, and started, having made a determination
not to allow any more Indians to enter our camp. This
affair happened on the gth.
We pushed on as rapidly as possible, fearful that these red
[95] children of the desert, who appear to inherit an equal
hatred of all whites, would follow us, and attack us in the
night. With timely warning we had no fear of them by day,
but the affair of the destruction of the French company,
proved that they might become formidable foes by night.
1824-1830] Pattie's Personal Narrative 135
To prevent, as far as might be, such accidents, we raised
a fortification round our camp every night, until we con-
sidered ourselves out of their reach, which was on the evening
of the 1 2th. This evening we erected no breast- work,
placed no other guard than one person to watch our horses,
and threw ourselves in careless security round our fires.
We had taken very little rest for four nights, and being
exceedingly drowsy, we had scarcely laid ourselves down,
before we were sound asleep. The Indians had still fol-
lowed us, too far off to be seen by day, but had probably
surveyed our camp each night. At about n o'clock this
night, they poured upon us a shower of arrows, by which
they killed two men, and wounded two more; and what
was most provoking, fled so rapidly that we could not even
give them a round. One of the slain was in bed with me.
My own hunting shirt had two arrows in it, and my blanket
was pinned fast to the ground by arrows. There were six-
teen arrows discharged into my bed. We extinguished our
fires, and it may easily be imagined, slept no more that night.
In the morning, eighteen of us started in pursuit of them,
leaving the rest of the company to keep camp and bury our
dead. We soon came upon their trail, and reached them
late in the evening. They were encamped, and making
their supper from the body of a horse. They got sight of us
before we were within shooting distance, and fled. We put
spurs to our horses, and overtook them just as they were
entering a thicket. Having every advantage, we killed a
greater part of them, it being a division of the band that had
attacked us. We suspended those that we had killed upon
the trees, and left their bodies to dangle in terror to the rest,
and as a proof, how we retaliated aggression. We then
returned to our company, who had each received sufficient
warning not to encamp in the territories [96] of hostile
Indians without raising a breast- work round the camp. Red
river at this point bears a north course, and affords an
136 Early Western Travels [Vol. 18
abundance of the finest lands. We killed plenty of mountain
sheep and deer, though no bears. We continued our march
until the i6th, without seeing any Indians. On that day
we came upon a small party, of whom the men fled, leaving
a single woman. Seeing herself in our power, she began to
beat her breast, and cry Cowera, Cowera; from which we
gathered, that she belonged to that tribe. We treated her
kindly, and travelled on. On the 23d, we came to a village
of the Shuena Indians. As we approached it, they came
out and began to fire arrows upon us. We gave them in
return a round of rifle balls. In the excitement of an attack,
we laughed heartily to see these sons of the desert dodge,
and skulk away half bent, as though the heavens were falling
upon them. From their manner we inferred, that they were
in fact wholly unacquainted with white people, or at least
they never before heard the report of a gun. The whole
establishment dispersed to the mountains, and we marched
through the village without seeing any inhabitants, except
the bodies of those we had killed. We had received more
than one lesson of caution, and we moved on with great
circumspection. But so much of our time was taken up hi
defence and attacks, and fortifying our camps, that we had
little leisure to trap. In order that our grand object should
not be wholly defeated, we divided our men into two com-
panies, the one to trap and the other to keep guard. This
expedient at once rendered our trapping very productive.
We discovered little change in the face of the country. The
course of the river still north, flowing through a rich valley,
skirted with high mountains, the summits of which were
white with snow.
On the 2 5th we reached a small stream,68 emptying into
M This is now known as Bill Williams's Fork. It is composed of two main
branches, the Santa Maria and the Big Sandy, and drains west-central Arizona,
uniting with the Colorado at the present Aubrey City. The villages just passed
were probably those of the Coconino (properly Havasupai), a distinct Indian
family, although speaking a Yuman dialect. See Bandelier, op. cit., iv, pp. 381-
833.— ED.
1824-1830] Pattie' s Personal Narrative 1 37
Red river through the east bank, up which we detached three
men, each carrying a trap, to discover if beavers abounded
in that stream. They were to return the next day, while we
were engaged in shoeing our horses. The next day elapsed,
but none returned. We became anxious about their fate;
and on the [97] 27th, started to see what had become of them.
At mid-day we found their bodies cut in pieces, and spitted
before a great fire, after the same fashion which is used in
roasting beaver. The Indians who had murdered them, saw
us as we came on, and fled to the mountains, so that we had
no chance of avenging the death of our unfortunate com-
panions. We gathered the fragments of their bodies to-
gether and buried them. With sadness in our hearts, and
dejection on our countenances, we returned to our camp,
struck our tents, and marched on. The temperature in
this region is rather severe, and we were wretchedly clad to
encounter the cold.
On the 28th, we reached a point of the river where the
mountains shut in so close upon its shores, that we were
compelled to climb a mountain, and travel along the acclivity,
the river still in sight, and at an immense depth beneath us.67
— Through this whole distance, which we judged to be, as the
river meanders, 100 leagues, we had snow from a foot to
eighteen inches deep. The river bluffs on the opposite
shore, were never more than a mile from us. It is perhaps,
47 Pattie reaches at this point the fort of Black Canon, and traverses the southern
bank of the canons of the Colorado for their entire length, a distance which he
accurately estimates at three hundred miles.. Apparently the beauty and wonder
of the great chasm did not appeal to the weary traveller. The canons of the Colo-
rado were first visited by Garcia Lopez de Cardenas, of Coronado's party, in 1540.
Again, in 1583, Antonio de Espejo reports his visit thither. It was two centuries
before another white traveller is recorded as seeing the Grand Canon of the Colo-
rado; and Pattie is apparently the first known American to traverse its banks.
In 1857 Lieutenant Ives ascended in a steamer as far as Black Canon, and then
proceeded overland to Grand Canon; twelve years later Major J. W. Powell
descended the entire gorge in boats; see Dellenbaugh, Romance of the Colorado
River (New York, 1902). The canons are now much frequented by tourists.
See for example, Monroe, "Grand Canon of the Colorado," in Atlantic Monthly,
1900. — ED.
138 Early Western Travels [Vol. 18
this very long and formidable range of mountains, which has
caused, that this country of Red river, has not been more
explored, at least by the American people. A march more
gloomy and heart- wearing, to people hungry, poorly clad,
and mourning the loss of their companions, cannot be
imagined. Our horses had picked a little herbage, and had
subsisted on the bark of shrubs. Our provisions were run-
ning low, and we expected every hour to see our horses
entirely give out.
April loth, we arrived where the river emerges from these
horrid mountains, which so cage it up, as to deprive all human
beings of the ability to descend to its banks, and make use of
its waters. No mortal has the power of describing the
pleasure I felt, when I could once more reach the banks of
the river. — Our traps, by furnishing us beavers,soon enabled
us to renew our stock of provisions. We likewise killed
plenty of elk, and dressed their skins for clothing. On the
1 3th we reached another part of the river, emptying into the
main river from the [98] north. Up this we all trapped two
days. During this excursion we met a band of hostile
Indians, who attacked us with an unavailing discharge of
arrows, of whom we killed four.
On the 1 5th, we returned to the banks of Red river, which
is here a clear beautiful stream. We moved very slowly,
for our beasts were too lean and worn down, to allow us to
do otherwise. On the i6th we met with a large party of the
Shoshonees,68 a tribe of Indians famous for the extent of
their wanderings, and for the number of white people they
had killed, by pretending friendship to them, until they
found them disarmed, or asleep. One of our company
could speak their language, from having been a prisoner
among them for a year. They were warmly clad with
98 For the Shoshoni Indians, see Bradbury's Travels, our volume v, p. 227, note
123. The river up which they trapped for two days was probably the Little
Colorado, which comes in from the southeast. Pattie's "north" is a misprint for
"south." — ED.
1824-1830] P attic's Personal Narrative 139
buffaloe robes, and they had muskets, which we knew they
must have taken from the white people. We demanded of
them to give up the fire arms, which they refused. On this
we gave them our fire, and they fled to the mountains,
leaving their women and children in our power. — We had no
disposition to molest them. We learned from these women,
that they had recently destroyed a company of French hun-
ters on the head waters of the Platte. We found six of their
yet fresh scalps, which so exasperated us, that we hardly
refrained from killing the women. We took from them all
the beaver skins which they had taken from the slain French,
and five of their mules, and added to our provisions their
stock of dried buffaloe meat. We had killed eight of their
men, and we mortified the women excessively, by com-
pelling them to exchange the scalps of the unfortunate
Frenchmen for those of their own people.
We resumed our march, and ascended the river to the
point where it forked again, neither fork being more than
from twenty-five to thirty yards wide. On the igth, we
began to ascend the right hand fork, which pursues a N. E.
course.69 On the 23d, we arrived at the chief village of the
Nabahoes, a tribe that we knew to be friendly to the whites.
We enquired of them, if we could cross the Rocky Mountains
best at the head of this fork or the other; and they informed
us, that the mountains [99] were impassable, except by
following the left hand fork. Knowing that they were at
war with the Shoshonee, we let them know how many of
them we had killed. With this they were delighted, and
gave us eight horses, one for each man we had slain. They
sent with us, moreover, ten Indians to point out to us the
route, in which to cross the mountains.
On the 25th, we started up the left hand fork, and arrived
'* This was San Juan River, which heads in northwest New Mexico; entering
southeastern Utah, it passes around the base of Mount Navaho, and unites with
the Colorado in Kane County. It formed the northern boundary of the Navaho
territory; see ante, note 41. — ED.
140 Early Western Travels [Vol. 18
on the 3oth, in the country of the Pewee tribe,70 who are
friendly to the Nabahoes. Their chief village is situated
within two days' travel of the low gap, at which we were to
cross the mountains, at which gap we arrived on the first of
May.71 The crossing was a work, the difficulty of which
may be imagined from the nature of the case and the char-
acter of the mountains. — The passage occupied six days,
during which we had to pass along compact drifts of snow,
higher than a man on horseback. The narrow path through
these drifts is made by the frequent passing of buffaloes, of
which we found many dead bodies in the way. We had
to pack cotton-wood bark on the horses for their own eating,
and the wood necessary to make fires for our cooking.
Nothing is to be seen among these mountains, but bare
peaks and perpetual snow. Every one knows, that these
mountains divide between the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans.
At the point where we crossed them, they run in a direction
a little north of west, and south of east, further than the eye
can reach.
On the yth, we struck the south fork of the Platte, near
Long's Peak,72 and descended it five days. We then struck
across the plain to the main Platte, on which we arrived on
the 1 6th. In descending it we found the beavers scarce,
for all these rivers had been thoroughly trapped. The river
is skirted with only a few small willows, and the country is
70 As they held possession of the mountains of Colorado, these were probably
Paiutes. The numerous tribes of Ute are of Shoshonean stock; they extended
along the Colorado River from California to its sources, and occupied nearly all
of the present states of Utah and Nevada. — ED.
71 Pattie is not sufficiently definite for us to determine whether or not he crossed
the divide by the now famous South Pass, which was already known to Rocky
Mountain trappers. According to Coues (Henry-Thompson Journals, ii, p. 884),
Stuart, Crooks, and four other Astorians discovered it on an overland journey
from Astoria in 1812. The fur-trader Andrew Henry passed through it in 1823,
but it was first made known to the world at large by John C. Fre"mont (1842), and
is in consequence most often associated with his name. — ED.
72 For further information concerning Long's Peak, see James's Long's Expedi-
tion, volume xv of our series, p. 271, note 126. — ED.
1824-1830] Patties Personal Narrative 141
open prairie, entirely destitute of trees. We saw immense
droves of elk, buffaloes, and white bears, which haunt the
buffaloe range to prey upon those noble animals. We had
the merriest sport imaginable, in chasing the buffaloes over
these perfectly level plains, and shooting them with the
arrows we had taken from the Indians [100] we had killed.
I have killed myself, and seen others kill a buffaloe, with a
single shot of an arrow. The bows are made with ribs of
buffaloes, and drive the arrows with prodigious force. On
the 2oth, we left this river and started for the Big Horn,7*
a fork of the Yellow Stone, itself a considerable river of the
Missouri. We reached the Big Horn on the 3ist, and found
but few beavers. June 2d, we struck over towards the main
Yellow Stone,74 and on the 3d entered the country of the
Flat Heads, who were entirely friendly.75 We purchased
some furs of them. They are Indians of exceedingly hand-
some forms, were it not for the horrid deformity of their
heads, which are transversely from ear to ear but a few
inches in diameter, and in the other direction monstrous,
giving them the appearance of wearing a military cap with
all its plumage. This plumage is furnished by their matted
tresses of hair, painted and skewered up to a high point.
This monstrosity is occasioned by binding two pieces of
board on each side of the head of the new-born infant, which
is kept secure with bandages, until the child is three years
old, at which time the head bones have acquired a firmness
to retain their then shape during life.
78 The Bighorn is one of the three largest tributaries of the Yellowstone. It
rises in the Shoshone and Wind River Mountains, in Wyoming, and following a
northerly course enters the Yellowstone at about 46° 15' north latitude. At its
mouth, Manuel Lisa established the first trading post on the Yellowstone (1807).
One of its branches has become famous as the scene of the Custer massacre. — ED.
74 For the Yellowstone River, see Bradbury's Travels, volume v of our series,
p. 100, note 68. — ED.
n A brief account of the Flathead Indians may be found in Franchere's Narra-
tive, in our volume vi, p. 340, note 145. For the method of compressing the
children's heads, consult illustration in Thwaites, Original Journals of the Lewis
and Clark Expedition, iv. — ED.
142 Early Western Travels [Vol. 18
On the nth, we reached the Yellow Stone, and ascended
it to its head; and thence crossed the ridges of the Rocky
Mountains to Clarke's fork of the Columbia.79 But all
these streams had been so much trapped, as to yield but few
beavers. Clarke's fork is a hundred yards wide, a bold,
clear, pleasant stream, remarkable for the number and
excellence of its fish, and most beautiful country of fertile
land on its shores. We ascended this river to its head,
which is in Long's Peak, near the head waters of the Platte.
We thence struck our course for the head waters of the
Arkansas, on which we arrived July ist. Here we met a
band of the Grasshopper Indians, who derive their name
from gathering grasshoppers, drying them, and pulverizing
them, with the meal of which they make mush and bread;
and this is their chief article of food. They are so little
improved, as not even to have furnished themselves with
[101] the means of killing buffaloes. At sight of us, these
poor two-legged animals, dodged into the high grass like so
many partridges.
We marched up this stream, trapping for the few beavers
which it afforded. Its banks are scantily timbered, being
only skirted with a few willows. On the 5th, we met a war
party of the Black Foot Indians," all well mounted. As
soon as they saw us, they came fiercely upon us, yelling as
76 On the return journey of the Lewis and Clark expedition, Clark passed from
the Bitterroot fork of Clark's branch of the Columbia, across the continental
divide, through Gibbon's Pass, thence by way of Bozeman Pass and Jefferson and
Gallatin rivers to the Yellowstone, reaching the latter near the present site of
Livingston, Montana, about forty-five miles north of Yellowstone Park. See
Thwaites, Original Journals of the Lewis and Clark Expedition, v, p. 262.
There is at this point some strange mistake or hiatus in Pattie's journal. Clark's
Fork of the Columbia takes its rise in the Bitterroot Mountains, and does not
flow within a thousand miles of Long's Peak; nor would the time allowed — less
than three weeks — have admitted of so extensive a journey. The trappers must
have become confused among the northern rivers, and returned on their steps up
the North Fork of the Platte. — ED.
77 For the Blackfeet Indians, see Bradbury's Travels, volume v of our series,
p. 225, note 120. — ED.
1824-1830] Patties Personal Narrative 143
though the spirit of darkness had loaned them the voices of
all his tenants. We dismounted, and as soon as they were
within shooting distance, we gave them our fire, which they
promptly returned. The contest was fierce for something
more than 20 minutes, a part of the time not more than 50
yards apart. They then retreated, and we mounted our
horses, and gave them chase, though unavailingly, for their
horses were as fleet as the wind, compared with ours. We
soon desisted from so useless a pursuit, and returned to the
battle ground. We found sixteen Blackfeet dead, and with
infinite anguish, counted four of our own companions
weltering in their blood. We buried them with sorrowful
hearts, and eyes full of tears. Ah! Among those who live
at home, surrounded by numerous relations and friends,
in the midst of repose, plenty and security, when one of the
number droops, and dies with sickness or age, his removal
leaves a chasm that is not filled for years. Think how we
must have mourned these brave men, who had shared so
many dangers, and on whose courage and aid we had every
day relied for protection. Here on these remote plains, far
from their friends, they had fallen by the bloody arrow or
spear of these red, barbarous Ishmaelites of the desert, but
neither unwept nor unrevenged. Having performed the
sad task of depositing the bodies of these once warm hearted
friends in the clay, we ascended to the head of this river, and
crossed the mountain that separates its waters from those of
the Rio del Norte, which river we struck on the 2oth. We
began to descend it, and on the 23d met a band of the Naba-
hoes, who accompanied us [102] quite to their chief village.
It will be seen, that all these streams upon which we have
been trapping, rise from sources which interlock with each
other, and the same range of peaks at very short distances
from each other. These form the heads of Red river of the
east, and the Colorado of the west, Rio del Norte, Arkansas,
Platte, Yellow Stone, Missouri and Columbia. The village
144 Early Western Travels [Vol. 18
of these Indians is distant 50 miles from the Rio del Norte.
We remained at it two days, and rested our horses, and
refreshed ourselves. This tribe some years since had been
at war with the Spanish, during which they plundered them
of great numbers of horses, mules and cattle, which caused
that they had now large stocks of these animals, together
with flocks of sheep. They raise a great abundance of
grain, and manufacture their wool much better than the
Spanish. On the first of August we arrived at Santa Fe,
with a fine amount of furs. Here disaster awaited us. The
Governor, on the pretext that we had trapped without a
license from him, robbed us of all our furs. We were
excessively provoked, and had it not been from a sense of
duty to our own beloved country, we would have redressed
our wrongs, and retaken our furs with our own arms.
Here I remained until the i8th, disposing of a part of my
goods, and reserving the remainder for a trip which I con-
templated to the province of Sonora. I had the pleasure once
more of receiving the affectionate greeting of Jacova, who
gave me the most earnest counsels to quit this dangerous
and rambling way of life, and settle myself down in a house
of my own. I thanked her for her kindness and good
counsel, and promised to follow it, after rambling another
year in the wilderness. — Thence I went to the mines, where
I had the inexpressible satisfaction again to embrace my
dear father, whom I found in perfect health, and making
money rapidly. I remained there three days, and, accom-
panied with one servant, arrived in Hanas on the first of
September. This is a small town situated in the province
of Biscay, between the province of Sonora and New Mexico,
in a direction S. W. from the copper mines.78
78 The province of Biscay was, properly speaking, Nueva Vizcaya. Originally
extensive, and including Sonora, it by this time comprised only the present states
of Chihuahua and Durango. Hanas is doubtless Janos (named for an Indian
tribe), one of the fortified towns of Chihuahua, situated on the Casas Grandes
River.— ED.
1824-1830] Pattie's Personal Narrative 145
[103] The country is generally of that character, denomi-
nated in Kentucky, barren. The soil is level and black.
These people raise a great quantity of stock, such as horses,
cows, sheep and goats. Their farming implements are
clumsy and indifferent. They use oxen entirely in their
agriculture. Their ploughs are a straight piece of timber,
five feet long and eight inches thick, mortised for two other
pieces of timber, one to be fitted to the beam, by which the
oxen draw, and another to the handle, by which the man
holds the plough. The point that divides the soil, is of wood,
and hewed sloping to such a point, that a hollow piece of
iron is fastened on it at the end. This is one inch thick, and
three inches broad at top, and slopes also to a point.
Their hoes, axes and other tools are equally indifferent;
and they are precisely in such a predicament, as might be
expected of a people who have no saw mills, no labor saving
machinery, and do every thing by dint of hard labor, and are
withal very indolent and unenterprising.
I amused myself at times with an old man, who daily fell
in my way, who was at once rich and to the last degree a
miser; and yet devotedly attached to the priests, who were
alone able to get a little money out of him. He often spoke
to me about the unsafeness of my religion. Instead of
meeting his remarks with an argument, I generally affronted
him at once, and then diverted myself with his ways of
showing his anger. I told him that his priest treated him
as the Spanish hostlers do their horses. He asked me to
explain the comparison. I observed, 'you know how the
hostler in the first place throws his lasso over the mule's
neck. That secures the body of the beast. Next the
animal is blindfolded. That hinders his seeing where he
is led. Next step he binds the saddle safe and fast. Then
the holy father rigs his heels with spurs. Next come spur
and lash, and the animal is now restive to no purpose. There
is no shaking off the rider. On he goes, till the animal under
146 Early Western Travels [Vol. 18
him dies, and both go to hell together!' At this he flew
into such a violent rage, as to run at me with his knife. I
dodged out of his [104] way, and appeased him by con-
vincing him that I was in jest. The rich, in their way of
living, unite singular contrasts of magnificence and meanness.
For instance, they have few of the useful articles of our
dining and tea sets, but a great deal of massive silver plate,
and each guest a silver fork and spoon. The dining room
is contiguous to the kitchen. A window is thrown open,
and the cook hands a large dish through the window to a
servant, who bears it to the table. The entertainer helps
himself first, and passes the dish round to all the guests.
Then another and another is brought on, often to the num-
ber of sixteen. All are savored so strong with garlic and
red pepper, that an American at first cannot eat them. The
meat is boiled to such a consistency that a spoon manages it
better than a knife. At the close of the dinner they bring
in wine and cigars, and they sit and smoke and drink wine
until drowsiness steals upon them, and they go to bed for
their siesta. They sleep until three in the afternoon, at
which time the church bell tolls. They rise, take a cup of
chocolate, and handle the wine freely. This short affair
over, they return and sit down on the shaded side of the
house, and chatter like so many geese till night, when they
divide, a part to mass, and a part to the card table, where
I have seen the poor, betting their shirts, hats and shoes.
The village contains 700 souls.
On the 6th, I departed from this town, travelling a west
course through a most beautiful country, the plains of
which were covered with domestic animals running wild.
On the 8th I arrived at the foot of the mountain, that divides
the province of Sonora from Biscay. I slept at a country
seat, where they were making whiskey of a kind of plantain,
of which I have spoken before, which they called Mascal
(Maguey). Here were assembled great numbers of Spaniards
1824-1830] Pattie's Personal Narrative 1 47
and Indians. They were soon drunk, and as a matter of
course, fighting with knives and clubs. In the morning,
two Spaniards and one Indian were found dead. Late
in the morning, a file of soldiers arrived, and took the sus-
pected murderers to prison.
In the morning I commenced climbing the mountain
before [105] me, and in the evening arrived at a small town
in Sonoro, called Barbisca;79 situated on the bank of a most
beautiful little stream, called lago, which discharges itself
into the Pacific ocean, near the harbor of Ymus. Its banks
are not much timbered, nor is the soil uncommonly good.
The morning of the gth was a great religious festival, or
famous Saint's day, which collected a vast crowd of people.
After breakfast and mass, the image of the virgin Mary
was paraded round the public square in solemn procession,
during which there was a constant crash of cannon and small
arms. Then an old priest headed a procession, bearing the
image of Christ, nailed to a cross. After these images were
returned to their church, they brought into a square en-
closure, strongly fenced for that purpose, a wild bull, which
they threw down, tied and sharpened its horns. The tops
of the houses were all covered with people to see the spectacle
that was performing. The bull was covered with red cloth,
and two men entered the enclosure, each holding in the
right hand a bundle of sky rockets, and in the left a red
handkerchief. The rockets were lashed to a stick a foot
long, in the end of which was a small nail, a half an inch
long, with a beard at the end, like that of a fish hook. They
then untied the fierce animal. No sooner was he on his
feet, than he sprang at one of his assailants, who avoided
his attack, by dextrously slipping aside, and as the animal
79 The mountains crossed were the Sierra Madre. Bavispe (Barbisca) was a
presidio in the northeastern part of Sonora; it is situated on the river of the same
name, one of the main forks of the Yaqui, the largest Sonoran river, which follows
a southwest course and falls into the Gulf of California below Port-Guaymas.
The village was destroyed by an earthquake in May, 1887. — ED.
148 Early Western Travels [Vol. 18
darted by him, stuck in his neck two small rockets, one on
each side. The other assailant then gave a sharp whistle
to draw the infuriated animal upon him. The bull snorted
and dashed at him. He dodged the animal in the same
manner, as the other had done, and left sticking in his fore-
head, as he passed, a garland of artificial flowers, made of
paper, beautifully cut and painted, and large enough to
cover his whole forehead. In this way they kept alternately
driving him this way and that, sticking rockets in him as he
dashed by them, until he was covered with eight or ten,
clinging to his neck and shoulders. They then touched the
crackers with a lighted match. Words would not paint the
bull's expressions of rage and terror, as he bounded round
the enclosure, covered with fire, [106] and the rockets every
moment discharging like fire arms. After this, a man
entered with a small sword. The bull bellowed and darted
at him. As the bull dropped his head to toss him, he set
his feet upon the horns, and hi a twinkling, thrust his sword
between the shoulder blades, so as to touch the spinal marrow.
The animal dropped as dead as a stone. The drum and
fife then struck up, as a signal for the horsemen to come and
carry off the dead animal, and bring in a fresh one. All
this was conducted with incredible dispatch. In this way
seven bulls were successively tortured to death, by footmen.
After this, four men entered on horseback, equipped with
spears in the shape of a trowel, and a handle four feet long.
With this spear in the one hand, and a noose in the other,
they gallopped round the bull. The bull immediately made
at the horsemen passing him, who moved just at such a pace,
as not to allow the bull to toss the horse. The horseman
then couched his spear backwards, so as to lay it on the
bull's neck. The bull instantly reared and tossed, and in
the act forced the spear between his fore shoulders, so as
to hit the spinal marrow. If the spear is laid rightly, and
the animal makes his accustomed motions, he drops instantly
1824-1830] Paifie's Personal Narrative 149
dead. But to do this requires infinite dexterity and fearless-
ness. If the man be clumsy, or of weak-nerves, he is apt
to fail in couching the spear right, in which case, as a matter
of course, the horse is gored, and it is ten to one that the man
is slain. In this way fourteen bulls were killed, and with
them, five horses and one man, during this festival. At
night commenced gambling and card playing, and both as
fiercely pursued as the bull fighting. This great feast lasted
three days, during which, as the people were in a very pur-
chasable humor, I sold a number of hundred dollar's worth
of my goods.
On the morning of the i2th, I left this place, and in the
evening arrived at a small town called Vassarac, and re-
mained there one day. The country in the vicinity is well
timbered and very hilly. The woods are full of wild cattle
and horses. On the i3th, I travelled through a fine rich
country, abounding with cattle, and arrived in the evening
at a town called Tepac, [107] situated on a small creek, near
a mountain, in which there is a gold mine worked by the
lago Indians,80 a nation formerly under the protection of an
old priest. He attempted to practice some new imposition
upon them, and they killed him some years ago. On this
the Spaniards made war upon them, and the conflict was
continued some years. They lost the best and bravest of
their men, and the remnant were obliged to submit to such
terms as the Spaniards saw fit to impose. They were either
condemned to the mines, or to raise food for those who
wrought them.
I remained in this town three days, and purchased gold
80 The Yaquis Indians, living along the Yaqui River, have been difficult to keep
in subjection; they revolted in 1740, and again in 1825. At present constituting
the laboring class of Sonora, although living apart from whites, in their own
villages, they are much employed in the gold mines, in which Sonora abounds,
being one of the richest mining districts in the world. The mine described by
Pattie was evidently near the present village of Tepache, northeast of the centre
of the state, which is still strewn with abandoned shafts. — ED.
150 Early Western Travels [Vol. 18
in bars and lumps of the Indians, at the rate of ten dollars
per ounce. The diggings seldom exceed twenty feet in
depth. Most of the gold is found on the surface after hard
rains. Their mode of extracting the gold from the earth
with which it is mixed, or the stone in which it is imbedded,
is this. The stone is pulverised or ground, still keeping the
matter wet. It is carefully mixed with mercury, and
kneaded with the hands, until the water is separated from
the mass, and the mercury is perfectly incorporated with it.
This process is repeated, until the water runs off perfectly
clear. They then grind or triturate the mass anew until all
the particles of earthy matter are washed away. The
remaining matter is amalgam, of the color of silver, and the
consistency of mush. They then put it into a wet deer skin,
and strain the mercury by pressure through the pores of the
skin. The gold is left, still retaining enough mercury to give
it the color of silver. The coarse way of managing it after-
wards, is to put it in the fire, and evaporate all the mercury
from it, and it is then pure virgin gold. There is a more
artificial way of managing it, by which the mercury is saved.
This province would be among the richest of the Mexican
country, if it were inhabited by an enlightened, enterprising
and industrious people. Nothing can exceed the indolence
of the actual inhabitants. The only point, in which I ever
saw them display any activity, is in throwing the lasso, and
in horsemanship. In this I judge, they surpass all other
people. Their great [108] business and common pursuit,
is in noosing and taming wild horses and cattle.
On the 1 5th, I left this place and travelled through a coun-
try well timbered and watered, though the land is too broken
to be cultivated, and in the evening arrived in a town called
Varguacha. This is a place miserably poor, the people
being both badly fed and clothed. But their indolence alone
is in fault. The land in the immediate vicinity of the town
is good, and the woods teem with wild cattle. But they
1824-1830] Pattie' s Personal Narrative 151
are too lazy to provide more meat than will serve them from
day to day. On the iyth I continued my course through a
beautiful country, thinly settled by civilized Indians, who
raise sugar cane and abundance of stock. They are obvi-
ously more enterprising and industrious than the Spaniards.
Approaching the shore of the great Pacific, I found the
country more level and better settled. Some rich and noble
sugar farms lay in my view.
On the 22d I arrived in Patoka, which is a considerable
town, and the capital of this province.81 It is two day's
travel hence to Ymus. The people here seemed to me more
enlightened, and to have a higher air of civilization than
any I had seen in the whole country. It probably results
from the intercourse they have with foreigners, from their
vicinity to the Pacific. Most of them are dressed in the
stile of the American people. Their houses are much
better furnished, and the farmers are supplied with superior
farming utensils, compared with any thing I saw in the
interior. The chief manufactures are soap and sugar, the
latter of an inferior quality, I imagine, in consequence of
the clumsy mode of manufacturing it. From the port of
Ymus they also export considerable quantities of tallow
and hides, for which the farmers are repaid in merchandize
at an enormous advance. A great many horses and mules
are driven from the interior to this port. Many also are
taken to the American states. The price of mules in this
province is from three to four dollars a head.
I remained here until I had disposed of all my goods. On
the 26th, I left this town, and travelled on to port Ymus,
at which [109] I arrived on the 28th, and first saw the waters
of the vast Pacific.82 I spent a day here on board an Amer-
81 Sonora has had several capitals, and it is uncertain to which Pattie here
refers. The present executive town is Hennosillo, on the Sonora River. Its
earlier rival was Ures, some miles up the same river. — ED.
M Pattie sees here the Gulf of California, whose principal port is still Guaymas,
with a population of about five thousand five hundred. — ED.
152 Early Western Travels [Vol. 18
lean ship, the master of which was surprised at the account
I gave of myself, and would hardly believe that I had travelled
to this place from the United States. I was equally amazed
at hearing him relate the disasters which had befallen him
at sea. On the 2pth, I left this port, and travelled a N. W.
course, through a country full of inhabitants, and abounding
in every species of fruit. Snow never falls, although the
general temperature is not so warm but that woollen gar-
ments may be worn. To add to its advantages, it is very
healthy. On the yth of October, I arrived at a town called
Oposard. The population amounts to about 8000 souls.
I here became acquainted with one of my own countrymen,
married to a Spanish woman. He informed me, that he
had been in this country thirty years, eight of which he had
spent in prison. The sufferings he endured from the Span-
iards were incredible; and I internally shuddered, as he
related, lest I, in travelling through the country might fall
into similar misfortunes. As some palliation of their cruelty,
he observed, that he was made prisoner at the period when
the revolution was just commencing in that country.83 At
that time the Inquisition was still in force, and committed
many a poor mortal to the flames, for his alleged heresy.
He assured me, that he should have met the same fate, had
he not become a member of their church. He afterwards
married a lady, who had gained his affections by being kind
to him in prison.
I remained with this man two days, and on the third
resumed my journey, travelling an easterly course, and part
of the time over a very rough country. I met no inhabitants,
but Indians, who were uniformly friendly. On the loth, I
81 The Mexican revolt against Spain began with the rising of Hidalgo in 1810,
and was carried on with varying success until apparently quelled in 1817.
But the Spanish revolution of 1820 was the signal for a new and successful out-
break, and Mexico became independent the following year. — ED.
1824-1830] Pattie's Personal Narrative 153
arrived at the mines of Carrocha,84 which were in the prov-
ince of Chihuahua, situated between two mountains, and
considered the richest silver mines in New Mexico. There
are about 800 miners working this mine, and they have
advanced under ground at least half a mile. On the i2th,
I started for the capital, and reached it on the i6th, passing
over great tracts of good and bad land, all [no] untilled, and
most of it an uninhabited wilderness. This city is the
next largest in New Mexico.85 It is the largest and hand-
somest town I had ever seen, though the buildings are not so
neat and well arranged as in our country. The roofs are
flat, the walls well painted, and the streets kept very clean.
Here they smelt and manufacture copper and silver, and
several other metals. They have also a mint. The terms
of their currency are very different from ours. They count
eight rials, or sixteen four pence half pennies, to the dollar.
Their merchandize is packed from Ymus, or Mexico.
I have heard much talk about the Splendid churches in
this city. It is for others, who think much of such immense
buildings, wrung from the labors of the poor, to describe
them. For my part, having said it is a large and clean town,
I present a result of their institutions and manners, which
I considered the more important sort of information. Dur-
84 These were probably the mines of Cosihuiriachi, located in the Sierra de
Metates, about ninety miles west of the capital of Chihuahua. Accidentally
discovered at the end of the eighteenth century, they became highly profitable,
the number of persons living there in Spanish times being estimated at ten thou-
sand. As in the case of the copper mines, the plundering of the Apache caused a
decline, and by 1850 most of them had been abandoned. For further details, see
Wislizenus, "A Tour to Northern Mexico" (Senate Misc., 30 Cong., i sess., 26, pp.
51-53).— ED.
81 Chihuahua, the capital of the state of that name, is attractively situated in a
valley of the Sierra Madre Mountains, about a hundred miles west of the Rio
Grande River. It was settled about 1691, the population being considerably
greater in Spanish than in Mexican times. The most noteworthy building is the
cathedral, perhaps the richest and most beautiful in Mexico. A second large
church was begun by the Jesuits, but never completed; it served as a prison for
the patriot Hidalgo before his execution. See Wislizenus, op. cit., pp. 60-63. — ED.
154 Early Western Travels [Vol. 18
ing a stay of only three days here, ten dead bodies were
brought into town, of persons who had been murdered in
the night. Part of the number were supposed to have been
killed on account of having been known to carry a great deal
of money with them, and part to have had a quarrel about
some abandoned women. This last is a most common
occasion of night murders, the people being still more
addicted to jealousy, and under still less restraints of law,
than in old Spain, in the cities of which, assassinations from
this cause are notoriously frequent.
I asked my informant touching these matters, if there was
no police in the city? He answered, that the forms of the
law were complete, and that they had a numerous guard,
and that it was quite as likely they committed the murders
themselves, as not. I came to the same conclusion, for in a
small and regular city like this, it was impossible that so
many guards, parading the streets by night, should not be
aware of the commission of such deeds, and acquainted with
the perpetrators. No inquest of any sort was held over the
bodies. They were, however, paraded through the streets
to beg money to pay the priests for performing funeral rites
at their burial. This excited in me [in] still more disgust,
than the murders. I expressed myself in consequence, with
so much freedom, in regard to this sort of miserable im-
position, as to give great offence to my host, who, like most
of the people, was rigidly devoted to the religion of the
church. On the evening of i6th, I left this city, and trav-
elled through a fine country, thickly inhabited by shepherds,
who live in small towns, and possess a vast abundance of
stock. It is well watered, but thinly timbered. The most
magnificent part of the spectacle is presented in the lofty
snow covered mountains, that rise far in the distance, and
have their summits lost in the clouds, glistening in indescrib-
able brilliance in the rays of the rising and setting sun.
The road at this time was deemed to be full of robbers,
1824-1830] Patties Personal Narrative 155
and very dangerous. I was so fortunate as to meet with
none. On the i8th, I arrived at a small town, called San
Bueneventura,86 which is surrounded with a wall. In fact,
most of the considerable villages are walled. They are
called in Spanish, Presidio, the English of which is, a garri-
son. In the forenoon, I crossed a small river called Rio
Grande,87 and travelled down this stream all day, the banks
of which were thickly settled, and in high cultivation, with
wheat, corn and barley. On the 22d, I arrived at a village
called Casas Grandes, or the Great Houses.88 On the 23d,
I pursued an east course towards Passo del Norte, situated
on the banks of the Rio del Norte. I travelled over a very
rough country with some high mountains, inhabited by a
wandering tribe of the Appache Indians, that live by seizing
their opportunities for robbery and murder among the
Spaniards, riding off upon the stolen horses, to the obscure
and almost inaccessible fastnesses of their mountains, where
they subsist upon the stolen horseflesh.
I know not, whether to call the Passo del Norte, a settle-
ment or a town.89 It is in fact a kind of continued village,
extending eight miles on the river. Fronting this large
86 San Buenaventura was originally a Franciscan mission about a hundred and
eighty miles northeast of Chihuahua. It was frequently disturbed by Apache
attacks, and about 1775 was moved a short distance and made one of the frontier
presidios. — ED.
87 From its location this river would seem to be the Santa Maria, a small stream
which rises in the mountains south of San Buenaventura, and flowing northward
loses itself in a lake not far from El Paso. — ED.
88 Casas Grandes is a short distance south of Janos (see ante, note 78). Near
the Mexican village are the famous ruins of large, several-storied dwellings built
by an Indian tribe that has passed away. Evidence of a canal which conveyed the
water supply is also to be seen, and at some distance from the cluster of buildings
is a kind of watch-tower. Similar ruins have been discovered in Arizona, all the
work of Pueblo Indians, although of a tribe having attained a somewhat higher
culture than those of to-day. See Bandelier, ' ' Final Report," iv, pp. 544-575. — ED.
89 The town of El Paso dates from about 1680, when the Spanish were driven
out of Santa Fe" by the great Pueblo revolt. For Indian, trapper, trader, and miner
it has been a gateway between the Atlantic and Pacific river systems. Its name
arose from the fact that there the Rio del Norte emerges from the mountains to the
plains. The modern El Paso, Texas, is across the river from the old town. — ED.
\
156 Early Western Travels [Vol. 18
group of houses, is a nursery of the fruit trees, of almost all
countries and climes. It has a length of eight miles and a
breadth of nearly three. I was struck with the magnificent
vineyards of this place, from [112] which are made great
quantities of delicious wine. The wheat fields were equally
beautiful, and the wheat of a kind I never saw before, the
stalks generally yielding two heads each. The land is
exceedingly rich, and its fertility increased by irrigation.
On the 28th, I started for the Copper mines, wrought by
my father. This day my course led me up the del Norte,
the bottoms of which are exceedingly rich. At a very short
distance from the Passo, I began to come in contact with grey
bears, and other wild animals. At a very little distance on
either side are high and ragged mountains, entirely sterile of
all vegetation. I had no encounter with the bears, save in
one instance. A bear exceedingly hungry, as I suppose,
came upon my horses as I was resting them at mid-day,
and made at one of them. I repaid him for his impudence
by shooting him through the brain. I made a most delicious
dinner of the choice parts of his flesh. My servant would
not touch it, his repugnance being shared by great numbers
in his condition. It is founded on the notion, that the bear
is a sort of degenerated man, and especially, that the entrails
are exactly like those of human beings.
On the 3oth, I struck off from the del Norte, and took my
course for the Copper mines directly over the mountains,
among which we toiled onward, subsisting by what we
packed with us, or the product of the rifle, until the nth of
November, when I had once more the satisfaction of em-
bracing my father at the Copper mines. He was in perfect
health, and delighted to see me again. He urged me so
earnestly to remain with him, though a stationary life was
not exactly to my taste, that I consented from a sense of
filial duty, and to avoid importunity. I remained here until
the first of December, amusing myself sometimes by hunting,
1824-1830] Pattie's Personal Narrative 157
and sometimes by working in the gold mine, an employment
in which I took much pleasure.
In a hunting excursion with a companion who was an
American, he one morning saw fit to start out of bed, and
commence his hunt while I was yet asleep in bed. He had
scarcely advanced a league, before he killed a deer on the
top of a high ridge. He was so inadvertent, as to commence
skinning the animal, before [113] he had re-loaded his rifle.
Thus engaged, he did not perceive a bear with her cubs,
which had advanced within a few feet of him. As soon as
he saw his approaching companion, without coveting any
farther acquaintance, he left deer and rifle, and ran for his
life. He stopped not, until he arrived at the mines. The
bear fell to work for a meal upon the deer, and did not pur-
sue him. We immediately started back to have the sport
of hunting this animal. As we approached the ridge, where
he had killed the deer, we discovered the bear descending
the ridge towards us. We each of us chose a position, and
his was behind a tree, which he could mount, in case he
wounded, without killing her. This most ferocious and
terrible animal, the grizzly or grey bear, does not climb at
all. I chose my place opposite him, behind a large rock,
which happened to be near a precipice, that I had not
observed. Our agreement was to wait until she came
within 30 yards, and then he was to give her the first fire.
He fired, but the powder being damp, his gun made long
fire, whence it happened that he shot her too low, the ball
passing through the belly, and not a mortal part. She made
at him in terrible rage. He sprang up his tree, the bear
close at his heels. She commenced biting and scratching
the tree, making, as a Kentuckian would phrase it, the lint
fly. But finding that she could not bite the tree down, and
being in an agony of pain, she turned the course of her attack,
and came growling and tearing up the bushes before her,
towards me. My companion bade me lie still, and my own
158 Early Western Travels [Vol. 18
purpose was to wait until I could get a close fire. So I
waited until the horrible animal was within six feet of me.
I took true aim at her head. My gun flashed in the pan.
She gave one growl and sprang at me with her mouth open.
At two strides I leapt down the unperceived precipice. My
jaw bone was split on a sharp rock, on which my chin struck
at the bottom. Here I lay senseless. When I regained
recollection, I found my companion had bled me with the
point of his butcher knife, and was sitting beside me with
his hat full of water, bathing my head and face. It was
perhaps an hour, before I gained full recollection, [114] so as
to be able to walk. My companion had cut a considerable
orifice in my arm with his knife, which I deemed rather
supererogation; for I judged, that I had bled sufficiently at
the chin.
When I had come entirely to myself, my companion pro-
posed that we should finish the campaign with the bear. I,
for my part, was satisfied with what had already been done,
and proposed to retreat. He was importunate, however,
and I consented. We ascended the ridge to where he had
seen the bear lie down in the bushes. We fixed our guns
so that we thought ourselves sure of their fire. We then
climbed two trees, near where the bear was, and made a
noise, that brought her out of her lair, and caused her to
spring fiercely towards our trees. We fired together, and
killed her dead. We then took after the cubs. They were
three in number. My companion soon overtook them.
They were of the size of the largest rackoons. These imps
of the devil turned upon him and made fight. I was in too
much pain and weakness to assist him. They put him to all
he could do to clear himself of them. He at length got
away from them, leaving them masters of the field, and
having acquired no more laurels than I, from my combat
with my buffaloe calf. His legs were deeply bit and scratched,
and what was worse, such was the character of the affair, he
1824-1830] Pattie's Personal Narrative 159
only got ridicule for his assault of the cubs. I was several
weeks in recovering, during which time, I ate neither meat
nor bread, being able to swallow nothing but liquids.
The country abounds with these fierce and terrible animals,
to a degree, that in some districts they are truly formidable.
They get into the corn fields. The owners hear the noise,
which they make among the corn, and supposing it occasioned
by cows and horses that have broken into the fields, they rise
from their beds, and go to drive them out, when instead of
finding retreating domestic animals, they are assailed by the
grizzly bear. I have been acquainted with several fatal
cases of that sort. One of them was a case, that intimately
concerned me. lago, my servant, went out with a man to
get a load of [115] wood. A bear came upon this man and
killed him and his ass in the team. A slight flight of snow had
fallen. Some Spaniards, who had witnessed the miserable
fate of their companion, begged some of us to go and aid
them in killing the bear. Four of us joined them. We
trailed the bear to its den, which was a crevice in the bluff.
We came to the mouth and fired a gun. The animal, con-
fident in his fierceness, came out, and we instantly killed it.
This occurred in New Mexico.
This stationary and unruffled sort of life had become
unendurable, and with fifteen Americans, we arranged a
trapping expedition on the Pacos.90 My father viewed my
rambling propensities with stern displeasure. He had taken
in a Spanish superintendent, who acted as clerk. This
person had lived in the United States from the age of 18 to
30, and spoke English, French and Spanish. This man
arranged the calculations, and kept the accounts of my
90 This is not the Pacos (Pecos), previously mentioned by Pattie (see ante, note
49), but the Puerco, a western tributary of the Rio del Norte. Puerco was also
a common, though mistaken name, for the Pecos, hence the confusion. The
Puerco is a narrow, shallow stream, about seventy-five miles in length, which,
rising in the mountains west of Santa F6 and flowing southward, unites with the
Rio del Norte a few miles above Socorro. — ED.
160 Early Western Travels [Vol. 18
father's concerns, and had always acted with intelligence
and fidelity. The concern was on the whole prosperous;
and although I felt deep sorrow to leave my father against
his wishes, I had at least the satisfaction to know, that I
was of no other use to him, than giving him the pleasure
of my society.
On the yth, our company arrived on the del Norte, and
crossed it in the evening to the eastern shore. On the eve-
ning of the 8th, we struck the Pacos about twenty miles
above its junction with the del Norte. This day's travel was
through a wild and precipitous country, inhabited by no
human being. We killed plenty of bears and deer, and
caught some beavers. On the Qth, we began to ascend the
river through a rich and delightful plain, on which are to be
seen abundance of deserted sheep folds, and horse pens,
where the Spanish vachers once kept their stock. The con-
stant incursions of the Indians compelled this peaceful
people to desert these fair plains. Their deserted cottages
inspired a melancholy feeling. This river runs from N. E.
to S. W. and is a clear, beautiful stream, 20 yards wide, with
high and dry bottoms of a black and rich soil. The moun-
tains run almost parallel to the river, and at the distance of
[116] eight or ten miles. They are thickly covered with
noble pine forests, in which aspen trees are intermixed.
From their foot gush out many beautiful clear springs. On
the whole, this is one of the loveliest regions for farmers
that I have ever seen, though no permanent settlements
could be made there, until the murderous Indians, who live
in the mountains, should be subdued.
We advanced slowly onward, until the i$th, without
meeting any Indians. At day break of this day, our senti-
nels apprized us, that savages were at hand. We had just
time to take shelter behind the trees, when they began to let
their arrows fly at us. We returned them the compliment
with balls, and at the first shot a number of them fell. They
p
a*
o
c
3
O-
a
1824-1830] Pattie's Personal Narrative 163
remained firm and continued to pour in their arrows from
every side. We began to find it exceedingly difficult to
dodge them, though we gave them some rounds before any
one of our men was struck. At length one man was pierced,
and they rushed forward to scalp him. I darted from
behind my tree to prevent them. I was assailed by a per-
fect shower of arrows, which I dodged for a moment, and
was then struck down by an arrow in the hip. Here I
should have been instantly killed, had not my companions
made a joint fire at the Indians, who were rushing upon me,
by which a number of them were laid dead. But the agony
of my pain was insupportable, for the arrow was still fast
in my hip. A momentary cessation of their arrows enabled
me to draw out the arrow from my hip, and to commence
re-loading my gun. I had partly accomplished this, when
I received another arrow under my right breast, between
the bone and the flesh. This gave me less pain than the
other shot, and finding I could not by any effort extract the
arrow, I snapped it off, and finished loading my gun. The
Indian nearest me fell dead, and I hobbled off, glad to be
once more sheltered by a tree. My companions were not
slow in making their rules crack, and in raising mutual cheers
of encouragement. The Indians were vastly our superiors
in numbers, and we found it convenient to slip under the
river bank. We were now completely sheltered [117] from
their arrows. After we had gained this security, they stood
but a few shots more, before they fled, leaving their dead
and wounded at our mercy. Truth is, we were too much
exasperated to show mercy, and we cut off the heads of all,
indiscriminately.
Our loss was one killed, and two wounded, another beside
myself though neither of us dangerously. The Indians had
28 killed. Luckily our horses were on an island in the river,
or we should have lost every one of them. Our only loss
of property was a few blankets, which they took, as they fled
164 Early Western Travels [Vol. 18
by our camp. During the 20 minutes that the contest lasted,
I had a fragment of an arrow fast in my breast, and the spike
of the other in my hip. I suffered, it may be imagined,
excruciating pain, and still severer pain during the operation
of extraction. This operation, one of my companions under-
took. He was some minutes in effecting it. The spike
could not be entirely extracted from my hip, for being of
flint, it had shivered against the bone.
The Indians that attacked us, were a tribe of the Mus-
callaros,91 a very warlike people, although they have no other
arms except bows and arrows, which are, however, the most
powerful weapons of the kind. They are made of an elastic
and flexible wood, backed with the sinews of a buff aloe or
elk. Their arrows are made of a species of reed grass, and
are very light, though easily broken. In the end is stuck a
hard piece of wood, which is pointed by a spike of flint an
inch in length, and a quarter of an inch in width, and ground
to the sharpest point. The men, though not tall, are ad-
mirably formed, with fine features and a bright complexion
inclining to yellow. Their dress is a buckskin belt about
the loins, with a shirt and moccasins to match. Their long
black hair hangs in imbraided masses over their shoulders,
in some cases almost extending to the heels. They make
a most formidable appearance, when completely painted,
and prepared for battle.
On the 1 6th, having made our arrangements for departure,
I applied my father's admirable salve to my two severe
wounds, [118] and to my companion's slight wound in the
arm, and we both felt able to join our companions in their
march. We travelled all this day and the following night a
west course, and the following day, without stopping longer
91 The Mescalero were among the most treacherous and murderous tribes of
the Apache. Their favorite haunts were the mountains bordering the Rio del
Norte on the east. Some five hundred of them are now on the Mescalero reserva-
tion in New Mexico. — ED.
1824-1830] Pattie's Personal Narrative 165
than was necessary to take a little food. After this we
stopped and rested ourselves and horses all night. I need
not attempt to describe the bitter anguish I endured, during
this long and uninterrupted ride. It will be only necessary
to conceive my situation to form a right conception of it.
Our grand object had been to avoid another contest with the
Muscallaros. In the evening we fell in with a party of the
Nabahoes, who were now out on an expedition against the
Muscallaros, who had recently killed one of their people,
and against whom they had sworn immediate revenge. We
showed the manifest proof of the chastisement they had
received from us. Never had I seen such frantic leaps and
gestures of joy. The screams and yells of exultation were
such as cannot be imagined. It seemed as though a whole
bedlam had broke loose. When we told them that we had lost
but one man, their screams became more frantic still. Their
medicine man was then called, and he produced an emollient
poultice, the materials of which I did not know but the effect
was that the anguish of our wounds was at once assuaged.
By the application of this same remedy, my wounds were
quite healed in a fortnight.
The scalps, which some of our number had taken from
the Muscallaros, were soon erected on a pole by the Naba-
hoes. They immediately commenced the fiercest dancing
and singing I had yet seen, which continued without inter-
ruption three days and nights. During all this time, we
endured a sort of worship from them, particularly the
women. They were constantly presenting us with their
favorite dishes, served in different ways, with dried berries
and sweet vegetables, some of which, to people in our con-
dition, were really agreeable.
In size and complexion these people resemble the Muscal-
laros, and their bows and arrows are similar; though some of
the latter have fire arms, and their dress is much superior. —
[119] Part of their dress is of the same kind with that of the
1 66 Early Western Travels [Vol. 18
former, though the skins are dressed in a more workmanlike
manner, and they have plenty of blankets of their own
manufacturing, and constituting a much better article than
that produced by the Spaniards. They dye the wool of
different and bright colors, and stripe them with very neat
figures. The women are much handsomer, and have
lighter complexions than the men. They are rather small in
stature, and modest and reserved in their behaviour. Their
dress is chiefly composed of skins made up with no small
share of taste; and showily corded at the bottom, forming
a kind of belt of beads and porcupine quills. — They are
altogether the handsomest women I have seen among the
red people, and not inferior in appearance to many Spanish
women. Their deportment to our people, was a mixture
of kindness and respect.
On the 2ist, we started back to the river, accompanied by
the whole party of Nabahoes, who assured us that they
would guard us during the remainder of our hunt. We
returned to the river through a beautiful and level country,
most of it well timbered and watered. On our return we
killed several bears, the talons of which the Indians took for
necklaces. On the 26th, we arrived at our battle ground.
The view of the bodies of the slain, all torn in pieces by wild
beasts, inexpressibly disgusting to us, was equally a spectacle
of pleasure to our red friends. We pointed out the grave
of our companion. They all walked in solemn procession
round it, singing their funeral songs. As they left it, every
one left a present on the grave; some an arrow, others meat,
moccasins, tobacco, war-feathers, and the like, all articles of
value to them. These simple people believe that the spirit
of the deceased will have immediate use for them in the life
to come. Viewing their offerings in this light, we could not
but be affected with these testimonies of kind feeling to a
dead stranger. They then gathered up the remains of their
slaughtered enemies, threw them in a heap, and cut a great
1824-1830] Patties Personal Narrative 167
quantity of wood, which they piled over the remains. They
then set fire to the wood. We struck our tents, [i 20] marched
about five miles up the river, set our traps, and encamped
for the night. But the Nabahoes danced and yelled through
the night to so much effect, as to keep all the beavers shut up
in their houses, for, having been recently trapped, they were
exceedingly cautious.
On the morning of the 27th, we informed them why we
had taken no beavers, and during the following night they
were perfectly quiet. We marched onward slowly, trapping
as we went, until we reached the Spanish settlements on this
river. On New Year's eve, January ist, 1827, the Spaniards
of the place gave a fandango, or Spanish ball. All our
company were invited to it, and went. We appeared before
the Alcalde, clad not unlike our Indian friends; that is to
say, we were dressed in deer skin, with leggins, moccasins
and hunting shirts, all of this article, with the addition of
the customary Indian article of dress around the loins, and
this was of red cloth, not an article of which had been washed
since we left the Copper Mines. It may be imagined that we
did not cut a particular dandy-like figure, among people,
many of whom were rich, and would be considered well
dressed any where. Notwithstanding this, it is a strong proof
of their politeness, that we were civilly treated by the ladies,
and had the pleasure of dancing with the handsomest and
richest of them. When the ball broke up, it seemed to be
expected of us, that we should each escort a lady home, in
whose company we passed the night, and we none of us
brought charges of severity against our fair companions.
The fandango room was about forty by eighteen or
twenty feet, with a brick floor raised four or five feet above
the earth. That part of the room in which the ladies sat,
was carpetted with carpetting on the benches, for them to
sit on. Simple benches were provided for the accommo-
dation of the gentlemen. Four men sang to the music of a
1 68 Early Western Travels [Vol. 18
violin and guitar. All that chose to dance stood up on the
floor, and at the striking up of a certain note of the
music, they all commenced clapping their hands. The
ladies then advanced, one by one, and stood facing then-
partners. The dance then changed to a waltz, each [121]
man taking his lady rather unceremoniously, and they
began to whirl round, keeping true, however, to the music,
and increasing the swiftness of their whirling. Many of
the movements and figures seemed very easy, though we
found they required practise, for we must certainly have
made a most laughable appearance in their eyes, in attempt-
ing to practise them. Be that as it may, we cut capers with
the nimblest, and what we could not say, we managed by
squeezes of the hand, and little signs of that sort, and passed
the time to a charm.
The village, in which was this ball, is called Perdido, or
the lost town, probably from some circumstances in its
history. It contains about 500 souls and one church. The
bishop was present at this ball, and not only bestowed his
worshipful countenance, but danced before the Lord, like
David, with all his might. The more general custom of the
ladies, as far as I observed, is to sit cross legged on the floor
like a tailor. They are considerably addicted to the industry
of spinning, but the mode has no resemblance to the spinning
of our country. For a wheel, they have a straight stick about
a foot long, rounded like the head of a spool. In the middle
of the stick is a hole, through which the stick is fastened.
Their mode of spinning with this very simple instrument
reminded me strongly of the sport of my young days, spinning
a top, for they give this spinning affair a twirl, and let it run
on until it has lost its communicated motion to impart it
anew. This shift for a spinning wheel they call necataro.
They manufacture neither cotton nor wool into cloth, and
depend altogether on foreign trade for their clothing. The
greatest part of this supply comes over land from the United
1824-1830] Pattie's Personal Narrative 169
States. On the 2d, we started for San Tepee, through a
country generally barren, though abounding in water. We
saw plenty of bears, deer and antelope. Some of the first
we killed, because we needed their flesh, and others we
killed for the same reason that we were often obliged to kill
Indians, that is, to mend their rude manners, in fiercely
making at us, and to show them that we were not Spaniards,
to give them the high sport of seeing us run. We arrived in
the above named town [122] on the 5th, and sold our furs.
Here I met again some of the companions who came with
me in the first instance from the United States. I enquired
about others, whom I held in kind remembrance. Some
had died by lingering diseases, and others by the fatal ball
or arrow, so that out of 116 men, who came from the United
States in 1824, there were not more than sixteen alive. Most
of the fallen were as true men, and as brave as ever poised a
rifle, and yet in these remote and foreign deserts found not
even the benefit of a grave, but left their bodies to be torn by
the wild beasts, or mangled by the Indians. When I heard
the sad roll of the dead called over, and thought how often I
had been in equal danger, I felt grateful to my Almighty
Benefactor, that I was alive and in health. A strong per-
ception of the danger of such courses as mine, as shown by
the death of these men, came over my mind, and I made a
kind of resolution, that I would return to my home, and never
venture into the woods again. Among the number of my
fallen companions, I ought not to forget the original leader
of our company, Mr. Pratte, who died in his prime, of a
lingering disease, in this place.
On the loth, I commenced descending the Del Norte for
the Copper Mines, in hopes once more to have the pleasure
of embracing my father, and relate to him what I had suffered
in body and mind, for neglecting to follow his wise and
fatherly counsel. I now travelled slowly and by myself, and
on the 1 2th, arrived at the house of my old friend the gover-
1 70 Early Western Travels [Vol. 18
nor, who met me at his door, and gave me such an embrace,
as to start the blood from my scarcely healed wound. I did
not perceive at the moment, that his embrace had produced
this effect, and entered the house, where I met Jacova, who
received me with a partial embrace, and a manner of con-
strained politeness. She then sat down by me on the sopha,
and began asking me many questions about my adventure
since we had parted, often observing that I looked indisposed.
At length she discovered the blood oozing through my
waistcoat. She exclaimed, putting her hand on the wound,
'and good reason you have to look [123] so, for you are
wounded to death.' The look that accompanied this remark,
I may not describe, for I would not be thought vain, and the
stern character of my adventures forbids the intermixture
of any thing of an entirely different aspect. I was not long,
however, in convincing her that my wound was not really
dangerous, and that I owed its present bleeding to the
friendship of her father, a cause too flattering to be matter
of regret. This drew from me a narrative of the occasion of
my wound, which I related in the same simple terms and
brief manner in which it is recorded in my journal. A long
conversation of questions and replies ensued, of a nature
and on subjects not necessary to relate. On the 2oth,
imploring God that we might meet again, we parted, and I
resumed my journey, travelling slowly for my father's
residence at the Copper Mines. I paused to rest and amuse
myself in several of the small towns on my way. On the
26th, I had the high satisfaction once more to hold the hand
of my father, and to find him in health and prosperity, and
apparently with nowise abated affection for me, though I
had rejected his counsels. This affection seemed to receive
a warmer glow, when he heard my determination not to take
to the woods again. I then in return wished to make my-
self acquainted with the true state of his affairs. He had
1824-1830] Pattie's Personal Narrative 171
established a vacherie on the river Membry92 where he kept
stock. He had also opened a farm on the land which the
old Appache chief had given him, which enabled him to
raise grain for the use of his own establishment at the mines.
He had actually a supply of grain in advance for the next
year. He had made similar improvements upon every thing
appertaining to the mines. The result of the whole seemed
to be, that he was making money rapidly.
He still retained the Spaniard, of whom I have spoken
before, as clerk and superintendent, believing him to be a
man of real stability and weight of character, and placing
the most entire reliance both upon his capacity and integrity.
I was less sanguine, and had my doubts, though having seen
no decided facts, [124] upon which to ground them, I did
not deem myself justified in honor to impart my doubts to
my father.
On the loth of February, my father requested me, on his
account, to take a trip to Alopaz, to purchase for his estab-
lishment some wine and whiskey, which articles sell at the
mines at a dollar and a half a pint. I started with one serv-
ant and six pack mules, each having a couple of small
barrels fastened over their saddles, after the manner of
our panniers. On the i6th, I reached the place, and pur-
chased my cargo, but the weather was so inclement, that I
thought it best not to return until it softened. I became
acquainted with an American, married in this place. He
was by pursuit a gunsmith, and had been up the upper
Missouri with Col. Henry,93 and an old and noted trader on
that river. The mutual story of what we two had seen and
suffered, would probably appear incredible, and beyond the
82 The Mimbres River flows between Mimbres Mountain and the copper
mines, being but a short distance from the latter. — ED.
93 This is probably Andrew Henry, a pioneer trader on the Missouri, for whom
see our volume xv, p. 246, note 107. — ED.
172 Early Western Travels [Vol. 18
common order of things, to most people, except those who
have hunted and trapped in the western parts of this con-
tinent, among the mountains and savages, and has nothing
upon which to depend, but his own firmness of heart, the
defence of his rifle, and the protection of the all present God.
To such persons, the incidents which we mutually related,
would all seem natural.
I remained here until the ist of April. Spring in its
peculiar splendor and glory in this country, had now wakened
the fields and forests into life, and was extending its empire
of verdure and flowers higher and higher up the mountains
towards their snowy peaks. On this day I commenced my
journey of return to the mines, with my servant and my cargo
bestowed on my mules. Though the face of the country
was all life and beauty, the roads so recently thawed, were
exceedingly muddy and heavy. One of my mules in con-
sequence gave out the second day. My servant packed the
load of the tired mule upon his riding one, and walked on
foot the remainder of the day. During the day we dis-
covered fresh bear tracks in the wood, and my servant ad-
vised me to have my gun loaded. At this remark I put my
hand in my shot pouch, and found but a single ball, and
[125] no lead with which to make more. At this discovery
I saw at once the uselessness of self reproach of my own
carelessness and neglect, though it will be easily imagined,
what anxiety it created, aware that I had to travel through a
long and dreary wilderness, replenished with grizzly bears
and hostile Indians. Neither did I dare disclose a particle
of what was passing in my mind to my servant, through fear
that he would be discouraged, in which case, I knew his first
step would be to turn back, and leave me to make the journey
alone. It would have been impossible for me to do this, as
we were both scarcely able to arrange the affairs of the jour-
ney. We advanced cautiously and were unmolested through
the day. But I passed a most uncomfortable night through
1824-1830] Pattie's Personal Narrative 173
fear of the bears, which, thawed out, were emerging from
their winter dens with appetites rendered ravenous by their
long winter fast. We and our mules would have furnished
them a delicious feast, after the hunger of months. No
sleep visited my eyes that night.
At ten o'clock of the 3d, we met a Spaniard on horse back.
I accosted him in the usual terms, and asked if he had met
any Indians on his way? He answered that he had, and
that there was a body of friendly Appaches encamped near
the road, at a distance of a little more than a league. I was
delighted with this information, for I supposed I should be
able to purchase a horse of them, on which I might mount
my servant. While I was reflecting on this thought, my
servant proposed to purchase his horse, and offered him a
blanket in exchange. He instantly dismounted, took the
blanket, and handed over the horse. Happy to see the poor
fellow once more comfortably mounted, we bade the easy
Spaniard adieu, and gaily resumed our journey. In a
short time, according to his information, we saw the Indian
camp near the road, from which their smokes were visible.
We were solicitous to pass them unobserved and pushed on
towards a stopping place, which we might reach at twelve
o'clock. Here we stopped to enable our horses to rest, and
eat, for the grass was fine. I ordered my servant to spancel
the mules, and tether the horse to a shrub by a long rope.
[126] My gun reclined upon the packs. We ate a little our-
selves, and afterwards I spread my blanket on the grass, close
by the horses, and lay down to repose myself, though not
intending to go to sleep. But the bright beams of the sun
fell upon me in the midst of the green solitude, and I was
soon in a profound sleep. A large straw hat on the side of
my face shaded my head from the sun.
While enjoying this profound sleep, four of the Appaches
came in pursuit of us. It seems our Spaniard had stolen his
horse from them, a few hours before. They came upon us
174 Early Western Travels [Vol. 18
in possession of the horse, and supposed me the thief. One
of them rode close to me, and made a dart at me with his
spear. The stroke was aimed at my neck, and passed
through my hat, nailing it to the ground just back of my
neck, which the cold steel barely touched. It awakened me,
and I sprang to my feet. Four Indians on horse back were
around me, and the spear, which had been darted at me,
still nailed my hat to the ground. I immediately seized the
spear and elevated it towards the Indian, who in turn made
his horse spring out of my reach. I called my servant, who
had seen the Indians approaching me, and had hidden
himself in the bushes. I then sprang to my gun, at the
distance of ten or fifteen paces. When I had reached and
cocked it, I presented it at an Indian who was unsheathing
his fusil. As soon as he discovered my piece elevated, he
threw himself from his horse, fell on his knees, and called for
mercy. What surprized me, and arrested my fire, was to
hear him call me by my Christian name. I returned my
rifle to my shoulder and asked him who he was ? He asked
me, if I did not know Targuarcha ? He smote his breast as
he asked the question. The name was familiar. The
others dismounted, and gathered round. An understanding
ensued. When they learned the manner in which we came
by the horse, their countenances were expressive of real
sorrow. They had supposed me a Spaniard, as they said,
and the thief of their horse. They begged me not to be
angry, with a laughable solicitude, offering me the horse as
the price of friendship. Above all, they were [127] anxious
that I should not relate the affair to my father. They
seemed to have an awe of him, resembling that due to the
Supreme Being. This awe he had maintained by his steady
deportment, and keeping up in their minds the impression,
that he always had a large army at command, and was able,
and disposed at the first insult, or breach of the treaty on
their part, to bring it upon them to their utter destruction.
1824-1830] Pattie's Personal Narrative 175
To all their apologies and kind words and excuses, I
answered that I knew them as well as any other man, and
that they were not to expect to atone for a dastardly attempt
to take my life, and coming within a hair's breadth of taking
it, by offering me a present, that I believed that they knew
who I was, and only wanted an opportunity, when they
could steal upon me unarmed, and kill me, as they had
probably committed many other similar murders; that they
were ready enough to cry pardon, as soon as they saw me
handling my rifle, hoping to catch me asleep again, but that
they would henceforward be sure to find me on my guard.
At this the Indian who had darted the spear at me, ex-
claimed that he loved me as a brother, and would at any
occasion risk his life in my defence. I then distinctly
recollected him, and that I had been two months with the
band, to which he belonged, roving in the woods about the
mines. Targuarcha had shown a singular kind of attach-
ment to me, waiting upon me as if I had been his master. I
was perfectly convinced that he had thrust his spear at me in
absolute ignorance, that it was me. Still I thought it neces-
sary to instil a lesson of caution into them, not to kill any
one for an imagined enemy, until they were sure that he was
guilty of the supposed wrong. Consequently I dissembled
distrust, and told him, that it looked very little like friend-
ship, to dart a spear at the neck of a sleeping man, and that
to tell the plain truth, I had as little confidence in him, as a
white bear. At this charge of treachery, he came close to
me, and looking affectionately in my face, exclaimed in
Spanish, 'if you think me such a traitor, kill me. Here is
my breast. Shoot.' At the same time he bared his breast
with his hand, with such a [128] profound expression of
sorrow in his countenance, as no one was ever yet able to
dissemble. I was softened to pity, and told him that I
sincerely forgave him, and that I would henceforward con-
sider him my friend, and not inform my father what he had
176 Early Western Travels [Vol. 18
done. They all promised that they would never attempt
to kill any one again, until they knew who it was, and were
certain that he was guilty of the crime charged upon him.
Here we all shook hands, and perfect confidence was restored.
I now called again for my servant, and after calling till I
was hoarse, he at length crawled from behind the bushes,
like a frightened turkey or deer, and looking wild with terror.
He had the satisfaction of being heartily laughed at, as a
person who had deserted his master in the moment of peril
They are not a people to spare the feelings of any one who
proves himself a coward by deserting his place. They
bestowed that term upon him without mercy. All his reply
was, sullenly to set himself to packing his mules.
Now arose a friendly controversy about the horse, they
insisting that I should take it, as the price of our renewed
friendship, and I, that I would not take it, except on hire or
purchase. They were obstinate in persisting that I should
take the horse along with me, and finally promised if I would
consent, that they would return to camp and bring their
families, and escort me to the mines. To this I consented,
though I had first taken the precaution to procure some
rifle balls of them. We then resumed our journey, and trav-
elled on without incident till the 5th, when they overtook
us, and we travelled on very amicably together, until we
reached the Membry, which runs a south course, and is
lost in a wide arid plain, after winding its way through
prodigious high, craggy mountains. It affords neither fish
nor beavers, but has wide and rich bottoms, of which as I
have mentioned, they gave my father as much as he chose
to cultivate.
From the point where the road crosses this river to the
mines, is reckoned 15 miles. Here we met the chief of this
band of the Appaches, with a great number of his people.
They were [129] all delighted to see us, and not the less so,
when they discovered that we had spirituous liquors, of
1824-1830] Pattie's Personal Narrative 1 77
which they are fond to distraction. There was no evading
the importunities of the chief to stay all night with him, he
promising, if I would that he would go in next day with me
to my father. I had scarcely arrived an hour, when I saw
the Indian, that had darted his spear at me, come to the
chief with shirt laid aside, and his back bare. He handed
the chief a stout switch, asking him to whip him. The chief
immediately flayed away about 50 lashes, the blood showing
at every stroke. He then asked me, if the thing had been
done to my satisfaction? I told him that I had no satis-
faction to demand. The chief who had whipped him, was
positively ignorant of the crime, for which he had suffered
this infliction. But he said, when one of his men begged a
flogging, he took it for granted, that it was not for the good
deeds of the sufferer, and that he deserved it. When I
learned that it was a voluntary penance for his offence to me
on the road, I felt really sorry, and made him a present of a
quart of whiskey, as an internal unction for the smart of his
stripes, a medicine in high esteem among the Indians in
such cases.
When we arrived at the mines, the old chief enquired what
had been done to me on the road? As soon as he was
informed, he sprang up, tore his hair, and seized a gun to
shoot the poor culprit. I interposed between them, and
convinced him, that Taguarcha had not been really to
blame in any thing but his haste, and that if I had really
been the thief, he would have done right to kill me, and
get back his horse, and that not even my father would
have thought the worse of him, but that we should both now
like him better, as well as his people, for what had happened.
On the 1 5th, my father proposed to give me a sum of
money, with which to go into the United States to purchase
goods for the mines. The laborers much preferred goods,
at the customary rate, to money, and the profit at that rate
was at least 200 per cent on the cost. I was reluctant to
178 Early Western Travels [Vol. 18
do this, for my thoughts still detained me in that country.
It was then concluded to [130] send the before mentioned
Spanish clerk on the commission, with sufficient money
to pay for the goods, consigned to merchants in Santa Fe, to
be purchased there, provided a sufficient quantity had re-
cently arrived from the United States to furnish an assort-
ment, and if not, he was recommended to merchants in
St. Louis, to make the purchases there.
On the 1 8th, he started under these orders, under the
additional one, that on his arriving at Santa Fe, and learning
the state of things there, he should immediately write to the
mines to that effect. In the customary order of things, this
letter was to be expected in one month from the day he left
the mines. After he was departed, he left none behind to
doubt his truth and honor, nor was there the least suspicion
of him, until the time had elapsed without a letter. A dim
surmise began then to grow up, that he had run off with the
money. We were still anxiously waiting for intelligence.
During this interval I had occupied the place of clerk in his
stead. It was now insisted that I should go in search of the
villain, who had obtained a good start of a month ahead of us,
and 30,000 dollars value in gold bullion to expedite his jour-
ney. On the 2oth, I started in the search, which I confess
seemed hopeless, for he was a man of infinite ingenuity, who
could enact Spaniard, which he really was, or Russian,
Frenchman or Englishman, as he spoke the languages of
these people with fluency. Still I pushed on with full pur-
pose to make diligent and unsparing search.
On the 3oth, I arrived at Santa Fe. I made the most
anxious and careful enquiry for him, and gave the most
accurate descriptions of him there. But no one had seen
or heard of such a person. I sorrowfully retraced my steps
down the Rio del Norte, now without a doubt of his treachery,
and bitterly reflecting on myself for my heedless regard of
my father's request. Had I done it, we had both secured an
1824-1830] Pattie's Personal Narrative 1 79
affluence. Now I clearly foresaw poverty and misfortune
opening before us in the future. For myself I felt little, as
I was young and the world before me; and I felt secure
about taking care of myself. [131] My grief was for my
father and his companions, who had toiled night and day
with unwearied assiduity, to accumulate something for
their dear and helpless families, whom they had left in
Missouri; and for the love of whom they had ventured into
this rough and unsettled country, full of thieves and mur-
derers. My father in particular, had left a large and mother-
less family, at a time of life to be wholly unable to take care
of themselves, and altogether dependent on him for sub-
sistence. There is no misery like self condemnation ; and
I suffered it in all its bitterness. The reflections that fol-
lowed upon learning the full extent of the disaster, which I
could but charge in some sense upon myself, came, as such
reflections generally come, too late.
I arrived at the Passo del Norte on the loth of May, and
repeated the same descriptions and enquiries to no purpose. —
Not a trace remained of him here; and I almost concluded
to abandon the search in despair. I could imagine but one
more chance. The owner of the mines lived at Chihuahua.
As a forlorn hope I concluded to proceed to that city, and
inform the governor of our misfortune. So I pushed to
Chihuahua, where I arrived on the 23d.
I found the owner of the mines in too much anxiety and
grief of mind on his own account, to be cool enough to listen
[to] the concerns of others. The President of the Mexican
republic had issued orders, that all Spaniards born in old
Spain, should be expelled from the Mexican country, giving
them but a month's notice, in which to settle their affairs and
dispose of their property. He being one of that class, had
enough to think of on his own account. However, when he
heard of our misfortune, he appeared to be concerned. He
then touched upon the critical state of his own affairs.
180 Early Western Travels [Vol. 18
Among other things, he said he had all along hoped that
my father was able and disposed to purchase those mines.
He had, therefore, a motive personal to himself, to make
him regret my father's loss and inability to make the pur-
chase. He was now obliged to sell them at any sacrifice,
and had but a very short time in which to settle his [132]
affairs, and leave the country. He requested me to be
ready to start the next day in company with him to the
mines.
Early on the 24th, we started with relays of horses and
mules. As we travelled very rapidly we arrived at the mines
on the 3oth, where I found my father and his companions in
the utmost anxiety to learn something what had happened
to me. When they discovered the owner of the mines,
whose name was Don Francisco Pablo de Lagera, they
came forth in a body with countenances full of joy. That
joy was changed to sadness, as soon as Don Pablo informed
them the object of his visit. They perceived in a moment,
that nothing now remained for them but to settle their
affairs, and search for other situations in the country, or
return to the United States in a worse condition than when
they left it. My father determined at once not to think of
this. Nothing seemed so feasible, and conformable to his
pursuits, as a trapping expedition. With the pittance that
remained to him, after all demands against the firm were
discharged, and the residue according to the articles of
agreement divided, he purchased trapping equipments for
four persons, himself included. The other three he intended
to hire to trap for him.
On the ist of July, all these matters had been arranged,
and my father and myself started for Santa Fe, with a view
to join the first company that should start on a trapping
expedition from that place. On the loth, we arrived at
Santa Fe, where we remained until the 22d, when a com-
pany of thirty men were about to commence an expedition
1824-1830] Pattie's Personal Narrative 1 8 1
of that sort down Red river. My father joined this com-
pany, and in the name of the companions made application
for license of safe transit through the province of Chihuahua,
and Sonora, through which runs the Red river, on which
we meant to trap. The governor gave us a passport in the
following terms:
[133] Custom House of the frontier town of Santa Fe, in
the territory of New Mexico.
Custom House Certificate.
Allow Sylvester Pattie, to pursue his journey with certain
beasts, merchandize and money, in the direction of Chi-
huahua and Sonora; to enter in beasts and money an amount
equal to this invoice, in whatsoever place he shall appear,
according to the rules of the Custom House, on his passage;
and finally let him return this permit to the government of
this city in days. Do this under the established
penalties.
Given at Santa Fe, in New Mexico.
RAMON ATTREN
September 22^, 1827.
On the 23d, my father was chosen captain or commander
of the company, and we started on our expedition. We
retraced our steps down the del Norte, and by the mines to
the river Helay, on which we arrived on the 6th of October,
and began to descend it, setting our traps as we went, near
our camp, whenever we saw signs of beavers. But our
stay on this stream was short, for it had been trapped so
often, that there were but few beavers remaining, and those
few were exceedingly shy. We therefore pushed on to some
place where they might be more abundant, and less shy.
We left this river on the i2th, and on the i5th reached
Beaver river. Here we found them in considerable num-
bers, and we concluded to proceed in a south course, and
trap the river in its downward course. But to prevent the
1 8 2 Early Western Travels [Vol. 18
disagreement and insubordination which are apt to spring
up in these associations, my father drew articles of agree-
ment, purporting that we should trap in partnership, and
that the first one who should show an open purpose to
separate from the company, or desert it, should be shot dead;
and that if any one should disobey orders, he should be tried
by a jury of our number, and if found guilty should be fined
fifty dollars, to be paid in fur. To this instrument we all
agreed, and signed our names.
[134] The necessity of some such compact had been
abundantly discovered in the course of our experience.
Men bound only by their own will and sense of right, to the
duties of such a sort of partnership are certain to grow
restless, and to form smaller clans, disposed to dislike and
separate from each other, in parties of one by one to three
by three. They thus expose themselves to be cut up in
detail by the savages, who comprehend all their movements,
and are ever watchful for an opportunity to show their hatred
of the whites to be fixed and inextinguishable. The follow-
ing are some of the more common causes of separation:
Men of incompatible tempers and habits are brought
together; and such expeditions call out innumerable occa-
sions to try this disagreement of character. Men, hungry,
naked, fatigued, and in constant jeopardy, are apt to be
ill-tempered, especially when they arrive at camp, and
instead of being allowed to throw themselves on the ground,
and sleep, have hard duties of cooking, and keeping guard,
and making breast- works assigned them. But the grand
difficulty is the following. In a considerable company,
half its numbers can catch as many beavers as all. But the
half that keep guard, and cook, perform duties as necessary
and important to the whole concern, as the others. It
always happens too, in these expeditions, that there are
some infinitely more dextrous and skilful in trapping and
hunting than others. These capabilities are soon brought
1824-1830] P attic1 s Personal Narrative 183
to light. The expert know each other, and feel a certain
superiority over the inexpert. They know that three or
four such, by themselves, will take as many beavers as a
promiscuous company of thirty, and in fact, all that a stream
affords. A perception of their own comparative importance,
a keen sense of self interest, which sharpens in the desert,
the mere love of roving in the wild license of the forest, and
a capacity to become hardened by these scenes to a perfect
callousness to all fear and sense of danger, until it actually
comes; such passions are sufficient to thicken causes of
separation among such companions in the events of every
day.
Sad experience has made me acquainted with all these
causes [135] of disunion and dissolution of such companies.
I have learned them by wounds and sufferings, by toil and
danger of every sort, by wandering about in the wild and
desolate mountains, alone and half starved, merely because
two or three bad men had divided our company, strong and
sufficient to themselves in union, but miserable, and exposed
to almost certain ruin in separation. Made painfully
acquainted with all these facts by experience, my father
adopted this expedient in the hope that it would be some-
thing like a remedy for them.
But notwithstanding this, and the prudence and energy
of my father's character, disunion soon began to spring up
in our small party. Almost on the outset of our expedition,
we began to suffer greatly for want of provisions. We were
first compelled to kill and eat our dogs, and then six of our
horses. This to me was the most cruel task of all. To
think of waiting for the night to kill and eat the poor horse
that had borne us over deserts and mountains, as hungry as
ourselves, and strongly and faithfully attached to us, was
no easy task to the heart of a Kentucky hunter. One
evening, after a hard day's travel, my saddle horse was
selected by lot to be killed. The poor animal stood saddled
184 Early Western Travels [Vol. 18
and bridled before us, and it fell to my lot to kill it. I loved
this horse, and he seemed to have an equal attachment for
me. He was remarkably kind to travel, and easy to ride, and
spirited too. When he stood tied in camp among the rest,
if I came any where near him, he would fall neighing for me.
When I held up the bridle towards him, I could see consent
and good will in his eye. As I raised my gun to my face,
all these recollections rushed to my thoughts. My pulses
throbbed, and my eyes grew dim. The animal was gazing
me, with a look of steady kindness, in the face. My head
whirled, and was dizzy, and my gun fell. After a moment
for recovery, I offered a beaver skin to any one who would
shoot him down. One was soon found at this price, and
my horse fell ! It so happened that this was the last horse
we killed. Well was it for us that we had these surplus
horses. Had it been otherwise, we should all have perished
with hunger.
[136] It was now the i5th of November, and while the
horse flesh lasted, we built a canoe, so that we could trap on
both sides of the river; for it is here too broad and deep to
be fordable on horseback. One of our number had already
been drowned, man and horse, in attempting to swim the
river. A canoe is a great advantage, where the beavers are
wild; as the trapper can thus set his traps along the shore
without leaving his scent upon the ground about it.
On the i yth, our canoe was finished, and another person
and myself took some traps in it, and floated down the river
by water, while the rest of the company followed along the
banks by land. In this way, what with the additional sup-
ply which the canoe enabled our traps to furnish, and a
chance deer or wolf that Providence sometimes threw in our
way, with caution and economy we were tolerably supplied
with provisions; and the company travelled on with a good
degree of union and prosperity, until the 26th.
Here the greater part of the company expressed disin-
C/3
°L
c/T
1-1-1
h*H
O
1824-1830] Pattie's Personal Narrative 187
clination to following our contemplated route any longer.
That is, they conceived the route to the mouth of the Relay,
and up Red river of California too long and tedious, and
too much exposed to numerous and hostile Indians. They,
therefore, determined to quit the Helay, and strike over to
Red river by a direct route across the country. My father
reminded them of their article. They assured him they did
not consider themselves bound by it, and that they were a
majority, against which nothing could be said. My father
and myself still persevered in following the original plan.
Two of the men had been hired on my father's account. He
told them he was ready to pay them up to that time, and
dismiss them, to go where they chose. They observed, that
now that the company had commenced separating, they
believed that in a short time, there would be no stronger
party together than ours; that they had as good a disposition
to risk their lives with us, as with any division of our number,
and that they would stay by us to the [137] death. After
this speech four others of the company volunteered to remain
with us, and we took them in as partners.
On the 27th, we divided the hunt, and all expressing the
same regret at the separation, and heartily wishing each
other all manner of prosperity, we shook hands and parted !
We were now reduced to eight in number. We made the
most solemn pledges to stand by each other unto death, and
adopted the severest caution, of which we had been too
faithfully taught the necessity. We tied our horses every
night, and encamped close by them, to prevent their being
stolen by the Indians. Their foot-prints were thick and
fresh in our course, and we could see their smokes at no
great distance north of us. We were well aware that they
were hostile, and watching their opportunity to pounce upon
us, and we kept ourselves ready for action, equally day and
night. We now took an ample abundance of beavers to
supply us with meat, in consequence of our reduced numbers.
1 8 8 Early Western Travels [Vol. 18
Our horses also fared well, for we cut plenty of cotton-wood
trees, the bark of which serves them for food nearly as well
as corn. We thus travelled on prosperously, until we
reached the junction of the Helay with Red river. — Here
we found the tribe of Umeas,94 who had shown themselves
very friendly to the company in which I had formerly passed
them, which strongly inspired confidence in them at present.
Some of them could speak the Spanish language. We made
many inquiries of them, our object being to gain information
of the distance of the Spanish settlements. We asked them
where they obtained the cloth they wore around their loins ?
They answered, from the Christians on the coast of the
California. We asked if there were any Christians living
on Red river? They promptly answered, yes. This infor-
mation afterwards proved a source of error and misfortune
to us, though our motive for inquiry at this time was mere
curiosity.
It was now the ist of December; and at mid-day we began
to see the imprudence of spending the remainder of the day
and the ensuing night with such numbers of Indians, how-
ever friendly in appearance. We had a tolerable fund of
experience, in [138] regard to the trust we might safely
repose in the red skins; and knew that caution is the parent
of security. So we packed up, and separated from them.
Their town was on the opposite shore of Red river. At our
encampment upwards of two hundred of them swam over
the river and visited us, all apparently friendly. We allowed
but a few of them to approach our camp at a time, and they
were obliged to lay aside their arms. In the midst of these
multitudes of fierce, naked, swarthy savages, eight of us
seemed no more than a little patch of snow on the side of
one of the black mountains. We were perfectly aware how
critical was our position, and determined to intermit no pru-
dence or caution.
84 See ante, note 65. — ED.
1824-1830] Pattie's Personal Narrative 189
To interpose as great a distance as possible between them
and us, we marched that evening sixteen miles, and en-
camped on the banks of the river. The place of encamp-
ment was a prairie, and we drove stakes fast in the earth, to
which we tied our horses in the midst of green grass, as high
as a man's head, and within ten feet of our own fire. Un-
happily we had arrived too late to make a pen for our horses,
or a breast work for ourselves. The sky was gloomy.
Night and storm were settling upon us, and it was too late
to complete these important arrangements. In a short
time the storm poured upon us, and the night became so
dark that we could not see our hand before us. Appre-
hensive of an attempt to steal our horses, we posted two
sentinels, and the remaining six lay down under our wet
blankets, and the pelting of the sky, to such sleep as we might
get, still preserving a little fire. We were scarcely asleep before
we were aroused by the snorting of our horses and mules.
We all sprang to our arms, and extinguished our little fire. We
could not see a foot before us, and we groped about our camp
feeling our way among the horses and mules. We could
discover nothing; so concluding they might have been
frightened by the approach of a bear or some other wild ani-
mal, some of us commenced rekindling our fires, and the
rest went to sleep. But the Indians had crawled among
our horses, and had cut or untied the rope by which each
one was [139] bound. The horses were then all loose.
They then instantly raised in concert, their fiendish yell.
As though heaven and earth were in concert against us, the
rain began to pour again, accompanied with howling gusts
of wind, and the fiercest gleams of lightning, and crashes of
thunder. Terrified alike by the thunder and the Indians,
our horses all took to flight, and the Indians repeating yell
upon yell, were close at their heels. We sallied out after
them, and fired at the noises, though we could see nothing.
We pursued with the utmost of our speed to no purpose, for
190 Early Western Travels [Vol. 18
they soon reached the open prairie, where we concluded
they were joined by other Indians on horseback, who pushed
our horses still faster; and soon the clattering of their heels
and the yells of their accursed pursuers began to fade, and
become indistinct in our ears.
Our feelings and reflections as we returned to camp were
of the gloomiest kind. We were one thousand miles from
the point whence we started, and without a single beast to
bear either our property or ourselves. The rain had past.
We built us a large fire. As we stood round it we discussed
our deplorable condition, and our future alternatives.
Something was to be done. We all agreed to the proposition
of my father, which was, early in the morning to pursue the
trails of our beasts, and if we should overtake the thieves,
to retake the horses, or die in the attempt; and that, failing
in that, we should return, swim the river, attack their town,
and kill as many of the inhabitants as we could; for that it
was better to die by these Indians, after we had killed a
good number of them, than to starve, or be killed by Indians
who had not injured us, and when we could not defend
ourselves.
Accordingly, early in the morning of the 2d, we started on
the trail in pursuit of the thieves. We soon arrived at a
point where the Indians, departing from the plain, had
driven them up a chasm of the mountains. Here they had
stopped, and caught them, divided them, and each taken a
different route with his plundered horses. We saw in a
moment that it was impossible to follow them farther to any
purpose. We abandoned [140] the chase, and returned to
our camp to execute the second part of our plan. When
we arrived there, we stopped for a leisure meal of beaver
meat. When we had bestowed ourselves to this dainty
resort, a Dutchman with us broke the gloomy silence of our
eating, by observing that?we had better stuff ourselves to the
utmost; for that it would probably, be the last chance we
1824-1830! Pattie1 s Personal Narrative 191
should have at beaver meat. We all acquiesced in this
observation, which though made in jest, promised to be a
sober truth, by eating as heartily as possible. When we
had finished our meal, which looked so likely to be the last
we should enjoy together, we made rafts to which we tied
our guns, and pushing them onward before us, we thus
swam the river. Having reached the opposite shore, we
shouldered our rifles, and steered for the town, at which we
arrived about two in the afternoon. We marched up to
the numerous assemblage of huts in a manner as reckless
and undaunted as though we had nothing to apprehend.
In fact, when we arrived at it, we found it to contain not a
single living being, except one miserable, blind, deaf, and
decrepid old man, not unlike one that I described in a hostile
former visit to an Indian village. Our exasperation of
despair inclined us to kill even him. My father forbade.
He apparently heard nothing and cared for nothing, as he
saw nothing. His head was white with age, and his eyes
appeared to have been gouged out. He may have thought
himself all the while in the midst of his own people. We
discovered a plenty of their kind of food, which consisted
chiefly of acorn mush. We then set fire to the village,
burning every hut but that which contained the old man.
Being built of flags and grass, they were not long in reducing
to ashes. We then returned to our camp, re-swimming
the river, and reaching the camp before dark.
We could with no certainty divine the cause of then-
having evacuated their town, though we attributed it to
fear of us. The occurrences of the preceding day strength-
ened us in this impression. While they remained with us,
one of our men happened to fire off his gun. As though
they never had heard [141] such a noise before, they all fell
prostrate on the earth, as though they had all been shot.
When they arose, they would all have taken to flight, had
we not detained them and quieted their fears.
192 Early Western Travels [Vol. 18
Our conversation with these Indians of the day before,
now recurred to our recollections, and we congratulated
ourselves on having been so inquisitive as to obtain the now
important information, that there were Spanish settlements
on the river below us. Driven from the resource of our
horses, we happily turned our thoughts to another. We
had all the requisite tools to build canoes, and directly around
us was suitable timber of which to make them. It was a
pleasant scheme to soothe our dejection, and prevent our
lying down to the sleep of despair. But this alternative
determined upon, there remained another apprehension
sufficient to prevent our enjoying quiet repose. Our fears
were, that the unsheltered Indians, horse-stealers and all,
would creep upon us in the night, and massacre us all. But
the night passed without any disturbance from them.
On the morning of the 3d, the first business in which we
engaged, was to build ourselves a little fort, sufficient for
defence against the Indians. This finished, we cut down
two trees suitable for canoes, and accomplished these im-
portant objects in one day. During this day we kept one
man posted in the top of a tall tree, to descry if any Indians
were approaching us in the distance. On the morning of
the fourth we commenced digging out our canoes, and fin-
ished and launched two. These were found insufficient
to carry our furs. We continued to prepare, and launch
them, until we had eight in the water. By uniting them in
pairs by a platform, we were able to embark with all our
furs and traps, without any extra burden, except a man and
the necessary traps for each canoe. We hid our saddles,
hoping to purchase horses at the settlements, and return
this way.
We started on the gth, floating with the current, which
bore us downward at the rate of four miles an hour. In the
evening we passed the burnt town, the ruins of which still
threw up [142] smouldering smoke. We floated about 30
1824-1830] Pattie's Personal Narrative 193
miles, and in the evening encamped in the midst of signs of
beavers. We set 40 traps, and in the morning of the loth
caught 36 beavers, an excellent night's hunt. We concluded
from this encouraging commencement, to travel slowly, and
in hunters' phrase, trap the river clear; that is, take all that
could be allured to come to the bait. The river, below its
junction with the Helay, is from 2 to 300 yards wide, with
high banks, that have dilapidated by falling in. Its course
is west, and its timber chiefly cotton-wood, which in the
bottoms is lofty and thick set. The bottoms are from six
to ten miles wide. The soil is black, and mixed with sand,
though the bottoms are subject to inundation in the flush
waters of June. This inundation is occasioned by the
melting of the snow on the mountains about its head waters.
We now floated pleasantly downward at our leisure,
having abundance of the meat of fat beavers. We began
in this short prosperity, to forget the loss of our horses, and
to consider ourselves quite secure from the Indians. But on
the 1 2th, at mid-day, by mere accident, we happened, some
way below us, to discover two Indians perched in a tree
near the river bank, with their bows and arrows in readiness,
waiting evidently until we should float close by them, to
take off some of us with their arrows. We betrayed no
signs of having seen them, but sat with our guns ready for
a fair shot. When we had floated within a little short of a
hundred yards, my father and another of the company gave
them a salute, and brought them both tumbling down the
branches, reminding us exactly of the fall of a bear or a
turkey. They made the earth sound when they struck it.
Fearful that they might be part of an ambush, we pulled
our canoes to the opposite shore, and some of us climbed
trees, from which we could command a view of both shores.
We became satisfied that these two were alone, and we
crossed over to their bodies. We discovered that they were
of the number that had stolen our horses, by the fact, that
1 94 Early Western Travels [Vol. 18
they were bound round the waist with some of the hemp
ropes with which our horses had been tied. We hung the
bodies of the thieves [143] from a tree, with the product of
their own thefts. Our thoughts were much relieved by the
discovery of this fact, for though none of us felt any partic-
ular forbearance towards Indians under any circumstances,
it certainly would have pained us to have killed Indians that
had never disturbed us. But there could be no compunction
for having slain these two thieves, precisely at the moment
that they were exulting in the hope of getting a good shot
at us. Beside they alarmed our false security, and learned
us a lesson to keep nearer the middle of the river.
We continued to float slowly downwards, trapping beavers
on our way almost as fast as we could wish. We sometimes
brought in 60 hi a morning. The river at this point is
remarkably circuitous, and has a great number of islands,
on which we took beavers. Such was the rapid increase of
our furs, that our present crafts in a few days were insufficient
to carry them, and we were compelled to stop and make
another canoe. We have advanced between 60 and 70
miles from the point where we built the other canoes. We
find the timber larger, and not so thick. There are but few
wild animals that belong to the country farther up, but some
deer, panthers, foxes and wild-cats. Of birds there are
great numbers, and many varieties, most of which I have
never before seen. We killed some wild geese and pelicans,
and likewise an animal not unlike the African leopard,95
which came into our camp, while we were at work upon the
canoe. It was the first we had ever seen.
We finished our canoe on the lyth, and started on the
2oth. This day we saw ten Indians on a sand bar, who
fled into the woods at the sight of us. We knew them to be
different people from those who had stolen our horses, both
M The jaguar (Felis onca) most resembles the leopard of the old world. It
inhabits the wooded parts of America,, from Texas to Paraguay. — ED.
1824-1830] Patties Personal Narrative 195
by their size and their different manner of wearing their
hair. The heads of these were shaved close, except a tuft,
which they wore on the top of their head, and which they
raised erect, as straight as an arrow. The Umeas are of
gigantic stature from six to seven feet high. These only
average five feet and a half. They go perfectly naked, and
have dark complexions, which I imagine [144] is caused by
the burning heat of the sun. The weather is as hot here at
this time, as I ever experienced. We were all very desirous
to have a talk with these Indians, and enquire of them, how
near we were to the Spanish settlements; and whether they
were immediately on the bank, for we began to be fearful
that we had passed them.
Three days passed without our having any opportunity of
conversation with them. But early on the morning of the
24th, we found some families yet asleep in their wigwams,
near the water's edge. Our approach to them was so im-
perceptible and sudden, that they had no chance to flee.
They were apparently frightened to insanity. They surren-
dered without making any further effort to escape. While
they stared at us in terrified astonishment; we made them
comprehend that we had no design to kill, or injure them.
We offered them meat, and made signs that we wished to
smoke with them. They readily comprehended us, and the
ghastliness of terror began to pass from their countenances.
The women and children were yet screaming as if going
into convulsions. We made signs to the men to have them
stop this annoying noise. This we did by putting our hands
to our mouths. They immediately uttered something to
the women and children which made them still. The pipe
was then lit, and smoking commenced. They puffed the
smoke towards the sky, pointed thither, and uttered some
words, of course unintelligible to us. They then struck
themselves on the breast, and afterwards on the forehead.
We understood this to be a sort of religious appeal to the
196 Early Western Travels [Vol. 18
Supreme Being, and it showed more like reverence to him,
than any thing we had yet seen among the Indians; though
I have seen none but what admit that there is a master of
life, whom they call by a name to that import, or that of
Great Spirit.
When the smoking was finished, we began to enquire of
them by signs, how far we were from the Spanish settlement ?
This we effected by drawing an image of a cow and sheep
in the sand and then imitating the noise of each kind of
domestic animals, that we supposed the Spaniards would
have. They appeared [145] to understand us, for they
pointed west, and then at our clothes, and then at our
naked skin. From this we inferred that they wished to say
that farther to the west lived white people, as we were.
And this was all we could draw from them on that subject.
We then asked them, if they had ever seen white people
before ? This we effected by stretching open our eyes with
our fingers, and pointing to them, and then looking vehe-
mently in that direction, while we pointed west with our
fingers. They shook ther heads in the negative. Then
stretching their own ears, as we had our eyes, striking them-
selves on the breast, and pointing down the river, they pro-
nounced the word wechapa. This we afterwards under-
stood implied, that then* chief lived lower down the river,
and that they had heard from him, that he had seen these
people.
We gave the women some old shirts, and intimated to
them as well as we could, that it was the fashion of the
women to cover themselves in our country, for these were
in a state of the most entire nudity. But they did not seem
rightly to comprehend our wish. Many of the women were
not over* sixteen, and the most perfect figures I have ever
seen, perfectly straight and symmetrical, and the hair of
some hanging nearly to their heels. The men are exceed-
ingly active, and have bright countenances, and quick
1824-1830] Pattie's Personal Narrative 197
apprehension. We gave them more meat, and then started.
They followed our course along the bank, until night. As
soon as we landed, they were very officious in gathering
wood, and performing other offices for us. They showed
eager curiosity in examining our arms, and appeared to
understand their use. When my father struck fire with his
pistol, they gave a start, evidencing a mixture of astonish-
ment and terror, and then re-examined the pistol, apparently
solicitous to discover how the fire was made. My father
bade me take my rifle, and shoot a wild goose, that was
sitting about in the middle of the river. He then showed
them the goose, and pointed at me, as I was creeping to a
point where I might take a fair shot. They all gazed with
intense curiosity, first at me, and then at the goose, until I
fired. At the moment of the report, [146] some fell flat on
the ground, and the rest ran for the bushes, as though Satan
was behind them. As soon as the fallen had recovered
from their amazement, they also fled. Some of our com-
pany stopped them, by seizing some, and holding them,
and showing them that the goose was dead, and the manner
in which it had been killed. They gradually regained con-
fidence and composure, and called to their companions in
the bushes. They also came forth, one by one, and when
the nature of the report of the gun had been explained to
them, they immediately swam into the river and brought out
the goose. When they carried it round and showed it to
their companions, carefully pointing out the ball hole in
the goose, it is impossible to show more expressive gestures,
cries and movements of countenances indicative of wonder
and astonishment, than they exhibited. The night which
we passed with them, passed away pleasantly, and to the
satisfaction of all parties. In the morning their attention
and curiosity were again highly excited, when we brought
hi our beavers, which amounted hi number to thirty-six.
After we had finished skinning them, we left the ample sup-
198 Early Western Travels [Vol. 18
ply of food furnished by the bodies of the beavers, in token
of our friendship, to these Indians, and floated on. On the
2 yth, we arrived at the residence of the chief. We perceived
that they had made ready for our reception. They had pre-
pared a feast for us by killing a number of fatted dogs. As
soon as we landed, the chief came to us, accompanied by
two subordinate chiefs. When arrived close to us, he ex-
claimed, wechapa, striking himself on the breast, pointing to
our company, and repeating the same phrase. We under-
stood from this, that he wished to know who was our cap-
tain? We all pointed to my father, to whom the chief
immediately advanced, and affectionately embracing him,
invited us to enter his wigwam. We shouldered our rifles,
and all followed this venerable looking man to his abode.
There he had prepared several earthen dishes, in which the
flesh of young and fat dogs was served up, but without salt
or bread. We all sat down. The pipe was lit, and we, and
the thirty Indians present began to smoke. While we were
smoking, they used many gesticulations and signs, the [147]
purport of which we could not make out, though, as they
pointed often at us, we supposed we were the subjects of
their gestures. The pipe was then taken away, and the
chief arose, and stood in the centre of the circle which we
formed by the manner in which we all sat around the fire.
He then made a long harangue, and as we understood not
a word, to us rather a tedious one. We took care to make as
many gestures indicative of understanding it, as though we
had comprehended every word.
The oration finished, a large dish of the choice dog's flesh
was set before us, and signs were made to us to eat. Hav-
ing learned not to be delicate or disobliging to our savage
host, we fell to work upon the ribs of the domestic barkers.
When we had eaten to satisfaction, the chief arose, and
puffing out his naked belly, and striking it with his hand,
very significantly inquired by this sign, if we had eaten
1824-1830] Pattie's Personal Narrative 199
enough? When we had answered in the affirmative, by
our mode of making signs, he then began to enquire of us,
as we understood it, who we were, and from whence we
came, and what was our business in that country? All this
we interpreted, and replied to by signs as significant as we
could imagine. He continued to enquire of us by signs, if
we had met with no misfortunes on our journey, calling over
the names of several Indian tribes in that part of the country,
among which we distinctly recognized the name of the
Umeas ? When he mentioned this name, it was with such a
lowering brow and fierce countenance as indicated clearly
that he was at war with them. We responded to these marks
of dislike by an equal show of detestation by making the
gesture of seeming desirous to shoot at them, and with the
bitterest look of anger that we could assume; making him
understand that they had stolen our horses. He made
signs of intelligence that he comprehended us, and made us
sensible of his deep hatred, by giving us to understand that
they had killed many of his people, and taken many more
prisoners; and that he had retaliated by killing and taking
as many Umeas. He pointed at the same time to two small
children, and exclaimed Umea! We [148] pointed at them
with our guns, and gave him to understand, that we had
killed two of them. Some of our people had brought their
•scalps along. We gave them to him, and he, looking first
towards us, and then fiercely at them, seemed to ask if these
were the scalps of his enemies? To which we replied,
yes. — He then seized the hair of the scalps with his teeth,
and shook them, precisely as I have seen a dog any small
game that it had killed. He then gave such a yell of delight,
as collected all his people round him in a moment, and such
rejoicing, yelling, and dancing ensued from both men and
women, as I shall forbear to attempt to describe. Their
deportment on this occasion was in fact much nearer bestial
than human. They would leave the dance round the scalps
2OO Early Western Travels [Vol. 18
in turn, to come and caress us, and then return and resume
their dance.
The remainder of this day and the ensuing night passed in
being in some sense compelled to witness this spectacle. In
the morning of the 28th, when we brought in the contents of
our traps, we found we had taken twenty-eight beavers.
When my father enquired this morning anew for the direc-
tion of the Spanish settlements, and how far they were dis-
tant, we could make out from the signs of the chief no infor-
mation more exact than this. He still pointed to the west,
and then back at us. — He then made a very tolerable imita-
tion of the rolling and breaking of the surf on the sea shore.
Below he drew a cow and a sheep. From this we were satis-
fied that there were Spanish settlements west of us; and our
conclusion was, that they could not be very distant.
At mid-day we bade these friendly Indians farewell, and
resumed our slow progress of floating slowly down the stream,
still setting our traps, whenever we found any indications of
beavers. We met with no striking incident, and experienced
no molestation until January ist, 1828. On this day we
once more received a shower of arrows from about fifty
Indians of a tribe called Pipi, of whom we were cautioned
to beware by the friendly Indians we had last left. I forgot
at the time to mention the name of that people, when speak-
ing of them, and [149] repeat it now. It is Cocopa." When
the Pipi fired upon us, we were floating near the middle of
the river. We immediately commenced pulling for the oppo-
site shore, and were soon out of the reach of their arrows,
without any individual having been wounded. As soon as our
crafts touched the shore, we sprang upon the bank, took fair
aim, and showed them the difference between their weapons
99 For the Cocopa Indians, see ante, note 65. The Pipi were probably Pimi, a
distinct linguistic family, occupying southern Arizona and northern Mexico.
They lived a settled life in villages, and were generally well-disposed toward the
whites. — ED.
1824-1830] Pattie's Personal Narrative 201
and ours, by levelling six of them. The remainder fell flat,
and began to dodge and skulk on all fours, as though the
heavens had been loaded with thunder and mill stones, which
were about to rain on them from the clouds.
We re-loaded our guns, and rowed over to the opposite,
and now deserted shore. The fallen lay on the sand beach,
some of them not yet dead. We found twenty three bows
and the complement of arrows, most of them belonging to
the fugitives. The bows are six feet in length, and made of
a very tough and elastic kind of wood, which the Spaniards
call Tarnio. They polish them down by rubbing them on
a rough rock. The arrows are formed of a reed grass, and
of the same length with their bows, with a foot of hard wood
stuck in the end of the cavity of the reed, and a flint spike
fitted on the end of it. — They have very large and erect forms,
and black skins. Their long black hair floats in tresses
down their backs, and to the termination of each tress is
fastened a snail shell. In other respects their dress consists
of their birth-day suit; in other words, they are perfectly
naked. The river seems here to run upon a high ridge; for
we can see from our crafts a great distance back into the
country, which is thickly covered with musquito and other
low and scrubby trees. The land is exceedingly marshy,
and is the resort of numerous flocks of swans, and blue
cranes. The rackoons are in such numbers, that they cause
us to lose a great many beavers, by getting into our traps and
being taken instead of the true game. They annoy us too
by their squalling when they are taken.
From the junction of the two rivers to this place, I judge
to be about a hundred miles. We find the climate exceed-
ingly warm, [150] and the beaver fur, in accommodation to
the climate, is becoming short. We conclude, in conse-
quence, that our trapping is becoming of less importance,
and that it is our interest to push on faster to reach the settle-
ments. A great many times every day we bring our crafts
2O2 Early Western Travels [Vol. 18
to shore, and go out to see if we cannot discover the tracks
of horses and cattle. On the i8th, we first perceived that
we had arrived on the back water of the tide; or rather we
first attributed the deadness of the current to the entrance of
some inundated river, swollen by the melting of the snow
on the mountains. We puzzled our brains with some other
theories, to account for the deadness of the current. This
became so entirely still, that we began to rig our oars, con-
cluding that instead of our hitherto easy progress of floating
gently onward, we had henceforward to make our head- way
down stream by dint of the machinery of our arms.
We soon were thoroughly enlightened in regard to the
slackness of the water. It began to run down again, and
with the rapidity of six miles an hour; that is, double the
ordinary current of the stream. We were all much sur-
prised, for though I had seen the water of the Pacific at
Ymus, none of us had ever felt the influence of the tides, or
been in a craft on the ocean waters before. People of the
same tribe, upon which we had recently fired, stood upon the
shore, and called loudly to us as we passed, to come to land,
making signs to us, that the motion of the water would cap-
size our crafts. They showed a great desire that we might
come to shore, we had no doubt, that they might rob and
murder us. We preserved such a distance from them, as
to be out of the reach of their arrows, and had no intention to
fire upon them. Had we wished for a shot, they were quite
within rifle distance. We floated on, having had a beauti-
ful evening's run, and did not come to land, until late; we
then pitched our camp on a low point of land, unconscious,
from our inexperience of the fact, that the water would return,
and run up stream again. We made our canoes fast to some
small trees, and all lay down to sleep, except my father, who
took the first watch. He soon aroused us, and called on us
all [151] to prepare for a gust of wind, and a heavy rain,
which he thought betokened by a rushing noise he heard.
1824-1830] P attic's Personal Narrative 203
We realized in a few moments, that it was the returning tide.
Still, so strongly impressed were we, that a shower was
approaching, that we made all the customary arrangements
of preparation, by stretching our blankets to keep out the
water from above. But our enemy assailed us from another
quarter. Our camp was inundated from the river. We
landsmen from the interior, and unaccustomed to such
movements of the water, stood contemplating with astonish-
ment the rush of the tide coming in from the sea, in conflict
with the current of the river. At the point of conflict rose
a high ridge of water, over which came the sea current,
combing down like water over a mildam. We all sprang to
our canoes, which the rush of the water had almost capsized,
though we held the fasts with our hands. In twenty minutes
the place where we lay asleep, and even our fire place was three
feet under water, and our blankets were all afloat. We had
some vague and general ideas of the nature of the tide, but
its particular operations were as much unknown to us, as
though we never had heard of it at all. In the consternation
of our ignorance, we paddled our crafts, as well as we could,
among the timber, not dreaming that in the course of a few
hours, the water would fall again. As it was, we gathered
up our floating blankets, got into our canoes, and held fast
to the brushes, until the water fell again, leaving us and our
canoes high and dry. We were now assailed by a new alarm,
lest the Indians, taking advantage of this new position in
which we were placed, would attack and murder us.
In such apprehensions we passed the night, until the morn-
ing shone upon us with a bright and beautiful sun, which
enabled us to dry all our wet things, and re-animated us with
the confidence which springs from the view of a bright firma-
ment and a free and full survey of our case. When the tide
returned we got into our crafts, and descended with it, still
expecting to find Spanish settlements. We continued in this
way to descend, when the tide ran out, until the 28th, when
204 Early Western Travels [Vol. 18
the surf came up the [152] river so strong that we saw in a
moment, that our crafts could not live, if we floated them
into this tumultuous commotion of the water.
Here we were placed in a new position, not the least dis-
heartening or trying, among the painful predicaments, in
which fortune had placed us. The fierce billows shut us in
from below, the river current from above, and murderous
savages upon either hand on the shore. We had a rich cargo
of furs, a little independence for each one of us, could we
have disposed of them, as we had hoped, among the Spanish
people, whom we expected to have found here. There were
no such settlements. — Every side on which we looked offered
an array of danger, famine and death. In this predicament,
what were furs to us ? Our first thought was to commit our
furs to the waters, and attempt to escape with our lives.
Our second resolve was to ascend the river as far as we could,
bury our furs, and start on foot for some settlement. We saw
that the chances were greatly against us, that we should per-
ish in the attempt; for the country yielded little to subsist on»
and was full of Indians who are to the last degree savage and
murderous, and whom nothing can subdue to kindness and
friendship. We had no idea of ever putting ourselves in their
power, as long as one of us could fire a pistol, or draw a knife.
We now began to ascend with the tide, when it served us,
and lay by when it ran down, until we arrived at the point
where it ceased to flow. We then applied our oars, and with
the help of setting-poles, and at times the aid of a cordelle,
we stemmed the current at the rate of one, and sometimes two
miles an hour, until the tenth of February, when we met a
great rise of the river, and found the current so strong, that
we had no power to stem it in any way. So we concluded
to abandon our canoes, come to shore, bury our furs, and
make our way across the peninsula to the coast of California,
which we thought from the information of the Indians, could
not be very distant.
1824-1830] Pattie's Personal Narrative 205
On the 1 6th, we completed the burying of our furs, and
started on foot with our packs on our backs. The contents
of these [153] packs were two blankets for each man, a con-
siderable quantity of dried beaver meat, and a rifle with the
ammunition. Our first day's journey was through a coun-
try to the last degree trying to our strength and patience. It
was through the river bottom, which was thick set with low,
scrubby brush, interwoven with tall grass, vines and creepers.
The making our way through these was excessively slav-
ish and fatiguing. We had a single alleviation. There was
plenty of fresh water to drink. We were so fatigued at night,
that sleep was irresistible. The weather was warm, and we
kindled no fire, through fear of the savages. We started on
the morning of the i8th, all complaining much of stiffness
and soreness of our limbs. We had been unused to walking
for a great length of time; and this commencement was
a rude experiment of resuming the habit. At two in the
afternoon, we reached the edge of a large salt plain, which
runs parallel with the river. Here we struck a north west
course, and travelled the remainder of this hot and fatiguing
day without finding any water. We began to suffer severely
from thirst. The earth, also, was so loose and sandy, that
at every step we sank up to our ankles, the sun beaming
down a fierce radiance the while; which made it seem as if
the heavens and the earth were on fire. Our tongues became
so parched, that not a particle of moisture flowed into our
mouths. In this miserable and forlorn condition, aban-
doned by strength, courage and hope, we found some little
alleviation of our misery, when the blaze of the sun was gone,
and the cool night enabled us to throw down our weary and
exhausted bodies under its dewy shade.
We made an early start in the morning, and pushed on
as men, as thirsty as we were, naturally would, in the hope
of finding water, until two in the afternoon. What a sight
of joy ! I have no words to express our delight at the sight
206 Early Western Travels [Vol. 18
of a little lake before us. We sprang greedily to it. The
water was salt, too salt to be drank! Not the slightest
indication of any other water course, or any omen of fresh
water was any where in view. Far in the distance a snow-
covered mountain glittered in the [154] sun, and on the
opposite shore of this salt lake, and at a distance of three or
four miles from it, rose some hills of considerable height.
We thought that from the summit of these hills we might
possibly discover some water. We gathered dry flags, of
which there was a great abundance about us, and made a
kind of raft, on which each one of us put his pack, and
swam the lake, pushing the little rafts that carried our
packs, before us. The lake is about two hundred yards
wide, and contains a great variety of fish. In length the
lake stretches north and south, bounded on each shore
with high, level and well timbered land, though apparently
affording no fresh water.
When we reached the west shore of the lake, we saw
fresh Indian foot-prints in the sand. This assured us, that
there was water at no great distance. One of our company
and myself started and ascended the highest peak of the
hills in our view. We were not long in descrying a smoke
in the south, at the distance of about ten miles. This sight
gave us great courage and hope; for we felt assured that
there must be water between us and the Indian camp.
In a moment we started back with a vigorous step, to
inform our companions, who were resting themselves under
the shade of a tree. The information re-animated them,
as it had us. We all shouldered our packs with a degree of
alacrity, and pushed on toward the smoke. — We arrived
about three in the afternoon on a small mound, within a
quarter of a mile of the Indians. We could distinctly num-
ber them, and found them between forty and fifty in number,
and their women and children were with them.
Here again was anxious ground of debate, what course
1824-1830] Pattie's Personal Narrative 207
we should pursue ? should we attempt the long and uncertain
course of conciliation, before the accomplishment of which
we might perish with thirst ? or should we rush among them,
and buy the delicious element which we had full in view,
at the hazard of our lives? Men as thirsty as we were,
would be likely to fix upon the latter alternative, and we
did so. We examined our arms to see that we were pre-
pared to attack, or repel, according to circumstances, de-
termined to fire upon them, if they [155] showed either a
disposition for fight, or to keep us from the water.
We were within a hundred and fifty yards of them before
they perceived us. As soon as they saw us they all fled to
the bushes, men, women and children, as though satan was
behind them. We had no disposition to arrest them, but
rushed forward to the water, and began to slake our burning
thirst. My father immediately cautioned us against drink-
ing too much, pointing out at the same time the hurtful
consequences. But men have always proved themselves
slow to resist their appetites at the command of their reason.
Most of us overloaded our empty stomachs with water, and
soon became as sick as death. After vomiting, however,
we were relieved. My father told us that we had better
stand to our arms; for that the Indians had probably only
fled to hide their women and children, and prepare them-
selves to return and fight us.
Scarcely had he finished these remarks, when we dis-
covered them bearing down upon us, painted as black as a
thunder cloud, and yelling like so many fiends. Some of
them were armed with clubs, some with bows and arrows.
We all arranged ourselves to receive them, behind the top
of a large fallen tree. When they were within rifle shot, we
made signs to them to halt, or that otherwise we should fire
upon them. They comprehended us, halted and ceased
yelling, as though they wished to hear what we had to say.
We made signs that we were friendly. At this they gazed in
208 Early Western Travels [Vol. 18
apparent confusion of thought, and seemed to be questioning
each other, touching the meaning of our signs. These signs
we continued to repeat. At length one of them called aloud
in Spanish, and asked us who we were? How delightful
were these sounds! We answered Americans. They re-
peated the name, asking us if we were friendly and Chris-
tians? To these questions we made a ready affirmative.
They then proposed a treaty with us. Nothing could be
more agreeable to us. At the same time we perceived that
only eight of their people came to us, and the remainder of
their company kept back. These eight that seemed to be
their chief [156] men, advanced to us, while the rest, with
extreme anxiety painted upon their countenances, stood
ready for action. We all sat down on the ground, and
commenced talking. They enquired with great precision,
who we were, whence we came, how we arrived here, what
was our object, and whether we had met with any misfor-
tunes? We answered these questions to their satisfaction;
and soon the pipe was lit, and we commenced smoking.
They then dug a hole in the ground, in which they buried
their war axe, and professed to deposite all ill feelings with
it. The Indian of their number, who spoke the Spanish
language, was a fugitive from the Mission of St. Catherine. —
Threatened with the punishment of some misdemeanor, he
had fled from the establishment.
After we had finished smoking, they asked us if the re-
mainder of their number might not come and converse with
us. This we objected to, unless they would bring their
women and children with them. To this order they ex-
pressed great reluctance. This reluctance by no means
tended to allay our previous jealousy of their pretended
friendship. We asked them their reasons for being unwill-
ing to bring their women and children? They answered
promptly that they did not feel it safe to put then: women
and children in our power, until they were more acquainted
1824-1830] Pattie1 s Personal Narrative 209
with us. There seemed reason in this. We observed, that
their men might come, provided they would leave their
arms behind. To this they readily assented, and called
out to their men to come on, leaving their arms behind. A
part of them seemingly much delighted, threw down their
arms and came on. The remainder equally dissatisfied,
wheeled about, and walked moodily away.
The new comers sat down in a circle round us. The
pipe was again lit and circled round. Again the terms of
the treaty were repeated, and they all expressed their satis-
faction with them. They observed, that their head chief
was absent, at the distance of two day's journey to the
south, that in three or four days he would come and see us,
desiring us to remain with them until he should come.
Nothing could be more opportune for [157] us, for we were
all excessively fatigued, and needed a few days rest. After
this they went and brought their women and children, who,
like the other Indians we had seen, were all stark naked.
At first they were excessively shy of us. This shyness wore
off, and in the course of the day changed to an eager curios-
ity to examine us, and an admiration of our red flannel shirts,
and the white skin under them; for little show of whiteness
was to be seen in our faces. They soon ventured close to
us, and with their own hands opened our bosoms, uttering
exclamations of curiosity and admiration, especially on
feeling the softness of our skins, in comparison of theirs.
They certainly seemed to prefer our complexion to theirs,
notwithstanding it had not the stamp of their fashion.
At length they made up to one of our companions, who
was of a singularly light complexion, fair soft skin, and blue
eyes. They wanted him to strip himself naked that they
might explore him thoroughly, for they seemed to be doubtful
of his being alike white in every part of his body. This,
but as mildly as possible, he refused to do. They went off
and brought a quantity of dried fish of excellent quality, and
2 1 o Early Western Travels [Vol. 18
presented him. We persuaded him to oblige these curious
and good natured women, by giving them a full view of his
body. He was persuaded to strip to his skin. This de-
lighted them, and they conversed and laughed among them-
selves, and they came one by one and stood beside him; so
as to compare their bodies with his. After this, as long as
we staid, they were constantly occupied in bringing us
cooked fish and the vegetables and roots on which they are
accustomed to feed. On the 25th, the head chief came.
He was a venerable looking man, whom I judged to be
about fifty years old. His countenance was thoughtful and
serious, and his hair a little gray. At his return his people
greeted him with an acclamation of yells, that made the
wild desert echo. The pipe was lit, and we all sat down
by him and smoked again. He was a man of but few words,
but of sound judgment. After the smoking was finished,
he asked us the same questions which had been asked us
before. We [158] made him similar answers, adding, that
we wanted to travel to the Spanish settlements and purchase
horses, upon which we might ride home to our own country,
and that we would pay him well if he would send some of
his men to guide us to those settlements. He asked us in
reply, what we had to give him? We showed him our
blankets, and he expressed himself delighted with them,
observing at the same time, that he would have preferred to
have had red cloth. On this we pulled off our red shirts and
stripped them into small pieces like ribbons, and distributed
them among the people. They tied the strips round their
legs, arms and heads, and seemed as much overjoyed with
these small tatters of worn red flannel, as we should have
been, to have brought our furs to a good market among
our own people. In giving away our red shirts, we gave
away, what in this warm climate was to us wholly unneces-
sary. To carry our blankets on our backs was a useless
burden. We gave two of them to the chief. The two guides
1824-1830] Pattie 's Personal Narrative 211
that he was to send with us we were to pay after our arrival
at the Spanish settlements. These points of contract be-
tween us were settled to the mutual satisfaction of all.
We started on the 26th, with our two guides, neither of
whom could speak Spanish, and of course we had nothing
to do but follow them in silence. We struck off a south
west course, which led in the direction of the snow covered
mountain, which still loomed up in its brightness before us.
Our guides made signs that we should arrive at the foot
about midnight, though the distance appeared to us to be
too great to be travelled over in so short a time. We were
yet to learn, that we should find no water, until we drank
that of the melted snow. We perceived, however, that their
travelling gait, worn as we were, was more rapid than ours.
We pushed on as fast as we could a league further, when
we were impeded by a high hill in our way, which was about
another league to the summit, and very precipitous and steep.
When we reached the top of it we were much exhausted, and
began to be thirsty. We could then see the arid salt plain
stretching all the way from the foot of this hill to the snow
covered mountains.
[159] We thought it inexpedient to enquire of our guides,
if there was no water to be found between us and the moun-
tain. It appeared but too probable, that such was the fact.
To know it to a certainty, would only tend to unnerve and
dishearten us. If there was any, we were aware that we
should reach it by travelling no more distance than as if we
knew the fact. We found it best to encourage the little hope
that remained, and hurried on through the drifted sand, in
which we sank up to our ankles at every step. The cloud-
less sun poured such a blaze upon it, that by the scorching
of our feet, it might have seemed almost hot enough to roast
eggs in. What with the fierce sun and the scorching sand,
and our extreme fatigue, the air seemed soon to have extracted
every particle of moisture from our bodies. In this condi-
2 1 2 Early Western Travels [Vol. 18
tion we marched on until nearly the middle of the day,
without descrying any indication of water in any quarter.
A small shrubby tree stood in our way, affording a tolerable
shade. We laid ourselves down to get a few minutes rest.
The Indians sternly beckoned us to be up and onward,
now for the first time clearly explaining to us, that there was
no water until we reached the mountains in view. This
unseasonable and yet necessary information, extinguished
the last remainder of our hope, and we openly expressed our
fears that we should none of us ever reach it.
We attempted to chew tobacco. It would raise no
moisture. We took our bullets in our mouths, and moved
them round to create a moisture, to relieve our parched
throats. We had travelled but a little farther before our
tongues had became so dry and swollen, that we could
scarcely speak so as to be understood. In this extremity
of nature, we should, perhaps, have sunk voluntarily, had
not the relief been still in view on the sides of the snow
covered mountains. We resorted to one expedient to
moisten our lips, tongue and throat, disgusting to relate,
and still more disgusting to adopt. In such predicaments
it has been found, that nature disburdens people of all con-
ditions of ceremony and disgust. Every thing bends to the
devouring thirst, and the love of life. The application of
this [160] hot and salt liquid seemed rather to enrage than
appease the torturing appetite. Though it offered such a
semblance of what would satisfy thirst, that we economized
every particle. Our amiable Dutchman was of a sweetness
of temper, that was never ruffled, and a calmness and
patience that appeared proof against all events. At another
time, what laughter would have circulated through our camp,
to hear him make merry of this expedient ! As it was, even
in this horrible condition, a faint smile circulated through
our company, as he discussed his substitute for drink.
'Veil, mine poys, dis vater of mein ish more hotter as hell,
1824-1830] Pattie1 s Personal Narrative 213
und as dick as boudden, und more zalter as de zeas. I
can't drink him. For Cod's sake, gif me some of yours,
dat is more tinner.'
Having availed ourselves to the utmost of this terrible
expedient, we marched on in company a few miles further.
Two of our companions here gave out, and lay down under
the shade of a bush. Their tongues were so swollen, and
their eyes so sunk in their heads, that they were a spectacle
to behold. We were scarcely able, from the condition of
our own mouths, to bid them an articulate farewell. We
never expected to see them again, and none of us had much
hope of ever reaching the mountain, which still raised its
white summit at a great distance from us. It was with
difficulty that we were enabled to advance one foot before
the other. Our limbs, our powers, even our very resolutions
seemed palsied. A circumstance that added to our distress,
was the excessive and dazzling brightness of the sun's rays,
so reflected in our eyes from the white sand that we were
scarcely able to see our way before us, or in what direction
to follow our guides. They, accustomed to go naked, and
to traverse these burning deserts, and be unaffected by such
trials, appeared to stand the heat and drought, like camels on
the Arabian sands. They, however, tried by their looks and
gestures to encourage us, and induce us to quicken our pace.
But it was to no purpose. However, we still kept moving
onward, and had gained a few miles more, when night
brought us shelter at least from the insupportable radiance
of the sun, and something of coolness and moisture.
[161] But it was so dark, that neither we or our guides
could discover the course. We stopped, and made a large
fire, that our companions, if yet living, and able to move,
might see where we were, and how to direct ther own course
to reach us. We also fired some guns, which, to our great
relief and pleasure, they answered by firing off theirs. We
still repeated firing guns at intervals, until they came up
214 Ear/y Western Travels [Vol. 18
with us. They supposed that we had found water, which
invigorated their spirits to such a degree, that it aroused
them to the effort they had made. When they had arrived,
and found that we had reached no water, they appeared to be
angry, and to complain that we had disturbed their repose
with false hopes, and had hindered their dying in peace.
One of them in the recklessness of despair, drew from his
package a small phial, half full of laudanum, and drank it
off, I suppose in the hope of sleeping himself quietly to
death. We all expected it would have that effect. On
the contrary, in a few moments he was exhilarated, like a
man in a state of intoxication. He was full of talk, and
laughter, and gaiety of heart. He observed, that he had
taken it in hopes that it would put him to sleep, never to
wake again, but that in fact, it had made him as well, and
as fresh, as in the morning when he started; but that if he
had imagined that it would prove such a sovereign remedy
for thirst, he would cheerfully have shared it with us. We
scraped down beneath the burning surface of the sand, until
we reached the earth that was a little cool. We then stripped
off all our clothing and lay down. Our two Indians, also
lay down beside us, covering themselves with their blankets.
My father bade me lay on the edge of one of their blankets,
so that they could not get up without awakening me. He
was fearful that they would arise, and fly from us in the
night. I implicitly conformed to my father's wish, for had
this event happened, we should all undoubtedly have per-
ished. But the Indians appear to have meditated no such
expedient, at any rate, they lay quiet until morning.
As soon as there was light enough to enable us to travel
we started, much refreshed by the coolness of the night, and
the [162] sleep we had taken. We began our morning march
with renewed alacrity. At about ten in the forenoon we
arrived at the foot of a sand hill about a half a mile in height,
and very steep. The side was composed of loose sand,
1824-1830] Pattie's Personal Narrative 215
which gave way under our feet, so that our advancing foot
steps would slide back to their former places. This soon
exhausted our little remaining strength; though we still
made many an unavailing effort to ascend. The sun was
now so high, as to beam upon us with the same insufferable
radiance of yesterday. The air which we inhaled, seemed
to scald our lungs. We at length concluded to travel towards
the north, to reach, if we might, some point where the hill
was not so steep to ascend. At two in the afternoon we
found a place that was neither so steep nor so high, and we
determined here to attempt to cross the hill. With great
exertions and infinite difficulty, a part of us gained the
summit of the hill; but my father and another of our com-
pany, somewhat advanced in years, gave out below, though
they made the most persevering efforts to reach the summit
of the hill with the rest. Age had stiffened their joints, and
laid his palsying hand upon their once active limbs, and
vigorous frames. They could endure this dreadful journey
no longer. They had become so exhausted by fruitless
efforts to climb the hill, that they could no longer drag one
foot after the other. They had each so completely aban-
doned the hope of ever reaching the water, or even gaining
the summit of the hill, that they threw themselves on the
ground, apparently convinced of their fate, and resigned to
die. I instantly determined to remain with my father, be it
for life or death. To this determination he would by no
means consent, as he remarked it would bring my destruc-
tion, without its availing him. On the contrary, he insisted,
that I should go on with the rest, and if I found any water
near at hand, that I should return with my powder horn
full. In this way he assured me, I might be instrumental
in saving my own life, and saving him at the same time.
To this I consented, and with much fatigue gained the sum-
mit of the hill, where my companions were seated waiting
for us. They seemed undetermined, [163] whether to ad-
2 1 6 Early Western Travels [Vol. 18
vance onward, or wait for my father, until I related his deter-
mination. My purpose was to proceed onward only so far,
as that, if the Almighty should enable us to reach water, I
might be able to return with a powder horn full to him and
Mr. Slover, (for that was the name of the elderly companion
that remained with him.)
This resolution was agreed to by all, as a proper one.
Being satisfied by our consciences as well as by the reasoning
of my father and his companion, that we could render them
no service by remaining with them, except to increase their
sufferings by a view of ours; and aware, that every mo-
ment was precious, we pushed on once more for the mountain.
Having descended this hill, we ascended another of the same
wearying ascent, and sandy character with the former. We
toiled on to the top of it. The Eternal Power, who hears
the ravens when they cry, and provideth springs in the
wilderness, had had mercy upon us! Imagine my joy at
seeing a clear, beautiful running stream of water, just below
us at the foot of the hill ! Such a blissful sight I had never
seen before, and never expect to see again. We all ran
down to it, and fell to drinking. In a few moments nothing
was to be heard among us, but vomiting and groaning.
Notwithstanding our mutual charges to be cautious, we had
overcharged our parched stomachs with this cold snow
water.
Notwithstanding I was sick myself, I emptied my powder
horn of its contents, filled it with water, and accompanied
by one companion, who had also filled his powder horn, I
returned towards my father and Mr. Slover, his exhausted
companion, with a quick step. We found them in the same
position in which we had left them, that is, stretched on the
sand at full length, under the unclouded blaze of the sun,
and both fast asleep ; a sleep from which, but for our relief,
I believe they would neither of them ever have awakened.
Their lips were black, and their parched mouths wide open.
1824-1830] Pattie's Personal Narrative 219
Their unmoving posture and their sunken eyes so resembled
death, that I ran in a fright to my father, thinking him, for
a moment, really dead. But he easily awakened, and drank
the refreshing water. My companion [164] at the same
time bestowed his horn of water upon Mr. Slover. In the
course of an hour they were both able to climb the hill, and
some time before dark we rejoined the remainder of our
company. They had kindled a large fire, and all seemed in
high spirits. As for our two Indians, they were singing,
and dancing, as it seemed to us, in a sort of worship of thank-
fulness to the Great Spirit, who had led them through so
much peril and toil to these refreshing waters. We roasted
some of our beaver meat, and took food for the first time in
forty-eight hours, that is to say, from the time we left our
Indian friends, until we reached this water. Our Dutchman
insisted that the plain over which we passed, should be
named the devil's plain, for he insisted, that it was more
hotter as hell, and that none but teyvils could live upon it.
In fact, it seemed a more fitting abode for fiends, than any
living thing that belongs to our world. During our passage
across it, we saw not a single bird, nor the track of any
quadruped, or in fact any thing that had life, not even a
sprig, weed or grass blade, except a single shrubby tree,
under which we found a little shade. This shrub, though
of some height, resembled a prickly pear, and was covered
thick with thorns. The prickly pears were in such abun-
dance, that we were often, dazzled as our eyes were with the
sun's brightness, puzzled to find a path so as neither to
torment our feet or our bodies with the thorns of these
hated natives of the burning sands. This very extensive
plain, the Sahara of California, runs north and south, and
is bounded on each side by high barren mountains, some of
which are covered with perpetual snow.
On the 28th, we travelled up this creek about three miles,
and killed a deer, which much delighted our two Indian
22O Early Western Travels [Vol. 18
guides. At this point we encamped for the night. Here
are abundance of palm trees and live oaks, and considerable
of mascal. We remained until the 3d of March, when we
marched up this creek, which heads to the south, forming a
low gap in the mountain. On the yth, we arrived at the
point, and found some of the Christian Indians from the
Mission of St. Catharine. They were roasting mascal and
the tender inside heads of the [165] palm trees for food,
which, when prepared and cooked after their fashion,
becomes a very agreeable food. From these Indians we
learned that we were within four days' travel of the mission
mentioned above.
Here we concluded to discharge our guides, and travel
into the settlement with the Christian Indians. We gave
them each a blanket, and they started back to their own
people on the morning of the 8th. At the same time we
commenced our journey with our new guides, and began to
climb the mountain. This is so exceedingly lofty, as to
require two days' travel and a half to gain its summit.
During this ascent, I severely bruised my heel. We none
of us wore any thing to shield our feet from the bare and
sharp rocks, which composed almost the whole surface of
this ascent, but thin deer skin moccasins. Obliged to walk
on tip toe, and in extreme anguish, the severe fatigue of
scrambling up sharp stones was any thing, rather than
agreeable. But I summoned patience and courage to push
on until the i2th. My leg then became so swollen and in-
flamed that it was out of my power to travel farther. The
pain was so severe as to create fever. I lay myself down on
the side of a sharp rock, resigning myself to my fate, and
determined to make no effort to travel further, until I felt
relieved. My companions all joined with my father, in
encouraging me to rise, and make an effort to reach the
mission, which they represented to be but three miles dis-
tant. It was out of the question for me to think of it, and
1824-1830] Pattie's Personal Narrative 221
they concluded to go to the settlement, and obtain a horse,
and send out for me. I kindled me a fire, for I suffered
severe chills. The Indians gave me the strictest caution
against allowing myself to go to sleep in their absence.
The reason they assigned for their caution was a substantial
one. The grizzly bear, they said, was common on these
mountains, and would attack and devour me, unless I kept
on my guard. I paid little attention to their remarks at the
time. But when they were gone, and I was left alone, I
examined the priming, and picked the flints of my gun and
pistol. I then lay down and slept, until sometime in the
early part of the night, when [166] two Indians came out
from the settlement, and informed me that the corporal of
the guards at St. Catharines97 wished me to come in. Being
feverish, stiff, sore and withal testy, I gave them and their
corporal no very civil words. They said that the corporal
only wanted me to come in, because he was afraid the
grizzly bears would kill me. I asked them why they did
not bring a horse for me? They informed me, that the
Mission had none at disposal at that time, but that they
would carry me on their backs. So I was obliged to avail
myself of this strange conveyance, and mounted the back of
one of them while the other carried my arms. In this way
they carried me in, where I found my companions in a
guard house. I was ordered to enter with them by a swarthy
looking fellow, who resembled a negro, rather than a white.
I cannot describe the indignation I felt at this revolting
breach of humanity to people in suffering, who had thrown
themselves on the kindness and protection of these Span-
iards. We related the reasons why we had come in after
this manner. We showed them our passport, which certi-
fied to them, that we were neither robbers, murderers, nor
" Santa Catalina was the last mission founded in Lower California. It was
established by the Dominicans (1797) in the mountains, back from the coast, about
latitude 31° 20', on the headwaters of River St. Quentin. — ED.
222 Early Western Travels [Vol. 18
spies. To all this their only reply was, how should they
know whether we had come clandestinely, and with improper
views, or not? Against this question, proposed by such
people, all reasonings were thrown away. — The cowardly
and worthless are naturally cruel. We were thrown com-
pletely in their power; and instead of that circumstance
exciting any generous desires to console and relieve us, their
only study seemed to be to vex, degrade, and torment us.
Here we remained a week, living on corn mush, which we
received once a day; when a guard of soldiers came to con-
duct us from this place. This mission is situated in a valley,
surrounded by high mountains, with beautiful streams of
water flowing from them. The natives raise sufficient corn
and wheat to serve for the subsistence of the mission. The
mission establishment is built in a quadrangular form; all
the houses forming the quadrangle contiguous to each other;
and one of the angles is a large church, adjoining which are
the habitations of [167] the priests; though at this time
there happened to be none belonging to this at home. The
number of Indians belonging to the mission at this time,
was about five hundred. They were destitute of stock, on
account of its having been plundered from them by the free,
wild Indians of the desert. The air is very cool and tem-
perate, and hard frosts are not uncommon. This cool
temperature of the atmosphere I suppose to be owing to
the immediate proximity of the snowy mountains.
On the 1 8th, we started under the conduct of a file of
soldiers, who led us two days' travel, over very high moun-
tains, a south west course, to another mission, called St.
Sebastian, situated near the sea coast, in a delightful valley,
surrounded, like the other, by lofty mountains, the sides of
which present magnificent views of the ocean. This mission
contains six hundred souls. This mission establishment,
though much richer and neater than the other, is, however,
built on a precisely similar plan. Here they have rich
1824-1830] Patties Personal Narrative 223
vineyards, and raise a great variety of the fruits of almost
all climates. They also raise their own supplies of grain,
and have a tolerable abundance of stock, both of the larger
and smaller kinds.
A Serjeant has the whole military command. We found
him of a dark and swarthy complexion, though a man of
tolerable information. He seemed disposed to conduct
towards us with some courtesy and kindness. He saluted
us with politeness, conducted us to the guard house, and
begged us to content ourselves, as well as we could, until he
could make some more satisfactory arrangements for our
comfort and convenience. To put him to the proof of his
professed kindness, we told him that we were very hungry.
They soon had a poor steer killed, that reeled as it walked,
and seemed sinking by natural decay. A part of the blue
flesh was put boiling in one pot, and a parcel of corn in the
other. The whole process reminded me strongly of the
arrangements which we make in Kentucky, to prepare a
mess for a diseased cow. When this famous feast was
cooked, we were marched forth into the yard, in great cere-
mony, to eat it. All the men, women and children clus-
tered round us, and [168] stood staring at us while we were
eating, as though they had been at a menagerie to see some
wild and unknown animals. — When we were fairly seated
to our pots, and began to discuss the contents, disgusted alike
with the food, with them, and their behaviour, we could not
forbear asking them whether they really took us to be human
beings, or considered us as brutes? They looked at each
other a moment, as if to reflect and frame an answer, and
then replied coolly enough, that not being Christians, they
considered us little superior to brutes. To this we replied,
with a suitable mixture of indignation and scorn, that we
considered ourselves better Christians than they were, and
that if they did not give us something to eat more befitting
men, we would take our guns, live where we pleased, and eat
224 Early Western Travels [Vol. 18
venison and other good things, where we chose. This was
not mere bravado, for, to our astonishment, we were still in
possession of our arms. We had made no resistance to
their treating us as prisoners, as we considered them nothing
more than petty and ignorant officers, whom we supposed
to have conducted improperly, from being unacquainted
with their duty. We were all confident, that as soon as
intelligence of our arrival should reach the commanding
officer of this station, and how we had been detained, and
treated as prisoners, we should not only be released from
prison, but recompensed for our detention.
This determination of ours appeared to alarm them. The
information of our menaces, no doubt with their own com-
ments, soon reached the serjeant. He immediately came
to see us, while we were yet at our pots, and enquired of us,
what was our ground of complaint and dissatisfaction ? We
pointed to the pots, and asked him if he thought such food
becoming the laws of hospitality to such people ? He stepped
up to the pots, and turning over the contents, and examining
them with his fingers, enquired in an angry tone, who had
served up such food to us ? He added, that it was not fit to
give a dog, and that he would punish those who had pro-
cured it. He comforted us, by assuring us that we should
have something fit to eat cooked for us. We immediately
returned quietly to the guard house. But a [169] short time
ensued before he sent us a good dish of fat mutton, and some
tortillas. This was precisely the thing our appetites craved,
and we were not long in making a hearty meal. After we
had fed to our satisfaction, he came to visit us, and interro-
gated us in what manner, and with what views we had visited
the country? We went into clear, full and satisfactory
details of information in regard to every thing that could
have any interest to him, as an officer; and told him that
our object was to purchase horses, on which we might return
to our own country; and that we wished him to intercede
1824-1830] P attic* s Personal Narrative 225
in our behalf with the commander in chief, that we might
have permission to purchase horses and mules among them,
for this purpose. He promised to do this, and returned to
his apartment.
The amount of his promise was, that he would reflect upon
the subject, and in the course of four days write to his com-
mander, from whom he might expect an answer in a fort-
night.— When we sounded him as to the probability of such
a request being granted, he answered with apparent con-
viction, that he had no doubt that it would be in our favor.
As our hopes were intensely fixed upon this issue, we awaited
this answer with great anxiety. The commander at this
time was at the port of San Diego. During this period of
our suspense, we had full liberty to hunt deer in the woods,
and gather honey from the blossoms of the Mascal, which
grows plentifully on the sea shore. Every thing in this
strange and charming country being new, we were continually
contemplating curiosities of every sort, which quieted our
solicitude, and kept alive the interest of our attention.
We used to station ourselves on the high pinnacles of the
cliffs, on which this vast sea pours its tides, and the retreating
or advancing tide showed us the strange sea monsters of
that ocean, such as seals, sea otters, sea elephants, whales,
sharks, sword fish, and various other unshapely sea dwellers.
Then we walked on the beach, and examined the infinite
variety of sea shells, all new and strange to us.
Thus we amused ourselves, and strove to kill the time
until the 2oth, when the answer of the commander arrived,
which [170] explained itself at once, by a guard of soldiers,
with orders to conduct us to the port of San Diego, where he
then resided. We were ordered to be in immediate readi-
ness to start for that port. This gave us unmingled satis-
faction, for we had an undoubting confidence, that when we
should really have attained the presence of an officer whom
we supposed a gentleman, and acting independently of the
226 Early Western Travels [Vol. 18
authority of others, he would make no difficulty in granting
a request so reasonable as ours. We started on the 2d,
guarded by sixteen soldiers and a corporal. They were all
on horseback, and allowed us occasionally to ride, when they
saw us much fatigued. Our first day's journey was a north
course, over very rough mountains, and yet, notwithstanding
this, we made twenty-five miles distance on our way.
At night we arrived at another mission, situated like the
former, on a charming plain. The mission is called St.
Thomas.98 These wise and holy men mean to make sure of
the rich and pleasant things of the earth, as well as the king-
dom of heaven. They have large plantations, with splendid
orchards and vineyards. The priest who presides over this
establishment, told me that he had a thousand Indians under
his care. During every week in the year, they kill thirty
beeves for the subsistence of the mission. The hides and
tallow they sell to vessels that visit their coast, in exchange
for such goods as they need.
On the following morning, we started early down this
valley, which led us to the sea shore, along which we travelled
the remainder of the day. This beautiful plain skirts the
sea shore, and extends back from it about four miles. This
was literally covered with horses and cattle belonging to the
mission. The eye was lost beyond this handsome plain in
contemplating an immeasurable range of mountains, which
we were told thronged with wild horses and cattle, which
often descend from their mountains to the plains, and entice
away the domesticated cattle with them. The wild oats
and clover grow spontaneously, and in great luxuriance, and
were now knee high. In the evening we arrived at the port
of Todos Santos, and there passed the night. Early on the
23d, we marched on. This day we [171] travelled over some
18 The mission of Santo Tomis de Aquino was founded by the Dominicans in
1790. It is situated about fifty miles northwest of Santa Catalina, on a river to
which it gives a name, Rio Santo Tomas. — ED.
1824-1830] Pattie's Personal Narrative 227
tracts that were very rough, and arrived at a mission situated
immediately on the sea board, called St. Michael." Like
the rest, it was surrounded with splendid orchards, vineyards
and fields; and was, for soil, climate and position, all that
could be wished. The old superintending priest of the
establishment showed himself very friendly, and equally
inquisitive. He invited us to sup with him, an invitation we
should not be very likely to refuse. We sat down to a large
table, elegantly furnished with various dishes of the country,
all as usual highly seasoned. Above all, the supply of
wines was various and abundant. The priest said grace at
the close, when fire and cigars were brought in by the attend-
ants, and we began to smoke. We sat and smoked, and
drank wine, until 12 o'clock. The priest informed us that
the population of his mission was twelve hundred souls, and
the weekly consumption, fifty beeves, and a corresponding
amount of grain. The mission possessed three thousand
head of domesticated and tamed horses and mules. From
the droves which I saw in the plains, I should not think this
an extravagant estimation. In the morning he presented
my father a saddle mule, which he accepted, and we started.
This day's travel still carried us directly along the verge of
the sea shore, and over a plain equally rich and beautiful
with that of the preceding day. We amused ourselves with
noting the spouting of the huge whales, which seemed
playing near the strand for our especial amusement. We
saw other marine animals and curiosities to keep our interest
in the journey alive. In the evening we arrived at a Ranch,
called Buenos Aguos, or Good Water, where we encamped
for the night.
We started early on the 25th, purchasing a sheep of a
shepherd, for which we paid him a knife. At this Ranch
they kept thirty thousand head of sheep, belonging to the
mission which we had left. We crossed a point of the moun-
99 San Miguel, established in 1782, is about thirty miles south of San Diego. — ED.
228 Early Western Travels [Vol. 18
tain that made into the water's edge. On the opposite side
of this mountain was another Ranch, where we staid the
night. This Ranch is for the purposes of herding horses
and cattle, of which [172] they have vast numbers. On the
26th, our plain lay outstretched before us as beautiful as
ever. In the evening we came in sight of San Diego, the
place where we were bound.100 In this port was one mer-
chant vessel, which we were told was from the United States,
the ship Franklin, of Boston. We had then arrived within
about a league of the port. The corporal who had charge of
us here, came and requested us to give up our arms, inform-
ing us, it was the customary request to all strangers; and that
it was expected that our arms would be deposited in the guard
house before we could speak with the commander, or
general. We replied, that we were both able and disposed
to carry our arms to the guard house ourselves, and deposite
them there if such was our pleasure, at our own choice. He
replied that we could not be allowed to do this, for that we
were considered as prisoners, and under his charge; and
that he should become responsible in his own person, if he
should allow us to appear before the general, bearing our
own arms. This he spoke with a countenance of serious-
ness, which induced us to think that he desired no more
in this request than the performance of his duty. We there-
fore gave him up our rifles, not thinking that this was the
last time we should have the pleasure of shouldering these
trusty friends. Having unburdened ourselves of our de-
fence, we marched on again, and arrived, much fatigued, at
the town at 3 o'clock in the evening. Our arms were
stacked on the side of the guard house, and we threw our
fatigued bodies as near them as we could, on the ground.
An officer was dispatched to the general to inform him of
100 A presidio was established at San Diego in 1769, and troops stationed there.
Although not the capital at the time of Pattie's imprisonment, Governor Echeandia
preferred its climate to that of Monterey, and made it his permanent residence.
The present city of San Diego dates only from 1867, and is five or six miles distant
from the old site. — ED.
1824-1830] Pattie's Personal Narrative . 229
our arrival, and to know whether we could have an imme-
diate audience or not ? In a short time the officer returned
with an answer for us, that we must remain where we were
until morning, when the general would give us a hearing.
We were still sanguine in seeing only omens of good. We
forgot our past troubles, opened our bosom to hope, and
resigned ourselves to profound sleep. It is true, innumer-
able droves of fleas performed their evolutions, and bit all
their pleasure upon our bodies. — [173] But so entire was
our repose, that we scarcely turned for the night. No
dreams of what was in reserve for us the following day
floated across our minds; though in the morning my body
was as spotted as though I had the measles, and my shirt
specked with innumerable stains of blood, let by the ingenious
lancets of these same Spanish fleas.
On the 27th, at eight A. M., we were ushered into the
general's office, with our hats in our hands, and he began his
string of interrogations. The first question was, who we
were? We answered, Americans. He proceeded to ask
us, how we came on the coast, what was our object, and had
we a passport ? In answer to these questions we again went
over the story of our misfortunes. We then gave him the
passport which we had received from the governor of Santa
Fe. He examined this instrument, and with a sinister and
malicious smile, observed, that he believed nothing of all
this, but considered us worse than thieves and murderers;
in fact, that he held us to be spies for the old Spaniards, and
that our business was to lurk about the country, that we
might inspect the weak and defenceless points of the fron-
tiers, and point them out to the Spaniards, in order that they
might introduce their troops into the country; but that he
would utterly detect us, and prevent our designs. — This
last remark he uttered with a look of vengeance; and then
reperused the passport, which he tore in pieces, saying, it was
no passport, but a vile forgery of our own contrivance.
Though amazed and confounded at such an unexpected
230 Early Western Travels [Vol. 18
charge, we firmly asserted our innocence in regard to any of
the charges brought against us. We informed him that we
were born and bred thorough and full blooded republicans;
and that there was not a man of us who would not prefer to
die, rather than to be the spies and instruments of the Span-
ish king, or any other king; and that but a few years since,
we had all been engaged in fighting the forces of a king,
allied with savages, and sent against the country of our home;
and that on this very expedition we had been engaged in a
great many battles with the Indians, hostile to his people,
redeeming their captives, [174] and punishing their robberies
and murders. In distress, and in want of every thing from
the robbery of these hostile Indians, we had taken refuge
in his country, and claimed its protection. We told him we
considered it an unworthy return for such general deport-
ment, and such particular services to their country, that
we should be viewed as spies, and treated as prisoners.
He stopped us in the midst of our plea, apparently through
fear that representations, which must have carried conviction
to his prejudiced mind, might tend to soften his obdurate
heart, and unnerve his purpose towards us. He told us he
did not wish to hear any more of our long speeches, which
he considered no better than lies; for that if we had been true
and bona fide citizens of the United States, we should not
have left our country without a passport, and the certificate
of our chief magistrate. We replied that the laws of our
country did not require that honest, common citizens, should
carry passports; that it did not interfere with the individual
business and pursuits of private individuals; that such
persons went abroad and returned unnoted by the govern-
ment; and in all well regulated states, sufficiently protected
by the proof that they were citizens of the United States; but
that there were in our country two classes of people, for
whom passports were necessary, slaves and soldiers; that
for the slave it was necessary to have one, to certify that he
1824-1830] Pattie's Personal Narrative 231
was travelling with the knowledge and permission of his
master; and for the soldier, to show that he was on furlough,
or otherwise abroad with the permission of his officer. As
we spoke this with emphasis, and firmness, he told us that
he had had enough of our falsehoods, and begged us to be
quiet. He ordered us to be remanded to our prison, and
was immediately obeyed.
As we were driven out of his office, my father, who was
exceedingly exasperated, observed, 'my boys, as soon as
we arrive in the guard house, let us seize our arms and
redress ourselves, or die in the attempt; for it seems to me
that these scoundrels mean to murder us.' We all unani-
mously agreed to this advice, and walked back with a willing
mind, and an alert step. [175] But our last hope of redress-
ing ourselves, and obtaining our liberty was soon extin-
guished. On entering the guard house, our arms had been
removed we knew not where. They had even the impudence
to search our persons and to take from us even our pocket
knives. The orderly sergeant then told us, that he was
under the necessity of placing us in separate apartments.
This last declaration seemed the death stroke to us all.
Affliction and mutual suffering and danger had endeared
us to each other, and this separation seemed like rending
our hearts. Overcome by the suddenness of the blow, I
threw my arms round the neck of my father, burst into tears,
and exclaimed, 'that I foresaw, that the parting would be
forever.' Though my father seemed subdued, and absorbed
in meditation, he reproved this expression of my feelings, as
weak and unmanly. The sergeant having observed my
grief, asked me, pointing to him, if that was my father?
When he learned that it was, he showed himself in some
degree affected, and remarked, that it seemed cruel to sepa-
rate father and child, and that he would go and explain the
relationship to the general, and see if he could not obtain
permission for us to remain together. On this he set off
232 Early Western Travels [Vol. 18
for the general's office, leaving me in the agony of suspense,
and the rest gazing at each other in mute consternation and
astonishment. The sergeant returned, informing me, that
instead of being softened, the general had only been exas-
perated, and had in nothing relaxed his orders, which were,
that we must immediately be put in separate confinement.
He accordingly ordered some soldiers to assist in locking
us up. We embraced each other, and followed our con-
ductors to our separate prisons. I can affirm, that I had
only wished to live, to sustain the increasing age and infirm-
ities of my father. When I shook hands with him, and we
were torn in sunder, I will say nothing of my feelings, for
words would have no power to describe them. As I entered
my desolate apartment, the sergeant seemed really affected,
and assured me, that neither my companions nor myself
should suffer any want of food or drink, as far as he could
prevent it, for that he did not consider us guilty, nor worthy
of such treatment.
[176] My prison was a cell eight or ten feet square, with
walls and floor of stone. A door with iron bars an inch
square crossed over each other, like the bars of window
sashes, and it grated on its iron hinges, as it opened to
receive me. Over the external front of this prison was
inscribed in capital letters Destination de la Cattivo. Our
blankets were given us to lie upon. My father had a small
package of medicines which he gave in charge to the ser-
geant, binding him on his word of honor not to part with it
to any one. My door was locked, and I was left to reflect
upon our position and my past misfortunes; and to survey
the dreary walls of my prison. Here, I thought, was my
everlasting abode. Liberty is dear to every one, but doubly
dear to one, who had been from infancy accustomed to free
range, and to be guided by his own will. Put a man, who
has ranged the prairies, and exulted in the wilderness, as I
have for years, in a prison, to let him have a full taste of the
1824-1830] Pattie's Personal Narrative 233
blessings of freedom, and the horror of shackles and con-
finement ! I passed the remainder of the day in fierce walk-
ing backwards and forwards over my stone floor, with no
object to contemplate, but my swarthy sentinel, through the
grate. He seemed to be true to his office, and fitly selected
for his business, for I thought I saw him look at me through
the grate with the natural exultation and joy of a bad and
malicious heart in the view of misery.
When the darkness of night came to this dreary place,
it was the darkness of the grave. Every ray of light was
extinct. I spread my blankets on the stone floor, in hopes
at least to find, for a few hours, in the oblivion of sleep, some
repose from the agitation of my thoughts. But in this hope
I was disappointed. With every other friend and solace,
sleep too, fled from me. My active mind ranged every where,
and returned only to unavailing efforts to imagine the condi-
tion and feelings of my father and what would be our
ultimate fate. I shut my eyes by an effort, but nature
would have her way, and the eyelids would not close.
At length a glimmer of daylight, through my grate,
relieved this long and painful effort to sleep. I arose, went
to my grate, [177] and took all possible survey of what I
could see. Directly in front of it was the door of the gen-
eral's office, and he was standing in it. I gazed on him
awhile. Ah ! that I had had but my trusty rifle well charged
to my face! Could I but have had the pleasure of that
single shot, I think I would have been willing to have pur-
chased it by my life. But wishes are not rifle balls, and will
not kill.
The church bell told eight in the morning. The drum
rolled. A soldier came, and handed me in something to
eat. It proved to be dried beans and corn cooked with
rancid tallow! The contents were about a pint. I took
it up, and brought it within the reach of my nostrils, and
sat it down in unconquerable loathing. When the soldier
234 Early Western Travels [Vol. 18
returned in the evening to bring me more, I handed him
my morning ration untasted and just as it was. He asked
me in a gruff tone why I had not eaten it ? I told him the
smell of it was enough, and that I could not eat it. He
threw the contents of the dish in my face, muttering some-
thing which amounted to saying, that it was good enough
for such a brute as I was. To this I answered, that if being
a brute gave claims upon that dish, I thought he had best
eat it himself. On this he flung away in a passion, and
returned no more that night, for which I was not sorry. Had
the food even been fit to eat, my thoughts were too dark and
my mind too much agitated to allow me appetite. In fact,
I felt myself becoming sick.
At night I was visited by the serjeant, who asked me
about my health and spirits in a tone and manner, that
indicated real kindness of feeling. I trusted in the reality
of his sympathy, and told him, I was not well. He then
questioned me, if I had eaten any thing? I told him no,
and explained to him the double reason, why I had eaten
nothing. He answered that he would remove one of the
causes, by sending me something good. I then asked him
if he had seen my father? He said he had, though he had
been unable to hold any conversation with him, for want of
his understanding Spanish. I thanked him for this mani-
festation of friendship, and he left me. In a [178] short
time he returned with two well cooked and seasoned dishes.
I begged him to take it first to my father, and when he had
eaten what he wished, he might bring the remainder to me,
and I would share it among my companions. He assured
me that my father was served with the same kind of food,
and that my companions should not be forgotten in the
distribution. While I was eating, he remained with me,
and asked me, if I had a mother, and brothers, and sisters
in my own country? My heart was full, as I answered him.
He proceeded to question me, how long it had been since I
1824-1830! Pattie's Personal Narrative 235
had seen them or heard from them, and in what I had been
occupied, during my long absence from my country? My
misfortunes appeared to affect him. When I had finished
eating, he enquired how I had passed the preceding night?
In all his questions, he displayed true humanity and tender-
ness of heart. When he left me, he affectionately wished
me good night. This night passed as sleepless and uncom-
fortable as the preceding one. Next day the kind serjeant
brought my dinner again, though from anxiety and growing
indisposition I was unable to eat. At night he came again
with my supper, and to my surprise accompanied by his
sister, a young lady of great personal beauty. Her first
enquiry was that of a kind and affectionate nature, and con-
cerned my father. She enquired about my age, and all the
circumstances that induced me to leave my country ? I took
leave to intimate in my answer, my extreme anxiety to see
my relatives, and return to my country, and in particular,
that it was like depriving me of life, in this strange land, and
in prison, to separate me from my old and infirm father.
She assured me that she would pray for our salvation, and
attempt to intercede with the general in our behalf, and
that while we remained in prison, she would allow us to
suffer nothing, which her power, means or influence could
supply. She then wished me a good night, and departed.
I know not what is the influence of the ministration of a
kind spirit, like hers, but this night my sleep was sound and
dreamless.
She frequently repeated these kind visits, and redeemed
to the letter all her pledges of kindness. For I suffered for
nothing [179] in regard to food or drink. A bed was pro-
vided for me, and even a change of clothing. This un-
deviating kindness greatly endeared her to me. About this
time, Captain John Bradshaw, of the ship Franklin, and
Rufus Perkins, his supercargo, asked leave of the general,
to come and visit us. The general denied them. But Cap-
236 Early Western Travels [Vol. 18
tain Bradshaw, like a true hearted American, disregarded
the little brief authority of this miserable republican despot,
and fearless of danger and the consequences, came to see
me without leave. When I spoke to him about our buried
furs, he asked me about the chances and the means we had
to bring them in ? And whether we were disposed to make
the effort, and if we succeeded, to sell them to him? The
prisoners, as he separately applied to them, one and all
assured him, that nothing would give them more pleasure.
He assured us, that he would leave nothing in his power
undone, in making efforts to deliver us from our confinement.
We thanked him for this proffered friendship, and he
departed.
His first efforts in our favor were directed to gaining the
friendship of the general, in order to soften his feelings in
regard to us. But in this he entirely failed. He then
adopted an innocent stratagem, which was more successful.
He informed the general that he had business with a Spanish
merchant in port, which he could not transact for want of
some one who could speak the language fluently, who would
interpret for him, that he understood that one of the Amer-
ican prisoners could speak the language perfectly well, and
that if he would allow that prisoner to come and interpret
for him a few hours, he would bind himself in a bond to
any amount, that the prisoner at the expiration of his services,
would return voluntarily to his prison. To this the general
gave his consent. Captain Bradshaw came to my prison,
and I was permitted by the general's order to leave my
prison.
When I went abroad, Captain Bradshaw conducted me to
the office of an old captain, who had charge of the arms. We
begged him to intercede with the general to obtain his per-
mission, that we might go out and bring in our furs. We
informed [180] him, that Captain Bradshaw and the super-
cargo, Rufus Perkins, would be our security in any amount,
1824-1830] Pattie's Personal Narrative 237
that the general was disposed to name, that we would return,
and surrender ourselves to him, at the close of the expedition.
He was at once satisfied of our honor and integrity, and that
we were by no means those spies, whom the general took us
for, and he promised to use all his influence with the general,
to persuade him to dispatch us for our furs. We assured him,
that in addition to our other proofs, that we were bonafide
Americans, and true republicans, we had documents under
the proper signature of the President of the United States,
which we hoped, would be sufficient to satisfy him, and every
one, who we were. He asked to see those papers, of which
I spoke. I told him they were my father's commission of
first lieutenant in the ranging service, during the late war
with England, and an honorable discharge at the close of
the war. He promised to communicate this information
to the general, and departed, proposing to return in half an
hour. During this interval, we walked to my father's cell,
and I had the satisfaction of speaking with him through the
grates. He asked me if I had been visited by a beautiful
young lady? When I assented, he replied, that this charm-
ing young woman, as a ministering angel, had also visited
his cell with every sort of kindness and relief, which she had
extended to each one of our companions. I had the satis-
faction afterwards, of speaking with each one of our com-
panions. I need not add, how much delighted we were to
speak with one another once more. From these visits I
returned to the office of the captain of arms.
We found him waiting with the most painful intelligence.
Nothing could move the general, to allow us to go out and
bring in our furs. He expressed a wish, notwithstanding,
to see the commission of which I had spoken, and that I
should return to my cell. I gave the papers to Captain
Bradshaw, requesting him to return them to my father,
after the general should have examined them. This he
promised, and I took my leave of him, returning to my
238 Early Western Travels [Vol. 18
dreary prison, less buoyant and more completely desponding
of my liberty than ever.
[181] In a few moments Captain Bradshaw and Perkins
came again to my cell, and said that the general had no faith
in our papers, and could not be softened by any entreaty, to
give us our liberty. As he said this, the sentinel came up,
and stopped him short in his conversation, and ordered them
off affirming, that it was the general's express command,
that he should not be allowed to see or speak with me again.
They however pledged their honor as they left me, that
whenever an occasion offered, they would yield us all the
assistance in their power, and wishing me better fortune,
they departed.
A fortnight elapsed in this miserable prison, during which
I had no other consolation, than the visits of the young lady,
and even these, such was the strictness of the general's
orders, were like all angel visits, few and far between. At
length a note was presented me by the serjeant, from my
father. What a note ! I appeal to the heart of every good
son to understand what passed within me. This note was
written on a piece of paste board torn from his hat. The
characters were almost illegible, for they were written with
a stick, and the ink was blood, drawn from his aged veins!
He informed me that he was very ill, and without any hope
of recovery, that he had but one wish on this side the grave,
and that was,'to see me once more before he died. He begged
me to spare no entreaties, that the general would grant me
permission to come and see him a last time; but, that if
this permission could not be obtained, to be assured, that
he loved me, and remembered me affectionately, in death.
This letter pierced me to the heart. O, could I have
flown through my prison walls! Had I possessed the
strength of the giants, how soon would I have levelled them,
even had I drawn down destruction on my own head in
doing it. But I could own nothing in my favour, but a fierce
1824-1830] Pattie's Personal Narrative 239
and self devouring will. In hopes that the heart of the
general was not all adamant, I entreated the serjeant
to go and inform him of my father's illness, and his desire
to see me once more, and to try to gain permission that
I might have leave to attend upon him, or if that might
not be, to visit him once more, according to his wish. He
went [182] in compliance with my entreaties, and in a few
minutes returned with a dejected countenance, from which
I at once inferred what was the fate of my application. His
voice faltered as he related that the general absolutely refused
this request. Oh God ! of what stuff are some hearts made !
and this was a republican officer! What nameless tortures
and miseries do not Americans suffer in foreign climes from
those miserable despots who first injure and oppress, and
then hate the victims of their oppression, as judging their
hearts by their own, and thinking that their victims must be
full of purposes of revenge.
The honest and kind hearted serjeant hesitated not to
express manly and natural indignation, in view of this in-
human brutality of the general, in refusing a favor, called
for by the simplest dictates of humanity, a favor too, in the
granting which there could be neither difficulty nor danger.
All he could do in the case he promised to do, which was to
see that my father should want no sort of nourishment, or
aid which he could render him. I tried to thank him, but
my case was not of a kind to be alleviated by this sort of
consolation. When I thought of our expectations of relief,
when we threw ourselves in the power of these vile people,
when I took into view our innocence of even the suspicion of
a charge that could be brought against us, when I thought
of their duplicity of disarming us, and their infamous oppres-
sion as soon as we were in their power, and more than all,
when I thought of this last brutal cruelty and insult, my
whole heart and nature rose in one mingled feeling of rage,
wounded affection, and the indignation of despair. The
240 Early Western Travels [Vol. 18
image of my venerable father, suffering and dying unsolaced
and unrelieved, and with not a person, who spoke his lan-
guage, to close his eyes, and I so near him, was before me
wherever I turned my eyes.
What a horrible night ensued at the close of this day! As
the light was fading, the excellent young lady presented her-
self at my grate. She repeated all that her brother had
related to me, in regard to the cruel refusal of the general.
While she discussed this subject, the tears fell from her eyes,
and I had the consolation to know, that one person at least
felt real sympathy [183] for my distress. She added, in
faltering tones, that she was well aware that in a case like
this words were of but little avail, but that I might be assured
of the kindest attention to all the wants of my father, that
she could relieve; and that if it was the will of God, to take
him out of this world of sorrow and change, that he should
be buried decently and as if he were her own father. Judge
what I must have felt towards this noble minded and kind
hearted young lady! As she withdrew, my prayers at this
time were hearty, if never before, that God would reward her
a thousand fold in all good things, for her sympathy with our
sufferings.
Thus passed away these days of agony and suspense. The
young lady visited me as often as it was understood the
general's orders would permit, that is, once in two or three
days, bringing me food and drink, of which in the present
state of my thoughts, I had little need. In fact, I had
become so emaciated and feeble that I could hardly travel
across my prison floor. But no grief arrests the flight of
time, and the twenty-fourth of April came, in which the
Serjeant visited me and in a manner of mingled kindness and
firmness told me that my father was no more. At these
tidings, simple truth calls on me to declare, my heart felt
relieved. I am a hunter, and not a person to analyze the
feelings of poor human nature. My father now was gone,
1824-1830] Pattie's Personal Narrative 24 1
gone where the voice of the oppressor is no more heard.
Since the death of my mother, I have reason to think, that
life had been to him one long burden. He had been set free
from it all, and set free too, from the cruelty of this vile people,
and the still viler general. I felt weak, and exhausted my-
self, and I expected to rejoin him in a few days, never to be
separated from him. Life was a burden of which I longed
to be relieved.
After I had given vent to natural feelings on this occasion,
the Serjeant asked me touching the manner in which we bury
our dead in our country? I informed him. He then ob-
served that the reason why he asked that question was, that
his sister wished, that my father's body might be interred
in a manner conformable to my wishes. I could only thank
him for all this [184] kindness and humanity to me, as he
left me. I passed the remainder of this day in the indulgence
of such reflections as I have no wish to describe, even had I
the power.
At night the Serjeant's sister again visited my prison. She
seemed neither able nor disposed to enter upon the subject
before us, and reluctant to call up the circumstance of my
father's death to my thoughts. At length she presented me
with a complete suit of black, and begged that I would wear
it on the following day at my father's funeral. I observed,
in astonishment, that she could not doubt what a melancholy
satisfaction it would be to me to follow the remains of my
father to the grave, but that between me and that satisfaction
were the walls of my prison, through which I could not
break. She remarked, that by dint of importunity, she had
prevailed on the general to allow me to attend the funeral.
The fair young lady then undertook the duties of minister
and philosopher, counselling me not to grieve for that, for
which there is no remedy, proving to me that it was the will
of God, that he should thus obtain deliverance from prison,
and all the evils of this transitory life, and abundance of
242 Early Western Travels [Vol. 18
common place language of this sort, very similar to what is
held in my own country on like occasions. Having finished
her kindly intended chapter of consolations, she wished me
a good night and left me to my own thoughts. The night
I spent in walking the floor of my prison.
At eight in the morning, a file of six soldiers appeared at
the door of my prison. It was opened, and I once more
breathed the fresh air! The earth and the sky seemed a
new region. — The glare of light dazzled my eyes, and dizzied
my head. I reeled as I walked. A lieutenant conducted
the ceremonies: and when I arrived at the grave he ordered
the crowd to give way, that I might see the coffin let down,
and the grave filled. I advanced to the edge of the grave,
and caught a glimpse of the coffin that contained the remains
of the brave hunter and ranger. The coffin was covered
with black. No prayers were said. I had scarce time to
draw a second breath, before the grave was half filled with
earth. I was led back to my prison, [185] the young lady
walking by my side in tears. I would gladly have found
relief for my own oppressed heart in tears, if they would have
flowed. But the sources were dried, and tears would not
come to my relief. When I arrived at the prison, such a
horrid revulsion came over me at the thoughts of entering
that dreary place again, that I am sure I should have pre-
ferred to have been shot, rather than enter it again. But I
recovered myself by reflecting that my health was rapidly
declining, and that I should be able in a short time to escape
from the oppressor and the prison walls, and rejoin my
father, and be at rest.
This thought composed me, and I heard the key turn upon
me with a calm and tranquilized mind. I lay down upon my
bed, and passed many hours in the oblivion of sleep. The
customary habit of sleep during the night returned to me;
and my strength and appetite began to return with it. I
felt an irresistible propensity to resume my former habit of
1824-1830] Pattie's Personal Narrative 245
smoking. I named my inclination to my friend the serjeant
He was kind enough to furnish me cigars. This was a new
resource to aid me in killing the time. Apart from the
soothing sensation of smoking, I amused myself for hours
in watching the curling of my smoke from the cigar. Those
who have always been free, cannot imagine the corroding
torments of thoughts preying upon the bosom of the prisoner,
who has neither friend to converse with, books to read, or
occupation to fill his hours.
On the 27th of June, Captain Bradshaw's vessel was
seized, on the charge of smuggling. There were other
American vessels in this port at the same time, the names
of the captains of which, as far as I can recollect, were Seth
Rogers, Aaron W. Williams, and H. Cunningham. These
gentlemen, jointly with their supercargoes, sent me five
ounces of gold, advising me to keep this money secret from
the knowledge of the Spaniards, and preserve it as a resource
for my companions and myself, in case of emergencies.
About this time the general received several packages of
letters in English, the contents of which, not understanding
the [186] language, he could not make out. There was no
regular translator at hand ; and he sent orders to the serjeant
to have me conducted to the office for that purpose. When
I entered the office he asked me if I could read writing?
When I told him yes, he procured a seat, and bade me sit
down. He then presented me a letter in English, requesting
me to translate it into Spanish. Though I put forth no
claims on the score of scholarship, I perfectly comprehended
the meaning of the words in both languages. I accomplished
the translation in the best manner in my power; and he was
pleased entirely to approve it. He proceeded to ask me a
great many questions relative to my travels through the
Mexican country; how long I had been absent from my own
country, and what had been my occupation, during that
absence? To all which questions I returned satisfactory
246 Early Western Travels [Vol. 18
answers. When he bade the guard return me to prison, he
informed me that he should probably call for me again.
I returned to my prison somewhat cheered in spirits. I
foresaw that he would often have occasion for my services as
a translator, and if I showed an obliging disposition, and
rendered myself useful, I hoped to obtain enlargement for
myself and my companions. As I expected, I was sum-
moned to his office for several days in succession. On my
entering the office he began to assume the habit of saluting
me kindly, giving me a seat, enquiring after my health, and
showing me the other customary civilities. When I found
him in his best humor, I generally took occasion remotely
to hint at the case of our being detained as prisoners. I
tried, gently and soothingly, to convince him of the oppres-
sion and injustice of treating the innocent citizens of a
sister republic, as if they were spies. He generally showed
a disposition to evade the subject; or alleged as a reason for
what he had done, that he regretted exceedingly that circum-
stances on our part seemed so suspicious, that, obliged as he
was, to execute the laws of his country, he felt himself com-
pelled to act as he had done; that it was far from his dis-
position to desire to punish any one unjustly, and without
cause; and that he would be glad if we could produce any
substantial [187] evidence to acquit us from the suspicion of
being spies.
Though, as a true and honest man, I knew that every word
he pronounced was a vile and deceitful lie, yet such is the
power of the oppressor, I swallowed my rising words, and
dissembled a sort of satisfaction. Waiving the further dis-
cussion of our imprisonment, I again recurred to the subject
of permission to bring in our furs, persuading him, if he had
any doubts about our good faith in returning to this place,
to send soldiers to guard us; assuring him, that on obtaining
our furs we would pay the soldiers, and indemnify him for
any other expense he might incur on the occasion; and that,
1824-1830] Pattie s Personal Narrative 247
moreover, we would feel ourselves as grateful to him as if he
had bestowed upon us the value of the furs in money. He
heard me to the close, and listened with attention; and
though he said he could not at present give his consent, he
promised that he would deliberate upon the subject, and in
the course of a week, let me know the result of his resolution.
He then bade his soldiers remand me to prison. I begged
him to allow me to communicate this conversation to my
companions. This he refused, and I re-entered my prison.
From these repeated interviews, I began to acquaint my-
self with his interior character. I perceived, that, like most
arbitrary and cruel men, he was fickle and infirm of purpose.
I determined to take advantage of that weakness in his
character by seeming submissive to his wishes, and striving
to conform as far as I could to his capricious wishes; and
more than all, to seize the right occasions to tease him with
importunities for our liberty, and permission to bring in our
furs. Four days elapsed before I had another opportunity
of seeing him. During this time I had finished the trans-
lation of a number of letters, some of which were from Capt.
Bradshaw, and related to the detention of his ship and cargo,
and himself. When I had finished these translations, and
was re-admitted to his presence, I asked him if he had come
to any determination in regard to letting us go to bring in our
furs ? He answered in his surliest tone, no ! How different
were my reflections on returning to my prison from those
with which I had left it ! How earnestly I wished that [188]
he and I had been together in the wild woods, and I armed
with my rifle !
I formed a firm purpose to translate no more letters for
him. I found that I had gained nothing by this sort of
service; nor even by dissembling a general disposition to
serve him. I was anxious for another request to translate,
that I might have the pleasure of refusing him, and of telling
him to his face that though I was his prisoner, I was not his
248 Early Western Travels [Vol. 18
slave. But it was three days before he sent for me again.
At their expiration I was summoned to his office, and he
offered me a seat, according to former custom. When I was
seated, with a smiling countenance he handed me a packet
of letters, and bade me translate them. I took one, opened
it, and carelessly perused a few lines, and returning the
packet back, rose from my seat, and told him I wished to
return to my prison ; and bowing, I moved towards the door.
He darted a glance at me resembling that of an enraged wild
beast; and in a voice, not unlike the growl of a wounded,
grizzly bear, asked me why I did not put myself to the trans-
lation of the letters ? Assuming a manner and tone as surly
as his own, I told him my reasons were, that I did not choose
to labor voluntarily for an oppressor and enemy; and that I
had come to the determination to do it no longer. At this
he struck me over the head such a blow with the flat of his
sword, as well nigh dropped me on the floor; and ordered
the soldiers to return me to prison, where he said I should
lay and rot. The moment I recovered from the stunning
effect of the blow I sprang toward him ; but was immediately
seized by the guards, and dragged to the door; he, the while,
muttered abundance of the curses which his language sup-
plies. In return, I begged him to consider how much it was
like an officer and gentleman to beat an unarmed prisoner
in his power, but that if I only had a sword to meet him upon
equal terms, I could easily kill as many such dastards as he
was, as could come at me. He bade me be silent, and the
soldiers to take me off. They shoved me violently on before
them to prison. When it closed upon me I never expected
to see the sun rise and set again.
[189] Here I remained a week without seeing even the
young lady, who was justly so dear to my heart. She was
debarred by the general's orders not only from visiting me,
but even sending me provisions! I was again reduced to the
fare of corn boiled in spoiled tallow, which was brought me
1824-1830] Patties Personal Narrative 249
twice a day. At this juncture came on Capt. Bradshaw's
trial. The declaration of the Captain, supercargo and crew
was to be taken, and all the parties separately interrogated
by a Spaniard. Not an individual of them could speak a
word of Spanish, except the Captain, and he was not allowed
to translate in his own case. The general supposed that by
interrogating the parties separately, he should be able to
gain some advantage from the contradictions of the testi-
mony, and some positive proof of smuggling. Capt. Brad-
shaw being denied the privilege of interpreting for his crew,
requested the general to procure some one who might be
allowed to perform that office for him. The general told
him that I was capable of the office, if I could be gained to
the humor; but that he would as willingly deal with a devil,
as with me, when out of humor. Capt. Bradshaw asked
him if he might be allowed to converse with me on the sub-
ject? He consented, and Capt. B. came to my prison. In
reference to the above information, he asked me what had
taken place between me and the general which had so
exasperated him against me? I related all the circum-
stances of our last interview. He laughed heartily at my
defiance of the general. I was ready, of course, to render
any service by which I could oblige Capt. B. He returned
to the general, and informed him that I was ready to under-
take to translate or interpret in his case.
In a short time my door was opened, and I was once more
conducted to the office of the general. Capt. B. was sitting
there in waiting. The general asked me if I had so far
changed my mind, as to be willing to translate and interpret
again? I told him I was always ready to perform that
office for a gentleman. I placed such an emphasis on the
word gentleman, as I purposed, should inform him, that I
intended that appellation for the [190] Captain, and not for
him. Whether he really misunderstood me, or dissembled
the appearance of misunderstanding me, I know not. He
250 Early Western Travels [Vol. 18
only named an hour, in which he should call on me for that
service, cautioning me to act in the business with truth and
good faith. I told him that my countrymen in that respect,
had greatly the disadvantage of his people; for that it was
our weakness, not to know how to say any thing but the
truth. At this he smiled, ordering me back to prison, until
I should be called for next day.
At eight the next morning, I was again summoned to his
office, where he proceeded, through me, to question Captain
B. touching the different ports at which he had traded, and
what was his cargo, when he left the U. S. ? He added a great
many other questions in relation to the voyage, irrelevant
to the purposes of this journal. The clerk on this occasion
was an Indian, and a quick and elegant writer. Capt. B.
produced his bill of lading, and the other usual documents
of clearing out a ship; all which I was obliged to translate.
They being matters out of the line of my pursuits, and I
making no pretensions to accurate acquaintance with either
language, the translation, of course, occupied no incon-
siderable time. It was nearly twelve, when he bade us
withdraw, with orders to meet him again at his office at two
in the afternoon. Capt. B. accompanied me to prison, and
as we went on, requested me to make the testimonies of his
crew as nearly correspond, and substantiate each other, as
possible; for that some of them were angry with him, and
would strive to give testimony calculated to condemn him.
I assured him that I would do any thing to serve him, that
I could in honor. I entered my prison, and slept soundly,
until the bells struck two.
I was then reconducted to the general's office; where he
continued to interrogate Capt. B., until three. The Super-
cargo, Mr. R. Perkins, was then called upon to produce his
manifesto, and cautioned to declare the truth, in relation to
the subject in question. This manifesto differed in no
essential respect from the account of the Captain. At sun-
1824-1830] Patties Personal Narrative 251
set they were [191] dismissed, and I remanded to my prison.
Day after day the same task was imposed, and the same
labors devolved upon me. I at length summoned courage to
resume the old question of permission to go out and bring in
our furs. To my surprise he remarked, that as soon as he had
finished taking all the evidence in relation to Capt. Bradshaw's
ship and cargo, he would not only allow us to go, but would
send soldiers to prevent the Indians from molesting us. I
informed him, that his intended kindness would be unavail-
ing to us, if he did not allow us to depart before the month of
August; for that in that month the melting of the snow on
the mountains at the sources of Red river caused it to over-
flow, and that our furs were buried in the bottom, so that
the river, in overflowing, would spoil them. He replied,
that it was out of his power to grant the consent at this time,
which was the igth of July.
On the 28th he had finished taking all the depositions, and
I again asked him for permission to go and bring in our furs.
He still started delays, alleging that he had made no arrange-
ments for that purpose yet. Capt. B. was present, and
asked him to allow me to stay with him on board his vessel,
promising that he would be accountable for me. To my
astonishment the general consented. I repaired to the house
of the young lady, who had been so kind to me. She re-
ceived me with open arms, and manifested the most unequiv-
ocal delight. She congratulated me on being once more free
from my dismal prison, and asked me a thousand questions.
The Captain and myself spent the evening with her; and
at its close, I repaired with him on board his beautiful ship,
the first sea vessel I had ever been on board. It may be
imagined what a spectacle of interest and eager curiosity the
interior of this ship, the rigging, masts, awning, in short,
every thing appertaining to it, would be to a person raised as
I had been, and of a mind naturally inquisitive. What a
new set of people were the sailors! How amusing and
252 Early Western Travels [Vol. 18
strange their dialect ! They heartily shook me by the hand,
and commenced describing the several punishments they
would inflict upon the general, if they had him in their [192]
power. Among the different inflictions purposed, none
seemed to please them better, than the idea of tarring and
feathering him, all which I would gladly have seen him
endure, but the worst of it was, after all, the general was not
in their power.
I spent the greater part of the night with the captain and
supercargo, conversing about the oppressions and cruelties
of the general, and the death of my father, for, during the
time of his sickness, Captain Bradshaw had sailed to Monte
el Rey, and had not returned, until after his death. He
intended, he said, if his vessel was condemned, to slip his
anchors, and run out of the harbor, at the risk of being sunk,
as he passed the fort. He promised me, if I would take
passage with him, that I should fare as he did, and that,
when we should arrive at Boston, he would obtain me some
situation, in which I could procure a subsistence. I thanked
him for his very kind offer, but remarked, that my companions
had suffered a great deal with me, that we had had many
trials together, and had hazarded our lives for each other,
and that now I would suffer any thing rather than desert
them, and leave them in prison, probably, to have their
sufferings enhanced, in consequence of my desertion.
In the morning we all three went on shore together, and
took breakfast at the house of my friend, the brother of the
young lady. We passed from breakfast, to the office of the
general. I asked leave of him to visit my companions in
prison. His countenance became red with anger, and he
ordered the guard to search me, and take me to prison. I
perceived that he thought I had arms concealed about me,
and assured him I had none. This did not hinder the guard
from searching me, before they put me in prison.
I heard no more from him, and remained shut up in prison
1824-1830] Pattie's Personal Narrative 253
until the 28th of August. On that day the general ordered
me again to be conducted to his office, where, according to
his request, I translated some letters for him. When I
had finished, he asked me if I still had an inclination to go
for my furs? I replied, that I had reason to suppose that
they had been covered [193] before this time, with the waters
of Red river, and were all spoiled; but that nevertheless, I
should be glad to be certain about it, and at least we should
be able to bring in our traps. He asked me what adequate
security I could give for our good behavior, and the certainty
of our return, provided he should allow us the use of our
arms for self defence? I replied, that I knew no one, who
could give the security required, but that the soldiers he would
send with us, would be his security for our return; but that
it was out of the question to think of sending us on a trip,
so dangerous under any circumstances, without allowing us
to go armed. He remanded me to prison, saying, that he
would reflect upon it, and let me know the result of his
reflections in the morning. I reflected as I walked to prison,
that I could have procured the security of Captain Brad-
shaw, merely for the asking. But I knew the character of
my companions, and was so well aware, how they would feel
when all should be once free again, and well armed, that I
dared not bind any one in security for us. Such had been
the extent of the injuries we had suffered, and so sweet is
revenge, and so delightful liberty, when estimated by the
bondage we had endured, that I was convinced that Mexico
could not array force enough to bring us back alive. I
foresaw that the general would send no more than ten or
twelve soldiers with us. I knew that it would be no more
than an amusement to rise upon them, take their horses for
our own riding, flea some of them of their skins, to show
them that we knew how to inflict torture, and send the rest
back to the general on foot. Knowing that the temptation
to some retaliation of this sort would be irresistible, I was
254 Early Western Travels [Vol. 18
determined that no one of my countrymen should be left
amenable to the laws on our account. Such thoughts passed
through my mind as I told the general, I could offer him no
security.
Next morning, immediately after eight, I was allowed to
walk to the general's office without being guarded. What a
fond feeling came back to my heart with this small boon of
liberty ! How much I was exalted in my own thoughts, that
I [194] could walk fifty yards entrusted with my own safe
keeping! When I entered the general's office, he saluted
me with ceremonious politeness. 'Buenas dias, don San-
tiago,' said he, and showed me to a seat. He proceeded to
make known his pleasure, in respect to me and my com-
panions. In the first place he told us, we were all to be
allowed the use of our arms, in the next place, that he would
send fifteen of his soldiers with us; and in the third place,
that we should all be allowed a week, in which to exercise
ourselves, before we set out on our expedition. All this good
fortune delighted us, and was more almost, than we would
have dared to wish. My companions, in an ecstacy of satis-
faction, soon joined us from their prisons. We met with as
much affection and gladness of heart, as if we had been
brothers. They looked more like persons emancipated from
the prison of the grave, than human beings; and I am per-
fectly aware, that my spectre like visage must have been
equally a spectacle to them. We had the privilege of walk-
ing in the vicinity of the port, accompanied by a guard of
soldiers. Our only immediate restriction was the neces-
sity of returning to our guard house to sleep at night. In this
way our time passed pleasantly.
On the 3d of September, the general sent for me to his
office. When I entered, he presented me a note, and bade
me accompany a soldier to a mission at the distance of thirty
miles, where he stated I was to deliver this note to a priest,
and that he perhaps would be able to furnish us with horses
1824-1830] Pattie's Personal Narrative 255
and mules for our expedition to bring in our furs. I started
with the soldier, each of us well mounted. The note was
unsealed, and I read it of course. The contents were any
thing, rather than encouraging. It contained no demand
for the horses, as I had hoped. It simply stated to the
priest, what sort of person the general supposed me to be,
that we had furs buried on Red river, and wished horses on
which to ride out and bring them in, and that if the priest
felt disposed to hire his horses to us, he would send soldiers
with us to bring us back.
[195] Discouraging as the note was, we pushed ahead
with it, and arrived at the priest's mission some time before
night. I handed the note to the old priest, who was a very
grave looking personage. He read the note, and then asked
me to come in and take some wine with him, of which they
have great plenty. I followed him into a large parlor, richly
adorned with paintings of saints, and several side boards,
abundantly stored with wines, which I took it for granted,
were not unacceptable to the holy man. The glass ware,
the decorations of the parlor, and the arrangement of every
thing showed me at a glance, that this priest was a man of
taste and fashion. So I was on my guard not to let any of
my hunting phrases and back-wood's dialect escape me.
He asked me a great many questions about the circum-
stances of my passage across the continent, to all which I re-
sponded in as choice and studied words as I could command.
He then asked me how many beasts we should want? I
replied that there were seven of us, and that we should each
need a pack mule, and a horse to ride upon, which would be
fourteen in all. He then asked how many days it would
require to go, and return ? I answered, that this was a point
upon which I could not pronounce with certainty, since I was
unacquainted with the road, and accidents might change
the issue. He then proposed to charge what was tanta-
mount to 25 cents of our money a day for each mule, that
256 Early Western Travels [Vol. 18
carried a saddle, during the expedition, longer or shorter.
To this I consented, and he drew an article of agreement to
that effect. He then wrote a note to send by me to the gen-
eral, in reply to his. By this time the sun was setting, and
the church bells began to strike. On this he knelt, and
commenced his prayers. He was repeating the Lord's
prayer. According to the customs of his church, when he
had commenced a member of a sentence, I finished it, by
way of response. Such are their modes of repeating their
prayers, when there are two or more in company. When we
had finished, he turned to me, and asked me why I had
prayed ? I answered for the salvation of my soul. He said,
that it had a Christian appearance, but that he had been
[196] informed, that the people of our country did not believe
that man had a soul, or that there is a Saviour. I assured
him, that he had been entirely misinformed, for that we had
churches on every side through all the land, and that the
people read the Scriptures, and believed all that was taught
in the Gospel, according to their understanding of it. But he
continued, 'your people do not believe in the immaculate con-
ception of the Virgin Mary.' I replied, that what the general
faith of the people upon this point was, I could not say, and
that for myself, I did not pretend to have sufficiently studied
the Scriptures, to decide upon such points. My assumed
modesty soothed him, and he told me, that it was evident,
I had not studied the Scriptures, for that if I had, I could
not be in doubt about such obvious articles of faith. I
acquiesced in his supposition, that I had not studied the
Scriptures, remarking, that I was aware that they contained
many mysteries, about which the people in my country enter-
tained various opinions. He said that he was truly sorry,
that I was not more conversant with the Scriptures, for that
if I had been, I could not have been led astray by the Prot-
estants. His time, however, he added was now too limited
to enlighten me, but he laughed, as he said he hoped to have
1824-1830] Puttie1 s Personal Narrative 257
the pleasure of baptising me on my return. To this I
replied with a smile, for the truth was, I was fearful of dis-
gusting him, and breaking off the bargain. Glad was I,
when he dismissed this subject, and began to chat about
other matters. We had an excellent supper, and I was
shown to my bed.
In the morning I took leave of the old father, and arrived
on the following evening at San Diego. My companions
were delighted with the apparent complete success of my
mission. The general informed us, that we should have
permission to start on the 6th, and that our beasts would be
ready for an early start on that day. On the evening of
the 5th, he called us to his office, and asked us, how many
days we thought the expedition would require? We in-
formed him, as near as we could conjecture. He then said,
that he could not spare any soldiers to accompany us. We
answered, that it was a point of [197] indifference to us,
whether he did or not. 'To insure your return however,'
he rejoined, 'I shall retain one of you as a hostage for the
return of the rest,' and pointing to me, he informed me,
'that I was the selected hostage,' and that I must remain in
prison, during their absence, and that if they did not return,
it would convince him, that we were spies, and that in con-
sequence he would cause me to be executed.'
At this horrible sentence, breaking upon us in the sanguine
rapture of confidence, we all gazed at each other in the con-
sternation of despair. Some of our company remarked,
that they had better abandon the expedition altogether, than
leave me behind. Others stood in mute indecision. We
had all in truth confidently anticipated never to return to
this place again. My indignation, meanwhile, had mounted
to such a pitch, as wholly to absorb all sense of personal
danger, or care about myself. It seemed as if Providence
had put the unrelenting seal of disappointment to every plan
I attempted to devise. I told them to go, and not allow my
258 Early Western Travels [Vol. 18
detention to dishearten, or detain them, for that I had no
fear of any thing, the general could inflict, that I had little
left, but life to relinquish, and that their refusal to go, as
things now were, would be taken for ample proofs, that we
were spies, and would ensure our condemnation and the
conviction, that we never had intended to return.
On this they all agreed to go, and began to pledge their
honor and every thing sacred, that they would return, if life
was spared them. I told them to follow their own inclina-
tions, as to returning, for that I would as willingly be buried
by the side of my father, as any one else; that, however, I
did not believe the laws of the country would bear the general
out, in putting me to death. The general now bade us
arrange every thing to start early in the morning. I was
again locked up in my prison, though my companions spent
the greater part of the night in conversing with me. In the
morning, when they were ready to start, they came and
shook hands with me. When the Dutchman, as good
hearted a fellow as ever lived, took my hand he burst into
tears, and said, 'goot py Jim, if I ever does come [198] back,
I will bring an army mit me, and take yours and your daddy's
bones from dis tammed country, for it is worse as hell.' I
should have laughed heartily at him, had not his tears pre-
vented me, for I knew, that they came from his heart.
Mounting their mules they now set off. Their only arms
were old Spanish muskets, which, when fired, I would almost
as soon have stood before as behind. Under such circum-
stances, knowing, that they would be obliged to pass through
numbers of hostile tribes of Indians, I was very doubtful of
their return.
On the 8th, Captain Bradshaw came to my prison, and
asked me, why I was in prison, and my companions at
liberty? I told him the whole story. When he had heard
it, he expressed doubts in regard to their returning. I replied
to him, that I was not at all in doubt of their return, if they
1824-1830] Pattie's Personal Narrative 259
lived. He then told me, that he intended to go to the general,
and demand his papers on the nth, and if they were not
given up to him, he would cut cable, and run out in spite of
any one, adding his advice to me, which was, that I should
write to the consul at Wahu and inform him of my imprison-
ment. He seemed to think, I might thus obtain my release.
Mr. R. Perkins would undertake, he said, to place it in
the hands of the consul, as he was acquainted with him.
I answered, that I had neither ink nor paper. He said I
should have some in a few minutes, and took leave of me.
A soldier soon entered with writing materials, and I wrote
my letter to Mr. Jones, for that was the name of the consul,
stating every circumstance relative to our imprisonment,
and the death of my father, giving the names of all our party,
and begging him, if it was not in his power to obtain our
freedom, that he would inform our government of our
situation. I supposed it was in his power to grant my first
request, placed as he was, in the midst of a foreign nation.
On the nth, at the request of the general, I was con-
ducted 'to his office, to serve as interpreter for the captain
and Mr. P. The papers were now demanded by them.
The general refused to comply with the demand, and told
them, that both the vessel and cargo were condemned, but
that it they would discharge [199] the cargo, and deliver it
to him, he would allow them to clear the vessel, to go and
seek redress, wherever they pleased. The captain's answer
to this was, that it was not in his power to do so, and that
the laws of his country would hang him, if he thus gave up
his ship and cargo at the request of an individual. The
general now became enraged, and repeating the words, at
the request of an individual, added, the ship and cargo have
both been lawfully condemned, and if they are not given up
peaceably, I have soldiers enough to take the ship, and every
thing belonging to it. In reply the captain remarked, that
he came to trade on the coast, and not to fight, that if he was
260 Early Western Travels [Vol. 18
disposed to seize the vessel or cargo, he had nothing to say
farther, than that he should not aid, or advance in any shape
the unlading of the vessel himself, and taking up his hat
walked away. I asked permission of the general to go to
Miss. Peaks, to get a change of clothing, which was granted.
He, however, told me to be in haste. My principal business
there was to give my letter to Mr. P., for I knew that captain
B., would set sail with the first breeze, of which he could
avail himself. I found both the gentlemen in the house,
when I entered. I was assured by M. P., that he would
give the letter to the consul, and endeavor to interest him in
my behalf. I thanked him, and was upon the point of taking
leave, when captain B. asked me to take a note from him to
the general, and to tell him that he would like to have an
answer, and would wait an hour for it. I took the note and
went to the general's office, gave him the note and told him
what the captain had said. He bade me sit down, after he
had read the note, for a few minutes. I obeyed, and he
passed into the adjoining room, and ordered his porter to call
the ensign Ramirez. The porter hastened to execute his
commission, and in a few minutes the ensign entered. The
general and ensign then began to converse, drawing near
the door, behind which I was seated. I heard distinctly the
former tell the latter, that captain B., and Mr. P., were both
at Peak's awaiting an answer from him, and that he would
send me to tell them that he was engaged at [200] present,
but at the expiration of an hour and a half they should have
their answer through me. Meantime he, the ensign, was
to provide a guard of soldiers, with which to take them
prisoners, and then the vessel and cargo would be sure. All
this, as I have said, I heard distinctly. He then came in,
and told me to go and inform them, as he told the ensign, he
should direct me. I hastened to captain B., and told him
what I had heard from the general concerning him. I
advised him to go to the vessel immediately, for that the
1824-1830] P attic's Personal Narrative 261
ensign and guard would soon be upon the spot. Both he
and Mr. P. went directly to the vessel, and I returned to the
general, to inform him that I had delivered his message.
He then ordered me to return to prison. It was now three
o'clock.
In a few hours the ensign returned from the pursuit of
captain B., and as he passed the prison on his way to the
general's office he shook his sword at me with vengeance in
his face, saying, 'Oh! you traitor!' I inferred from this, that
he supposed I had informed the captain of the projected
attempt to take him prisoner. My situation now seemed
to me desperate. I thought more of my comrades than my-
self, for I could not expect to live. Concluding that I should
soon be executed, I feared, that when they returned, they
would be put to death also. In a few minutes I was sum-
moned to the general's office. I expected to hear my sen-
tence. When I entered the general bade me stand by the
door, near a large table, at which several of his clerks were
seated writing, and he then gravely asked me if I had over-
heard the conversation which took place between himself and
the ensign, after he had read the note brought by me to him
from captain B ? I replied that I did not see the ensign at
that time, and furthermore could not say positively, whether
he had held any conversation with the ensign, since my
arrival on the coast or not. The general proceeded to ques-
tion me, as to the fact of my having advised the captain to
go on board his ship, and if I knew the motives, which in-
duced him to do so, after saying that he would wait for an
answer to his note.
[201] He tried to extort an answer from me such as he
wished, threatening me with death if I did not relate the
truth. I regarded all this as no more than the threats of an
old woman, and went on to state what was most likely to be
favorable to my cause. I was now remanded to prison with
the assurance, that if found guilty, death would be my doom.
262 Early Western Travels [Vol. 18
A few days only elapsed before, the breeze serving, the
Captain slipped anchor, and ran out of the port.101 He was
compelled to perform this under a heavy shower of cannon
balls poured forth from the fort, within two hundred yards
of which he was obliged to pass. When he came opposite
it, he hove to, and gave them a broadside in return, which
frightened the poor engineers from their guns. His escape
from the port was made without suffering any serious injury
on his part. Their shots entered the hull of the vessel, and
the sails were considerably cut by the grape. I was greatly
rejoiced when I heard of their escape from these thieves.
The General pretended great disgust at the cowardly con-
duct of the engineers, but, I believe, had he been there, he
would have run too. I have no faith in the courage of these
people, except where they have greatly the advantage, or
can kill in the dark, without danger to themselves. This in
my view is the amount of a Spaniard's bravery.
But to return to myself, I remained in prison, until a
sufficient time had elapsed, as I thought, for the return of
my companions. I still did not entirely despair of seeing
them; but the Spaniards came daily and hourly to my
prison with delighted countenances to tell me that my com-
panions had deserted me, and that the General would soon
have me executed. Some consoled me with the information,
that at such an hour or day, I was to be taken out, and
burnt alive ; and others, that I was to be stationed at a certain
distance, and shot at, like a target, or hung. These unfeel-
ing wretches thus harrassed and tormented me, until the
arrival of my companions on the 3oth Sept. put an end to
101 This account of Captain Bradshaw and the "Franklin" does not agree in
chronology with the evidence presented by Bancroft from official sources (History
of California, iii, pp. 133, 134). The "Franklin" escaped on July 16, Bradshaw
having been warned by a French captain that the governor intended to place a
guard on board the vessel. Pattie wrote from memory, some time after the occur-
rences, but except in the matter of time his evidence tallies with that of the Mexican
manuscripts, wherein his name is mentioned as interpreter. — ED.
1824-1830] Pattie's Personal Narrative 263
their taunts, with regard to their desertion of me. They
brought no fur however, it having been all spoiled [202] as
I had expected, by an overflow of the river. Our traps
which they did bring, were sold, and a part of the proceeds
paid to the old priest for the hire of the mules.
I have failed to remark, that my comrades had returned
with the loss of two of their number, one of whom we learned,
had married in New Mexico.102 When the party reached the
river, these two concluded that rather than return to prison,
they would run the risk of being killed by the Indians, or
of being starved to death; and set forth on their perilous
journey through the wilderness to New Mexico on foot.
The probability of their reaching the point of their destination
was very slight, it being a great distance and through great
dangers. Happily for us, their not returning, did not appear
to strengthen the General, in his opinion of our being spies.
I had the pleasure of conversing with my companions an
hour, or more, after which they were again disarmed, and
all of us returned to our separate places of confinement.
I had now no prospect before me, but that of lingering out a
miserable and useless life in my present situation; as I was
convinced, that the only inducement, which operated in the
General's mind, to allow a part of us to go in search of our
property was the hope of taking a quantity of furs and other
valuables from us. I was thankful that he obtained nothing
but the traps, which, as he knew no more how to use, than a
blind horse, could be of no utility to him. This feeling may
seem a poor gratification, but it was certainly a natural one.
102 The names of Pattie's companions appear in the archives, and are given by
Bancroft, California, iii, p. 163, as Nathaniel Pryor, Richard Laughlin, William
Pope, Isaac Slover, Jesse Ferguson, James Puter. Of these, the first is the name
of one of the sergeants in the Lewis and Clark expedition, for whose earlier career
see Wheeler, On the Trail of Lewis and Clark (New York, 1904), i, pp. 92-95. See
also Bancroft, iv, p. 785; and Vallejo, "Ranch and Mission Days in Alta Califor-
nia," in Century Magazine, xix, p. 190. Most of them became residents of Cali-
fornia; William Pope gave his name to Pope Valley, Napa County, where he
lived and died. — ED.
264 Early Western Travels [Vol. 18
In this condition we remained for months, never seeing the
outside of our prison, deprived of the pleasure we had
received from the visits of the charitable young lady, for-
merly allowed entrance to us, and the advantage we had
derived from the generous nourishment she so kindly fur-
nished us, and compelled by hunger to eat the food set
before us by our jailors; and confined principally to dried
beans, or corn boiled in water, and then fried in spoiled
tallow.
At length the small pox began to rage on the upper part
of the coast, carrying off the inhabitants by hundreds.
Letters [203] from the distressed people were continually
arriving, praying the general to devise some means to put a
stop to the disease, which seemed to threaten the country
with destruction. The general was thus beset by petitions
for several weeks, before he could offer a shadow of relief
for them. He was much alarmed, fearing that the disorder
might extend its ravages to that part of the coast where he
resided.
One day the soldiers, through mere inquisitiveness, asked
the Dutchman if he knew any remedy for the complaint?
He answered that he did ; but that he had none of the article
that constituted the remedy. He added, however, that he
thought that my father had brought some of it with him, as
he recollected his having vaccinated the people at the copper
mines. This conversation was communicated to the general
immediately, who sent a sergeant to me to inquire if I had
any of the remedy spoken of by the Dutchman, as brought
by my father ? I answered in the affirmative ; I then showed
him where I had been vaccinated on the right arm, and
assured him that it had effectually protected me from the
small pox. Upon his demand whether I knew the method
of applying it, I again answered in the affirmative; but
when he asked me to show him the remedy, and let him
have it to apply to his own arm, as he was fearful of losing
1824-1830] Patties Personal Narrative 265
his life from the spread of this dreadful disease, I told him I
would not. This sergeant, who wished the matter, was my
friend, and brother of the charitable young lady who had
procured my father's burial, and for whom I would have
sacrificed my life.103 But thinking this my only chance for
regaining liberty, I refused it to him, saying, that I would
neither show it to any one, nor apply it, unless my liberty
and that of my companions was rendered secure; and that
in sustaining this resolution I would sacrifice my life. I
also mentioned that I must be paid, over and above my
liberty. My object in this, was to influence the fears of the
general. If he acceded to my proposition, my friend and
his sister would share the benefit in common with others.
If I granted the request of the sergeant to inoculate him, I
might lose my advantage; but my gratitude decided me
[204] against allowing himself and his sister to be exposed
to an imminent danger, which I could avert. I told him
that if he would pledge himself, solemnly, for his own part,
and that of his sister, that he would not communicate the
matter to another individual, I would secretly vaccinate
them. He replied that I need not fear his betraying me,
as he would much rather aid me in my design, which he
thought excellent, and likely to accomplish my wishes. He
then left me to communicate the result of our conversation
to the general.
This incident, so important in its influence upon my for-
tunes, occurred December 2oth. The sergeant had not been
absent more than a half hour, when he returned and told
me that the general said he would give me a passport for a
year, if I would vaccinate all the people on the coast; and
furthermore, if I conducted properly during that period,
that he would at the expiration of it, pay me for my services,
108 Pattie elsewhere gives the name of this young woman who befriended him,
as Miss Peaks. Bancroft conjectures (California, ii, p. 165) that she was Senorita
Pico, sister of a sergeant by that name, figuring in the records of the time. — ED.
266 Early Western Travels [Vol. 18
and give me my liberty. His countenance was bright with
delight, as he related this to me, not dreaming that I could
refuse what seemed to him so good an offer. When I
repeated, in reply, my resolution not to vaccinate any one,
except on the conditions I had stated, and added that I
would not agree to any terms without an audience from the
general, his pleasure vanished, giving place to gloom as he
told me he did not think the general would accede to the
proposal to set my companions and myself at liberty upon
parole for one year, for any consideration; but that, if I
persisted in my refusal, he feared I should incur some
violent punishment, and perhaps death. My answer was,
that in my present situation I did not dread death. I then
requested him to tell the general I wished to talk with him
personally upon the subject.
He went, and in a few minutes returned with orders to
conduct me to the General's office. Upon my arrival there,
the General questioned me with regard to the efficacy of
the remedy of which he had been much informed in the same
manner as I have related in the conversation between the
sergeant and myself; and he then repeated the same terms
for the matter [205] and the application of it, that he had
transmitted me through my friend, to which I replied as be-
fore. When I had finished, he asked me in a surly manner,
what my own terms were? I told him, as I had done the
sergeant, that I would vaccinate all the inhabitants on the
coast, provided he would allow myself and companions to
leave our prison on parole for one year, with liberty to travel
up or down the coast, in order to find some occupation, by
which we could obtain food and clothing. Upon hearing
this his rage burst forth. He told me I was a devil; and
that if I did not choose to take the offer he had made, he
would compel me to perform its conditions, or put me to
death. I replied, that he could take my life; but that it
was beyond his power to compel me to execute his com-
1824-1830] Pattie's Personal Narrative 267
mands, adding, that life or liberty would be no object to me,
if my companions were denied the enjoyment of them with
me. They had had the alternative in their power of leaving
me in prison to suffer alone, or returning to share my cap-
tivity, and had chosen the latter; I concluded by saying,
that rather than accept of liberty while they remained in
prison, I would undergo all the torments his excellency could
devise. He said he might as well let loose so many wolves
to ravage his country, as give myself and companions the
liberty I required ; adding, that he gave me twenty-four hours
to reflect on the alternative of his wrath, or my liberty upon
the conditions he had proposed. I was now remanded to
prison. As I walked out, I remarked to the General, that
my resolution was fixed beyond the possibility of change.
He made no reply, and I proceeded to prison. The soldiers
who accompanied me, tried to induce me to conform to the
General's wishes, saying, that he was a terrible man when en-
raged. I made them no answer, and entered my prison, where
I remained until 8 o'clock the next day; when I was again
escorted to the office, and asked by the General, what
security I would give for the good behaviour of myself and
companions, if he let us out on parole for one year ? I told
him I would give none, for no one here knew me. He then
ordered me back to prison, where he said I should lay and
rot, calling me a carracho [206] picaro, and similar names,
which I did not regard. I walked to my prison as undaunt-
edly as I could. I now felt somewhat encouraged; for I
perceived he was not inflexible in his resolutions, and by
adhering firmly to mine, I hoped finally to conquer him.
In the course of the night he received a letter containing
information of the death of one of his priests, and that great
numbers were ill of the small pox. Early in the morning of
the 23d I received a summons to attend him at the usual
place. When I arrived, he said he wanted to see my papers,
that is, those I had mentioned as being my father's commis-
268 Early Western Travels [Vol. 18
sion, and his discharge from the service of a ranger. I told
him they were at Miss Peak's, which was the name of the
young lady who had been so kind to me. He sent a soldier
for them, who soon returned with them. I translated them
to him. He said that was a sufficient proof of my being an
American; and asked if my companions could produce
proofs of their belonging to the same country? I replied
that I did not know.
He sent orders for them to come to the office; and before
their arrival, told me that all he now wanted, was proof that
they were Americans, to let us go on a parole, as all Amer-
icans were tolerated in his country. My opinion with regard
to his motive in the case was, that he was less unwilling to
grant our liberty, as the payment for my services in spreading
the vaccine disease, now that he knew we had no property
for him to extort from us.
He talked, too, about rendering himself liable to suffer
the rigor of the laws of his country, should he set us free,
without our establishing the fact of our being Americans.
My companions entered: I was glad to see them. Their
beards were long, and they were haggard and much reduced
in flesh. I gave them to understand what was wanting, and
they readily produced some old black papers, furnishing in
themselves proof of any thing else, as much as of their
owners being American citizens. I, however, so interpreted
them, that they established the point with the General. I
believe he [207] had as firmly credited this fact from the
first hour he saw us, as now. He concluded to let us out a
week upon trial, before he gave us freedom on parole,
although he compelled me to engage to vaccinate all the peo-
ple in the fort. He then directed us to endeavor to find
some employment around the fort, which would procure us
food, and to return every night to the guard house to sleep.
The guard bell now tolled eight o'clock, and according to
the permission given, we walked in the direction of our
inclinations.
1824-1830] Pattie's Personal Narrative 269
I went directly to Miss Peak's, who was much astonished,
and apparently delighted to see me at liberty. She had
expected, she said, every day to see me on my way to be
shot, or hung. The manifestation of kindness and benevo-
lence to us having been forbidden by our jailors, she now
indemnified her humanity and good feeling by telling me
how much she had regretted not being allowed to send me
proper food, asking me if I was not hungry? and proceeding,
before I could answer, to spread a table with every thing
good, of which I partook plentifully; after which we had
a pleasant conversation together. My enjoyment of my
fortunate change of situation was, however, mingled with
uncertainty, as to the length of its duration. I felt that I
was still in the lion's jaws, which might close upon me from
the first impulse of petulance or anger.
I therefore, endeavoured to devise some way of availing
myself of my momentary freedom, to place myself beyond
the possibility of losing it again. That one which sug-
gested itself to me, was to prevail upon the officer, who had
our rifles in charge to allow us possession of them for a short
time, to clean them. When we should once more have
them in our hands, I hoped we would have resolution to
retain them, until death rendered them useless to us. I
went to my companions, and imparted my plan to them.
They agreed with me upon all points. The only difficulty
now was, to lay our hands upon our arms. I went directly
to the apartment of the officer, in whose care they were, one
of the best hearted Spaniards I have ever seen. I appealed
to his goodness of heart in order to obtain my purpose, telling
[208] him, that we only wanted the rifles a few minutes, in
order to rub off the rust, and dirt, which must have accumu-
lated upon them. I told him after this was done, they should
be returned to him. He did not answer for some minutes;
and then said, that if he complied with my request, and was
discovered by the General to have done so, he should be
punished. I replied that there was no danger of an act of
270 Early Western Travels [Vol. 18
this kind, a mere kindness of this sort being known by any,
but those immediately concerned; concluding by slipping
ten dollars in silver, which had been given me by Capt. B.,
into his hand. He then handed me the rules, and all belong-
ing to them, through a back door, cautioning me not to let
my having them in possession be known. I answered, that
I would be upon my guard. I was now joined by my com-
panions. We found an old and unoccupied house, into
which we entered, and soon put our guns in order, and
charged them well, resolving never to give them into the
hands of a Spaniard again. We had been so treacherously
dealt with by these people, that we did not consider it any
great breach of honour to fail in our promise of returning
our arms, particularly as the officer had taken my money.
We then concluded to conceal our rifles in a thicket near
at hand, and to keep our pistols, which the officer had also
given us as a part of our arms, concealed around our per-
sons. At night we went to the guard house to sleep, as we
had been commanded to do. The officer who gave me the
rifles, came to me, and asked why I had not returned the
arms according to promise? I told him that I had not
finished cleaning them, and repeated, that the General
should not know I had them. He charged me to fulfil my
former promise of returning the arms on the succeeding
morning. I satisfied him, thinking as before, that it made no
great difference what is said to such persons, in a position
like ours.
Early the next morning we met a countryman by the name
of James Lang, who had come upon the coast to smuggle,
and to kill sea otters for their skins, which are very valuable.104
He was now here secretly, to enquire if sea otters were to be
found in [209] abundance higher up the coast; and to
obtain information on some other points connected with his
104 For the career of Charles (not James) Lang, see Bancroft, op. cit., iii, pp.
139, 140. — ED.
1824-1830] Pa ttiey s Personal Narrative 271
pursuits. He told us he had a boat distant eighty miles
down the coast, with men in search of otters, and proposed
that we should accompany him to it, offering to furnish
every thing required for this species of hunting, and give us
half of whatever we caught, adding, that when his brig
returned from the Gallipagos islands, where it had gone in
search of tortoise shell, he would give us a free passage to
our own country.
We all considered this an offer advantageous to us, as it
held out the prospect of our being enabled to obtain some-
thing in the way of gain, after which a way would be open
for our return to our homes, and we agreed to meet him on
a certain day at Todos Santos, in English All Saints. This
took place on the 24th. Our new friend set off to rejoin his
companions, and we fell to consultation upon the best
method of conducting in our present circumstances. We
did not wish to do any thing, that would render us amenable
to the laws of the country, should we be detected in our
attempt to escape. We were consequently precluded from
relying on horses to aid us in hastening beyond the reach of
pursuers. The night was chosen, as the time for our
experiment; but in the course of an hour after this determi-
nation was made, all my companions excepting one, receded
from it, pronouncing the plan of running off without any
cover for our intentions, not a good one. They proposed
instead of it, that we should ask permission of the General
to go a hunting, assigning as our reason for this request, that
we were barefoot, and wanted to kill some deer in order to
obtain their skins to dress, to make us moccasins. I con-
sented to this plan, and to try its efficacy immediately, I went
to the General's office. It was late, but I related my errand.
He asked me, where I could get arms, to kill deer with? I
replied, that if he would not allow us to use our own arms,
we could borrow some. He refused the permission, I had
asked of him.
2J2 Early Western Travels [Vol. 18
On Christmas night, the one among my companions,
whom I [210] have mentioned, as agreeing with me, in regard
to the original plan for our escape, set off with me at 12
o'clock, while the people, who were all Catholics, were
engaged in their devotions at church. We were obliged to
leave our comrades, as they would not accompany us in our
enterprise. We travelled entirely by night, and reached the
before mentioned place of rendezvous on the 28th. We
found Mr. Lang and his men in confinement, and his boat
taken by the Spaniards. We gained this information in the
night, without committing ourselves. We retreated to the
woods, in which we remained concealed through the day.
At night our necessities compelled us to enter a house, in
order to obtain some food. It was occupied by a widow
and her two daughters. They gave us bread, milk and
cheese, treating us with great kindness. We spent a week
passing the day in the woods, and going to this friendly
house to get food in the night; in the hope of hearing of
some vessel, by means of which we might escape from this
hated coast. But no such good fortune awaited us.
We then concluded to return, and see our comrades, whom
we supposed to be again in prison ; although we were deter-
mined never again to be confined there ourselves alive, with
our own consent. So we walked back to San Diego, killing
some deer by the way, the skins of which we carried to the
fort. To our great admiration and surprize, we found our
companions at liberty. They informed us, that the General
was exceedingly anxious for my return, and that our arms
had not been demanded, although the officer, through whose
means we obtained them, had been placed under guard.
I felt grieved by the latter part of this information, as I
had deceived the unfortunate man, when he intended to do
me a kindness, of the utmost importance to my interests, as I
viewed it. He would probably, be severely punished.
But I nevertheless was firm in my purpose to retain my arms.
1824-1830] Pattie's Personal Narrative 273
It was late in the day; but the companion of my flight and
myself proceeded to present ourselves before the General,
leaving our rifles concealed in a safe place. Our pistols we
carried in our [211] bosoms, determined not to be taken to
prison without offering resistance.
The General appeared much surprised to see us, and asked
where we had been? I told him, that we had been out
upon a hunting expedition; upon which he wished to know
if we had killed any thing ? We answered in the affirmative.
He then looked serious, and demanded of me, if I was not
aware that it was wrong to go off, without taking leave of
him ? My reply was, that I did ; and that he refused it to
me; and that then I concluded to go without permission,
knowing it could not be a crime. His next question was,
how I obtained my arms ? I told him the truth with regard
to this point. The succeeding demand was, why I did not
return them, according to my promise ? To which I replied,
that I did not intend to return them from the first; and I
now declared that they should never be taken from me for
the time to come, while I drew my breath. He smiled, and
said he did not want them; but that I must begin to vacci-
nate the people of the garrison ; for that he wished me to go
up the coast soon to practice vaccination there.
On the i8th of January, 1829, I began to vaccinate; and
by the i6th of February had vaccinated all the people
belonging to the fort, and the Indian inhabitants of the mis-
sion of San Diego, three miles north of the former place.105
106 The mission of San Diego de Alcala was the first of the Franciscan establish-
ments begun by Father Junipero Serra in 1769. In 1774 it was removed inland
three miles from the presidio of the same name; and at the time of Pattie's visit, it
had attained the height of its prosperity. Six years after it was founded (1775),
an Indian revolt occurred, in which there was bloodshed on both sides, and the
church was burned and pillaged. It was re-established in 1777, and six years later
was built the church, of which little yet remains but the facade. Remains of an
aqueduct may also be traced, to whose use in irrigating Pattie refers. On the
entire subject of mission history, consult in addition to Bancroft, and the standard
histories, Victor, "Studies of the California Missions" in The Californian, v, vi;
274 Early Western Travels [Vol. 18
It is situated in a valley between two mountains. A stream
runs through the valley, from which ships obtain fresh water.
An abundance of grain is raised at this mission. Fruit of
all kinds, growing in a temperate climate, is also plentiful.
The climate is delightfully equal. The husbandman here
does not think of his fields being moistened by the falling
rain. He digs ditches around them, in which water is con-
veyed from a stream, sufficient to cover the ground, when-
ever the moisture is required. Rains seldom fall in the
summer or autumn. The rainy season commences in Octo-
ber; and continues until the last of December, and some-
times even through January; by which time the grass, clover
and wild oats are knee high. When the rain does come,
it falls in torrents. The gullies made in the sides of the
mountains by the rains are of an enormous size.
[212] But to return to my own affairs. Having completed
my vaccinations in this quarter, and procured a sufficient
quantity of the vaccine matter to answer my purpose, I
declared myself in readiness to proceed further. I com-
municated the matter to one thousand Spaniards and Indians
in San Diego.
February 28th, the General gave us each a legal form,
granting us liberty on parole for one year, at the expiration
of which period it was in his power to remand us to prison,
if he did not incline to grant us our freedom. He likewise
gave me a letter to the priests along the coast, containing
the information that I was to vaccinate all the inhabitants
upon the coast, and an order providing for me all necessary
supplies of food and horses for my journey. These were to
be furnished me by the people, among whom I found myself
cast. They were, also, directed to treat me with respect, and
Helen Hunt Jackson, "Father Junipero and his Work," in Century, iv, pp. 3-18,
199-215; Doyle, "Missions of Alta California," ibid., six, pp. 389-402; Jackson»
Glimpses of California and the Missions (Boston, 1902); Carter, Missions of
Nveva California (San Francisco, 1900), and Clinch, California and its Missions,
(San Francisco, 1904). — ED.
1824-1830] Pattie's Personal Narrative 275
indemnify me for my services, as far as they thought proper.
The latter charge did not strike me agreeably; for I foresaw,
that upon such conditions my services would not be worth
one cent to me. However, the prospect of one whole year's
liberty was so delightful, that I concluded to trust in Provi-
dence, and the generosity of the stranger, and think no more
of the matter. With these feelings I set forth to the next
mission, at which I had already been. It was called San
Luis.1*1
I reached it in the evening. I found an old priest, who
seemed glad to see me. I gave him the General's letter.
After he had read it, he said, with regard to that part of it
which spoke of payment, that I had better take certificates
from the priests of each mission, as I advanced up the coast,
stating that I had vaccinated their inhabitants; and that
when I arrived at the upper mission, where one of the high
dignitaries of the church resided, I should receive my recom-
pense for the whole. Seeing nothing at all singular in this
advice, I concluded to adopt it.
In the morning I entered on the performance of my duty.
My subjects were Indians, the missions being entirely com-
posed of them, with the exception of the priests, who are
the rulers. [213] The number of natives in this mission was
three thousand, nine hundred and four. I took the old
priest's certificate, as had been recommended by him, when
I had completed my task. This is said to be the largest,
most flourishing, and every way the most important mission
100 The mission of San Luis Rey de Francia, situated on the coast, about
eighty-five miles southeast from Los Angeles, was founded in 1798, and named in
honor of Louis IX of France. The church, the largest among the missions, was
completed in 1802. At the time of Pattie's visit, it was the most prosperous mission
in California, possessing twenty-five thousand sheep and over two hundred thousand
acres of land, on which were annually raised twelve thousand bushels of grain.
The founder, Padre Antonio Peyri, was still in charge, and to his fine character and
administrative ability was due the success of the enterprise. The old church, the
finest among the missions, was recently repaired and occupied by the Franciscans,
the dedication (1893) of the re-established mission taking place with much cere-
mony.— ED.
276 Early Western Travels [Vol. 18
on the coast. For its consumption fifty beeves are killed
weekly. The hides and tallow are sold to ships for goods,
and other articles for the use of the Indians, who are better
dressed in general, than the Spaniards. All the income of
the mission is placed in the hands of the priests, who give out
clothing and food, according as it is required. They are
also self constituted guardians of the female part of the
mission, shutting up under lock and key, one hour after
supper, all those, whose husbands are absent, and all young
women and girls above nine years of age. During the day,
they are entrusted to the care of the matrons. Notwithstand-
ing this, all the precautions taken by the vigilant fathers of
the church are found insufficient. I saw women in irons
for misconduct, and men in the stocks. The former are
expected to remain a widow six months after the death of a
husband, after which period they may marry again. The
priests appoint officers to superintend the natives, while
they are at work, from among themselves. They are called
alcaides, and are very rigid in exacting the performance of
the allotted tasks, applying the rod to those who fall short
of the portion of labor assigned them. They are taught in
the different trades; some of them being blacksmiths, others
carpenters and shoe-makers. Those, trained to the knowl-
edge of music, both vocal and instrumental, are intended
for the service of the church. The women and girls sew,
knit, and spin wool upon a large wheel, which is woven into
blankets by the men. The alcaides, after finishing the
business of the day, give an account of it to the priest, and
then kiss his hand, before they withdraw to their wigwams,
to pass the night. This mission is composed of parts of
five different tribes, who speak different languages.
The greater part of these Indians were brought from their
native mountains against their own inclinations, and by
compulsion; [214] and then baptised; which act was as
little voluntary on their part, as the former had been. After
1824-1830] Puttie's Personal Narrative 277
these preliminaries, they had been put to work, as converted
Indians.
The next mission on my way was that, called St. John
the Baptist.107 The mountains here approach so near the
ocean, as to leave only room enough for the location of the
mission. The waves dash upon the shore immediately in
front of it. The priest, who presides over this mission, was
in the habit of indulging his love of wine and stronger liquors
to such a degree, as to be often intoxicated. The church
had been shattered by an earthquake. Between twenty and
thirty of the Indians, men, women and children, had been
suddenly destroyed by the falling of the church bells upon
them. After communicating the vaccine matter to 600
natives, I left this place, where mountains rose behind to
shelter it; and the sea stretched out its boundless expanse
before it.
Continuing my route I reached my next point of destina-
tion. This establishment was called the mission of St. Gabriel.
107 This should be San Juan Capistrano; San Juan Bautista was further north,
see note 119, below. This mission was founded with much difficulty, the Indians
being hostile, and upon the news of the revolt at San Diego (1775) the first attempt
was abandoned. The second (1776) was more successful, but the mission made but
slow progress. Its beautiful stone church was begun in 1797, and dedicated in 1806,
only to be partially destroyed by the earthquake, to which Pattie refers, in 1812.
The ruins of San Juan Capistrano are among the most beautiful of all the California
missions; they are situated near a small town of that name, on the Southern Cali-
fornia Railroad, fifty-eight miles southeast of Los Angeles.
San Gabriel was the fourth mission founded on the southern coast by the
Franciscans. It was established in 1771, near San Pedro Bay, where had been
recorded a miracle upon the unfurling of a banner bearing a pain ting of the Virgin.
Somewhat later the mission was removed to the foothills, and being on the road
from Monterey to San Diego, attained considerable wealth and importance. In
1832 the Spanish government secured from this mission a forced loan of $120,000
in gold. The existing church of the mission is much visited, being but nine miles
east of Los Angeles.
San Pedro was the port both of Los Angeles and the San Gabriel mission. The
bay was named by Viscaino (1602), and next to the four presidial ports it was the
most important on the coast, and the spot where much smuggling took place. In
1846, during the American conquest of the province, a battle was fought not far
from San Pedro, between Californians and Americans; the latter under Captain
William Mervine, were defeated. — ED.
278 Early Western Travels [Vol. 18
Here I vaccinated 960 individuals. The course from the
mission of St. John the Baptist to this place led me from
the sea-shore, a distance of from eighteen to twenty miles.
Those, who selected the position of this mission, followed
the receding mountains. It extends from their foot, having
in front a large tract of country showing small barren hills,
and yet affording pasturage for herds of cattle so numerous,
that their number is unknown even to the all surveying and
systematic priests. In this species of riches St. Gabriel
exceeds all the other establishments on the coast. The
sides of the mountains here are covered with a growth of
live oak and pine. The chain to which these mountains
belong, extends along the whole length of the coast. The
fort St. Peter stands on the sea coast, parallel to this mission.
My next advance was to a small town, inhabited by Span-
iards, called the town of The Angels.108 The houses have
flat roofs, covered with bituminous pitch, brought from a
place within four miles of the town, where this article boils
up from the earth. As the liquid rises, hollow bubbles like
a shell of a [215] large size, are formed. When they burst,
the noise is heard distinctly in the town. The material is
obtained by breaking off portions, that have become hard,
with an axe, or something of the kind. The large pieces
thus separated, are laid on the roof, previously covered with
earth, through which the pitch cannot penetrate, when it is
rendered liquid again by the heat of the sun. In this place
I vaccinated 2,500 persons.
From this place I went to the mission of St. Ferdinand,
where I communicated the matter to 967 subjects. St.
108 Los Angeles was the second pueblo (municipality) founded by the Spaniards
in Upper California. A colony of forty-six persons came overland from Mexico
in 1781, and established itself at this point (September 4). By Pattie's time the
town had about eighty houses and seven hundred inhabitants. The ancient Span-
ish church, facing the plaza in this city, dates from 1822, eleven years being occupied
in its building. — ED.
1824-1830] Pattie's Personal Narrative 279
Ferdinand is thirty miles east of the coast, and a fine place
in point of position.109
The mission of St. Buenaventura succeeded.110 Not long
previous to my arrival here, two priests had eloped from the
establishment, taking with them what gold and silver they
could lay their hands upon. They chose an American
vessel, in which to make their escape. I practised my new
calling upon 1000 persons in this mission.
The next point I reached was the fort of St. Barbara.111 I
found several vessels lying here. I went on board of them,
and spent some pleasant evenings in company with the
commanders. I enjoyed the contrast of such society with
that of the priests and Indians, among whom I had lately
109 The Franciscans proposed to establish a chain of missions some distance
inland from the coast. As part of this plan, was founded (1797) the mission of
San Fernando, twenty miles north of Los Angeles, named in honor of King Ferdi-
nand III of Spain (1217-1251). During the years 1820-30, it was in a flourishing
condition, the warehouse containing merchandise to the value of $50,000. The
mission was sold (1846) to Eulogio Celis to help defray the expenses of the war
with the United States, but the title was not sustained by the American courts.
San Fernando has suffered little from the hands of the restorer, the buildings belong-
ing still to a ranch, and affording a good picture of the general aspect of a Fran-
ciscan mission. — ED.
110 Soon after the founding of San Diego, Serra had wished to erect a mission
in honor of San Buenaventura. But various reasons hindered his purpose, which
was not accomplished until 1782; it was the last mission erected during his lifetime.
The church, the only building now standing, was begun in 1797; it was much
damaged by the earthquake of 1812, but later being repaired, now stands in the
midst of the busy American city of Ventura. The two friars who fled from this
mission in January, 1828, were Ripoll and Altmira, who went on board the "Har-
binger" at Santa Barbara, and never returned. It is believed they ultimately
reached Spain. — ED.
111 The presidio of Santa Barbara, one of the four forts by which the Spaniards
held California, was founded in 1782. The mission itself was not begun until four
years later. It became one of the most important of all the missions, and by 1800
was wealthy. The church was so much damaged by the earthquake of 1812 that
a new structure was erected, which to-day is in a perfect state of preservation, and
one thoroughly typical of mission architecture. After secularization (1834), the
mission was neglected for twenty years; but the Franciscans again took possession
of the property, and established a religious community therein, which is still main-
tamed for the education of novitiates. — ED.
280 Early Western Travels [Vol. 18
been. This place has a garrison of fifty or sixty soldiers.
The mission lies a half a mile N. W. of the fort. It is situ-
ated on the summit of a hill, and affords a fine view of the
great deep. Many are the hours I passed during this long
and lonely journey, through a country every way strange and
foreign to me, in looking on the ceaseless motion of its waves.
The great Leviathan too played therein. I have often
watched him, as he threw spouts of water into the air, and
moved his huge body through the liquid surface. My sub-
jects here amounted to 2600. They were principally Indians.
The next mission on my route was that called St. Enos.112
I vaccinated 900 of its inhabitants, and proceeded to St.
Cruz,113 where I operated upon 650. My next advance was
to St. Luis Obispes.114 Here I found 800 subjects. The
mission of St. Michael followed in order. In it I vaccinated
1850 persons.115 [216] My next theatre of operations was at
St. John Bapistrano.116 900 was the number that received
113 By "St. Enos," Pattie refers to the mission of Santa Inez, the nineteenth to
be established (1804), it being at first an offshoot of Santa Barbara. Its first
church was destroyed in the earthquake of 1812; the present building is plain and
uninteresting. At Santa Inez was started the great Indian revolt of 1824. At the
time of secularization it was one of the smaller missions, valued at only $56,000.
Because of its inaccessibility within the Santa Inez mountains, forty miles from
Santa Barbara, it is now little visited. — ED.
113 Pattie here makes a mistake in his itinerary. Either he is referring to La
Purissima mission, established in 1787 (re-established 1812), on Santa Inez River,
eighteen miles from the mission of that name, or he has misplaced his visit to Santa
Cruz mission (founded 1791), north of Monterey. — ED.
114 San Luis Obispo was one of the early missions, being founded by Serra in
1772, about midway between Monterey and Santa Barbara. Its buildings were
several times destroyed by fire, and its prosperity was of slower growth than that
of the more southern missions. The present buildings, in the flourishing modern
town of its name, retain but little of the early mission architecture, having been
completely changed by frequent restorations. — ED.
m San Miguel mission (in honor of Michael the archangel) was founded in
1797, in the valley of Salinas River. The present church was begun in 1800, and
is chiefly interesting for its interior decoration, designed and executed by Indians.
Pattie has here exaggerated the number of neophytes (or else this is a misprint),
the largest enrollment in 1814 being 1,076. — ED.
118 It is evident, from the context, that Pattie has transposed the names of the
two missions, San Juan Bautista (see note 1 19) and San Antonio. It was the latter
1824-1830] Patties Personal Narrative 281
vaccination here. Thence I went to La Solada, and vacci-
nated 1685, and then proceeded to St. Carlos, and commu-
nicated the matter to 8oo.m
From the latter mission I passed on to the fort of Monte
El Rey, where is a garrison of a hundred soldiers.118 I found
here 500 persons to vaccinate. The name of this place in
English signifies the King's mount or hill. Forests spread
around Monte El Rey for miles in all directions, composed
of thick clusters of pines and live oaks. Numberless grey
bears find their home, and range in these deep woods. They
are frequently known to attack men. The Spaniards take
great numbers of them by stratagem, killing an old horse
in the neighborhood of their places of resort. They erect
a scaffold near the dead animal, upon which they place
which he visited on the way to Monterey. Situated in the beautiful valley of the
San Antonio River, it was the third of all the missions founded by Serra (1771).
One of the most flourishing of the early missions, at the time of secularization it
was valued at $90,000. The present church dates from about 1809. It is fast
falling into ruin, owing to isolation and neglect. — ED.
117 La Soledad (Our Lady of Solitude), founded in 1791, was one of the smaller
missions, thus Pattie's numbers are incorrect. Its buildings are now almost in
ruins.
The mission of San Carlos was founded at the same time as the presidio of
Monterey; but the following year (1771) was removed several miles into the coun-
try, upon the Carmelo River (named for the Carmelite friar who visited this place
in 1602); from its location, the mission was usually spoken of as Carmel. It was
the central mission, the home of the president, and was important rather from this
fact and its neighborhood to Monterey than from the number of its neophytes.
In 1784 Father Junipero Serra, founder of the missions, died, and was buried at this
place. Nearly a hundred years later his tomb was re-opened, and found intact.
The present church, easily visited from Monterey, was dedicated in 1797; restored
in 1882, it is still in good condition, and service is held there monthly. — ED.
118 The harbor of Monterey was discovered by the Spanish expedition under
Cabrillo, in 1542; but rediscovered and named by Viscaino, in 1602. The first
land expedition sent out from San Diego (1770) failed to recognize the bay. The
presidio was built in June of that year, and made the capital of the new province.
It consisted of a stockaded enclosure, with cannon at the corners. By 1778 a
stone wall had been built, and the safety of the place ensured. Thenceforward,
the history of Monterey was the history of Alta California. After the American
conquest, it remained for many years a Mexican town. See Stevenson, "Old
Pacific Capital," in Across the Plains (New York, 1895), pp. 77-107. More
recently, Monterey has become a seaside resort. — ED.
282 Early Western Travels [Vol. 18
themselves during the night, armed with a gun or lance.
When the bear approaches to eat, they either shoot it, or
pierce it with the lance from their elevated position. Not-
withstanding all their precautions, however, they are some-
times caught by the wounded animal; and after a man has
once wrestled with a bear, he will not be likely to desire to
make a second trial of the same gymnastic exercise. Such,
at any rate, is the opinion I have heard those express, who
have had the good fortune to come off alive from a contest
of this kind. I do not speak for myself in this matter, as I
never came so near as to take the close hug with one in my
life; though to escape it, I once came near breaking my
neck down a precipice.
From Monte El Rey I advanced to the mission of St.
Anthony, which lies thirty miles E. from the coast.119 In
it I found one thousand persons to inoculate. I had now
reached the region of small pox, several cases of it having
occurred in this mission. The ruling priest of this estab-
lishment informed me, that he did not consider it either
necessary or advisable for me to proceed farther for the pur-
pose of inoculating the inhabitants of the country, as the
small pox had prevailed universally through its whole re-
maining extent. As I had heard, while in [217] San Diego,
great numbers had been carried off by it. I then told him
that I wished to see the church officer who had been described
to me by the first priest whom I had seen on my way up the
coast. He furnished mfe a horse, and I set off for the port
of San Francisco, vaccinating those whom I found on the
way who had not had the small pox.
119 This was San Juan Bautista (see note 116), whose site, thirty miles northeast
of Monterey, was chosen in 1786. A mission was not founded there until 1797,
when was begun the chapel which was dedicated in 1812; it still stands, although
much altered from its first appearance. Music was a feature of San Juan Bautista;
there is still to be seen within the building an old barrel organ which was made in
England in 1735. As this was a prosperous mission at the date of Pattie's visit,
no doubt his figures are correct. He omitted from his tour the northern missions
of Santa Cruz, Santa Clara, San Jose", San Rafael Archangel, and Solano de
Sonoma. — ED.
1824-1830] Patties Personal Narrative 283
I reached the above mentioned place,120 on the twentieth
of June, 1829. Finding the person of whom I was in search,
I presented him all the certificates of the priests of the mis-
sions in which I had vaccinated, and the letter of the Gen-
eral. I had inoculated in all twenty- two thousand persons.
After he had finished the perusal of these papers, he asked
me, what I thought my services were worth? I replied, that
I should leave that point entirely in his judgment and
decision. He then remarked, that he must have some time
to reflect upon the subject, and that I must spend a week or
two with him. I consented willingly to this proposal, as I
was desirous of crossing the bay of San Francisco to the
Russian settlement, called the Bodego.121
I proceeded to carry my wish into execution on the 23rd,
accompanied by two Coriac Indians, whose occupation was
uo It is usually conceded that none of the early explorers — Cabrillo, Sir Francis
Drake, or Viscaino — sighted the present San Francisco Bay, although that name
had been applied to the harborage under Point Reyes, now known as Drake's Bay.
Therefore it was the land expedition under Portata (1769-70), who first saw the
southern shore of the great bay, and attempted to pass around it to old Port San
Francisco. Failing in this, the party turned back to Monterey and were succeeded
by two more exploring parties in 1773 and 1774. The following year (1775)
Ayala first entered the bay from the ocean. Serra had long wished to found a
mission in honor of Saint Francis; he therefore besought a colony from Mexico,
to establish a presidio which should guard such an outlying mission. This being
arranged, an expedition under the lead of Moraga set forth in 1776, and in Septem-
ber of that year formally installed the presidio, the mission being dedicated in
October. The mission lay south of the fort, and is now included in the limits of
the city, where the church (dedicated in 1795) still stands. It was never a pros-
perous mission, owing partly to the climate, and partly to the character of the
Indians. Moraga continued as commandant of the presidio until his death in
1785, Fort San Joaquin was finished in 1794, when there was a total population
of about one thousand. The United States flag was raised on the plaza in 1846.
Under the Spaniards, San Francisco was always an outpost maintained for defense;
its importance began with the discovery of gold in 1848. — ED.
121 The Russian Fur Company, having under Rezanof explored the coast in
1806, desired to erect thereon a trading post, and in 1812 Baranof dispatched an
expedition to Bodega Bay. A site for the settlement was selected about eighteen
miles above the bay, and a fort with ten cannons was erected, named Ross. Although
the Spanish officials protested against this occupation of their territory there was
never an open collision, and the trade was profitable to the Californians. The
Russian settlement was therefore maintained until 1841, being then voluntarily
abandoned. — ED.
284 Early Western Travels [Vol. 18
the killing of sea otters for the Russians, who hire them into
their service. Those who pursue this employment, have
water crafts made of the sea lions' skins, in the shape of a
canoe. Over this spreads a top, completely covered in such
a manner as to preclude the possibility of the entrance of any
water. An opening is left at the bow and stern, over which
the person who has entered draws a covering of the same
material with that of the boat, which fastens firmly over the
aperture in such a manner, as to make this part entirely
water proof, as any other portion of the boat. Two persons
generally occupy it. No position can be more secure than
theirs, from all the dangers of the sea. The waves dash
over them harmless. The occupants are stationed, one at
the bow, and the other at the stern; the latter guides
the boat, while the other is provided with a [218] spear,
which he darts into the otter whenever he comes within its
reach. Great numbers are thus taken.
But to return to myself: We crossed the bay, which is
about three miles in width. It is made by the entrance of
a considerable river, called by the Spaniards Rio de San
Francisco. After we reached the north shore, we travelled
through a beautiful country, with a rich soil, well watered
and timbered, and reached the Russian settlement in the
night, having come a distance of thirty miles. As our
journey had been made on foot, and we had eaten nothing,
I was exceedingly fatigued and hungry. I accompanied
my fellow travellers, who belonged here, to their wigwams,
where I obtained some food, and a seal skin to sleep upon.
Early in the morning I arose, and learning from one of my
late companions where was the dwelling of the commander
of the place, I proceeded towards it. I had become ac-
quainted with this person while I was vaccinating the inhab-
itants of San Diego. He came there in a brig, and insisted
upon my promising him that I would come and communicate
the remedy to the people of his establishments, offering to
1824-1830] Pattie's Personal Narrative 285
recompense me for my services. I agreed to do what he
wished, should it be in my power. Accordingly, finding that
the Spaniard did not intend to keep a strict guard over my
movements, I availed myself of this opportunity of fulfilling
the expressed wish of Don Seraldo, for so was he called. I
reached the place pointed out to me by the friendly Indian,
and was received by the above mentioned gentleman with
the warmest expressions of kindness and friendship. He
said that so long a time had elapsed since he saw me, he was
afraid I had forgotten our conversation together, and that
circumstances had rendered my coming to him impossible.
He had suffered greatly from the fear that the small pox
would spread among his people, before he should be enabled
to prevent danger from it, through the means of the kine pox.
After breakfast, he circulated an order among the people,
for all who wished to be provided with a safe guard against
the terrible malady that had approached them so near, to
come to [219] his door. In a few hours I began my opera-
tions; and continued to be constantly occupied for three
days, vaccinating during this period fifteen hundred indi-
viduals. I reminded them all that they must return on the
fourth day, provided no signs of the complaint appeared;
and that they were not to rub, or roughly touch the spot,
should the vaccine matter have proper effect.
This done, Don Seraldo offered to accompany me through
the fort and around the settlement, in order to show me the
position, and every thing which might be new and inter-
esting to me. Its situation is one of the most beautiful that
I ever beheld, or that the imagination can conceive. The
fort stands on the brow of a handsome hill, about two hun-
dred feet above the level of the sea. This hill is surrounded
on all sides for two miles with a charming plain. A lofty
mountain whose sides present the noblest depth of forest,
raises a summit, glittering with perpetual ice and snow on
one hand, and on the other the level surface is lost in the
286 Early Western Travels [Vol. 18
waves of the sea. Clear cold streams pour down the moun-
tain, unceasingly from different points, and glide through
the plain, imparting moisture and verdure. The same
multitudes of domestic animals, that are every where seen
in this country, graze around in the pastures. They find
abundant pasturage in the wild oats, which grow spon-
taneously upon this coast. Very little attention is paid to
cultivation, where so many advantages are united to favor
it. The amount of produce of any kind raised is small,
and the inhabitants depend for bread entirely upon the
Spaniards.
I remained in this delightful place one week. At the
expiration of this time Don Seraldo gave me one hundred
dollars, as payment for my services, and then mounted me
upon a horse and conducted me back to the bay himself,
and remained on the shore, until he saw me safe upon the
other side.
I soon saw myself again in the presence of the Spanish
priest, from whom I was to receive my recompense for the
services performed on my long tour. He was not aware
where I had been, until I informed him. When I had told
him, he asked [220] me what Don Seraldo had paid me? I
stated this matter as it was. He then demanded of me,
how I liked the coast of California ? I answered, that I very
much admired the appearance of the country. His next
question was, how I would like the idea of living in it ? It
would be agreeable to me, I returned, were it subject to any
other form of government. He proceeded to question me
upon the ground of my objections to the present form of
government? I was careful not to satisfy him on this
point.
He then handed me a written piece of paper, the transla-
tion of which is as follows:
I certify, that James O. Pattie has vaccinated all the
1824-1830] Pattie's Personal Narrative 287
Indians and whites on this coast, and to recompense him
for the same, I give the said James O. Pattie my obligation
for one thousand head of cattle, and land to pasture them;
that is, 500 cows and 500 mules. This he is to receive after
he becomes a Catholic, and a subject of this government.
Given in the mission of St. Francisco on the 8th of July, in
the year 1829.
JOHN CABORTES
When I had read this, without making use of any figure
of speech, I was struck dumb. My anger choked me. As I
was well aware of the fact, that this man had it in his power
to hang me if I insulted him, and that here there was no
law to give me redress, and compel him to pay me justly for
my services, I said nothing for some time, but stood looking
him full in the face. I cannot judge whether he read my
displeasure, and burning feelings in my countenance, as I
thus eyed him, and would have sought to pacify me, or not;
but before I made a movement of any kind, he spoke,
saying, 'you look displeased, sir.' Prudential considerations
were sufficient to withhold me no longer, and I answered in
a short manner, that I felt at that moment as though I should
rejoice to find myself once more in a country where I should
be justly dealt by. He asked me, what I meant when I
spoke of being justly dealt by? I told him [221] what my
meaning was, and wished to be in my own country, where
there are laws to compel a man to pay another what he justly
owes him, without his having the power to attach to the
debt, as a condition upon which the payment is to depend,
the submission to, and gratification of, any of his whimsical
desires. Upon this the priest's tone became loud and
angry as he said, 'then you regard my proposing that you
should become a Catholic, as the expression of an unjust
and whimsical desire!' I told him 'yes, that I did; and
that I would not change my present opinions for all the money
288 Early Western Travels [Vol. 18
his mission was worth; and moreover, that before I would
consent to be adopted into the society and companionship
of such a band of murderers and robbers, as I deemed were
to be found along this coast, for the pitiful amount of one
thousand head of cattle, I would suffer death.'
When I had thus given honest and plain utterance to the
feelings, which swelled within me, the priest ordered me to
leave his house. I walked out quickly, and possessed myself
of my rifle, as I did not know, but some of his attendants at
hand might be set upon me; for if the comparison be
allowable the priests of this country have the people as much
and entirely under then* control and command, as the people
of our own country have a good bidable dog. For fear they
should come barking at me, I hastened away, and proceeded
to a ranch, where I procured a horse for three dollars, which
I mounted, and took the route for Monte El Rey. I did not
stop, nor stay on my journey to this place. I found upon
my arrival there, an American vessel in port, just ready to
sail, and on the point of departure.
Meeting the Captain on shore, I made the necessary
arrangements with him for accompanying him, and we went
on board together. The anchor was now weighed, and we
set sail. In the course of an hour, I was thoroughly sick, and
so continued for one week. I do not know any word, that
explains my feelings in this case so well as that of heart
sickness. I ate nothing, or little all this time; but after I
recovered, my appetite [222] returned in tenfold strength, and
I never enjoyed better health in my life. We continued at
sea for several months, sailing from one port to another, and
finally returned to that of Monte El Rey, from which we had
set sail.
It was now the 6th of January, 1830, and I felt anxious
to hear something in relation to my companions, from whom
I had so long been separated. I accordingly went on shore,
where I met with a great number of acquaintances, both
1824-1830] Pattie's Personal Narrative 289
Americans and English. The latter informed me, that
there was a revolution in the country, a part of the inhab-
itants having revolted against the constituted authorities.
The revolted party seemed at present likely to gain the
ascendency. They had promised the English and Amer-
icans the same privileges, and liberty in regard to the trade
on the coast, that belonged to the native citizens, upon the
condition, that these people aided them in their attempt to
gain their freedom, by imparting advice and funds.
This information gladdened my very heart. I do not
know, if the feeling be not wrong; but I instantly thought
of the unspeakable pleasure I should enjoy at seeing the gen-
eral, who had imprisoned me, and treated me so little like a
man and a Christian, in fetters himself. Under the influ-
ence of these feelings, I readily and cheerfully appropriated
a part of my little store to their use, I would fain have accom-
panied them in hopes to have one shot at the general with
my rifle. But the persuasions of my countrymen to the
contrary prevailed with me. They assigned, as reasons for
their advice, that it was enough to give counsel and funds at
first, and that the better plan would be, to see how they
managed their own affairs, before we committed ourselves,
by taking an active part in them, as they had been found
to be a treacherous people to deal with.
On the 8th of the month, Gen. Joachim Solis placed him-
self at the head of one hundred and fifty soldiers well armed,
and began his march from Monte El Rey to the fort of St.
Francisco.122 He was accompanied by two cannon, which,
he said, he should make thunder, if the fort was not quietly
given up to him. Gen. Solis had been transferred from a
122 Joaquin Solis was a convict ranchero, living near Monterey. He had served
in the war of independence from Spain, and had been sentenced to California for
brutal crimes which were thus lightly punished because of his military services to
the republic. For an account of this revolt, from manuscript sources, see Bancroft,
California, iii, pp. 67-86. Pattie's dates are erroneous, Solis having left Monte-
rey for San Francisco in November, 1829. — ED.
290 Early Western Travels [Vol. 18
command in the city of Mexico [223] to take command of
the insurgents, as soon as they should have formed them-
selves into something like an organized party, and have come
to a head. He had left Monte El Rey with such a force as
circumstances enabled him to collect, recruiting upon his
route, and inducing all to join him, whom he could influence
by fair words and promises. As has been said, he threat-
ened the fort of St. Francisco with a bloody contest, in case
they resisted his wishes. He carried with him written ad-
dresses to the inhabitants, in which those, who would range
themselves under his standard, were offered every thing that
renders Me desirable. They all flocked round him, giving
in their adhesion. When he reached the fort, he sent in
his propositions, which were acceded to, as soon as read
by the majority. The minority were principally officers.
They were all imprisoned by General Solis, as soon as he
obtained possession of the place. He then proceeded to
make laws, by which the inhabitants were to be governed,
and placed the fort in the hands of those, upon whom, he
thought he could depend. — These arrangements being all
made, he began his return to Monte El Rey, highly delighted
with his success.
There now seemed little doubt of his obtaining possession
of the whole coast in the course of a few months. He
remained at Monte El Rey increasing his force, and drilling
the new recruits, until the 28th of March, when he again
marched at the head of two hundred soldiers. The present
object of attack was Santa Barbara, where the commander
under the old regime was stationed. The latter was Gen.
Echedio, my old acquaintance of San Diego, for whom I
bore such good will.128 He was not in the least aware of
ia Jose" Maria de Echeandia was the first governor of California after it passed
under the Mexican government. A lieutenant-colonel in the army, he had been
director of the college of engineers at the City of Mexico, and arrived at San Diego
in October, 1825, to assume his new official duties. By establishing his official
residence at San Diego, he gave offense to the Montereyans, and thus promoted the
1824-1830] Pattie's Personal Narrative 291
the visit intended him by Gen. Solis; the latter having pre-
vented any tidings upon the subject reaching him, by posting
sentinels thickly for some distance upon the road, that lay
between them, to intercept and stop any one passing up or
down. The insurgent General had as yet succeeded in his
plans; and was so elated with the prospect of surprising
Gen. Echedio, and completely dispossessing him of his
power, and consequently having all in his own hands, that
he [224] did not consider it necessary any longer to conceal
his real character. The professions of the kind purposes of
the insurgent towards the English and Americans will be
recollected ; and also, that it was at a time when application
was made by these Spaniards to them for aid. The tone
was now changed. Threats were now made, with regard to
the future treatment, which we, unfortunate foreigners, might
expect, as soon as Gen. Solis became master of the coast.
We learned this through a Mexican Spaniard, whose
daughter Captain Cooper had married.124 This old gentle-
Solis revolt. His successor was appointed in 1830, but did not assume office until
January, 1831. The same year, Echeandia himself became concerned in a revolt
which placed him practically at the head of the government in California until
January 14, 1833, when a new appointee arrived from Mexico, bearing orders to
Echeandia to proceed thither. The latter thereupon sailed from San Diego, May
14, 1833, never again to visit California. He thereafter devoted his time to engi-
neering duties, and is known to have been so occupied in 1856, and to have died
before 1871. A somewhat indolent man, of infirm temper, he was nevertheless
popular with the Mexican party in California. — ED.
124 Captain John Roger Cooper was an American who in 1823 arrived in Cali-
fornia from Boston, master of the ship "Rover." Selling his vessel to the governor,
he continued his trading voyages until 1826, when he settled at Monterey and
turned merchant. Being naturalized in 1830, he became one of the well-known
characters of the Mexican capital. In 1839, he returned to sea-faring, and con-
tinued therein for ten or eleven years more, returning to Monterey as harbor-master
in 1851. He died at San Francisco in 1872.
Cooper's father-in-law was Ignacio Vallejo, one of the earliest and best known
of the Mexican residents. Vallejo was born in Guadalaxara (1748), of pure Span-
ish descent, and went to California with the first expedition (1769); he died at
Monterey in 1831. Being the only civil engineer of the province, he devoted much
time to irrigating works. See Shinn, "Pioneer Spanish Families in California," in
Century Magazine, xix, pp. 377-389. — ED.
292 Early Western Travels [Vol. 18
man was told by the General, that he intended either to
compel every American and Englishman to swear allegiance
to the government, which should be established, or drive
them from the country. This information was, however,
not communicated to us, until the General had departed.
We held a consultation upon the subject, to devise some
means, which should render him incapable of carrying his
good intentions towards us into effect. No other expedient
suggested itself to us, but that of sending General Echedio
information of the proposed attack, in time to enable him
to be prepared for it. We agreed upon this, and a letter
was written, stating what we deemed the points most neces-
sary for him to know. The signatures of some of the prin-
cipal men of the place were affixed to it; for those who
think alike upon important points soon understand one
another; and the character of Solis had not been unveiled
to us alone. It was important, that General Echedio
should attach consequence to our letter, and the information,
it contained, would come upon him so entirely by surprize,
that he might very naturally entertain doubts of its correct-
ness. I added my name to those of the party to which I
belonged. The object now was to have our document con-
veyed safely into the hands of Gen. Echedio. We sent a
runner with two good horses and instructions, how to pass
the army of Solis in the night undiscovered. All proceedings
had been conducted with so much secrecy and caution, that
the matter so far rested entirely with ourselves. We occa-
sionally heard the citizens around [225] us express dislike
towards the insurgent General; but as they did not seem
inclined to carry their opinions into action, we concluded
these were only remarks made to draw out our thoughts, and
took no notice of them. From after circumstances I believe,
that the number of his enemies exceeded that of his friends;
and that the remarks, of which I have spoken, were made in
truth and sincerity. Mean while we impatiently awaited
1824-1830] Pattie's Personal Narrative 293
some opportunity of operating to the disadvantage of the
General, and to hear what had taken place between him
and Gen. Echedio. A messenger arrived on the i2th of
April with the information, that the commander of the in-
surgents had ranged his men for three days in succession
before the fort upon the plain. A continual firing had been
kept up on both sides, during the three days, at the expiration
of which Gen. Solis, having expended his ammunition, and
consumed his provisions, was compelled to withdraw, having
sustained no loss, except that of one horse from a sustained
action of three days! The spirit with which the contest
was conducted may be inferred from a fact, related to me.
The cannon balls discharged from the fort upon the enemy
were discharged with so little force, that persons arrested
them in their course, without sustaining any injury by so
doing, at the point, where in the common order of things,
they must have inflicted death.
Upon the reception of this news, we joined in the prev-
alent expression of opinion around us. The name and
fame of Gen. Solis was exalted to the skies. All the florid
comparisons, usual upon such occasions, were put in requisi-
tion, and all the changes were sung upon his various char-
acteristics wit, honor and courage. The point was carried
so far as to bring him within some degrees of relationship to
a supernatural being. Then the unbounded skill he displayed
in marshalling his force, and his extreme care to prevent the
useless waste of his men's lives were expatiated upon, and
placed in the strongest light. The climax of his excellence
was his having retreated without the loss of a man. This
was the burden of our theme to his friends, that is, the fifty
soldiers, in whose charge he had left the command of the
[226] fort. The Captain Cooper, of whom I have spoken,
looked rather deeper into things, than those around him;
and consequently knew the most effectual means of operating
upon the inefficient machines, in the form of men, which it
294 Early Western Travels [Vol. 18
was necessary for our present purpose, to remove out of the
way for a time. Accordingly he rolled out a barrel of good
old rum, inviting all the friends of the good and great Gen.
Solis to come, and drink his health. The summons was
readily obeyed by them. Being somewhat elevated in spirit
by the proceedings of their noble general, previous to swallow-
ing the genuine inspiration of joy, the feeling afterwards
swelled to an extent, that burst all bounds, and finally left
them prostrate and powerless. We, like good Christians,
with the help of some of the inhabitants, conveyed them
into some strong houses, which stood near, while they re-
mained in their helpless condition, locking the doors safely,
that no harm might come to them. In our pity and care
for them, we proposed, that they should remain, until they
felt that violent excitements are injurious, from the natural
re-action of things. We now proceeded to circulate another
set of views, and opinions among the inhabitants in the
vicinity of the fort ; and such was our success in the business
of indoctrination, that we soon counted all their votes on
our side.
General Solis was now pitched down the depths, as heartily
as he had before been exalted to the heights. Huzza, for
Gen. Echedio and the Americans! was the prevailing cry.
The next movement was to make out a list of our names,
and appoint officers. Our number including Scotch, Irish,
English, Dutch and Americans, amounted to thirty-nine.
The number of Americans, however, being the greatest, our
party received the designation of American. Captain Cooper
was our commanding officer. We now marched up to the
castle, which is situated on the brink of a precipice, over-
looking the sea, and found four brass field pieces, mounted
on carriages. These we concluded to carry with us to the
fort. The remainder placed so as to command a sweep of
the surface of water below, and the surrounding ground, we
spiked fearing, if they fell into the [227] hands of Solis, that
1824-1830] P attic's Personal Narrative 295
he might break down our walls with them. This done,
we went to the magazine, and broke it open, taking what
powder and ball we wanted. We then posted sentinels for
miles along the road, to which we knew Solis was hastening
in order to prevent news of our proceedings from reaching
him, before it was convenient for us, that he should know
them. We were aware of his intention to return here to
recruit again, and it was our wish to surprize him by an
unexpected reception, and thus obtain an advantage, which
should counterbalance his superiority of numbers. In so
doing, we only availed ourselves of the precedent, he had
given us, in his management with regard to Gen. Echedio.
He had not derived benefit from his plan, in consequence of
his too great confidence of success, which led him to discover
his real feelings towards our people.
We hoped to avail ourselves of what was wise in his plan,
and profit by his mistakes. We shut up all the people, both
men and women, in the fort at night, that it might be out of
their power to attempt to make their way, under the cover
of darkness, through our line of sentinels, to give information,
should the inclination be felt. Our precautions were not
taken through fear of him, should he even come upon us,
prepared to encounter us as enemies: but from the wish to
take both himself and army prisoners. Should they learn
what we had done, we feared, they would pass on to St.
Francisco, to recruit, and thus escape us.
Our designs were successful; for in a few days General
Solis and his men appeared in sight of the first of our senti-
nels, who quickly transmitted this information to us. Our
preparations for receiving him were soon made, with a
proper regard to politeness. A regale of music from air
instruments, called cannons, was in readiness to incline
him to the right view of the scene before him, should he seem
not likely to conform to our wish, which was, simply, that he
should surrender to us without making any difficulty.
296 Early Western Travels [Vol. 18
Our fortification was in the form of a square, with only one
entrance. From each side of this entrance a wall pro-
jected at [228] right angles from it fifty yards. The Spaniards
call them wings; and it seems to me a significant and fitting
name for them. We intended to allow the approaching
party to advance between these walls, before we began our
part. Our cannons were charged with grape and balls,
and placed in a position to produce an effect between the
walls. Every man was now at his post, and General Solis
approaching within sight of the fort, a small cannon which
accompanied him was discharged by way of salute. No
answer was returned to him. The piece was reloaded, and
his fife and drum began a lively air, and the whole body
moved in a quick step towards the fort, entering the space
between the wings, of which I have spoken. This was no
sooner done than our matches were in readiness for instant
operation. Captain Cooper commanded them to surrender.
He was immediately obeyed by the soldiers, who threw down
their arms, aware that death would be the penalty of their
refusal. The General and six of his mounted officers fled,
directing their course to St. Francisco. Six of our party
were soon on horseback with our rules, and in pursuit of
them. I had been appointed orderly sergeant, and was one
of the six. We carried orders from the principal Spanish
civil officer, who was in the fort, and had taken an active
part in all our proceedings, to bring the General back with
us, either dead or alive. The commands of our military
commander, Captain Cooper, spoke the same language.
I confess that I wanted to have a shot at the fugitive, and
took pleasure in the pursuit. We went at full speed, for our
horses were good and fresh. Those belonging to the party
we were so desirous to overtake, would of course be some-
what weary, and jaded by their long journey. We had not
galloped many miles, before we perceived them in advance
of us. As soon as we were within hearing distance of each
1824-1830] Pattie's Personal Narrative 297
other, I called upon them to surrender. They replied by
wheeling their horses and firing at us, and then striking
their spurs into their horses' sides, to urge them onward.
We followed, producing more effect with our spurs than they
had done, and calling upon [229] them again to surrender,
or we should fire, and give no quarter. They at length reined
up, and six dismounted and laid down their arms. The
seventh remained on horse back, and as we came up, fired,
wounding one of our number slightly in the right arm. He
then turned to resume his flight ; but his horse had not made
the second spring, before our guns brought the hero from his
saddle. Four of our balls had passed through his body.
The whole number being now assembled together, victors
and vanquished, General Solis offered me his sword. I
refused it, but told him, that himself and his officers must
accompany me in my return to the fort. He consented to
this with a countenance so expressive of dejection, that I
pitied him, notwithstanding I knew him to be a bad man,
and destitute of all principle.
The man who had lost his life through his obstinacy, was
bound upon his horse, and the others having remounted
theirs, we set out upon our return. Our captives were all
disarmed except General Solis, who was allowed to retain
his sword. We reached the fort three hours before sunset.
The General and his men were dismounted, and irons put
upon their legs, after which they were locked up with those
who had forgotten themselves in their joy at the good fortune
of their poor general.
These events occurred on the i8th of March. On the 2oth
the civil officer of whom I have before spoken, together with
Captain Cooper, despatched a messenger to General Echedio,
who was still in Santa Barbara with written intelligence of
what we had accomplished. It was stated that the Ameri-
cans were the originators of the whole matter, and that their
flag was waving in the breeze over Monte El Rey, where it
298 Early Western Travels [Vol. 18
would remain, until his excellency came himself to take
charge of the place; and he was requested to hasten his
departure, as they who had obtained possession were anxious
to be relieved from the care and responsibility they found
imposed upon them.
We were very well aware that he would receive our in-
formation with unmingled pleasure, as he expected Solis
would return in a short time to Santa Barbara, to give him
another battle. [230] It was said, that upon the reception
of the letter he was as much rejoiced as though he had been
requested to come and take charge of a kingdom. As soon as
he could make the necessary arrangements he came to Monte
El Rey, where he arrived on the 2gth. We gave the com-
mand of the place up to him; but before he would suffer our
flag to be taken down, he had thirty guns discharged in honor
of it. He then requested a list of our names, saying, that if
we would accept it, he would give each one of us the right
of citizenship in his country.125 A splendid dinner was made
by him for our party. On the night of the 2gth a vessel
arrived in the port. In the morning it was found to be a
brig belonging to the American consul at Macho, John W.
Jones, esq., who was on board of it. This was the same
person to whom I wrote when in prison at San Diego by Mr.
Perkins. I met with him, and had the melancholy pleasure
of relating to him in person my sufferings and imprisonment,
and every thing, in short, that had happened to me during
my stay in this country. This took place in my first inter-
view with him. He advised me to make out a correct state-
ment of the value of the furs I had lost by the General's
detention of me, and also of the length of time I had been
imprisoned, and to take it with me to the city of Mexico,
128 Pattie's account of this interesting historical event seems in the main to be
accurate, except in the matter of dates, in which his own narrative is inconsistent.
Bancroft appears to think that he deliberately falsified the account of the capture
of Solis, in order to exalt his own part therein. — ED.
1824-1830] Pattie's Personal Narrative 299
where the American minister resided, and place it in his
hands. It was probable, the consul continued, that he
would be able to compel the Mexican government to indem-
nify me for the loss of property I had sustained, and for the
injustice of my imprisonment.
The probability of my success was not slight, provided I
could establish the truth of my statement, by obtaining the
testimony of those who were eye witnesses of the facts. I
informed the consul that I had not means to enable me to
reach the city of Mexico. A gentleman who was present
during this conversation, after hearing my last remark,
mentioned that he was then on his way to that place, and
that if I would accompany him he would pay my expenses;
and if circumstances should happen to induce me to think
of returning thence to the United States, I should do so free
of expense. I expressed my thanks [231] for this offer, and
said that if I succeeded in recovering only a portion of
what I had lost I would repay the money thus kindly ex-
pended in my behalf; but the obligation of gratitude imposed
by such an act, it would be impossible for me to repay.
In conformity to Mr. Jones' advice and instruction, I sat
myself down to make out an account for the inspection of
the American minister. When I had completed it, I obtained
the signatures, of some of the first among the inhabitants of
Monte El Rey, and that of the civil officer before mentioned,
testifying as to the truth of what I said, so far as the circum-
stances narrated had come under their observation. The
General having received the list of our names, which he
had requested, he now desired, that we might all come to
his office, and receive the right of citizenship from his hand,
as a reward for what we had done. I put my paper in my
pocket, and proceeded with my companions and Mr. Jones
to the indicated place. The General had been much sur-
prized to find my name in the list furnished him; but as I
entered the room, he arose hastily from his seat and shook
300 Early Western Travels [Vol. 18
my hand in a friendly manner, after which I introduced him
to the consul. He seemed surprised as he heard the name
of this gentleman, but said nothing. After pointing us to
seats, he walked out of the room, saying he should return in
a few moments. I concluded, that he thought, I had brought
the consul, or that he had accompanied me for the purpose
of questioning him on the subject of my imprisonment and
that of my companions. He returned, as soon as he had
promised, having some papers in his hand. After he had
seated himself, he began to interrogate me with regard to
what had happened to me, during the long time that had
elapsed since he had last seen me, adding, that he did
not expect ever to have met me again; but was happy to
see me a citizen of his country. My answer in reply to the
last part of his remarks was short. I told him, he had not
yet enjoyed any thing from that source, and with my consent
never should.
He looked very serious upon this manifestation of firmness,
or [232] whatever it may be called on my part, and requested
to know my objections to being a citizen of the country?
I replied that it was simply having been reared in a
country where I could pass from one town to another, with-
out the protection of a passport, which instead of affording
real protection, subjected me to the examination of every
petty officer, near whom I passed, and that I should not
willingly remain, where such was the order of things. Be-
sides, I added, I was liable to be thrown into prison like a
criminal, at the caprice of one clothed with a little authority,
if I failed to show a passport, which I might either lose
accidentally, or in some way, for which I might not have
been in the least in fault.
The General, in reply, asked me if in my country a for-
eigner was permitted to travel to and fro, without first
presenting to the properly constituted authorities of our gov-
ernment, proof from those among the officers of his own
1824-1830] Pattie's Personal Narrative 301
government appointed for that purpose, of his being a person
of good character, who might safely be allowed to traverse the
country? I told him I had once attempted to satisfy him
on that head, and he very abruptly and decidedly contra-
dicted my account; and that now I did not feel in the least
compelled, or inclined to enter upon the matter a second
time. All which I desired of him, and that I did not earnestly
desire, was, that he would give me a passport to travel into
my own country by the way of the city of Mexico. If I
could once more place my foot upon its free soil, and enjoy
the priceless blessings of its liberty, which my unfortunate
father, of whom I could never cease to think, and who had
died in his prison, assisted in maintaining, I should be
satisfied.
While I thus spoke, he gazed steadily in my face. His
swarthy complexion grew pale. He read in my countenance
a strong expression of deep feeling, awakened by the nature
of the remembrances associated with him. He felt that there
was something fearful in the harvest of bitterness which the
oppressor reaps in return for his injuries and cruelties. I
thought, he [233] feared, if he did not grant my request for
a pass, that I might carry into execution the purposes of
vengeance; to which I used to give utterance in my burning
indignation at his conduct at the time of my father's death.
Whenever I saw him pass my prison I seized the opportunity
to tell him, that if my time for redress ever came, he would
find me as unflinching in my vengeance as he had been in his
injuries. I only expressed the truth with regard to my feel-
ings at the time, and even now I owe it to candor and honesty
to acknowledge, that I could have seen him at the moment
of this conversation suffer any infliction without pity.
He did not hesitate to give the pass I desired; but asked
me what business led me out of my way to the United States
around by the city of Mexico? My direct course, he re-
marked, lay in a straight direction through New Mexico. For
302 Early Western Travels [Vol. 18
eply, I drew out of my pocket the paper I had written beforet
coming to his office, and read it to him, telling him that was
the business which led me to the city of Mexico. I then
asked him if all the facts there stated were not true? His
answer was in the affirmative; 'but/ added he, 'you will not
be able to recover any thing, as I acted in conformity to the
laws of my country. If you will remain in this country I
will give you something handsome to begin with.' I assured
him that I would not stay, but I wished him to show me
the laws which allowed, or justified him in imprisoning my-
self and my companions for entering a country as we did,
compelled by misfortunes such as ours. In return, he said
he had no laws to show, but those which recommended him
to take up and imprison those whom he deemed conspirators
against his country. 'What marks of our being conspirators
did you discover in us,' rejoined I, 'which warranted your
imprisoning us? I am aware of none, unless it be the
evidence furnished by our countenances and apparel, tha
we had undergone the extreme of misfortune and distress,
which had come upon us without any agency on our part,
and as inevitable evils to which every human being is liable.
We were led by the hope of obtaining relief, to seek refuge
in your protection. [234] In confirmation of our own
relation, did not our papers prove that we were Americans,
and that we had received legal permission from the very
government under which we then were, to trade in the
country? The printed declaration to this effect, given us
by the governor of Santa Fe, which we showed you, you tore
in pieces before us, declaring it was neither a license nor a
passport.' The General replied, that he did tear up a paper
given him by us, but that in fact it was neither a passport
nor a license.
"Now sir," said I, "I am happy that it is in my power to
prove, in the presence of the American consul, the truth of
what I have said with regard to the license." I then pro-
1824-1830] P attic* s Personal Narrative 303
duced another copy of the paper torn up by him, which had
been given my father by the governor of Santa Fe, at the
same time with the former. He looked at it, and said nothing
more, except that I might go on, and try what I could do in
the way of recovering what I had lost.
The consul and myself now left him, and returned to Capt.
Cooper's. The consul laughed at me about my quarrel with
the General. In a few moments the latter appeared among
us, and the remainder of the day passed away cheerfully in
drinking toasts. When the General rose to take leave of
us, he requested the consul to call upon him at his office ; as
he wanted to converse with him upon business. The consul
went, according to request, and the General contracted with
him for the transportation of Gen. Solis, and sixteen other
prisoners to San Bias, on board his vessel, whence they were
to be carried to the city of Mexico. The 7th of May was
fixed for the departure of the brig, as the General required
some time for making necessary arrangements, and pre-
paring documents to accompany the transmission of the
prisoners. When I heard that this delay was unavoidable,
I went to the General and returned my passport, telling him
I should want another, when the vessel was ready to sail, as
I intended to proceed in it as far as San Bias. He con-
sented to give me one, and then joked with me about the
[235] honor, I should enjoy, of accompanying Gen. Solis.
I replied in the same strain, and left him.
Captain William H. Hinkley and myself went to the
mission of San Carlos, where we spent three days.128 During
the whole time, we did little beside express our astonish-
ment at what we saw. We had fallen upon the festival days
128 Captain William S. Hinckley was well known to the California coast, appear-
ing there as master of a trading vessel in 1830. He visited the same ports in 1833-34,
and aided Alvarado in his revolution of 1836. For several years thereafter he was
in trouble with the revenue agents at San Francisco, charged with smuggling.
Becoming a permanent resident of that place in 1840, he was naturalized, married,
and made an alcalde, as well as captain of the port. He died just previous to the
advent of the Americans in 1846. — ED.
304 Early Western Travels [Vol. 18
of some saint, and the services performed in his honor all
passed under our eyes. They were not a few, nor wanting
in variety, as this was a noted festival. Our admiration,
however, was principally excited by the contest between
grizzly bears and bulls, which constitutes one of the exhibi-
tions of these people.
Five large grey bears had been caught, and fastened in a
pen built for the purpose of confining the bulls, during a
bullbaiting. One of the latter animals, held by ropes, was
brought to the spot by men on horseback, and thrown down.
A bear was then drawn up to him, and they were fastened
together by a rope about fifteen feet in length, in such a
manner, that they could not separate from each other. One
end of it is tied around one of the forefeet of the bull, and
the other around one of the hind feet of the bear. The two
were then left to spring upon their feet. As soon as this
movement is made, the bull makes at the bear, very often
deciding the fate of the ferocious animal in this first act. If
the bull fails in goring the bear, the fierce animal seizes him
and tears him to death. Fourteen of the latter lost their
lives, before the five bears were destroyed. To Captain
Hinkley this was a sight of novel and absorbing interest. It
had less of novelty for me, as since I had been on the coast,
I had often seen similar combats, and in fact worse, having
been present when men entered the enclosure to encounter
the powerful bull in his wild and untamed fierceness. These
unfortunate persons are armed with a small sword, with
which they sometimes succeed in saving their own lives at the
expense of that of the animal.
I once saw the man fall in one of these horrible shows;
they are conducted in the following manner: the man enters
to the bull with the weapon, of which he avails himself, in
the right [236] hand, and in the left a small red flag, fastened
to a staff about three feet in length. He whistles, or makes
some other noise, to attract the attention of the animal, upon
1824-1830] P attic's Personal Narrative 305
hearing which the bull comes towards him with the speed of
fury. The man stands firm, with the flag dangling before
him, to receive this terrible onset. When the bull makes the
last spring towards him, he dexterously evades it, by throw-
ing his body from behind the flag to one side, at the same
time thrusting his sword into the animal's side. If this blow
is properly directed, blood gushes from the mouth and nostrils
of the bull, and he falls dead. A second blow in this case
is seldom required.
Another mode of killing these animals is by men on horse-
back, with a spear, which they dart into his neck, immediately
behind the horns. The horse is often killed by the bull.
When the animal chances to prefer running from the fight
to engaging in it, he is killed by the horseman, by being
thrown heels over head. This is accomplished by catching
hold of the tail of the bull in the full speed of pursuit, and
giving a turn around the head of the saddle, in such a manner,
that they are enabled to throw the animal into any posture
they choose.127
After we returned to the fort, it took us some time to
relate what we had seen, to the consul. Feeling it necessary
to do something towards supporting myself, during the
remaining time of my stay in this part of the country, I took
my rifle, and joined a Portuguese in the attempt to kill
otters along the coast. We hunted up and down the coast,
a distance of forty miles, killing sixteen otters in ten days.
We sold their skins, some as high as seventy-five dollars,
and none under twenty-five. Three hundred dollars fell to
my share from the avails of our trip. Captain Cooper was
exceedingly desirous to purchase my rifle, now that I should
not be likely to make use of it, as I was soon to proceed on
my journey to the city of Mexico. I presented it to him,
for I could not think of bartering for money, what I regarded,
127 For another description of these fights, consult Bidwell, " Life in California
before the Gold Discovery," in Century Magazine, xix, pp. 163-182. — ED.
306 Early Western Travels [Vol. 18
as a tried friend, that had afforded me the means of sub-
sistence and protection for so long a time. My [237] con-
science would have reproached me, as though I had been
guilty of an act of ingratitude.
The period of my departure from this coast was now close
at hand, and my thoughts naturally took a retrospect of the
whole time, I had spent upon it. The misery and suffering
of various kinds, that I had endured in some portions of it,
had not been able to prevent me from feeling, and acknowl-
edging, that this country is more calculated to charm the
eye, than any one I have ever seen. Those, who traverse it,
if they have any capability whatever of perceiving, and
admiring the beautiful and sublime in scenery, must be
constantly excited to wonder and praise. It is no less
remarkable for uniting the advantages of healthfulness, a
good soil, a temperate climate, and yet one of exceeding
mildness, a happy mixture of level and elevated ground, and
vicinity to the sea. Its inhabitants are equally calculated
to excite dislike, and even the stronger feelings of disgust
and hatred. The priests are omnipotent, and all things are
subject to their power. Two thirds of the population are
native Indians under the immediate charge of these spiritual
rulers in the numerous missions. It is a well known fact,
that nothing is more entirely opposite to the nature of a
savage, than labor. In order to keep them at their daily
tasks, the most rigid and unremitting supervision is exercised.
No bondage can be more complete, than that under which
they live. The compulsion laid upon them has, however,
led them at times to rebel, and endeavor to escape from
their yoke. They have seized upon arms, murdered the
priests, and destroyed the buildings of the missions, by pre-
concerted stratagem, in several instances. When their work
of destruction and retribution was accomplished, they fled
to the mountains, and subsisted on the flesh of wild horses
which are there found in innumerable droves. To prevent
1824-1830] Pattie's Personal Narrative 307
the recurrence of similar events, the priests have passed laws,
prohibiting an Indian the use or possession of any weapon
whatever, under the penalty of a severe punishment.
On the 25th I addressed the companions of my former
journeyings and imprisonment in San Diego by letter.
They had [238] remained in the town of Angels, during the
months which had elapsed since my separation from them,
after our receiving liberty upon parole. I had kept up a
constant correspondence with them in this interval. My
objects at present were to inform them of my proposed
departure for my native country, and request them, if they
should be called upon so to do, to state every thing relative
to our imprisonment and loss of property, exactly as it took
place. I closed, by telling them, they might expect a letter
from me upon my arrival in the city of Mexico.128
On the 8th of May I applied for my passport, which was
readily given me, and taking leave of the General and my
friends, I entered the vessel, in which I was to proceed to
San Bias, at 8 o'clock in the morning. The sails of the brig,
which was called the Volunteer, were soon set, and speeding
us upon our way. The green water turned white, as it met
the advance of our prow, and behind us we left a smooth
belt of water, affording a singular contrast to the waves
around. I watched the disappearance of this single smooth
spot, as it was lost in the surrounding billows, when the
influence of the movement of our vessel ceased, as a spec-
tacle to be contemplated by a land's man with interest. But
no feeling of gratification operated in the minds of the poor
prisoners in the hold. They were ironed separately, and
then all fastened to a long bar of iron. They were soon
heard mingling prayers and groans, interrupted only by the
violent vomiting produced by sea sickness. In addition to
128 For the later history of Pattie's companions, see Vallejo, " Ranch and Mission
Days in Alta California," ibid., pp. 183-192. Bancroft possessed his letter written
from Mexico, June 14, 1830; see his California, iii, p. 170. — ED.
308 Early Western Travels [Vol. 18
this misery, when fear found entrance into their thoughts
during the intervals of the cessation of extreme sickness, it
seemed to them, as if every surge the vessel made must be
its last. In this miserable condition they remained, until
the i gth, when we arrived at San Bias. The prisoners here
were delivered into the charge of the commanding officer of
the place.
Captain Hinkley, his mate, Henry Vinal, and myself
disembarked at this place, in order to commence our jour-
ney over land to Mexico. The necessary arrangements for
our undertaking occupied us three days. We found the
season warm on our arrival here. Watermelons were abun-
dant, and also green [239] corn, and a great variety of ripe
fruit. Two crops of corn and wheat are raised in the year.
A precipice was shown me, over which, I was told, the Mexi-
cans threw three old priests at the commencement of the
revolt against the king of Spain. — This port is the centre of
considerable business in the seasons of spring and fall. Dur-
ing the summer, the inhabitants are compelled to leave it,
as the air becomes infected by the exhalations, arising from
the surrounding swamps. Myriads of musquitos and other
small insects fill the air at the same time, uniting with the
former cause to render the place uninhabitable.
Great quantities of salt are made upon the flats in the vicin-
ity of San Bias. I did not inform myself accurately, with
regard to the manner, in which it is made; but as I was pass-
ing by one day, where the preparation of it was carried on,
I observed what struck me as being both curious and novel.
The earth was laid off in square beds. Around their edges
dirt was heaped up, as though the bed, which I have men-
tioned, was intended to be covered with water.
We began our journey well armed, as we had been informed
that we should, in all probability, find abundant occasion
to use our arms, as we advanced. Our progress was slow,
as we conformed to the directions given us, and kept a con-
1824-1830] Pattie's Personal Narrative 309
stant look out for robbers, of whom there are said to be
thousands upon this route.
On the 25th we reached a small town called Tipi, where
we remained one day to rest from our fatigue, and then set
off again for Guadalaxara, distant eight days' journey. Our
path led us through a beautiful country, a great portion
of which was under cultivation. Occasionally we passed
through small villages. Beggars were to be seen standing
at the corners of all the streets, and along the highways.
They take a station by the road side, having a dog or child
by them, to lead them into the road when they see a traveller
approaching. They stand until the person reaches the spot
upon which they are, when they ask alms for the sake of a
saint, whose image is worn suspended around their neck,
or tied around the wrist. [240] This circumstance of begging
for the saint, and not for themselves, struck me as a new
expedient in the art of begging. At first we gave a trifle to
the poor saint. As we went on we found them so numerous
that it became necessary for us to husband our alms, and
we finally came to the conclusion that the large brotherhood
of beggars could occasionally diversify their mode of life by
a dexterous management of their fingers, and shut our
purses to the demands of the saints. The country for some
time before we drew near Guadalaxara, was rather barren,
although its immediate vicinity is delightful.
We reached that city on the 2d of June, and spent three
days in it. It is situated upon a fine plain, which is over-
spread by the same numbers of domestic animals that I had
seen in New Mexico and California. The city is walled in,
with gates at the different entrances. These gates are
strongly guarded, and no one is allowed to enter them until
they have been searched, in order to ascertain if they carry
any smuggled goods about them. The same precaution is
used when any one passes out of the city. A passport must
be shown for the person, his horse, and arms, and a state-
3 1 o Early Western Travels [Vol. 18
ment from the principal peace officer, of the number of
trunks with which he set out upon his journey, and their
contents. This caution is to prevent smuggling; but it
does not effect the purpose, as there is more contraband
trade here, than in any place I was ever in before. I was
not able to ascertain the number of inhabitants of this city.
The silver mines of Guanaxuato are near Guadalaxara.
They are carried on at present by an English company.
The evening before our departure we went to the theatre.
The actresses appeared young and beautiful, and danced
and sung charmingly.
The 5th day of June we resumed our journey to the city
of Mexico. Again we travelled through a charming country,
tolerably thickly settled. On our way we fell in company
with an officer belonging to the service of the country. He
had ten soldiers with him. Upon his demanding to see our
passports we showed them to him, though he had no authority
to make [241] such a demand. After he had finished their
perusal he returned them with such an indifferent air, that I
could not resist an inclination to ask him some questions
that might perhaps have seemed rude. I first asked him
what post he filled in the army? He answered, with great
civility, he was first lieutenant. I then requested to know,
to what part of the country he was travelling? He said,
still in a very civil manner, that he had had the command
of some troops in Guanaxuato, but was now on his way to
the city of Mexico, to take charge of the 6th regiment, which
was ordered to the province of Texas, to find out among the
Americans there, those who had refused obedience to the
Mexican laws. He added, that when he succeeded in find-
ing them, he would soon learn them to behave well. The
last remark was made in rather a contemptuous tone of
voice, and with something like an implied insult to me. This
warmed my blood, and I replied in a tone not so gentle as
prudence might have counselled a stranger in a foreign land
1824-1830] Pattie s Personal Narrative 311
to have adopted, that if himself and his men did not conduct
themselves properly when they were among the Americans,
the latter would soon despatch them to another country,
which they had not yet seen; as the Americans were not
Mexicans, to stand at the corner of a house, and hide their
guns behind the side of it, while they looked another way,
and pulled the trigger. At this he flew into a passion. I
did not try to irritate him any further, and he rode on and
left us. We pursued our way slowly, and stopped for the
night at Aguabuena, a small town on the way. We put up
at a house, a sort of posada, built for lodging travellers. —
Twenty-five cents is the price for the use of a room for one
night. It is seldom that any person is found about such an
establishment to take charge of it but an old key bearer.
Provisions must be sought elsewhere. It is not often neces-
sary to go further than the street, where, at any hour in the
day until ten o'clock at night, men and women are engaged
in crying different kinds of eatables. We generally pur-
chased our food of them. After we had finished our supper
two English gentlemen entered, who were on their way to
the city of Mexico. [242] We concluded to travel together,
as our point of destination was the same, and we should be
more able to resist any adversaries we might encounter; this
country being, as I have before mentioned, infested with
robbers and thieves, although we had not yet fallen in with
any.
These gentlemen informed us that the greatest catholic
festival of the whole year was close at hand. If we could
reach the city of Mexico before its celebration, we should
see something that would repay us for hastening our jour-
ney. As we were desirous to lose the sight of nothing curious,
we proceeded as fast as circumstances would permit, and
reached the city on the loth, late in the evening, and put up
at an inn kept by an Englishman, although, as in the other
towns in which we had been, we were obliged to seek food
312 Early Western Travels [Vol. 18
elsewhere, the only accommodation at the inn being beds
to sleep in, and liquors to drink. We found supper in a
coffee house.
We were awakened early in the morning by the ringing of
bells. As we stepped into the street we met three biers car-
ried by some men guarded by soldiers. Blood was dropping
from each bier. The bearers begged money to pay the
expenses of burying the bodies. I afterwards learned that
these persons were murdered on the night of our arrival,
upon the Alameda, a promenade north of the city, in one of
the suburbs. We visited this place, and found it covered
with thousands of people, some walking, and others sitting
on the seats placed around this public pleasure ground.
Small parties are sheltered from view by thickets of a growth,
like that in our country, used for hedges. The open sur-
face is surrounded by a hedge of the same shrub. These
partially concealed parties are usually composed of men and
women of the lowest orders, engaged in card playing. Such
are to be seen at any hour of the day, occupied in a way
which is most likely to terminate the meeting in an affray,
and perhaps murder. Blood is frequently shed, and I judged
from what I saw of the order of things, that the accounts of the
numerous assassinations committed among this populace,
were not exaggerated. One of the characteristics of this
people [243] is jealousy. Notwithstanding the danger really
to be apprehended from visiting this place after certain hours,
my two companions and myself spent several evenings in
it without being molested in the slightest degree. But one
evening as we were returning to our lodgings, we were com-
pelled to kneel with our white pantaloons upon the dirty
street, while the host was passing. We took care afterwards
to step into a house in time to avoid the troublesome necessity.
We attended a bull baiting, and some other exhibitions for
the amusement of the people. Being one evening at the
theatre, I had the misfortune to lose my watch from my
1824-1830] Pattie's Personal Narrative 313
pocket, without being aware when it was taken. It would
have been useless for me to have thought of looking around
for it, as I stood in the midst of such a crowd that it was al-
most an impossibility to move.
The accounts of this city which I had met with in books
led me to expect to find it placed in the midst of a lake, or
surrounded by a sheet of water. To satisfy myself with
regard to the truth of this representation, I mounted a horse,
and made the circuit of the city, visiting some villages that
lay within a league of it. I found no lake ; but the land is
low and flat. A canal is cut through it, for the purpose of
carrying off the water that descends from the mountains
upon the level surface, which has the appearance of having
been formerly covered with water. A mountain which is
visible from the city, presents a circular summit, one part
of which is covered with snow throughout the year: upon
the other is the crater of a volcano, which is continually
sending up proof of the existence of an unceasing fire within.
Early upon the first day of my arrival in this city, I waited
upon Mr. Butler, the American charge d'affairs.129 After
I had made myself known to him he showed me a commu-
nication from President Jackson to the President of this
country, the purport of which was, to request the latter to
set at liberty some Americans, imprisoned upon the coast
of California. I then handed him the statement I had made
according to the advice [244] of Mr. Jones. He asked me
129 Antkony Butler was a native of South. Carolina, who early in the nineteenth
century removed to Logan County, Kentucky. In the War of 1812-15, ^e served
first as lieutenant-colonel of the 28th infantry, then as colonel of the 2nd rifle corps,
and was at New Orleans with Jackson, a warm personal friend. In 1818-19 ^e
served in his state legislature. Upon Jackson's accession to power, Butler was
appointed (1829) charge" d'affaires at Mexico, where, already deeply involved in
speculation in Texan land-scrip, he attempted to secure annexation by various
means not wholly reputable. Having deceived Jackson, and attempted to outwit
the Mexican ministers, his recall was demanded by Santa Anna (1836), but Jackson
had already dismissed him. See Memoirs of John Quincy Adams, xi, pp. 359,
360.— ED.
314 Early Western Travels [Vol. 18
many questions relative to the losses I had sustained, which
I answered, and then took my leave.
A number of coaches were to leave the city for Vera Cruz
on the 1 8th of June. My companions and myself took
places in one of them. On the i5th I again called upon Mr.
Butler to obtain a passport to Vera Cruz, where I intended
to embark for America. He took me to the palace of the
President, in order that I might get my passport. This
circumstance was agreeable to me, as I was desirous to see
this person, of whom I had heard so much. Upon arriving
at the palace I found it a splendid building, although much
shattered by the balls discharged at it by the former Presi-
dent Guerero, who is now flying from one place to another
with a few followers, spreading destruction to the extent of
his power. A soldier led me into the presence of the Presi-
dent.130 He was walking to and fro when I entered the room,
apparently in deep meditation. Several clerks were present,
engaged in writing. He received me politely, bowing as I
advanced, and bade me sit down. In answer to his inquiry
what I wished of him? I told my errand. He then asked
me from what direction I came ? I replied, from California.
California ! said he, repeating the word with an air of interest.
I answered again, that I left that part of the country when
I began my present journey. You must have been there
then, rejoined he, when the late revolution took place, of
which I have but a short time since received information.
I remarked, that I was upon the spot where it occurred, and
that I took my departure from the coast in the same vessel
that brought sixteen of the captives taken in the course of
uo Vicente Guerrero was installed president of the Mexican Republic in 1829.
In the summer of that year the Spanish sent an'expedition to retake Mexico, and
he, espousing their cause, was granted dictatorial powers. The vice-president,
Anastasio Bustamante, thereupon styled himself preserver of the constitution, and
in December organized a revolt. Guerrero fled from the capital, and in 1831 was
captured and shot. Bustamante remained president until 1832, when a counter
revolution, led by Santa Anna, drove him from power. — ED.
1824-1830] Pattie's Personal Narrative 315
its progress, and that I disembarked at St. Bias at the same
time that they were taken from the vessel. He resumed the
conversation by saying, you were probably one of the Amer-
icans who, I am told, assisted in subduing the revolted party.
I told him, he was correct in his opinion ; and by so doing I
had had the good fortune to gain my liberty. His coun-
tenance expressed surprise at the conclusion of my remark;
and he proceeded [245] to ask me, what meaning I had, in
saying that I had thus regained my own liberty? I then
related my story; upon which he said he had understood
that General Echedio had acted contrary to the laws, in
several instances, and that, in consequence, he had ordered
him to Mexico to answer for his conduct.131 I was surprised
at the condescension of the President in thus expressing to
me any part of his intentions with regard to such a person.
I accounted for it by supposing that he wished to have it
generally understood, that he did not approve of the unjust
and cruel treatment which the Americans had received.
The president appeared to me to be a man of plain and
gentlemanly manners, possessing great talent. In this I
express no more than my individual opinion; to which I
must add that I do not consider myself competent to judge
of such points, only for myself. He gave me a passport, and
I returned to Mr. Butler's office, who informed me that he
wished me to take a very fine horse to Vera Cruz, for the
American consul at that place. He said that I would find
it pleasant to vary my mode of travelling, by occasionally
riding the horse. I readily consented to his wish, requesting
him to have the horse taken to the place from which the
coach would set off, early in the morning, when I would take
charge of it. I now took leave of Mr. Butler and proceeded
to my lodgings.
I found both my companions busily engaged in packing,
U1 Although Governor Echeandia's successor was appointed in 1830, he did not
return to Mexico until three years later. See note 123, ante. — ED.
3 1 6 Early Western Travels [Vol. 18
and arranging for departure. I immediately entered upon
the same employment. I had two trunks; one I filled with
such articles as I should require upon my journey; and in
another I placed such as I should not be likely to use, and
a great many curiosities which I had collected during my
long wanderings. The latter trunk I did not calculate to
open until I reached my native land.
At 8 o'clock on the morning of the i6th our coach left the
city, in company with two others. We were eight in num-
ber, including the coachman. Three of the party were
ladies. One was a Frenchwoman, a married lady travelling
without her husband. Another was a Spanishwoman, who
had married [246] a wealthy Irishman, and was accom-
panied by her husband. The third was the wife of a Mexi-
can officer, also one of the eight. This gentleman was an
inveterate enemy of the displaced President General Guerero.
We journeyed on very amicably together, without meeting
with the slightest disturbance, until the second day, when,
about three o'clock in the afternoon, we were met by a com-
pany of fifty men, all well mounted and armed. At first
sight of them we had supposed them to be a party which
had been sent from the city in search of some highwaymen
who had committed murder and robbery upon the road on
which we were travelling, a few days previous to our depart-
ure. A few minutes served to show us our mistake. — They
surrounded the coaches, commanding the drivers to halt,
and announcing themselves as followers of General Guerero.
They demanded money, of which they stated that they were
in great need. The tone of this demand was, however,
humble, such as beggars would use. While they addressed
us in this manner, they contrived to place themselves among
and around the persons of our party in such a way as to
obtain entire command of us. The instant they had com-
pleted this purpose, they presented their spears and muskets,
and demanded our arms. We resigned them without
1824-1830] P attic's Personal Narrative 317
offering an objection, as we saw clearly, that opposition
would be unavailing. They now proceeded to take from
us what they thought proper. I was allowed to retain my
trunk of clothing for my journey. The Mexican officer
was sitting by his wife in the coach. Some of the soldiers
seized him, and dragged him from his almost distracted wife
out of the carriage. His fate was summarily decided, and
he was hung upon a tree. When this dreadful business was
terminated, we were ordered to drive on. We gladly has-
tened from such a scene of horror. But the agony of the
unfortunate wife was an impressive memorial to remind us
of the nature of the late occurrence, had we needed any
other than our own remembrances. We left this afflicted
lady at Xalapa, in the care of her relations. A great quan-
tity of jalap, which is so much used in medicine, is obtained
from this place. [247] After leaving Xalapa, we advanced
through a beautiful country. We passed many small
towns on this part of our route.
Our course had been a continued descent, after crossing
the mountain sixteen miles from the city of Mexico. The
road is excellent, being paved for the most part. It is cut
through points of mountains in several places. This work
must have been attended with immense labor and expense.
We reached Vera Cruz on the 24th. On the 2yth Captain
Hinkley and his mate embarked for New York. I remained
with the consul Mr. Stone, until the i8th of July. A vessel
being in readiness to sail for New Orleans at this time, I
was desirous to avail myself of the opportunity to return to
the United States. Mr. Stone and some others presented
me money sufficient to pay my passage to the point to which
the vessel was bound. It was very painful to me to incur
this debt of gratitude, as I could not even venture to hope
that it would be in my power to repay it, either in money
or benefits of any kind. The prospect, which the future
offered me, was dark. It seemed as if misfortune had set
3 1 8 Early Western Travels [Vol. 18
her seal upon all that concerned my destiny. I accepted
this offering of kindness and benevolence with thanks direct
from my heart, and went on board the vessel.
It would be idle for me to attempt to describe the feelings
that swelled my heart, as the sails filled to bear me from the
shores of a country, where I had seen and suffered so much.
My dreams of success in those points considered most im-
portant by my fellow men, were vanished forever. After all
my endurance of toil, hunger, thirst and imprisonment, after
encountering the fiercest wild beasts in their deserts, and
fiercer men, after tracing streams before unmeasured and
unvisited by any of my own race to their source, over rugged
and pathless mountains, subject to every species of danger,
want and misery for seven years, it seemed hard to be
indebted to charity, however kind and considerate it might
be, for the means of returning to my native land.
[248] As we sped on our way, I turned to look at the land
I was leaving, and endeavored to withdraw my thoughts
from the painful train into which they had fallen. Vera
Cruz is the best fortified port I have ever seen. The town
is walled in, and well guarded on every side with heavy
cannon. The part of the wall extending along the water's
edge, is surmounted by guns pointing so as completely to
command the shipping in the harbour. A reef of rocks
arises at the distance of half a mile from the shore opposite
the city, and continues visible for several miles in a south
direction, joining the main land seven or eight miles south-
west of Vera Cruz. A fort stands upon that part of the
reef which fronts the town. Ships in leaving or entering
the harbour are obliged to pass between the fort and the
town.
We reached New Orleans on the first of August, although
the wind had not been entirely favorable. It blew a stiff
breeze from a direction which compelled us to run within
five points and a half of the wind. As I approached the
1824-1830] Pattie's Personal Narrative 3 1 9
spot where my foot would again press its native soil, my
imagination transported me over the long course of river
which yet lay between me, and all I had left in the world to
love. I cannot express the delight which thrilled and
softened my heart, as I fancied myself entering my home;
for it was the home I had known and loved when my mother
lived, and we were happy that rose to my view. Fancy could
not present another to me. There were my brothers and
sisters, as I had been used to see them. The pleasant shade
of the trees lay upon the turf before the door of our dwelling.
The paths around were the same, over which I had so often
bounded with the elastic step of childhood, enjoying a happy
existence. Years and change have no place in such medi-
tations. We landed, and I stood upon the shore. I was
aroused by the approach of an Englishman, one of my
fellow passengers, to a sense of my real position. He asked
me if I had taken a passage in a steamboat for Louisville?
I immediately answered in the negative. He then said he
had bespoken one in the Cora; and as I had [249] not chosen
any other, he would be glad if I would go on in the same one
with him, and thus continue our companionship as long as
possible. So saying he took me by the arm to lead me in
the direction of the boat of which he spoke, that we might
choose our births. As we advanced together, it occurred
to me to ask the price of a passage to Louisville ? I was
answered, forty dollars. Upon hearing this I stopped, and
told my companion I could not take a birth just then, at
the same time putting my hand in my pocket to ascertain
if the state of my funds would permit me to do so at all.
The Englishman seeing my embarrassment, and conjectur-
ing rightly its origin, instantly remarked, that the passage
money was not to be paid until the boat arrived at Louis-
ville. I was ashamed to own my poverty, and invented
an excuse to hide it, telling him, that I had an engagement
at that time, but would walk with him in the evening to see
320 Early Western Travels [Vol. 18
about the passage. He left me in consequence. I then
discovered, that so far from being able to take a cabin passage
I had not money enough to pay for one on the deck.
I re-entered the vessel in which I had arrived. As I
approached the captain I saw him point me out to a person
conversing with him, and heard him say, 'there is the young
man I have been mentioning to you. He speaks Spanish,
and will probably engage with you.' When I was near
enough he introduced me to the stranger, whom he called
Captain Vion. The latter addressed a few remarks to me,
and then requested me to accompany him into his vessel.
I consented and followed him on board. He then told me,
that he wished to engage a person to accompany him to
Vera Cruz, and aid in disposing of his vessel and cargo; and
asked if I was inclined to go with him for such a purpose?
I said, in reply, that it would depend entirely upon the
recompense he offered for the services to be performed. He
remarked, that he would give a certain per cent upon the
brig and cargo, in case it was sold. I partly agreed to his
proposal, but told him that I could not decide finally upon
it until I had considered the matter. He then requested
[250] me to come to him the next day at 12 o'clock, when I
would find him at dinner.
I left him, after promising to do so, and wandered about
looking at the city until evening, when I met the Englishman
from whom I had parted in the morning. He said he would
now accompany me to the steam boat, that we might choose
our births according to our engagement. I had no longer
any excuse to offer, and was compelled to acknowledge that
the contents of my purse were not sufficient to justify me in
contracting a debt of forty dollars. I added, that I had an
idea of returning to Vera Cruz. He replied, that in regard
to the passage money I need have no uneasiness, nor hesitate
to go on board, as he would defray my expenses as far as I
chose to go. In respect to my plan of returning to Vera
1824-1830] P attic's Personal Narrative 321
Cruz, he said that it would be exceedingly unwise for me to
carry it into execution; as the yellow fever would be raging
by the time I reached the city, and that it was most likely
I should fall a victim to it. I had, however, determined in
my own mind that I would run the risk, rather than ask or
receive aid from a person to whom I was comparatively
unknown, and accordingly I refused his kindly proffered
assistance, telling him at the same time, that I felt as grateful
to him as though I had accepted his offered kindness, and
that I would have availed myself of his benevolent intentions
towards me, had he been a resident of my country; but as
I knew him to be a traveller in a foreign land, who might
need all his funds, he must excuse me. He then asked me
if I had no acquaintance in New Orleans, of whom I could
obtain the money as a loan ? I replied, that I did not know
an individual in the city; but if I carried my plan of return-
ing to Vera Cruz into execution, I should probably be
enabled to proceed to my friends without depending on any
one. Upon this we separated, and each went to his lodging.
At ten the succeeding morning my English friend came to
my boarding house, accompanied by Judge Johnston, who
accosted me with a manner of paternal kindness, enquiring
of me how long I had been absent from my country and
relations? [151] I naturally enquired in turn, if he was in
any way acquainted with them? He replied, that he was;
and advised me to ascend the river, and visit them. I
expressed to him how pleasant it would be to me to visit
them, but assured him that it was out of my power to enjoy
that pleasure at present. He enquired why? I avoided a
direct answer, and remarked, that I proposed returning to
Vera Cruz. He not only urged strong objections to this,
but offered to pay my passage up the river. It may be
easily imagined how I felt in view of such an offer from this
generous and respectable stranger. I thankfully accepted
it, only assuring him that I should repay him as soon as it
322 Early Western Travels [Vol. 18
was in my power. He replied that it was a matter of no
consequence. He advised me to go on board the steam
boat and choose my birth, alleging, that he had business in
the city which would not allow him to accompany me on
board.
My English friend seemed highly gratified by this good
fortune of mine, and went with me on board the steam
boat, where I chose a birth. The name of this gentleman
was Perry, and he was one of the two whom I have already
mentioned, who had travelled in company with me from the
city of Guadalaxara to Mexico. On the fourth, at nine in
the morning, the starting bell rung on the steam boat, and
Judge Johnston, Mr. Perry and myself went on board. This
was the first steam boat on which I had ever been. Scarcely
was the interior of the first ship I was ever on board at San
Diego, a spectacle of more exciting interest. How much
more delighted was I to see her stem the mighty current of
the Mississippi.
As I remarked the plantations, bends and forests sinking
in the distance behind me, I felt that I was rapidly nearing
home ; and at every advance my anxiety to see my relations
once more, increased. To the many enquiries, made by
Judge Johnston, touching the interior of the continent where
I had been wandering, I am sure I must have given very
unsatisfactory answers, much as I wished to oblige him.
My thoughts dwelt with such constant and intense solicitude
upon home, that I felt myself unable to frame answers to
questions upon any other subjects. [252] Home did I say?
I have none. My father and mother sleep — widely sepa-
rated from each other. They left nine orphans without
resources to breast this stormy and mutable world. I, who
ought to supply the place of a parent to them, shall carry to
them nothing but poverty, and the withering remembrances
of an unhappy wanderer, upon whom misfortune seems to
have stamped her inexorable seal.
1824-1830] P attic's Personal Narrative 323
I parted with Judge Johnston at Cincinnati, who gave me
a line of introduction to Mr. Flint, for which I felt under
renewed obligations to him, hoping it would be of service
to me. I left Cincinnati; and on the 3oth of August arrived
at the end of my journey. I have had too much of real
incident and affliction to be a dealer in romance; and yet I
should do injustice to my feelings, if I closed this journal
without a record of my sensations on reaching home. I
have still before me, unchanged by all, that I have seen, and
suffered, the picture of the abode of my infant days and
juvenile remembrances. But the present reality is all as
much changed, as my heart. I meet my neighbors, and
school fellows, as I approach the home of my grandfather. —
They neither recognize me, nor I them. I look for the deep
grove, so faithfully remaining in my memory, and the stream
that murmured through it. The woods are levelled by the
axe. The stream, no longer protected by the deep shade,
has almost run dry. A storm has swept away the noble
trees, that had been spared for shade. The fruit trees are
decayed.
I was first met by my grandmother. She is tottering under
the burden and decline of old age, and the sight of me only
recalls the painful remembrance of my father, worn out by
the torture of his oppressors, and buried in the distant land
of strangers and enemies. I could hardly have remembered
my grandfather, the once vigorous and undaunted hunter.
With a feeble and tremulous voice, he repeats enquiry upon
enquiry, touching the fate of my father? I look round for
the dear band of brothers and sisters. But one of the numer-
ous group remains, and he too young to know me ; though I
see enough to remind me, how much he has stood in need
of an efficient protector. — I hastily enquire for the rest.
One is here, and another is there, and my head is confused,
in listening to the names of the places of their residence. I
left one sister, a child. She is married to a person I never
324 Early Western Travels [Vol. 18
knew; one, who, from the laws of our nature, can only regard
me with the eye of a stranger. We call each other brother,
but the affectionate word will not act as a key, to unlock the
fountains of fraternal feeling.
They, however, kindly invite me to their home. I am
impelled alike by poverty and affection, to remain with them
for a time, till I can forget what has been, and weave a new
web of hopes, and form a new series of plans for some pur-
suit in life. Alas ! disappointments, such as I have encoun-
tered, are not the motives to impart vigor and firmness for
new projects. The freshness, the visions, the hopes of my
youthful days are all vanished, and can never return. If
any one of my years has felt, that the fashion of this world
passeth away, and that all below the sun is vanity, it is I.
If there is a lesson from my wanderings, it is one, that incul-
cates upon children, remaining at the paternal home in
peace and privacy; one that counsels the young against
wandering far away, to see the habitations, and endure the
inhospitality of strangers.
END OF THE NARRATIVE
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